Lidin_prelims Page i Friday, January 30, 2004 3:46 PM

TANEGASHIMA – THE ARRIVAL

OF EUROPE IN JAPAN
Lidin_prelims Page ii Friday, January 30, 2004 3:46 PM

NORDIC INSTITUTE OF ASIAN STUDIES

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Lidin_prelims Page iii Friday, January 30, 2004 3:46 PM

TANEGASHIMA
The Arrival of Europe in Japan

Olof G. Lidin
Lidin_prelims Page iv Friday, January 30, 2004 3:46 PM

Nordic Institute of Asian Studies

Monograph Series, No. 90

First published in 2002 by NIAS Press

Reprinted in 2004
Nordic Institute of Asian Studies
Leifsgade 33, DK–2300 Copenhagen S, Denmark
tel: (+45) 3532 9501 • fax: (+45) 3532 9549
E–mail: books@nias.ku.dk • Website: http://www.niaspress.dk/

Typesetting by NIAS Press

Printed and bound in Great Britain
Production by Bookchase
Cover design by Jesper von Wieding

© Olof G. Lidin 2002

Publication of this book was made possible thanks to

economic support from the Carlsberg Foundation, Denmark

British Library Catalogue in Publication Data

Lidin, Olof G.
Tanegashima : the arrival of Europe in Japan. - (NIAS
monographs in Asian studies ; no. 90)
1.Portuguese - Japan - Tanegashima - History - 16th century
2.Portuguese - Japan - Tanegashima - History - 16th century
- Sources 3.Weapons - Japan - History - Kamakura Momoyama
periods, 1185-1600 4.Weapons - Japan - History - Kamakura
Momoyama periods, 1185-1600 - Sources 5.Japan - Civilization -
Western influences 6.Japan - Civilization - 1185-1600 7.Japan -
Religion - To 1600 8.Japan - Civilization - Western influences -
Sources 9.Japan - Civilization - 1185-1600 - Sources 10.Japan -
Religion - To 1600 - Sources
I.Title II. Nordic Institute of Asian Studies
303.4’82520469

ISBN 0-7007-1674-2 (European cloth edition)

ISBN 0-7007-1675-0 (European paperback edition)

ISBN 87-91114-10-1 (American/Asian cloth edition)

ISBN 87-91114-12-8 (American/Asian paperback edition)
Lidin_prelims Page v Friday, January 30, 2004 3:46 PM

To the people of Tanegashima


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Lidin_prelims Page vii Friday, January 30, 2004 3:46 PM

Contents

Preface … xi
Author’s Note … xiii
CHAPTER 1
The Arrival of the Portuguese … 1
CHAPTER 2
The Record of the Musket ( Teppôki) – a Translation … 36
CHAPTER 3
Translations of the Tanegashima kafu … 43
CHAPTER 4
The Tanegashima Family and the Tanegashima kafu … 56
CHAPTER 5
The Teppôki, the Tanegashima kafu and the Historical Setting … 71
CHAPTER 6
Fernão Mendes Pinto’s Four Visits to Japan, according to the
Peregrinaçam … 102
CHAPTER 7
The Record of the Kunitomo Teppôki (Kunitomo teppôki)
– a Translation … 130
CHAPTER 8
The Kunitomo Teppôki – a Discussion … 139
CHAPTER 9
Teppô Production at Sakai … 149
CHAPTER10
Teppô Production at Negoro … 154

vii
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CHAPTER 11
The Spread of the Teppô on Kyushu … 157
CHAPTER 12
Francisco (Francis) Xavier in Japan … 164
APPENDICES
I: The Teppôki … 185
II: The Tanegashima kafu (Partial)… 189
III: The Kunitomo Teppô … 190
Notes … 195
Kanji Glossary … 261
Bibliography … 269
Index … 289

viii
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Illustrations

MAPS
1. The long route from Lisbon to Japan (based on the Theatrum
Orbis Terrarum of 1570 by Abraham Ortelius) … xiv
2. Tanegashima and the approaches to Japan … 2
3. Tanegashima and the spread of the teppô … 7
4. Detail map of central Honshu … 148
5. Kyushu in the late 16th century … 158
6. Xavier’s travels in Japan … 170

FIGURES
1. The original musket brought by the Portuguese and the first
musket produced by Yaita Kinbee Kiyosada … 5
2. The beautiful Wakasa and the less beautiful Portuguese
merchant … 10
3. Wakasa, holding the teppô, welcomes today’s visitors … 11
4. Picture by Hokusai of the first two Portuguese on
Tanegashima … 23
5. The 14th-generation Tanegashima lord, Tanegashima Tokitaka
(1528–79), and his 29th-generation descendant, Tanegashima
Tokikuni (b. 1949) … 57
6. Title page of Mendes Pinto’s Peregrinaçam (1614 edition) … 103
7. Portrait of Fernão Mendes Pinto … 119
8. Portuguese trumpeter … 120
9. Japanese portrait of Francis Xavier … 165

ix
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Lidin_prelims Page xi Friday, January 30, 2004 3:46 PM

Preface

B
eginnings are fascinating – in history as in life generally. A
great beginning, if not the greatest, in Japanese history was
the arrival of the West. This had to wait until the middle
of the sixteenth century, or more exactly 1543, as will be
discussed in this exposition. It has been my long-standing wish to
find out about and to present the facts about this beginning, which
forms a frontier in Japanese history as important as the earlier outset
when the Japanese world was confronted with the Chinese civiliza-
tion. Beginnings have, however, the nature of being difficult to trace
– also this beginning in Japanese history. When describing an origin
in history it is also important to trace what led up to this origin and
follow up in times immediately afterwards. Part of the arrival of the
first Europeans was also the arrival of Francis Xavier and the Jesuit
mission but there the line is drawn.
The work is focused on the short period between 1543 and 1549,
the infancy years of the European (that is, Portuguese) presence in
Japan. After the arrival of the Jesuit missionaries a new age begins
with lively contacts and yearly reports. These first six years are what
is of main interest here because they are a beginning, filled with so
many question marks. The discussion has of course been extended
to times both before and after but, in the main, the emphasis is on
this period. In the centre of the presentation the reader will find the
early Japanese works which deal with the Portuguese arrival, the
Teppôki (‘Record of the Musket’) and the Tanegashima kafu (‘Chronicle
of the Tanegashima Family’), the first translated in full and the
second in its relevant part.
Since the subject deals with a colourful era of East–West relations,
it has been easy to find pictures and illustrations to illuminate the

xi
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TANEGASHIMA – THE ARRIVAL OF EUROPE IN JAPAN

presentation. For the scholarly reader, originals of the translated

kanbun texts are added as an appendix.
During the work I have visited Tanegashima, the location of this
historical beginning, several times and to this wonderful island I
wish to express my first thanks. Then there are some local people
who have assisted me in my work. My special thanks go to Mr. H.
Yoshinaga who received me first time already in 1989. Next my grati-
tude goes to Mr. Tokikuni Tanegashima (the present, 29th generation
of the Tanegashima family) who readily met me, escorted me around
the island and informed me about his amazing family tradition.
Then my gratitude goes to M. Inomoto, the author, who honoured
me by sharing his rich knowledge about the island. Next I wish to
thank Ms. N. Futami, who was my research assistant, helping me
whenever I had problems or was in need of information. Thanks, too,
to Director T. Hirayama who often accompanied me in my research
work and generously made office facilities available.
On the Western side my special thanks go to Professor K. Kracht
and Humboldt University in Berlin where I was allowed to use office
facilities during repeated visits and where Ms. K. Adachi-Rabe assisted
me through the mysteries of kanbun readings. My gratitude also goes
to Gerald Jackson, Editor in Chief, and his staff who did great pre-
paratory work and to the Nordic Institute of Asian Studies (NIAS Press)
that undertook the publication of the work.
Last but not least, my thanks to the Carlsberg Foundation whose
financial support for this book assisted its publication.

xii
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Author’s Note

y translations of the sources, the Teppôki, Tanegashima

M kafu, Kunitomo teppôki and Yaita-shi Kiyosada ichiryû

no keizu have been made from originals in Chinese,
each furnished with kaeriten (‘return markers’) for
reading in Japanese. It was later that I found M. di Russo’s trans-
lation of the Teppôki, which made me revise my translation and add
some important footnotes. Later I also found a Japanese version of
the Tanegashima kafu at the Kenritsu toshokan at Kagoshima with
some valuable readings that are added. The Teppôki and Kunitomo
teppôki are appendices to T. Hora, Tanegashima jû and they appear
as printed in his work. The excerpt of Tanegashima kafu (Ch. 2,
Shigetoki), about the arrival of the two Portuguese, originates from
a copy held at the Kenritsu toshokan. The Yaita-shi Kiyosada ichiryû
no keizu is also found in T. Hora’s Tanegashima-jû, Ch. 1, as well as
in other sources, as the footnotes indicate.

xiii
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xiv
TANEGASHIMA – THE ARRIVAL OF EUROPE IN JAPAN

Map 1: The long route from Lisbon to Japan (based on the Theatrum Orbis Terrarum of 1570 by Abraham Ortelius)
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Lidin_prelims Page xvi Friday, January 30, 2004 3:46 PM
Lidin_book Page 1 Friday, January 30, 2004 3:33 PM

CHAPTER ONE

The Arrival of the Portuguese

THE GENERAL TRADITION1

T
anegashima is an oblong island to the southeast of Kyushu,
stretching 60 kilometers from north to south and 20 kilo-
meters from west to east at its widest.2 To this blessed
island the first Europeans came. A Chinese junk with two
Portuguese on board was driven by storms to Cape Kadokura, the
southernmost tip of the island.3 It anchored in a cove, Maenohama,
to the east of the cape, and there it was detected by surprised and
excited local peasants on 23 September 1543 (the 25th day of the 8th
month of Tenbun 12).4 The village chief, Nishimura Oribenojô of
the Nishi(no)mura Village, who happened to be a Chinese scholar, 5
was called to the shore, and on the sandy beach he met a Chinese
man, Gohô (Ch. Wu-feng),6 together with two strange-looking men.
Strange they must have looked, these Portuguese in their European
clothes, differing in facial complexion, and possibly displaying long
noses and bushy beards. Nishimura knew no spoken Chinese and
Gohô no spoken Japanese, but as in other encounters between the
two nations they turned to written conversation in Chinese. Nishimura
wrote in the sand with a stick and asked who those strange people
were, and Gohô replied that they were Southern barbarians and
merchants, and that, among other things, they ate with their hands
and used no cups when they drank. One can imagine that the con-
tinued conversation in the sand explained how the junk had been
damaged in a storm and had drifted to this cove on Tanegashima by
chance.7
This was an event of such magnitude that it had to be reported
to the lord of the island, Tanegashima Tokitaka (1528–79), the 14th
Tanegashima lord of the island, and his father, the abdicated 13th

1
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TANEGASHIMA – THE ARRIVAL OF EUROPE IN JAPAN

Urata
Korea •
Honshu Annômura •
Village
Shikoku

Gotô Islands Kyushu

Tanegashima
Ning-po The 12 Islands


Akôgi
(see inset)
China
ds
an
Isl
yu

Okinawa
uk

Formosa
Ry

Chincheo

The Twelve Islands of

the Tanegashima lords Takeshima
Iôjima
Tanegashima
Kumano
Bay Kuchinoerabujima
Yakushima
Gajajima Kuchinoshima
Nishinomura Tairajima Nakanoshima
Village
• Takezaki Bay Suwanosejima
Akusekijima
Cape Kadokura Takarashima

Map 2: Tanegashima and the approaches to Japan

lord, Tanegashima Shigetoki (1503–67).8 The same day Nishimura

rode the fifty-two kilometres to Akôgi,9 where the lord had his
residence, and submitted a full report of the sensational arrival of

2
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THE ARRIVAL OF THE PORTUGUESE

the junk and the strange foreigners. As the junk was damaged, it was
decided that it should be brought for repair to Akôgi, which had a
good harbour. With this message Nishimura returned to Nishinomura
and the anchored junk.
In its condition, the junk could not sail around the cape and up
the western coast of the island on its own, and therefore some ten or
twelve rowboats were ordered to haul it to its destination. This was
a tough undertaking since it was the typhoon season with the ever-
present risk of stormy weather. They were lucky, however, and two
days later the junk reached Akôgi harbour in the evening of 25
September (the 27th day of the 8th month).
The junk was the sensation of the day and the people of Ak ôgi
flocked to the harbour. Among them was the young lord Tokitaka
himself with his retinue. It must have been a large junk, since it is
recorded that there were more than 100 people on board. The great
attraction, however, were the Portuguese, and the junk came later to
be referred to as the ‘ship of the southern barbarians’ (nanbansen).10
The junk was now to be overhauled and refitted; the rudder and the
sails which had broken in the storms before reaching Tanegashima
were to be mended or replaced. This was to take some time. Mean-
while, a brisk trade took place when all the merchandise on board
was sold at a great profit.
At the Jionji in Akôgi, a temple belonging to the Nichiren Sect,11
there was a priest who knew Chinese and could act as an interpreter.
Moreover, there was a Ryukyu woman, Tamagusuku or O-tama by
name,12 who acted as an interpreter for the Chinese captain, perhaps
also for the Portuguese. Lord Tokitaka was in direct touch with both
the Chinese and Portuguese through those interpreters. When it is
said in the Teppôki that the conversation between Lord Tokitaka and
the Portuguese was made with double interpretation, it must mean
that someone was able to communicate with the Portuguese, either
the Chinese captain or the Ryukyu woman.
The Portuguese were invited to Lord Tokitaka’s house the next
day where they were cordially received. The lord was soon aware that
the Portuguese possessed and carried an oblong object, which

3
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TANEGASHIMA – THE ARRIVAL OF EUROPE IN JAPAN

aroused his curiosity. When he asked about it, one of the Portuguese
tried to explain what it was, and when Tokitaka became more and
more interested, the Portuguese arranged a demonstration. A target
was set up, the object (that is, the musket) was loaded, and a shot
was fired, a shot that made Japanese history. Tokitaka and all other
spectators were stunned, not only by the thunderous noise and the
smoke, but also by the fact that the target was hit some 100 steps away.
The respect for the Portuguese must have risen at that moment.
From being just southern barbarians, they were suddenly the carriers
of a new magic. For the first time interest was shown in western
science in Japan!
Tokitaka understood. Further explanations were superfluous.
This was the weapon he needed to reconquer Yakushima Island, 13
which forces from Nejime on southern Kyushu14 had taken not long
before. The weapon was soon named teppô but first also tanegashima
teppô, tanegashima-jû or just tanegashima. Teppô was a term that
had existed from the time of the Mongol invasion in 1281, being
found in the Môko-shûrai-ekotoba, a picture scroll (emakimono)
from 1293 referring to explosives used by the Mongols.15 In this
picture scroll, the name is only given in kana (syllabary script). In
the Teppôki and other early sources we find the word with Chinese
characters in which the radical in the second character differs from the
usual radical in modern usage. One also finds teppô written with other
characters in literature.16 Also tebiya and other names are found.17
A loved child has many names, as the Scandinavian saying goes.
Lord Tokitaka had to have the new weapon, this musket – also
called an arquebus or harquebus (as well as matchlock and firelock
in English)18 – and tradition has it that he gave the Portuguese a
considerable sum of money (2,000 ryô)19 for one or two20 of them.
He was taught by the Portuguese to use the weapon, and it can be
imagined that, being only fifteen years old, he was fascinated and
enjoyed the shooting, the smoke and the noise. If the tradition is
correct, he was the first Japanese to shoot a musket.
It was also soon decided that the new weapon should be manu-
factured on the island. Luck had it that Tanegashima was an iron-

4
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THE ARRIVAL OF THE PORTUGUESE

Figure 1: The original musket brought by the Portuguese (above) and the first
musket produced by Yaita Kinbee Kiyosada (below), on display in the Tanegashima
kaihatsu sôgô sentâ (Common Centre for Tanegashima Development), popularly
called the Teppô-kan (Teppô Museum).

producing island. The sand on its shores contained iron,21 and iron
smelted in ovens on the island was of high quality and exported to
Sakai,22 Negoro23 and other sword-producing locations on the
main island, Honshu.24 Negotiations with merchants from those
places had the result that Tanegashima could keep half of the iron to
be exported, and a blacksmith on the island was set to work on and
manufacture a copy of the received musket.
The name of the blacksmith was Yaita Kinbee Kiyosada and the
lot fell on him to forge the first Japanese musket.25 It cannot have
been easy to turn from making swords and knives to forging some-
thing entirely new. However, being ordered by his lord, he switched
to the new project, assisted by Makise, Hirase, Ishihara and others.
Producing the barrel must have been difficult but not impossible for
a trained smith, but other parts were trickier, and fitting together the
spring mechanism certainly presented difficulties. The first product
was far from perfect, but within months the first musket was manu-
factured.26 Little help could be offered by the Portuguese, who
certainly knew how to shoot the musket, but knew nothing about
the manufacturing process.
It is said that even though the weapon was not perfect, Tokitaka
was immediately prepared to use it. On 27 January 1544 (the 4th day

5
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TANEGASHIMA – THE ARRIVAL OF EUROPE IN JAPAN

of the lst month of Tenbun 13), he invaded Yakushima Island and,

perhaps for the first time in Japanese history, a gun was used and
decisive for the outcome of a battle. The island was retaken and
became part of the Tanegashima domain once more. If this were
true, it means that Yaita, the blacksmith, managed to make the first
Japanese teppô in about four months, an amazing feat that is a
reflection on the Japanese adaptability and readiness to accept innova-
tions. The fact is, however, that Yaita had problems with the screw at
the bottom end of the barrel,27 and since this important part of the
mechanism was imperfect, it is not probable that it was used when
Yakushima was reconquered. The account in the Tanegashima kafu
does not mention the use of the new weapon. Tradition has it,
however, that it was used and that it proved a success in spite of
accidents.28
The news about the Tanegashima musket spread fast to the rest
of Japan. It is natural that the Satsuma lords learned about the
musket sooner than others, since Tanegashima was Satsuma’s tribut-
ary and in regular touch with Kagoshima. A merchant from Sakai,
Tachibanaya Matasaburô, who, according to the Teppôki, happened
to stay on the island, learned to use the musket and to mix gun-
powder. He brought a copy of the weapon home with him, and the
production began there already in 1544. Further, according to the
Teppôki, Tsuda Kenmotsu no jô (Kazunaga) brought a copy as a
present from Tanegashima to Negoro in Kii (today’s Wakayama Pre-
fecture), where the manufacture of the teppô also soon began. One
Portuguese, who probably came with one of the ships that soon
followed after the news had reached the Portuguese enclave at Ning-
po29 of the discovery of Japan and its promising commercial possib-
ilities, was invited to demonstrate the musket for the lord of Bungo
on Kyushu, Ôtomo Yoshiaki (1502–50), perhaps already in 1545. As
a result, the musket soon became part of Ôtomo’s military arsenal
and Bungo30 became for a time (1556–78) dominant on northern
Kyushu. Before long, production also began at other places.
Yaita Kinbee Kiyosada who undertook the work of forging the
first tanegashima teppô was lucky. On another ship from China,

6
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THE ARRIVAL OF THE PORTUGUESE

arriving in 1544, was a Portuguese blacksmith who taught Yaita how

to apply a screw at the bottom end of the barrel. With this screw in
place, the risk of explosion was eliminated. Yaita had finally managed
the whole technique of the gun, and one can imagine his happiness.
It is said that Yaita wished to keep the technique and the weapon a
secret on Tanegashima. Lord Tokitaka was, however, ready to divulge
it to others and earned recognition from, among others, the shogun
in Kyoto. Rumours about the new weapon also spread quickly, and
it would have been impossible for Tokitaka to keep it a secret for
long even if he had wished to. It would, moreover, not have taken long
for the musket to reach other places in Japan by other routes.
The possibility remains, however, that the musket was introduced
independently in some provinces without Tanegashima being the
intermediary, and that wakô pirates31 must have been acquainted
with the musket before the Portuguese arrived in Tanegashima32
and were the first to bring it to a Japanese harbour. Future research
might reveal that the musket came to Japan via several routes,
Tanegashima being only one of them. It is also possible that Japanese
at other locations learned the technique of the musket directly from
Portuguese who came in following years. But the musket came, and

Gotô Hirado Yamaguchi Honshu

Islands • • •Hiroshima Nagahama
•
Hakata
Kyoto Lake•
Hyôgo

Nagasaki • BUNGO •
Osaka Biwa
Funai • Shikoku •
Sakai
Kyushu
•Negoro
SATSUMA
Kagoshima•
ÔSUMI L. Biwa
Yamagawa• Edo
NEJIME
Odawara •
Tanegashima
•

Map 3: Tanegashima and the spread of the teppô

7
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TANEGASHIMA – THE ARRIVAL OF EUROPE IN JAPAN

however its technique was managed, it was the new weapon that
quickened the pace of change in Japanese history. And as long as it
is not proven otherwise, Tanegashima must be considered the place
where the first Portuguese landed and where the musket was first
introduced.33
Yaita Kinbee Kiyosada, however, is not mentioned in the sources
until after the arrival of the Portuguese ship in 1544. The first maker
of gunpowder, Sasakawa Koshirô, is mentioned soon after the
acquisition of the teppô in 1543, but not Yaita. Could this mean that
the work on the first tanegashima teppô did not begin until 1544? Or
could it mean that gunpowder was considered of prime importance
and came first? Certainly, gunpowder was as important as the
musket itself; the latter could not do without the former. Without
gunpowder, ‘the musket was just a useless scrap of metal’, as Tokitaka
concludes in the Peregrinaçam. In any case, Sasakawa Koshirô (also
known as Shinokawa Koshirô) and Yaita Kinbee stand side by side in
Tanegashima folklore as the heroes at the time of the introduction
of the teppô, one for his work on gunpowder and the other for his
work on the first tanegashima teppô.34

THE WAKASA LEGEND

If the tradition found in the Yaita-shi Kiyosada ichiryû no keizu,
‘Genealogy of the Yaita Kiyosada Family’ (in kanbun, Chinese
script),35 and a long oral traditon are correct, the technique of the
gun cost Yaita his daughter. In order to obtain the secrets of the
manufacture of the musket he offered one Portuguese his 16-year-
old daughter Wakasa. The offer was accepted and Yaita received the
instruction. Wakasa, who ‘lived the most miserable life that was ever
lived’ according to the local tradition, was married to the Portu-
guese, the first ‘international marriage’ between a Westerner and a
Japanese, and she left together with him. The story about Wakasa
and her unhappy fate has been remembered to this day and a park,
Wakasa kôen in Nishinoomote, bears her name.36 Also a memorial
stone was raised in 1909 at Kumonjô in the Nishinoomote area in
commemoration of her filial deed, sacrificing herself for the sake of

8
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THE ARRIVAL OF THE PORTUGUESE

her father – and Tanegashima and Japan.37 It adds a romantic

dimension to the introduction of the musket. One tradition has it
that, ‘homesick for her native land, she wrote a poem that so
impressed her Portuguese husband that he returned with her to
Tanegashima’.38 The tradition is not clear about which Portuguese
she is supposed to have married. The sources, to be quoted below,
which are probably to be trusted, say that it was the ‘captain’ on the
nanbansen, Murashukusha, one of the two Portuguese mentioned
by name in the Teppôki (see below) who married her. It could not
have been the captain on this ship, however, since he was not Portu-
guese but probably Chinese. The sources say further that the captain
returned the following year together with his wife Wakasa, and that
he brought along another Portuguese who taught her father the
technique of closing the bottom end of the barrel of the musket.
Whether the tradition is correct or not, the Wakasa romance has
been part of Tanegashima folklore until this day.39 She is the heroine
and talisman of the island, honoured in names of boats, restaurants
and candy, and her statue with a teppô in her arms welcomes people
when they arrive at Nishinoomote.
The Yaita-shi Kiyosada ichiryû no keizu says in partial transla-
tion:
In the 8th month of the 12th year (the Mizumoto U ‘hare’ year, 1543)
a nanbansen ship came adrift to the shore of Nishinomura. [Southern
barbarians on this ship] carried muskets and they gave two as presents
to the lords of the island [Lord Shigetoki40 and Lord Tokitaka]. The
lords were extremely happy about the wondrous thing they received
from a foreign land and Kiyosada was ordered with his apprentices to
learn the technique of its making. Kiyosada thought that the foreign
barbarians might perhaps be honest but he dared not approach them.
He considered it better to send over his daughter to the captain of the
ship, Murashukusha, with the aim that they would marry after a day’s
friendship and so he would learn how to manufacture the teppô. This
worked well and he learned the method of its manufacture. However,
even though he racked his brain he could not manage the technique of
closing the back end of the barrel. After some months, the barbarian
ship set sail and left with his daughter on board. At the time of
departure Kiyosada received a number of presents from the barbarian.

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TANEGASHIMA – THE ARRIVAL OF EUROPE IN JAPAN

Figure 2: The beautiful Wakasa and the less beautiful Portuguese merchant (from the
Japanese popular novel, Nanban no uta, by Fukushima Noriyo, illus. by Maeda Ken.

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THE ARRIVAL OF THE PORTUGUESE

Figure 3: Wakasa, holding the teppô, welcomes today’s visitors at the harbour in
Nishinoomote. Photograph: O.G. Lidin

In the following 13th year (the Kinoe tatsu ‘dragon’ year, 1544) another
nanbansen arrived and anchored outside Kumano by Sakaimura.41 On
board was his daughter, and [father and daughter] met again. Luckily,
a blacksmith came with the ship, and with him as his teacher Kiyosada
could manage the technique of closing the bottom end of the barrel. At
the time there was also Tachibanaya Matasaburô from Sakai in Izumi42
who considered the teppô a marvel, made Kiyosada his teacher and
learned its technique. The lords considered the two teppô to be for the
glory of Japan. They were family treasures for years but were lost in a
fire. Kiyosada died on the 8th day of the 9th month of the first year of
the era of Genki (1570) and was given the Buddhist name Shûyû. His
daughter Wakasa was born on the 15th day of the 4th month of the 7th
year (the Hinoto I ‘pig’ year) of the Taiei era (1527) and her mother

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came from the Narahara family. In the 8th month of the 12th year of
Tenbun (1543) she was married to Murashukusha and she went [with
him] to a barbarian land. Being homesick and thinking of her home,
she wrote a poem (in free translation): ‘I long for the moon and the sun
of my Yamato homeland, thinking of my parents who dwell there’.43 In
the 13th year of Tenbun (1544) she returned home on a barbarian ship
and father and daughter met again. Some days later Wakasa feigned
that she fell gravely ill and died. A coffin (kankaku) was made and she
was given a fine burial. The barbarian understood that he was deceived
and shed no tears.44
Murashukusha cursed the Yaita family and promised retribution
over seven generations.
This Yaita-shi Kiyosada ichiryû no keizu was written some 150
years after the events during the reign of the 19th Tanegashima lord,
Hisamoto (1664–1728), in Genroku times and it is therefore natural
that much legend would be added to the events that had taken place
long before and that things would differ from what we find in earlier
sources.45 In this genealogy, she is married to Murashukusha, one of
the two Portuguese who came on the first junk, who is mentioned
as the captain of the ship. As seen above, it was a Chinese, Gohô
(Wu-feng), who was probably the captain and owner of the junk.
The Teppôki and Tanegashima kafu, which mention Murashukusha
as one of the two Portuguese on the first junk, do not mention Wakasa
or any marriage.
Another version of the Yaita family genealogy adds:
At the time of the Chrysanthemum Festival (Chôkyû no setsu), on the
9th day of the 9th month Tokitaka learned to use the teppô. He trained
day by day until he could hit the target a hundred times out of one
hundred shots. About this time Suginobô at the Negoro Temple (in
Kii) 1000 ri away sent a messenger and asked for a teppô. Tokitaka sent
a teppô to him with Tsuda Kenmotsu no jô and had him learn to shoot
and prepare gunpowder. Tokitaka ordered his swordsmith Yaita Kinbee
Kiyosada to forge teppô. Only when Yaita gave the captain his daughter
Wakasa, however, did the latter reveal the secrets of its production, and
he left with Wakasa for his land. Yaita made efforts day and night to
close the back end of the barrel, but could not manage it. The next year
the captain came back with Wakasa and landed at Kumanoura. Now

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THE ARRIVAL OF THE PORTUGUESE

Yaita was taught how to close the back end of the barrel, and how to
manage other technical problems. Within about a year he had
manufactured some ten(s of) teppô.46
That the Wakasa story is a later romanticization is proven by the
fact that Pinto does not mention it. If he had heard about it, it would
certainly have given him the opportunity to write a long passage,
with many florid additions, about it. As it is, there is not a word. On
the other hand, it should not be discounted that some romance took
place between the Portuguese merchants and Japanese women on
this first occasion or later. The initiative can as well have come from
Murashukusha.47 It is possible that for moral reasons both the
Japanese chroniclers and Pinto did not mention a romance that, East
or West, went against the conventions of the time. Pinto was a
Christian and Nanpo a Confucian and both, probably, looked askance
at ‘international marriages’ and considered them shameful.
It is of interest that Murashukusha in both versions is said to
have been the captain of the ship and to have brought and presented
the musket(s), and thereupon to have married Wakasa. In later Japanese
writings he has been identified also with Pinto.48 Since, however, it
can be proven that Pinto was not on board this junk, he can be
omitted. According to Pinto it was Zeimoto who carried a musket
and demonstrated it for Tokitaka and afterwards gave it as a present
to the lord. It should therefore have been Francisco Zeimoto, given as
Diogo Zeimoto by Pinto, who possibly married Wakasa and brought
her to a foreign land. However, since this romantic part of the first
encounter between Japanese and Portuguese is not mentioned by
Pinto, it should perhaps be considered a later oral tradition and a
semi-fictive story.49
If, with some imagination, one would try to describe what could
have taken place, it would be like this. Yaita, at his wit’s end, came on
the idea of presenting his daughter to the Portuguese who had
bestowed Tokitaka one (or two) muskets. He was under pressure
and it was not easy for him to turn from swords to something so
complicated as a musket. He needed help and he wanted to
ingratiate himself with the Portuguese whom he thought knew

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about the manufacture of muskets. He had no money to pay for the

help and therefore he offered his 16-year-old daughter to Murashu-
kusha, that is, Francisco Zeimoto, who accepted her and married
her. Another possibility is that Murashukusha became infatuated
with Wakasa and proposed to her. Alas, it turned out that Murashu-
kusha knew little or nothing about muskets, except being able to use
it. It was in this situation agreed that Murashukusha was to leave
together with his young wife on the junk that was soon repaired and
go to Ning-po and find a Portuguese blacksmith. In this endeavour
they succeeded and they were on the nanbansen, perhaps the first
Portuguese ship to reach Japan (or was it again a Chinese junk?), in
the following year. Wakasa’s sacrifice paid off and her father received
the assistance he needed to finish the first Japanese teppô. Her job
was done and they could pretend that she fell ill and died. Murashu-
kusha perhaps understood the deception, and of course shed no
tears at the ‘funeral’. It should again be noted that Yaita and his
endeavours to create a tanegashima teppô are not mentioned in the
sources until after the arrival of the nanbansen in 1544.

THE DEPARTURE OF THE JUNK FROM TANEGASHIMA

The junk was repaired and left the island (after five and a half
months according to Pinto), and arrived at Ning-po.50 Everyone
was agitated by the news about a new land. Junks were readied and
loaded (nine of them according to Pinto) to set sail for Japan. All of
them foundered according to Pinto, but two of them were wrecked
on the rocky shores of the Ryukyu Islands51 and 24 passengers or
crew (also some women) were miraculously saved, one of whom
was Pinto.
As always in his Peregrinaçam, Pinto’s dates can be discussed. If
the departure would have taken place ‘five and a half months’ after
the arrival, it would have meant by March 1544. Unfortunately,
there is no mention of the departure in Japanese sources, but it can
be surmised that it took place much sooner, that is, as soon as the
junk was repaired. This cannot have taken more than a month or
two, and it is suggested here that they left by the latest in November

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THE ARRIVAL OF THE PORTUGUESE

1544, when the northeast monsoon wind was favourable. Diogo do

Couto (ca. 1542–1616) comes close to the truth when he says that
‘they repaired and fitted the junk … and as it was the right season
they returned (to Malacca)’. If they thereupon arrived at Ning-po, or
some other place in China, in November, it would fit his story
otherwise. Portuguese vessels were probably not around, and there-
fore junks were fitted out, loaded with merchandise, and sailed
‘against the wind, against the monsoon, against the tide, and against
all reason’52 in the winter, and none of them reached Japan.
If they had been on Tanegashima for five and a half months and
if Pinto had been among them, they would have been there when
Yakushima was reconquered in January 1544. Pinto would certainly
have noticed such a military event. He would have been in the
middle of things as always, and he would have written bombastically
about the battle and the slaughter. There is no mention of it in the
Peregrinaçam, which is another indication that Pinto was not one
among the first Portuguese who landed on Tanegashima.
The first accidental visitors were followed by others. Portuguese
ships soon reached both Tanegashima and Kyushu. On one of them,
reaching Tanegashima in 1544, was the gun expert, mentioned above,
who taught Yaita the secrets of gun-making, and perhaps on others
were the Portuguese who introduced the musket in Bungo and other
provinces on Kyushu.

GUNPOWDER
A corollary problem was gunpowder. Without gunpowder the gun was
worthless, and a considerable amount of gunpowder was necessary
for the usage of a number of guns in warfare. It was again the
Portuguese who became the teachers and Sasakawa Koshirô53 was
ordered to learn the art of compounding gunpowder, using sulphur,
charcoal and saltpetre. Sulphur was a product of Tanegashima
(Kuchinoerabujima) and Japan otherwise, and together with swords
a major export article to China. Charcoal from the forests on
Tanegashima and Yakushima had been used for the making of iron.
It was only saltpetre that was a rarer article and had to be imported.

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Saltpetre immediately became an important new piece of mer-

chandise, imported from China and Siam. It is said that Gohô, the
probable Chinese captain of the first nanbansen junk, knew the secret
of gunpowder and became one of Sasakawa Koshirô’s teachers.
Tanegashima was for some time an important place not only for
the production of muskets and gunpowder, but also as a relay point
for the import of saltpetre, gunpowder and lead coming from China
and the Ryukyu Islands on their way to Bungo, Sakai, Negoro and
other places in Japan. As it is proudly written about Akôgi in the
Teppôki: ‘Merchants from the south and traders from the north go
back and forth there as continuously as the shuttle on a loom’. As
will be discussed below, Tanegashima was one of the gateways lead-
ing to Japan from the South. A thriving new industry was the result
of the introduction of the musket, and Sakai more than other places
would soon flourish with its manufacture of the musket and the com-
merce of saltpetre, lead54 and other articles in connection with teppô
warfare. The Sakai merchants were trained in sengoku55 commercial
freedom and lost no time in profiting from a new product. Soon the
teppô found its way into the arsenals of the daimyo across the land,
and it became even an export commodity according to Pinto.

WHO WERE THE FIRST PORTUGUESE?

Who were the first Portuguese who came to Tanegashima on the
Chinese junk? And how many were they? Two as stated in Japanese
sources – the Teppôki, Tanegashima kafu and other Japanese works –
or three as recorded by Galvano and Pinto? The answer will never be
totally certain on any of the two questions.
The Teppôki gives their names as
1. Murashukusha and
2. Kirishita da Môta,
both with Chinese characters. Antonio Galvano (1503–1557)56 pre-
sents three men with the names:
l. Antonio da Mota
2. Francisco Zeimoto
3. Antonio Pexoto

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THE ARRIVAL OF THE PORTUGUESE

Pinto, on the other hand, includes himself among the three Portu-
guese in his Peregrinaçam:
l. Diogo Zeimoto
2. Fernão Mendes Pinto
3. Cristóvão Borralho.
From such disparate lists of names it is impossible to decide exactly
who were the first Portuguese to reach Tanegashima. A reduction
can, however, be made: Pinto was not among them. As will be
shown in Chapter 6 below, he could not possibly have been visiting
Tanegashima in 1543. In his fantastic Peregrinaçam, which contains
as much fiction as true fact, he must have added his name to
enhance his fame. If he had been one of the Portuguese, the Teppôki
would certainly have recorded him for the simple reason that the
name Pinto is easily heard and written in Japanese. What about the
other two? In the Teppôki a Kirishita da Môta is mentioned and
Galvano mentions an Antonio da Mota. Is it not plausible that this
is one and the same da Mo(o)ta? Further, Galvano lists a Francisco
Zeimoto and Pinto a Diogo Zeimoto. Is it too far-fetched to presume
that these represent the same Zeimoto, who is presented as Mura-
shukusha in the Teppôki? Is it not possible that Pinto met one or both
of these compatriots and was acquainted with the circumstances?
Or that he arrived at a later date to Tanegashima and heard the story
about the first Portuguese from Tanegashima people? Either occur-
rence is plausible. That Zeimoto’s first name differs in Galvano’s and
Pinto’s works should not be taken seriously. Pinto’s memory was
astounding but he could not have remembered all names correctly
some 20 or 30 years after the events. Galvano is probably correct.
Pinto, on the other hand, probably just picked a name, the first he
could think of. The general purport of Pinto’s story is however in so
many respects close to the Teppôki and the Tanegashima kafu that it
gives the impression of being an enlarged but not a bad narration of the
story of the arrival of the first Portuguese and the first musket in Japan.
A summary of Pinto’s alleged visits to Japan is in Chapter 6 below.
As Galvano’s57 account from 1557 about the discovery of Japan in
the Tratado dos descobrimentos antigos e modernos, ‘The Discoveries

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of the World from Their First Original Unto the Year of Our Lord
1557’,58 has been of such importance for later writings, it is here
given in a full English translation:
In the year of our Lord 1542 one Diogo de Freitas was in the realm of
Siam, and in the city of Dodra as captain of a ship, there fled from him
three Portuguese in a junk that went to China. Their names were
Antonio da Mota, Francisco Zeimoto, and Antonio Pexoto. They made
sail in the direction of Liampo (Ning-po), which is located at about 30
degrees of latitude. There fell upon their stern such a storm, that it set
them off the land, and in a few days they saw an island towards the east
at 32 degrees of latitude, which people call Japõens (Japan), which
seems to be the Isle of Sipangas,59 about which writers say so much
about its riches. And this island of Japan has gold, much silver and
other riches.60
It should be noticed that Tanegashima is not mentioned, but we may
assume that they arrived at this island.
What about Antonio Pexoto (given in Galvano’s list) and Cristóvão
Borralho (given in Pinto’s)? As Pinto is untrustworthy generally,
Borralho must probably be counted out. Borralho is mentioned earlier
in the Peregrinaçam, and seems to have been a close companion of
Pinto’s in other adventures. It was therefore perhaps only natural
that he made him the third man of the group. What about Pexoto?
The question is left open. There is always the possibility that he was
washed over board and lost at sea and never reached Japan (a
student’s bright idea!), or that he came to Japan on a later Portu-
guese ship.61 In a picture album of noted places (meisho-zue), which
deals with how the musket reached the Negoro Temple in Kii, a
Portuguese merchant with the name of Peitaro is mentioned as the
person who taught a person from Kii the mysteries of the teppô. Peitaro
is close enough to Pexoto to make one suspect that somebody with
the name of Peitaro or Pexoto came to Japan on another Portuguese
ship.62

HOW MANY PORTUGUESE WERE THERE?

What about their number? Were they two or three? It is posited here
that the Japanese sources, the Teppôki and the Tanegashima kafu, are

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THE ARRIVAL OF THE PORTUGUESE

correct for the reason that Japanese historiography is generally

correct. There was no reason for the Japanese chroniclers to report
that the strangers were only two if they were actually three. They
were also in situ and kept these strangers under curious surveillance;
the chroniclers would not have missed out one of them. It can
therefore be stated with some certainty that there were just two
Portuguese, and not three as in European sources, which have been
influenced by Galvano and Pinto.
João Rodrigues (Tçuzzu, the Interpreter), for example, in História
da Igreja do Japão, ‘The History of the Church of Japan’ (written
1614–34) gives the same three names as Galvano.63 Then he continues:
This happened on Tanegashima, where the Portuguese taught the
inhabitants the use of guns and from there the gun spread all over
Japan. On this island the name of the Portuguese who taught them
how to manufacture muskets is still remembered.
Rodrigues is of interest for several reasons. He shows that Galvano
was known in the East, and his account indicates that it was generally
accepted that the musket had first been introduced on Tanegashima
and via Tanegashima to the rest of Japan. If he had added the names
of the Portuguese who were remembered on Tanegashima, we can
assume that it would have been the names found in the Teppôki and
in the Tanegashima kafu, two rather than three. However, while he
had read Galvano but had probably never visited Tanegashima, he
accepted Galvano’s three names.
The two Portuguese visitors could, as a result, have been either
of two pairs: (l) Zeimoto and da Mota or (2) Zeimoto and Pexoto. It
is not possible to come to an absolute conclusion about which pair
it was (or whether it was another group of two). It is here cautiously
concluded that the two were Francisco Zeimoto and Antonio da
Mota. It is further cautiously concluded that it was Francisco Zeimoto
who gave or sold the musket(s) to Lord Tokitaka and thereby intro-
duced the mysterious new weapon to Japan, as also Pinto reports.
Pinto had heard this part of the story correctly.
Until Meiji times it seems also to have been the tradition from
the Teppôki that was prevalent with reference to the arrival of the

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first Portuguese. In 1841 F. P. von Siebold gives an extract from one

of the national annalists:
Under the Mikado Konaru and the Ziogoon Yosi-hao, in the twelfth
year of the Nengo Tenbun, on the twenty-second day of the eighth
month (October, 1543) a strange ship made the island Tanega-zima,
near Koura, in the remote province Nisimura. The crew, about two
hundred in number, had a singular appearance; their language was
unintelligible, their native land unknown. On board was a Chinese
named Go-hou, who understood writing: from him it was gathered
that that this was a nan-ban ship (‘southern barbarian’ in the Japanese
form of the Chinese words nan-man). On the 26th this vessel was taken
to Aku-oki harbour, on the northwest of the island, and Tokitaka,
governor of Tanega-zima, instituted a strict investigation concerning
her, the Japanese bonze Tsyu-syu-zu acting as interpreter, by means of
Chinese characters. On board the nan-ban ship were two commanders,
Mura-syukya and Krista-moota; they had firearms, and first made the
Japanese acquainted with shooting-arms and the preparation of
shooting-powder.64
When Japanese historians – for example, T. Nishimura (Nishi-
mura Tokihiko [Tenshû], 1865–1924) in Nantô ikô-den, ‘The Record of
the Great Achievements on the Southern Islands’ (1899) – assert that
the Teppôki mentions three Portuguese, they are probably influenced
by Galvano and Pinto in an attempt to harmonize European and
Japanese sources. Nishimura suggests that Kirishita da Môta represents
two people, one Kirishita with reference to Pinto’s Christóvão Borralho
and one da Môta with reference to Galvano’s Antonio da Mota.65
Old people had mistakenly combined the names of two Portuguese
and three people had become two in the tradition that Nanpo
recorded in 1606. Nishimura thereupon links this theory to a revised
version of the Teppôki which asserts that there were three on board
the junk and even presents them with the rather fanciful names in
katakana (syllabary script): Furanchisuku Chimoro, Antonio Demoto
and Antonio Berota.66
K. Tsuboi (Tsuboi Kumazô, 1858–1936) in Teppô denraikô,
‘Thoughts about the arrival of the Teppô’ (1892),67 seems more
cautious. He accepts the Teppôki version and does not immediately

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reinterpret the names and make three Portuguese out of the two
mentioned in the Teppôki and the Tanegashima kafu.68 T. Hora finds,
however, that Tsuboi (like Nishimura) ends up dividing Kirishita da
Môta into two people, one Kirishitan and one da Môta.69
Another attempt at harmonizing the Teppôki with Galvano is
found in Nichiô tsûkôshi, ‘The History of Commerce between Japan
and Europe’, by S. Kôda (Kôda Shigetomo, 1873–1954).70 Murashu-
kusha in the Teppôki is only a first name and also for him Kirishita
da Môta represents two people, the first Kirishitan and the second
Antonio da Môta. Kôda bases himself on a work, Bubishi, in which
Murashukusha is given as Furashakosha. This he considers to be a
corruption for Francisco, Zeimoto’s first name. The name was then
shortened to only the first name in the Teppôki. In the same manner
da Môta is short for Antonio da Mota, with only the last name given.
Kirishita represents a problem but Kôda thinks that it represents the
appellation for a Christian. In this manner Kôda ends up agreeing
with Galvano. Kôda is close to Nishimura and Tsuboi, but for all
three of them it can be said that their interpretations are strained
and difficult to accept.
Later similar attempts to explain the names are presented by S.
Tokoro (Tokoro Sôkichi) and H. Motojima (Motojima Hiroshi).71
Tokoro admits that confusion has arisen as regards the first Portuguese
who arrived in Japan – and does not hesitate to add to the confusion
himself. He imagines that the three Portuguese, Antonio da Mota,
Francisco Zeimoto and Antonio Pexoto came in 1542, as stated by
Galvano, and discovered Japan, without being recognized. Then the
same Portuguese came again in the following year and were recog-
nized because they brought the musket. They were given the written
names Murashukusha and Kirishita da Môta. Murashuskusha was
Francisco in Sino-Japanese phonetic presentation and short for
Francisco Zeimoto. Professor Tokoro finds this plausible and as
close as one can come to the truth. Whether or not Kirishita da Môta
then represents one person, as in the Teppôki and the Tanegashima
kafu, or two persons, as in the interpretations of Nishimura, Kôda

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and perhaps also Tsuboi, he does not discuss. He leaves the question
open.72 Motojima probably just quotes his predecessors when he
divides Kirishita da Môta into one Kirishita and one da Môta73 and
gives the three first Portuguese in Japan as Francisco, Kirishita and
da Môta.74
All available versions of the Teppôki say that two Portuguese
came, and so do available versions of the Tanegashima kafu. Perhaps
there was another version of the Teppôki available to scholars in
Meiji times that said there were three and not two Portuguese on
board the junk. The tradition until then, however, only mentions
two, (da) Mota (with various first names) and Francisco Zeimoto.
On Hokusai’s picture from 1817 (see Figure 4) there are two,
Murashukusha and Kirishitamôta and in P. F. von Siebold, Manners
and Customs of the Japanese (1841) it says: ‘The Japanese have
preserved portraits (and curious specimens of the graphic art they
are) of Murasyuku and Krista-moota, who are supposed to have
been Antonio Mota and Francesco Zeimoto, the first Portuguese
known to have landed in Japan’.75
The thesis presented here is that the Teppôki and Tanegashima
kafu are the reliable sources and that only two Portuguese arrived on
this first nanbansen. One was Murashukusha who possibly corres-
ponded to Francisco Zeimoto and the other was Kirishita da Môta,
the ‘Christian’ da Môta, who would correspond to Antonio da Môta.
The third Portuguese, Antonio Pexoto, might have drowned or dis-
appeared in some other way on the long way from Siam. There were
many ways for a sailor to die on the high seas in those times.
The utimate conclusion is that matching the Portuguese and
Japanese names will never be fully accomplished and that the
attempts described above to make the Portuguese and Japanese names
correspond will never be more than guesswork. When Nanpo wrote
his Teppôki some sixty years after the event, he listened to the names
given by elders whose memories might have blurred over the years,
wrote them down as he heard them, and in Chinese characters to
boot. It is not amazing that the names are simplified and difficult to
correlate. What is amazing is that one of the names, Kirishita da

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Figure 4: Picture by Hokusai of the first two Portuguese on Tanegashima. This

bears the inscription: The castaways Murashukusha and Kirishita Môta on Tane-
gashima, Ôsumi Province, the 25th day of the 8th month of the 12th year of the
Tenbun era (23 September 1543). The picture is from the Hokusai manga dairokuhen
(sixth volume of the Hokusai manga pictures), 1817.

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Môta, can immediately be understood as a Portuguese name.76

Generally, due to the fact that sources are limited and few, scholars
succumb to the temptation of arbitrary interpretations.

WHAT YEAR DID THE PORTUGUESE ARRIVE?

There has been much confusion in literature about the year when
the first Portuguese arrived at Tanegashima, as both 1542 and 154377
are mentioned. To ascertain the date, we have both Japanese and
European sources, and the question is which sources can be relied
upon. It is posited that the Japanese versions, as found in the Teppôki
and the Tanegashima kafu, are trustworthy. The Teppôki was written
63 years after the event – that is, in 1606 – by Nanpo Bunshi (1555–
1620), a Satsuma monk and scholar. But Nanpo must have had the
Tanegashima family chronicle in one form or another at his disposal
in addition to other local sources, and he was certainly personally
acquainted with the whole tradition including the legends about
this historical event. Further, Nanpo was a true Confucian scholar
who would not have deviated from the facts as found in the sources.
He could elaborate on them and add rhetorical flourishes, but he
would not have changed the facts. It should also be remembered that
exact dating was an absolute demand in Chinese historiography, a
tradition inherited by the Japanese.
Therefore, when both the Teppôki and the Tanegashima kafu
give the exact date for the arrival as the 25th day of the 8th month of
the 12th year of the Tenbun era, that is, the 23 September 1543
according to the Western calendar, this date must be trusted. The
Teppôki has its moot points, and there might have been distortions
from being written many years after the event, but the date of the
arrival of the junk should not be among them. It ought to be noted
that the Tanegashima kafu, which is short and factual, is identical
with the Teppôki – practically word for word – when it relates the
arrival of the Portuguese. The one work has obviously copied the
other and, since the Tanegashima kafu was written later, it perhaps
copied relevant parts of the Teppôki. Both works must, however,
have had a Tanegashima house chronicle as the basic source.

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THE ARRIVAL OF THE PORTUGUESE

S. Tokoro (Tokoro Sôkichi) believes, as noted, that there could

have been one junk visiting Tanegashima in 1542 just for commerce,
a junk that was not recorded even though there could have been
(three) Portuguese on board.78 The junk that came in 1543, on the
other hand, was of special interest because the Portuguese on board
carried the musket and because the young lord took an immediate
interest in the new weapon. In other words, this junk would hardly
have been recorded in the house chronicle had it not been for the
musket; nor would the Portuguese have been noticed. S. Tokoro
points out that the Teppôki was written to honour Lord Tokitaka and
Tanegashima because they were the first to have the musket, to
reproduce it, and afterwards to introduce it to the rest of Japan. The
theory contains a grain of credibility since the Shigetoki and Tokitaka
chapters in the Tanegashima kafu might not be complete as regards
ships and commerce that reached the island from China and do not
touch the commerce with the rest of Japan. The question is, however,
if any Portuguese could have gone unnoticed and if a Portuguese,
whether merchant or adventurer, would have travelled about East Asia
without carrying a firearm. It is also apparent, both in the Teppôki
and the Tanegashima kafu, that it was not the weapon they carried
but the Portuguese themselves who aroused initial curiosity. The
decision to bring the junk to Akôgi was not due to the musket but
probably due to the general curiosity that both Shigetoki and Tokitaka
evinced when they heard of the barbarians on board the junk. It was
only after they arrived in the harbour of Akôgi that it was noticed
that they carried a mysterious new weapon. The Portuguese were a
sensation in 1543, but they should have caused excitement also in 1542.
It is therefore concluded that, even though the theory bears some
plausibility, it should yet be taken with a grain of salt, and as a theory
that cannot be proven. The first visits to Tanegashima ought accord-
ingly to have taken place in 1543 and 1544, which fits with both the
Teppôki and the Tanegashima kafu. On the other hand, it is possible
that some Portuguese ship reached the Ryukyu Islands in 1542.
K. Matsuda (Matsuda Kiichi) suggests that the year given in the
Teppôki should perhaps be taken as a general date referring to several

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TANEGASHIMA – THE ARRIVAL OF EUROPE IN JAPAN

Portuguese visits, two or three of them. This is an interesting sugges-

tion because the Teppôki is not always reliable. The Tanegashima kafu,
on the other hand, seems to be generally trustworthy and reflecting
the precise historiography demanded in the Confucian tradition. With
all due respect, Professor Matsuda’s suggestion should not be taken
as more than another interesting proposition. It is recommended
again that we keep the year of the first arrival of the Portuguese to
1543.79
Even 1541 has been mentioned as the year of the arrival of the
first Portuguese. Edwin O. Reischauer writes in The United States
and Japan: ‘In 1541 some Portuguese drifted ashore in Kyushu, the
southernmost of the main islands of Japan, and two years later other
Portuguese came, largely by accident, to Tanegashima, a small island
lying off the southern tip of Kyushu.’ He is certainly correct in the
second part of the statement, but one wonders which sources he
bases himself on in the first part. It might be an error.80
It should be noticed, however, that M. C. Haguenauer says in his
Tables Chronologiques that ‘Les daimyô Shimazu et Ôtomo seraient
entrés en relations avec les Portugais’ under 1541.81 No source is
mentioned. There is also mention of a nanbansen arriving at Bungo
in 1541 which will be discussed below (see page 33). These repeated
references to 1541 might mean something, but since they cannot be
corroborated, they are only noted but not taken seriously.
In parenthesis it should in this context be noticed that the two
terms, nanban, ‘Southern Barbarian’, and nanbansen, ‘Southern
Barbarian ship’, were used in Chinese parlance before the Europeans
arrived. They referred to ships and people arriving from the South
generally. Nanbansen coming from Southeast Asia are mentioned
from early times with reference to lands south of Kyushu. The
arrivals of a nanbansen from Sumatra as early as 1408 and of a
nanbansen from Java a year later are recorded in the annals. Other
nanbansen visits from the ‘lands in the South’ are recorded during
the first half of the fifteenth century.82 They came to an end by the
middle of the century and it was now the Ryukyuans who for almost
a century became the nanban traders. Perhaps even ships from the

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THE ARRIVAL OF THE PORTUGUESE

Ryukyu Islands were once regarded as nanbansen. Semantic change

took place with widened geographical awareness but when we
discuss nanban and nanbansen here the term refers narrowly to the
Portuguese (European) ships, and often to Chinese junks with Portu-
guese on board.
The amazing fact is that Japan was not discovered by the Portu-
guese earlier. It took them only two years after conquering Malacca to
reach China. They sailed up and down the Chinese coast for 30 years
without making this great discovery, and when it finally happened,
it was coincidental due to stormy weather. In the typhoon-ridden
waters of the East China Sea one would have expected this to have
occurred earlier and that the Ryukyu Islands, the Kyushu (including
Tanegashima), and even Korea would have been detected at an early
date. As it stands, however, it was not until this September day in 1543
that we can safely say that Japan became known to the Portuguese
and the legendary Jipangu became part of the European map. 83

REPORTS ABOUT THE ARRIVAL OF THE

PORTUGUESE IN JAPAN
In Europe the arrival of Portuguese in Japan was first made known
by the Spanish officer, Garcia de Escalante [Alvarado], and the
Portuguese captain, Jorge Alvares. Garcia de Escalante was an officer
on Ruy Lopez Villalobos’ Spanish expedition from New Spain to the
Philippines 1542–44. Stranded and in Portuguese captivity in the
Moluccas he wrote an account in which he reports on the first visits
to the Ryukyu Islands and Japan. From Diogo de Freitas he heard
about a visit to the Ryukyu Islands in perhaps 1542 and from Pero
Diez about a journey to Japan in probably 1544.84 The account was
written in 1545 and was sent from Lisbon to the viceroy of Mexico
in 1548. In the account it is said in part: ‘In Ternate we discovered a
Galician from Monterrey, by name Pero Diez, who had arrived in a
junk from Japan (las islas de Japan)’. He was called to Tidore in the
Moluccas and he related that he had left Patani in 1544 in a Chinese
junk, which had made its way via Chincheo to Ning-po, from where
‘they crossed over to the Island of Japan, which is situated at about

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TANEGASHIMA – THE ARRIVAL OF EUROPE IN JAPAN

32 degrees’. Tanegashima is not mentioned. Thereupon follows the

description of Japan which shows the weakness of hearsay. There are
obvious errors: for example, it is reported that Japanese possess neither
swords nor lances and that their language is similar to German! It is,
however, correct when it reports on their ceremonious courtesy and
their keeping hawks and falcons for hunting purposes. And it is
certainly correct when it states that they read and write like the
Chinese! This oldest known report on Japan is of significance as it
shows directly and indirectly that China, the Ryukyu Islands and
Japan were intertwined in trade relations. One must treat this report
with the same care as Pinto’s Peregrinaçam: much of what is said is
not convincing. It was, in the end, based on hearsay.85 Though
second-hand, however, the account is the oldest report about Japan
coming from a European who had been ashore in Japan. The visit
must have taken place in 1544, since de Escalante wrote in the
account in 1545 that Pero Diez had left Patani and China in the
‘preceding year’. Further, it must have taken place in late summer
and early winter (or possibly in early 1545), since it is said that ‘it is
a very cold country’.86
The report written by Jorge Alvares, on the other hand, has the
advantage of being written by someone who had visited Japan in
person and was an excellent observer.87 His account, written in
1547, is therefore both trustworthy and valuable. He admits that he
had only visited Yamagawa at the southern tip of Satsuma and had
never been far inland but his observations of land and people could
hold good for all Japan. His detailed descriptions are convincing.
For example, he was the first to register the innate curiosity of the
Japanese people, their inveterate observance of propriety and their
reading and writing Chinese – but not speaking it. And he observed
correctly that the islands suffer from earthquakes, hurricanes and
typhoons. He describes a typhoon in which 72 Chinese junks and a
Portuguese ship had foundered.88 He presents lists of trees and
fruits, and states that people harvest the fields three times a year and
delight in flowers such as roses and carnations. It must have made

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an impression on Xavier and Portuguese hidalgos to hear about the

honesty of the Japanese people, their proud and martial behaviour
and their habit of carrying swords from the tender age of eight years
– and using them when offended. They were not less impressed by
hearing – and perhaps abhorred – that both sexes bathed and washed
in the hot springs and rivers in the sight of passers-by.89
Alvares wrote the report at the request of Xavier, who planned
missionary work in Japan, at the time that he also introduced the
Japanese, Anjiro, whom he had given refuge on his ship and brought
with him from Japan.90 Xavier was excited by the report. He forwarded
it to Ignatius Loyola in 1548 and it was then circulated in Europe. 91
Jorge Alvares had recently returned from Kyushu and he could
therefore give Xavier an up-to-date and true report about Japan.92
Pinto’s alleged second journey to Japan took place on Jorge Alvares’
ship and his account of this journey is found in the Peregrinaçam,
chapters 200–203. As will be described in Chapter 6 below, the account
can be questioned throughout, but the date for the departure from
Japan to Malacca, 16 January 1547, seems believable.93
Before both Garcia de Escalante and Jorge Alvares, however,
comes Tomé Pires.94 To him goes the honour of being the first to
have mentioned Japan in the West – that is, after Marco Polo.95 He
served in Malacca between 1512 and 1515 and in his account, the
Suma Oriental, written about 1514, the name Japan (Jampon)
appears for the first time in European script. Tomé Pires’ report is
here given in full:96
The island of Japan (Ilha de Jampon), according to what all the Chinese
say, is larger than that of the Lequjos (the Ryukyus), and the king is
more powerful and greater, and is not given to trading, nor [are] his
subjects. He is a heathen king, a vassal of the king of China. They do
not often trade in China because it is far off and they have no junks,
nor are they seafaring men. The Lequjos go to Japan in seven or eight
days and take [their] merchandise, and trade it for gold and copper. All
that comes from the Lequjos is brought by them from Japan. And the
Lequjos trade with the people of Japan in cloths, fishing nets, and other
merchandise.97

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This report is, although short, unmistakably showing the

geographical centrality of the Ryukyu Islands between Japan, Korea,
China and Southeast Asia. The Ryukyus were the axis around which
the trade moved north, west and south. It shows further that the
Portuguese were in touch with the Ryukyuans and knew about the
Ryukyu Islands soon after they established themselves at Malacca in
1511. Through the Ryukyuans they were in one way or another
informed of the islands further north, that is, Japan. The report
shows the weakness of being based on hearsay: the Ryukyuans were
a seafaring people and traded not least with China.
All three reports preceded Pinto and also the letters and reports
by Xavier, written from 1549 to 1552. Together they represent the
earliest European accounts of Japan from merchants who had
visited the country and of what they had experienced there. To Pero
Diez must be given the honour of making the first account about
Japan, although written down by someone else. Tomé Pires was in
Portuguese official service and his short report was based on
hearsay. It is significant that the missionaries only followed in the
wake of merchants and officials.98
The visits of Portuguese to Japan seem to have been rare between
1543 and 1549. We know that they did come but reports about the
early visits are few and partly unreliable. Probably there were more
Portuguese reaching Japan than we know of. Pero Diez is the first
who we can safely say visited Japan and furthermore delivered a
report on his visit. It is only with the arrival of the Jesuit priests, first
among them Francis Xavier, that the reports become extensive and
it is from about the same time that Portuguese ships began to arrive
regularly.
The first letter by Francis Xavier, dated 5 November 1549 and
sent from Kagoshima to Goa, was the first exhaustive report written
by a Westerner in Japan, and transmitted to Europe. It was quickly
copied and circulated as early as 1551–52. This was his longest letter
and his principal communication from Japan. ‘It is full of the general-
izations that a tourist of six weeks is liable to make about any country

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THE ARRIVAL OF THE PORTUGUESE

… but it is also the work of a thoughtful, cultivated and pious observer

widely experienced in the East’.99 He was full of enthusiasm after ten
weeks in Satsuma, and this enthusiasm was only slightly tempered as
he stayed over a two-year period. His letter was the superb beginning
of a rich literature about Japan seen through Jesuit glasses.
In official reports, the advent of the Portuguese was first men-
tioned in Antonio Galvano’s Tratados descobrimentos antigos e modernos
(1557), ‘The Discoveries of the World, from Their First Original Unto
the Year of Our Lord 1555’, which has already been quoted above.
In a larger historical context the arrival of the Portuguese was
first related by the official historiographer of Portuguese India, Diogo
do Couto (c. 1542–1616), who lived for about fifty years in the East
and died at Goa. In his report, Década Quinto da ‘Ásia’, published in
1612 in Lisbon, the arrival in Japan is recounted and the Japanese
are described as being proud and valiant. What he writes about
Japan is based on what he has heard from others but, being a reliable
historian, he did not fabricate stories or add to what he heard. His
narrative was not written until 1611 but together with Galvano’s
Descobrimentos antigos e modernos it can be counted as an early and
longer version of the arrival of the first Portuguese in Japan.100 He
cannot have been influenced by Pinto whose Peregrinaçam was
published two years after the Década Quinto da ‘Ásia’.
Diogo do Couto’s narrative runs like a paraphrase of Galvano
but is longer and adds notable details. In this version – estando este
anno de 1542 – the same three Portuguese as in Galvano (Antonio
da Mota, Francisco Zeimoto and Antonio Pexoto) are on a trade
journey from Siam to China on a junk, loaded with commodities,
which seems to be their own. They aim at the port of Chincheo
(Ch’uan-chow)101 since they cannot enter the city of Canton where
Portuguese are forbidden. On their way they run into foul weather
and do Couto writes:
This tempest lasted these men four and twenty hours, and at the end
thereof the junk stopped pitching and tossing; but it was left in such a
state and so unmanageable, that there was nothing for it but to let the

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wind blow it where it listed, which at the end of fifteen days drove it
between some islands where they anchored, without knowing where
they were. From the land, small boats at once put out to meet them, in
which came men whiter than the Chinese, but with small eyes and short
beards. From them, they learned that these islands were called Nipongi
[or Nipponjin, i.e., Japanese people], the one which we commonly term
Japan (Japão). And finding that these people were kind, they mingled
with them, by whom they were very hospitably received. Here they re-
paired and fitted the junk, and exchanged their merchandise for silver,
since there is none other; and as it was the right season they returned
to Malacca.102
It is Japan that is mentioned, but again we may assume that it was
Tanegashima that is referred to.
Diogo do Couto wrote Década Quinto da ‘Ásia’ late in life and it
was written in the light of secondhand information from various
sources. This comes clear when he describes the political situation at
the beginning of the Tokugawa era after 1600. The pride of the
Japanese is noted – and the equal pride of the Chinese – and a like-
wise accurate observation is that the shogun has placed the emperor
in seclusion in his palace in Meacó (Miyako: Kyoto) without any
power of exercising his authority. After further discussing Buddhism
and Shinto and vices and sins among which treason and parricide
are the worst, do Couto ends the description of Japan with the
laconic words: E isto baste dos Japões (‘And with this, enough of the
Japanese’), and turns to other subjects.
In the following rich literature on the early Europeans in Japan
it suffices to mention the História de Japam by Luís Frois (1532–97)
and História da Igreja do Japão by João Rodrigues (Tçuzzu, the
Interpreter). Both accounts have the Christian mission at the centre,
but while Frois is strong on the history in this turbulent era,
Rodrigues has the stress on culture, ‘Customs, Government, Nobility
and Wealth’.103 Frois’ work was written in Japan, while Rodrigues’
work was written after he was banished from Japan in 1612 and lived
in Macao. Both of them follow Galvano as regards the arrival of the
first Europeans (that is, Portuguese) in Japan and both deprecate

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Pinto. The reader is recommended to turn to the originals in Portu-

guese or to G. Schurhammer’s translation of Luís Frois’ Historia de
Japam, the first part (1549–1578) Geschichte Japans (1549–1578),
(Leipzig, 1926), the second and third parts (1578–1592) in Spanish
translation (Tokyo, 1938), and to M. Cooper’s partial translation of
História da Igreja do Japão in Rodrigues the Interpreter, An Early Jesuit
in Japan and China (New York and Tokyo, 1974) or to the Japanese
translation of Rodrigues’ work, Nihon kyôkai-shi (Tokyo 1967–70).104
When the year 1542 is mentioned in many later Western (and
Japanese) works, it must also have been under the influence of
Galvano (and do Couto). Pinto’s Peregrinaçam is of less interest in
this respect. There is no date, neither of arrival in nor of departure
from Tanegashima. He only mentions that they stayed in Japan for
five and a half months. His presentation of the first visit by
Portuguese to Tanegashima and Japan is an interesting but mostly
fictitious narrative, as he had heard it, adding himself to the story.
Pinto is accordingly of no help when it comes to dating the arrival
of the first Portuguese in Tanegashima.105
But were the Portuguese on Tanegashima the first Portuguese in
Japan? The question is raised because one tradition referring to
Bungo mentions that a Portuguese ship arrived in this province as
early as 1541, even giving the exact month and day: the 27th day of
the 7th month. This mention is found in the Ôtomo kôhai-ki, ‘The
Record of the Rise and Fall of the Ôtomo’.106 There is, however, no
corroboration in other sources, and it is therefore doubtful whether
such a visit took place. It could be a later interpolation in the Bungo
chronicle in order to outdo Tanegashima and Satsuma. On the other
hand, when at the time he was baptized a Christian (in 1578),
Ôtomo Yoshishige (Sôrin, 1530–87),107 daimyo of Bungo (r. 1550–
1587) mentions that a Portuguese merchant, Jorge de Faria, had
arrived in Bungo when he was sixteen, that is, in 1546, this seems
credible.108 Jorge de Faria came with some five or six other Portu-
guese merchants on a Chinese trading junk, and the Chinese captain
wanted Ôtomo Sôrin’s father, Yoshiaki, to kill the Portuguese and

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seize their merchandise. Sôrin, however; interceded and defended

the Portuguese merchants; the scheme was aborted. A year or so later,
a Portuguese merchant by the name of Diogo Vaz (d’Aragão) came
to Bungo and stayed there for five years, preparing the way for the
missionaries with his serious life and deep faith.109 Schurhammer
guesses that he stayed in Bungo between 1546 and 1551, and if this
is so, it must be concluded that he was the first westerner known to
have lived in Japan over a longer period. Nothing much is otherwise
known about Diogo Vaz, and one can wonder whether he was still
in Bungo when Xavier110 arrived there in 1551 and whether he left
at the same time as Xavier in November of that year.111 Merchants,
unfortunately, did not often write much (Pinto being an exception!),
perhaps because they were mostly illiterate or half-literate, and there-
fore we cannot ascertain when and how long Diogo Vaz and other
merchants stayed in Japan. Diogo Vaz was probably not the only
Portuguese merchant already living for some time in Japan in this
early period. Pinto writes that there were 40 Portuguese in Bungo
when he came there on his second trip, but this must be dismissed
as another of his many exaggerations. It is an indication, however,
that there were Portuguese around, perhaps some 5–6, as a Japanese
source has it.112
Japan’s first encounter with Europeans was epoch-making in
both Japanese and world history. It meant first of all that Japan’s
second internationalization began and that the process started that
has continued until this day. Before, Japan had been a part of the
East Asian world with China at the centre; now it became a part of
the whole world. And it was as epoch-making in the military field as
in the cultural field due to the introduction of the musket. Lord
Tokitaka needed to experience a single shot to understand the value
of the musket, and so did other Japanese. Within months the first
Japanese musket was manufactured, and within a generation it had
spread all over Japan. It made history in Japan, as it had done earlier
in Europe and during the European expansion on other continents.
There came to be a difference between those who had the new

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weapon and those who did not. Those who had the weapon, for
example Oda Nobunaga (1534–82), decided the fate of the country
for the next three centuries. Of course, Lord Tokitaka could not
fathom the pivotal role that he played in this development, but he
understood the importance of the new weapon which (as it is ex-
pressed in the Teppôki) could smash a mountain of silver and break
through a wall of iron with one shot.
Further, Tanegashima’s rôle should not be understimated. It was
ready when the musket arrived. The island possessed not only the
iron but also the technical capacity. Some 30 iron smiths were at hand
to work on producing the first Tanegashima teppô when commanded
to by the lord of the island. The production is not often mentioned
in the sources.113 It was only the screw at the end of the barrel that
embarrassed them, but as soon as this obstacle was overcome the
manufacture of the musket could be undertaken – and the history
of Japan could take a new direction.

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CHAPTER TWO

The Record of the Musket

(Teppôki) – a Translation

Written for Lord Tanegashima Hisatoki

[by Nanpo Bunshi]1

o the south of Gûshû (Ôsumi Province)2 18 ri3 off the shore,

T there is an island called Tanega[shima].4 My forbears have

lived there for generations. According to a legend from
ancient times, the name Tanega[shima], ‘The Seed Island’,
is derived from the fact that the number of inhabitants, in spite of the
smallness of the island, has grown and prospered like seeds (tane)
which, once planted, grow and produce new seeds without number.
Some years ago in the Tenbun era (1532–54), on the 25th day of
the eighth month in the autumn of the Mizunoto U (‘hare’) year
(23rd September, 1543) a big ship had arrived at dawn (Hinoto Tori
‘cock’ hour)5 at Nishi(no)mura Bay. No one knew from what country
it came. There were some 100 people on board, [among whom there
were those] whose physical features differed from ours, and whose
language was not understood. Those who saw them found them
strange. Among them was a scholar from Great Ming (China).6 His
personal name was Gohô (Ch. Wu-feng), but now nothing is surely
known about his family name.
The chieftain of Nishi(no)mura at the time was Oribenojô who
knew written Chinese well.7 By chance meeting with Gohô, he
conversed with him by writing in the sand with a stick. He wrote,
‘We do not know what country those people on board come from.
They look strange, do they not?’ Gohô wrote in reply: ‘They are
traders from among the southwestern barbarians (seinanban). They

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THE RECORD OF THE MUSKET

have some knowledge of the relationship between superior and

inferior, but, otherwise, they do not know about propriety (reibô).8
Therefore, when they drink, they do not use cups, and when they
eat, they use their fingers and not chopsticks, as we do. They show
their feelings without any self-control and they do not know the
written script or the use of it. Such traders are in the habit of roving
from place to place, bartering things which they have for those they do
not have. They are not very strange and are withal quite harmless.’ 9
Then Oribenojô wrote, ‘13 ri10 from here is a seaport called Akôgi
(Akaogi)11 where the family whom I serve has lived for generations.
The population of the seaport consists of several thousands of rich
and prosperous households. Merchants from the south and traders
from the north go back and forth there as continuously as the shuttle
on a loom. Now, being anchored there, although it is not a deep
port, is far better than here, since the port is sheltered and calm.’
When the report of the foreign ship was made to my grandfather,
Shigetoki (1503–67),12 and my father, Tokitaka (1528–79), [the latter],
Tokitaka, dispatched tens of boats to fetch the ship [to Akôgi] where
it arrived two days later on the 27th day, the Tsuchinoto I (‘pig’) day
(25 September 1543).13
Visiting the port at just that time was a monk Chû (Tadashi)
Shuso (Shuza),14 a disciple of Ryûgen(ji Temple) in Nisshû (Hyûga).15
Desirous of learning the wonders of the One Vehicle Lotus Gospel
(Hokke Ichijô), he was staying temporarily at the port. Having, in
the end, left Zen and become a Hokke follower, he had taken the
name Jûjôin. He was well versed in the Chinese classics and known
for his agility with the brush. He happened to meet Gohô and they
conversed in writing, and Gohô, too, felt that he had found a true
friend in a foreign land. They spoke, as it were, the same language
and understood each other. They were kindred spirits and two of a
kind.
There were two leaders among the traders, the one called Mura-
shukusha and the other Kirishita da Môta. They had in their
possession an object (mono) which was about two or three shaku in
length.16 As for its shape, it was straight on the outside with a

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passage inside, and made of a heavy substance. Even though its

inside was hollow, its bottom end was closed. There was an aperture
at its side, through which fire was applied. Its shape could not be
compared with anything else. When used, some mysterious (medicine)
powder (myôyaku)17 was put into it and a small lead pellet was
added. At first, a small white target was set up on a bank. When it was
discharged, the man gripped the object with one hand, straightened
his posture, and squinted with one eye. When thereupon fire issued
from the opening, the pellet always hit the target squarely. The
explosion seemed like lightning, and the sound like rolling thunder.
All bystanders covered their ears.
Setting up a small target is like placing a ‘swan’ (komanaku)
target in archery.18 One shot from this object can make a mountain
of silver crumble and break through a wall of iron. Someone with
aggression in mind toward a neighbouring country would lose his
life instantly when hit. Needless to say, this also holds for the deer
that ravage the rice just planted. The many ways this object can be
used in the world cannot possibly be counted.
On seeing it, Lord Tokitaka thought it was the wonder of wonders.
At first people did not know what to call it, nor exactly what it was
used for. At last, people called it teppô, ‘firearm’, but it was not
known whether it was named so by the Ming Chinese or by people
on our island.
One day Tokitaka said to the two barbarians by means of double
interpretation (jûyaku): ‘I do not think that I am able, but I would
like to learn [to shoot it]’.19 The two barbarians, also using double
interpretation, answered: ‘If you, lord, would like to learn [to shoot
it], we would love to teach you all its secrets’. Tokitaka said: ‘Can I
really learn all its secrets?’ The barbarians said: ‘The secrets lie only
in rectifying your heart and in squinting one eye’. Tokitaka said: ‘As
for rectifying the heart, the ancient sages taught people how to do it,
and I have learned it.20 If, generally, one does not follow the prin-
ciple under Heaven (tenka no ri) in action, movement and rest, one
will necessarily end up in error.21 What you mean with “rectifying
the heart”, however, is perhaps something different? If you squint

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THE RECORD OF THE MUSKET

with one eye, you will not be able to see what is far away. Why should
one, therefore, squint with one eye?’ The barbarians responded:
‘This is where concentration comes in and is necessary. When con-
centrating, a long vision is not necessary. Closing one eye does not
mean that one cannot see clearly, but that one is concentrating and
wishes to hit what is far away. This is what you should consider, lord’.
Delighted, Tokitaka said, ‘That corresponds to what Lao Tzu said:
“To see what is small clearly that is called clarity”.22 Is not this what
you talk about?’
That year, the day of the festival of the 9th day of the 9th month
(chôkyû no setsu)23 fell on the Kanoto I (‘boar’) day, and this day was
chosen as the lucky day [to shoot the musket]. For trial the
wondrous powder and a pellet were put into [the barrel], a small
target was set up one hundred steps24 away, and fire was applied to
the weapon. And, lo and behold, the target was hit almost in dead
centre!
People were at first startled, then they became frightened. In the
end, however, they all said in unison: ‘We would like to learn!’
Regardless of the high price, Tokitaka purchased two teppô from the
barbarians and kept them as precious treasures of his house (kachin).25
As for the art of grinding, sifting and mixing the (wondrous medicine)
gunpowder, Tokitaka had his retainer Sasakawa (or Shinokawa)
Koshirô learn it.26 Tokitaka practised shooting incessantly from
morning to evening. As a result, he was able to convert the misses of
his early attempts into hits – 100 hits out of 100 shots.
At this time a priest, Suginobô, at Negoro Temple27 in Kishû
(Kii), who did not consider 1,000 ri28 too far away [to obtain a teppô],
[sent an emissary to] ask for one teppô. Tokitaka felt sympathy for
the sincerity of the man’s request and, showing generosity, he said:
‘In ancient times the Lord of Jo (Ch. Shu)29 took a liking to Kisatsu’s
(Ch. Chi-tsa) sword but did not dare to express his wish. Kisatsu,
however, knew in his heart what he wanted and finally gave him the
precious sword. My island is certainly small, but why should I be
attached to and begrudge one object? Further, I have myself ob-
tained it without asking for it, and I cannot sleep out of happiness,

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having it carefully hidden under ten wraps (jûshû).30 What is more,

how could I be happy in my heart, if I were so selfish as to keep it
when it is asked for? What I like, others also like. How can I then
have it by myself, well hidden and stored away?’ So he ordered Tsuda
Kenmotsu no jô to bring one teppô as a present to Suginobô and also
ordered him to teach Suginobô how to prepare the wondrous powder
and how to fire the gun.31
Tokitaka’s interest in the weapon was so enthusiastic that he had
a number of iron-workers’ examine and study it carefully. Through
months and over seasons they worked with the objective of produc-
ing a new musket. The form of the new weapon was much like [the
foreign original], but the workers could not figure out how to close
the bottom end [of the barrel].
The following year, southern barbarian traders came again and
entered Kumano Bay on our island.32 This bay, named Kumano, is
also likened to and called Little Rozan (Ko-rozan)33 and Little Tenjiku
(Ko-tenjiku).34 As luck had it, there was among the traders one
blacksmith, whom Tokitaka regarded as a godsend, and he ordered
Lord Kinbee Kiyosada to learn how to close the end of the barrel that
fitted into the stock. Finally, after some days and months he could
manage to roll it to a close and had it completed. And in a little more
than a year several tens of teppô were manufactured. Afterwards, the
wooden stock (dai) was made and the ornament, which resembled
a key, was added.
Tokitaka’s interest lay neither in the wooden stock nor in the
ornament but in the way that the weapon could be put to use at
times of war. Therefore, his retainers, far and near, practised with it,
and there were many among them who could score 100 hits out of
100 shots.
Afterwards, a man by the name of Tachibanaya Matasaburô, a
merchant’s apprentice from Sakai in Izumi Province, stayed for one
or two years on our island. He learned to use the teppô with such
perfection that, upon his return home, everyone called him, not
with his name, but Teppômata, ‘The Teppô Master’. Thus, everyone
in the provinces around the Kinai area learned to use the weapon,

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THE RECORD OF THE MUSKET

transferring the art from one to the other. And soon it was not only
in the Kinai and Kansai areas, but likewise in the Kantô area that
people could use it.
I once heard an old retainer [of my family] say: ‘Between the
11th and 12th years, the Mizunoe Tora and Mizunoto U (‘tiger’ and
‘hare’) years (1542 and 1543) of the Tenbun era, three new great
merchant ships were about to set sail to the south for Great Ming
China.35 About 1,000 young men, sons of rich families of the Kinai
area and of the area west of Kinai, set out to be merchants. A crew of
several hundred rowers and sailors managed the ships as if they were
(kami) gods. The ships anchored at our little island, waiting for
good weather from Heaven. When thereupon the weather became
favourable, they untied the ropes and rowed out, gazing seawards
and turning to the God of the Sea (Jaku)36. Unfortunately, however,
a great storm raised the sea, and enormous waves billowed high with
snow-capped crests. Was it [an unfortunate] time or was it [bad]
fate? The main mast on one of the ships broke, so did the oars, and
it was swallowed by the black sea. The second ship with difficulty
reached Ning-po in Great Ming China,37 but the third ship could
not proceed and returned to our small island. Next year it again
untied its ropes, and could finally realize its intention to sail south.
Having loaded their ship to their satisfaction with foreign goods and
treasures from barbarian lands and being on their way home to our
land, a (black) furious storm blew up suddenly. They did not know
whether they went east or west, but carried by the waves reached Izu
Province on the Tôkaidô. The people of the province robbed them
of their commodities and they also lost their belongings.
On the ship was our retainer Matsushita Gorôsaburô. He carried
a teppô, and hit the target every time he shot. The people in the
province saw it and marvelled. They saw, watched and copied and
there were many who learned to use it. Afterwards, there was not a
place in the eastern eight provinces and along the shores of our land
to which it was not brought and where they did not learn to use it.’
Now, more than 60 years have gone since this object (mono)
came to our land. There are some grey-haired people who still

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remember the event clearly. This could happen because our Lord
Tokitaka procured the two teppô from the above-mentioned barbarians
and learned to use them. The first shot from them reverberated
through the 60 provinces of our country (Fusô)38. Moreover, it was
Lord Tokitaka who made iron-workers learn the technique of their
manufacture and made it possible for it to spread over the entire
country – the Five Central Provinces (Goki) and the Seven Roads
(Shichidô).39 It is hence certain that the teppô originated in our
Tanegashima.
In ancient times people chose the simile of one seed growing
and becoming new seeds without number, and so our island was
called Tanegashima. Now it has been the first seed in the same
manner.
The people of old said: ‘If the virtuous achievements of the
forbears are not made clear to the world, the descendants are to
blame’. For this reason we have written this [record].

The 9th day of the 9th month of the

11th year of the Keichô era (11 October
1606).

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CHAPTER THREE

Translations of the
Tanegashima kafu

Translation of Chapter 2, Shigetoki [partial]1

S
higetoki, Sahyôe no jô, Kaga no kami, the Buddhist layman
(nyûdô) Iyaku, (Tadatoki’s son) was born in the 3rd year of
Bunki, the Mizunoto I (‘pig’) year, 1503.
On the 5th day of the 8th month of the 8th year of the
Tenbun era, the Hinoto Tori (‘cock’) year, 1537, Abbot Nisshô of
Honnôji Temple arrived.2
In the 7th year of the Tenbun era, the Tsuchinoe Inu (‘dog’) year,
1538, when Lord Nisshin3 and Shimazu Yoshihisa were in war,
Mononobe Magozaemon, Annô Oki no kami and Tajiro Suruga no
kami showed valour at Kaseda, Masegawa, and Fujinohara.4
On the 17th day of the 6th month of the 8th year of the Tenbun
era, the Tsuchinoto I (‘pig’) year, 1539, at the time that Lord [Shimazu]
Takahisa5 attacked Ichikihira Castle, Shigetoki reaped military merit.
On the 18th day of the 6th month [1539] Abbot Nisshô returned
to the capital (miyako, i.e. Kyoto).
On the 6th day of the 6th month of the 9th year of the Tenbun
era, the Kanoe Ne (‘rat’) year, 1540, a Chinese ship came up to
Takezaki Bay (Takezaki no Ura, Kukinaga) [on Tanegashima].
Shigetoki loved hunting. Furthermore, he built a palace, but
before construction was finished, he began to build it all over again.
The people could not endure the corvée work. The supplicants with
petitions filled the government offices. Although the officials remon-
strated, he did not listen. The luxury grew more and more extreme.

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Therefore the officials conferred with each other, and it was their
wish that Izumo no kami Tokinori should remonstrate and admonish
him. Tokinori, out of fear, did not consent. The assembled officials
expressed: ‘Even though brothers are many, [they have the same
mother]; ruler and people are all the more children of the same
mother. It has to be remonstrated. It is said: “If the ruler has a
remonstrating minister, he will not lose his country; if a father has a
remonstrating son, he will not lose his good repute.” I wish that you
think about this carefully.’ As a result, Tokinori could not help but
remonstrate. Shigetoki did not listen. Afterwards, Tokinori was held
in low esteem. Slanderous talk spread that he nursed a rebellious mind.
He felt more and more out in the cold. Even though he expressed
that he had no rebellion in mind, Shigetoki did not believe him. He
said that Tokinori bore an intense grudge against him.
In the 12th year of Tenbun, the Mizunoto U (‘hare’) year, 1543,
Izumo no kami Tokinori rose in rebellion. Together with Kawachi
no kami Tokiyuki in secret he asked Nejime Ukondaiu Shigenaga for
soldiers, and more than 200 soldiers were dispatched on a number of
boats from Nejime with Shigenaga as the general. Noma Jirôsaemon
Ienari – the son of Hôki no kami (since he knew much about the
manufacture of arrows, he had been invited to Nejime by Shigenaga)
– acted as the scout. In the night of the 12th day [probably 22nd day,
see the Tokitaka chapter on page 47 below] of the 3rd month they
went ashore at Urata6 on our island and bivouacked on the shore of
the bay. That night Ienari came in secret to Akôgi and talked with his
father Hôki [no kami] (the karô elder of the house ). Hôki [no kami]
was surprised, and first of all had Ienari return to his home town.
Consequently he informed Nishimura Iki no kami Tokihiro and
Tokihiro hurried to Yakuda (where Shigetoki and Naotoki were) and
informed Shigetoki. Shigetoki pondered and then said: ‘I am hesitant.
For the time being I want to avoid hostilities. You lords, follow Nao-
toki and prepare the defence. Take command of the soldiers!’ So he
left for Hamatsuwaki, boarded a small boat and crossed over to
Yakushima (with some tens of followers) in order to avoid the hostil-
ities. Therefore, Naotoki (later his name was changed to Tokitaka)

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TRANSLATIONS OF THE TANEGASHIMA KAFU

took over the defence of the Inner Castle.7 This is described more in
detail in the chronicle about Tokitaka.
In the fourth month Shigetoki returned to the main island
[Tanegashima].
On the 15th day of the of the 5th month Shigetoki handed over
Nishimura Iki no kami Tokihiro to Higo and Shimôsa no kami Toki-
nori and had Izumo no kami [Tokinori] commit suicide at Inoue.
Tokinori had a three-year-old son and his wet-nurse fled with him
to (Gûshû) Ôsumi. He was later named Izumo no kami Tokitsura.
The branch of the Tokitsura faction became the servants of Lord
Taishu (Shimazu). The descendants live in Kagoshima. Kawachi no
kami was beheaded in the Inner Castle and Noma Jirôsaemon was
beheaded at Masuda Village.
On the 25th day of the 8th month [of Tenbun 12, 1543] a great
ship arrived at Nishinomura. It was not known from what country
it came. Among the (guests) people on board the ship were some
whose physical features differed from ours, and whose language was
not understood. Those who saw them found them strange. Nishimura
Oribenojô Tokitsura, the chieftain of Nishinomura Village, wrote
with a stick upon the sand, ‘We do not know from what country
those people on the ship come from’. There was a Confucian scholar
from the Great Ming [on the ship], with the name Gohô (Ch. Wu-
feng), and he wrote in answer: ‘They are traders from among the
south-western barbarians. They are not very strange’.
For this reason Tokitsura sent a person in haste to report to
[Lord] Shigetoki. (Nishinomura is located about 13 ri from Akôgi
Castle.) Shigetoki immediately ordered his retainers to have the ship
tugged by small boats [to Akôgi], where it arrived on the 27th day.
It was brought into Akôgi harbour.
There were two leaders among the traders, one named Mura-
shukusha and the other Kirishita da Môta. They carried in their
hands an object which could not be compared with anything known.
Its use was both strange and wondrous. It was named teppô. When
Tokitaka saw it, he thought that it was a most superior weapon. He
asked for and obtained two (pieces) teppô from the barbarians and

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considered them the treasures of his house (kachin). Moreover he

ordered a (iron artisan) smith to copy and reproduce the weapon.
The shape [of what he manufactured] was very much like the
original, but it was not (yet) perfect.
On the 4th day of the 1st month of 13th year of the Tenbun era,
the Kinoe Tatsu (‘dragon’) year (27 January 1544), Shigetoki and
Tokitaka had Higo and Shimôsa no kami Tokinori invade Yakushima
Island and defeat the Nejime forces. Tokinori weighed anchor in the
night, sailed with his soldiers, and arrived at dawn at Kusugawa
River. He crossed immediately to the area of Miya no Uragawa and
routed the Nejime forces there. The [enemy] forces at Anbô, Imô and
other places heard this, assembled at Nagata Castle and prepared
their defence there. Tokinori sent a priest as messenger to entice
them: ‘If you fight someone who is superior in number, you have no
chance. Why do you not open up the castle, and return home [to
Nejime] alive? If you do, a boat will be at your disposal and you can
return to Nejime safely.’ The [Nejime] forces understood that they
were inferior and could not win the fight, and in the end they
assented. Accordingly, Tokinori ordered that a big ship be prepared,
but in secret he had a hole bored at the bottom of the ship which was
plugged. Then the [Nejime] soldiers were brought on board. The
boat sailed out in a northeastern wind, but after only 4–5 ri, because
the wind had become inconvenient, it turned back and came to
Tsunose (Yotsunose), a steep and narrow place between Yoshida and
Nagata. The stopper that clogged the hole was released, and the
sailors came ashore. The ship sank and a great number of soldiers
drowned. When those among them who could swim came up on
land, [our] forces were ready and massacred them. In this manner
Yakushima Island was returned [to Tanegashima].
In the spring of this year (1544) a southern barbarian ship came
to the bay of Kumano. Among the (guests) people on board was an
iron smith. Shigetoki and Tokitaka considered him a godsend. They
had Kinbee Kiyosada learn how to make the teppô from him. And in
one year some ten(s of) new teppô were manufactured. It spread in the
world. Did the ‘Japan teppô’ (nippon-teppô) originate in this way?

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TRANSLATIONS OF THE TANEGASHIMA KAFU

On the 14th day of the 4th month (1544) a ship for China
(totôsen) (its name was Nigôsen) weighed anchor and left.8
On the 14th day of the 6th month of the 14th year of Tenbun,
the Kinoto-mi (‘snake’) year, 1545, Nigôsen returned to our land
[from China].
In this year (1548) Shigetoki went to the capital (miyako). He
returned in the 12th month.
In the 9th year of Eiroku, the Hinoe-tora (‘tiger’) year 1566,
Shigetoki went to Nejime and stayed at the home of Hitachi no suke
(Shigetoki’s uncle). Tokitaka was not happy, and he had a boat sent
for him and went to meet it. On the 5th day of the 3rd month, when
they were about to arrive home, they met with a storm and drifted
to Uchi no ura. On the sea a number of pirate ships threatened and
attacked Shigetoki’s boat. Shinogawa Saemonbyôe fell in the battle.9
There was much fighting on the boat, but in the end they escaped
and returned to the island. Hereafter Shigetoki retired at Annômura
Village.
On the 4th day of the 3rd month of the 10th year of Eiroku, the
Hinoto U (‘hare’) year (1567), Kaga no Kami Shigetoki died at the
age of 65.

TRANSLATION OF THE TANEGASHIMA KAFU,

CHAPTER 3, TOKITAKA [PARTIAL]
Child’s name: Inukusumaru, childhood name: Naotoki; [titles:] Sahyôe
no jô, Danjô no chû, Jûgoi no ge and Sakon no shôgen;10 as a Buddhist
layman (nyûdô) his name was Kachô.
Tokitaka was born on the 10th day of the 2nd month of the 1st
year of Kyôroku, the Tsuchinoe Ne (‘rat’) year, 1528. His mother was
the daughter of Shimazu Satsuma no kami Tadaoki.11
In the 12th year of the Tenbun era, the Mizunoto U (‘hare’) year,
1543, Izumo no kami Tokinori and Kawachi no kami Tokiyuki rose
in rebellion, and secretly invited Nejime Shigenaga. Shigenaga came
with soldiers and in the night of the 22nd day of the 3rd month they
arrived at Urata on our island. On the 23rd day they marched from
there, and via Ômine and Hazenomine12 came up to the entrance of

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the New Castle (shinjô).13 At the time Hidaka Oki no kami and his
younger brother (a deaf-mute who was good at arrow-shooting) came
out with two followers and fought (Oki no kami’s house is located
at the bottom of that hill). They killed some ten enemies and all four
died fighting. The enemy forces advanced and surrounded the Inner
Castle (uchijô) and immediately began the attack on the castle. The
situation became serious quite suddenly, and the people outside the
castle did not know what happened. In the castle were only the lord’s
retainers, Kunikami Hitachi no suke Tokitake; his son Kazusa
Tokimitsu; his younger brother Kurô, Tsumagari Mikawa no kami;
Kamisato (real family name Mononobe) Bizen no kami; Sakai (real
family name Hidaka) Sakyô no Shin; Sameshima Tosho no suke
Yoshimasa; Uchida Uemonnohyôe; Nishimura Iki no kami
Tokihiro, his son Oribenojô Tokitsura; Noma Hôki no kami Ietsugu;
Hidaka Kai no kami; Aritome Iga no kami and others; in addition
some fifty soldiers. Naotoki (aged 16) said, ‘One should just fight
desperately, meet one’s fate and earn a glorious name for posterity!’
He took command of the soldiers and led the defence. Everyone
fought in a frenzied way and 47 enemies were killed. Those who died
on our side were Kunigami Kurô, Sameshima Tosho, Hidaka Kai,
Aritome Iga, Nagano Heizaemon and some ten others. Among them
Sameshima fought most valiantly and cut down several enemies. He
penetrated deeply in among the enemies and died in battle. Nagano
fought with Nejime Tatsuyoshi and died. The enemy took advantage
of its successes and was already tumultuously entering the Inner
Castle. In this situation, on everyone’s advice, Naotoki (Uchida-shi
carried the wounded Naotoki on his back from the Inner Castle)
came to Myôkuji Temple (to the north of the Inner Castle). Naotoki
called on the abbot of Hongenji Temple14 to be his messenger to
Shigenaga. When the abbot was late in coming, they called on Jukô,
a traveller (ryokaku) from Sakai in Izumi Province (an artist), to go
to Shigenaga and tell him, ‘Naotoki’s forces are weak and exhausted;
he awaits death at Myôkuji Temple. He asks only that you send
people and imprison him’. Shigenaga answered, ‘I bear no grudge
against Naotoki. Why should he die? I heard that Shigetoki did not

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TRANSLATIONS OF THE TANEGASHIMA KAFU

follow the Way of righeousness (mudô) and made the people suffer.
Therefore I wished to come and punish him for his crimes. I only
want to have Shigetoki chastised. Methinks that we are of the same
ancestors and that we were brothers in earlier lives. Why must we
then be in conflict? Henceforth the father may live separately from
his son or if the slanderers are removed, my wish is that they live
together and that Naotoki takes care of his father’. Thus, they had
Shigenaga allow that [Shigetoki] live in the house of Hirayama
Bichû no kami Tomoshige (the karô elder at the time) while Naotoki
moved to the house of Hirayama Mikawa no kami, Tomotsugu
(Tomotsugu was Tomotôru’s son). Shigenaga said: ‘I did not think
that we would fight and that some tens of my valiant soldiers were
to die. What I ask is that one district of Yakushima Island is severed
and that I receive it. If so, I can return to my home and I can
compensate the relatives of those who have died.’ Tokihiro, Ietsugu,
Tsumagari, Kamisato, Uchida, Noma and others conferred and
artfully said: ‘If Naotoki is pardoned and allowed to live, why should
we begrudge Yakushima Island? Let us hand over the whole island!’
(This was with a plan for restoration. If one district was given, the
enemy would be in one place, and the advantage would in truth be
on his side; if the enemy were divided in three districts, it would be
a disadvantage for him and the advantage would be on our side.)
Shigenaga said: ‘I asked for one district and get the whole island, this
was what I wanted from the beginning. I just want to get a written
oath from Naotoki’. At the time Kamisato (yûhitsu, scribe) set up a
written oath, and falsified Naotoki’s seal and handed it over to
Shigenaga.15 (The fraud was not made known to Naotoki; Kamisato
handed over the document). Shigenaga bowed joyfully twice, and
sent 150 men, on horse and on foot, to take over and defend
Yakushima. In the 4th month Shigenaga returned to his home town.
(The story about the return [of Yakushima] in the following year is
found in the chronicle about Shigetoki).
On the 25th day of the 8th month of Tenbun 12 (1543) the
southern barbarians brought the teppô. When Tokitaka saw the way
it was used, he marvelled and wished to learn to use it. [Asking

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about it,] he did not understand the words. Fortunately there was a
Confucian scholar from Ming China (min-jusha) who explained things
using Chinese characters. Tokitaka was very happy when things
were described in this manner. He learned to use it skillfully and
soon managed 100 hits out of 100 shots (hyakuhatsu-hyakuchû). Also
many of his retainers learned to use it. In the meantime Sasakawa
Koshirô learned how to make gunpowder. Its use in the world
cannot be overestimated.
That the southern barbarians had brought the method of pre-
paring the marvellous gunpowder (myôyaku), unparelleled in quality,
for the teppô reached the ears of the emperor (that is, the shogun),
and Lord Konoe Taneie brought an official letter of commendation
to Tokitaka (1549).16
Tokitaka loved the military arts. He learned the arts of the sword,
the spear and the lance with Minamoto Nobusada as his teacher. He
received a diploma in the 20th year of Tenbun, the Kanoto I (‘ pig’)
year, 1551.
On the 17th day of the 2nd month in the 4th year of Kôji era, the
Tsuchinoe uma (‘horse’) year, 1558, Tokitaka was accorded the title
of Sakon no shôgen.
In the 3rd year of the Eiroku era, the Kanoe Saru (‘monkey’)
year, 1560, Tokitaka, having some plan in mind, handed over the
house to his son Tokitsugi, who was five years old.
In this year (1560) Tokitaka went to the capital (miyako).
On the 28th day of the 8th month (1560) Nejime Shigenaga sent
Nejime Tatsuyoshi as his messenger. Nagano Gotôzaemon Hideaki
killed him and [thereupon] committed suicide. [Nagano] Tairazaemon
Saneaki had been killed by Tatsuyoshi during Shigenaga’s invasion
in the Tenbun era. Hideaki was then only seven years old. Growing
older, he nursed a hatred toward [Nejime Tatsuyoshi] and therefore
he took this revenge.
In the summer of the 4th year of the Eiroku era, the Kanoto Tori
(‘cock’) year (1561), Lord Taishu fought against Kimotsuki17 at
Meguri.18 At the time Hidaka Izumi and Nishimura Echizen defended
Shibushi and earned merit.

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TRANSLATIONS OF THE TANEGASHIMA KAFU

Tokitaka’s daughter was married to Lord Taishu Yoshihisa. (The

year is uncertain. Was it perhaps in the 5th year of the era [1562]?)
On the 21st day of the 1st month she departed from this (land)
island, [escorted by] Nishimura Iki no kami Tokiyo, Furuichi Toneri,
Kajiwara Mondo (Tokiyo returned to our island, Toneri and Mondo
settled in Kokubu and became the lord’s samurai), Ichinodai
Kunigami’s daughter (she was favoured by Lord Taishu and received
1,000 koku of land, adopted Ise Nagato no kami’s second son and
made him her heir. His name was Mondo no suke Tokimori), and
Tsubone-yaku, Kawahigashi’s daughter (she was favoured by Lord
Taishu and received 300 koku of new land. She adopted Furuichi
Nagato no kami’s second son and made him her heir. His name was
Tosa no kami Tokihiro). There were also some ten female servants
who escorted her.
On the 1st day of the 10th month of the Eiroku era, the Mizunoe
Inu (‘dog’) year, 1562, Tokitsugi died. Tokitaka again (listened to)
took care of the state affairs.
In the 6th year of the Eiroku era, the Mizunoto I (‘pig’) year,
1563, Tokitaka rebuilt the Hongenji Temple on top of the hill. Earlier
Tokitaka had contemplated to build a house there, wishing to live
there, but because Tokitsugi died, [he changed his mind and] it
came to this. (Earlier the Hongenji had been located at the foot of
the hill).
In the 9th year of Eiroku, the Hinoe-tora (‘tiger’) year, 1560,
Shigetoki stayed in Nejime for several months. Tokitaka sent a boat
and went to meet him. En route they met with difficulties. The
matter is described in more detail in the chronicle about Shigetoki.
Nejime Shigenaga sent troops to Takeshima19 and attacked Issô
on Yakushima. Further, he set fire to (Kuchino)erabu Island.20 At
the time, Hirase Iwami was on (Kuchino)erabu Island and defended
it. In the end he was taken prisoner and was in Nejime for years.
Later, he entered a dugout boat (marukibune) and returned alone
from Hetsuka in Sata [to Tanegashima].21
Tokitaka departed from Kagoshima to return to Tanegashima.
On his way he arrived at Ôdomari Bay (in the Nejime domain). He

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had Nishimura Suô no kami Tokikuro (or Tokiharu) and Kôzuma

Awa no kami Ietsugu go ashore and set fire to people’s houses (more
than 100 houses were burned down in Hamamura). A samurai guards-
man (shoshi) came upon them with a raised lance and attacked
Ietsugu. Ietsugu fought furiously, brandishing his lance, and stabbed
him to death. Tokikuro rushed forth and cut off his head. There was
no one else defending the place. Tokitaka was happy, and returning
to his island, he commended Tokikuro and Ietsugu for their bravery
and rewarded them. After that Lord Taishu ordered [Nejime] Shigenaga
to make peace with Tokitaka.
[Nejime] Shigenaga had Nejime Etsuzan go and talk to Tokitaka.
He stated [representing Shigenaga]: ‘I and you are descendants of
families that lived brotherly in former generations and were good
neighbours. If from now on we live together in peace and in our
hearts are at one with Itô [Yoshisuke, lord of Hyûga, d. 1584] (San’i
Nyûdô),22 our houses will as a result last long, but if we join with
Sôshû (Lord Nisshin [Shimazu Sasuga no kami Tadayoshi, 1492–
1568]),23 harm will be inflicted on our sons and grandsons for ever.
Consider this carefully!’ Tokitaka laughed and said, ‘If we preserve
loyalty and filial piety, our sons and grandsons will flourish as a
result. How stupid Shigenaga’s words are! Etsuzan, go and do not
come again! If you come again, your life will be in jeopardy!’ Etsuzan
returned, trembling with fear. (Messengers came several times; there-
fore it is recorded here.)
In the 11th year of Eiroku, the Tsuchinoe-Tatsu (‘dragon’) year,
1568, Tokitaka, worrying about not having an heir, sent Tokikuro as
his messenger to ask that Taishu Ôtomo Yoshishige’s illegitimate son
(his name was Hayashi-dono) become his adopted son. At the time,
the daughter of Kuroki Michizumi (a retainer), who was Tokitaka’s
mistress and curried his favour, was pregnant. Tokikuro thought, ‘If
now, upon coming to an agreement with Tokikuro, a son is born,
nothing can be done about it even though one regrets it. We had
better wait and see whether it will be a boy or a girl’, and he refused
several times [to undertake the mission]. Tokitaka did not listen to
him, and unable to to avoid it, Tokikuro arrived in Bungo in the

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TRANSLATIONS OF THE TANEGASHIMA KAFU

early 10th month. Yoshishige had heard about it from other quarters,
and asked happily about it. Tokikuro said, ‘It is not about that
matter. When Tokitaka has spare time, he loves to hunt with hawks.
Now, however, hawks are rare [on Tanegashima] but Tokitaka heard
recently that you have many of them in your province. Therefore I
have come to ask for them.’ On purpose he did not to mention the
truth [his real mission]. Tokikuro thought, ‘If a daughter is born, I
will go a second time, pay the expenses myself and accomplish
Tokitaka’s great desire’. He did not say anything about the adoption.
On the 28th day of the 10th month a boy was born (the mother
being of the Kuroki family).24 The lord and his ministers were
overjoyed. Nothing could be done, however, about the Bungo affair,
and they could only patiently wait for Tokikuro’s return.
In the 11th month Tokikuro returned. He arrived in late at night
at Amadomari harbour and when he heard that an heir had been
born, he was very happy. He went to see Tokitaka who was told about
what had happened at Bungo. Both lord and ministers yelled hurray
and Tokikuro was commended and given [the title of] Suô [no
kami] and awarded the position of steward (jitô) of Kukinagamura.
In the era of Genki (1570–72) Itô, Kimotsuki, Nejime and Ijichi
rose in revolt against Lord Taishu [Shimazu Yoshihisa]25 and were
repeatedly victorious. Because of the pirate activities of these four
houses some 40 vessels, which trafficked between Tanegashima and
Kagoshima, were pillaged (Tokitaka’s private boats and merchant
ships). When Mononobe Magozaemon sailed across the Nejime Sea,
Nejime Magojirô assembled some ten(s of) warships and attempted
an attack on Mononobe’s ship. Mononobe escaped by hurriedly
shooting arrows and firing teppô. Because Magojirô was at first hit
by a teppô shot, disorder erupted on board. Mononobe’s followers
took advantage of their strength and increased the teppô fire. Many
were killed and injured. The enemy boats could not resist at all and
were defeated. Kukinaga (Mononobe) luckily evaded the danger of
the tiger’s mouth and reached Kagoshima, where he met Lord Taishu
[Shimazu] Yoshihisa. He was called into the lord’s presence and was
commended.

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Further, when Nishimura Echizen Tokiyasu and Furuichi Tanba

were on their way to Kagoshima, they avoided the open sea and
sailed into a side bay. At the time, Ijichi’s pirates came on three ships.
Tokiyasu was not aware that they were enemy crafts. They came up
suddenly and the pirates tried climbing on board in great numbers.
Tokiyasu and Tanba thwarted the enemy with bow and lance, and in
heavy fighting killed fourteen enemies. However, the enemy was
superior in number, and in the end they came rushing on board
Tokiyasu’s ship. Tokiyasu and Tanba were severely injured, and all
followers suffered injuries also. Captain Wake Yozaemon died fighting.
Tokiyasu and Tanba and the followers all jumped into the sea, and
luckily avoided death. Tokiyasu suffered much from his wounds, but
recovered slowly over a month. At this time there was a child on
board, Tsumagari Jinbee, who was taken prisoner and was kept in
South Ôsumi (Shimo-ôsumi) for years before being returned to our
island.
Tokitaka ordered Higo no kami Tokinori and Kôzuma Ietsugu
to repair Nagata Castle on Yakushima.
In the 2nd year of Tenshô , the Kinoe Inu (‘dog’) year, 1574, Lord
Taishu [Shimazu Yoshihisa] fought Kimotsuki at Ushine Castle. At
the time, Tokitaka’s younger brother Danjô Tokishiki came to that
place with his soldiers and excelled in military loyalty.26 Lord
Yoshihisa was impressed and commended him, bestowing him the
title Musashi no kami and giving him a set of armour. Furthermore,
Ishidô Rokubee showed valour and was bestowed the honorary name
of Kira and given a sword.
In the 11th month of the 6th year of Tenshô, the Tsuchinoe Tora
(‘tiger’) year (1578), Ôtomo Sôrin of Bungo attacked Takajô Castle
in Nisshû (Hyûga Province) with several tens of thousands of troops.
Lord Yoshihisa’s soldiers defeated him. At this time, Iwakawa Iki no
kami Morimasa, Endô Yozaemon no suke and Furuichi Sanuki no
kami came with troops and showed valour. At this time, Morimasa
cut down Ôtomo’s samurai, Saitô Shinshirô, excelling in valour.27
In the 7th year of Tenshô, the Tsuchinoto U (‘hare’) year (1579),
Lord Yoshihisa sent Kamada Owari no kami Masatoshi, Nyûdô

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TRANSLATIONS OF THE TANEGASHIMA KAFU

Kansei, and had him support Higo no jô Etchû no kami Chikamasa.

At the time Nishimura Echizen no kami Tokiyasu and Noma Chikuzen
no kami Ietoshi came with troops and following Masatoshi they
earned military merit again and again.
On the 20th day of the 3rd month [in the 7th year, 1579] Ôtomo
Yoshishige (Sôrin), together with a missive, bestowed a tachi sword
and a katana sword upon Tokitaka.
On the 2nd day of the 10th month of the 7th year of Tenshô
(1579), the Tsuchinoto U (‘hare’) year (1579), Tokitaka died. He was
52 years of age. His Buddhist name was Hôshô’in-dono Nisshô
Daikoji.

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CHAPTER FOUR

The Tanegashima Family and the

Tanegashima kafu

W
hen the first Portuguese met the young lord of Tane-
gashima, Tokitaka (or Naotoki), they had, as true
barbarians, no idea of the long and entangled historical
tradition that met them. The island had since early
Kamakura times been connected with the lordship of one family of
Taira origin and the question is whether it was the island or the family
that received the name Tanegashima first. The first Tanegashima
lord, Nobumoto, was, after the debacle of the Tairas, enfeoffed with
the ‘twelve islands in the southern sea’ (nankai jûnitô), the largest
among them being the island of Tanegashima.1 According to tradition,
Nobumoto was the great-grandson of Taira no Kiyomori (1118–81)
and the son of Taira no Yukimori (no dates).2 Further, according to
the same tradition, he was spared from Minamoto Yoritomo’s rage
and adopted by Hôjô Tokimasa (1138–1215) whose daughter,
Masako (1157–1225), was Minamoto no Yoritomo’s wife. Tokitaka
was the 14th generation in the genealogy beginning with
Nobumoto. The rule of the family was to continue down to the 25th
generation, Hisanao (1854–82), who in the 2nd year of Meiji (1869)
‘restored’ the Tanegashima fief to the government in Edo, now
Tokyo. In the Tanegashima kafu the chronicle continues until 1891
with the 27th generation, Moritoki (1879–1929). The 28th generation
of the family, Tokimochi (1907–54) lived on the island and the 29th
generation of the family, Tanegashima Tokikuni (b. 1949) today lives
in Kagoshima.3
From early times Tanegashima was close to Satsuma province
on the mainland. A formal alliance in Muromachi times existed

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Figure 5: The 14th-generation Tanegashima lord, Tanegashima Tokitaka (1528–79),

and his 29th-generation descendant, Tanegashima Tokikuni (b. 1949). Sculpture
by Nakamura Shinya (b. 1926). Photograph: the author

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from 1366 at least under the seventh generation, Lord Yoritoki (?–
1366), and during the Tokugawa era the island was a sub-fief under
Satsuma. Administration took place on two levels. The higher
officials came from Kagoshima, while lower local administration
was in the hands of the Tanegashima family. Occasional inspections
emanating from Edo also took place in Tokugawa times.4 Marriages
regularly helped to seal the close relationship between Satsuma and
Tanegashima. Shigetoki was the first Tanegashima lord to marry a
Shimazu woman, the daughter of Shimazu Tadaoki, and she was the
mother of Tokitaka. Tokitaka’s daughter was thereupon married to
Shimazu Yoshihisa in 1562,5 and it is carefully described how she
was escorted by a number of ladies-in-waiting and others to
Kagoshima. Intermarriage between the two families continued over
later generations and generated a blood kinship between them.6 The
Taira line from Nobumoto was broken with the 23rd generation,
Hisamichi (1793–1829), who ruled between 1817 and 1829. The
following lords beginning with Hisamitsu (1822–1854, ruled from
1829), came from the Shimazu house, thus ending a 600-year-long
tradition. The difference was, however, not so great. Over the
centuries, the Tanegashima Taira house and the Shimazu Minamoto
house had become so intertwined through marriage that the blood
must have been the same and the houses identical.
The Tanegashima kafu is the chronicle of the Tanegashima
family and covers the history of the island from the time when Taira
no Nobumoto arrived in the 12th century until the 27th generation
in Meiji times. It was written in kanbun and in several stages. The
first version was written by Kôzuma Takanao who was ordered in
1673 to undertake the project by the 18th-generation Tanegashima,
Hisatoki (1639–1710),7 and was called Tanegashima-fu. It was
extended a century later under the name of Tanegashima seitô keizu
and again one last time in the 19th century when it received the final
name Tanegashima kafu. In its totality it comprises 89 chapters from
the first lord Nobumoto to the 27th lord Moritoki (1890–91). It is
thus a long chronicle, which in a modern Japanese hand-written
edition comprises 1,341 pages. Even though focused on the affairs of

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THE TANEGASHIMA FAMILY AND THE TANEGASHIMA KAFU

Tanegashima’s lords, the chronicle tells much about economic matters,

religion, warfare and social events. It is a gold mine for researchers
who want to delve into Japanese history in a limited outer area.
Although the first chapters of the Tanegashima kafu were com-
piled as late as in the 1670s, it must be surmised that there was some
house chronicle from early times to which Kôzuma referred when
he began the work. The chronicle devotes only one page to the first
lord, Nobumoto,8 with no dates given for his birth or death. It is also
fragmentary with regard to the second, third, fourth and fifth lords,
again with no dates given. It is still rather lapidary with regard to the
sixth, seventh, eighth, ninth and tenth lords. Dates are given for the
death of the sixth lord, Tokimitsu (1397), and the seventh, Yorimochi
(1366), and there are both birth and death dates for the eighth lord,
Kiyotoki (1362–1427). It is only with the 11th lord , Tokiuji (1447–
1504), that we find a somewhat longer – and more reliable – account.
Moreover, all the first eleven lords are presented in one chapter only.
A fire in the 1520s might be the reason for the paucity of records of
early times. The second chapter introduces two lords – the 12th and
13th – and it is with the 13th lord, Shigetoki, that our interest in the
Tanegashima chronicle is aroused. The following chapter, number
three, also deals with two lords, basically with the 14th, Tokitaka,
but also with his son Tokitsugu whose rule was brief (1560–1562).
Subsequent chapters concentrate on one lord only with some lords
having more than one chapter devoted to them. For example, no less
than sixteen chapters – covering the years 1815 to 1831 – are devoted to
the 23rd lord, Lord Hisamichi. The chronicle thus tends to be longer
and more detailed in Tokugawa times, while it remains succinct in
pre-Tokugawa times.
The second work that is of interest for the present project, the
Teppôki, was written before the first chapters of the Tanegashima
kafu. It is dated 1606, and was therefore recorded some sixty years
earlier. It is interesting that much language runs parallel in the two
works, and it can therefore be imagined that Kôzuma had the
Teppôki at hand when he wrote the first version of the Tanegashima
kafu. It is equally possible that he had the original house chronicle

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at his disposal and that Nanpo and Kôzuma had the same starting
point in the family archive of the Tanegashima family. Kôzuma must,
have had the Teppôki at hand as it most certainly formed part of the
family archive and it is natural that he copied it at times. However,
so much is different in the two works that it must be a foregone con-
clusion that Kôzuma used family sources of a much wider scope than
only the Teppôki. On the other hand, Nanpo must also have had
other sources, since he relates events and facts that do not appear in
the Tanegashima kafu. Nanpo seems also to have literary style in
mind as he elaborated on certain events in terse and at times difficult
Chinese. The Tanegashima kafu is in comparison short and factual.
One example is the meeting between Nishimura Oribenojô and the
Chinese Gohô, which is quickly disposed of in the Tanegashima kafu
while their conversation is given in an interesting fashion in the
Teppôki.
It is also the Tanegashima kafu that gives a complete picture of
the rather complicated political situation on the island at the time of
the arrival of the Portuguese. The Teppôki mentions Shigetoki and
Tokitaka, father and son, together when it is reported to Akôgi that
the junk has arrived, but afterwards it is only the son, Tokitaka, who
is mentioned. In the Tanegashima kafu, however, it is the father that
directs the junk to Akôgi. As such, one does not get a clear picture of
who the true lord was at the time – the 40-year-old father or the 15-
year-old son. All logic would mean that it was the father who ruled
the island and that the son was an obedient young lad by his side.
However, as already noted, the Teppôki only mentions the father
once and then gives the impression that the son was the lord of the
island.
The Tanegashima kafu clarifies the situation. It narrates how
Shigetoki had made himself unpopular with his high-handed rule
over the island, and how it had come to a revolt by the end of the
second month of 1543, in which forces from Nejime on the main-
land had participated, led by Nejime Shigenaga. Shigetoki preferred
fleeing to Yakushima, handing over the defence of the castle to his
15-year-old son. When the castle was overrun, the young Tokitaka –

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still known by his childhood name, Naotoki – was brought to a

nearby monastery and a messenge sent to Nejime Shigenaga saying
that Naotoki was ready to die and that Nejime Shigenaga should come
and imprison him. Nejime Shigenaga chose, however, to pardon the
son, since it was after all the father he pursued; the son was allowed
to assume the lordship and even take care of his father, Shigetoki.
The Tanegashima kafu later mentions laconically that Shigetoki re-
turned from Yakushima to Tanegashima in the fourth month.
The Nejime invasion has some moot points however. It seems
that Shigetoki’s younger brother, Tokinori, played a prominant role
and possibly was the instigator of the invasion. Apparently in an act
of revolt he turned to Nejime Shigenaga and asked for Nejime forces
to invade Tanegashima and unseat Shigetoki because of his misrule
of the island. The Tanegashima kafu makes it unquestionable that
there were many who were dissatisfied with Shigetoki’s overbearing
manners and disregard of remonstrations. Tokinori was made use of
in this situation and became unpopular with his elder brother, the
lord, and it ended with his turning to Nejime and asking for support
to overthrow Shigetoki. In this he initially succeeded but ultimately
had to commit suicide, paying with his life for his role in the revolt.
One source has it that the young son, Naotoki, was also involved in
the revolt, having fled to Nejime the year before asking for help. 9
This is however rather improbable. He was only fifteen and could
not possibly have been the instigator. Since he was also allowed to
assume the lordship, he could not have been involved. The fact that
he was also ready to die when the Nejime forces overran the castle at
Akôgi also shows that he could not have been implicated in the
revolt. All the details of this war will never be clear, but the
Tanegashima kafu ought to be believed when it states that it was
Tokinori who rose in revolt, without mentioning any participation
of Tokitaka.
It should be remembered that Nejime Shigenaga was a vigorous
lord who apparently, in a typically sengoku manner, was intent on
building up a strong domain and a power base for himself on the
Ôsumi peninsula. It might have been his plan from the beginning to

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take Yakushima in order to control the sea traffic in the Ôsumi

Channel. In this case he might have been the initiator of the war
with Tanegashima which also ended with his receiving the island.
The Tanegashima kafu shows that the hostilities between Nejime and
Satsuma, naturally involving Tanegashima, continued into the 1570s
both on land and on sea. For example, a coalition was formed in
1570 between Hyûga, Kimotsuki, Ijichi and Nejime against Satsuma,
and an emissary tried earlier, in 1566, to convince Tokitaka to join
in the coalition.10 The central person in all these political maneuvers
seems to have been Nejime Shigenaga. The guess is therefore that the
real reason for Nejime’s invasion in 1543 was not Shigetoki’s mis-
management of Tanegashima, but Nejime Shigenaga’s schemes for
territorial expansion and the establishment of a strong Nejime domain
on the Ôsumi peninsula.11
Incidentally, it should be mentioned that this is the first and only
time we hear of an invasion of and external intervention in the
political affairs of Tanegashima. Further, the chronicle never mentions
any great disturbances within the island or between the islands.
Piracy on the sea and occasional coastal ravages are noted but never
internal warfare. When Tanegashima samurai and soldiers were
involved in warfare, this was usually siding with Satsuma on Kyushu.
This happened regularly. Later a contingent participated in Hideyoshi’s
Korean war (1592–98) and lastly a contingent partook in the Shima-
bara Incident (1637–38).
This development meant that, when the Portuguese came, the
son, no longer named Naotoki but Tokitaka, was in name ruling the
island, but with his father at his side. Nothing is said explicitly about
any transfer of power and it seems for some time to have been a
symbiotic rule of the island. Tokitaka was the nominal ruler of the
island, while his father stayed in the background but was always
there until his death in 1567. It is only natural that it was the father
who made the decisions in his son’s name.
It is not mentioned when Tokitaka’s name was formally changed
from the childhood Naotoki to the lordly name of Tokitaka, under
which he is mentioned in the chronicle. When the Shigetoki and

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Tokitaka chronicles are compared, it is evident that the invasion in

the 3rd month is where the line between the two names has to be
drawn. When Shigetoki ran away and had his son take over the fight
with the Nejime forces, he also handed over the island to his son.
Even though he came back one month later, he was no longer the
real ruler, only the father who acted together with his son. Also the
Shigetoki chronicle no longer refers to the son with his boyhood
name Naotoki but but with the lordly name Tokitaka.
Pinto’s Peregrinaçam might be of interest and some help at this
point. It states that the lord who meets the Portuguese and invites
them to his palace is named Naotaquim (also Naotoquim) which is
rather close to Naotoki. In all probability it was the name Naotoki
that Pinto heard and Naotaquim (Naotoquim) is a natural word
corruption. This is an indication that Tokitaka was still referred to
as Naotoki at the time of the arrival of the Portuguese in September,
1543. But why is the father never referred to, not even when they
visit the palace? And why is it not mentioned that the lord was a
young boy of only 15 years of age? At the time of Pinto’s second
alleged visit to Japan, in 1546, the ship arrives at Tanegashima, and
Naotaquim is said to have come on board the ship. There is again no
mention of the father; likewise, the age of the lord, now 18, is not
referred to. Now, as will be discussed in Chapter 6 below, Pinto was
most certainly not on the first junk that arrived at Tanegashima, but
was possibly on Jorge Alvares’ carrack (náo) that came in 1546.12 If
he had been on the first junk, he would have said something about
both the age of the young lord and about the father. As he most
certainly built his narrative on secondhand information, it is natural
that he overlooked facts which would have entered the story naturally
had he been there in person.
In the Tanegashima kafu it is apparent again and again that the
father Shigetoki and the son Tokitaka acted in unison. For example,
they are mentioned together when it is decided that the teppô should
immediately be copied and manufactured on the island. And they
are mentioned together when the invasion and recovery of Yakushima
was planned and executed in January 1544. In the Teppôki, how-

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ever, the father is only mentioned once together with the son, that
is, when it is reported that the junk and the Portuguese have arrived.
Afterwards, it is only the son, Tokitaka, who is at the centre, while
the father is left out.
Historically it is of interest that the arrival of the junk with the
Portuguese on board in September 1543 is registered under the
chapters for both Shigetoki and Tokitaka. This was apparently an
event of such magnitude that it found a place in both chronicles. It
is also of interest that in the Shigetoki chronicle the father takes more
part in the decisions and that most of the events are related there
while less is said in the Tokitaka chronicle. This was therefore the in-
between period when the father was still powerful. In the Shigetoki
chronicle the arrival is in fact only reported to Shigetoki and Tokitaka
is not mentioned, and it is Shigetoki who orders that the junk be
hauled to Akôgi. Later in the same entry, however, it is only Tokitaka
who takes an interest in the musket, acquires two of them, and orders
a smith to begin copying and producing it on Tanegashima.
It should be noticed that Tokitaka decided to abdicate his title at
32 years of age. For some reason that is not related in the chronicle,
he handed over the lordship to his five-year-old son, Tokitsugi, in
1560. Could it have been because he intended to go to Kyoto in the
same year and wished to secure the succession within the family in
case something happened during his journey to and from Kyoto?
This was a time when Satsuma and Nejime were in intermittent war,
and Nejime Shigenaga had certainly not forgotten how he had been
deceived and lost Yakushima! Although Tokitsugi died already in
1562, he is still counted as the 15th Tanegashima lord. It goes with-
out saying that it was the father (and grandfather) who ruled the
island during Tokitsugu’s two-year lordship. In the same manner,
when Nejime Shigenaga invaded the island and Shigetoki handed
over the island to Tokitaka, this may have been a desperate attempt
to keep the island in the family’s hands, a strategy that turned out to
be successful.
The Tanegashima kafu does not say that the teppô was used when
Yakushima Island was reconquered in January 1544. The recapture

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is only recounted in Shigetoki’s chapter while referred to only in a

parenthesis in that for Tokitaka. This could mean that it was
Shigetoki who was instrumental when it was decided that the island
should be reconquered, and not his 15-year-old son who was bound
by an oath that he did not know had been falsified. A teppô or two
could have been used, for example, the ones received from the Portu-
guese, without being mentioned in the chronicles. The Shigetoki
chronicle has to be believed, however, when it says that the first
teppô made on the island were not perfect and that it was only after
the Portuguese smith came later in 1544 that Yaita and his associate
smiths learned the closing technique and some ten(s of) teppô were
produced. This is probably a realistic and true description of the
development. Pinto’s statement that 600 muskets had been fabricated
when they left five and a half months after their arrival must be
considered one of the many fictions of his narrative. But it is an
indication and evidence that the teppô production soon began. The
Teppôki runs parallel with the Tanegashima kafu, perhaps no co-
incidence, when it states that several tens of teppô were made in a
little more than a year after they had learned the technique from the
Portuguese smith. It was, then, later in 1544 – after the reconquest
of Yakushima Island – that the first tanegashima teppô was produced,
and it was afterwards, perhaps in the same year, that the first ten(s)
of them were fabricated. This was impressive enough and testifies to
the Japanese ability to absorb novelties! It should be noted that the
Tanegashima kafu adds a question mark when it wonders whether
this was the beginning of the ‘Japanese musket’ (Nippon teppô). No
question mark is found in the Teppôki, nor in the later Yaita-shi
Kiyosada ichi-ryû no keizu.
Without gunpowder, – and its correct composition – the musket
is a ‘useless scrap of metal’, as Tokitaka concludes. This was quickly
understood by Lord Tokitaka, who, according to Pinto, begged
Zeimoto to teach him how to make the powder at the time that he
received the musket.13 Sasakawa Koshirô, a retainer of the Tanegashima
family, was ordered to learn from the Portuguese how the gun-
powder should be mixed. This man is briefly mentioned in the

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Tanegashima kafu, where it is added that the importance of gun-

powder in the world cannot be overestimated. This is mentioned in
the same entry where the arrival of the Portuguese is recorded, and
it could therefore have taken place soon after the muskets were
received. This is logical: without gunpowder the muskets received
from the Portuguese were indeed ‘a useless scrap of metal’. It can be
imagined that he began his commission as regards gunpowder
before Yaita Kinbee Kiyosada began his work on the first teppô. His
project might also have been easier than that of the latter, should the
first Portuguese have known how to mix the ingredients of the
gunpowder – charcoal, sulphur and saltpetre.
An interesting entry follows afterwards in the Tanegashima kafu.
Under the year of 1549 it is noted that an official missive was
received from the emperor, that is, from the shogun in Kyoto, by the
agency of the former kanpaku, Konoe Taneie,14 in which it is said
that the emperor (the shogun) has heard about the acquisition of
the method of producing an unmatched miraculous gunpowder.
The missive reads in part, ‘you have learned directly from the southern
barbarians the way to mix the unparalleled powder for the teppô.
This has reached the ears of the emperor (the shogun) in a buke
secret communication. These are marvellous tidings and you are to
be congratulated. … This should not be divulged to others. There
will be a communication from Shimazu Shisaku (Takahisa, 1514–
71). This is it. The 5th day of the 3rd month. Taneie (seal). To Lord
Tanegashima Danjô no chû (Tokitaka)’.
There is no year mentioned in the imperial/shogunal missive
but if the Tanegashima kafu is to be believed, it was received in 1549,
which is plausible. However, T. Hora15 believes that since Shimazu
Takahisa, the 15th Shimazu lord, did not receive the title of Shisaku
until 1552, it could not have been sent before 1552. This missive
shows that Tokitaka was the nominal lord of the island by 1549 (or
1552), and probably had been so since 1543. It also shows the close
connection between Satsuma and Tanegashima. In all probability,
all communications between Kyoto and Tanegashima were sent via
the Satsuma lords.

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It is actually not until in the Genki era (1570–72) that the

Tanegashima kafu mentions that the teppô was used in warfare. It is
recorded that four families, the Nejime among them, engaged in
piracy against the regular traffic between Tanegashima and Kagoshima,
and that some 40 vessels were pillaged, among them Tokitaka’s
private boats and merchant ships. This is proof that there was
considerable traffic between Tanegashima and Kyushu and perhaps
the rest of Japan. In one encounter between a Tanegashima ship and
the pirates, both sides used teppô besides bow and arrow, and Nejime
Magojirô was hit by teppô fire. It is apparent that the teppô by this
time had become part of the military arsenal, used not least by
pirates, in the Tanegashima–Kagoshima area and had perhaps been
so for some time. The teppô is otherwise not mentioned between its
introduction in 1543–44 and 1570–72.
On the whole, the Tanegashima kafu presents a picture of the
sengoku era, ‘the Country at War’ era, of Japanese history. This was
the period of high feudalism. Even a small outlying island like
Tanegashima was part of Japan and its lords were also involved in
the warfare which enveloped the Japanese islands from east to west.
It was a ‘culture of war’ period in which the lords unscrupulously
fought each other and grabbed land on any flimsy excuse. The
Tanegashima kafu presents several examples of how samurai forces
from Tanegashima took part in the fighting on the side of Satsuma
(Shimazu), for example, against Ôtomo Sôrin in Hyûga Province in
1578. Also the local warfare involving the island of Yakushima shows
quite clearly how the lords of Tanegashima and Nejime were cunning
and treacherous as they saw fit and always ready to use cruelty to
gain their objectives. Nejime did not hesitate to use the excuse of
Shigetoki’s misgovernment to invade Tanegashima in March 1543.
Shigetoki fled, and Tokitaka was ready to die when the castle was
overrun by the Nejime forces. He was saved at the cost of Yakushima
island, which was handed over with a written oath on which
Tokitaka’s seal was falsified. Shigetoki soon returned and already in
early 1544, he and his son had reconquered the island, and the
Nejime forces, who had surrendered with the promise of being sent

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back to Nejime, were killed when the ship was treacherously sunk.
Promises were not worth much in this age when raw power was
paramount. Hostilities continued also afterwards, and Nejime and
other lords turned to piracy in order to disturb the traffic between
Tanegashima and Kagoshima. War on land was extended to war at
sea.16
On the other hand, except for the war with Nejime and incidents
due to piracy, Tanegashima was not much involved in sengoku warfare.
The war with Nejime seems to have been a parenthesis and did not
involve more than some 500 men on both sides together; no other
invasion of Tanegashima is mentioned. Tanegashima was never invaded
again. Otherwise, the Tanegashima kafu only mentions the participa-
tion of Tanegashima warriors on the Satsuma side in warfare. It can be
imagined that the contingents sent were small in number.17 That
Tanegashima samurai also probably joined the wakô marauders is
not mentioned in the chronicle.
Tanegashima was historically intimately connected with the rest
of the country. The Tanegashima lords were of Taira descent, and
the Tanegashima kafu begins with the first generation lord whose
name was Nobumoto and who was the great-grandson of Taira no
Kiyomori. This might be a fabrication, but it gave prestige to the line
of lords who belonged to one of the main warrior families of
Japanese bushi history. In one official letter from the Bakufu, the
addressee is Lord Taira Tokitaka.
That Tanegashima belonged politically to the rest of Japan is also
proven by the fact that both Shigetoki and Tokitaka went to Kyoto.
One can imagine that these were official visits when they were
received by the Muromachi shogun and perhaps also the emperor. It
is a pity that their travels are only mentioned in the short format of
one sentence, stating that they went to Miyako (Kyoto). Or with one
sentence when they depart and another sentence when they return.
One would like to know more about the routes, the time it took,
whom they met on the way to and from and in Kyoto, how they
travelled, and how long they stayed there. Further, it would be
interesting to know whether these visits were obligatory and had to

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be undertaken even by the lords of a minor island. It proves that the

shogun, although powerless, was still the centre of the power
structure, respected and honoured with visits by the lords of even
outlying areas like Tanegashima.18
Tanegashima was also closely connected with the rest of Japan
through Buddhism. Visits of Buddhist priests are meticulously
registered in the Tanegashima kafu, both their arrivals and departures.
A lively traffic seems to have taken place between the temples on the
island and the main temples in the Kansai area, mostly Kyoto. That
a temple, Hongenji, was rebuilt in 1563 is carefully mentioned, and
that its new location was where Tokitaka had planned earlier to
build his house. Buddhism was the religon of the island, perhaps
more so than Shintoism, and what happened within the Buddhist
establishment was more important than even the visits of foreign
ships. It is apparent that it was Lotus Nichiren Buddhism that was
paramount.
The visit of a Chinese ship is mentioned in 1540 in the Shigetoki
chronicle. Another visit is not mentioned until 1543 when the
Portuguese were on board the ship and brought the musket. Next, a
nanbansen – probably also a Chinese junk – is mentioned in 1544;
this ship brought the smith who helped in the manufacture of the
first teppô. After that, no visits of foreign ships are mentioned under
either Shigetoki or Tokitaka. There are two possibilities. Either no
lively commercial traffic took place in-between and after these visits,
which is hardly plausible, or regular visits of commercial ships were
not found worth mentioning in the chronicle. It is cautiously con-
cluded that there were more vessels reaching Tanegashima than are
mentioned in the chronicles, but that they were not recorded when
the trade was just regular and did not bring something as out-
standing as some Portuguese or muskets. Or could it be that visits of
ships from China or the West were as rare as reported in the chronicle?
Only once is a ship from Tanegashima to China mentioned. That is
in 1544. The traffic between Satsuma and Tanegashima is mentioned
more often, but only when untoward incidents happened, such as
when pirates hampered and struck the traffic. This is first mentioned

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in 1566. That the shipping between Kagoshima and Tanegashima

was considerable is understood when it is mentioned once that no
less than 40 ships had been lost due to pirate activities. That there
was further much transit traffic and passing traffic – junks on their
way north or south – is expressed in the Teppôki.
It is natural that the Tanegashima kafu concentrates on matters
connected with the Tanegashima family. It was after all a family
chronicle. Therefore, many matters considered peripheral were left
out which would be of interest to us in a later age. Still the chronicle
is a gold mine, presenting in its totality the history of the island, not
least the situation when the first Europeans, that is, the two Portu-
guese, reached the shores of the island and thus also of Japan. It is as
close as we can come to the circumstances that met the first Western
intruders.

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CHAPTER FIVE

The Teppôki, the Tanegashima kafu and

the Historical Setting

T
he Teppôki was written before the Tanegashima kafu and it
can therefore be surmised that the compiler of the first
version of the Tanegashima kafu had the Teppôki at hand,
especially since sections in both works are similar in much
of their phraseology. However, when comparing the two works in
their totality, it becomes obvious that Nanpo Bunshi and Kôzuma
Takanao had their sources, among which one common source ought
to have been a house chronicle of the Tanegashima family which had
been kept from early times and had become rather detailed by the
time of the 13th lord, Shigetoki, and the 14th lord, Tokitaka. As
stated above, the Tanegashima kafu only begins to be detailed from
the chapter on the eighth lord, Kiyotoki (1362–1427), while earlier
lords are mostly only mentioned by name except for the first Taira
ancestor, Nobumoto, who is given a full page at the beginning of the
chronicle.1
The intent of the Teppôki was also different from that of the
Tanegashima kafu and also of Galvano. In Galvano’s Descobrimentos
antigos e modernos it is, as the title says, the ‘discovery’ of Japan that
is emphasized. The Tanegashima kafu was not meant to be more
than a chronicle of island and family from generation to generation.
In contrast, the Teppôki was meant to be a panegyric of the role that
Tanegashima and the Tanegashima family played in the introduction
of the musket, and mainly concentrates on this subject; this is also
what the title alludes to. Nanpo used his Chinese and Confucian
rhetoric to make a good account of this epoch-making event in the
history of Japan, and it is natural that he used all available sources.

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Some sixty years after the event, there were still old people who
could relate what they had seen, and living in close vicinity of the
places where it had happened, he had certainly himself heard about
what had taken place in 1543 and afterwards. He also says at the end
of the account that ‘there are some grey-haired people who still
remember the event clearly’. Nanpo was born in 1555, only twelve
years after the event, and he had therefore from early times certainly
heard about the coming of the first Portuguese, not only to Tane-
gashima but also to Kagoshima and other places on Kyushu. His
account does not at any time express any doubt about the role of
Tanegashima and the Tanegashima family. It was for him a fact that
had to be written down, in a literary style to boot, to be remembered
by following generations.
That Nanpo, like Pinto, used a literary style and flowery oratory
is perhaps only natural. He was asked to do the job by the 16th
Tanegashima lord, Hisatoki, who wanted to honour his father. As a
matter of course, Nanpo used all his Confucian erudition to perform
the task in a grand way. Already the prologue shows that the aim of
the project was the glorification of the island and its lords and the
epilogue served the same objective. Moreover, Nanpo was a Zen
Buddhist monk of the Rinzai sect and, as such – as was usual within
this sect – besides Buddhism he was well acquainted with the Con-
fucian tradition, including later Neo-Confucian thought. As can be
seen, Nanpo did his utmost to use his vast Chinese knowledge to
write a good account. Confucius and Lao Tzu are quoted but Buddha
is not; there are references to Chinese classics but not to the Zen
patriarchs and their scriptures. Whether, on the other hand, his
account is written in the very best Chinese is a moot question. There
are passages which are rather recondite, and which could have been
written in a clearer and simpler way. As it is, one must at times
interpret a sentence in the light of the context. It is Japanese Chinese,
and not the Chinese that a Chinese would have written.
A couple of examples are enough to show that Nanpo did his
best to enlarge on the great event. The dialogue between the local
chieftain, Oribenojô, and Gohô, the probable captain of the Chinese

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junk, is partly the same as in the Tanegashima kafu, but elaborates

the subject and turns it into a lively conversation in which Gohô
describes the foreigners in more detail, alluding to the fact that they
do not know Confucian and Eastern propriety. The guess is that
Nanpo added to the story in order to underline the fact that the
visitors were indeed barbarians. This elaboration of the story is not
found in the Tanegashima kafu, in which Gohô shortly states that
‘they are traders from among the southwestern barbarians and are
not very strange’. The Tanegashima kafu version could well be close
to what was actually written in the sand and, as the story was
subsequently retold, it was extended and embellished. The Chinese
flourish is even more evident when it comes to the conversation
between Tokitaka and the Portuguese who introduced the musket.
This dialogue is full of Confucian and Taoist rhetoric, which must
have been added by Nanpo. The fifteen-year-old Tokitaka could not
possibly have had the erudition to refer to and quote Lao Tzu and
Confucius, and the Portuguese barbarian, probably illiterate, could
certainly not have known about the Confucian concept of ‘rectifying
one’s heart’. The conversation must in all probability have been short
and factual and the demonstration of the weapon more important
than any philosophical exposition. Tokitaka was probably told to
close one eye, aim and shoot. A third example is presented at the
time that Tokitaka presented the priest, Suginobô, with one musket.
The allusion to ancient Chinese history, as an excuse for the presenta-
tion, is certainly added by Nanpo; Tokitaka could not at his young age
have been so intimate with the Chinese classics.
In the passage about Suginobô, Tokitaka states that he has the
two muskets which he has received from the Portuguese carefully
hidden ‘under ten wraps’. This might be figurative speech, but he
says again later that he has the muskets ‘well hidden and stored
away’. This may surprise the reader at first until the realization dawns
that this might be exactly the way it was done. The first muskets are
repeatedly mentioned – and not only in the Teppôki – as ‘treasures’
and ‘hidden treasures’. This is nothing unusual in Japan, where what
is rare is ‘kept in costly silk and damask bags inside rich caskets’,2 and

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where what is valuable is the best present. The first muskets and
Japanese teppô were perhaps such house treasures, only shown on
special occasions, and used more as presents than in warfare. 3 On
Tanegashima, however, apparently they were not left under wraps as
house treasures for long before they were used and Yaita Kinbee was
asked to undertake the production of the same.4
Already the description of the ‘object’ (mono) – that is, the
musket – shows that Nanpo could improve on the original source.
The musket is well described, and one can imagine that he had
himself both seen a musket and experienced it in action. As a result
he could describe how it was loaded, how a target was set up, how
fire was applied, how the target was hit, and how ‘the explosion
seemed like lightning and the sound like rolling thunder’. Then Nanpo
continues with a rather ponderous philosophical discussion about
this ‘object’ and about how a shot from it could break through a wall
of iron and smash a mountain of silver and how it could be used in
the world in innumerable ways. These were of course thoughts in
retrospect, thoughts which could not have been thought at the time
that the house chronicle was written soon after the actual event, but
were added when the Teppôki was written in 1606.
If the rhetoric and the philosophy are omitted, however, in the
main the Teppôki presents the same story as the Tanegashima kafu.
However, there are passages that are in no way related to the Tane-
gashima kafu, and that Nanpo must have obtained from other sources.
One such case is the passage about the above-mentioned Suginobô,
a priest at Negoro temple in Kii, to whom Tokitaka bestowed one
teppô. Tsuda Kenmotsu no jô brought the gun to Kii with instructions
on how to use it and how to prepare gunpowder.5 One gets the
impression that this happened soon after the arrival of the musket
on Tanegashima, but it cannot have happened before the making of
the tanegashima teppô began in earnest a year later following the
arrival of the nanbansen in 1544. Can it be that Tokitaka, in the
name of religion or friendship (or business?), handed over one of
the two muskets that he had acquired in 1543? This seems too good
to be true. No philosophy makes a man hand over valuables for

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which he has paid dearly and which are regarded as house treasures.
Or could it have been a way to explain how Tanegashima was the
origin and source of the Negoro teppô that was soon manufactured?
In any case, we are left with the statement that Tokitaka, out of the
goodness of his heart, handed over one musket to the monks at
Negoro, where the production of the same was also soon begun. It is
significant that the Negoro connection is not recorded in the
Tanegashima kafu.
The same concerns Tachibanaya Matasaburô who stayed on Tane-
gashima for some years. The Teppôki says that he learned to shoot
the teppô to such perfection that later, upon returning to Sakai, he
received the nickname, Teppômata, ‘The Teppô Master’. In the Yaita-
shi ichiryû no keizu it is said that he learned the art of the teppô from
Yaita Kinbee Kiyosada. Now, Yaita did not manage the technique him-
self until the arrival of the ship to Kumano in 1544, and Tachibanaya
could therefore not have learned the art until afterwards. It would
have been of great interest to have one or several exact dates. It is said
that the teppô was introduced and manufactured early at Sakai, as
early as 1544. If the Tanegashima thesis holds water, it would be
logical to propose late 1544 for the first Sakai teppô. Or could this be
another case when the early existence of muskets at another
important location was explained as connected with the first teppô
on Tanegashima? Tachibanaya Matasaburô is not mentioned in the
Tanegashima kafû.6
Even more mysterious is the story about a third man, Matsushita
Gorôsaburô, mentioned in connection with the diffusion of the
teppô from Tanegashima to the east of Japan. He is supposed to have
been a member of a commercial enterprise in 1542–43 when three
ships sailed from central Kansai Japan to China. They anchored first
at Tanegashima, waiting for good sailing weather. At that time, the
Tanegashima retainer Matsushita Gorôsaburô joined the expedition
and he was on the ship when it subsequently reached Ning-po in
China. On the way back, the ship met with a storm and was driven
to Izu peninsula in the east. Matsushita carried a teppô, and people
in the east copied it and learned to use it. The Teppôki concludes that

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‘afterwards, there was not a place in the eastern provinces and along
the shores of our land to which the teppô was not brought and where
they did not learn to use it’. This story – which is not found in the
Tanegashima kafu – seems likewise to have been added to explain
why and how the teppô spread from Tanegashima to eastern Japan.
It presents many interesting facts that shed light on the commercial
traffic between Japan and China in Muromachi times and need not
be wholly fictitious, since there were official and private trade relations
with Ming China in those times, as shall be described below (from
page 80),7 but in the Teppôki it seems to be consciously added to prove
that Tanegashima was the source of the musketry all over Japan.
These three – Suginobô, the priest from Kii, Tachibanaya, the
merchant from Sakai, and Matsushita, the Tanegashima retainer –
are mentioned in the Teppôki as the intermediaries when the teppô
was introduced around Japan with Tanegashima as the starting
point. The accounts of all three of them, especially the last among
them, must be taken with a grain of salt, so too the whole tradition
that was built up around Tanegashima and the introduction of the
musket. Still it can be taken as a simile of how, on the whole, the
teppô conquered Japan, spreading like a folding fan from West to
East. The process was of course more complicated, and the dialectic
beginning on Tanegashima until practically every lord and daimyo
had this new weapon in his military storehouse will never be fully
unravelled. That Tanegashima represented the starting-point and the
beginning of the manufacture of the teppô, even though questioned,
must be accepted. Until other possible avenues of the diffusion are
revealed, the tradition as given in the Teppôki may be taken for what
it is, a folkloric story which in simple form expresses what took
place. It should be noticed that the Teppôki gives no dates, and that
therefore the transmission of the weapon could have taken place
over a period of years and the mastery of the manufacturing process
over an even longer span of years. It does not seem logical that the
dissemination of the musket, its technique and the production of
both weapon and gunpowder could have taken place in such short
order when considering communication, resources and lack of know-

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how. One may also wonder why none of the three intermediaries are
mentioned in the Tanegashima kafu.
Japanese scholars are not united in their views on the Teppôki and
its account of the transmission of the teppô to Japan. K. Naganuma,
for example, is directly suspicious and presents references to the
existence of guns in Japan prior to the arrival of the Portuguese. He
finds the Teppôki presentation too clinically neat and simple to be
trusted.8 T. Hora cautiously defends the Teppôki, for the reason that
Tanegashima was a meeting place for commercial shipping to and from
China and East Asia generally.9 Thereupon, T. Nishimura vehemently
stands up for the Teppôki and its assumption that the teppô arrived
at Tanegashima first. He refers to K. Tsuboi and others in support of
the Tanegashima thesis.10 Finally, T. Udagawa, with support from S.
Arima, presents the weak points in Naganuma’s assumptions. 11
It is surprising that there is no mention of the spread of the teppô
in the Kyushu area in either the Teppôki or the Tanegashima kafu. It
is natural that the weapon itself and its production quickly reached
Kagoshima since the Tanegashima lords acknowledged the Shimazu
daimyo as their feudal superiors. It is a moot point, however, if the
teppô reached both Bungo and Hirado independantly or via Tane-
gashima. We hear of early Portuguese traffic to both of these places,
not least because the two daimyo, Ôtomo Sôrin in Bungo and Matsura
Takanobu (1529–99) in Hirado, quickly understood the importance
of the Western connection and welcomed the Portuguese. Not least
Bungo became popular with the Portuguese and we hear about
Portuguese who lived there for years.12 The same seems to have been
the situation at Hirado where Portuguese ships arrived from 1550.
Xavier visited both places and was well received and Pinto came to
Bungo on all four alleged visits. They were daimiates where the Portu-
guese were most successful – both as merchants and as missionaries.
One finds in Japanese literature various earlier dates for the
introduction of the musket – 1501, 1510, 1537, 1539, 1540, 1542,
1543 and other dates. Even such early dates as 1466 and 1468 are
mentioned.13 One can perhaps speak of the pre-Tanegashima
(1543) teppô and the post-Tanegashima teppô. There is apparently a

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teppô tradition that begins with the Mongols and their second
invasion of Kyushu 1281, as seen in the Môko-shûrai-ekotoba, the
picture scroll from 1293. This scroll makes it apparent, however,
that the early ‘teppô’ was a kind of bombard, explosive or granate. It
certainly did not come from a barrel. All other pre-Tanegashima
teppô were possibly likewise explosives, probably not emanating
from a tube or barrel.
The earliest dates, 1501 and 1510, mentioned in the Kunitomo
teppôki, however, can immediately be discarded because the early dates
in this work are generally unreliable (see page 140 below).14 Other
dates (1466, 1468, 1537, 1539, 1540 and 1542) cannot be verified.
Much literature is of a later Tokugawa age and is not to be trusted.
The date 1539, for example, found in the Kunitomo teppôki, is an
obvious miswriting of 1543; month and day, on the other hand, fit
the dates in the Tepppôki and the Tanegashima kafu.15
It is possible that some kind of firearm had reached Asian
countries – for example, via the Ottoman Empire – before the arrival
of the Portuguese. D’Albuquerque is said to have captured 3,000 fire-
arms when he conquered Malacca in 1511. They are not specified. It
is not likely, however, that any sort of firearm had reached beyond
Malacca by that time. In the following Portuguese expansion, China
was reached in 1513–14,16 and it is from about this time that wakô
corsairs possibly encountered Portuguese aboard Chinese junks who
introduced the new weapon, just as it happened later at Tanegashima.
In the pirate-infested waters beyond Malacca the musket must have
been the prerequisite of any Portuguese on his way along the Chinese
coast, the best defence against attack not least because it could be
used at a distance. The musket, not to mention the cannon, must
have been a nasty experience for the pirates and it cannot have taken
long for them to understand that they needed these new weapons.
The Ryukyu merchants who are said to have been at Malacca
when the Portuguese conquered the place in 1511, must also have
been aware that the Portuguese brought a new weapon with them.
Were they so frightened by it that they stopped approaching Malacca
afterwards, as is said? In their trade endeavours to Siam and South-

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east Asia generally they must also afterwards have noticed the new
weapon. It seems, however, that they never took an interest in the
weapon and we do not hear of any teppô made on the Ryukyu Islands.
If we are to believe Pinto, Chinese pirates were equipped with
both firearms and cannon by 1540.17 A corsair-merchant like Wang
Chih (Gohô) ought therefore to have known about the musket long
before the day that his junk drifted to Cape Kadokura. He could not
have been blind to the fact that two of his passengers carried muskets.
Furthermore, if he knew about the musket, he must also have known
about the gunpowder. It is, however, uncertain whether he had
visited Japan earlier.18 Even if, however, the musket was introduced
to Japan at some other place and that, for example, the wakô corsairs
were confronted with it earlier, the technique and the manufacture
of the musket was probably first mastered on Tanegashima as was
also the correct mixture of gunpowder. We can probably in fine agree
with S. R. Turnbull that ‘the weapons brought by the Portuguese were
undoubtedly the first real “firearms” that had ever reached Japan’. 19
A moot point in Nanpo’s story is the commercial expedition to
China which is mentioned to have taken place between 1542 and
1543. As already noted above, there is no mention of such an
expedition in the Tanegashima kafu. If it had been an undertaking of
such magnitude, three ships with 1000 men on board, including one
man from Tanegashima, one would expect it to be noted in the
house chronicle. If they left in 1542 or early 1543, it would mean that
they had left before the Portuguese arrived, and that Matsushita
Gorôsaburô had learned to shoot a musket earlier at some other
place than Tanegashima. Let us, for the time being, be suspicious of
the dates and regard the account as built on hearsay and semi-
fictive, serving as a background legend for how the teppô reached the
eastern provinces of Japan and how a man from Tanegashima taught
the eastern Japanese the art of the teppô.
It remains to be said that the Teppôki was written in 1606 at the
time when the musket was at the height of its influence and popular-
ity at the beginning of Tokugawa times. This was between Sekigahara
in 1600 and the Osaka Campaign 1614–15 when Tokugawa Ieyasu

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took a keen interest in both musket and cannon. Such a eulogy to

the teppô would hardly have been written some dacades later, nor
some decades earlier.
TRADE AND PIRACY
We discern from the Teppôki, the Tanegashima kafu and other records
that both domestic and overseas commerce flourished in Muromachi
times. Trade was both legal and illegal, official and private. First
there was semi-official trade with China at the beginning of Muro-
machi and then followed official trade from the beginning of the
fifteenth century. This was the so-called kangô exchange trade (kangô-
bôeki)20 in which subordinate nations brought ‘tribute’ to the Son of
Heaven and received ‘presents’ in return. This was trade in disguise
and it required the acceptance of the supremacy of China as the
Central Empire of Heaven. The Muromachi regime first accepted this
system under the third shogun, Yoshimitsu (1358–1408, r. 1367–
95), and over a ten-year period from 1404 not less than six missions
and 43 ships visited China under the shogunal aegis. This trade was
discontinued under the fourth shogun, Yoshimochi (1386–1428,
r. 1395–1423) but was resumed under the sixth shogun, Yoshinori
(1394–1441, r. 1428–41), and we find eleven missions between 1432
and 1547. These, however, were no longer under just shogunal pro-
tection; now, also temples and shrines, leading daimyo and others
sponsored ships for the missions. In the end it was the Hosokawa and
Ôuchi that competed in organizing the missions and their harbours,
Sakai and Hakata, flourished accordingly (see Map 3).21 The last
mission was sent by the Ôuchi. The port of entry of all missions was
Ning-po from where the capital Peking was within reach.
Incidents occurred time and again at Ning-po from the 1520s
onwards, however. These and the wakô piracy eventually brought an
end to the kangô trade by 1551. Thereafter Chinese doors were firmly
closed to the Japanese for the remainder of the Ming era.22 This
rupture of relations may be compared to a national disaster. The
growth of the money economy, coinciding with the development of
commercial towns and urban centres, needed currency and since
Japan did not mint its own official currency until 1587, it had to rely

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on Chinese copper coins. In this newly developed economy barter

was not sufficient, and it was a matter of necessity to allow kangô
tribute trade to procure the desired copper currency.23
Furthermore, there was private trade together with the missions
and independent of the missions and further lively local trade with
both Korea and the Ryukyu Islands which also helped to bring in
copper cash.24 When official trade came to an end, the private trade
took over and became predominant. When then private trade was
also forbidden, smuggling developed, in turn deteriorating into
piracy and wakô raids; trade turned into pillage and plunder along
the Chinese coast. It can be imagined that copper cash was high on
the list among the articles of value sought by the wakô. Currency
therefore reached the Japanese islands along various routes, and the
wakô raids was but one among them. Understandably, we hear little
or nothing about this ‘commerce’ in early Japanese sources. The wakô
never obtained an aura of renown like the Vikings in the Scandi-
navian countries.25
If the commercial expedition mentioned in the Teppôki belonged
among the kangô missions, the dates do not fit either of the two last
missions, which left in 1539 and and 1547 respectively. The first,
comprising three ships, sailed from Yamaguchi and never came close
to Tanegashima. The second, also from Yamaguchi and comprising
four ships, likewise never approached Tanegashima.26 No mission is
mentioned between these last two missions. This leaves the possibility
that it was a private undertaking, originating from Sakai and central
Japan with which Tanegashima had close relations.27 In the Tane-
gashima kafu it is laconically mentioned that a ship named Nigôsen
left for China in 1544 and it is equally laconically mentioned that it
returned in 1545. Nigôsen should mean that it was the Number Two
Ship of an official kangô mission, but, as said, no such mission is
mentioned in those years. It might have been a private endeavour –
of ‘free trade’ – in cooperation with Satsuma, which perhaps sent the
Number One Ship (Ichigôsen).28 But perhaps we should not be so
critical as regards the date of the expedition mentioned in the Teppôki.
What it evinces is that such commercial endeavours took place and

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that Nanpo’s informant had heard about them and that his memory
failed him. It has again to be remembered that the Teppôki was
written to glorify Tanegashima (Tokitaka) and should therefore not
always be considered a reliable historical source.
It is easily imagined that Tanegashima participated in the piracy in
Chinese waters in these centuries. Since such raids were supported
and even sponsored by the daimyo of Satsuma in those days when
piracy along the Chinese coast was at its height, we can be convinced
that Tanegashima samurai also came along.29 These sea raids can be
likened to the earlier Viking onslaughts on Europe and it might have
been considered manly and worthy of a samurai to participate – just
as it was among the Vikings. If the motto of the Vikings was ‘to kill
and to rob’, so too was it the motto of the wakô. The Japanese vikings
were often organized by the daimyo of Kyushu, Shikoku and the
Inland Sea region, and ‘and their manners were rude, their lives
loose, their thoughts low, their tempers hot, and their strength great,
while they all suspected and were jealous of one another’. 30 Even
Anjiro, Japan’s first Christian, was apparenly inveigled into partici-
pating in this ‘lucrative trade’ only to be killed during such a raid. 31
Finally, it can be asked whether the wakô were always the ruthless
raiders as depicted in Chinese sources. Like the Vikings in Northern
Europe they were perhaps often just peaceful traders who burned
and plundered when normal trade was not allowed. As is said philo-
sophically in a Chinese source, ‘The robbers and the merchants are
the same men. When the market is open and trade is allowed, the
robbers change into merchants; when the market is closed and trade
is not allowed, the merchants change into robbers’.32
A distinction should, then, perhaps be made between downright
piracy as it has existed in Far Eastern waters until this day and wakô
piracy which grew out of trade difficulties. The line between the two
activities is of course thin but, in all probability, the wakô raids
would not have developed if free trade had prevailed. Much crime
develops also in our day when state regulations turn harsh.
Would it be to go too far to suggest that the three ships men-
tioned in the Teppôki were as much on their way to illicit as to licit

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activities? And that the one thousand merchants on board were as

much samurai warriors ready to use their swords as merchants ready
to buy and sell? As C. R. Boxer writes, ‘Raiding the China coast was
a favourite occupation of many of the samurai from southwest Japan,
who behaved as pirates or as traders as the occasion offered’.33 The
Fukien Gazetteer says, ‘The Japanese robbed with violence and at
once realized their ambitions; there was nothing which they hesitated
to do. They followed closely on each other, and started all sorts of
trouble on the sea’.34 As for Satsuma’s participation in the wakô raids,
consider the following quotation from a letter by Luís Frois from
Malacca on 1 December 1555:
Last year we learnt from ships that came here from China that there
were very great quarrels and disputes between China and Japan. A
great fleet from Camgoxima [Kagoshima] had destroyed many places
in China which were situated along the sea coast, including a very
populous city where the Japanese had wrought great destruction and
captured some very great lords who were in it. They say that these wars
are so fierce that they will not be appeased for many years …35
The Chinese had thus all reason to fear the Japanese and they
warned the Portuguese against harbouring Japanese and keeping
them as slaves, ‘oblivious of the fact that they reared tigers’. 36 The
Portuguese were ordered to deport all Japanese at Macao and it was
ordained that no more Japanese should be allowed into the colony.
This was easily forgotten because the Japanese were the best auxiliary
forces the Portuguese had throughout their Eastern empire – for the
simple reason they fought like tigers and were considered invincible.
It seems also that the Portuguese worked well together with the Japan-
ese, more so than with the Spaniards and the Dutch who mistrusted
their bellicosity. A Dutch commander wrote (about 1615) that ‘they
are a rough and fearless people, lambs in their own country, but
well-nigh devils outside of it’.37
It should not be ignored that also normal commercial traffic
took place between Tanegashima, Ryukyu and China both before
and after the arrival of the Portuguese. A visit of a Chinese ship is

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recorded for the year 1540 in the Shigetoki chronicle, as is a ship for
China for the year 1544 and its return in the following year. Inde-
pendent trade contacts existed between Tanegashima and the Ryukyu
Islands and presents were exchanged as late as 1556. Tanegashima
was moreover known for its shipbuilding. In the Tanegashima kafu
it is mentioned in the chronicle of Tadatoki, the 12th Tanegashima
lord and Tokitaka’s grandfather, that an emissary from Shogun
Yoshikatsu,38 Izumo no kami, visited the island and that the visit
concerned the construction of ships for the China traffic (totôsen).
This is under the year 1520 in the Tanegashima kafu and we learn in
the same chronicle that a shipment from Ryukyu arrives in the follow-
ing year. This makes us understand that commercial traffic between
Tanegashima and the Ryukyu Islands extended to China and other
lands long before the Portuguese arrived. The Ryukyu Islands were
a free kingdom centrally placed in the East Asian trading region and
their ships operated widely overseas in the fifteenth century.39 These
islands had no compunction in being a tributary nation to China,
sending on an average one tribute mission per year (since 1372), 40
and at the same time cultivating good relations with Japan, profiting
financially from both relationships.41 The Ryukyu and Tanegashima
seem also to have treated each other as equals and presents were sent
and received. Such close relations seem also to have been continued
after the Ryukyu came under Satsuma control.
When the Chinese merchants were forbidden to take part in inter-
national trade by the mid-fifteenth century, the Ryukyu merchants
expanded their operations and their commercial ships operated
throughout Southeast Asia. As it were, they took over the Chinese
rôle of being the merchant nation of the East, and the strange
situation developed that commodities desired by the Chinese had to
come via triangular trade, that is, goods coming to the Ryukyu Islands
were re-exported to China, besides being sent with the regular tribute
missions.42
When China thus turned isolationist and further banned Japanese
missions to its ports, the result was that goods which had formerly
flowed from Southeast Asia to China and via China to Japan were

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routed through a trade avenue which went from Southeast Asia to

the Ryukyu Islands and extended from there to Japan, China and
Korea. The Ryukyuans themselves had not many commodities to
offer. They acted as intermediaries both commercially and – when
the political situation was frozen between the China and Japan – also
diplomatically. The products listed are swords, silver and lacquer
ware from Japan; silks, gold and porcelain from China; cottons and
Buddhist scriptures from Korea; and spices from the South.43 As
such, the appearance of Ryukyuan junks in Japanese harbours must
have been a normal occurrence happening yearly at the beginning of
the sixteenth century.44 Even if the Ryukyuan trade was dominant,
Japanese merchant ships began also gradually to call at ports to the
south and Chinese merchants, defying the strict ban on trade with
the Japanese, secretly frequented ports in Japan. This was the
situation at about the time when the Portuguese arrived in Malacca
in 1509 and reached Tanegashima in 1543. Soon the Portuguese
would enter this complicated commercial arena and and participate
in the competing trade of the second half of the sixteenth century.
Reading Pinto’s Peregrinaçam, one meets junks all along the coast of
China, where smuggling, plunder and warfare seemed to be as
common as regular trade.45 It remains to be added that the foreign
trading was always only a fraction of the domestic Chinese commerce
and mostly concerned luxury goods, such as ivory and spices.
The Portuguese despatched expeditions in every direction and
they became soon aware of the islands to the East as they penetrated
swiftly north along the Chinese coast from 1513 onwards.46 Their
curiosity was aroused and attempts were made already in 1518 to find
‘the land of the Lequeos’, the islands from where they understood
that the Gores merchants came. Jorge Mascarenhas was sent in this
year on a reconnaissance voyage to find these islands but he was
detained by contrary wind off the Chinese coast. As this and other
attempts did not succeed, the islands together with Tanegashima
and Japan remained a terra incognita in the 1520s and 1530s when
the Ming edict against free trade with foreign countries came into
force and ‘foreigners with beards and big eyes were not allowed to

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enter China’. The Portuguese turned to smuggling along the Chinese

coast and reached Ning-po further north by 1529.47 By 1540 new
attempts were made, but it seems that also the Ryukyuans did every-
thing they could to keep their islands and their commercial empire
a secret. Diogo de Freitas told Garcia de Escalante that ‘they never
would tell him where their country was situated’.48 They may well
have judged correctly: when their Pandora’s Box was opened with
the arrival of the Portuguese, it contributed to the the end of their
commercial supremacy in the lands of the North and South China
Seas.49 By that time, however, it is apparent that the Ryukyuans had
already lost much of the economic dominance they had enjoyed earlier
in the sixteenth century. In part at least this decline was due to piracy. 50
The Ryukyuans had thrived under orderly official commerce and had
had their ascendancy about the time when the Portuguese arrived in
eastern waters; they fared far worse in the times that followed with
its unscrupulous private competition. Their commercial visits to the
‘lands in the South’ became rare later in the sixteenth century and
are are not registered in Portuguese sources.
Until the Ônin Civil War (1467–77) commercial trading had
been undertaken by the shogunate, by the great Zen monasteries like
Tenryûji and by leading daimyo, mostly emanating from Kyoto.51
However, a mission could also include ships from the West. For
example, in the mission of 1451, comprising ten ships, Ship Number
Five (Gogôsen) came from the Shimazu of Satsuma, Ship Number Six
(Rokugôsen) was sponsored by the Ôtomo of Bungo and Ship Number
Seven (Shichigôsen) by the Ôuchi of Yamaguchi.52 After the Ônin
Civil War and the decline of shogunal power, however, the powerful
daimyo in the West – the Ôtomo, Ôuchi and Shimazu families plus
other daimyo – side by side with merchants of Hakata and Sakai were
thriving on independent trade relations with the Ryukyu Islands,
China and Korea and perhaps countries further south.53 These trade
activities were probably such ordinary undertakings by the time the
Portuguese arrived that they were only rarely noted in the chronicles.
When, due to the piratical incursions along the Chinese coast
from the Liaotung peninsula in the north to the Hainan Island in the

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south, the Ming emperors forbade all commercial intercourse with

Japan on pain of death from about 1480 and thereupon forbade all
free trade with foreign countries in 1530, the western daimyo
encouraged and even patronized smuggling trade and piracy. In all
these ventures it would not be wrong to assume that Tanegashima
participated on the Satsuma side.54 The Chinese speak about ‘the
great piracy of the Chia-ching (Jpn. Kasei) era (1522–66)’ 55 and a
full invasion from around 1552 when the raids increased in scope and
ferocity and the raiding forces rose to about one hundred thousand
men according to the Chinese reports. This might be an exaggeration
but it was no small number of warriors that Wang Chih mustered in
this and the following years. With the successes the numbers of wakô
escalated, and we hear for example of fifteen ships with reinforcements
from Japan at a single time in 1553.56 It also happened that Portu-
guese joined with pirates in raiding the Chinese coast.57 Practically
all we know about the piracy comes from Chinese sources but ‘the
paucity of Japanese sources on the wakô activities is not surprising,
for it is understandable that there was a reluctance to recount their
buccaneering’.58 There are, however, a number of modern Japanese
works on wakô piracy.59
Around the same time – from 1520 to 1550 – the illegal trade
developed along the maritime provinces of China. This trade was open
to any merchant-adventurer before the mid-1550s – Pinto being one
among them – ‘but this state of affairs did not last very long … The
heavy hand of bureaucracy speedily had a finger in this rich pie …
By 1550 it was organized on a monopolistic basis in accordance with
the economic and political ideas of the time’.60
‘The Portuguese commercial prosperity in the China Sea was
due principally to the Chinese emperors of the Ming dynasty having
previously prohibited all trade and intercourse between their subjects
and the Japanese, owing to the frequent piratical attacks made by the
latter on the China Coast’.61 A Captain Major (Capitão-Mór) was
appointed for each Japan voyage by the King of Portugal. He was the
commander of the náo de prata (‘Great Ship’ or ‘silver carrack’) and
had full jurisdiction over his countrymen in Japan during the stay

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there. We hear about the Captain Major from before 1550 but notably
after the traffic began between Lampacao and Hirado in 1555. 62
Then followed the trade between Macao and mostly Hirado from
1557 which was followed by the route between Macao and Nagasaki
in 1571.63 ‘After this date the trade of the Portuguese with Japan was
limited to that between these two ports’.64 This lucrative traffic lasted
until 1639 and brought prosperity to both cities. Since direct trade
was suspended between China and Japan at the time and Japanese
ships were not often visiting foreign ports, Portuguese ships mono-
polized trade – silk and gold to and silver and copper from Japan –
and maintained a profit rate of 70–80 per cent or more.65 This was
therefore the golden age for the Portuguese commerce in the East
when a Captain Major only needed a single voyage to be rich.66 The
commercial route went from Goa via Malacca and Macao to Nagasaki
and the round journey from Goa and back to Goa required not less
than three years.67 The situation became complicated at the begin-
ning of the seventeenth century when the Dutch and the English
entered the East Asian arena.
It was perhaps because of the ravages of the wakô ‘dwarf
robbers’,68 which increased by the year, that the Chinese were willing
to renew contacts with the Portuguese by 1553. These led to normal
relations and to the acquisition of Macao by 1557. The Portuguese
were in the end a lesser evil than the wakô emanating from Japan. This
is corroborated by Luís Frois who said in a letter dated 1 December
1555: ‘This discord between China and Japan is a great help to the
Portuguese who want to go to Japan; for as the Chinese do not go
thither to trade with their merchandise, the Portuguese merchants
have a great advantage in negotiating their worldly business’.69 It is
also indicated that the Portuguese assisted the Chinese in combatting
the pirates. The awkward situation thus arose that ‘the Chinese could
only trade officially with their Japanese neighbours through the
medium of the Portuguese’.70
It must have dawned upon the Chinese authorities that they had
much to gain from legalized commerce with the Portuguese, not
least through ground rent, customs dues and bribes in the form of

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presents. Pinto states that ‘the mandarins of Kuangtung, at the

request of the local merchants, gave us the port of Macao, where the
trade is carried on today’ (1557). There is also an indication that the
Kuangtung local officials bestowed Macao upon the Portuguese as a
reward for their assistance in the suppresssion of the wakô pirates.71
With the normalization of trade from 1555, the Portuguese could
move first to Lampacao and then to permanent quarters at Macao
in 1557 without being afraid of being imprisoned, tortured and
dispatched; the hiatus of 30 years of secret commerce was over. The
subsequent rapid rise of Macao would be followed by the enclave’s
equally rapid decline in the next century.72
Further, the Chinese were never stopped in their trade activities
and in their ventures abroad. Their commerce stretched across the
eastern world in spite of the Ming prohibition; the ban simply could
not be enforced. These trading – or should we rather speak about
smuggling – activities thrived so well that overseas Chinese com-
munities were established in the main ports of call in Southeast Asia.
Moreover, Chinatowns (tôjin-machi) germinated also in cities on
Kyushu – for example, Hakata – in defiance of the strict ban of the
Ming emperors on all commerce between Chinese and Japanese. Pinto
reports how the Kyushu area was inundated with Chinese ships in
1546. Not less than 2,000 ships had sailed from China to Japan in
that year and the number of 1,946 of them had foundered in a
storm.73 This is of course a gross exaggeration, but it is an indication
of extensive Chinese trade in Japan. If we are to believe Pinto, the
Portuguese had much respect for the Chinese business acumen. In
contrast to the Japanese in China, the Chinese merchants seem to
have kept to conventional trade in Japan. Their only objective was
profit. The merchants gave no thought to whether China was the
Celestial Central Kingdom and whether the surrounding peoples
were barbarians.74 For them, gain was more important than national
pride. The proscription from the emperor forbidding trade and travel
abroad was therefore largely ignored.
C. R. Boxer mentions that the earliest meeting between Japanese
and Westerners (Portuguese) could have taken place as early as 1511.

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When Afonso d’Albuquerque (1460?–1515) conquered Malacca in

this year, he met with merchants from the North who are referred to
as Gores in the Commentarios do grande Afonso Dalboquerque,
written and published by his son Braz d’Albuquerque (1500–80) in
1576.75 Now, it has been discussed whether they were Ryukyuans,
Koreans or Japanese, but the description of both the Gores and their
homeland could well be the first mention of the Japanese and Japan,
that is, after Marco Polo. The description is based on hearsay informa-
tion – just like that of Marco Polo – but it fits the Japanese reality as
much as the Ryukyuan reality. And no wonder: There are inseparable
similarities between the Ryukyu and Japanese Islands! The Ryukyuans
and the Japanese are close in race and language, and cultural affinity
can be traced from pre-historical times. And Tanegashima was the
island where Yamato culture from the North linked with Ryukyuan
culture from the South. Like the Kuroshio Current, culture flowed
in along the long chain of southern islands and via Tanegashima
reached Japan proper; the teppô was only one of these articles; the
rice plant had probably come the same way in Yayoi times. 76
In historical times there were commercial contacts from at least
the twelth century and and during the Muromachi era the trade was
lively between Satsuma and Ryukyu and indirectly with China.
Bônotsu, a port in southern Satsuma, was a favoured port of entry
for the Ryukyuan ships. It seems that already in late Muromachi
times Satsuma strove for and secured a monopoly on the Japanese
trade with the Ryukyu Islands. On the cultural side in the same era,
it need only be mentioned that the Ryukyuans accepted the mixed
kanji and kana script, the so-called kana-majiribun, in the fifteenth
century. Any description of the Gores could therefore easily include
the Japanese. These Commentarios, in part based on Tomé Pires’
Suma Oriental, precede Pinto’s Peregrinaçam, but are closer to the
truth than Pinto’s later, partially fictive narration.77
It is stated in the Commentarios do grande Afonso Dalboquerque
that the Gores sail for Malacca each year with two or three ships.78
When we posit that the Gores were Ryukyuans with direct
connection with Japan via Tanegashima, it would mean that there

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were regular commercial contacts with Malacca and Southeast Asia

at the beginning of the sixteenth century. In the network of
mercantile activities in this century there were besides the Ryukyuan
ships also ships from Japan that went mostly to Ning-po in China.79
In either of these activities Tanegashima was fortunately located as
the northernmost extension in the string of Ryukyu Islands and the
southernmost island of Japan proper. The three ships mentioned in
the Teppôki were Japanese merchantmen on their journey to China
and reported for the reason that they met with problems. 80
The ships, usually three in number, are listed in the literature.
Because of the tension between the daimyo along the Inland Sea and
fear of piracy, they began to sail east of Shikoku on their way south.
Consequently they naturally approached Tanegashima and might
have had to wait for months for a fair wind to proceed to China. The
passage in the Teppôki, therefore, need not be imaginary. What can,
again, be discussed are the dates and the presence of the musketeer
Matsushita Gorôsaburô.81

THE DEVELOPMENT OF MUSKET WARFARE IN JAPAN

It was only after the import and production of muskets had in-
creased, gunpowder became available and musketeers were trained,
that muskets were first used as an auxiliary weapon in the 1550s,
gradually more so in the 1560s and later as a main weapon in the
1570s.82 As late as 1566 the Jesuit priest, Francisco Cabral, reported
that a daimyo borrowed muskets from the Portuguese to be used in
current warfare.83 This is logical. The whole apparatus surrounding
the new weapon must have taken decades rather than years to be
built up, and to bring it into general military strategy must have
taken as long or longer. But suddenly, however, by the beginning of
the 1570s we hear about teppô detachments of thousands of
musketeers and about a new strategy in which the teppô is the main
weapon used in rotating alternation – one line shooting while the
other loading. About the same time we hear about cannon being
used in besieging and defending castles and strongholds. Most
important of all, the concentration of teppô turns from the Kyushu

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to the Kansai area. If the 1550s and perhaps also the 1560s had been
the Kyushu years, from the beginning of the 1570s it was Kansai that
stood for the teppô superiority, and it was from there that the unified
new Japan would come into being. The first who seems to have
understood the superiority of the new weapon was Oda Nobunaga.
Having applied the ‘mass and not dribbles’ theory of weaponry and
built the consequent strategy and tactics, he was the natural winner.
His strategy led to Hideyoshi (1536–98) and Tokugawa Ieyasu (1542–
1616), the final unifiers of Japan. The new weapon had reached
maturity and eventually changed Japanese history. A new weapon
meant all the difference.
The supply of iron was possibly a bottleneck that hampered the
development of the teppô manufacture. The Japanese iron was, to
start with, not sufficient and not always of the quality required. The
sand iron produced at several locations was not enough. Large-scale
importation of iron from Siam and India helped to fill this gap until
the domestic production had caught up with the demand. Imported
nanbantetsu played a role into the seventeenth century.
It was at Nagashino in 1575 (see Map 4) that the teppô was for
the first time fully incorporated into the strategy of a battle and
turned out to be the decisive weapon.84 Beginning here, the musket
was no longer just a supplementary but the primary weapon, while
the bow and arrow and even the lance became secondary weapons
and cavalry was replaced by infantry. It is also apparent that the
potential of the new weapon was quickly understood by others in
this age of constant civil strife. When Shogun Yoshiteru asked for and
received muskets from Tanegashima, Satsuma, Bungo, Kunitomo
and perhaps other places, it was not only as a collector of house
treasures.85 And when he asked Lord Tokitaka via Satsuma about
the prescription of the superior gunpowder they had learned to mix
from the Portuguese, it was certainly not in order to store it away. It
should, however, be noted, as said above, that it is not until 1572–74
that the teppô is mentioned in the Tanegashima kafu in a battle with
pirates, and then it is used by both sides.86 When it is said that
Shimazu Takahisa used the musket in warfare already in 1549, it is

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possible but it must have been on a modest scale. The same can be
said about the mention that the teppô was used in the fighting
between the Hosokawa and the Miyoshi in Kyoto in 1550,87 and that
Oda Nobunaga used it in battle in 1553. It is natural that the daimyo
took an interest in the new weapon in this ‘culture of war’ era.
Takeda Shingen is supposed to have purchased 300 muskets in 1555
and to have stated in 1569 in an address to his commanders that
‘hereafter guns will be the most important weapons’.88 Uesugi Kenshin
(1530–78) learned about how to make gunpowder when visiting
Kyoto in 1559 and Hôjô Ujiyasu (1515–70) invited smiths to come
to Odawara from Sakai and Negoro.89 It was not until around 1565
that the musket was utilized more generally in warfare by the
daimyo on Kyushu. It differed, of course, from daimyo to daimyo, but
it seems that the daimyo who were close to where the muskets were
produced or imported were the first to have them. An interesting
question is whether the teppô were applied first in conflicts among
the daimyo in the central provinces of the Kinai area, or among the
daimyo on Kyushu.90 A guess is that the new weapon spread from
west to east, and that Satsuma had it and used it first. Perhaps the
Battle of Anegawa in 1570 (see Map 4) was where the musket played
an important role for the first time in the Kansai area. Mass produc-
tion must have followed, probably not earlier than at the beginning
of the 1570s, and then in central Kansai Japan.91
Probably the wakô pirates were the first Japanese to utilize the
firearm in combat. Wang Chih, the pirate chief, had muskets, perhaps
even cannon, applied to his fleet of ships by 1554. It is reported that
the new weapon(s) played havoc with the Chinese. It is probable
that Wang Chih who had by that time his base on the Gotô Islands,
acquired the muskets and possibly cannon from the foundries on
Kyushu. The smiths at Hirado had the capacity to manufacture muskets
and Wang Chih had the money to pay for them.92 The Chinese
understood quickly that they had also to apply the new weaponry,
and it is not difficult to imagine that it was the Portuguese merchants
who gave them a helping hand and speedily furnished the Chinese
coastguard fleet with both muskets and cannon. It is significant that

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this coincided with the better relations between the Chinese and the
Portuguese. 1554 is the earliest known date for when the firearm was
first used in Eastern naval warfare. In China Sea piracy, however, the
musket must have been known very soon after the Portuguese
arrived there. We hear about Portuguese joining the pirate fleets and
we cannot imagine any Portuguese adventurer without a musket. By
1548 guns and even cannon are mentioned in Chinese reports about
pirates’ arms and it may be imagined that they had been used earlier
in piratical warfare.93
Both the Teppôki and the Tanegashima kafu state that two muskets
were obtained by Tokitaka from the Portuguese. Reading Pinto, one
finds, on the other hand, that only one musket was given as a
present. Now it is hardly credible that Murashukusha carried more
than one musket with him, but there were probably more muskets
on board the junk to be sold for a good price. It ought again to be
the two Japanese sources which should be believed and not Pinto
who after all told fibs.

THE IMPORTANCE OF THE MUSKET

It must have been the introduction of the musket that changed the
power equilibrium on Kyushu, as in Japan as a whole. The time
around 1543 when the Portuguese and musket arrived, was a dark
age for Satsuma, when the province was fractured and the Shimazu
family was engaged in intermittent hostilities with enemies both
within the province and with the surrounding provinces of Ôsumi,
Hyûga and Higo.94 The Shimazu family was also divided within itself.
The shugo daimyô title was mostly in name only. In the 1550s we find,
however, that the Shimazu family began to reassert itself, first under
Tadayoshi (Lord Nisshin, 1492–1568) and his son Takahisa (1514–
71) and then under the latter’s fours sons, Yoshihisa (1533–1611),
Yoshihiro (1535–1619), Toshihisa (d. 1592) and Iehisa (d. 1587?). In
the 1550s, 1560s and 1570s they managed to reunite not only Satsuma
but also to conquer most of Ôsumi (1556?)95 and Hyûga (1578),
and by the mid-1580s they had subdued the greater part of Kyushu
with the final aim to unify all of Kyushu under Satsuma.

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It was only Bungo that was not under their sway. After the
disastrous battle at Mimikawa in 1578, Bungo’s lord, Ôtomo Sôrin
– who had built a strong Bungo kingdom and, for a while (1559–78),
controlled six provinces on north Kyushu – had in the end to turn
to Hideyoshi in Osaka in 1586 to gain support in the fatal struggle
he was waging against the Shimazu family of Satsuma. Hideyoshi
responded willingly and came with a massive and war-seasoned
army (280,000 men according to one source) in 1587 and forced the
Shimazu family to submit and be satisfied with Satsuma, Ôsumi and
part of Hyûga. Ôtomo Sôrin had to settle for Bungo in the new order
of things. A new weapon meant all the difference, and both the
Shimazu family on Kyushu and Hideyoshi in central Japan profited
from the new weapon. This was a showdown between two armies
both equipped with a new weapon and a military strategy based on
it. The Hideyoshi army was overwhelming and Satsuma gave up
without a final and conclusive battle. Japanese history might have
been different if it had been Kyushu and Satsuma and not Kansai
and Hideyoshi that had won a decisive battle.96

GOHÔ
A puzzling person in the Teppôki and the Tanegashima kafu is the
Chinese, Gohô (Ch. Wu-feng), who in both works is mentioned as
a Confucian scholar (jusha). He takes care of the written conversation
with the local official, Oribenojô, and, according to the Teppôki, is
thereupon in close touch with the monk Chû Shuso at Akôgi. That
he had a special position on board the junk can be taken for granted,
whether as captain or owner. In these two works he is described as a
Confucian scholar, but in other literature he is more known as a
corsair-merchant, whose full name was Wang Wu-feng (Ô Gohô in
Japanese) or Wang Chih (Ôchoku in Japanese) who had possibly
visited Japan before.97 The enigma is why he was on this ship and
why he is described as a Confucian scholar and not as a merchant or
the captain of the ship.98 Could it not have been his merchandise
that was sold at a good price at Akôgi Harbour? No source, either
Japanese or Portuguese, mentions that the Portuguese brought any

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merchandise. Pinto states that they had nothing to sell. There is the
possibility that there is some confusion about the person in question,
and that Gohô represents someone else than the corsair-merchant
Wang Chih or Wang Wu-feng, who later established his quarters on
the Gotô Islands in Hizen Province.
If the well-known Wang Chih is identical with Gohô, can it be
that his trade operations reached Japan only after this accidental
visit? According to both Galvano and Pinto they were on their way
to Ning-po at the time that they were blown off course and reached
Tanegashima. Sansom says that Wang Chih crossed over to Japan in
1545 and invited Japanese merchants to join with him in trade.99 If
this is right, and he had not visited Japan before 1543, and his
business empire obtained a convenient base of operations at Hirado
and on Fukue Island (Fukue-jima) among the Gotô Islands in Japan
from 1545 (1548 according to some sources),100 it is natural that the
Tanegashima kafu mentions him as a Confucian scholar, as he could
both read and write and act as an interpreter. Thus, Wang Chih was
in legal private trade by the time his junk came adrift and reached
Tanegashima in 1543 and was still mainly in the legal trade when he
established himself in Hizen in 1545. It was only after the Ming
government had destroyed Ning-po and both terminated the licensed
trade and prohibited trade with Japan on pain of death that he en-
gaged in smuggling and later in piracy. His trade, whether legal or
illegal, reached afar to Luzon in the Philippines and to Annam, Siam
and Malacca in the south and he was a wealthy man by the time he
established himself in Japan. In the years that followed the Tane-
gashima visit, piracy along the Chinese coast increased in intensity
and Wang Chih became one of the leaders. Both in trade and
piratical activities he was in close touch with Matsura Takanobu at
Hirado first of all, but also Ôuchi Yoshitaka at Yamaguchi, Ôtomo
Sôrin at Bungo, Shimazu Takahisa at Satsuma and perhaps other
daimyo.101
In the History of Ming (Ming shih) Wang Chih is described as
one of the rebel leaders who invited the Japanese wakô pirates to join
him and start an invasion of China in great force. This invasion –

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war more than piracy – began in 1552 and reached its height in
1555. The pirate forces ‘arrived like clouds over the water’, ravaged
long stretches along the whole of the Chinese coastline and reached
inland as far as Nanking, sacking towns, emptying granaries and
carrying off people into slavery. This was war and perhaps Wang
Chih’s ultimate objective was to topple the Ming dynasty.102 The
invaders were finally defeated by Ming forces but the pirate activities
continued.103 With guile and trickery Wang Chih was induced to re-
turn to China in 1557 where he was captured and executed in 1559.104
One would have expected that Nanpo, at a later date, would have
known better about these events and described Gohô as Wang Chih,
the corsair-merchant, and not as a Confucian philosopher. Perhaps he
only followed the Tanegashima family chronicle, having no knowledge
about the possible connection with Wang Chih and wakô piracy.105
As a scholar, however, and living in Satsuma he should have known
about the famous corsair and his association with the first nanbansen
– if there was such an association!
Japanese historians, T. Hora and T. Udagawa among them, do
not hesitate to identify Gohô as Wang Chih.106 One wonders whether
Samipocheca, the corsair mentioned in Pinto’s Peregrinaçam, refers
to the same person.107 In Pinto’s work, it is Samipocheca’s ship – a
pirate ship on which three Portuguese, Pinto among them, have taken
passage – that is blown off course in a storm and arrives at Tane-
gashima. After the arrival Samipocheca is referred to as the necodá
of the ship (necodá with the meaning of captain and owner). He
plays an important role at the beginning of the stay on Tanegashima
but is not mentioned by Pinto afterwards. Gohô is also only men-
tioned at the beginning of the Teppôki but not afterwards. This is a
time when the Peregrinaçam runs amazingly parallel to the Teppôki
and is helpful in spite of its many exaggerations. Future research and
new material might shed more light on Gohô’s identity; until then
one can nurse doubts whether he and the later pirate leader Wang
Chih are one and the same person. In the Teppôki he takes second
place after the Portuguese because of the musket(s), but it is un-
mistakable that he was a prominent personality among the more

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than 100 people on board. As much can be said about Samipocheca

in the Peregrinaçam.
The interpretation problem is also an enigma not easily solved.
The Teppôki mentions that ‘double interpretation’ (jûyaku) took
place when Lord Tokitaka talked to the Portuguese. A priest residing
in Akôgi served as an interpreter at one time and first we have the
‘written’ conversation in the sand at Nishinomura. Pinto further
adds a Ryukyuan woman as an interpreter. There is no mention of
how the Portuguese were interpreted. Would ‘double interpretation’
imply that someone could communicate with the Portuguese or that
one of the Portuguese managed some Chinese? In the Tanegashima
kafu only the scholar from Ming (min-jusha) is mentioned as inter-
preter. The enigma remains. It can only be concluded that in one
way or another communication took place. However, not in the
grand, philosophical style presented in the Teppôki and certainly not
in the animated style as given in Pinto’s Peregrinaçam. It must in
reality have been short exchanges of words, many of them written
(in the sand) or explained laboriously by perhaps the Ming Chinese,
that is, Gohô, who might have known some Portuguese and by the
Ryukyuan woman who perhaps knew Chinese besides Japanese.
Further, there is the possibility that the Portuguese might have known
some pidgin Chinese.

THE ARRIVAL OF OTHER PORTUGUESE

A pertinent question is to what extent Portuguese ships arrived at
Japanese harbours in the years that followed the first Portuguese
who arrived on a Chinese junk in 1543. It is posited here that there
were not many and that, on the whole, they correspond to the
number mentioned in Japanese sources. This supposition is founded
on the conviction that a Portuguese ship in these early years of
contact was such a sensation that it was carefully noted in the annals
of a province. It is hardly correct when it is said that no less than six
Portuguese ships reached Satsuma in 1543. It is natural, however,
that it was Satsuma more than any other Japanese province that was
reached by the first wave of Portuguese commercial endeavour.

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Three Portuguese ships are registered in 1546 as entering Satsuma

harbours but this cannot be confirmed. That Portuguese merchants
arrived on Chinese junks, on the other hand, is verified. Thereupon
followed the arrival of the Chinese junk with Xavier on board in
1549. The first confirmed arrival of a Portuguese carrack took place
in 1550. It arrived at Hirado and made Xavier hurry there from
Kagoshima in spite of indisposition and summer heat. As regards
Bungo, the arrival of a first Portuguese ship is mentioned in 1541,
which, as noted above (see page 33), cannot be corroborated. Next
it is recorded that Portuguese came in 1545, but they came on a
Chinese junk. The first trustworthy mention of a Portuguese ship
arriving in Bungo is in August 1551, which made Xavier hasten there
one month later from Yamaguchi. From this time onwards, it is
apparent that Portuguese ships arrived in Japanese harbours more
and more frequently and annually.108
If the Portuguese ships, to start with, were few and far between,
it does not mean that Portuguese did not come. By all appearance,
Portuguese merchants, adventureres and fortune-hunters arrived
on Chinese junks, beginning in 1544 and 1545. They did not come
in the numbers that Pinto wishes us to believe, but they must have
been rather many. They are difficult to list and name because of lack
of records and because usually they neither wrote letters nor kept
diaries. A guess is that they paid their way on Chinese junks with or
without merchandise to sell and that for diverse reasons some of
them remained in Japan. Through various sources we can trace a
few of them. For example, we have Pero Diez who gave the report to
Garcia de Escalante, as mentioned above, and Jorge de Faria, the
merchant who came to Bungo in 1545, reportedly with five or six
other Portuguese. Perhaps also in 1547 arrived the mysterious Diogo
Vaz [d’Aragão] who is said to have stayed in Bungo for some five
years, learned Japanese and is reported to have cured the prince who
had been in a shooting accident.109 While there were few Portuguese
ships there were a number of Chinese. The two first Portuguese came
on a Chinese junk, the six or seven Portuguese mentioned by Ôtomo
Sôrin had likewise come on a Chinese junk and so had perhaps

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Diogo Vaz (d’Aragão) and others.110 When the shooting accident

took place in 1550 (or 1551), it could therefore have been several
Portuguese participating in curing the prince.111 Thereupon, we can
mention the trader-adventurer Duarte da Gama who perhaps visited
Japan six times between 1550 and 1555112 and his companion Luís
d’Almeida who sailed together with Duarte da Gama and visited
Japan for the first time in 1550.113 Last we can mention Pedro Velho,
one of two Portuguese who had visited Miyako (Kyoto) before 1549
according to a letter by Xavier (see also Ch. 12, n. 38).114
There are no assured reports about Portuguese ships arriving in
1547, 1548 or 1549, but in 1550 an unquestionable carrack arrived
at Hirado in the middle of the summer. From 1551 onwards yearly
arrivals of Portuguese ships are reported and Hirado remained until
1561 the favoured port.115 Other ports were Yokoseura (1563), Fukuda
(1565, 1566, 1568, 1569 and 1570), Kuchinotsu (1567) and others
on Kyushu. These annual ships from mostly Macao (from 1557) led
to the regular Macao–Nagasaki trade from 1571.
That the Portuguese ships coming to Japan in the 1540s were few
makes sense since the Portuguese merchant fleet must have been
limited in Far Eastern waters at this time, and Japan was only one of
the new areas – and the farthest – which were of mercantile interest.
There could logically not have been that many ships available for
Japan. Research regarding the whole Portuguese merchant fleet in
Far Eastern waters might show that the Japanese sources are correct
when they only register a few Portuguese ships arriving in Japan
before 1550. It is apparent, however, that Portuguese merchants
joined forces with Chinese merchants and owned junks that
trafficked the Chinese Sea in both licit and illicit trade. It would be
another interesting subject for research to find out to what extent
there were joint ventures between Portuguese and Chinese in these
early years of commerce, smuggling and piracy, and to what extent
they competed with each other. The Portuguese were in fact intruders
in an area of trade that had been monopolized by the Chinese and
the Ryukyuan. Reading Pinto’s Peregrinaçam, one gets the impression
that the Portuguese and the Chinese were in both cooperation and

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competition. It seems that Portuguese with their merchandise sailed

with Chinese merchants on their junks, paying their way as guest-
merchants or passengers.116 The Chinese fleet of merchant junks
ran in the thousands. The Portuguese had encountered them already
before reaching Malacca in 1509 and they continued to meet them
wherever they went after their seizure of Malacca in 1511. Junks
seem also to have been available for both sale and rent, and smart
businessmen on both sides certainly found ways to deal with each
other – in search of profit. Therefore, the conclusion is that, at first,
the Portuguese were much dependent on the Chinese and their
commerce and traffic was carried out on Chinese junks and in co-
shipping with the Chinese owners. The Portuguese part of the trade
along the Chinese coast must have been limited.

CONCLUDING REMARKS ABOUT THE TEPPÔKI AND

THE TANEGASHIMA KAFU
It is fitting to finish the discussion of the Teppôki by mentioning
again that this work is a glorification of the Tanegashima family and
especially Tanegashima Tokitaka, and indirectly of Satsuma and the
Shimazu family, and that therefore the narrative should not be con-
sidered trustworthy in its entirety. The Tanegashima kafu is, on the
other hand, entry by entry to be trusted, not least because each event
is dated – and often double-dated to boot – and probably based on
records kept in the Tanegashima house archive from early times, in
which important events were registered at the time they took place.
When dates can be verified in other documents, for example, for
Ôtomo Sôrin’s invasion of Hyûga in the 11th month in the 6th year
of the Tenshô era (1578), it must be surmised that most other dates
are also correct, also the date for the arrival of the first Portuguese in
September 1543. The Tanegashima kafu must therefore be considered
the prime source, more so than the Teppôki.

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CHAPTER SIX

Fernão Mendes Pinto’s Four Visits to

Japan, According to the Peregrinaçam

INTRODUCTION

A
mong the many Portuguese adventurers who went to the
East in the sixteenth century, no one has caused as much
controversy as Fernão Mendes Pinto (1509?–83).1 Follow-
ing his return to Portugal after twenty-one years in the
East, he wrote his Peregrinaçam in 227 chapters in which he describes
his adventures, the first and only work of its kind.2 It covers all his
travels from the day he left for Lisbon in 1521 and departed for the
East in 1537 aged about 28 until he returned in 1558 aged about 50.
He wrote it as a legacy for his children, and only for them, as he says
in the first chapter,3 but since it was printed 30 years after his death
(1614), it has become a document that has never ceased to fascinate
and intrigue the general reader and historian alike.4
It is probable that he began writing the Peregrinaçam rather soon
after his return from the East. It is reported that the well-known
historian João de Barros (1496–1570) turned to Pinto in his work and
had a preview of the first draft of this ‘unique masterpiece’ already
in 1569. Pinto was his chief authority on Japan until ‘the Jesuits
persuaded him that he would do better to consult their missionary
reports from the Land of the Rising Sun’.5 It can be imagined that he
continued the work also later and Francisco Leite de Faria means
that he finished the undertaking by 1580.6 Authors of that time had
the habit to give long titles for their works. Also in this respect Pinto
exaggerates and presents an undertitle twelve lines long, not quoted
here. The reader is referred to the front page of the original edition
of 1614 (Figure 6 opposite).

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Figure 6: Title page of Mendes Pinto’s Peregrinaçam (1614 edition).

As Maurice Collis has described it, the Peregrinaçam – which he

appropriately gives the English title, The Grand Peregrination – is the

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greatest baroque masterpiece of the Portuguese language, and we

can ask whether there is another masterpiece of its kind in world
literature. It does not fit into any category of literature. Reading Pinto,
one wonders at times whether he was not a Baron von Münch-
hausen, but then one is struck by the fact that that there is always a
grain of truth and true fact in the midst of the many unbelievable
adventures in Abyssinia, Arabia, India, Burma, Malacca, China, Japan
and other places. As R. D. Catz puts it: ‘Even in the most fantastic
episodes of his Travels, there is a note that rings true’.7
In a sense Pinto is a better Baron von Münchhausen, because
truth and fiction are so well woven together that historians are
divided in believing and disbelieving him. Therefore he has enjoyed
‘la solide réputation de menteur’ and been designated ‘the father of
all lies’. And a pun has been made on the similarity of his name
‘Mendes’ and ‘mendacious’! He must himself, however, have believed
the stories he wrote, always referring to the Almighty Lord and Divine
Providence. Not once does he hint that he might be embellishing the
story or fantasizing. If the story were true in all its adventurous
detail, however, he must have surpassed the proverbial cat with nine
lives many times over. This makes the reader suspicious, as it makes
him critical to find that he is always in the right place at the right
time. This last statement relates not least to his four visits to Japan.
In his account, he is on board the first ship with Portuguese that
reaches the shores of Japan, he is on board the ship which picks up
Anjiro8 who became Xavier’s disciple and follower, he is on board
the ship which brings Xavier out of Japan, and he is not far away
when in 1552 Xavier dies on an island off the Chinese coast. Only the
fourth visit, which he describes as taking place in 1556–57, seems
real enough to immediately convince the reader. The dates seem more
and more trustworthy with each visit.
One can have doubts about the veracity of much, especially the
exaggerated facts, in Pinto’s account, but one is also reminded again
and again that there is a certain amount of truth in his fascinating
narrative. The more one reads him, the more one finds, surprisingly,
that he is rather close to the truth.

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In his treatment of geography on the whole Pinto seems truth-

ful. Most places can be found on the map and we find no imaginary
lands or islands. The same may be said about his descriptions of the
sea travel and about sailing conditions generally. It is natural that he
jumbles names of people and places, but it is amazing how close the
Portuguese transcriptions are, mostly, to the Japanese pronunciation.
It is on land that his imagination runs riot, contradictions are numer-
ous and events are exaggerated or even invented. And he shows no
respect for mathematics – for instance, when he refers to the huge
number of muskets produced on the islands in just a short time or
claims that nearly 2,000 Chinese junks foundered in a storm.
This chapter aims only at relating and discussing the four visits
to Japan, as described in the Peregrinaçam. It would take us too far
afield to put them into the context of all the adventures that Pinto
experienced in the East. His visits to Japan are enough for an
analysis, and the results can perhaps be applied to other sections of
the Peregrinaçam. His visits are here given in summarized form. For
a recent complete English translation, the reader is referred to
Rebecca D. Catz, The Travels of Mendes Pinto, Chicago, 1989.

THE FIRST VISIT

Pinto’s first visit comes rather late in the Peregrinaçam. It is found in
chapters 132–137, just after numerous adventures in China have
taken place. Together with two other Portuguese, Christovão Borralho
and Diogo Zeimoto, he takes passage on a junk belonging to a
Chinese corsair by the name of Samipocheca for Ning-po with the
intention of finding a ship sailing to Malacca. They run into bad
weather and are blown northwards along the Ryukyu Islands. After
several days they notice a fire on the horizon, and when they approach
land, six men come rowing out in two boats, asking them from
where they come. They answer that they come from China with
merchandise, and are told in turn that the island is called Tanixumaa
(Tanegashima), and that the lord of the island is Nautaquim (Naotoki?
= Tokitaka?),9 who would certainly allow them the same commerce
that is allowed merchants from the main islands of Japan, the country

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they could see ahead of them. They are happy about such good
tidings and having been shown where the harbour is, they sail there
and anchor in a little bay. A large town called Miaygima (Miyajima?) is
located by the harbour, and they are soon supplied with fresh food and
water from there. They have hardly been there for two hours, when
the lord, Nautaquim, comes on board, accompanied by merchants
and noblemen, bringing chests full of silver to trade.10 He notices
the three Portuguese and asks who they are. From their faces and
beards he can tell that they are not Chinese. The corsair answers that
they come from Malacca but that their country of origin is Portugal,
which is at the end of the world. Nautaquim is amazed and turns to
his people and says: ‘You may kill me if they are not Chenchicogis
(Indians or Portuguese),11 about whom it is written that, flying over
the water, they conquer the world where God created all the riches
of the world. For this reason, it is our good luck that they have come
to our country as friends’. He invites them to come and see him the
following day and assures them that he would rather buy their
information about foreign lands than any commodity they could
offer him.
The next day they all go together with the corsair to Nautaquim’s
palace where they are cordially received. He questions the Portuguese
for some two hours, and Pinto admits that he lies considerably in
order not to disappoint the prince in his great opinion of Portugal,
about which he had heard earlier from Chinese and Ryukyu people.
They are invited to live in a house close to his palace from the follow-
ing day.
While the corsair captain sells all the merchandise, earning
enormous profits, the Portuguese, who have nothing to sell, pass the
time hunting, fishing and visiting temples. Diogo Zeimoto, who is
very fond of shooting, downs some 26 wild ducks and the astounded
inhabitants report this to Nautaquim, who immediately sends for
him. He is full of wonder when he sees Zeimoto with the musket on
his shoulder and believes that he is carrying some kind of magic.
Then Zeimoto makes a demonstration and shoots down two doves
and a seahawk. Nautaquim is so excited that he makes Zeimoto

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climb up behind him on his horse and declares in front everyone

that he shall make this chenchicogim12 from the end of the world his
relative. He invites Zeimoto to his palace and makes him stay there
overnight and shows him great favour.
Zeimoto feels that he has to repay the honours received and
finds no better way than to give Nautaquim a musket. The lord
receives it with pleasure and assures Zeimoto that he esteems the
present more than all the treasures of China. In return, Zeimoto
receives a thousand silver taels, and he teaches the lord how to make
the gunpowder, without which the musket was a useless iron tube.
Nautaquim immediately begins to exercise with the musket, and
at the same time his blacksmiths begin to copy it. This is done with
such ardour that, according to Pinto, there are 600 muskets around
when they leave five and a half months later. At this point Pinto
anticipates and mentions that he was told during his fourth visit to
Japan in 1556 (see page 118 below) that there were more than 30,000
muskets in Bungo alone and more than 300,000 in all of Japan;
25,000 muskets had even been exported and sold to the Ryukyus! 13
Due to a single musket given to Nautaquim as a sign of gratitude and
friendship, by 1556 the country was filled to such abundance with
muskets that there was not a hamlet where people did not forge a
hundred muskets or more. Pinto sees this as evidence of how
addicted the Japanese are to military exercise and combat, ‘in which
they take more delight than any other nation that is known’.14
They have already spent 23 days on Tanegashima when an emissary
comes from the king of Bungo. He brings a letter from the king, who
has heard about the three Chenchicogins from the end of the world
and wishes that one of them come to Bungo. He is anxious to hear
about the world, which might help him in his long illness and
indisposition.
Nautaquim does not want to let Zeimoto go until he has learned
to shoot like him, but either Borralho or Pinto can go. Pinto is chosen
because of his cheerful disposition. He leaves with the emissary and
they arrive at the capital of Bungo where the king receives him most
cordially. In bed, suffering from gout, the king addresses Pinto: ‘May

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your arrival in the land over which I rule be as pleasant as the rain
that falls from Heaven after the rice is planted!’15 Pinto feels em-
barrassed and cannot say a word for a while, and the king believes
that this is because too many people are present. Then Pinto answers
that it is not the multitude of people that cause his embarrassment,
but the distinguished appearance of the king that is making him
speechless. This answer impresses the king and all others and the
king immediately feels much better. The queen and her daughters
raise their hands and thank Heaven for the great blessing granted
them.
What the king wants to find out is whether Pinto, who comes
from a country at the end of the world, has heard about any remedy
for his illness. Pinto answers that he is not a doctor, but he knows
that there is a kind of wood16 on the ship he has come on, which,
mixed with water, cures worse illnesses than the one the king suffers
from. The king is delighted and people are sent to Tanegashima to fetch
such wood. He takes this treatment and within thirty days is cured
and can leave the bed to which he has been confined for two years.
The musket is as much a novelty in Bungo and arouses as much
curiosity. The king’s second son, Arichandono, about sixteen or
seventeen years old, asks Pinto to teach him how to shoot, but Pinto
puts him off by telling him that it would take a long time to learn.
The king, however, pleads to Pinto who promises to do as he wishes.
When the boy comes the following day, Pinto is in his siesta sleep,
and without waking Pinto, he takes the musket to try it by himself.
He loads it, however, with too much gunpowder, so that when
ignited, it blows up in three pieces, and the boy is wounded on the
head and in the thumb of the right hand. He falls to the ground as if
dead. His friends run to the palace, screaming that the foreigner’s
musket has killed the prince. A crowd assembles and hastens to Pinto,
who waking up, sees the young prince unconscious and covered
with blood, moving neither hand nor foot. The king arrives, carried
in a litter, so distraught that he, too, looks more dead than alive.
After him comes the queen, supported by her ladies and also her two
daughters. The conclusion is that Pinto has killed the boy, and two

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men brandishing their swords are ready to cut him down. But the
king stops them. He wants to know what has happened. He wonders
whether Pinto has been bribed by the relatives of the traitors he has
executed recently. As the interrogation continues, Pinto is on his
knees, bound and at first not able to utter a word, but recovering his
wits, he firmly states that he is innocent and calls Heaven as his wit-
ness. As the passions rise, it is asked that he should be put to death
(one of the many times Pinto is close to death in the Peregrinaçam).
Then the prince suddenly regains consciousness. He explains
what has happened, that the accident is his own fault, and asks that
Pinto should be untied and set free. Pinto is set free, and in the end
he is, at the boy’s request, asked to treat the wounds. He examines
him, and finds that he has two wounds, one in the face just above the
forehead, which is not dangerous, and one on the thumb of his right
hand, which is half severed. So, relying on the Good Lord (Pinto
never forgets to refer to his God), he tells the king that his son would
be healed in less than a month. He puts seven stitches in the thumb
and five in the forehead, in the way he had seen it done in India by
Portuguese surgeons. Five days later he removes the stitches and 20
days later, with God’s will, the prince is completely recovered. The
king’s gratitude is profuse. Presents are showered on Pinto; he is given
silks, swords, fans and 600 taels of silver.17
Just about that time letters arrive from Borralho and Zeimoto,
informing him that the Chinese corsair has made preparations for
the return to China, and that the ship is ready to sail. Pinto asks the
king to be allowed to leave. The king, happy about his son’s recovery,
sends him back in one of his own vessels with a captain and 20 men.
They leave Fuchô in Bungo on a Saturday morning and reach Tane-
gashima the following Friday. They stay for another fifteen days on
Tanegashima, before they sail for Ning-po in China.18
The account of Pinto’s first visit to Japan ends here. It need be
added that, when Pinto, Borralho and Zeimoto tell their compatriots
of the chance discovery of Japan and of the great quantity of silver
to be found there, their excitement is without bounds. After giving
thanks to the Lord for such a great blessing, greed takes over and ‘the

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“Rush” des Portugais au Japon’ begins.19 In only two weeks nine

junks are readied and loaded with merchandise, and without a
moment’s thought for the perils of the sea, they set sail. Pinto goes
along on one of them. Seven junks founder with all on board, but
two survive and reach the Ryukyu Islands, together with some women
who are also saved.20 Pinto is on one of the two and, incredibly, he
is once again miraculously saved when the ship crushes on the rocky
shores of one of the Ryukyu Islands. He comes ashore safely and his
Ryukyu adventures begin. He is imprisoned and condemned to death
accused of piracy, but is released due to the intervention of a number
of compassionate women and thanks to an equally compassionate
king, and he can safely return to Ning-po. Illogically he recommends
thereupon that the Portuguese should undertake the conquest of the
Ryukyu Islands.21 He does not reach Japan on this journey.

THE SECOND VISIT

Pinto presents no dates for the first visit to Japan, only the total
length of the stay of five and a half months. His second visit comes
after other dangerous adventures, this time in Southeast Asia, and is
found in chapters 200–203 of the Peregrinaçam. No exact date for
the departure is given but indirectly we understand that it takes
place in 1546. He leaves Malacca with Jorge Alvares,22 the captain of
the ship, and 26 other Portuguese on a trading voyage and after 26
days of fair sailing, they reach Tanegashima and anchor outside a
port that Pinto renders as Guanxiro (Akôgi?). The prince of the island,
Nautaquim, comes immediately por sua curiosidade, but, curiously
enough, there is no mention of Pinto and him having met before.
One would have espected the first visit to have been referred to, if it
had really taken place. It is also strange that the name of the harbour
is given as Guanxiro and not as Miaygima as during the first visit.
Nautaquim is, however, delighted to see a Portuguese náo for the
first time and wishes that they stay and do trade with him. The
captain, Jorge Alvares, and the merchants refuse, however, because
they do not consider Guanxiro a safe harbour in the event of a
storm, so they sail the following day and arrive five days later in the

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harbour of Fuchô23 in the kingdom of Bungo. There they are well

received by the king, who shows them much favour and generosity.
This was promising, but Pinto thereupon turns to the civil strife
which broke out within the kingdom of Bungo soon after their arrival.
The king is unfortunately killed by one of his vassals, a Fucarandono.
This story is given with much cruel detail. It concentrates around a
prince, Axirandono from the province of Arima, and Fucarandono,
who wants to have his daughter married to the prince. Everything
goes smoothly with the king as the intermediary. The girl, however,
is madly in love with the son of a certain nobleman, Groge Aarum,
who elopes with her and places her in a convent. Fucarandono, out
of his senses, goes berserk and a civil war commences in which many
thousands of people are killed, including the king and 26 Portuguese
out of the 40 who are with the king at the time. The capital, Fuchô,
is sacked. Pinto and his friends are also in danger but manage with
much difficulty to return to the ship, weigh anchor, and run out to
sea. In the end, Fucarandono himself is killed in the melée that
engulfs the capital of Bungo. In chapter 201, Pinto describes how the
son of the dead king takes a bloody revenge on the mutineers and is
proclaimed king.24
Having given up hope for trade in Bungo, the Portuguese sail to
a port in the gulf of Kagoshima, named Hyamangó (Yamagawa?) by
Pinto,25 where they stay for two and a half months, without being
able to sell a thing, because this country is flooded with goods from
China. More than 2,000 trading junks have sailed from China to Japan
in that year and they can count hundreds of such junks, loaded with
silk, in the ports of Kyushu. The result is that the price of silk has
gone down (Pinto presents exact figures!) and the Portuguese are
faced with total ruin.26
On 5 December 1546 a great storm blows up, however, and most
crafts go under. Pinto gives the precise number of l,972 ships, on
which there were also 26 Portuguese, not counting a thousand
Christians of other nations. Only ten or twelve vessels are saved, and
Pinto happens to be on one of them!27 This is once again a miracle,
and a subsequent miracle is the fact that they can sell their merchandise

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at huge profits. They can leave rich, but also sad, remembering all
the people and riches which have been lost.
They encounter new storms. In one they lose an anchor, which
is found by divers at the depth of 26 fathoms (sic), and in another
they are close to be thrown up on a rocky shore. In the midst of their
hardships, two men come riding down to the shore waving at them
with a cloth, and beg to be taken on board. Since one of Pinto’s
slaves28 had fled during the night, he is allowed by Jorge Alvares to
go ashore to enquire about him.
One of the Japanese tells Pinto that he is a fugitive and that his
pursuers are close behind. He begs to be taken on board the ship and
be saved. Pinto decides to take him and the other Japanese along, but
they have hardly pushed off from the shore when a body of mounted
soldiers gallop up, shouting that they shall surrender the traitors or
die. They row on, however, and reach the ship safely.
Jorge Alvares agrees to give the two Japanese a free passage. The
first among them is Anjiro.29 It was he who, baptised under the name
of Paulo de Santa Fé (Paul of Holy Faith) – the first Japanese con-
verted to Christianity – accompanied Xavier to Japan in 1549, acting
as his interpreter and assistant.
The ship sails out from Yamagawa and the gulf of Kagoshima on
16 January 1547, and God gives them fourteen days of good wind to
reach China. Arriving in Chincheo in China, however, they hear that
the pirate Chepocheca is in the area with a great fleet of 60,000 men,
and in the face of such danger, Jorge Alvares thinks it safe to continue
in the direction of Malacca where they arrive later the same year. It so
happened that Xavier returned from the Moluccas in April of the same
year, and it is therefore not impossible that Pinto was present when
Anjiro was introduced to Xavier, as he says in the Peregrinaçam.30
Whether Pinto was present or not, however, Xavier and Anjiro
met for the first time in 1547 in Malacca, and it is not impossible
that Pinto was there at the time.31 The date given in other sources
for the first meeting when Jorge Alvares introduced Anjiro to Father
Francis Xavier is 7 December 1547. That only Jorge Alvares is men-
tioned need only be due to the fact that he was the captain and the

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important person while Pinto was a merchant, not worth mention-

ing.32 The Portuguese social snobbery was apparent in their
exclusive reliance on ‘gentlemen of blood’ and ‘fidalgo nobility’.33 In
this class-conscious society where birth ranked higher than merit a
merchant was of course not counted.
About a year before Pinto died, Father Giovanni Maffei (1533–
1603) interviewed him about his travels in the East and wrote a
summary about the first two visits to Japan. This is a concise version
of the trips which, in the main, agrees with the longer version in the
Peregrinaçam. Here, too, Pinto is one of the discoverers of Japan, and
they come storm-driven to Tanegashima ‘on Saint John’s day (24th
June) in the year of forty-one (sic)’. Here it is said that the lord of the
island is married to a daughter of the king of Bungo. Now, the 13th
lord Shigetoki was married to a daughter of Shimazu Satsuma no
kami Tadaoki who in turn was the mother of the 14th lord Tokitaka,
according to the Tanegashima kafu. Under the first visit the lord
explains how he is related to the king of Bungo. He says that ‘he is
both lord and uncle to me, my mother’s brother, and he is, above all,
a good father to me, and I call him that because he is my wife’s
father’.34 Pinto intermingles Bungo and Satsuma and, likewise, the
father, 13th lord Shigetoki, and the son, the 14th lord Tokitaka.
Tanegashima belonged under Satsuma and not under Bungo. Pinto
has replaced Satsuma with Bungo. The father Shigetoki seems to be
in the centre as much as the son Tokitaka, and this might explain
why Pinto does not seem to have met Tokitaka before when he
arrives at Tanegashima on his second journey. The name Naotaquim
could therefore refer to the father as much as to the son and be a title
rather than a name. It has to be remembered that when Pinto wrote
about the first visit, the story probably originated from various sources
and it is therefore futile to consider the terms and names too logically. 35
Perhaps the situation was too complicated for Pinto!
In the Maffei version the shooting accident, where the prince is
badly injured, takes place on Tanegashima (and not in Bungo) 36 and
Pinto is in great danger to be killed. He is found innocent and he
cures the prince, ‘thus securing the friendship of the king of the

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island’. ‘And this was the beginning of the trade and intercourse with
the Japanese’. From here Pinto and his companions return to Liampo
(Ning-po) in China giving the Portuguese there tidings of the most
lucrative commerce. Forthwith some merchant vessels are fitted out
for Japan, ‘but as they mistake the monsoon, they are nearly all lost’,
and Pinto ‘escapes from the wreck, cast ashore on some islands,
whence he is finally delivered’. ‘They return subsequently and then
bring Angero (Yajiro) who later returns together with padre Master
Francisco (Xavier)’.37
As can be seen, this is a paraphrase of the longer version in the
Peregrinaçam, a paraphrase that does not deviate considerably from
the original version. It is more compact and the second visit is
shortened to the last quoted sentence. Even the adventures in Bungo
come in shortened form. If the Peregrinaçam is built on much hearsay
information and imagination, it is quite amazing that his memory
of these ‘imaginary’ happenings is exactly the same a year before his
death – some forty years after they should have taken place. Whether
or not this succinct narrative is more convincing is, as Boxer says, a
matter of taste. It is perhaps more convincing because it is shorter,
but the question marks remain as regards its veracity, perhaps with
the exception of the event in the last sentence.
It was after this journey that Jorge Alvares wrote the account
about Japan that inspired Xavier (see page 29 above).

THE THIRD VISIT

Later in 1547 Pinto is again in danger, when the king of Achin comes
with a fleet of 70 ships carrying 5,000 fighting men on board to take
Malacca (chapters 203–206 in the Peregrinaçam). The attack is repulsed,
not least thanks to Xavier’s prayers which encourage the commander
Simão de Mello and the soldiers. In the years that follow Pinto says
little about what happens to himself, while he instead concentrates
on Xavier, whose activities for the Lord apparently filled him with
awe. The story, as it were, turns from Pinto to Xavier. He relates how
Xavier, overcoming many obstacles, is on his way to Japan in 1549
together with, among others, the above-mentioned Anjiro, how

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they arrive at Kagoshima on 15 August, and how they begin their

missionary work there.
About two years later Pinto’s third visit to Japan follows in 155l
(chapters 208–214 in the Peregrinaçam). He sails on a ship, of which
Duarte da Gama38 is the captain, and he again comes to the kingdom
of Bungo. He goes as a merchant. Again he happens to be in the right
place at the right time. One day in September 155l, three Christian
Japanese arrive at Funai, the port where they are anchored, and
inform Duarte da Gama and the other Portuguese that Xavier is two
leagues away, at a place called Pimlaxau, ill and in bad shape after
having walked 60 leagues. His head is aching and his feet are swollen
from the long march from Yamaguchi. If a horse is sent, he might
accept to ride on it.
It is immediately decided among the Portuguese that Xavier shall
be met and aided and a party of merchants – among whom Pinto is
one (naturally!) – sets out on horseback. They have hardly gone a
mile before they see Xavier coming towards them, accompanied by
two Japanese whom he has recently converted. The sight disconcerts
them, for he is limping along, looking tired and ill, with a pack on
his back containing the things he needs for giving mass. He refuses
the horse that they have brought for him, and they are obliged to
walk with him, though he tells them to remount their horses.39
When they arrive at the place where the ship is anchored, Xavier
is welcomed with an artillery salute which resounds ‘to the extent
that the cliffs around break and open’. The king who hears the noise
is startled at such a cannonade and believes that the Portuguese are
in combat with a fleet of pirates, who are rumoured to operate along
the coast. He sends a gentleman to Duarte da Gama to find out what
is going on. He is told that it is no pirates but the arrival of a saint,
much respected by the king of Portugal, who is being celebrated by
the cannonade. The gentleman is confused and does not know what
to tell the king, who had been told by Buddhist priests that Xavier
was not a saint but a magician in association with demons, so poor
and miserable that even the lice, with which his body was covered,
were loath to eat his flesh. The king understands that the priests have

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lied to him and, much impressed by the treatment that Duarte da

Gama has given the saintly father, he immediately sends for him,
and he is brought in a grand procession to the king’s palace, in which
all Portuguese, including Duarte da Gama, participate.
Xavier and the other Portuguese are received with much pomp
and circumstance. Already in the front court the royal guard meets
with 600 men in full military gala, and in the inner court they are
met by an equal number of dignitaries. In an inner hall the king,
who has risen, comes forward and greets Xavier. Those present with
the king are counted in the thousands. Among them, some Buddhist
priests are not happy with the grand reception, nor with the con-
versation that follows between the king and Xavier. A discussion
takes place between one priest, Fixiandono, and Xavier, which could
have taken place, as it is known that Xavier engaged in debate with
Buddhist monks when evangelizing in Bungo, but it is equally plausible
that Pinto invented and added it.
The same can be said about the following five-day disputation
that follows between Xavier and a distinguished priest from Miyajima.
It is given in a detailed fashion in the Peregrinaçam but cannot be
verified in other sources, for example, in the history of the Ôtomo
house in Bungo, in Luís Frois’ Historia de Japam or in Xavier’s own
letters.40 Pinto uses all his imagination to show how gloriously
Xavier can outdo his Buddhist opponents. Xavier had discussed and
disputed with bonzes at Yamaguchi and perhaps other places, but
there is no proof that this took place at Bungo. What makes the dis-
cussion with Fixiandono and the five-day disputation so improbable
is the question of interpretation. Who could have acted as his inter-
preter in his discussions with trained Buddhist dialecticians? And in
Japanese! No one is mentioned and this leads to the conclusion that
the disputations are also figments of Pinto’s rich imagination.41
Generally, however, there must have been somebody who helped
Xavier with the language. It could have been any one of the three
converts, João, Antonio and Bernardo, who escorted Xavier to Bungo
and afterwards to India. Or it could have been the enigmatic Diogo
Vaz [d’Aragão] who is said to have lived in Bungo for five years by

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this time and had learned Japanese. The last possibility is that Xavier
had over two years learned so much Japanese that he could converse
with the daimyo at least in simple terms. Disputations with learned
monks would, however, not have been possible without good inter-
pretation. Xavier is of no help. He only writes later, in a letter dated
25 January 1552, that the king received him with great magnanimity
and that meeting the Portuguese was a great pleasure for the king.
After the alleged five-day disputation, given in two long chapters
(212 and 213 in the Peregrinaçam), in which the king participates in
person day by day, it is finally time for departure. On the last day, the
king takes Xavier by the hand and accompanies him to the house
where the Christians live. The Buddhist priests express their wrath,
and ‘wish that the fire of Heaven fall down upon the king, who
allows himself so easily to be duped by a magician, a faineant sans
nom.’ So they depart (chapter 214), with Xavier on board, and keep
within sight of land as far as an island called Meleitor. Then the
crossing begins with seven days of fair wind, but suddenly the wind
shifts and they run into a raging storm beyond human imagination,
which lasts for five days. In the middle of the storm one of the
famous miracles ascribed to Xavier, the ‘miracle of the sloop’,
mentioned not only in the Peregrinaçam, takes place.42 Pinto gives
17 December 1551 as the date of the miracle.43 For Pinto it was a
further demonstration of Xavier’s saintliness, which makes him con-
sider leaving all worldly affairs and become a Jesuit. They anchor at
the Sancian (Sanchão, Shang-ch’uan),44 an island close to Canton
on the Chinese coast. In chapter 215, Pinto relates the events which
lead up to Xavier’s death in such intimate detail that the reader
could believe that he was present when Xavier passed away on the
same Sancian Island. He gives the date 2 December 1552, which is
close to the truth. In other sources we find both the 2nd and 3rd of
December given for Xavier’s death.45 He is buried on the island, but
three months and five days later the grave is opened and the body
found completely intact (another miracle), placed in a coffin and
transported to Malacca where it is buried for nine months, from 17
March to 11 December 1553. Thereafter, the body is placed in a new

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casket and brought to Goa, where Xavier finds his final resting place.
This account is close to what is found in other sources, for example,
in shorter form in Luís Frois’ Historia de Japam.
Pinto does not say that he is present at the time of Xavier’s death or
at the burials. What he says explicitly is that, upon reaching Sancian
Island thirteen days after the storm, his and Xavier’s ways part.
Xavier embarks on another ship for Malacca, while Duarte da Gama’s
ship is laid up in Siam for the winter. Pinto’s third journey to Japan
was over.

THE FOURTH VISIT

Pinto makes his fourth and last visit to Japan as is described in
chapters 223–226 in the Peregrinaçam. This time he goes on a ship
owned by Dom Francisco Mascarenhas as an ambassador and not as
a merchant, representing the Portuguese viceroy of India, from
whom he carries a letter to the king of Bungo. With him travels Father
Belchior Nunes, the Provincial of the Jesuits in Goa.46 The purpose
of the journey is both diplomatic and missionary, aiming at making
the king of Bungo a Christian and Bungo a Christian land. Pinto has
in the intervening years become a fervent Christian and a Jesuit
brother under the influence of Xavier, and it is possible that he both
initiated and paid for the mission to Japan.
They leave for Japan on l April 1555 from Malacca, but are
delayed again and again along the Chinese coast, where they also
visit Sancian Island to commemorate Xavier. During the long stay on
Lampacau Island, Father Belchior is busy as a priest but he is also in
direct touch with the Chinese authorities in Canton, and he manages to
free Portuguese prisoners who have been in Chinese gaols for years.
In these endeavours he visits Canton twice, probably together with
Pinto, but this is not mentioned in the Peregrinaçam. This we know
from letters written by both Father Belchior and Pinto. Instead of
reporting on these visits Pinto uses much space to tell the reader
about an earthquake that occurs in China at this time.47 It is not
until 7 May 1556 that they depart from Lampacau in China. A
fortnight later they sight Tanegashima, follow the coast of Kyushu

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FERNÃO MENDES PINTO’S FOUR VISITS TO JAPAN

Figure 7: Portrait of Fernão Mendes Pinto, as reproduced in the Japanese source,

Hyôchakusen no porutogarujin. Note that no portrait of Pinto was found by the
author in any of the Portuguese sources consulted.

and arrive at Fuchô, the capital of Bungo, and Pinto promptly goes
to see the king at the fortress of Usuki,48 where the latter has taken
refuge due to an uprising. The king has, however, left the same
morning with a large party to kill a big fish of unknown species, on
an island by the name of Xeque. Pinto is invited to the island where
he finds that a whale has been killed together with ‘a quantity of fish’.
A smiling king meets him and together they return to Usuki.
Afterwards follows a royal dinner at which also the queen, her
daughters and other ladies are present. Pinto and his four Portu-
guese companions are asked to eat with their hands, just as they do
in their country. This amuses the king and the queen and the ladies
present, because, as Pinto says, ‘these people are used to eating with
(chop-)sticks and consider it highly uncivilized to put their hands on
the food.’ In the midst of the merriment one of the king’s daughters,
fourteen or fifteen years old, asks permission to perform a farce, and
together with six to seven friends she leaves the room. When they
return, the princess is dressed as a Portuguese merchant, carrying a
gold-plated sword. She kneels in front of the king and plays the role
of a poor Portuguese merchant, begging that the king shall help him
in his distress. The princess is lovely and she plays her role so well that

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the king and queen laugh uncontrollably, as do all others present

except, presumably, the Portuguese, who feel rather embarrassed.
Pinto says that he had seen such farces on Tanegashima and at other
places earlier, and was not as astounded as his four friends, and he
also pretends that he understands the language while the other four
do not.49 The whole episode shows with what disgust ‘the Japanese
viewed contemporary European table manners’.50
A week later Pinto presents the letter from the viceroy of India,
and an impressive meeting with the king takes place. Ambassadors
from other countries are present, and 1,000 musketeers and 400
mounted warriors are in line. There are 40 Portuguese in Pinto’s party.
The king stands up when he receives the letter from the viceroy, and
hands it to a secretary who reads it aloud for all to hear. One wonders
in which language and whether with or without interpretation?

Figure 8: Portuguese trumpeter. It was not only contemporary European table

manners that disgusted the Japanese. They also ridiculed other aspects of Euro-
pean behaviour.

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Afterwards the king asks curiously about matters in Europe in

the presence of the ambassadors. Among the questions is one about
how many men the king of Portugal can muster and put in the field,
infantry and cavalry. Pinto hesitates because he is afraid he will
blush, if he tells a lie. One of his companions, however, takes it upon
himself to answer and says that the Portuguese king can bring up to
120,000 men in the field. The king is amazed – and so is Pinto! The
king turns to his people and says that he wishes more than anything
else to see that grand land with so many treasures. Bidding Pinto
and his party farewell, he tells Pinto that Father Belchior Nunez is
welcome to come and see him at any time.
Father Belchior goes at once to the king’s palace and is received
in the same grand manner as Pinto. He is escorted by 40 well-dressed
Portuguese, among whom Brother Juan Fernandez serves as inter-
preter. Pinto is also among them. The king greets Father Belchior
with a radiant face and many compliments and says that he is re-
ceiving him with the same great pleasure that he has earlier received
Father Francis Xavier. When it comes to the crucial question of con-
verting to the Christian faith, however, he becomes evasive and says
that he is afraid of mutiny if his vassals and the Buddhist priests see
any change in him. He has recently been through a revolt, and has
been forced to execute thirteen lords and 13,000 of their followers,
not to mention almost as many who were exiled. If the occasion
came, however, that he could obtain what his soul longed for, it
would be nothing else than what the viceroy proposed in his letter.
The father is much pleased with his saintly resolution, but reminds
the king that men are mortal, and if he dies before he has achieved
his wish, what would happen to his soul? The king smiles and
answers, ‘God knows’.
Understanding that no good words would convince the king on
such an important matter, Father Belchior turns to other subjects
which please the king more. After a long evening during which the
king asks about many things which are new to him, he bids the
father farewell, half promising that he will one day become a
Christian. (He kept his promise 22 years later, in 1578.)

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Two and a half months go by, during which the king does not
show any change of mind. There are only vague promises and
excuses which do not satisfy Father Belchior, who feels that he is
wasting his time. When a letter arrives from Malacca which invites
him to missionary work in Ethiopia, he is ready to leave. In this
situation Pinto goes one last time to see the king and asks for a reply
to the viceroy in India. It was already written, and Pinto receives it
together with a gift of arms. Pinto returns to the ship on which Father
Belchior Nunes and the rest of the party have already embarked.
They depart on the following day, 14 November 1556. The winds are
favourable and on 6 December they arrive in Lampacau in China,
and thereupon on 17 February 1557 in Goa in India. Pinto reports
in detail to Francisco Barreto,51 who receives the letter and the gifts
(two golden swords, other weapons and 100 Ryukyuan fans) from the
king of Bungo. The viceroy expresses that he values these presents as
highly as the governorship of India, because they can bring him high
favour and make him agreeable to his sovereign in Lisbon.
Thereupon the viceroy gives Pinto a letter addressed to the king
of Portugal, in which he praises Pinto for the many services he has
rendered in the East. With this letter Pinto finally embarks for
Portugal, where he arrives in Lisbon on 22 September 1558. After
returning home and not being received and honoured as expected
‘after my services of twenty-one years, during which I was captured
thirteen times and sold into slavery sixteen times’,52 he turns to his
memoirs, his Peregrinaçam, and passes probably as many years on
them as he has spent in the East until he dies in 1583.

CONCLUSION53
What is the conclusion? Did Pinto visit Japan four times or less?
Where does truth end and fiction begin? That Pinto at all events had
visited Japan, first of all Bungo, but also Tanegashima, must be taken
for granted. He could not have related a number of things only on
hearsay without having been there himself. He perhaps visited Tane-
gashima several times and perhaps local people told him things that
he could elaborate upon in his Peregrinaçam. Since he pretends to have

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learned some Japanese, he might, in the end, have been able to talk
with people without interpreter. Truth and fiction are so convincingly
poised, however, that it is often impossible to discern which is which.
Taking the visits, as they are given in the Peregrinaçam backwards,
the last one seems most credible, and the date for the departure from
Japan, 14 November 1556, is quite a safe date. Maybe his memory or
notes were so good that he could give the date for the last time he left
Japan. The visit matches other sources. The Bungo chronicle registers
a Portuguese ship in 1556, and Luís Frois relates how a ship owned
by Francisco de Mascarenhas left Sancian Island in June 1556 for
Bungo with Father Belchior on board. Luís Frois quotes a long letter
from Father Belchior in which he relates the visit, and also that he was
not successful in convincing the Bungo king to become a Christian.
Why, however, is Pinto not mentioned in the letter? If he were the
ambassador, as he says, one would expect his name to be mentioned
explicitly, and it is not. In the letter Belchior mentions a merchant
on board who is experienced in navigation and who saves the ship
when it is about to founder on the way into Bungo waters. Perhaps
this refers to Pinto? Maybe he participated in the mission, not as an
ambassador but in a lower capacity as a merchant who paid for the
mission? Or as a Jesuit brother of lower standing? His account of the
visit runs parallel with that of Father Belchior on important points,
although exaggerated and enlarged, and it must be surmised that he
was present as one of the party, although not important enough to
be mentioned by Father Belchior. One gets hesitant, for example,
when Pinto does not mention that Father Belchior lay ill for three
months before they departed or that they ran into a five-day heavy
storm on their way back (in November according to Pinto). One
must conclude, however, that this fourth trip in the Peregrinaçam is
authentic, even though question marks pile up when carefully com-
paring his account with Belchior’s letter.54
What proves that Pinto was a member of the mission is found in
the earlier chapters in the Peregrinaçam which relates the long and
arduous journey from Goa in 1554. It took them more than two years
to reach Japan. The dates fit well with those found in Father Belchior’s

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letters55 and Luís Frois’ Historia da Japam. For example, the departure
from Malacca is given as 1 April 1554, in both works. It is still
amazing that Luís Frois, who travelled with the mission from Goa to
Malacca, does not mention Pinto. Schurhammer, however, does not
doubt that Pinto was a member of the mission and that he was the
official emissary that he describes himself to be.56
If the fourth visit took place more or less as described, what
about the earlier three? He was a merchant, and it is natural that he
went to Japan with his merchandise as soon as he could after the
country was discovered. Probably he sailed there several times, but
not as described in the Peregrinaçam. He could not have written so
realistically about things Japanese without having been to the country
and certainly not about Bungo without having stayed there for some
time. He might have been in Bungo when Xavier arrived from
Yamaguchi (in 1551), and he might have been on his way from there
when Anjiro asked to be taken on board (in 1546). It is, however, not
probable that he was there, so timely, on both occasions. Logically, at
least one of the events ought to be discounted, and it is posited here
that neither of them took place as given in the Peregrinaçam.
There are historical facts which make both the second and the
third accounts less trustworthy. During the second visit the ‘king’ of
Bungo is assassinated, but this assassination of the daimyo of Bungo,
Yoshiaki, took place in February 1550, and not in 1546, when Pinto
says that he was there. This incident, well-known in the Bungo history
as the Nikai-kuzure no hen, ‘The Second-Floor Murder Case’, concerned
the murder and succession of the 20th Ôtomo daimyo, Yoshiaki, and
involved no love story as indicated by Pinto.57 Yoshiaki was seriously
wounded in the melée and died soon afterwards. His eldest son,
Yoshishige (Sôrin), took over as the 21st daimyo of Bungo. Pinto’s
story must therefore be based on what he had heard later, possibly
in 1551, and the dramatic account of the mutiny and conflict be
considered a product of his rich and vigorous imagination. A number
of people died during the incident, but there was no bloodshed to
the extent related by Pinto. The account of the third visit is also less
trustworthy because, for example, the long disputation between Xavier

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and the Buddhist priest is not recorded in other sources. Discussions,

disputes and disputations between Jesuits and Buddhist monks took
place at other times, for example at Yamaguchi,58 and Pinto had of
course heard of them and found it suitable to attribute a disputation
to Xavier when he stayed in Bungo. Further, it is recorded that Xavier
visited Tanegashima for a week on his way out of Japan, and there is
no mention of this visit in the Peregrinaçam. It is therefore con-
cluded that the accounts as regards both the second and third visits
are based on hearsay rather than on personal participation.
This leaves the first trip, where he describes himself as one among
the three first Portuguese to arrive in Japan, the others being Borralho
and Zeimoto. He gives no dates for arrival and departure, which is
suspicious in itself, since he is otherwise quite particular with dates,
whether right or wrong, as regards important events. The account
dealing with this visit is a fascinating story, among the first in the
literature about Japan after Marco Polo. It should, however, be taken
as no more than a story, a colourful but fictitious story of the arrival
of the first Portuguese on Tanegashima, and Pinto was certainly not
among them. The earliest Japanese source, Teppôki, mentions two
Portuguese, and Pinto probably met one or both of them, heard their
accounts and wove them together with his own experiences, adding
what he had heard from other quarters, not least Japanese people
whom he met when visiting Japan later. One has to remember that
ocean trips took weeks and months in those days, and sailors and
merchants had ample time to tell and retell everything they had
experienced and heard. Likewise, the Japanese on Tanegashima re-
membered the first visit of the southern barbarians and the musket(s)
they brought. Pinto was quite certainly one of the Portuguese
merchants who set out for Japan a year or two after its discovery.
With his usual imagination, Pinto only added his name and made
himself one of the first Europeans to reach Marco Polo’s golden land
of Japan. João Rodrigues Tçuzzu59 may have been close to the truth
when he wrote in his História da Igreja do Japão, (The History of the
Church in Japan) that the Peregrinaçam was a book of make-believe
(livro dos fengimentos), written more for recreation than for truth,

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and also C. R. Boxer when he states that ‘Pinto’s lies, though harm-
less, were colossal’.60 With all exaggerations and imaginary flourishes
he indeed earned himself epithets like ‘liar of the first magnitude’! 61
It has to be remembered, however, that there is substantial truth
throughout Pinto’s inimitable narrative, but, as already said, a truth
that is often enlarged and time and again manipulated. A good
example of exaggerated truth is when he relates, in chapter 134, that
more than 600 muskets had already been made on Tanegashima
when they left after five and a half months on the first visit and that
there were 300,000 muskets on all the islands of Japan on the last
visit in 1556. A case of manipulated truth is when he relates that he
treated the wound of the prince of Bungo. Tradition has it that a
prince was in fact wounded by a musket mishap (Yoshinaga, a
younger son of Daimyo Yoshiaki)62 but this took place later (1550)
and he was treated by another Portuguese, Diogo Vaz (d’Aragão)
and perhaps others. Even if the exaggeration about the production
of muskets can be blamed on boastful informants, other stories, for
example the above statement about his curing the prince, must be
regarded as fanciful and downright falsification.
It is also plausible that Pinto had a library at his disposal in
Portugal after his return where he could read the correspondence and
reports that had been sent home by mostly missionaries. He might
have had a formidable memory, but common logic says that he must
have had other sources to draw from when he related adventures
which had taken place some 40 years earlier. Having moreover an
exceptional literary talent and an infinite ability to fabulate, he could
use all sources plus his own experiences – and his imagination – and
write an unparalleled story about the Portuguese in Asian countries.
But could Pinto possibly have been among the first Portuguese
who arrived at Tanegashima? A close reading of the Peregrinaçam dis-
closes that he could not have been among them. In foregoing chapters,
in which he relates his many adventures in China, he presents a
number of dates. In chapter 71 he says that he left Ning-po on 14 May
1542 with Antonio de Faria, who was probably more a pirate than a
merchant, and in chapter 79 it is said that an accident takes place on

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5 August 1542 after which he is imprisoned by the Chinese. The

following fifty-four chapters are a long account of dangerous events
in China with many dates until the arrival at Tanegashima with the
Chinese corsair Samipocheca in chapter 133, with no date given. In
chapter 126 we find the date 15 May 1544, given when he is still in
China. Thereupon, in chapter 132 he states that they left Uzangue
(in Indochina?) on 12 January, with no year given, but it should
logically have been in the year of 1545. After that no dates are given
in chapters 133–137, in which the first visit to Japan is related. Only
so-and-so many days are mentioned, adding up to five and a half
months in chapter 134. If the story is continuous – and there is, on
the whole, a continuity of events throughout the Peregrinaçam – this
first visit to Japan should have taken place in 1545 and, as a result,
he could not have been on the junk that reached Tanegashima in
1543. Nor are there any dates in the following chapters 138–142,
which relate the adventures on the Ryukyu Islands. Then two chapters
later, in chapter 144, Pinto writes that he left Malacca for Sumatra
on 9 January 1545. If the dates given by Pinto himself are to be
trusted, the conclusion must be that his first visit to Japan did not
take place until in late 1545, or in 1546, when according to the
Peregrinaçam, he visited Japan for the second time.63 He was then
on Jorge Alvares’ ship.
The reader also finds it strange that no mention is made of the
first visit when Pinto arrives at Tanegashima during the second
journey to Japan. Nautaquim comes on board, but it is not mentioned
that they have met before. Thereupon arriving in Bungo, the dramatic
events during the first visit are not referred to. It is as if the first visit
never had taken place, which is probably true.
The reader of the Peregrinaçam might wonder why the ‘kingdom’
of Bungo figures so much and is in the center of each of Pinto’s visits
to Japan. The simple fact is that Bungo came from before 1550 to be
the place in Japan where the Portuguese merchants were well re-
ceived and where the missionary activities of the Jesuits were allowed
by Ôtomo Yoshishige – the later Ôtomo Sôrin64 – after Xavier’s visit
in 1551. Reading Luís Frois it becomes notable that Bungo became

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the centre from where the missionaries could relatively peacefully

expand their activities to other places, first of all on Kyushu and then
to Kyoto and other places in Japan. Father Cosme de Torres and
other fathers built churches and set up a hospital and a school there
without meeting the hostilities that they encountered in many other
places. This was entirely due to the benevolence of Ôtomo Sôrin
who in the end became a Christian himself (in 1578). Luís Frois
emphasizes again and again that, if it had not been for the mildness
and goodness of the king, the situation would have been different.
Luís Frois also quotes Ôtomo Sôrin to have said in 1563 that his
kingdom was poor and limited to Bungo until the Portuguese priests,
especially Francis Xavier, had come some thirteen years earlier but
that now Bungo was rich and comprised five provinces. Thus, he gave
the priests and Christianity the credit for his successes. He could also
have given some credit to the merchants who brought the musket. 65
It is therefore natural that Portuguese merchantmen came more
regularly to the capital of Bungo (Funai, today’s Ôita) than to other
ports of Japan in the early years of Portuguese trade, and that it was
to Bungo that Pinto came as a merchant probably several times,
since trade and missionary work went hand in hand.66 It is therefore
natural that he included Bungo in all his reported four visits to
Japan and that his narrative concentrates on this province of Japan
while the rest of Japan is practically not mentioned (except for Tane-
gashima, which is in first centre during the first visit and touched
upon also during his second and fourth visits).
The Teppôki is final proof. The names of the two Portuguese
mentioned there do not match the name Mendes Pinto, which can be
easily transcribed to Japanese syllables. (More difficult Portuguese
names are well transcribed in kana in later Japanese sources.) If he
had made the flamboyant impression as expressed in the Peregrinaçam,
he ought to have been mentioned in the Tanegashima kafu and the
Teppôki. He is not, and this must lead to the conclusion that his first
visit to Japan must be written off as fiction or as a half-fictional
account based on information received from others. What remains
is a good story, worth reading, as is the rest of the Peregrinaçam, for

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its literary quality, valuable for its free rendition of the arrival of the
first Europeans in Japan. It can be regarded as one of the early Euro-
pean novels, written before Cervantes’ Don Quixote, even though
printed after (in 1614). It is, in a sense, an early picaresque novel of the
Baron von Münchhausen genre with the marked difference that Pinto
survives many more deadly situations than Baron von Münchhausen.
Mendes Pinto perfected the art of falsifying events in a way never
surpassed in literature. João Rodrigues Tçuzzu was correct when he
wrote in 1633:
Fernão Mendes Pinto in his book of Figments tries to make out that he
was one of these three [discoverers], and that he was aboard their junk,
but it is false, as are many other things in his book, which he seems to
have composed more as a pastime than to tell the truth; for there is not
a kingdom nor event in which he does not pretend to have been.’67
What makes Pinto different from most or all of other Portu-
guese merchants and adventureres was that he could write. This is
also proven by the few letters we have from his hand. He knew his
Portuguese and could write in a style not surpassed before or after
him. And his general description of what a merchant adventurer
could be exposed to in the East can hardly be surpassed. One would
like to finish with this French eulogy of Pinto:
Pinto découvre l’exotisme du vocabulaire, l’exotisme de l’image, la
description composite et bigarrée faite de réminisciences et d’un astucieux
assemblage de citations extraites des voyageurs …, l’exotisme psycho-
logique à la Mérimée, l’emploi du pittoresque pour le pittoresque en
forçant, à dessein, les effets de singularité, enfin de dépaysement par
l’opposition des croyances. Il a inventé plus de procédés qu’il n’a
vulgarisé d’informations neuves. On le diminue quand on le suppose
naif, on le trahit lorsqu’on prétend l’embrigader. Dégageons-le de la
foule des cosmographes et les ethnographes. Traitons-le, ce n’est que
justice, en précurseur méconnu. Il n’a pas eu d’imitateurs directs, étant
venu trop tôt. … C’est dans l’histoire littéraire et non dans l’histoire des
explorations qu’il doit reprendre son rang, lequel, malgré les critiques
fondées du P. Schurhammer et du pasteur Haas, reste éminent.68

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CHAPTER SEVEN

The Record of the Kunitomo Teppôki

(Kunitomo teppôki) – a Translation

A
bout these events [the two T’ang scholars] Wei-cheng
(581–643) and Fang Hsüan-ling (578–648) were the first
to write.1 Now they knew both that literature can unravel
Heaven and that arms can tame the Earth. When you
have arms but not literature, you do not have what it takes to defend
the borders. And when you have literature but not arms, you are
incapable of warding off disorder. This is what the ancient people
said. Is this not true? Therefore, although weapons, on the one side,
may seem dangerous, they are, on the other, the divine military means
to enhance virtue. The spirit of Heaven holds the sword with both
hands and even diminutive (sanjaku) men all do the same. In an age of
grand peace the bows are not used; they are stored away in armouries.
Now, as for the teppô and the beginning of its use, when in ancient
times the southern barbarian country Ch’uan-tu-lieh-tun-na (Jpn.
Sento-retton-na) paid respect to the king’s ancestors in the land of
Huan-ma-ni-ya-kuo2 (Jpn. Kôma-nioku-koku), a little girl threw an
orange which hit a sheep from a distance. The flying orange, miracu-
lously, hit the eyes of the sheep and made it blind. The barbarians
were greatly surprised and frightened, thinking that the flying stone
had killed a living being. They constructed this weapon which also
appeared at the Ming Court. On Mount Yang lived the Sheng Demon
(Sheng-kuei, Jpn. Shôki). It is not known how many people were
killed by this demon. At this time a man knew the wondrous art of
the teppô. He closed in on the Sheng Demon and killed (taiji) it. And
so forth.
When the Mongols came from the land of Great Yüan (China)
to Kyushu in the Kôan era (1278–87), the teppô fire from their crafts

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THE RECORD OF THE KUNITOMO TEPPÔKI

made the Tsukushi (i.e. Kyushu) army of several tens of thousands

of men suffer losses of dead and injured. The divine wind (kamikaze)
destroyed the ships of the enemy, and the barbarian soldiers drowned
and sank to the bottom of the sea, and our country was saved. How-
ever, although the Japanese (wajin) entreated the barbarians about
the usage of this weapon, their wish was not complied with.
It was not until in the first year of the Bunki era (1501–03) and the
seventh year of the Eisei (1504–20) – i.e. in 1501 and 1510 – that the
southern barbarian countries brought it anew, but again the wondrous
art was not transferred in full detail. Therefore, people who could
use it were rare.
Thereupon, on the 25th day of the eighth month of Tenbun 8
(1539),3 a big ship from a southern barbarian land stranded at Tane-
gashima in (Gûshû) Ôsumi Province. It anchored at Nishinomura
Bay. There were more than 100 barbarian traders on board. They
came ashore and encountering people on the shore, they were asked
what country they came from but what they said was not understood
and the people were completely (hihi) dumbfounded. On the same
ship a Ming Confucian scholar, Gohô (Ch. Wu-feng), was a passenger.
He descended from the ship and, upon enquiry, was told that the lord
of the island was the grandson of Sagami Jirô Tokiyuki4 and that his
name was Tanegashima Byôbu no jô Tokitaka.5 The chieftain Oribe
Tokimasa met Gohô and wrote with a stick in the sand, ‘Who are
you, guests from the sea?’ Gohô wrote in the same manner with a
stick in the sand and answered: ‘I am Gohô, a lay Confucian scholar
from Great Ming (China). I asked to be a passenger on the ship from
a southern country with traders to return to my land. Other guests
on the ship are barbarians who have no knowledge of the Way of the
Five Human Relations. Physically they are close to beasts (kinjû), they
cannot speak or write (Chinese)’. And so forth.
At this point this conversation ended. Then it was added: ‘Here
the water is shallow and it is not suitable for harbouring a big ship.
But 13 ri from here there is a big harbour, Akôgi, and you should
without delay sail there’. Accordingly, on the 27th day of the same
month, the big ship weighed anchor and arrived in the harbour

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[of Akôgi]. As soon as they arrived, Lord Tokitaka came and met
them.
A priest from the province of Hyûga, Chû Shusa, lived at Ryûgenji
Temple and was asked to have written conversation (hitsudan) with
Gohô. On this occasion the leader among the southern barbarians,
Murashukusha, carried a three-shaku teppô which could emit fire.6
It sounded like the thunder god and there was not a stone or cliff so
hard that it was not smashed. It was asked what this was. Was it not
the astonishing tool of a divine art? There was no reply. At the time
Tokitaka had his doubts but was eager to learn about it. [He felt that] it
was the heavenly tool/weapon needed in the later age of Japan (nihon
massei) to drive away evil and repel insincerity, to exhaust strength
and loyalty for the ruler of the country.
Lord Tokitaka begged the barbarian leader repeatedly and politely
to obtain [the teppô as] a present. The barbarian was deeply impressed
with his courteous sincerity and granted it to him. The lord was
taught as follows:
Now in the art of the teppô three rules must be remembered. First, you
must have an upright heart and a mind that knows no evil. Second, you
must have a straight body and nurse a pure life force (ki). Third, your
eyesight must be fine and minute. These are the three rules. Generally,
military strategy is transferred from heart to heart. When one’s heart is
upright, it brings order to one’s spiritual mind (kishin). When eyes and
mind are one, the divine usage and art can immediately be realized.
You always carefully measure (the feet and inches) the distance by your-
self and the truth of Heaven (tenri) shall hit the target for you. When
your eyes are open, you see what is close by; with one eye closed, you
see what is far away. Urging and straining yourself, there is no target
that cannot be hit. Indeed, having acquired this secret art, one can
apply it to the weapon.
Two teppô were presented to Lord Tokitaka and he was jubilant.
This was really a treasure! On the 9th day of the 9th month of the
same year, shooting was done for the first time at Swan Island. His
retainer (baishin) Sasakawa Koshirô Tokishige trained from morning
to evening and this resulted in his ability to hit 100 times out of 100

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THE RECORD OF THE KUNITOMO TEPPÔKI

shots (sic). Afterwards Lord Tokitaka gave the teppô to Lord (taishu)
Shimazu Shûri Taifu Yoshihisa Ason7 who was deeply impressed. In
truth [he expressed] that one loves arms because, in the end, they
are the heavenly means which achieve the grand peace of the realm
(tenka taihei).
[Thereupon,] Shogun Ashikaga Yoshiharu8 received (it) the teppô
as a present on the 2nd day of the 12th month of Tenbun 8 (10 Janu-
ary 1540) [from Lord Shimazu Takahisa]. After that, also Suginobô,
a priest from Negoro Temple in Kii Province, came over to Tane-
gashima, where, looking for the teppô, he turned to Abbot (chôrô)
Shimobe no Shinbô,9 and Lord Tokitaka gave him a teppô. Further,
[Lord Tokitaka] called a number of smiths on this island and others
from neighbouring districts and villages and ordered them to manu-
facture (it) the teppô. However, they did not manage the screwing
technique and what they created was imperfect.
Another barbarian ship arrived the next year. On board was a
blacksmith who could impart this technique in detail. All people
cheered and said: ‘This means grand peace for our country. Our
great god Hachiman (Hachiman Daijin) has manifested his spiritual
efficacy!’ A blacksmith on the island, Kinbee Kiyomasa, worked hard
and forged and manufactured several thousands of teppô.
The teppô spread all over (Tsukushi) Kyushu. At that time, a man
from Sakai in (Senshû) Izumi Province, Tachibanaya Matasaburô,
studied iron work and learned to use the teppô. Thus, the teppô was
allowed to spread farther.
At that time a yamabushi priest from (Sôshû) Sagami Province,
Tamaryû no bô, returning home over the mountains, bought one
teppô and brought it as a present to Hôjô Sakyô Taifu Ujiyasu.10 This
was the first time that the teppô was made known in Odawara and
the way it reached the province of (Gôshû) Ômi Province in the 2nd
month of Tenbun 13 (1544).
In a declaration, Shogun Ashikaga Yoshiharu said that in an
earlier year (sennen) the teppô had been brought from a southern
barbarian country to Tanegashima in (Gûshû) Ôsumi Province; it

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had been studied and cast, but only in a small number not sufficient
to ward off a great enemy. In his declaration he therefore asked that
all smiths in the country be called to manufacture (teppô) muskets.
Minister [Hosokawa] Harumoto (1519–63)11 was ordered to search
for the smiths.
At the time, at Kunitomo [Village] in the Sakada District of (Gô-
shû) Ômi Province, there were [four] very esteemed smiths with the
names Kunimoto Zenbee, Tôkyûsaemon, Hyôeshirô and Sukedayu.12
Besides, there were expert iron workers to whom Harumoto brought
Lord Yoshiharu’s declaration and order.
[They said,] ‘Indeed we are iron experts, but the production of
the teppô is something new. How can we possibly manage it? We
have no idea about it, but if we are allowed to have the original teppô
as a model, we may make it in cooperation together with people who
have iron work as their family profession.’ This reached the ears of
Hosokawa Harumoto and, as Lord Yoshiharu felt likewise, they were
furnished with a teppô. As a result, the above-mentioned four men
and the iron specialists from the outside cudgelled their brains for
days and nights, and with sincere minds over a number of days they
manufactured two teppô, but they could not manage the end screw
(neji). At their wits’ end, one among the iron experts, Jirô no Suke,
then rolled the cutting edge of a dirk (kogatana no hasaki) through a
daikon, thus boring a helical passageway.13 This method (dôri) solved
the problem and the neji technique was realized. Two teppô were cast
for bullets of six momme (rokumedama)14 and on the 20th day of the
8th month of Tenbun 13 (7 September 1544) they were presented to
Shogun Yoshiharu. Continuing their work, they perfected their tech-
nique, and forged a number of teppô, which they gave as presents [to
Shogun Yoshiharu].
Afterwards, in the 18th year of Tenbun (1549) Lord Oda Nobunaga
(1534–82) showed much valour and a courageous heart. He heard about
the power of the teppô (teppô no ikioi), that there was not an iron
mountain or an iron wall that was not smashed by it, and he was much
excited. He desired to know about its usage and learn how to shoot it.

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THE RECORD OF THE KUNITOMO TEPPÔKI

At that time, a man with the name of Hashimoto Ippa had learned
to shoot a teppô.15 He was trained and accomplished and he had a
name in the world. His reputation reached Lord Nobunaga who
called him to be his teacher. Shooting with the teppô was done with
much fervour and much drill.
Over and over again Lord Nobunaga repeated that the number of
teppô were too few, and the iron workers and the teppô specialists were
ordered to step up their efforts. Ichiyû received the command that
all kinds of preparations should be made and since quick action was
asked for, instructions were sent to Kunitomo village in Ômi Province,
i.e., to Kunitomo Zenbee, Hyôeshirô, Sukedayu and Tôkyûsaemon
in Kunitomo in (Gôshû) Ômi Province. These four men undertook
the work together with the iron experts, and 500 teppô for six-momme
bullets were manufactured. On the 18th day of the 7th month of
Tenbun 18 (10 August 1549), they received the order from Lord
Nobunaga through Hashimoto Ippa, and on the 21st day of the 10th
month of Tenbun 19 (30 October 1550) the teppô were finished.
Later on the 17th day of the 1st month of the 2nd year of Genki
(12 February 1571), the lord of Nagahama Castle in (Gôshû) Ômi
Province, Kinoshita Tôkichirô (= Toyotomi Hideyoshi) was ordered
[by Oda Nobunaga]:
Now your residence is Nagahama Castle which by lucky chance is
located close to the Kunitomo iron specialists who know in detail the
art of producing it [the teppô]. In recent years a number of wonderful
teppô weapons were manufactured, but the bullets were light and of no
use when shot from afar. If made bigger, I think they would instantly
be efficient, even if shot from a castle tower (taishu no yagura). Indeed,
in these years much enmity and large-scale fighting in all provinces
occur, everyone makes war, kills and conquers, but although people make
horses sweat, it does not herald the sustenance of all people of our land
comparable to our military prowess. Thus, the teppô, unprecedented
and unmatched from the divine age, was formerly brought by southern
barbarians. Even if Hachiman Daibosatsu causes peace to come, it was
the virtue of the great shining god of mercy, Amaterasu, that brought
it about. At the time, however, no one had yet a deep insight into how
to use this divine weapon. Could it truly be the superior weapon for
the true general? Bring this message to the Kunitomo iron specialists!

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TANEGASHIMA – THE ARRIVAL OF EUROPE IN JAPAN

Being so ordered, Lord Hideyoshi returned in a hurry to Nagahama

Castle. There he at once summoned Tôkyûsaemon, Hyôeshirô, Zenbee
and Sukedayu, and informed them in detail about Lord Nobunaga’s
order. They returned to Kunitomo, and with all their strength they cast
two 9-shaku-long teppô cannon (that is, about 2.7 metres) for 200-
momme shot.16 They were truly perfect and exquisite pieces without
a blemish. This was in haste reported to Nagahama. Lord Hideyoshi
ordered ninsoku menials [to transport them] and on the 6th day of
the 11th month of Genki 2 (22 December 1571) they were presented
at Gifu [to Lord Nobunaga]. Lord Nobunaga’s happiness was un-
ending. He immediately asked for them to be demonstrated. And
from his horse, he watched people shoot them. In mountains and
valleys the shot smashed through every cliff. Truly the art of the great
firearm, that is, the cannon (ôzutsu), made people raise eyes and
brows in surprise.17
At the time Lord Nobunaga came down with a statement:
For the first time we have two cannon that do not come from China
but have their origin in our country. Also in the Three Kingdoms
(Korea), they have no miraculous weapon to be com-pared with it.
Really, it was the iron masters at Kunitomo who did the unprecedented
work; their glory shall last until the end of our age’.
One of the two cannon was handed over immediately to the above-
mentioned four as a model (kiku to shite). Until this day, Kunitomo
Heishirô has kept it. This was the beginning of the cannon in our
country.
Now, in his great happiness Lord Nobunaga reported this to
(Retired) Emperor Ôgimachi’in,18 and was honoured to receive the
Fuji crest (Fuji no go-mon) with the two Chinese characters, chôtô.
This was the convention and with this precedent, today the name of
chôtô is given to the teppô forged at Kunitomo and presented to the
emperor.
Later the grand spiritual lord Minamoto (Minamoto Daijin-kun,
that is, Tokugawa Ieyasu) wielded military authority in the world
and had the ‘Five Central Provinces’ (Goki) and the ‘Seven Roads’

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THE RECORD OF THE KUNITOMO TEPPÔKI

(Shichidô) – that is, all Japan – united. Having heard about the Kuni-
tomo artisans’ eminent skill, from Keichô 5 or 6 (1600–01), Kunitomo
Sukedayu, Hyôeshirô, Zenbee and Tôkyûsaemon were called to
produce great and small teppô, which were presented to him. In the
11th year of the same era (1606), these four artisans were called to
Sunpu Castle and ordered to make big and small teppô. They were
asked to work in a hurry and manufacture as ordered. Moreover, a
daikan official was appointed to be generally (hitotôri) in charge of
the teppô making.
At this time it was considered that the names of two of the four
men were difficult to pronounce; so Hyôeshirô was changed to
Heishirô and Tôkyûsaemon to Tokusaemon. The message was
handed over by Naruse Hayato no shô Masanari (1567–1625).19
Truly, people raised their brows in surprise.
In the 18th year of the same era (1613),20 Udaijin Hideyori re-
belled at Osaka. In the early winter, the forces from Edo and Sunpu
reached (Sesshû) Settsu province.21 Over and over again cannon
(ishibiya)22 and hundreds of small firearms (kozutsu) were allocated
to the Osaka Campaign. All together, muskets and cannon numbered
20,000 pieces. The foot soldiers had their orders: to conquer the
strong fortress. In the fortress there was great fear. Then in the last
month of the same year, there was a reconciliation (waboku). In
their happiness, they put away the teppô and arrows and filled the
moats (kutsugô).23 And both lords (Ieyasu and Hidetada) broke up
from their military camps.
The next year Lord Hideyori again rose in rebellion. The two
great lords were not able to prevent it. Once again the flags swayed
and the blades of the swords gleamed. Leading the princes (shokô) and
the lords (ryôshu), with an army of several 100,000 men on horses,
[Ieyasu and Hidetada] set up their headquarters in Nanba.24
In the end, in the first year of Genna (1615), Osaka Castle fell.
Lord Hideyori committed seppuku. Both shoguns (Ieyasu and Hide-
tada) returned home. During both campaigns, the afore-mentioned
four smiths participated in the fighting. Therefore, returning on the
road from Osaka, at Nagahara in (Gôshû) Ômi Province, they –

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Zenbee, Heishirô, Sukedayu, and Tokusaemon – were called into the

presence of the grand spiritual lord (Ieyasu) with Tsuchii Ôi no suke
Toshikatsu acting as the intermediary. The shogun praised their
loyalty in these campaigns, and they received land in the Kunitomo
Village of their province amounting to 900 koku25 in perpetuity and
were afforded [samurai] rank and dignity (menboku). They afterwards
accompanied (gubu) the shogun to Suribari Inn,26 where they took
their leave. He rewarded them with 10 silver coins (hakugin) and it
has become customary that, at the time of alternate service (kôdai no
setsu), they receive this much travel money.
Here the story about how the Japanese cannon (Nippon-dai-
teppô) was first made in Kunitomo in Gôshû (Ômi Province) comes
to an end.

Gôshû, Sakada District, Kunitomo,

Go-teppô intendants (daikan):
Ôshima Zenbee
Tominaga Tokusaemon
Nakamura HeishirôWakisaka Sukedayu
Dated: In the 3rd month of the 10th (Mizunoto) Tori (‘cock’)
year, of Kan’ei (1633) (no day given).

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CHAPTER EIGHT

The Kunitomo Teppôki – a Discussion

T
he Kunitomo teppôki chronicle tells how the musket was
introduced in East Asia and Japan beginning with a preamble
that attempts to put the story in a historical perspective,
although in an imaginary fashion. The first facts and dates
can be described as utter fantasy, but as the chronicle continues, it
becomes more trustworthy when it relates how the musket reached
Tanegashima and from there spread all over Japan. The opening para-
graph may be regarded as a typical Chinese introduction that helps
set the tone for the work as a whole and lead the reader into the main
themes, that is, the story of the introduction of the musket and the
subsequent production of cannon in Japan.
The Kunitomo smiths are at the centre, and their rôle may be
somewhat exaggerated but the work seems, on the whole, to be a
true narrative about the smiths and iron workers there who came to
play an important role in the unification process that took place
from Oda Nobunaga, via Toyotomi Hideyoshi, to Tokugawa Ieyasu.
It is surprising that the Kunitomo smiths are not mentioned in either
the Teppôki or the Tanegashima kafu. It is quite certain, however,
that the author of the Kunitomo teppôki had a copy of either at hand,
since the presentation of the arrival of the first Portuguese and other
matters coincide considerably in the three works.
It must be noted that the work was written by the Kunitomo
Elders in 1633, some ninety years after the arrival of the first Portu-
guese, and it is natural that the tradition must have suffered change
over some three generations. Therefore it is difficult to see it as a
totally accurate and complete description of the beginning of teppô
manufacture at Kunitomo Village. It seems that manufacture did
not start there until 1553–55, and this might explain why the author

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of the Teppôki does not mention Kunitomo.1 Doubts may also be

expressed about the dates until 1571, when an order for the production
of ordnance was forthcoming and the two cannon were presented to
Oda Nobunaga at Gifu in the following year. This last event can be
corroborated. It took place following the Battle of Anegawa (1570),
after which Oda Nobunaga had Ômi province and Kunitomo Village
partly under his control.2
Not surprisingly, the Mongol invasion in 1281 is mentioned
first. It was at that time that explosives – which are illustrated in the
Môko-shûrai-ekotoba, a picture scroll about this invasion3 – were
used and given the name teppô. Apparently this invasion, and the
new weapon used by the Mongols, were much remembered at the
time of the arrival of the first Portuguese and the teppô used by the
Mongols is mistakenly considered the first firearm used in Japan.
Thereupon, it is wrongfully mentioned that southern barbarians
arrived in the Bunki era (1501–03).
The arrival of the musket to Tanegashima, an event which is
verified by reliable historical sources, is also dated wrongly as having
taken place in 1539. The month and day are as in other sources, the
25th day of the 8th month, but the year should be put four years later,
that is, 1543. What follows runs like a paraphrase of the Teppôki and
the Tanegashima kafu. A big ship from a southern barbarian land is
driven by storm to Nishinomura Bay on the southeastern tip of
Tanegashima. The 100 people on board cannot be understood, but a
Chinese scholar, Wu-feng (Jpn. Gohô), can write Chinese in the sand
and the local samurai, Oribe Tokimasa,4 can reply and converse,
equally with a stick in the sand. Gohô is introduced as a Confucian
scholar and the (two) western barbarians are described in not too
complimentary terms: ‘Physically they are close to beasts and they
cannot speak or write’. They are advised to sail the ship to the capital
of the island, Akôgi, where they will enter an adequate harbour. This
is done and there, on the 27th day of the same month, they meet the
lord of the island, Tokitaka, who comes on board. The lord notices
the weapon that the leader of the barbarians is carrying, becomes
curious and asks about it. The barbarian is impressed by his sincer-

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THE KUNITOMO TEPPÔKI – A DISCUSSION

ity and one or two muskets are given to him. Lord Tokitaka’s gratitude
is limitless, and he wants a demonstration without further ado. This
was consequently a demonstration that was a beginning in Japanese
history – probably the first shot fired on the Japanese islands. That
Lord Tokitaka paid the respectable sum of 2,000 ryô for the two teppô
is not mentioned in the Kunitomo teppôki – nor is it in the Teppôki
or Tanegashima kafu.
One of the muskets soon found its way to Lord Shimazu (Takahisa),
the daimyo of Satsuma, and from him to Shogun Yoshiharu (r. 1521–
45) in Kyoto. The date given is the 2nd day of the 12th month of
Tenbun 8 (that is, 10 January 1540) but while the year is probably
again miswritten and should be 1544, the month and day might be
correct. There is therefore the possibility that Shimazu Takahisa rather
quickly forwarded the musket that he had received to the shogun
and that the shogun received it as early as on 10 January 1544. This
may prove the close connection with the lord and the shogun even
in sengoku times.
It should be noted that the teppô were also delivered by other
daimyo to the shogun. We know that Ôtomo Sôrin, the Bungo daimyo,
sent teppô as presents to Shogun Yoshiteru who seems to have taken
as much interest in the new weapon as Sôrin himself.5 Further, we
read that the Satsuma daimyo, Shimazu Takahisa (1514–71) sent no
less than five teppô to Shogun Yoshiharu, the first being the one in
early 1544. At least one teppô was also sent from Hirado, so the
shogun must have ended up with quite a collection of teppô. They
were, however, probably promptly transmitted to smiths in Kyoto,
Kunitomo, Hino6 and other places to be copied and mass-produced.
In the complicated political situation in Kyoto at the time, the shogun
needed any new weapon that could strengthen his position. At the
same time he was anxious to learn about gunpowder and he asked
for saltpetre to be delivered from Sakai in 1552. As already noted
above, already in 1549 he knew about ‘the way to mix the matchless
powder for the teppô’. We can imagine that a brisk production of
Japanese muskets took place as we enter the 1550s and that Oda
Nobunaga soon profited from it.

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1544 was also the year of the arrival of the second ship, on which
there was a Portuguese who could help with the making of the first
Tanegashima musket. A guess is that muskets were among the
merchandise on this ship. If the conjectured delineation is correct,
the priest Suginobô of the Negoro Temple received the teppô from
Lord Tokitaka afterwards, brought to him by Tsuda Kenmotsu no jô.
A middleman, Abbot Shimobe no Chôrô, is not mentioned in the
Teppôki or the Tanegashima kafu. Neither of those latter two works
mention that Suginobô came in person to Tanegashima. Further, a
merchant from Sakai, Tachibanaya Matasaburô, learned about the
musket on Tanegashima and brought the new art to Sakai. It can be
assumed that he had a copy of the Tanegashima teppô, or a newly
imported musket with him when he returned to Sakai.
The Kunitomo teppôki then mentions that a yamabushi priest
from Sagami Province, Tamaryû no bô – not mentioned in the Teppôki
or the Tanegashima kafu – bought a musket in Sakai which he brought
to the Odawara lord, Hôjô Ujiyasu. By this route, according to the
Kunitomo teppôki, it became also known in Ômi Province in the 2nd
month of Tenbun 13 (1544). It is said in a Tokugawa source, Sakai
kagami, that Tamaryû no bô brought the teppô as early as 1510 from
Sakai to Odawara. Neither of these dates, 1510 and 1544, are probable
and we can only hope that new documentation will reveal who this
Tamaryû no bô was and whether he played a role in the diffusion of
the new weapon.7 It is only logical that it took some time for the new
weapon to reach the eastern Kanto region.8 The Teppôki and the
Tanegashima kafu tradition ought to be trusted when they state that
the knowlege of the teppô spread from Tanegashima to the the
Kansai region and from there to the Kantô region and Eastern
provinces.
The long introduction can be seen as a free rendering of the
arrival of the teppô to Tanegashima, leading to the main subject of
the account, the Kunitomo smiths and their manufacture of teppô
muskets and the first cannon produced in Japan. From about 1544
it is also the story about the role of the teppô in the unification
process in late sengoku times. The teppô was to play a leading role as

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THE KUNITOMO TEPPÔKI – A DISCUSSION

it, via Shogun Yoshiteru, came into the hands of Oda Nobunaga. It
signalled the beginning of the end of the age of war. The latter felt
that the number of teppô fabricated on Tanegashima alone was
insufficient for the ‘defence’ of Japan and therefore wanted large-scale
teppô production in the Kyoto area. Therefore he asked his minister
Hosokawa Harumoto to undertake the promotion of teppô manu-
facture. Accordingly, Hosokawa called on the eminent smiths Zenbee,
Tôkyûsaemon, Hyôeshirô and Sukedayu in Kunitomo village of
Sakada District in Ômi Province and summoned them together
with a number of iron specialists.
They responded that although they were iron specialists and
smiths, they needed to have a teppô in order to make copies. The
shogun understood the logic of this demand and handed over (one
of) the teppô he had received. Still there were problems. They could
not figure out the end mechanism. A skilled technician, Jirô no Suke,
developed the radish (daikon) method of drilling a helical passage
for a screw and afterwards they managed to forge the first two teppô on
the 12th day of the 8th month of Tenbun 13 (1544), which they proudly
presented to Shogun Yoshiharu. The production was continued and
a number of teppô found the way to the shogun’s (and eventually to
Oda Nobunaga’s) arsenal.
The question is whether the first Kunitomo teppô was made already
in 1544 or about the same time that the smiths on Tanegashima,
Negoro and Sakai managed their first teppô. Whatever the case may
be, whether it was the first or second generation of Japanese teppô,
the Kunitomo musket was among the first. In contrast to Tanegashima,
Negoro and Sakai, we have here a date that might be reliable. In any
case, in less than one year after its introduction, the Japanese had
managed to copy and produce their own muskets. And at several
places! The date, the 12th day of the 8th month of Tenbun 13 (1 Sep-
tember 1544), might be reliable. This would mean that the teppô was
successfully produced at not only Tanegashima but also at Negoro,
Sakai and Kunitomo less than a year after it had arrived in 1543. If
Tanegashima was first, it was quickly followed at these three – and
perhaps other – places. And this was just a beginning!

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The next section of the Kunitomo teppôki concentrates on Oda

Nobunaga (1534–82). In 1549, at only 15 years of age, Oda took an
interest in strategy, warfare and weapons and when he heard about
the teppô and that it could smash walls and cliffs, he wished to know
more about it and to use it. An accomplished teppô man, Hashimoto
Ippa, became his teacher and through him contact was made with
the Kunitomo smiths and an order went out for 500 teppô.9
Together with Shogun Yoshiteru, he also issued five rules which,
if enforced, gave him a practical monopoly on the teppô making at
least in central Japan. They were:
1. Urgent official affairs should always be considered important and
be promptly executed allowing no obstacles.
2. People engaged as official smiths should be reported when showing
disobedience and be disposed of as fits the case.
3. All teppô makers in the provinces should hurriedly deliver their
finished products upon inspection.
4a. If big and small teppô are produced in the provinces, they should be
delivered promptly.
4b. And if the smiths manufacture new firearms, these should be
delivered upon investigation.
5. The technique of manufacturing teppô should not be divulged to
others without permission.
The above five rules must be strictly observed.
The 5th month of Kôchi 3 (1557)10
This would mean that Oda Nobunaga already then was in such
close touch with Kyoto that he could issue regulations together with
the fourteenth Muromachi shogun, Yoshiteru. The title of the regula-
tion can also be translated as ‘Rules from Lord Oda Nobunaga, issued
by Lord Ashikaga Yoshiteru’. The question is whether it directly con-
cerned the Kunitomo smiths and iron artisans and only indirectly the
smiths and artisans in other provinces. In the years that followed, in
the middle of constant combat, Oda developed his strategy which
centred on foot soldiers and musketry and the Kunitomo smiths
were under pressure to make more and better firearms. One of his
middlemen and retainers was Kinoshita Tôkichirô, the later Toyotomi

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THE KUNITOMO TEPPÔKI – A DISCUSSION

Hideyoshi, whose Nagahama Castle was in the vicinity of Kunitomo. 11

It was under his surveillance that the Kunitomo smiths cast the first
Japanese cannon, two pieces each 9 shaku long. They were brought
to Oda Nobunaga on the 6th day of the 11th month of Genki 2
(1571) and as the impetuous Oda wished to see them in action, it
can be imagined that they were demonstrated and shot the same day.
Comments say that these were probably the first two cannon made
in Japan. ‘This was the beginning of the cannon in our country’, the
Kunitomo teppôki states.
The problem is only that the story, as given in the Kunitomo
teppôki, may again not be entirely correct. It can be questioned whether
Nobunaga at 15 years of age (1549) could order 500 muskets to be
made and whether he could issue orders in the name of the shogun
in 1557 at 23 years of age.12 Further it can be questioned whether the
Kunitomo smiths had the capacity to undertake such an order. At
either time he should according to all sources still have been a small
daimyo of no consequence in Owari. It was only after he had routed
the Imagawa army in 1560 that he rose to prominence. It can also be
asked whether he was in full control of Ômi Province until in 1573
when Asai Nagamasa (1545–73) and Asakura Yoshikage (1533–73)
were finally defeated by Kinoshita Tôkichirô (= Toyotomi Hideyoshi),
and forced to commit seppuku. Kinoshita Tôkichirô took over Asai’s
Province, moved to Nagahama Castle in 1573 and acquired daimyo
status.13 From this time he could have the Kunitomo smiths under-
take jobs according to orders from Oda Nobunaga. There is a gray
period between 1570, when the Battle of Anegawa ended indecisively
and Asai remained the daimyo of Ômi Province, and 1573 when he
was completely defeated and committed suicide.14 It is possible that
Oda Nobunaga was so much in control of Ômi after Anegawa that
he could have had the Kunitomo smiths perform jobs for him, as
stated in the Kunitomo teppôki.
The fact is, however, that all forward-looking daimyo lost no
time in applying a new weapon like the musket. As an auxiliary
weapon it was used in the mid-1550s and musket companies (teppô-
tai) were doubtlessly part of warfare around 1560. For example, it is

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reported that Takeda Shingen used the teppô at Kawanakajima15 and

Oda Nobunaga at Okehazama (see Map 4). The important thing
was to be the first both having and using the weapon. He who was
first was destined to shape Japan’s future. The production of the
teppô must consequently have been undertaken at a number of places
and Kunitomo was certainly only one among them.
Oda Nobunaga was the expert in military strategy who under-
stood the importance of the new weapon quicker than any other
daimyo and he moved swiftly to gain control of all the teppô-
producing locations in central Japan. In the end he had Sakai, Kuni-
tomo, Negoro, Hino, Saiga and other minor arms foundries under
partial or full control and could develop a new strategy that was
based on a new superior weapon.16 The result was seen in the Battle
of Nagashino in 1575, the milestone in the history of Japanese warfare,
when the new weapon decided the outcome. From then onwards,
Nobunaga could go from victory to victory and by 1582 he was the
master of more than half the provinces of Japan. Only treachery
stopped him in this year, and his successors, Toyotomi Hideyoshi
(1536–98) and Tokugawa Ieyasu (1542–1616), needed only to build on
what he had begun.17 In Hideyoshi’s army the samurai carried guns
side by side with the ashigaru foot soldiers and in the Korean War the
muskets stood for the initial successes. It was in the following peaceful
age that the samurai indulged in a romantic military past, partly
‘giving up the gun’.18
The firearm brought revolutionary developments in Japanese
warfare in the last half of the sixteenth century and was probably the
most important factor in the establishment of the centralized state.19
Artillery is not mentioned in the documents about the Battle of
Nagashino and cannot be seen in pictures of the battle. What is docu-
mented is that 3,000 musketeers were aligned behind breastworks
and that their rotational volley firing stopped the Kai cavalry killing
a great number of the mounted men and the horses.20
The last section in Kunitomo teppôki concerns Tokugawa Ieyasu.
The Hideyoshi era is omitted for obvious reasons. Before 1600, Ômi
province was under the control of Ishida Mitsunari (1560–1600),

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THE KUNITOMO TEPPÔKI – A DISCUSSION

Hideyoshi’s general, and after Hideyoshi’s death (1598) up to the Battle

of Sekigahara (1600),21 the services of the Kunitomo smiths were
surely required by the Toyotomi side. After the victory on 21 October
1600, like Oda Nobunaga before him, it took Tokugawa Ieyasu no time
to monopolize the Kunitomo smiths. They were asked to work for him
and no one else. The four Kunitomo smiths were moreover given
fiefs and the title of Elder (kaji-toshiyori). This meant that they re-
ceived the rank and status of samurai. When Ieyasu retired and settled
at Sunpu (1607), they were ordered to be at his disposal there. Two
years later they were ordered back to Nagahama and over them Ieyasu
placed a daikan steward, also called teppô bugyô, the Teppô Com-
missioner, Naruse Hayato no shô, who was responsible for Kunitomo
Village and the over-all administration of the manufacture. The smiths
were also tightly organized in status-groups with the four toshiyori
families on top. Under them were toshiyori-waki, the subordinate
elders, the hira-kaji, the common smiths and under them various
groups of technicians. Detailed rules for the production were issued.22
In this manner, the Kunitomo foundries obtained official bakufu
status, and became more a state institution than the Sakai smitheries
which were also severely organized but retained a semi-private status.
Thus, starting in 1607, the gun making was under central control
and it was mainly under licence from the central government that it
could be undertaken. The two great gun-manufacturing centres in
Japan from this time were Nagahama and Sakai.
Lastly the Kunitomo story narrates how the four smiths parti-
cipated in the Osaka Campaigns of 1614 and 1615, and how they
afterwards had an audience with Ieyasu in Ômi. They were on this
occasion praised for their bravery, received a 900-koku fief in Kumi-
tomo, and were made samurai and retainers of the Tokugawa house.
Their families remained as such until the end of the Tokugawa era,
that is, for some 250 years.
The Keichô era around 1600 represented the height of prosperity
for Kunitomo village and its smiths when, as said, the production of
firearms and cannon took place at not less than 73 foundries and
that, all in all, about 500 artisans were engaged.23 It is natural, how-

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ever, that with peaceful times the demand for firearms diminished.
The prosperity of Kunitomo village and the smiths waned as the
orders did not come in, and it can be surmised that the skill of the
smiths also declined. We find it written in the Kunitomo kikô (‘The
Kunitomo Travel’) that only 20 foundries remained in late Tokugawa
times and that merely four or five among them were able to cast
cannon.24 This was the situation after a long time of peace. Through-
out the Tokugawa era, however, Kunitomo remained a primary
factory and arsenal of weaponry directly attached to the shogunate.
The teppô reached southwestern Japan in the middle of the
turbulent sengoku war era in which daimyo lords exercised inde-
pendent local power. It s arrival was to signal the ultimate end of this
age of war. Thus it played an epoch-making role, as it paved the way
for a new united Japan, which found its final order under Tokugawa
leadership from 1600.


Kawanakajima
1555 Kunitomo
 Sekigahara 1600

 • Anegawa 1570
Lake
 Biwa
 Nagahama
Kyoto I
Hyôgo (Kobe)
ÔM •

Hino

Osaka
IZUMI 


Nara Okehazama
Sakai
1560
• Saiga Nagashino
Negoro • I I 1575 
K

Map 4: Detail map of central Honshu

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CHAPTER NINE

Teppô production at Sakai

A
t the time that the first shot was fired on Tanegashima,
according to the Teppôki, a merchant’s apprentice from
Sakai in Izumi Province was visiting Tanegashima. His
name was Tachibanaya Matasaburô and he learned to
use the teppô with such perfection that, upon his return to Sakai,
everyone called him not by his real name but with the nickname
Teppômata, ‘The Teppô Master’.1 He understood that this was some-
thing important and transferred the knowledge of the new weapon
and possibly also the weapon to Sakai. It would be interesting to
know how news was conveyed – and how quickly – in those earlier
times. It seems that important communications were transmitted with
amazing speed. It can therefore be surmised that the tidings about
the new weapon were reported within months, even weeks, to his
superiors in Sakai by way of sea and land. The question is how soon
he could have also acquired the weapon itself. The sources do not men-
tion how but the fact is that a teppô of one origin or another reached
Sakai by 1544 and we may assume that Tachibanaya Matasaburô was
instrumental in bringing it.
Sakai was known for its ironwork and manufacture of temple
bells, and swords marked ‘forged in Sakai’ (sakai-tanji) were highly
valued.2 Nevertheless, there was no one who could manage the special
technique of the teppô mechanism. It was probably again the end screw
of the barrel that was the problem. It is mentioned that Shibatsuji
Seiemon – a native of Sakai – was called from Negoro, where he lived
temporarily, and that he manufactured the first Sakai teppô in co-
operation with Tachibanaya Matasaburô.3 Shibatsuji was an able and
distinguished smith and he and the successors within the family came
later to be counted among the great teppô smiths in the annals of

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Japan. He had earlier learned the technique from Tsuda Kenmotsu

no jô who had brought the Portuguese musket from Tanegashima to
Negoro.
The first Sakai teppô was probably finished in 1544, that is, about
the same time as the first teppô were manufactured in Negoro and
Kunitomo. The question is therefore: which came first, the Tane-
gashima, Negoro, Sakai or Kunitomo teppô? The Solomonic solution
would possibly be to conclude that they were forged at about the same
time. Common sense would indicate that the Tanegashima teppô came
first, closely followed by the Negoro and Sakai teppô and that the
Kunitomo teppô came last among the four. And logic would suggest
that the first Negoro teppô was manufactured before the first Sakai
teppô.4 We have a reasonably safe date for the first Kunitomo teppô
– the 20th day of the 8th month of Tenbun 13 (7 September 1544) –
the date when the first Kunitomo teppô was presented to the shogun.
Unfortunately, we have no dates for the other early teppô. We can only
guess that the first Tanegashima teppô was produced soon after the
arrival of the second nanbansen in the early summer of 1544, and that
the Negoro and Sakai teppô were produced later in the same summer.
Thus, logically, Tanegashima was first and the laurels go to the smiths
on Tanegashima, first among them, Kinbee Kiyosada. One would like
to take liberties with C. Eliot and say that all these four places ‘were
collectively responsible for the introduction of firearms into Japan’. 5
Sakai enjoyed a special position in the feudal landscape of late
Muromachi. It was a self-governing ‘free city’ (jiyû-toshi) that thrived
on commerce and on being the depot port and transshipment city
of a hinterland that comprised Kyoto and Nara as well as the domains
of about 200 daimyo who rivalled and fought each other.6 Sakai had
developed into a seaport and an industrial and commercial center in
the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries and became a rich city in the
fifteenth century. Especially the Ônin War (1467–77) ‘marked the
beginning of a new age for Sakai and put the the city on the path
toward becoming the leading port of Japan’.7 For example, the Sakai
merchants outfitted and sent the three missions of 1476, 1483 and
1493 to Ming China.

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TEPPÔ PRODUCTION AT SAKAI

Further, Sakai was powerful enough to maintain its own inde-

pendence. In the sixteenth century (1562) the Jesuit Vilela wrote
that ‘[t]he city of Sakai is very extensive, exceedingly thronged with
many rich merchants, and governed by its own laws and customs in
the fashion of Venice’.8 It was used to trade with China and it profited
greatly from new foreign commerce after the arrival of the Portuguese.
It had become prosperous by being in the centre of an expanding
national economy and a wider network of commerce that included
imported articles from the Western world. Articles such as the Sakai
musket (sakai-jû) just added to its prosperity. It prospered further
by being in close cooperation with the shogunate and leading families
in Kyoto, especially the Hosokawa, who served as the shogun’s deputy
kanryô. The city itself had no territorial aspirations and whatever
military activities it had were of a defensive character, mostly taken
care of by mercenary soldiers, often masterless samurai (rônin). In
this respect, it differed from Negoro whose militant monks readily
signed up as mercenaries with warring factions and participated in
offensive warfare.
Sakai became the foremost teppô manufacturer of the Kansai area
and, according to the Teppôki, from there and Negoro, and through the
ambiguous Matsushita Gorôsaburô, the knowledge and manufacture
of the teppô spread to every province of Japan. As it is said in the
Teppôki: ‘After that all the provinces around the Kinai area learned
to use the weapon, transferring the art one to the other. And soon it
was not only in the Kinai and Kansai areas but also likewise in the
Kantô area that people could use it’.
As Sakai became the prime teppô maker (and importer and even
exporter), this success became, ironically, the main reason for its
downfall as a free commercial city. Oda Nobunaga profited more
than anyone else from the teppô production. In his programme to
unify Japan, however, he also turned against Sakai and over a ten-
year period tried in vain to conquer and subordinate the city which
was defended by warrior monks equipped with the new firearms.9 It
did not help that he threatened to annihilate the city if it did not
succumb. Finally there came a negotiated peace in 1580 and Sakai

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became thereafter one of the important foundries for the weapons

that secured the unification of Japan. After Oda Nobunaga’s death in
1582, the same weapons facilitated Hideyoshi’s final unification of
the islands of Japan in 1590 and his initial successes in Korea.
Tokugawa Ieyasu took no less interest in the Sakai smiths and
orders for firearms and cannon were forthcoming regularly until the
Osaka Campaigns of 1614–15. Preparing to attack Osaka Castle, he
amassed cannon, guns, powder and ammunition. We read of huge
cannon and literally thousands of teppô being delivered for the Winter
and Summer Campaigns. And these came not only from Kunitomo
and Sakai. We also read about his ordering 300 teppô from foundries
at Hino in Ômi in 1602 when beginning to prepare for the assault.10
In his research, Arima Seiho has registered sixteen foundries besides
those in Sakai and Kunitomo.11
The official foundries were concentrated at Kunitomo by Tokugawa
Ieyasu, but it did not hinder continuation of the teppô’s production
at Sakai. We even hear of the first exported teppô in 1617, when
Richard Wickham, a representative of the English East India Company,
put together a munitions order for Siam.12 The order only consisted
of 20 weapons – and had to be done in a clandestine manner – but
it shows that also in this new field Sakai was ready for trade outside
Japan. In Japan, Sakai did much better. ‘It began quietly with an
average of 290 arms a year in the early 1620s, reached a climax of
2,500 a year in the 1660s, and thereupon permanently dwindled off ’.
‘The central government never ordered a gun from Sakai after 1668
… and no one else did after 1696, either.’ ‘Over the next century the
number of gunsmiths gradually shrank from more than thirty to about
fifteen, and this handful was supporting itself chiefly with govern-
ment orders and by making iron farm tools’.13 Since the smiths knew
the secrets of gunpowder, they could also in peaceful times turn to
producing fireworks.14
After the fall of Osaka Castle in 1615 and thereupon after the
Shimabara Revolt of 1637–38, there was no real need for firearms for
more than two centuries. The Great Peace (taihei) did not work for
the smiths. Not only the shogunate but also the daimyo lords found

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TEPPÔ PRODUCTION AT SAKAI

less and less reason to increase their teppô arsenals; the sword was
the important weapon to be carried by the samurai. (Who ever saw
a samurai carrying or shooting a teppô?) In the eighteenth century
the foundries were in utter distress – both at Sakai and in Kunitomo
– and in this situation they were allowed by the authorities to turn
to the manufacture of hunting guns and shotguns for people at large
and to be engaged in private commerce. This was not enough to make
up for the earlier teppô manufacture and the families engaged in the
foundries decreased, as did the number of foundries themselves. At
Kunitomo, the number of foundries, from having been about thirty
at the height of production, diminished to six at the beginning of the
nineteenth century.15

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CHAPTER TEN

Teppô production at Negoro

I
f we are to believe the Teppôki, the first outsiders to take an
interest in the new teppô weapon were the martial Negoro
monks.1 These monks were actually warriors rather than
monks and remained so until Hideyoshi subdued them in 1585
and had them concentrate on more monastic activities. So we read
in the Teppôki:
At this time a priest, Suginobô, at Negoro Temple2 in Kishû (Kii), who
did not consider 1,000 ri far away, asked for one teppô. Tokitaka felt
sympathy for the sincerity of the man’s request and, showing generosity,
he said: ‘In ancient times the lord of Jo (Ch. Shu)3 took a liking to
Kisatsu’s (Ch. Chi-tsa) sword but did not dare to express his wish. Kisatsu,
however, knew in his heart what he wanted and in the end gave him the
precious sword. My island is certainly small, but why should I be attached
to and begrudge one object? Further, I have myself obtained it without
asking for it, and I cannot sleep out of happiness, having it hidden under
ten wraps (jûshû).4 What is more, how could I be happy in my heart, if
I were so selfish as to keep it when it is asked for? What I like, also
others like. How can I then have it alone, well hidden and stored away?’
So he sent Tsuda Kenmotsu no jô to bring it and present it to Suginobô
and to teach him how to prepare the wondrous powder and how to
apply the fire.
In other words, the news about the arrival of the Portuguese and
the teppô reached the Negoro Temple not long after the arrival of the
junk in September 1543, and Abbot Suginobô intuited that this was
the new weapon they needed in their military activities. He probably
lost no time in sending a missive, asking for the weapon. His agent,
Tsuda Kenmotsu no jô, was there when the second nanbansen arrived
and he could learn both how the teppô was produced and how to
mix the gunpowder. Tokitaka showed generosity out of the ordinary

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TEPPÔ PRODUCTION AT NEGORO

and sent a teppô with Tsuda Kenmotsu no jô as a present to Abbot

Suginobô. In the Kunitomo teppôki, Suginobô goes to Tanegashima
himself and asks for it. This is probably another case when this work
is lacking in exactness.
It is quite amazing that Lord Tokitaka should so willingly part
with one of the teppô. It is possible that he had developed a friend-
ship with Tsuda Kenmotsu no jô while the latter stayed on Tanegashima
and that it was because of this friendship that he willingly parted
with one teppô. It is also possible that he obtained some considerable
compensation that is not mentioned in the Teppôki, where only his
noble heart is mentioned with Confucian rhetorical flourish. The
intimate mercantile relations between Tanegashima and both Sakai
and Negoro should also not be forgotten5 nor underestimated the
close relationship with Kumano taisha in Kii. In the Teppôki it seems
that the presentation of the teppô comes early – just after Lord Tokitaka
has received the teppô, and before any reproduction on Tanegashima
has taken place. It is also mentioned before the transaction with
Tachibanaya Matasaburô takes place. The baffling problem is that it
seems that Lord Tokitaka gave away both of – or more than – the two
teppô he originally acquired. One teppô seems to have gone via Kago-
shima to the shogun, another found its way to Negoro and a third to
Sakai. Logically he would also have kept one firearm for himself –
and for Kinbee to copy. The solution might be that the guns trans-
ferred or bestowed to Negoro and Sakai belonged among the new
teppô produced in 1544, that is, after the second nanbansen brought
the smith who could help forge the first tens of tanegashima teppô.
Another possiblity is that firearms were among the merchandise on
this ship, registered in the Tanegashima kafu, the Teppôki and the
Kunitomo teppôki alike. Since available sources are scanty, it will prob-
ably never be possible to ascertain which teppô were given to whom
and when.6
Tradition has it that Tsuda Kenmotsu no jô brought both the
teppô and the art of teppô manufacture to Negoro, and that it did not
take long for the trained smiths to copy and manufacture it. The
renowned negoro-shû, the Negoro monk army, probably wasted no

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TANEGASHIMA – THE ARRIVAL OF EUROPE IN JAPAN

time in introducing it among other weapons used by its 20,000

warriors.7 Tsuda had of course recourse to the foundries and black-
smiths, already used to making swords and halberds, and thus it can
be estimated that the new weapon was ready to be used already in 1544.
He also had great help from the well-known Sakai smith, Shibatsuji
Seiemon, who happened to be staying at Negoro, and it might be that
Tsuda and Shibatsuji together were the fathers of the first Negoro
teppô. Shibatsuji had therefore the full knowledge of forging a firearm
when he was soon called back to father the Sakai teppô.8 We also
soon hear about the Negoro Teppô Brigades who were ready to serve
as mercenaries. From their ranks came possibly the musketeers who
introduced teppô warfare in the Kanto region.
The production of weapons at Negoro seems to have been an
entirely private matter, whether it concerned arrows, swords, halberds
or other weapons. The making of weapons was moreover part of the
lives of the monks. Negoro acted as a free temple domain in sengoku
times and was well-known for its considerable military resources. It
was completely independent and served no lord – except its abbots.
It can therefore be surmised that teppô production also became a
private matter and never came under the control of the authorities
as at Kunitomo and Sakai. It can be imagined, however, that pro-
duction came under strict central control after Hideyoshi subdued
Negoro in 1585. Muskets were forged, and during the subsequent
rule of Tokugawa Ieyasu it seems that Negoro cooperated with Sakai
and Kunitomo in the manufacture of guns and artillery.
The basic difference between Negoro and Sakai should be emphas-
ized. At Negoro the musket became another weapon to be used by
its mercenary monks.9 At Sakai it became another article of mer-
chandise sold to whomever could pay for it.
One can quote Charles Eliot truthfully and say that, ‘Negoro was
partly responsible for the introduction of firearms into Japan’. 10

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CHAPTER ELEVEN

The Spread of the Teppô on Kyushu

I
t is natural that the teppô spread early on the island of Kyushu.
As the Kunitomo teppôki says: ‘The teppô spread all over (Tsu-
kushi) Kyushu’. If the Tanegashima theory holds water, it is only
natural that the new weapon would have reached the daimyo
there first. And even if the new weapon were introduced separately
at other places, Tanegashima was the island closest to sea traffic; here
the Portuguese came first. Indirect evidence is the fact that it was to
Kyushu that the Jesuits and the Christian mission also came first. It
is reasonable that, after the first encounter on Tanegashima, the
Portuguese next sailed to Kyushu’s harbours and that presumably
the most important merchandise they could offer the martial samurai
were firearms and gunpowder. Reading Pinto, it becomes apparent
that Bungo became a prime port for the Portuguese merchants and
later the Jesuit missionaries. The Ôtomo daimyo welcomed both – and
certainly benefited from obtaining the new weapon. It is said that
‘Yoshishige (Sôrin) loved the teppô’,1 and also that he was ‘quick to
perceive the immense advantage of the arquebus and of artillery’. 2 It
is a fact that the manufacture of muskets began in earnest after he
seized power in 1550. According to H. Motojima he sent a smith by
the name of Itô Hachirô to Tanegashima in 1550 who learned to forge
teppô and returned to Bungo seven years later.3 Also cannon seem to
have been part of the arsenal from about 1560. It is evident that
Ôtomo Sôrin asked the Portuguese to bring cannon about that time.
If this had been realized, Bungo might have been the first province
with operational artillery.4 In a letter to the Jesuits in China in 1567 he
asked for a quantity of saltpetre, for which he would pay handsomely. 5
It is no surprise then, that Bungo became a forceful and major
province on Kyushu for a while under Ôtomo Sôrin, and this must

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TANEGASHIMA – THE ARRIVAL OF EUROPE IN JAPAN

Shimonoseki

Hakata
CHIKUZEN BUZEN
Hirado


HIZEN CHIKUGO •Okinohama
Funai

(Fuchô) Usuki
Yokoseura • 
BUNGO

Fukura • • Nagasaki • Shimabara

HIGO 
•
Kuchinotsu Mimikawa
1578

HYÛGA
SATSUMA

Kagoshima  Kokubu


ÔSUMI
Kaseda
•
KIMOTSUKI
Bônotsu•
Yamagawa
•
E

JI M
NE
Sato

Tanegashima

Map 5: Kyushu in the late 16th century

have been because he was quick to perceive the advantage of the new
weaponry. It is questionable, however, to what extent cannon could
have been used in Japanese strategy. Anyone familiar with Japanese
geography will understand how difficult it must have been to bring
heavy cannon into operation. On ships and in castles, and in siege

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THE SPREAD OF THE TEPPÔ ON KYUSHU

warfare, they could be of much use, but in in the field they must have
been difficult to operate. On the whole, cannon probably never played
a crucial rôle in any of the battles fought in sixteenth-century Japan. 6
As Boxer puts it: ‘On the whole it cannot be said that cannon ever
exercised a decisive effect in any of the battles fought in Old Japan’. 7
The cannon is also rarely mentioned in the records and battle reports. 8
The guess is that artillery did not become much used in Japanese
warfare until during the Korean war (1592–98).9
It is interesting to note that Sôrin repeatedly sent muskets as
presents to Shogun Yoshiteru, who ruled from 1545 to 1565. Muskets
sent in 1554 and 1556 were said to be of Portuguese origin, and
muskets sent in 1559 and 1560 to have been cast in Bungo and made to
order. As already noticed above (page 141), Yoshiteru took the same
interest in muskets as Sôrin. It is stated that a certain Watanabe learned
the art of forging the musket directly from a Portuguese whose first
name was possibly Francisco. This means that the art of forging guns
was divulged separately in the Bungo domain, without being influenced
by Tanegashima.10
When Pinto comes to Bungo during his first purported visit, the
daimyo’s son takes a disastrous interest in Pinto’s musket. Pinto’s story
is of course a ‘romanhafte Schilderung’, referring to a later incident,
but it affirms that the new weapon was introduced there early and it
can be imagined that the smiths in Funai, the capital city of Bungo,
soon applied themselves to learning the new technique and making
copies. Portuguese stayed there for years and engaged in projects like
the making of the teppô.11 As a result, a considerable proportion of
the Bungo army was equipped with firearms from early on.
The same is reported about Hirado, an island on the northwestern
side of Kyushu, where Portuguese vessels came regularly and Portu-
guese merchants were well received.12 This island was, like Tsushima,
a favourite base for pirates and open to external influences. It is even
mentioned together with Tanegashima as the place where Japanese
teppô were cast early on.13 Xavier went there in 1550 from Kagoshima.
Later, both the Dutch and English used Hirado as their base – the
Dutch from 1609 and the English from 1613 – and began the manu-

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facture of ordnance at foundries there. Between the two Houses, the

English and the Dutch, there was at first keen rivalry, even warfare,
but from 1620 until the English left in 1623 they were allied and this
three-year period – when they joined to plunder the Portuguese! –
marked the most prosperous period of English and Dutch trade in
Japan. From 1570, the rivalry was with the Portuguese at Nagasaki,
whom the British merchant Richard Cocks14 referred to with epithets
like the ‘villanose papisticall rubble at Langasaque’.15 The Portuguese,
on their side, considered that the Dutch (probably also the English)
‘were fit for nothing, save to be burned as desperate heretics’. 16 Be-
tween them there was war, plunder and piracy no less than between
the wakô and the Chinese.
The English and especially the Dutch used cannon, cast at Hirado
and later at Nagasaki, together with imported cannon, as presents
on their yearly visits to Edo and perhaps also as merchandise. It is
reported that the shogunate showed a preference for cannon cast in
Europe and would rather have a cannon ‘cast in England than ten of
such as were ever cast in Japan’.17 On the other hand, Europeans
were impressed by the workmanship of the Japanese gunsmiths.
They had made the best swords our world had seen and they would
soon evoke the same perfection in gun production. Captain Specs, a
British merchant at Hirado, witnessed their work and, astonished,
he stated to Richard Cocks that neither workmanship nor materials
were inferior to what was found in Europe.18
It is natural that the Shimazu lords in Kagoshima took a keen
interest in and became busy reproducing the teppô. They were after
all the first to learn about the new weapon since Tanegashima was a
subsidiary and the Tanegashima lords certainly reported on and
presented teppô weapons as soon as they produced them. As stated
above, the Shimazu presently sent to the shogun in Kyoto a teppô that
had been received from Tanegashima, perhaps a musket received
from the Portuguese. That the manufacture of the new weapon was
considerable on Tanegashima is proven by the fact that Hideyoshi
asked for 200 teppô instead of a contingent of samurai for his
Odawara campaign in 1590. It is reported that the Jesuits coming to

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THE SPREAD OF THE TEPPÔ ON KYUSHU

Kagoshima even brought cannon as presents to the daimyo.19 This

daimyo was the energetic and enterprising Shimazu Takahisa who
probably lost no time in acquiring and applying the new weapon in his
recurrent campaigns to the north and east. The teppô is mentioned in
Satsuma warfare as early as in 1549, earlier than in other provinces. 20
It cannot have been on any large scale, but even a single shot certainly
played a role and might have been enough to have a demoralizing
effect on the enemy. Shimazu Takahisa welcomed the missionaries
as long as he could hope for the new weapons and other benefits.
When these were not forthcoming, they were no longer greatly accepted
and he irascibly withdrew his favour. It cannot be disputed that it
was after the musket had been introduced that the Shimazu, first
under Takahisa and then under Yoshihisa, began to bring first Satsuma
and thereupon Ôsumi and Hyûga under their control. It must have
been a new strategy that embraced the new weapon that made the
difference.
The Teppôki does not mention the transmission of the teppô to
Satsuma and Kyushu explicitly, but it is well known from other sources
that the Shimazu and Ôtomo daimyo were equipped with firearms
by the 1550s. Nor is any direct report on the arrival of the Portuguese
and the teppô to Satsuma mentioned in the Tanegashima kafu.
There is no mention in either the Teppôki or Tanegashima kafu
of any immediate reports to the Shimazu lords at Satsuma about both
the Portuguese and the teppô. In the Kunitomo teppôki the trans-
mission of the teppô to Shimazu Yoshihisa is mentioned. No date is
given but we can imagine that it was transferred later in the same
year, that is, in 1543 and that the reproduction began as quickly there
as at other places. This is proven by the fact that, again according to
the Kunitomo teppôki, a copy of the teppô was sent as a present to the
shogun, Yoshiharu, which was received on the 2nd day of the 12th
month of Tenbun 8 (10 January 1543). One can be suspicious about
dates in the Kunitomo teppôki, but it is certainly correct when it
states that ‘the Teppô spread all over (Tsukushi) Kyushu’. The port of
Bônotsu in southern Satsuma is mentioned as one of the important
teppô foundries on Kyushu.21 Francis Xavier landed at Kagoshima in

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TANEGASHIMA – THE ARRIVAL OF EUROPE IN JAPAN

1549 and he was not the first Portuguese to arrive there. Before him,
we can count on merchants having reached Kagoshima and they
certainly did not come without muskets over their shoulders and in
their merchandise. For example, Jorge Alvares, who wrote the report
for Xavier, had visited southern Satsuma in 1546. It can be imagined
that each ship reaching Japan had muskets in its cargo.
It is also noteworthy that the Shimazu lords had had independent
mercantile relations with China since at least the early sixteenth century,
and it would be strange if their merchants had not encountered
wakô corsairs equipped with teppô before the two Portuguese were
stranded on Tanegashima. One thing is sure: the imported teppô
played a role side by side with the teppô manufactured in Japan. One
reason why the daimyo turned to their smiths and began their own
manufacture was probably that they found the imported firearms
too expensive. Another reason could be that they needed teppô en
masse and in such a situation could only rely on their native artisans.
From Satsuma we can move to Bungo and register a parallel
situation. There are two traditions about how the musket reached
the province. According to one it was introduced independently by
the Portuguese. According to the other it was a smith from Bungo
who went to Tanegashima in 1546, learned the technique and returned
to Bungo in 1556 where the first teppô was produced in 1558. In
either case, under Ôtomo Sôrin the new weapon was accepted and it
was the new weapon that made the daimyo enlarge the Bungo domain
to embrace some five provinces. In the Ôtomo-ki it is reported that
the Bungo forces mustered 1,200 musketeers in 1564. In the end it
was Bungo versus Satsuma and in the final clash at Mimikawa (in
1578) it was the Satsuma muskets that won the day – and Hideyoshi
had to be called in with even more muskets and to order in a wider
sense. It is no exaggeration to say that it was in all cases the new
weapon that created the new order, and the man who had most
muskets could dictate the future for the whole country. This man
was Hideyoshi.
The conclusion is that it did not take long for a new and superior
weapon to be accepted and spread among the daimyo in the sengoku

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THE SPREAD OF THE TEPPÔ ON KYUSHU

war era, first on Kyushu and then throughout Japan. Its manufacture
became a major concern, and the lord to use it first in strategy and
warfare was sure to be the winner. The era of the great teppô pro-
duction continued until Keichô times (1596–1615), when a Japanese
teppô was not inferior to a European teppô. This situation continued
through the seventeenth century and perhaps into the early eighteenth
century. The preoccupation with firearms was evidenced by the
repeated Dutch presentations (kenjômono) of cannon, mortars and
gun-carriages to the Tokugawa shoguns.22 Likewise it was evinced
by the many intellectuals who wrote about military matters. Three
among them were Yamaga Sokô (1622–85), Arai Hakuseki (1656–
1725) and Ogyû Sorai (1666–1728).
The early teppô made by the smiths on Tanegashima are referred
to as the teppô of the Tanegashima-ryû, the Tanegashima School. As
the production of the new firearm proliferated, other schools spread
across Japan; there developed the Tsuda-ryû School, the Jiyûsai-ryû
School, the Inatomi School, the Kunitomo-ryû School and other
teppô associations. They formed leagues of sharpshooters that com-
peted with each other in the Tokugawa era.23 With peaceful conditions
and seclusion (sakoku) between 1640 and 1853, a stagnation seems
to have taken place in the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries,
a fact that is affirmed by visitors like Carl Peter Thunberg (1743–
1828) in the years of 1775–77 and Philipp Franz von Siebold (1796–
1866) in the years of 1823–29.24 No advances in weaponry were
made comparable to what took place in the West about the same
time.25 From having been abreast with Europe at the beginning of
the Tokugawa era, by its end the Japanese had fallen far behind.

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CHAPTER TWELVE

Francis Xavier in Japan

A
nother great beginning of the West in Japan was the
arrival of Father Francis Xavier1 and with him the Jesuit
mission to Kagoshima on 15 August 1549. It was again the
Portuguese who led the vanguard of European expansion,
and for the next fifty years mainly Portuguese and Spanish Jesuits
were to be the predominant Christian missionaries in Japan. The
Portuguese were certainly firstly merchants, but with them followed
the royal commandment that wherever they came, it was for the Holy
Faith and for the Portuguese Empire – ‘a Fé e o Imperio’ – and in
that order.2
Xavier was excited about Japan from the day it was reported that
the first Portuguese had reached it in 1543.3 This happened in 1547,
and it is said that it was ‘with a great thrill in his heart’ that he
received the first definite account about Japan.4 He perhaps believed
that there was as much to acquire there in the form of souls as Marco
Polo had described there to be in gold. Then, meeting Anjiro – the
fugitive from Japan, the first Japanese to be baptized a Christian,5 and
one moreover who had learned sufficient Portuguese to be able to
converse with Xavier – and further receiving Jorge Alvares’ report,
his conviction was fortified and no difficulties could prevent him
from realizing what he considered to be for the greater glory of God
(ad majorem Dei gloriam).6
This required conviction (or greed) because it was a long way from
Goa to Japan, and the route via Malacca was infested with pirates and
made difficult by storms. But with faith in God he set out. And why
should he be scared? God was on his side and, as he wrote, ‘God is
the Master of all storms and stronger than all pirates’.7 Whether it
was with God’s help or not, the journey went smoothly. On 14 April

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FRANCIS XAVIER IN JAPAN

Figure 9: Japanese portrait of Francis Xavier

1549, he left Goa with his party and by 25 April they had reached
Malacca. Two other Jesuits, Father Cosme de Torres and Brother Juan
Fernandez,8 as well as the three Japanese neophytes – Anjiro (Paul),
João and Antonio – accompanied him.9 Moreover, there were two
servants, Amador, a Malabar, and Manoel, a Chinese. Thus they were
seven in all. On 24 June they sailed again, this time on a Chinese junk,

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and after various incidents and difficulties with the superstitious

Chinese captain and his crew, they arrived at Kagoshima in Japan on
15 August 1549.10 This means that the journey from Goa to Kago-
shima had not taken more than four months and one day, which
must be considered quite reasonable for that time. We can imagine
that Xavier learned much from Anjiro about Japan during the long
journey.
As Xavier reported, ‘neither the devil nor his disciples could
hinder our progress, and God brought us to the land of our heart’s
desire on the feast of our Lady’s Assumption in the year 1549’.11 Anjiro
was at his side, and it was with Anjiro’s family in Kagoshima that he
stayed for close to two months upon arrival. In their company he
obtained the first impressions of the Japanese people, and he was
almost ecstatic when he described them in his first letter (to Goa).
‘They are the best race yet discovered, and I think that among non-
Christians their match will not easily be found’,12 and so on and so
forth. The rosy picture of infatuation and exultation during the first
two months was not to change much during his stay in spite of hard-
ship and adversity.13 He was optimistic about Japan and the Japanese,
more so than about other lands and peoples he had encountered in
the East.
This letter, dated 5 November 1549, is historic. It is the first descrip-
tion of the Japanese written by a Westerner in Japan. It is also the
longest letter that Xavier ever wrote – close on 10,000 words – and
this reflects the enthusiasm he felt during this first encounter with the
Japanese.14 Many visitors to Japan have reacted in the same manner.
As M. Cooper says, ‘From that date onwards the varying fortunes of
the Europeans in Japan are fairly well documented. Japan’s [first]
century of contact with the West had begun’.15
Soon, however, Xavier turned to the problems which were to meet
missionaries in Japan and he assures that ‘the metal of those who
come out here will be well tested’ and tells his brothers in Goa that
‘the Fathers coming to Japan must be well provided with clothes made
of Portuguese wool. And they must come well shod, for here we are
dying of cold – aqui morremos de frio’.16

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FRANCIS XAVIER IN JAPAN

They were, however, a sensation in Kagoshima and it was initially

believed that they represented a new Buddhist sect – after all they came
from India (Tenjiku).17 Anjiro was the cause of this, as he did not
tire of telling people about the marvels of Goa and India and what
he had seen and experienced there. Shimazu Takahisa, the daimyo
of Satsuma, heard of them and curious about who they were, sent for
Anjiro to come to his fortress located about fifteen ri northeast of
Kagoshima in Kokubu. Anjiro must have given a brilliant description
of Xavier because he was also invited to meet the daimyo. Xavier
must in turn have made a good impression on Takahisa because a
few days later the daimyo ‘gave all his vassals permission to become
Christians, if they so desired’.18 This he could easily do, as he probably
thought that Xavier only represented another Buddhist sect emanating
from India. Since Xavier could not possibly have communicated
directly with the daimyo or any other Japanese for that matter, it
must have been Anjiro who served as the interpreter and coloured
the message in his personal way. It is apparent that Xavier felt the
deficiency in not knowing the language and having to preach via an
interpreter. He observed that he was dumb like a statue among people
who talked and like a child beginning to speak. It is recorded, how-
ever, that he made serious efforts to learn Japanese, but he could not
possibly have managed to communicate directly and easily during
his short two-year stay in Japan, especially since he was busy with
other things than learning a difficult language.19 It is reported that he
preached using partly Latin, partly Spanish, partly Portuguese, mixed
with occasional Japanese words – and was understood! His charisma
did the rest!20
Besides, Xavier worked on a translation of the Articles of the
Christian Faith together with Anjiro and Fernandez.21 He had soon
noticed that Japan was a literate country and was convinced that with
the written word the gospel could be understood and spread quickly.
The translation was, however, in clumsy Japanese and Xavier was
derided when he used it.22
Xavier stayed for a little more than a year at Kagoshima and he
would sadly come to realize that the harvest of converted souls had

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been limited.23 Only about 100 men and women were persuaded to
become Christians, mostly through the efforts of Anjiro. Among
them was Bernardo, a young samurai who became a faithful com-
panion of Xavier’s in his journeys through Japan and also afterwards. 24
Upon arriving, they were also well received by the Buddhist monks
but, when it gradually became apparent that they were ‘fiercely
exclusive’ and ‘bitterly intolerant’,25 they soon had to face hostile
opposition from many Buddhists who understood that they repres-
ented a threat to their predominance over the people. The Buddhist
monks convinced the daimyo, Shimazu Takahisa, to prohibit further
Christian teaching which he willingly did, as the expected arrival of
Portuguese ships and trade had not been forthcoming. Apparently
Xavier was not as influential as he had thought and the Portuguese
merchants took more interest in other provinces on Kyushu, especially
Bungo, by-passing Satsuma.26 There was envy and competition among
the daimyo who vied with each other in attracting the nanban
barbarians and their merchandise, not least their teppô arms. Shimazu
Takahisa was also in a nervous state of mind. He was under pressure
because he did not have the province safely under his control and he
was constantly in war with pretenders inside and enemies outside
the province. He needed all the new weapons that the Portuguese
could bring to repress all those who wished to subdue him.
When it was therefore reported that a Portuguese ship had arrived
at Hirado west of Satsuma while by-passing Satsuma and that Xavier
had hurried there in the hope of finding mail, Shimazu Takahisa was
enraged; Xavier’s endeavour to Christianize the Satsuma people was
no longer welcome. The daimyo rather listened to the Buddhist ‘bonzes’
than to Xavier. When the people, on pain of death, were now for-
bidden to convert to the new creed, this was the signal for Xavier that
it was high time to realize the primary aim of his Japanese mission:
to go to Kyoto and present the Christian gospel to the emperor
himself. With the emperor baptized, the entire people would follow.
This had happened in other lands and Xavier was convinced this
would happen also in Japan. After the Emperor of Japan, the Emperor
of China would be next! At this stage Xavier was full of optimism.

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FRANCIS XAVIER IN JAPAN

Having decided to leave Kagoshima, Xavier left the small congrega-

tion in the hands of Anjiro.27 With him came instead Bernardo, his
early convert at Kagoshima, as well as Torres, Fernandez, João, Antonio
and the servant Amador.28 The daimyo offered a boat to Hirado in
Hizen Province, where he was welcomed not only by the Portuguese
merchants but also by the young daimyo, Matsura Takanobu, who
was overjoyed by the arrival of the nanban merchant ship in his
domain.29 The daimyo wanted foreign trade and was ready to make
any concession, even the preaching of the Christian religion, in order
to obtain the blessings of the West. Xavier stayed for only a couple of
months there, but more people were converted there in this short
period than in over a year in Kagoshima.
Xavier had not come to Hirado to settle, however. He had his
mind set on the ultimate goal, the capital and the emperor, as he
thought that this was the way to win the whole land for Christ. Leaving
Father Cosme de Torres30 and the two servants with the Christians
at Hirado, he began the long tortuous journey westwards via Hakata
at the end of October 1550. He had chosen the worst time of year to
travel and was soon exposed to winter, cold and snow, and the 500
ri to Kyoto can be described as his Via Dolorosa. He went together
with Juan Fernandez and Bernardo, who have both had their remin-
iscences recorded.
‘Bedraggled and half starved’, Xavier and his two companions
came to Yamaguchi, the great daimiate on the Inland Sea of Japan.
This was a necessary stop since Xavier needed a rest for a couple of
months (October and November 1550). It was not his intention to
evangelize here, but together with Juan Fernandez and Bernardo he
preached the gospel en passant and made converts, first the Uchida
family of the hostelry where they stayed. Waiting for the opportunity
to proceed to Kyoto, they preached twice a day in the streets, people
listened and this led to the foundation of the later large Yamaguchi
Christian congregation.
Also here the daimyo, Ôuchi Yoshitaka (1507–51), heard of him
and Xavier and his followers were called into his presence. They were
received kindly and, being curious, the daimyo asked many questions

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TANEGASHIMA – THE ARRIVAL OF EUROPE IN JAPAN

Yamaguchi Iwakuni
Hirado Shimonoseki • •
Honshu
• • •(Hiroshima)
HIZEN Hakata
Kyoto
Okinohama Osaka

•
•
BUNGO
Funai• Shikoku • Hirakata
Sakai
Kyushu
SATSUMA
Kagoshima•  Kokubu
ÔSUMI
Yamagawa•

Tanegashima

Map 6: Xavier’s travels in Japan

about their travels and about India and Europe. He wanted to know
about what they preached, and he was sermonized about sins and
immoral life to the extent that they were ushered out ‘without the
King saying one word’. The daimyo’s court was known for its cultivation
of both refined arts – and vices – and the lord for unscrupulously
supporting wakô piracy.
Eight days before Christmas in the year 1550,31 Xavier left Yama-
guchi accompanied by Juan Fernandez and Bernardo, determined to
proceed and see the emperor in Kyoto. Again the journey was made
in the depth of winter and the way through deep snow and icy water
must have been an ordeal for Xavier who, according to reports, was
poorly dressed and often walked with bare feet. The nights were so
cold that he covered himself with the tatami mats at the inns. 32 At
Iwakuni – today’s Hiroshima – they managed, however, to acquire
passage on a ship to Sakai. This journey took some two weeks as the
ship called at various ports on the way. Arriving at the rich city of
Sakai, they were lucky to put up at an affluent merchant’s house,
while waiting for arrangements to be made for their travel to Miyako
(Kyoto). Apparently the land was ravaged by bandits as much as the
sea was by pirates. They could, however, join a nobleman’s party.
The nobleman himself rode in a palanquin (kago) and the bearers

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went at a trot – and so did Xavier and his two companions – barefoot,
if later reports are to be believed.
The journey took two days, as they stopped mid-way (at Hirakata?)
Xavier was happy. He was nearing his goal, the day he had dreamed
of ever since he arrived in Japan. His ecstasy met with an abrupt end
when he finally faced the reality of Kyoto. The once glorious city of
Heian-kyô had become a desolate ‘lair of wolves and foxes’.33 The
shogun, Ashikaga Yoshiteru, had left the city and could not be reached.
Xavier, however, found his way to the Gosho, the imperial palace, but
he was barred entrance into the holy chambers. For one thing, he
was poorly dressed, and for another, he had not brought the gifts
which opened the doors for Japanese and foreigners alike. The gifts
had, by necessity and providentially, been left behind in Hirado! In
any case, a meeting would have served no purpose, for the emperor
Go-Nara (1496–1557, r. 1527–57) was a mere figurehead who led a
miserable life exerting no political power. The shogun, Ashikaga
Yoshiteru, also enjoyed little power.34 The situation was the same when
he tried to enter the Tendai monastery on Mount Hiei. His sleeveless
cassock worn threadbare could in no way match the shimmering silks
worn by the monks entering and leaving this illustrious ‘university’. 35
He also heard that a great war was imminent and realized that the
land did not have the peace that was needed for preaching the law of
God.36 He was thus unable to achieve the goals set for his Kyoto visit.
His dreams were shattered. One can imagine his disappointment.
Xavier learned several important lessons, gained from bitter experi-
ence, during his short eleven-day stay in Kyoto. One was that central
authority had fallen to a low level. Another was that you do not
come empty-handed when wishing to be received and be allowed to
see important people in Japan. A third lesson was that you have to
be not only well dressed but even splendidly attired if you ever wish
to meet and convince the high and mighty. Humble simplicity was
not the way in Japan. A general lesson must have been that neither
the emperor nor the shogun were the important rulers of sengoku
Japan. While the former was driven into artistic seclusion, the latter
had to rely on daimyo ‘kings’. This lesson he could have learned

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earlier, but witnessing it himself he could have no doubts. Now he

perceived his error clearly. The conclusion was that, if neither the
emperor nor the shogun ruled Japan, it had to be the ‘kings’, some
of whom he had met on his way to Kyoto. They were the ones to be
converted and this time no mistake was to be made when meeting
them: it had to be in style.
Xavier might have learned another important lesson. If he was
going to endure physically, he must travel in an easy way, avoid the
dangers of the land and not tread through snow barefoot. So after
only eleven days in Kyoto, at the beginning of January 1551, he first
embarked on a boat going down the Kamogawa from Kyoto to Osaka,
and from Sakai he and the companions took passage on a ship sail-
ing through the Inland Sea and Shimonoseki Strait to Hirado. They
returned there at the beginning of March 1551, after four and a half
months of absence, ‘during which they had suffered and learned a
great deal’.37 Father de Torres must have worried throughout the
winter and his happiness must have been limitless when he saw his
Master again. To Xavier goes the honour of being the first European
to have travelled in Japan – and in winter to boot and mostly on foot
– with the whole journey reported upon both by himself and by
others. And he and Fernandez were among the first Europeans to
visit the capital, Kyoto.38
Among the ‘kings’, the daimyo of Yamaguchi, Ôuchi Yoshitaka,
seemed to be the most powerful – certainly more so than the emperor
and shogun in Kyoto. He was in control of some ten western provinces
and his capital, Yamaguchi, was often referred to as Little Kyoto. It
was a rich place due to the flourishing trade and wakô activities.
Accordingly, Xavier formed a plan. He would return to Yamaguchi but
this time ‘en grand appareil’,39 silk-clad and with a retinue including
Juan Fernandez Bernardo and a Japanese Christian, all of them no
doubt in beautiful kimonos and possibly with swords in their sashes,
and finally ‘the Indian Amador whose extremely swarthy countenance
greatly attracted the Japanese, so that they would walk as much as 20
ri to see the phenomenon’.40 Further, the presents were thoughtfully
and lavishly selected – all of them originally intended for the

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emperor. Among them were a grandfather clock which chimed the

hours day and night, a musical box, a glass mirror, an elaborately
worked musket with three barrels, several bales of brocade, two
pairs of spectacles or goggles, books richly bound in the European
style, some beautiful crystal vases, a mirror and Portuguese wine.
More than anything else, the musket with three barrels must have
impressed a daimyo who had war on his mind. Further, Xavier was
equipped with two letters of greeting on parchment from the
Governor of India, representing King John III of Portugal, and from
Bishop Albuquerque, representing Pope Julius III. Thus, everything
was well arranged and it can be imagined that he entered Yamaguchi
by the end of April 1551 in the style of a grandee. Predictably, he was
also immediately granted audience by the daimyo, who extended the
warmest hospitality.41
The daimyo was certainly amazed when he saw the former priest
whom he had regarded as a kind of vagrant beggar some months
before, but also delighted with the presents and the prospect of future
trade. Xavier reported that, declining a considerable sum of gold
and silver in return, he only asked for one favour, that he would be
given permission to preach the law of God freely in his territories and
allow those of his subjects who so wished to embrace it. Apparently
the daimyo was ready to agree to anything for the honour of the
Portuguese bringing him exotic gifts like a musket with three barrels.
A proclamation declared that he allowed the introduction of the new
religion, and Xavier and his companions were nicely lodged at an
empty Buddhist monastery and could begin their missionary activities
without delay. Generally they preached in the streets twice a day, in
the morning and in the evening, and had discussions afterwards.
Often people followed them to their lodgings where the discussion
continued for hours. Over a period of two months, about 500 con-
verts received baptism, among them also samurai. In this work they
were much in touch with the Buddhist and Shinto sects which had
more than 100 temples and shrines in the Yamaguchi area and the
result was discussions between Xavier and leading bonzes. There
was a constant stream of visitors from early morning until late into

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night, and Xavier could complain that ‘there was no time for prayer,
meditation, even, at least in the beginning, for saying Mass or Office,
or for eating a meal or finding some sleep’.42
Xavier certainly also learned much from being in touch with the
Buddhist monks. One thing he realized was that the Dainichi (‘the
great sun’) of the Shingon Sect was not the same as the God of the
Christian religion.43 He had at first rendered the word God into
Japanese by the Buddhist term Dainichi, but when it dawned upon
him that God and Dainichi were not the same – that Dainichi
corresponded to the Indian Vairochana and was a purely pantheistic
conception, not referring to a personal God or a Creator of all things
– he introduced the Latin term Deus for the Christian God which
was pronounced Deusu in Japanese.44 As it was preached in the
streets of Yamaguchi that Dainichi was not the true god and should
not be prayed to, Xavier ran into controversies with the bonzes, who
saw him more and more as an unwelcome competitor and would
certainly have had him done away with had he not been under the
protection of the daimyo. It irritated the bonzes not least that they
were accused of leading immoral lives in their monasteries. The
most difficult part of Christian dogma for the Japanese to accept was
the thought of Hell and eternal damnation. In Buddhist thought
there was always the hope of compassion and mercy for even the
most evil person. This among other issues was the subject of the
disputations reported by Cosme de Torres.45 Nor were all relations
with the bonzes hostile; already in Kagoshima Xavier had developed
a close friendship with the abbot of a Zen monastery.46
In the midst of his daily debates with the bonzes and four
months of evangelizing in Yamaguchi, Xavier received an invitation
from the daimyo of Bungo, Ôtomo Yoshishige (Sôrin), asking him
to come to his capital, Funai (today’s Ôita). A Portuguese ship had
arrived at the city’s port of Okinohama and the daimyo was anxious
to discuss certain matters with Xavier. Xavier was again excited, as
he knew that Bungo was one of the important daimiates on Kyushu
and that the young daimyo, aged only 22 at the time, was one of the
powerful ‘kings’ on Kyushu. He summoned Father Cosme de Torres

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from Hirado and, leaving him and Juan Fernandez47 in charge of the
Yamaguchi Christians, departed in mid-September ‘to discover whether
the daimyo of Bungo desired to be a Christian and to see the Portu-
guese’.48 He was escorted by the four converted Japanese – João,
Antonio, Matteo and Bernardo – and the journey of about 60 miles
was completed in less than a week, partly by land and partly by sea.
It is at this point of the story that Pinto describes a disheveled and
emaciated Xavier who is met by Pinto and others outside Funai.49
This is not true. The scene was probably the same as at Yamaguchi.
He came dressed in silk and with a retinue also well-dressed and
with presents to the young daimyo not less lavish than those he had
bestowed the daimyo at Yamaguchi. From the ship that landed at
Okinohama, Bungo’s main harbour, he proceeded to Funai, the
capital, ‘in a gaily beflagged sloop, with all the Portuguese merchants
and mariners in festive attire as his retinue’. And ‘they walked in
procession through the streets of the great city filled with gaping crowds
to the daimyo’s palace’.50
The young daimyo welcomed Xavier warmly. His motives were
doubtless mixed but he was profoundly excited by Xavier’s appearance
and also by the way Xavier was honoured by the other Portuguese.
Xavier, in turn, felt equally honoured by the 22-year old daimyo, who
had come to power only a year earlier when his father was murdered.
Xavier was not the first Portuguese that he met. He had earlier
encountered a merchant, Diogo Vaz (d’Aragão), who had stayed for
several years at Funai and had learned Japanese. It was naturally for
selfish reasons that he had invited Xavier, but a friendship developed
between them. He was curious and liked the exotic touch of the priest
but also looked forward to trade and not least European firearms for
his armed forces. He was a Zen believer and concerned with religion,
and ended being baptized a Christian 27 years later in 1578. Xavier
surely also had selfish reasons but was immediately impressed by the
young and intelligent lord. Thanks to the daimyo and his generosity,
the number of Christians increased quickly from the half dozen or
so converted by Xavier during his stay to between six and seven
hundred a couple of years later.

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Xavier’s disappointment was that no ship had arrived from

Malacca since he had come in 1549 with news or letters for him. The
ship that had arrived now with Duarte da Gama as captain had also
not brought him any tidings from either India or Europe. One can
imagine how lonely he felt without any messages or communications
after all his trials and tribulations on the way up to Kyoto and back
to console him. He must have felt deserted by man and God alike
even though happy to meet a number of countrymen.
Bad tidings came also from Yamaguchi. The daimyo of Yamaguchi,
Ôuchi Yoshitaka, had suffered a rebellion soon after Xavier left,
which plunged the whole daimiate into civil war. The daimyo fled but
was cut off and forced to commit harakiri (on 30 September 1551).
Father Cosme de Torres and Brother Juan Fernandez had to go into
hiding but later bravely continued their missionary work. God must
have been on their side, because the rebels came with an embassy to
Funai and offered Ôtomo Sôrin’s younger brother, Haruhide (or
Hachirô) – also an admirer of Xavier – the post of daimyo in Yama-
guchi, which he accepted under the name of Ôuchi Yoshinaga. Under
him the mission had another seven good years until in turn he was
murdered in 1557.
The time came for Xavier’s departure from Bungo a nd Japan in
November 1551. Letters from Goa urged him to return. Necessity
demanded his presence in India51 and unwillingly he resolved to
leave Japan. The daimyo, Ôtomo Yoshishige – the later Ôtomo Sôrin
– also parted with him reluctantly, but showed his appreciation by
appointing an ambassador52 to accompany him and convey his
greetings to the viceroy of India. The ambassador brought a letter and
presents of Japanese weapons and armour for the king of Portugal.
The daimyo also asked Xavier vehemently to send a Pater to live by
his side in Funai.
Xavier would have liked to bring some learned Buddhist priests
with him, but no priest was ready to expose himself to the dangers
of hazardous sea travel. In the end there were the four converts,
Bernardo, Matteo, João and Antonio, who came with him. The first
two wished to visit India and Europe in order to be able to tell the

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Japanese about things there; the last two would serve as interpreters
for Xavier or other missionaries when they were to go to Japan.53
On 20 November 1551, Duarte da Gama’s ship left Okinohama,
soon passed the Shimonoseki Strait and was on the dangerous sea
between Japan and China. Xavier was at this point intent on return-
ing to Japan soon again. Underway, they encountered heavy storms
and were driven around not knowing where, and it must have been
hard on Xavier who heartily disliked storms. In the midst of it, the
miracle of the sloop took place. A sloop was lost in the storm with
two seamen on board, and while all were bewailing the misfortune,
Xavier bade them to be of good heart because within three days God
would bring the sloop and seamen back. This happened as predicted
and Pinto and others afterwards considered that it was Xavier’s
prayers that had resulted in the ‘Miracle of the Sloop’.54
They arrived at Sancian Island near the mouth of the Canton
River on 17 December 1551 where Xavier met his old friend Diogo
Pereira who showed him a letter from a Portuguese captive who was
held in a prison in Canton together with other Portuguese and wished
Pereira to intercede for them at the court of Peking. This gave Xavier
the idea that he should also go to Peking and present the gospel to
the Chinese emperor. On Pereira’s ship on its way to Singapore and
Malacca they made their plans which seem unrealistic to a modern
reader. To Ignatius Loyola he wrote at the time that ‘when the Japanese
learn that the Chinese are adopting the Law of God they will lose
faith in their own sects more quickly’.55 In the light of what happened
later for their successors, Matteo Ricci (1552–1610), Johann Adam
Schall (1592–1666), Ferdinand Verbiest (1623–1688) and others –
who were allowed to begin missionary work in China – one cannot
say that they could not have been successful, one as a businessman
and the other as a missionary.56
Xavier was kept busy after returning from Japan. Appointed
Provincial in India, he had authority over all affairs of the college at
Goa, as well as over the missions throughout the East. At Goa Luís
Frois met him in 1548 and wrote about him in his Historia de
Japam.57 The only signs of incessant toil over a two-year period in

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Japan was that his hair had turned from raven black to gray and that
he showed some emaciation. He left Goa by mid-April 1552,
destined for China and the fortunate few chosen to go with him
were the priest Baltasar Gago (1515–83),58 the young Jesuit Alvaro
Ferreira, a young Chinese named Antonio who was to act as inter-
preter, and a Malabar Christian named Christopher as servant to
Xavier. With them they had plenty of gifts. They travelled via Cochin
and ran into a terrible storm on the way to Malacca. Diogo Pereira
waited for Xavier at Malacca with a ship loaded with merchandise as
well as presents for the Chinese emperor. There were complications,
however, and in the end Diogo Pereira was never appointed ambas-
sador to the Court of the Chinese Emperor. In July Xavier was on his
way without him. They passed the Singapore straits and entered the
open sea of typhoons and marauders, but the Santa Cruz managed
to reach the calm waters by the estuary of Pearl River where it cast
anchor at the island of Sancian (Shang-ch’uan) close to the Chinese
coast by mid-September.59 Xavier tried hard to be taken to Canton
but no businessman, Portuguese or Chinese, was willing to give him
a passage. They felt that it was too risky and did not look forward to
dungeon life in a Canton prison, torture and decapitaton. In a letter
dated 22 October Xavier wrote about his efforts to come ashore
although ‘the King of China had so stringently forbidden foreigners
entrance into his territories without his express permission’. But ‘we
are determined to to make our way into China at all costs’. And
‘when the Santa Croce leaves here for Malacca I hope it will bring
you news of how we were received in Canton’. And ‘when I came to
Sancian we made a little chapel where I celebrated Mass daily until I
went down with a fever. I was ill for a fortnight, but now by the
mercy of God I am all right again’.
Thus, Xavier was determined to go to China, and still hoping
against hope, weeks went by, even months. As late as mid-November
he wrote almost jubilantly about how everything was being arranged.
In probably his last letter of 13 November he says that he still has
good hopes. He knew that the devil would do all in his power to
prevent them from entering China ‘but what glory to God it will be

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if … the vast presumption of the devil is brought to nothing! … For

if it is the will of God, I shall not die, though it is a long time since I
felt so little inclined to live as I do now’.60
The weather was bad on the island by the end of November. All
merchants had sailed south, and Xavier and his only companion,
Antonio, even had little to eat, as the wintry wind chilled them to the
bone. Still passionately longing for Canton and China, Xavier fell ill
on 21 November with a fever. He was bled, but the blood-letting
caused him so great a nausea that he fainted. The next day he
underwent the operation again, and once more he fainted. The fever
increased, his mind began to wander, and in his delirium his words
showed him thinking of his brethren of the Society of Jesus. So he
remained until 28 November, which was the eigth day of his illness.
On that day he lost the power of speech altogether and lay silent for
three days.
During that time he recognized nobody and ate nothing. At noon on
Thursday he regained his senses, but spoke only to call on the Blessed
Trinity. He continued to have such words on his lips until the night of
Friday passed on towards the dawn of Saturday when it could be seen
that he was dying. Then, with the name of Jesus on his lips he rendered
his soul to his Lord with great repose and quietude.61
He died thus on Sancian Island on 3 December 1552, without
having been able to realize his dream to go to China.
It can be noted that Xavier came only about a year too early.
Already in 1553 the situation changed when the Portuguese Captain-
Major Leonel de Sousa after long negotiations came to a verbal agree-
ment with the Kuangtung authorities and commerce was normalized.
The Portuguese could come legally to an island as close to Canton as
Lampacau.62 ‘Sino-Japanese trade was at last placed on a durable basis
and the Portuguese could freely visit Canton from Sancian and Lam-
pacau’.63 The whole foreign traffic was concentrated at Lampacau in
1554 and Sancian, which the Portuguese had used in their clandestine
trade and where Xavier had died, was closed. Lampacau became an
important Portuguese post with fixed habitations, something that

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they had never had on Sancian. Lampacau became an important

interim base and Father Baltazar Gago (1515–83), being shipwrecked
there in 1560, reported that 500–600 Portuguese dwelled constantly
on this island.64 This would mean that Lampacau was much used by
the Portuguese also after they succeeded in founding a fixed depot
at Macao in 1557.65 That the situation was a new one is proven by
the fact that Father Belchior Nunez on the way to Japan in Novem-
ber 1555 could twice visit Canton.66 Pinto was with him and each wrote
letters mentioning the visits. Pinto’s letter is dated 20 November 1555,
and Father Belchior’s letter 23 November 1555. For once, Pinto is
trustworthy and his account rings singularly true.67
As already mentioned above, some 30 years later, Matteo Ricci
and others, also Jesuits, would accomplish what Xavier had intended
to do. It dolefully needs to be added that Xavier was aged only 46
when he died. He was buried the following day, 4 December, on Sancian
Island. He was exhumed on 17 February 1553, and the coffin reached
Malacca on 22 March. Some months later it was transferred to Goa
where his holy remains were finally laid to rest in 1554. He was
beatified by Pope Paul V in 1619 and canonized by Pope Gregory XV
in 1622.

˚˚˚
To Xavier goes the honour of inaugurating the so-called ‘Christian
Century’ in Japan. It began the day Xavier stepped ashore in Kago-
shima on 15 August 1549, and ended with the final persecution and
eviction of the Christians in 1639. One can also, like Boxer, extend it
to 1650 and and allow it to cover a full century.68
Xavier was immediately impressed with Japan and developed a
liking for the Japanese. Here he was confronted with a culture that
was equal to his own and he expressed that ‘these people are my
delight’. After only a couple of months in Kagoshima he wrote
almost lyrically to the brothers in Goa:
… the people whom we have met so far are the best who have as yet
been discovered, and it seems to me that we shall never find among

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heathens another race to equal the Japanese. They are a people of very
good manners … never yet did I see a people so honest in not thieving
… They like to hear things propounded according to reason; and
granted that there are sins and vices among them, when one reasons
with them pointing out what they do is evil, they are convinced by this
reasoning.69
Xavier had also the fondest hopes for success in Japan. In Japan
he had met the sophisticated culture which differed from what he
had met in India and other places in the East. It had impressed him
not least that many Japanese could read and write. This would make
it easier to make Japan a Christian country. To Ignatius Loyola he
wrote on 29 January 1552,
Since the land of Japan is so well disposed and since Christianity once
planted would grow of itself among the people there, any effort we
would exert for that country would be greatly worthwhile. Therefore,
dear Father, I trust greatly, that you send us holy men hither to Japan.
And that, because the people of Japan in all the lands so far discovered
are the only ones capable of making Christianity grow by themselves.70
It is often said that the mission left few Christian traces and that it
was just an interlude or parenthesis in the history of Japanese religion
and culture. One needs, however, only to visit Kyushu shortly to note
that the mission left traces and that Japan was deeply affected by Euro-
pean culture. In Japanese cultural history this was truly more than an
interlude and a parenthesis. Xavier inspired others and their success
was amazingly great. Together with other Portuguese, firstly merchants,
they broke the Japanese isolation and its sole dependency on Chinese
culture. With trade and mission came new knowledge. The view of
cosmos changed and the world was no longer considered to be flat
and end in India. The geographical horizon widened and the result
was a round global world.71 Thus, it was not only Europe that dis-
covered Japan; it was equally Japan that discovered Europe.
Western science, introduced in the sixteenth century, was called
nanbangaku, ‘science of the southern barbarians’ and was the first
wave of European learning in Japan. If we leave the musket and
military matters aside, this new learning was noticeable in a number

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of fields, such as astronomy, geography, navigation and mathematics.

In medicine we meet the term nanbanryû geka, ‘surgery of the
school of the southern barbarians’. This medical learning was first
introduced by Luís d’Almeida who set up a hospital in Bungo in
1556.72 He was a surgeon who turned to medical service after being
a merchant and ended up as an ordained Jesuit missionary. European
medicine continued to be popular even after the missionaries were
forced to leave the country.73 At seminarios on Kyushu there was
instruction in European art and music and even in Latin composition.
The Jesuit Mission Press printed a remarkable number of publications
during its 24 years of existence between 1590 and 1614 not only on
religious topics but also on subjects with no direct connection with
religion.74 These studies, though being undesirable because of their
connection with Christianity, survived the persecution and continued
later as rangaku Dutch studies in the eighteenth century.75 ‘All in all,
the Christian mission brought to Japan an abundant cultural en-
lightenment as well as a religious contribution’.76 Not least Momoyama
art was much inspired by this enlightenment. One outgrowth in
Japanese art were numerous screens, the nanban byôbu, which can
be admired in both Japanese and overseas museums. Finally, a number
of words of Portuguese and Spanish origin have remained in con-
temporary Japanese, examples being tempura, pan and tabako.
It was the beginning of a new internationalism which was only
partly and temporarily broken by the sakoku policy of more than
200 years from 1639 to 1853; Japan was never again the Japan it had
been before 1543. Even during the sakoku centuries the shogunate left
some windows open and intellecturals were aware of developments on
a global level. The authorities would never close the country totally
– nor was this possible. The world could not be limited to China and
India again. This internationalization began at Tanegashima in 1543
and with the arrival of the Christian mission in 1549. The first
Portuguese merchants were rightly much honoured on Tanegashima
and Xavier and the other early Jesuits all over Kyushu.
The Portuguese merchants and European culture, thus, meant
more than the introduction of the musket and the propagation of

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the Christian creed. A close study of someone as early as Xavier shows

that it was European culture that opened the doors for missionary
work. He soon came to know that it was not enough to come as a
poor and humble monk. This lesson he gained from experience
during his eleven-day sojourn in Kyoto. The way to the high and
mighty was to be dressed in silk, show pomp and circumstance, to
bring official letters written on parchment from India and Portugal
and, not least, to confer exotic gifts from the outside world. If the
daimyo wanted commerce to be rich and have weapons to make war,
let them have the material things – as long as it furthered the divine
ends, the preaching of the Holy Law and the conversion of the
Japanese to the Christian faith. This approach opened the doors;
Xavier used it first at Yamaguchi with ample success, and this success
led next to the grand reception in Bungo. Afterwards the Christian
message could be disseminated with the support of the rulers and
without the harassment of the Buddhist monks or the people. Xavier
went equally equipped in his attempt to enter China, but there the
political situation barred him and death overtook him before he was
allowed to set his foot on the Chinese continent.
It should be noted, further, that the missionaries came to Japan
at a time when the country was literally open and they could move
and travel quite freely from Kagoshima to Miyako. The era was one
of civil war and there was no central authority to stop them or order
their expulsion. This had the advantage that if a daimyo showed him-
self hostile and did not care to have the missionaries in his domains,
they could turn to another province where a more cordial daimyo
would receive them.77 ‘When expelled from one fief, they could move
on to the next’.78 Xavier was the first European missionary to enjoy
this chaotic political situation when Japan was divided between a
number of ‘kings’ who vied with each other in opening up for foreign
intercourse and accumulating wealth through foreign trade and
absorbing Western firearms and other items. Half a century later this
was not possible. The Portuguese brought not only Christianity, but
also the new weapon that would help the unification of the country
and, ironically, lead to their expulsion.

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More importantly, however, they transferred a new world view

that could not be expunged. The world became round and so it has
remained. Christian thought could be suppressed, but the new inter-
national view of the world was to remain – nolens volens. When the
whole globe had become a reality for the Japanese, they were ‘too
curious to shut their minds completely from the rest of the world.
They remained attentive – keenly attentive – to outside developments
even during the period of isolation’.79
It should be emphasized, finally, that the ultimate goal for the
Jesuit priests was to Christianize Japan and the Japanese. This they
had accomplished marvellously in other parts of the world – in
America and in the Philippines – and they certainly looked forward
to the same success in Japan. This they did not manage, but that is
another story.

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APPENDIX I
appendix i:
The Teppôki

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APPENDIX I: THE TEPPÔKI

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APPENDIX II
appendix ii
The Tanegashima kafu (Partial)
(The arrival of the Portuguese in the Shigetoki chapter)

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APPENDIX III
appendix iii:
The Kunitomo Teppôki

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APPENDIX III: THE KUNITOMO TEPPÔKI

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APPENDIX III: THE KUNITOMO TEPPÔKI

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Notes

NOTES TO CHAPTER 1
1 The general tradition, as found in this chapter, comes first of all
from the Teppôki (see Ch. 2) and the Tanegashima kafu (Ch. 3), but is also
influenced by Fernão Mendes Pinto’s Peregrinaçam and by what has
been added over about 350 years of popular folklore. As for Fernão
Mendes Pinto (1509?–83), see Ch. 6. It would be more correct to use his
full last name, Mendes Pinto, throughout, but for the sake of shortness
just Pinto is used.
2 To this can be added that Tanegashima is 448 km2 in size, the sixth
largest island of Japan and rather flat, its highest point being 282 m
above sea level. As for its geographical position, see Map 2; for its
history, see M. Inomoto, Tanegashima, pp. 31–104.
3 A memorial stone at Kadokura reminds the visitor that it was here
that the musket arrived in Japan. It bears the inscription Teppô denrai
kikô-hi (‘monument in memory of the introduction of the musket’).
4 According to Pinto two rowboats with six men came out from the
shore and it was asked where they came from. This is not mentioned in
the Teppôki or the Tanegashima kafu, where the initial meeting seems to
take place on the shore. Diogo do Couto similarly says, ‘From the land,
small boats put out to meet them’. See Peregrinaçam, Ch. 132 (R. D.
Catz, The Travels of Fernão Mendes Pinto, pp. 272–274) and C. R. Boxer,
Portuguese Merchants and Missionaries in Feudal Japan, 1543–1640, V, p.
17, where Diogo do Couto is quoted. Pinto and do Couto may be
correct: Also in other reports from Europeans arriving in Japan, the
Japanese approached incoming ships in rowing-boats.
5 The Nishimura family served the Tanegashima family. They lived at
Nishi(no)mura until Meiji times. T. Nishimura Nantô ikôden, the
Teppôki chapter, p. 6. Nishimura, ibid. p. 13, mentions a Nishimura-shi

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keizu, ‘Genealogy of the Nishimura Family’. The Nishimura family was

closely related to the Tanegashima family and T. Nishimura (1865–
1924) traced his descent from the same family. H. Haas, Geschichte des
Christentums in Japan, Vol. 1, p. 29.
6 It is not directly said in the Teppôki or in the Tanegashima kafu that
Gohô was the captain. He is only mentioned as a Confucian scholar
among one hundred ‘guests’ (kyaku) on board. The conclusion is,
however, that he was both the owner and the captain of the ship. This
fits with what is said in the Peregrinaçam, that is, in case the pirate
Samipocheca of the Peregrinaçam corresponds to Gohô. See the
Peregrinaçam, Ch. 132 (p. 273 in Catz’s translation) and the transla-
tions of the Teppôki and the Tanegashima kafu below.
7 Peregrinaçam, Ch. 132 (R. D. Catz, The Travels of Fernão Mendes
Pinto, pp. 272–274) and the Teppôki.
8 As for the lords of Tanegashima, Tokitaka and Tokishige, other
personalities and places, see the translation of the Teppôki (Ch. 2 below)
and the partial translation of the Tanegashima kafu (Ch. 3), also Map 2
for details of the island of Tanegashima.
9 Also Akaogi, today’s Nishinoomote. According to the Tanegashima
kafu, a messenger was sent.
10 Nanbansen, ‘ship of the southern barbarians’, was a later term for
European ships mainly of Portuguese origin. This first nanbansen was a
Chinese junk. Later the Portuguese used and perhaps also owned junks
in their trade activities in Far Eastern waters. In popular tradition the
first nanbansen junk is given the name Nanseigô, ‘The Southern Star’.
H. Ogasawara, Teppô denrai, p. 213.
11 Jionji was founded in 806 and belonged to the Ritsu school of
Buddhism. It turned to Nichiren Hokku Buddhism in the 16th century.
It enjoyed a central position in the Akôgi (Nishinoomote) area and
meant much for the cultural development on the island. It was large
enough to receive a number of guests. Tradition has it that all the
hundred ‘guests’ on the first nanbansen lodged there while the ship was
repaired. It was demolished in Meiji times to make way for a Shinto
temple. M. Inomoto, Tanegashima, p. 120.
12 This Ryukyuan woman is only mentioned by Pinto, however, with
no name given. The name Tamagusuku or O-tama comes from the
local tradition. (Gusuku is the name of the Ryukyu medieval era, from
the 12th to the 14th centuries, and Tamagusuku was a king of this era

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NOTES TO CHAPTER 1

(1314–20). The fact is, however, that some person must have been able
to communicate also with the Portuguese and therefore it is plausible
that there was somebody among the 100 ‘passengers’ who could act as
an interpreter. As a Ryukyuan she knew Japanese and perhaps also as
much Chinese and Portuguese that she could help with the
interpretation. Women were not unusual on the ships in the East. They
served both as slaves (and merchandise) and servants and perhaps in
some other capacity. In H. Ogasawara’s Teppô denrai, a popular book
about the arrival of the Portuguese and the teppô, p. 65, the Ryukyu
woman is on board the ship. See L. Frois, Historia de Japam, in German
translation, G. Schurhammer, Die Geschichte Japans, p. 112.
13 Yakushima is a beautiful small island to the west of Tanegashima,
about 500 km2 in size. It was one of the twelve islands which were given
in feof by Minamoto no Yoritomo to Taira Nobutsuna, the first
Tanegashima lord. It traditionally belonged to Tanegashima.
14 The name Neshime is also found in dictionaries. Nejime is located
to the southwest on the Ôsumi peninsula (see Map 3).
15 It exceeds the scope of this work to discuss the origin of the muskets
brought by the Portuguese, whether they were produced in Europe or
somewhere in Asia. An interesting theory, presented by S. Tokoro
(Tokoro Sôkichi), suggests that they were probably produced in
Southeast Asia. An analysis made by Professor Tokoro of early copies in
Japanese museums shows that the originals were possibly of eastern
origin. See S. Tokoro, ‘Teppô denrai wo megutte, sono tadashii rikai no
tame ni’, in M. Iizuka and K. Iida, eds, Teppô denrai zengo, pp. 47–53. It
should be remembered that the Portuguese, like later the Dutch and the
British, initiated the making of firearms and cannon in their colonies
and factories.
16 Y. Ishihara, Nihon wo kaeta! Tanegashima no teppô to Zabieru no
jûjika, pp. 45–48.
17 As regards the vast field of the many makes of firearms in Japan, the
reader is directed to S. Tokoro and his thorough research which
encompasses most kinds of ‘muzzle-loaders’ east and west. See, for
example, his Hinawa-jû.
18 This firearm was a ‘muzzle-loader’ (in Japanese usually hinawa-jû),
that is, the weapon was loaded from the muzzle. There is much
literature on the subject of the ‘Tanegashima musket’ – see, for example,
T. Hora, Tanegashima-jû, pp. 12–32.

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19 This can only be a later tradition because the ryô gold coins did not
come into existence until 1609.
20 For two muskets, according to the Teppôki. Neither the Teppôki and
the Tanegashima kafu nor the Kunitomo teppôki mention any payment
for the muskets. In Pinto’s Peregrinaçam, on the other hand, 1,000 taels
of silver are received for one musket. It would be surprising if the
Portuguese were not paid for the muskets. In popular literature the sum
of 2,000 ryô is mentioned, for example, in H. Ogasawara, Teppô denrai,
p. 92. ‘Tael’ was a unit of weight in the East, usually silver. Here Pinto
makes sense because silver was used in transactions at the time that the
Portuguese arrived; the ryô gold coin did not exist until in the early
seventeenth century.
21 Because of the iron in the sand (satetsu), the Tanegashima shores
were formerly referred to as the kuroi sunahama, the ‘black sandy
beaches’. Even today, a magnet when moved in the sand on Tanegashima
may turn black by attracting iron granules. Iron production might have
begun already in Yayoi imes. A Yayoi fishing hook of iron can be seen in
the Teppô-kan in Nishinoomote. H. Motojima, Tanegashima teppô
denrai – sono rekishi to nazo, p. 22.
22 Regarding the city of Sakai, see, for example, V. Dixon Morris, ‘The
City of Sakai and Urban Autonomy’, in G. Elison and B. L. Smith, eds,
Warlords, Artists, and Commoners, pp. 23–54. Sakai was at this time the
independent and flourishing port city of Kyoto. Today it lies in Osaka
Prefecture, south in Osaka. It flourished into the seventeenth century,
but declined later in the Tokugawa era. See also below, Ch. 9.
23 Regarding Negoro, see Ch. 10 below. Negoro(-dera) was a temple
belonging to the Shingon Sect in Kii Province, founded in 1290. It
supported an army of monk soldiers (sôhei). It was subdued by
Hideyoshi in 1585.
24 It should be noted that Tanegashima itself had had a considerable
production of swords and ironware since olden times.
25 As for Yaita Kinbee Kiyosada, see ‘The Wakasa Legend’ (page 8
below) where relevant sources are translated. Yaita is said to have
originated from Gifu in the Ômi Province. To him goes the honour of
being the first Japanese maker of a shotgun. The Kunitomo forgers also
began early but, logically, Yaita was the first. See T. Hora, Tanegashima-
jû, p. 83 and H. Motojima, Tanegashima teppô denrai sono rekishi to
nazo, p. 23. As for the Kunitomo smiths, see below, Ch. 7.

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NOTES TO CHAPTER 1

26 At the Development Centre at Tanegashima (Tanegashima kaihatsu

sôgô sentâ), usually referred to as the ‘Teppô Hall’ (Teppô-kan), are
displayed what is considered to be the first musket brought by the
Portuguese and the first musket produced by Yaita (see Figure 1). Both,
however, are questionable. As for the first Portuguese musket, it is said
in the Tanegashima kafu that it was destroyed in a fire in 1877 during
the Seinan War and was replaced by a musket that the Yaita family had
stored in their house. Likewise the first Yaita teppô is questioned by the
experts. What can be seen in the Teppô-kan is perhaps a copy of the
original, made by Hirose Shinshichi in the 1770s. See T. Udagawa,
Teppô denrai no jitsuzô, p. 5 et passim and Sakai-shi hakubutsukan, ed.,
Sakai teppô, p. 100. In the local tradition, however, these are the two
first muskets, the musket above from the Portuguese and the teppô
below from Yaita. See Fig. 1.
27 The screw itself was certainly no problem for a trained smith like
Yaita; it was quickly copied and duplicated. It was the inside of the
barrel that was the problem: how to drill the barrel helically so that the
screw could be tightly inserted. This technique did apparently not exist
in Japan until this time. M. Iida, ‘Sekai-shi no naka no Tanegashima’, in
M. Iizuka and K. Iida, eds, Teppô denrai zengo, Tanegashima wo meguru
gijutsu to bunka, p. 7 and M. Inomoto, Tanegashima, pp. 106–107. Since
the musket was ‘muzzle-loaded’ it was an absolute necessity that the
bottom end of the barrel was tightly closed.
28 For example, H. Motojima mentions with a question mark that
some twenty or thirty faulty teppô were used during the recapture of
Yakushima. He is not alone. Most popular presentations state that the
teppô played a part in the reconquest of the island.
29 Ning-po (also Liang-po and Liampó) – former name of the city of
Ning-Hsien, northeast Chekiang Province, about 90 miles east–southeast
of Hangchow on the south side of Hangchow Bay – was perhaps visited
by Portuguese traders as early as 1515. It has been questioned whether
a Portuguese settlement ever existed at Ning-po. ‘Pinto’s description of
a Portuguese enclave in Ning-po is believed to be highly exaggerated. …
No trace of such an enclave in Ning-po has ever been found’. R. D. Catz,
The Travels of Mendes Pinto, p. 563 and p. 570. A. Kammerer, however,
presents a map that indicates a place to the east of Ning-po where the
enclave was possibly located. Mendes Pinto gives a vivid description of
how the Portuguese enclave was destroyed. He was of course there come
testemunho de vista and saw how God punished his Portuguese com-

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patriots for their sins. See A. Kammerer’s La Découverte de la Chine par

les Portugais au XVIème siècle et la cartographie des portulans, pp. 71–82
and the Peregrinaçam, Ch. 221 (pp. 507–511 in R. D. Catz’s translation).
See also A. Ljungstedt, An Historical Sketch of the Portuguese Settlements
in China; and of the Roman Catholic Church and Mission in China, pp.
2–4. Ljungstedt is much influenced by Pinto. He is perhaps correct
when he states that ‘Ning-po and Pinto’s Liampo were never identical’
and that the destruction of he Portuguese enclave perhaps took place in
1545. It should be noted that Ljungstedt’s work was published already
in 1835. See also J. Yano (Yano Jin’ichi), Kindai Shina gaikoku kankei
kenkyû, pp. 266–293. He gives 1548 as the possible date for the
destruction of the Portuguese enclave.
30 Bungo was the daimiate to the northeast on Kyushu, today belong-
ing to Ôita Prefecture.
31 Boxer gives the literal translation of wakô as ‘dwarf-robbers’. ‘Dwarf ’
then hints at the fact that the Chinese from early times called the
Japanese ‘dwarfs’ (wo, Jpn. wa). The ‘kô’ half of the term literally means
‘robber’ or ‘pirate’. In all fairness it should be noted that often more
than half – even in the proportion of ten to one – of the so-called wakô
were Chinese, Korean or other nationalities. Portuguese adventurers
also often behaved as pirates or worse, if we are to believe Pinto.
Peregrinaçam, Ch. 66 and 221 (pp. 125–127 and 507–511 in R. D. Catz’s
translation), C. R. Boxer, The Portuguese Seaborne Empire, 1415–1825,
p. 63 and G. Sansom, op. cit. p. 267. For a short account of wakô
activities in Korea and China, see, for example, T. Tanaka, ‘Muromachi-
jidai ni okeru Nihon to kaigai-shokoku to no kankei’ in T. Takeshi and
J. W. Hall, eds, Muromachi jidai – sono shakai to bunka, pp. 156–167,
and for a longer account, K. Akiyama, Nisshi kôtsû-shi kenkyû, pp. 434–
478 et passim.
32 Udagawa Takehisa, for example, believes that the wakô corsairs were
the first Japanese to be acquainted with the musket and could have been
the first who brought the musket to Japan: Teppô denrai, heiki ga kitaru
seiki no tanjô, pp. 14–15 et passim. This is quite plausible since the wakô
were at the height of their pirate activities from the Straits of Malacca
to Korea by the middle of the sixteenth century. Professor Udagawa
proves that the first musket to come to Japan did not originate in
Europe but perhaps in Southeast Asia. See also the Kôdansha Encyclo-
pedia, under wakô, G. Sansom, op. cit., pp. 267–270 and ‘History of Ming
(Ming shih)’ in Japan in the Chinese Dynastic Histories, pp. 106–161.

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NOTES TO CHAPTER 1

33 Cf. the following statement by C. R. Boxer: ‘It has been alleged that
guns were used in Japan before the arrival of the Portuguese; but, if so,
they must have been primitive and ineffective copies of Chinese
bombards, judging by the enthusiasm with which the Japanese welcomed
European firearms of all kinds’ (emphasis added). C. R. Boxer, ‘Asian
Potentates and European Artillery in the 16th–18th Centuries: A
Footnote to Gibson-Hill’, in C. R. Boxer, Portuguese Conquest and
Commerce in Southern Asia, 1500–1750, VII, p. 169.
34 It is mentioned that there were some thirty families employed with
iron works on Tanegashima prior to the arrival of the musket. This is
not corroborated in primary sources but sounds plausible. This would
mean that Yaita was not alone when manufacture of the Japanese teppô
began in earnest from 1544.
35 The Yaita-shi Kiyosada ichiryû no keizu, written in kanbun, is found
in T. Hora, Tanegashima-jû, p. 47.
36 The park is located to the south in Nishinoomote City.
37 The stone bears the inscription chûkô-hi, ‘monument to the memory
of loyalty and filial piety’. This is the burial site of the Yaita family.
38 This genealogy was written at a later date to glorify the Yaita family
and the author must have had either the Tanegashima kafu or the
Teppôki at hand as the facts are presented alike. It must be a copyist’s
mistake when the date presented presumes that the marriage took place
one month before the Portuguese arrived in Tanegashima. T. Hora,
Tanegashima-jû, p. 47.
39 Ibid., pp. 47–48.
40 The reading Kagetoki is found in one copy of the Teppôki. The
reading Shigetoki is used throughout this work.
41 Kumano, a bay to the southeast on Tanegashima. The Kumano gods
were worshipped on Tanegashima and a shrine, Kumano jinja, was built
at this location in 1452. The Tanegashima kafu says that the 10th lord of
the island, Hatatoki (1405–1462), made a pilgrimage to Kumano in Kii
every year. M. Inomoto, Tanegashima, p. 53.
42 Izumi, a province in the Osaka–Sakai region of central Japan, today
part of Osaka Prefecture. See Map 4.
43 The poem in Japanese: Tsuki mo hi mo Yamato no kata zo natsukashiki
ya waga futaoya no aru to omoeba (


 ). Not least a manyôgana version shows that

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the poem is a later production
 !"#$

%&'()* ). Wakasa could not possibly have written such
poetry at sixteen years of age. The poem is engraved on the memorial
stone.
44 T. Hora, Tanegashima-jû, p. 47 and M. Yanagita, Tanegashima no
hito, pp. 21–24.
45 One source gives the year 1808 as the date that the document was
compiled. H. Motojima, Tanegashima teppô denrai, p. 30.
46 This version, in German, is found in G. Schurhammer, ‘Fernao
Mendez Pinto und seine “Peregrinaçam”’, in Asia Major, MCMXXVI, p. 229.
As can be seen, this version differs from the above Yaita-shi chronicle.
47 In a popular version of the Wakasa story, it is indeed Mura
Shukusha who asks Yaita Kinbee for his daughter and promises at the
same time that he will reveal all the secrets about the teppô. Yaita is not
happy about the proposal but can see the advantage. When Wakasa is
ready to sacrifice herself for father, lord and Japan, the marriage takes
place and they leave together on the junk that is repaired. See H.
Ogasawara, Teppô denrai, p. 187.
48 As, for example, in M. Yanagita, Tanegashima no hito, pp. 21–24,
under Yaita Kiyosada, where he is identified with Mura Shukusha.
49 That it was perhaps not total fiction is stressed by Japanese authors
like T. Nishimura. He says that such a romance was looked askance
upon until in recent times and would not be reported in official
chronicles. The Yaita house chronicle did not hesitate to report the love
story, however, and it should therefore have a core of veracity. Legends
usually have their beginning in some original truth. T. Nishimura,
Nantô ikôden, the Teppôki chapter, pp. 23–26.
50 When it is said in popular literature that the junk left Tanegashima
in late January 1544 and returned in March of the same year, it must
partly be under the influence of Pinto, who, as we shall see below, is not
trustworthy. Watashitachi no Tanegashima, p. 9.
51 The Ryukyu Islands are a chain of some 55 islands, north of Taiwan
and south of Tanegashima, among which Okinawa is the largest. The
Ryukyus were an independent kingdom at the time the Portuguese
arrived in the East. See Map 2.
52 In R. D. Catz’s translation of the Peregrinaçam (Ch. 137), p. 287.
53 Sasakawa Koshirô (or Shinokawa Koshirô) was Lord Tokitaka’s

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NOTES TO CHAPTER 1

retainer. There exists a Sasakawa-shi keizu, ‘Genealogy of the Sasakawa

Family’ which has not been available except in quotations (in T.
Nishimura, Nantô ikôden, p. 20, for example). See translation of the
Teppôki (Ch. 2 below). See also the translation of the Kunitomo teppôki
(Ch. 7 below), where he is given the first name Tokishige.
54 Lead was mainly imported from China.
55 Sengoku, the Country at War, the period of Japanese history from
the outbreak of the Ônin War in 1467 to Japan’s reunification by
Nobunaga and Hideyoshi in the late sixteenth century. It was an era in
which local daimyo lords exercised independent power and ‘in which
the more powerful lords aggressively tried to extend their sway over
neighbouring regions or the country as a whole’. Quotation from D. F.
Lach, Asia in the Making of Europe, Vol. I, The Century of Change, Book 2,
p. 654. See also G. Elison and B. L. Smith, Warlords, Artists, & Com-
moners, Japan in the Sixteenth Century, p. 342.
56 Born in Lisbon, Galvano came at 25 years of age to India, where he
soon distinguished himself. He was both the conqueror and the ‘Apostle’
of the Moluccas. He was recalled to Portugal where he was coldly
received by the king. He spent the latter part of his life in compiling an
account of all known voyages, among these also the first voyage to
Japan. The account was finished about 1555 and published after his
death in 1563 by his friend Faria y Sousa Tavares. See A. Galvano, The
Discoveries of the World from Their First Original unto the Year of Our
Lord 1555, preface, pp. i–viii, and S. Kôda, Nichiô tsûkô-shi, p. 7.
57 In correct Portuguese the name would be António Galvão. The
front page of the 1781 edition says, however, Antonio Galvaõ. The
accepted English rendering of the name is Galvano.
58 The English title of Galvano’s work comes from Richard Hakluyt
who translated the work from Portuguese in 1601. Galvano wrote the
work toward the end of his life after he had returned to Portugal.
59 Reference to Marco Polo who says in his Il Milione that ‘they [i.e.,
the Japanese] have gold in the greatest abundance, its sources being
inexhaustible’ and that ‘the entire roof [of the sovereign’s palace] is
covered with a plating of gold’. Marco Polo’s Travels, ed. by T. Wright, p.
350. Marco Polo referred to Japan as Jipangu. Sipangas must be a
corruption of Jipangu.
60 Translation based on The Discoveries of the World from Their First
Original unto the Year of Our Lord 1555 by Antonio Galvano, corrected,

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quoted, and published in England by Richard Hakluyt (1601);

reprinted and edited by C.B. Bethune, The Hakluyt Society, London,
1862. Original Portuguese text in Tratado dos descobrimentos antigos, e
modernos, Lisbon, 1781, pp. 94–95. T. Hora, Tanegashima-jû, p. 110. It
will be noticed that the teppô is not mentioned in this short account
which only concerns the discovery of Japan.
61 It should not be forgotten that these voyages took months and even
years when counting the long travel from Portugal (or Goa) to Japan.
As M. Cooper writes, ‘When tough soldiers, penniless adventureres and
hardened traders were cooped up in intolerable conditions for months
on end, tempers were liable to fray and discipline among the motley
crew break down. On such occasions rioting and looting suddenly
erupted on deck, and blood was shed and lives lost before order could
be restored’. Further, sickness and death demanded on sixteenth-
century voyages that outgoing ships be overmanned. As C. R. Boxer
writes, ‘It was a common thing for three or four hundred men to die on
the outward voyage in a ship whose complement totalled six or eight
hundred’. There were accordingly various ways that the three
Portuguese could have become only two on the way to Tanegashima.
See M. Cooper, ‘The Long Voyage to Japan’, in Tsuru, Vol. 3, No. 2 (no
page number); C. R. Boxer, ‘The Portuguese in the East 1500–1800’, in
H. V. Livermore, ed., Portugal and Brazil, p. 218; and G. Woodcock, The
British in the Far East, p. 4.
62 T. Hora, Tanegashima-jû, p. 110.
63 João Rodrigues Tçuzzu arrived in Japan aged 15 in 1576. Being a
missionary, he was banished in 1612 to Macao. He was an early scholar
of the Japanese language and is known for the Vocabulario da Lingoa de
Iapam (1603) and Arte da Lingoa de Iapam (1604), besides the História
da Igreja do Japão, which he wrote after being banished from Japan. He
was nicknamed Tçuzzu, or ‘interpreter’, on account of his exceptional
knowledge of the Japanese language. He was born in Sernancelhe,
Portugal, and served as interpreter for Hideyoshi and Ieyasu. Following
his expulsion from Japan in 1612, he settled in Macao where he wrote
História da Igreja do Japão. C. R. Boxer, The Church Militant and Iberian
Expansion, 1440–1770, p. 57 and The Christian Century in Japan, pp.
248–256; and M. Cooper, They Came to Japan, An Anthology of Euro-
pean Reports on Japan, 1543–1640, p. 411.
64 P. F. von Siebold, Manners and Customs of the Japanese in the
Nineteenth Century, pp. 256–257. If minor mistakes are forgotten, this

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NOTES TO CHAPTER 1

narrative runs amazingly close to the tradition that we find in the

Teppôki and the Tanegashima kafu. Corrections: Konaru refers to Go-
Nara (emperor: 1527–57) and Yoshi-hao refers to Yoshiharu (shogun
1521–45). The ship arrived on the 23rd day (not the 22nd) of the 8th
month and the 8th month refers to September, not October. Koura
might refer to Kadokura and Nisimura refers correctly to Nishimura.
Tsyu-syu-zu is just another phonetic rendering of Chû Shuzo and Go-
hou is also correct (Gohô). The names of the two ‘commanders’ Mura-
syukya and Krista-moota are close to what you find in other sources. A
mistake is that there was a ‘crew’ of 200 on board and one gets the
impression that the ship was Portuguese. Other-wise it is a close
variation of the tradition in the other early sources. The question is,
who are the annalists to whom von Siebold refers?
65 T. Hora, Tanegashima-jû, p. 45 and p. 62 and Hyôchakusen no
porutogarujin, p. 116.
66 T. Nishimura, Nantô ikôden, pp. 9–11.
67 In Shigaku zasshi, 3 (1892), pp. 357–373.
68 K. Tsuboi, ‘Teppô denrai-kô’, in Shigaku zasshi, 3 (1892), p. 361.
69 T. Hora, Tanegashima-jû, p. 45.
70 S. Kôda, Nichiô tsûkô-shi, p.9.
71 S. Tokoro, ‘Teppô denrai’, in Nihonshi tanbô, Vol. 17, pp. 143–144.
72 M. Inomoto, Tanegashima, p. 112.
73 H. Motojima, Tanegashima teppô denrai, p. 49.
74 That names could be heard and rendered in strange ways is proven
not least by the British in Japan who referred to Tokugawa Ieyasu’s
secretary, Kôzuke no Suke, as Codskedono or Codskin. C. J. Purnell,
‘The Log-Book of William Adams, 1614–19’, in The Transactions of the
Japan Society of London, Vol. XIII (1916), p. 161. It is only natural that
the names were jumbled from 1543 until Nanpo Bunshi wrote The
Teppôki in 1606.
75 P. F. von Siebold, op. cit., p. 257. Here the question arises: What
preserved portraits did von Siebold see?
76 It is of some interest that the name of the second Portuguese is
written as Kirishita Môta on the picture by Hokusai, as if Kirishita was
the first name and Môta the last name. See Figure 4.

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77 Earlier dates mentioned in Japanese sources are 1501, 1509, 1530,

1539 and 1541, which are possibly all wrong. See page 77 below, also
T. Hora, Tanegashima-jû, pp. 34–35.
78 S. Tokoro, ‘Teppô denrai wo megutte’, in Teppô denrai zengo, pp.
64–66.
79 K. Matsuda, Nanbanjin no Nihon-hakken, p. 69.
80 E. O. Reischauer, The United States and Japan, p. 5.
81 M. C. Haguenauer, ‘Tables Chronologiques…’, in Journal Asiatique,
Vol. CCXXVI (1835), p. 107, and below, p. 26.
82 K. Wada, ‘Nanbansen no Nihon kaigan raichaku’, in Dai-Minkoku to
wakô (Nihon no rekishi, 7), pp. 114–125. See also K. Matsuda, Nanbanjin
no Nihon-hakken, p. 68.
83 It is of interest that while the Spanish had Jipangu as a goal already
when Columbus sailed from Spain in 1492, the Portuguese seem only to
have aimed for the islands of pepper and spices. They seem not to have been
aware of Japan until they accidentally reached Tanegashima in 1543.
84 The dates can be discussed. There is no date mentioned as regards
the visit to the Ryukyu Islands but 1542 is a possible guess for perhaps
the first Portuguese visit there. 1544 is a logical date for the visit in
Japan since de Escalante met Pero Diez in 1545, as described in the text.
85 For the part of Garcia de Escalante’s report which relates to Japan,
see E. W. Dahlgren, ‘A Contribution to the History of the Discovery of
Japan’, in Transactions and Proceedings of The Japan Society of London,
Vol. XI (1912–1913), pp. 239–252. The report is dated 1 August 1548.
86 Y. Okamoto is suspicious and rightly so of Pero Dies’ report but
ends up cautiously accepting that he visited Japan in 1544. Y. Okamoto,
Jûroku-seiki Nichi-Ô kôtsû-shi no kenkyû, pp. 295–297.
87 The report, 12 pages long, is found in J. da Camara Manoel, Missões
dos Jesuitas no Oriente, pp. 112–125. Alvares is not presented by name
by Xavier but mentioned as ‘un mercador Portugues amigo mio’ in the
letter sent to ‘irmãos da Companhia em Roma’ on 20 January 1548. Nor
is Alvares mentioned directly in connection with the report which was
sent together with the letter. Ibid., pp. 67–84. For a good summary of
the report, see N. Kanbashi, Satsuma-jin to Yoroppa, pp. 24–36.
88 Three Portuguese are reported to have arrived at harbours in
Satsuma in 1546. Besides Jorge Alvares there were Alvares Vaz and Don
Fernando. A guess is that it was Don Fernando’s ship that is reported as
lost by Alvares. Kanbashi, Satsuma-jin to Yoroppa, pp. 37–38.

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NOTES TO CHAPTER 1

89 ‘The Jesuits regarded the Japanese love of bathing with disapproval,

no doubt associating it with sensuality’. The daily hot bath – the normal
routine of the Japanese – was a problem for the Jesuits who ‘com-
promised by taking a fortnightly bath in winter and a weekly bath in
summer’. D. Navarette, The Travels and Controversies of Friar Domingo
Navarette (1618–1686), Vol. I, p. 59 with reference to A. Valignano,
Sumario de las cosas de Japón, 1583 – Adiciones del sumario de Japón,
1592, ed. J. L. Alvarez-Taladríz, Tokyo. 1954, p. 231.
90 D. F. Lach, op. cit. p. 657 and C. R. Boxer, The Christian Century in
Japan, pp. 32–36.
91 See H. Haas, Geschichte des Christentums in Japan, Vol. 1, pp. 95–96.
92 Xavier was further stimulated by what Anjiro told him about
Japanese culture, language, customs, religions and so forth.
93 See below, Ch. 6.
94 For the reports of Tomé Pires, Jorge Alvares and Garcia Escalante,
see C. R. Boxer, The Christian Century, p. 10–35.
95 Let us add: except in cartography. On medieval maps and globes
Marco Polo’s Jipangu soon found its imaginary location far out in the
Pacific. Most famous is Martin Behaim’s globe, made in Nürnberg in
1492, where Japan is named Cipango Insula and is described as an
island where ‘gold grows’.
96 Tomé Pires’ Suma oriental was discovered in Paris by Professor
Armando Cortesão and a scholarly translation was edited by Cortesão
for the Hakluyt Society in 1944. Tomé Pires’ narrative was probably
utilized by Braz d’Albuquerque for his Commentarios. C. R. Boxer, The
Christian Century in Japan 1549–1650, p. 10.
97 Tomé Pires, Suma oriental, p. 131 in the Hakluyt Society edition,
89–90, with the English title: Tomé Pires: The Suma Oriental of Tomé
Pires: an Account of the East, from the Red Sea to Japan, written in
Malacca and India in 1512–1515.
98 Boxer, The Christian Century in Japan, pp. 1–32.
99 Quotation from D. F. Lach, op.cit., p. 664.
100 Diogo do Couto and his work Década Quinta da ‘Ásia’ are presented
in João de Barros, Diogo do Couto and Marcus de Jong, Década quinta
da ‘Ásia’, in toto (Livro VIII, Cap. XII), and partly in C. R. Boxer, ‘Some
Aspects of Portuguese Influence in Japan, 1542–1640’, in Portuguese
Merchants and Missionaries in Feudal Japan 1543–1640, V, pp. 17–18.

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Diogo do Couto ‘was an exceptionally reliable and painstaking

historian. … He lived in India from 1559–1569, and again from 1571
until his death at Goa in 1616. He was thus in a position to know the
real facts of the case if anybody was’. Ibid., p. 17.
101 It should be noted that the junk and the Portuguese were here
heading not for the Portuguese enclave by Ning-po but for Chincheo
on the Fukien coast, one of the many places approached by the
Portuguese in their commercial activities in China. For its exact
location, see map in A. Kammerer, La Découverte de la Chine, pp. 102–
103 (Pl. XIV). For more about Chincheo, see ibid., pp. 100–105. For the
sad end of the Portuguese at Chincheo according to Pinto, see the
Peregrinaçam, Ch. 221 (pp. 509–510 in Catz’s translation). See also Catz’s
note about Chincheo, ibid., p. 565 and also C. R. Boxer’s discussion
about the location of Chincheo in South China in the Sixteenth Century,
pp. 313–326. See also L. Bourdon, La Compagnie de Jésus et le Japon, p.
104, who proposes that Chincheo was destroyed in 1547.
102 Translation found in C. R. Boxer, The Christian Century in Japan, p.
25. The original is found in D. de Couto, Década quinta da ‘Ásia’, Livro
VIII, Kap. XII. The whole chapter, about 14 pages long, concerns Japan.
A similar description of the arrival of the same three Portuguese,
probably based on de Couto, is found in E. Prestage, The Portuguese
Pioneers, pp. 309–310.
103 M. Cooper, This Island of Japan, João Rodrigues’ Account of 16th-
Century Japan, p. 72.
104 For João Rodrigues Tçuzzu and his life-long career in the East, see
also C. R. Boxer, ‘Padre João Rodriguez Tçucu S. J. and his Japanese
Grammars of 1604 and 1620’, in C. R. Boxer, Portuguese Merchants and
Missionaries in Feudal Japan, 1643–1640, VI, pp. 338–363.
105 It exceeds the scope of this study to relate the numerous volumes
which were written about the first Portuguese in Japan and their narratives
about Japan. Just the Jesuit literature may fill a library. For another
layman who was read widely in Europe, let us mention a Dutchman,
John Huyghen van Linschoten (ca. 1511–98) who wrote his Itinerario
after returning from the East in 1592. What he wrote about Japan was
based on hearsay and other sources but still of much interest. See The
Voyage of John Huyghen van Linschoten to the East Indies, pp. 151–165.
106 Ôtomo kôhai-ki quoted in S. Watanabe, Ôita-ke no rekishi, p. 118.
107 For a biography of Ôtomo Sôrin, see, for example, M. Toyama,

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NOTES TO CHAPTER 2

Ôtomo Sôrin, Tokyo, 1975. For a short presentation see, for example, G.
Sansom, A History of Japan 1334–1515, pp. 109–114 et passim or J.
Murdoch, A History of Japan, Vol. II, pp. 100–120 et passim. Ôtomo
Yoshishige is mostly rendered with his Buddhist name Sôrin in litera-
ture, hence also in this work. More correctly, he was referred to by his
lay priest name Sôrin from 1562.
108 Ôtomo Sôrin’s missive is quoted in Y. Okamoto, Jûroku-seiki Nichi-
Ô kôtsû-shi no kenkyû, pp. 312–313.
109 Diogo Vaz (d’Aragão) is mentioned again and again in the literarure
but nothing is certain about him. Probably he was a merchant or
captain on a ship that visited Japan several times. For example, it is
reported that he came on a ship from Lampacau to Hirado in 1555.
Ibid., p. 505.
110 Father Francis (Francisco) Xavier (1506–52) was the first Christian
missionary in Japan. He was a Jesuit and stayed in Japan for 27 months,
from 15 August 1549 to 20 November 1552. In this work he is usually
referred to as Xavier. See below, Ch. 12.
111 Anjiro, in a letter from Goa to Ignatius Loyola in 1548, mentions
Alvares Vaz who helped him to leave Japan in 1546. Perhaps there were
one Diogo Vaz and and one Alvares Vaz among the the first Portuguese
to arrive in Bungo. See J. Murdoch, A History of Japan, Vol. II, p. 39.
112 S. Watanabe, Ôita-ken no rekishi, p. 118, mentions that five-six
Portuguese, including Jorge de Faria, came on a Chinese junk in 1545.
113 It is an indication of continued teppô production that around 1590
Hideyoshi ordered 200 teppô (of 20 momme caliber) from Tanegashima
in exchange for military service. See the Tanegashima kafu under the
16th lord, Hisatoki (1569–1611), and M. Inomoto, Tanegashima, p. 65.

NOTES TO CHAPTER 2
1 Nanpo Bunshi (1555–1620), a Confucian scholar and abbot at
Dairyûji Temple in Satsuma, wrote this report for Tanegashima
Hisatoki (1568–1611), the 16th lord of Tanegashima. The forbears
referred to are the fifteen generations of Tanegashima lords who ruled
the island before him. As for the Teppôki and its author, Nanpo Bunshi,

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see Marisa di Russo, Il Teppôki: il manoscritto e l’autore, in ANNALI

dell’Istituto di Napoli, Vol. 35 (Nuova Serie XXV), 3, 1975, pp. 359–376,
tavv. V; and Vol. 37 (Nuova Serie XXVIII), pp. 55–79, tavv. IX, 1977. A
full translation of the Teppôki is found in this work in Italian; partial
translations are found in R. Tsunoda, Wm. T. de Bary and D. Keene, eds,
Sources of the Japanese Tradition, New York, 1958, pp. 317–320 and in J.
Murdoch, A History of Japan, Vol. II, Part 1, p. 42. All translations have
been consulted and much vocabulary has been taken from these
translations. di Russo’s work has, however, been most useful because of
its thoroughness. Other partial translations exist, mostly in German.,
for example in H. Haas, Geschichte des Christentums in Japan, Vol. 1, pp.
29–32. See Marisa di Russo’s article (1975) for a list of them. Another
translation of the Teppôki – by Kikuoka Tadashi, found in The East, Vol.
16, 1980 – has come to the writer’s knowledge after the manuscript of
this study was finished. It is gratefully acknowledged that some adapta-
tions have been made thanks to this work.
2 Ôsumi, province on Kyushu, to the east of Kagoshima, today part of
Kagoshima and Miyazaki Prefectures. Gûshû, Sino-Japanese for Ôsumi
Province. Tanegashima is located to the south of Ôsumi.
3 About 70 km.
4 Tanegashima is shortened to Tanega (or Tanego) in the text.
5 Probably at about 5 or 6 a.m.
6 China is referred to by the current dynasty name, Ming (1279–
1644).
7 The full name in the Tanegashima kafu is Nishimura Oribenojô
Tokitsura.
8 This last sentence is also translated as follows: ‘They understand to
a certain degree the distinction between superior and inferior, but I do
not know whether they have a proper system of ceremonial etiquette’.
Paul A. Cohen, ‘Europe Goes East, The first impact of the West on
China and Japan’, in Half the World, The History and Culture of China
and Japan, ed. A. Toynbee, p. 264.
9 J. Murdoch, A History of Japan, Vol. II, p. 42, simplifies and shortens
the translation. For example, the conversation in the sand is omitted. R.
Tsunoda et al, Sources of Japanese Tradition, pp. 317–321, has an almost
complete translation. Only short omissions are noted. In comparison,
M. di Russo’s translation is complete and, furthermore, annotated.
10 About 51 km.

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11 Today’s Nishinoomote, still the main city and harbour on the island.
12 Tanegashima Shigetoki, the 13th lord of Tanegashima, the grand-
father of Hisatoki, who had handed over the lordship of the island to his
young son Tokitaka not long before the arrival of the junk. Tokitaka was
thus the 14th Tanegashima lord.
13 Probably at about 9 or 10 p.m.
14 Shuso or Shuza, two readings for the same Buddhist title, used
within the Zen sects for high-ranking priests. Lit. ‘Chief Seat’.
15 Hyûga, province on Kyushu, today partly belonging to Miyazaki
Prefecture. Nisshû is a Sino-Japanese rendition of the name.
16 One shaku is about 30 cm in length.
17 Myôyaku, ‘wondrous powder’, usually refers to a medicine to cure
any illness. Gunpowder had been introduced earlier and was used by
the Mongols in bombards when they invaded Japan in (1274 and) 1281.
It should be remembered that it was the Chinese who invented gun-
powder and perhaps also first used it in warfare. During the Crusades
in the 1100s the European knights became acquainted with an incendiary
called ‘Greek fire’, a Byzantine secret weapon that was perhaps a gun-
powder mixture.
18 Komanaku or koku, ‘swan’, refers to the bull’s-eye in the middle of
the target.
19 Quotation from Confucius’ Lun yü (Jpn. Rongo), ‘The Analects’, II:
26, 6, which reads in Legge’s translation, ‘I do not say that my ability
extends to these things, but I should wish to learn them’.
20 Reference to the Confucian Book, Ta hsüeh (Jpn. Daigaku), ‘The Great
Learning’, which says in the first chapter (1: 4), ‘Wishing to regulate
their persons, they first rectified their hearts’ (Legge’s translation).
21 Tenka no ri, lit., ‘principle of the world’. The passage shows that
Tokitaka, or rather Nanpo Bunshi, was acquainted with Neo-Confucian
thought.
22 See Tao Te Ching, Ch. 52. Another translation: ‘To see what is small
is clarity’.
23 Chôkyû, The Festival of the Chrysanthemum, on the 9th day of the
9th month on the lunar calendar.
24 One hundred steps equal 600 shaku (180 metres), according to
Japanese estimation.

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25 These two teppô were given the names furusato (or kokyô) and
wakizashi. They were in existence until 1877 when they were destroyed
in a fire in connection with the Seinan civil war. It should be noticed
that Pinto only mentions one musket. The Teppôki and the Tanegashima
kafu are to be trusted, however, and the conclusion is that two muskets
were purchased and at a high price to boot. After all, the Portuguese
were merchants. Cf. the Peregrinaçam, Ch. 134 (p. 278 in R. D. Catz’s
translation).
26 Sasakawa Koshirô can also be read Shinokawa Shôshirô.
27 Negoro, Shingon Temple in Kii (Kishû), today’s Wakayama
Prefecture. See Ch. 10 below. The bô in Suginobô may indicate that he
was a young monk. Tsuda Kenmotsu no jô was his older brother. H.
Motojima, Tanegashima teppô denrai, p. 38.
28 One ri equals 3.9 kilometres or nearly 2.5 English miles.
29 This legend about the lord of Jo (Ch. Shu) and lord Kisatsu (Ch.
Chi-tsa) is found in Ssu-ma Ch’ien’s Shih Chi, Shih chia 2. The story is
neither correct nor complete in the Teppôki. In the Shih chi Kisatsu
meets the lord of Jo on his way to Loyang. He understands that the lord
of Jo, without saying it, desires his sword, but he needs the sword on his
way to Loyang. He decides, however, to give the sword to the lord of Jo
on his way back home. When he returns, the lord of Jo is dead, but
living up to his promise, he hangs the sword in a tree by the lord’s grave.
When people asks him about it, he explains that he is living up to his
heart’s desire.
30 Jûshû, lit., ‘ten wraps’.
31 The version translated by H. Haas is from this point linked with the
Yaita tradition and relates how Yaita Kinbee Kiyosada sacrificed his
‘wunderschönes Mädchen’ Wakasa to obtain the secrets of making the
teppô. H. Haas, Geschichte des Christentums in Japan, p. 32.
32 Kumano Bay is located to the southeast on Tanegashima.
33 Rozan (Ch. Lu-shan), locality and mountain in Chiang-chi, China.
34 Tenjiku, ancient (Buddhist) name for India.
35 This journey to China is not mentioned in other available literature.
T. Nishimura thinks that it could have been one of the kangô official
expeditions to Ming China. T. Nishimura, Nantô ikôden, pp. 31–32. See
also below.
36 Jaku or Kaijaku (Ch. Jo or Hai-jo), the God of the Sea. See Chuang

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NOTES TO CHAPTER 3

Tzu, the Ch’iu-shui (Autumn-water) chapter. The whole phrase, ‘gazing

seawards and turning to the God of Sea’, is a quotation from that
chapter.
37 Ning-po was the gateway for official Japanese trade with China. See
T. Hora, Tanegashima-jû, pp. 69–74 and F. Mendes Pinto, Peregrinaçam,
Chs 66–70 (pp. 125–135 in R. D. Catz’s translation) et passim. See also
Ch. 1, n. 29 above.
38 Fusô (Ch. Fu sang), poetic name for Japan, used by both Chinese
and Japanese until this day.
39 The administrative division of Japan under the Ritsuryô system, in
place since the Nara era. The Goki were Yamashiro, Yamato, Kawachi,
Izumi and Settsu; the Shichidô were the Saikaidô, Nankaidô, Sanyô’dô,
San’indô, Tôkaidô, Tôsandô and Hokurikudô. The Shichidô comprised
all of what would be considered traditional Japan.

NOTES TO CHAPTER 3
1 The translations of both the Shigetoki and Tokitaka chronicles are
based on handwritten copies of the Tanegashima kafu, one in kanbun
and the other in Japanese (kakikudashibun), found at the Prefectural
Library (Kenritsu-toshokan) in Kagoshima.
2 Honnôji was one of the main temples of the Nichiren Sect in Kyoto,
mostly known for the rôle it played when Oda Nibunaga succumbed in
the flames of the temple in 1582. The temple was moved to its present
location by Hideyoshi.
3 For Lord Nisshin see below, this chapter, n. 23. Yoshihisa is probably
a mistake; it should be Takahisa who was then the daimyo and in close
cooperation with his father.
4 Kaseda is located to the south in today’s Kagoshima Prefecture (see
Map 5). Masegawa and Fujinohara have not been located.
5 Shimazu Takahisa (1514–71) was appointed the 13th shugo-daimyo
of Satsuma when aged 13 in 1526. It was under his long rule that
Satsuma regained its strength. I have found it unnecessary to trace all
the people mentioned in the chronicles. It is enough for us to know that
they all belonged to the samurai families on Tanegashima and Kyushu.

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6 Urata is found to the northeast on Tanegashima.

7 This is the only mention we have of Naotoki’s name being changed
to Tokitaka. ‘Later’ might mean soon afterwards and before the father
returned from Yakushima. It is a certain fact that he is referred to as
Tokitaka five months later when the first Portuguese are reported in the
Tanegashima kafu.
8 Ships in official missions were named with numbers, Ichigôsen,
‘Ship Number One’, Nigôsen, ‘Ship Number Two’, etc. This should then
have been one ship of several on a trade journey to China. No trade
mission in this year can be corroborated in other sources.
9 It seems that the waters around Tanegashima was infested with
pirates in the early sixteenth century.
10 All four titles were only honorary but meant much in the traditional
social society. The first had military connotation, the second legal
connotation, the third rank connotation, the fourth administrative
connotation within the ritsuryô law.
11 Shimazu Tadaoki cannot be traced in available name dictionaries.
12 Both Ômine and Hazumine are places to the northwest on the way
to Nishinoomote (Akôgi).
13 The New Castle was in the centre of today’s Nishinoomote, now
part of a park area.
14 Hongenji is a temple in Nishinoomôte. The temple was built 1469
by the 11th-generation Tanegashima lord, Tokiuji (1447–1504) and
became the Tanegashima family temple. It is the biggest temple on
Tanegashima. It belongs to the Nichiren Sect. M. Inomoto, Tane-
gashima, 55–56 and H. Ogasawara, Teppô denrai, p. 78.
15 The oath was signed on the 24th day of the 3rd month, that is, two
days after the invasion.
16 Both the title of Lord Konoe Taneie (1502–66), a former kanpaku
regent, and the wording of the message would make the reader think
that the message came from the emperor, but it is safe to assume that it
came from the shogun, Yoshiteru (r. 1546–65), who usurped the power
and virtue of the emperor. See T. Nishimura, Nantô ikôden, pp. 36–37.
This is an example of how shogunal and imperial power merged in
Muromachi times. Konoe Taneie seems also otherwise to have been
close to and the spokesman of Shogun Yoshiteru. For example, in 1560
he attempted to promote peace between Satsuma and Hyûga on orders

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NOTES TO CHAPTER 3

from Shogun Yoshiteru. See H. P. Varley, The Ônin War, pp. 109–110 et
passim.
17 Kimotsuki and Meguri, locations and domains in the Ôsumi area
(see Map 5).
18 The battle at Meguri was a setback for Shimazu Takahisa. His
younger brother, Tadamasa (1520–61), and a number of soldiers were
killed in battle there.
19 Small island to the west of Tanegashima, one of the twelve islands
granted to the first Tanegashima, Lord Nobumoto (see Map 2).
20 Kuchinoerabu, small volcanic island (38.04 km2) to the west of
Yakushima, belonging to the Tanegashima lord (see Map 2). Today part
of Kagoshima Prefecture.
21 Hetsuka is located to the northeast on the Sata promontory, the
southernmost point in Ôsumi Province (see Map 5).
22 Itô Yoshisuke, d. 1584, was in constant warfare with Satsuma and
was finally defeated by Shimazu Yoshihisa (1576) and fled to Bungo
where Ôtomo Sôrin received him. Hyûga was allied with Bungo and Itô
was married to Ôtomo Sôrin’ s daughter. See J. Murdoch, A History of
Japan, Vol. II, p. 99.
23 Shimazu Tadayoshi is referred to both with the title Sôshû (Sagami
no kami) and the pen name Nisshin (also Jisshin) (short for Nisshin-sai,
also Jisshin-sai). Tadayoshi was the father of Shimazu Takahisa. It can
be imagined that it was the father who took care of the government
while the son was young. Tadayoshi was a colourful person who took an
interest in Zen Buddhism and Neo-Confucian philosophy, as well as in
the national Shinto creed, and created ‘a three creeds in one’ school,
called nichigaku. If Xavier had been open-minded and had known
about the eclectic tendency of Ming and Muromachi thought and
religion, he could have benefited from meeting the father Tadayoshi
when he met the son Takahisa.
24 This infant was fated to become the 16th Tanegashima lord under
the name of Hisatoki (1568–1611). The mother is remembered under
the name of Furuta Gozen, ‘Lady Furuta’, in Tanegashima folklore. M.
Yanagita, op. cit., pp. 33–36.
25 Shimazu Yoshihisa (1533–1611) defeated Itô Yoshisuke (1576) and
Ôtomo Sôrin (1578), but submitted to Hideyoshi and ceded his domains
to his brother Yoshihiro (1535–1619) in 1587.

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26 Tokitaka’s younger brother, Tokishiki, is mentioned in the Tokitaka

chronicle where his military excellence is praised and he is given the
honorary title Musashi no kami. In this text, he is referred to by his
other honorary title Danjô, a title that goes back to the legal system of
the ritsuryô law.
27 For more on this crucial period in Kyushu history, see, for example,
J. Murdoch, A History of Japan, Vol. II, pp. 99–110. It is not mentioned
how many samurai and soldiers accompanied the lord on these
operations but it cannot have been many. Later, at the time of the
Korean invasion in 1592, the number of 78 soldiers is mentioned in the
Tanegashima kafu (under the 16th lord, Hisatoki).

NOTES TO CHAPTER 4
1 The others among the Twelve Islands were Yakushima, Takeshima,
Kuchinoerabujima, Iôjima, Kuchinoshima, Nakanoshima, Gajajima,
Tairajima, Akusekijima, Suwanosejima and Takarashima (see Map 2).
2 Inomoto mentions that Nobumoto was enfeoffed about 1191–92
and arrived in his domain about 1201–03. M. Inomoto, Tanegashima,
pp. 42–101 and p. 124, also H. Motojima, Tanegashima teppô denrai,
p. 47.
3 As for a recent, up-to-date presentation of the history of Tane-
gashima, see M. Inomoto, Tanegashima, pp. 31–118. Tanegashima
Tokikuni was born on the island.
4 M. Inomoto, Tanegashima, pp. 187–189.
5 The year is uncertain. See translation in Ch. 3 above of Tokitaka’s
chronicle in the Tanegashima kafu.
6 For a short review of the early history of the Tanegashima family
and island, see S. Imoto, ‘Tanegashima no fûdo to bunka’, in M. Izuka
and K. Iida, eds, Teppô denrai zengo, pp. 130–135.
7 Tanegashima Hisatoki is found in Vols 8 and 9 of the Tanegashima
kafu. He should not be confused with the 16th-generation Tanegashima
Tokihisa with the same first name. It is of interest that the writing of
this chronicle coincided with the general interest in historical work in
seventeenth-century Tokugawa Japan. Even the scholars on far-away

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NOTES TO CHAPTER 4

Tanegashima took an interest in Neo-Confucian thought, beginning

their studies with the Ta hsüeh (Daigaku) among the Four Confucian
Classics.
8 Y. Ishihara states that Nobumoto was born in 1183 and left Kama-
kura in about 1202 for his southern fief. He bases himself on legendary
sources, such as the Tokunaga-shi keizu, ‘The Genealogical Record of
the Tokunaga Family’. The whole Nobumoto tradition is well presented
in M. Inomoto, Tanegashima, pp. 42–48 and Y. Ishihara, Nihon wo
kaeta!, pp. 96–99.
9 Kagoshima-ken kyôdo-shi taikei, p. 290.
10 There had been intermittent warfare between Satsuma and Hyûga
over a couple of decades, and Tanegashima was participating on the
side of Satsuma. See J. Murdoch, A History of Japan, Vol. II, p. 99.
11 This means that Satsuma had only limited control of Ôsumi province
until the 1570s. As long as Nejime Shigenaga was the ruler of Nejime,
he seems to have ruled his domain independently. It can easily be
imagined that there was no love lost between Tanegashima and Nejime
after the warfare in 1543 and 1544. When an emissary from Nejime was
killed in a revenge drama in 1560, it can only have added to the tension
between the domains. And when the shipping between Kagoshima and
Tanegashima was attacked by Nejime pirates, this must have caused
further tension. When we also hear of islands under Tanegashima being
attacked by Nejime forces and burnt and Ôdomari in Nejime being
invaded and burnt by Tanegashima forces, it must also have added to
the enmity. It could also mean that Nejime and the Ôsumi peninsula
challenged Satsuma and the Kagoshima peninsula as regards the
suzerainty of Tanegashima and the other islands to the south.
12 The Portuguese náo or English carracks, often also called galleons,
were merchants vessels, originally of about 400 tons and later built of
800, 900 or even 1,200 tons. They were larger than and superior to the
junks which measured about 200 tons. See J. R. Boxer, Fidalgos in the
Far East, 1550–1770, pp. 12–15.
13 See the Peregrinaçam, Ch. 134. Quotation from R. D. Catz’s transla-
tion, p. 278.
14 Kanpaku was the office of advisor to the Emperor, also called
Regent, since Heian times, still an active office in Muromachi times.
Konoe Taneie (1502–66) belonged to the nobility of Fujiwara origin
who served as kanpaku. It is mentioned otherwise in the Tanegashima

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kafu that the Tanegashima lords were in touch with the Konoe house,
where, for example, the 12th lord, Tadatoki, learned the three arts of
poetry, ceremonial bow and arrow and kemari football for three years
from 1496. Perhaps also later lords were in touch with the Konoe house
when they visited Kyoto.
15 T. Hora, Tanegashima-jû, p. 47.
16 Piracy is recorded in Japanese literature from at least Heian times.
Domestic piracy turned increasingly into overseas piracy after the
Mongol invasions (1274 and 1281), and at first was directed via Tsushima
into Korea. Early piracy seems to have been due to famine and poverty.
The first big wakô raids began about 1350. Later the wakô piracy
reached China and were at their most severe in Muromachi times when
China was practically invaded by armadas of pirate ships. These
incursions reached their peak by 1555 but continued without inter-
ruption until 1588 when Hideyoshi put a stop to piracy by law (kaizoku-
chôji-rei or umi no katanagari-rei). Hideyoshi’s own invasion of Korea
followed in 1592. K. Akiyama, Nisshi kôtsû-shi kenkyû, pp. 428–556 et
passim, B. H. Hazard, ‘The Formative Years of the Wakô, 1223–63’, in
Monumenta Nipponica, Vol. 22 (1967), pp. 260–277, M. Kanaya, Kaizo-
kutachi no chûsei, p. 74 et passim; Y. Yamauchi, Kaizoku to umijiro, p. 201
et passim; and T. Tanaka, Wakô, pp. 22–24 et passim.
17 Later in the Tanegashima kafu it is mentioned that the 16th lord,
Hisatoki (1558–1611), joined the Korea Campaign in 1592 with 78 men
and that the 17th lord, Tadatoki (1612–54), left for the Shimabara
Campaign in 1638 with 200 men.
18 As mentioned above, the 12th Tanegashima lord, Tadatoki (1468–
1536), stayed for three years in Kyoto from when he was 18 until 21
years old (1496–99). He learned ‘bow and horse’ (kyûba, that is, archery
and horse-riding), kemari football and the art of poetry as well. He
began the New Year Bow and Arrow Festival (Mato hajime-shiki) in
1500, a festival that is still today celebrated at Nishinoomote on 11
January. Later, after becoming the lord of the island in 1504, he
arranged a 1,000-stanza renga gathering in 1509. The guess is that the
later Tanegashima lords stayed at the Satsuma mansion in Kyoto and
used the time to learn the same noble sports and cultural achievements
as Lord Tadatoki. M. Inomoto, Tanegashima, p. 125.

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NOTES TO CHAPTER 5

NOTES TO CHAPTER 5
1 For more about Tanegashima Nobumoto, see M. Yanagita, Tane-
gashima no hito, pp. 1–3. According to this source, Minamoto Yoritomo
bestowed the twelve southern islands (Nankaijûnitô) on Nobumoto
through the good offices of Hôjô Tokimasa after Nobumoto had
performed a dance that delighted Minamoto Yoritomo. Nobumoto
seems to belong more to legend than to historical fact.
2 In statement by Luís d’Almeida, quoted in Cooper, This Island of
Japan, p. 264.
3 T. Udagawa mentions that the early muskets sent as presents to
Shogun Yoshiteru earned him the title of shugo over some four provinces
beyond Bungo. This means that Yoshiteru also used the muskets to
bolster his shaky position as shogun by winning support from im-
portant daimyo. T. Udagawa, Teppô denrai, heiki ga kitaru seiki no tanjô,
pp. 22–23.
4 Nor could the muskets have been wrapped for long if Tokitaka
‘trained day by day until he could hit the target a hundred times out of
one hundred shots’.
5 According to various sources, Suginobô’s name was Suginobô
Myôsan and Tsuda Kenmotsu Kazunaga no jô was his older brother. See
T. Haraguchi, Kagoshima-ken no rekishi, p. 126 and T. Nishimura, Nantô
ikôden, pp. 20–21. According to one tradition, Tsuda Kenmotsu no jô
had lived since 1528 on Tanegashima and was married there. H. Motojima,
Tanegashima teppô denrai, p. 41.
6 On the other hand, a painter, Jukô, from Sakai is mentioned in the
Tanegashima kafu. He played a role when Tokitaka capitulated in 1543
but is not mentioned otherwise.
7 See also G. Sansom, A History of Japan, pp. 267–270.
8 K. Naganuma, ‘Teppô no denrai’, in Rekishi chiri, 23, No. 6 (1914),
pp. 623–635, and D. M. Brown, ‘The Impact of Firearms on Japanese
Warfare, 1543–98’, in The Far Eastern Quarterly, Vol. VII, No. 3 (1948),
pp. 236–237.
9 T. Hora, Tanegashima-jû, p. 103–104 et passim.
10 T. Nishimura, Nantô ikôden, p. 34.
11 T. Udagawa, Teppô denrai, heiki ga kitaru seiki no tanjô, pp. 156–160.
12 T. Hora, Tanegashima-jû, p. 107.

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13 S. Tokoro, ‘Teppô denrai wo megutte’, pp. 53–54. Professor Tokoro

mentions two works, Inryôkan nichiroku (1466) and Hekizan nichiriku
(1468) in which the term teppô appears. In the first work envoys from
Ryukyu bring two weapons (reihô) and in the second work the teppô is
mentioned in the context of the Ônin War (1467–77). The question is
whether these teppô were not the pre-Tanegashima kind of teppô, that
is, bombards.
14 K. Tsuboi mentions an early work, Intoku-taiheiki, that gives 1501,
and another early work, Hôjô-godaiki, that gives 1510. Both works are
of later dates and not to be relied upon. Tsuboi concludes that arms of
one kind or another could have reached Japan at early dates but that
they could not be used. It was on Tanegashima in 1543 that the new
firearm was first understood and shot.
15 See translations below of the Teppôki, the Tanegashima kafu and the
Kunitomo teppôki. See also T. Hora, Tanegashima-jû, pp. 34–35.
16 Rafael Perestrelo is often mentioned as the first Portuguese to reach
China. He arrived at Canton in 1515. However, Jorge Alvares is men-
tioned as having arrived at a Chinese island, Tamão, already in 1513.
For a discussion of the subject, see J. M. Braga, ‘The “Tamão” of the
Portuguese Pioneers’, in T’ien Hsia Monthly, Vol. VIII, No. 5, May 1939,
pp. 420–432 and J. M. Braga, China Landfall 1513, Jorge Alvares’ Voyage
to China, pp. 1–27. See also J. P. Oliveira e Costa, ‘A Coroa Portuguesa e
a China (1508–1531) do Sonho Manuelino ao Realismo Joanino’, in
Estudos de História do Relacionamento Luso-Chinês, p. 20.
17 This is probably an exaggeration. Wang Chih’s wakô used muskets
and perhaps cannon by 1554. See Tschepe, Japans Beziehungen zu
China seit den ältesten Zeiten bis zum Jahre 1600, p. 242. A picture of a
Chinese war junk from 1662 only shows warriors brandishing swords
and lances.
18 Gohô (Wang Chih) later settled on the Gotô Islands where he had
his residence on Fukue Island and became a wakô leader. S. Miyawaki,
Muromachi sengoku-shi kikô, p. 207.
19 S. R. Turnbull, source not found in later reading.
20 The kangô certificates were patents (or tallies) which were divided,
one part being taken by the tributary nation and another part being
retained in China. The joining of the parts of the patent at a specified
place proved whether it was a bona fide tributary mission. D. M. Brown,
Money Economy in Medieval Japan, A Study in the Use of Coins, p. 20.

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NOTES TO CHAPTER 5

21 For a review of the developments which led to the Hosokawa and

Ôuchi dominance and their competition, see S. Kashiwabara,
‘Nichimin kangô-bôeki ni okeru Hosokawa-Ôuchi nishi no kôsô’, in
Shigaku zasshi, Vol. XXV (1914), pp. 1128–1172 and pp. 1237–1265.
22 K-w. So, Japanese Piracy in Ming China during the 16th Century, pp.
173–190 et passim.
23 The irony of the matter is that China, in turn, was heavily
dependent on imported copper in order to mint the exported currency.
J. W. Hall, ‘Notes on the Early Ch’ing Copper Trade with Japan’, in
Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 12 (December 1949), pp. 444–445. It
should be noted that Japan had minted currency in Nara times.
24 Akiyama, Nisshi kôtsû-shi kenkyû, pp. 527–556, et passim.
25 The wakô activities began not long after the Mongol invasions 1274
and 1281. The raids are usually divided into the early era when they
were directed against Korea and northern China (until about 1420).
The later era when the raids ranged along the whole Chinese coast
began about 1520 and continued until Hideyoshi brought them to an
end in 1588. For a popular review of the wakô history with illustrations,
see Dai-Minkoku to wakô (Vol. 7, Kaigai shiten – Nihon no rekishi, pp.
97–103 and pp. 138–149.
26 The ships from Ôuchi sailed as a rule from Hakata on northwestern
Kyushu.
27 When the Inland Sea became dominated by pirates and the Ôuchi
family, Sakai and the central provinces turned to an eastern route via
Tanegashima on their way to China. M. Izuka, ‘Sekai-shi no naka no
Tanegashima’, in M. Izuka and K. Iida, Teppô denrai zengo, pp. 16–17
and D. M. Brown, Money Economy in Medieval Japan, pp. 19–27.
28 M. C. Haguenauer does not hesitate to call this ship a Kangô-bune,
‘Ship of Kangô Mission’, and he might be correct since the kangô ships
were counted in this manner. M.C. Haguenauer, ‘Encore la question des
Gores’, in Journal Asiatique, CCXXVI (1935), pp. 67–90.
29 One has to turn to Chinese sources for information about the wakô
activities in China. In the History of Ming (Ming shih) there are yearly
accounts about the incursions along the coast. See Japan in the Chinese
Dynasties, pp. 106–161. In a Chinese work, Ch’ou-hai t’u-pien (Jpn.
Chûkai zuhen), written by Hu Tsung-hsien (Jpn. Ko Shûken) in about
1562, Satsuma comes first in a list of provinces from where the wakô
originate and Tanegashima is found at the end of the list! It is apparent

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that Satsuma was a staging location for wakô activities. K. Akiyama,

Nisshi kôtsû-shi kenkyû, p. 599. For a list of all wakô incursions in Korea
and China, see T. Tanaka, Wakô, pp. 200–207. See also Y. Takegoshi,
Wakôki, pp. 77–108. It should be noticed that Takekoshi mentions a
wakô raid as late as 1609.
30 Y. Takegoshi, The Economic Aspects of the History of the Civilization
of Japan, p. 292.
31 N. S. Fujita, Japan’s Encounter with Christianity, pp. 21–22. It should
again be stressed that piracy was endemic in this age. Japan had its
domestic piracy which can be followed in literature since at least the
tenth century. The Japanese coastline with all its inlets and coves and
isles and islets was ideal for piratic activities. This piracy was in
Muromachi times first extended to Korea and then to China. China
suffered greatly from the depredations in the sixteenth century. It was
difficult for the Ming military to defend the long coastline from above
Liaotung to below Hainan Island. The raids continued until Hideyoshi
forbid both domestic and overseas piracy.
32 K. Akiyama, Nisshi kôtsû-shi kenkyû, p. 595
33 C. R. Boxer, South China in the Sixteenth Century, p. xxiv and K.
Akiyama, Nisshi kôtsû-shi kenkyû, p. 552.
34 Quotation from the Fukien t’ung-chih, Ch. 267, p. 14, in C. R. Boxer,
South China in the Sixteenth Century, p. xxv.
35 In a letter by L. Frois, quoted by C. R. Boxer, South China in the
Sixteenth Century, p. xxxiii. Original in Jordão de Freitas, Fernão
Mendes Pinto. Sua ultima viagem á China (1554–1555), reprinted from
Archivo Historico Portuguez, III, Lisbon 1905.
36 C. R. Boxer, The Christian Century in Japan, p. 257.
37 Ibid., p. 269.
38 Yoshikatsu was the 7th Ashikaga shogun, ruling between 1441 and 1449.
39 It was after King Shô Hashi (r. 1422–1439) completed the unifica-
tion of the Ryukyus in 1423 that its trade became lively southwards and
also northwards. T. Tanaka, ‘Japan’s Relations with Overseas Countries’,
in John W. Hall and Toyoda Takeshi, eds, Japan in the Muromachi Age,
pp. 171–172. The Ryukyus remained an independent kingdom until it
was invaded by Satsuma forces in 1609 and became formally a part of
Japan, although retaining a degree of freedom that allowed relations
with China.

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NOTES TO CHAPTER 5

40 The Ryukyu Islands already began tributary relations with China

while they were divided and the Ming emperor was delighted according
to the Ming Shih, ‘The Ming History’. This relationship, beginning in
1372, continued through the Ming and most of the Ching dynasty. See
T. Noguchi, Chûgoku to Kyûryû, p. 49 et passim. The Chinese annals list
no less than 171 tributary missions from the Ryukyu Islands while only
19 from Japan. K. Akiyama, Nisshi kôtsû-shi kenkyû, p. 352. For the
history of the Ryukyu kingdom, see, for example, K. Takara, Ryûkyû
ôkoku no kôzô, pp. 1–38.
41 Martin de Rada saw ‘some men from Liu-ch’iu, whom we call
Lequios, who came to bring their tribute’ at Foochow in 1575. Foochow
was the port of entry on the tribute route assigned to the Ryukyu
Islands. Martin de Rada is quoted in D. R. Lach, Southeast Asia in the
Eyes of Europe, The Sixteenth Century, p. 789.
42 T. Tanaka presents another example, of sapanwood, which was
highly valued in China. Due to China’s isolationist policy, sapanwood
came to Japan via the Ryukyus and was then re-exported to China
by the Japanese. T. Tanaka,‘Japan’s Relations with Overseas Countries’,
p. 171.
43 For longer lists of export and import articles, see, for example, T.
Tsuchiya, An Economic History of Japan, 138–139 et passim.
44 See S. Kawazoe,‘Japan and East Asia’, in The Cambridge History of
Japan, Vol. 3, ‘Medieval Japan’, pp. 396–446, especially pp. 445–446.
45 See T. Tanaka, ‘Japan’s Relations with Overseas Countries’, in John
W. Hall and Toyoda Takeshi, eds, Japan in the Muromachi Age, pp. 171–
173. See also the Peregrinaçam, Ch. 66 (pp. 125–127 in Catz’s transla-
tion) et passim.
46 As already noticed above, there is some confusion in the literature
about whether it was Jorge Alvares or Rafael Perestrelo who was the first
Portuguese to reach China. According to J. M. Braga, Jorge Alvares was
the first in 1513 or 1514 and Rafael Perestrelo was the next in 1515. J.
M. Braga says 1513 in China Landfall 1513, Jorge Alvares’ Voyage to
China, pp. 1–27, and 1514 in ‘The “Tamão” of the Portuguese Pioneers’,
in T’ien Hsia Monthly, Vol. VIII, May, 1939, p. 420–432. Cf. L.
Bourdon, La Compagnie de Jésus et le Japon, p. 87. In either case one
must agree with Braga that ‘the Portuguese explorers packed a great
wealth of bold, successful exploration and nautical enterprise’ in only
fifteen years between Vasco da Gama’s voyage to India in 1498 and Jorge

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Alvares’ voyage to China in 1513 or 1514. This Jorge Alvares, who died
in 1521, should not be confused with the Jorge Alvares who introduced
Anjiro to Xavier and is mentioned in the Peregrinaçam. See above and
below. Cf. L. Bourdon, op. cit., p. 84.
47 R. Boxer, South China in the Sixteenth Century and Y. Okamoto,
Jûroku-seiki Nichi-Ô kôtsû-shi no kenkyû, p. 105.
48 E. W. Dahlgren, ‘A Contribution to the History of the Discovery of
Japan’, p. 243.
49 For documented presentations of the Ryukyu and the Gores, see L.
Bourdon, La compagnie de Jésus et le Japon, pp. 110–115 and Y.
Okamoto, Jûroku-seiki Nichi-Ô kôtsû-shi no kenkyû, pp. 80–98. The
Ryukyu trade stretched not only west to China and north to Japan but
also south to Malacca, Java, Sumatra and probably other places.
50 Nagasakiken-shi, ed. Nagasakiken-shi henshû iinkai, p. 6 and L.
Bourdon, La Compagnie de Jésus et le Japon, p. 170.
51 Eleven such official voyages from Japan to China were undertaken
from 1432 to 1548, that is, in the period when the Portuguese appeared
in Chinese and Japanese waters. Earlier the Bakufu sponsored licensed
trade with Ming China from 1405 to 1419. G. Sansom, A History of
Japan, p. 270.
52 K. Akiyama, Nisshi kôtsû-shi kenkyû, p. 515. Bungo was a daimiate
to the northeast of Kyushu, today belonging to Ôita Prefecture. See
page 77 above for its importance for the first Portuguese. Yamaguchi is
today the capital of Yamaguchi Prefecture, located at the southern tip of
Honshu. From the fourteenth century it was ruled by the Ôuchi family
and was one of the leading daimiates of the Muromachi era, thriving on
seaborne trade in cooperation with Hakata on Kyushu. After the Ônin
War, the Ôuchi daimyo controlled the traffic between Hyôgo (today’s
Kôbe) and Shimonoseki. J. Murdoch, A History of Japan, Vol. II, p. 58
and G. Sansom, A History of Japan, p. 234 et passim.
53 C. R. Boxer, The Christian Century in Japan 1549–1650, p. 253.
54 For the official Chinese report about the frightful piracy along the
Chinese coasts in Ming times, see the History of Ming (Ming shih), in
Japan in the Chinese Dynastic Histories, pp. 106–161. For a compre-
hensive Western source, see P. A. Tscherpe, Japans Beziegungen zu China
seit den ältesten Zeiten bis zum Jahre 1600, pp. 200–305. Tanegashima is
mentioned in Chinese sources as one of the places from where the wakô
came. See, for example, Y. Takegoshi, Wakôki, p. 60.

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NOTES TO CHAPTER 5

55 Ikegami, Hiroko, Sengoku no gunzô, p. 164.

56 P. A. Tschepe, Japans Beziegungen zu China, pp. 238–250. It is in this
context mentioned (ibid., p. 252) that the wakô were equipped with
muskets (chôjû) which caused consternation among the Chinese who
apparently were not equally equipped. This was in 1554.
57 The Chinese authorities complained to Leonel de Sousa about this
circumstance when he negotiated with them about the trade agreement
in 1553–1554. C. R. Boxer, Fidalgos in the Far East 1550–1770, p. 32.
58 C. R. Boxer, The Christian Century in Japan, pp. 14–15. Old
Japanese sources regarding the wakô activities are indeed scarce as also
regarding private trade in the sixteenth century. As for the wakô raids
one has mainly to rely on Korean and Chinese sources, for example, the
Ming Shih, that deals with these raids on every page in its chapter about
Japan. See Y. Okamoto, Jûroku-seiki Nichi-Ô kôtsû-shi no kenkyû, pp.
92–98 and K. Akiyama, ‘Muromachi shoki ni okeru wakô no chôryô to
Ôei gaikô jijô’, in Bungaku zasshi, 1931, p. 967 et passim. However, one
report by a Japanese can be found in Y. Takegoshi, Wakôki, pp. 56–58.
59 For a bibliography of such works, see T. Tanaka, ‘Japan’s Relations
with Overseas Countries’, pp. 208–230.
60 For a short resumé of these trade activities, see C. R. Boxer, Fidalgos
in the Far East, pp. 1–11 and The Christian Century in Japan, pp. 90–
120, 425–427. See also D. M. Brown, Money Economy in Medieval
Japan, pp. 56–66, 72–77.
61 C. R. Boxer, Four Centuries of Portuguese Expansion, 1415–1825: A
Succinct Survey, p. 41.
62 Lampacao, an island not far from Canton which the Portuguese also
used as an entrepôt in their (clandestine) commerce with the Chinese.
For its location, see Kammerer, La Découverte de la Chine, Pl. II and III.
See also A. Ljungstedt, An Historical Sketch of the Portuguese Settlements
in China, p. 9. According to Ljungstedt, the Chinese ‘concentrated, in
1554, the whole foreign trade at Lampacao, an island so near Macao,
that it can … be seen by the naked eye from the top of the hill’. For a
discussion of the name Lampacao, see T. Chang, Sino-Portuguese Trade
from 1514 to 1644, pp. 87–88.
63 For the story about Macao and its establishment ‘on a rocky
peninsula’, see, for example, A. Ljungstedt, An Historical Sketch of the
Portuguese Settlements in China from p. 10 onwards. For maps of the
‘rocky peninsula’ with the town and harbour of Macao, see ibid., pp.

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220–221. The peninsula was part of an island, usually also named

Macao (or Hsiang-shan). It is not clear how the Portuguese came to
settle there. One theory is that they cleared the area of pirates, to the
relief and joy of the Chinese, who allowed them to occupy, or rather
rent, the peninsula for trading purposes. See T. Chang, Sino-Portuguese
Trade from 1514 to 1644, pp. 88–108. The first church was built at
Macao in 1558 and the Jesuits were established there from 1565. J.-P.
Duteil, Le rôle des Jesuites en Chine, p. 20. See also, for example, W.
Franke, China and the West, pp. 30–34.
64 C. R. Boxer, ‘Portuguese Commercial Voyages to Japan Three
Hundred Years Ago’, in Portuguese Merchants and Missionaries in Feudal
Japan, 1543–1640, III, p. 28. It might be noted that also other ports in
Japan were visited. See Y. Okamoto, Jûroku-seiki Nichi-Ô kôtsû-shi no
kenkyû, pp. 510–514.
65 S. Iwao, ‘Japanese Foreign Trade in the 16th and 17th Centuries’ in
Acta Asiatica, 30 (February, 1976), p. 6.
66 An English traveller, Ralph Fitch, who visited the East in 1585–91,
witnessed the profitable trade of the Portuguese and wrote: ‘When the
Portugales goe from Macao in China to Japan, they carrie much white
Silke, Gold, Muske, and Porcelanes: and they bring from thence nothing
but Silver. They have a great Carake which goeth thither every yeere,
and shee bringeth from thence every yeere above six hundred thousand
Crusadoes’(Boxer’s emphasis). The great profit earned on the Macao–
Nagasaki route was verified by Diogo do Couto who wrote that ‘the
silver which comes from Japan every year in our great ship of commerce
(náo de trato) … is all exchanged for silver bullion which is worth more
than a million of gold’, and by Linschoten who said that the captain of
a yearly náo could earn a profit of 150,000 to 200,000 ducats on a single
voyage and that the command of the annual náo to Japan was a post
greatly coveted by all Portuguese officers in the East. See C. R. Boxer,
‘The Affair of the “Madre de Deus”, A Chapter in the History of the
Portuguese in Japan’, in Portuguese Merchants and Missionaries in
Feudal Japan, 1543–1640, I, pp. 9–13, where Fitch, do Couto and
Linschoten are quoted.
67 See J. H. van Linschoten, The Voyage of John Huyghen van Linschoten
to the East Indies, Vol. I, pp. 146–147.
68 ‘Dwarf robber’ is C. R. Boxer’s translation of wakô, usually rendered
as ‘Japanese pirate’. It should just be remembered that the majority of
the wakô were probably non-Japanese – mostly Chinese – and that their

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NOTES TO CHAPTER 5

most famous leader, Wang Chih, was Chinese. As for the ‘dwarf
robbers’, see, for example, C. R. Boxer, South China in the Sixteenth
Century, pp. xxiv-xxv. See also K. Akiyama, Nisshi kôtsû-shi kenkyû, pp.
585–601.
69 Frois’ letter is quoted in C. R. Boxer, South China in the Sixteenth
Century, p. xxxiii. Original in Jordão de Freitas, Fernão Mendes Pinto.
Sua ultima viagem á China (1554–55), reprinted from Archivo Historico
Portuguez, III, Lisbon, 1905.
70 C. R. Boxer, South China in the Sixteenth Century, pp. 5–6.
71 Y. Okamoto, Jûroku-seiki Nichi-Ô kôtsû-shi no kenkyû, p. 368.
72 T. Chang, Sino-Portuguese Trade from 1514 to 1644, pp. 109–141. Dr.
Chang ends saying, ‘In less than a century it (Macao) reached the
apogee of enviable prosperity, lived through many troubled days and
then was plunged into misery and grief ’. Ibid., pp. 140–141.
73 The Peregrinaçam, Ch. 202 (p. 451 in R. D. Catz’s translation).
74 The Ideology of the Flowery Central Kingdom and the peripheral
barbarian tribes. There were the barbarians to the East, the Tôi, among
whom were the Japanese, the barbarians to the south, the Nanban,
among whom were the Portuguese, the barbarians to the North, the
Hokuteki, among whom were the Mongols and the barbarians to the
West, the Seijû, among whom were the Tibetans.
75 The first edition appeared in 1557, the second enlarged edition in
1576, and the third and last edition in 1774. The English translation
with the title ‘The Commentaries of the Great Afonso Dalboquerque,
Second Viceroy of India’, with notes and and an introduction by Walter
de Gray Birch, London, 1875–1884. J. Albrecht, Vier portugiesische
Historiker des XVI. Jahrhunderts (Castanheda, Barros, d’Alboquerque
und Goes, p. 29.
76 T. Shimono, ‘Nansei-shotô no kiso-bunka to minbu’, in M. Izuka
and K. Iida, eds, Teppô denrai zengo, pp. 43–44.
77 Tomé Pires, the Portuguese ambassador to China (1520) who ended
up in a Chinese gaol in Canton where he died in 1524, was probably the
first Westerner to mention Japan – with the name Jampon – in his Suma
Oriental. See page 29 above. Japan had earlier been named Cipangu by
Marco Polo. For a discussion of the name ‘Japan’, see M. Cooper, ed. The
Southern Barbarians, The First Europeans in Japan, p. 24 and H. Haas,
‘Ursprung des Namens Nippon’, in Mitteilungen des deutschen

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TANEGASHIMA – THE ARRIVAL OF EUROPE IN JAPAN

Gesellschaft für Natur- und Völkerkunde Ostasiens, Vol. IX, No. 3, pp.
331–341. For Tomé Pires and his sad fate, see H. Cordier, ‘L’Arrivée des
Portugais en Chine’, in T’oung Pao, 2nd Ser., 12 (1911), pp. 516–520 and
A. Kammerer, ‘La découverte de la Chine par les Portugais au XVIième
siecle et la cartographie des portulans’, in T’oung Pao, 2nd Ser., 39,
supplement (1944), pp. 29–31. For the best account of the first
Portuguese reaching China, see Y. Okamoto, Jûroku-seiki Nichi-Ô
kôtsû-shi no kenkyû, pp. 99–124.
78 The description of the Gores (also known under the name of Rekeo
or Rekea) and their land is found in C. R. Boxer, Portuguese Merchants
and Missionaries in Feudal Japan 1543–1640 under the title ‘Some
Aspects of Portuguese Influence in Japan 1542–1640’, pp. 14–15. They
are first mentioned in Tomé Pires’ Suma Oriental, pp. 128–131 (in the
Hakluyt Society edition, 1944). The Gores are much discussed in
literature. A review of this literature can be found in L. Bourdon, La
Compagnie de Jésus et le Japon, pp. 107–117. The conclusion must be
that they were Ryukyuans. This seems clear already in d’Albuquerque’s
Commentarios where it is said that their land is called Lequea, a name
close to the Chinese for the Ryukyu Islands (Liu-ch’iu). That the name
Gores comes from an Arab designation of the sailors from these islands
– al-Ghûr – seems farfetched but why not? The Arabs were established
traders in the East long before the Portuguese arrived and must have
had business relations with the Ryukyuans. The name may also have a
Malay origin. The Arabs also knew them under the name Likyu and it
was this term that became the Portuguese Lequeo and Lequea. The
name Gores was earlier much discussed by scholars, for example, by M.
C. Haguenauer, who concluded that it was of Arabic origin. Scholars
today – for example, J. Kreiner – share the same opinion. See M. C.
Haguenauer, ‘Encore la question des Gores’, Journal Asiatique, Vol.
CCXXVI, pp. 67–90 and J. Kreiner, ‘Okinawa und Ainu’, unpublished
paper, p. 2. Whether the Portuguese met Japanese before the arrival at
Tanegashima is an open question but there might have been Japanese
on the Ryukyuan ships. The British, on the other hand, had a deadly
encounter with Japanese wakô (or bahan – a corruption from the word
Hachiman, the god of war in Japanese mythology), when they first
approached Japan in 1604. M. Paske-Smith, Western Barbarians in
Japan and Formosa in Tokugawa Days, 1603–1868, pp. 1–3. See also Y.
Okamoto, Jûroku-seiki Nichi-Ô kôtsû-shi no kenkyû, pp. 37–98.
79 Ning-po is always mentioned as the destination in China for Japan-
ese ships. Ning-po was also the port of entry for official missions to

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NOTES TO CHAPTER 5

China; all the Japanese kangô missions entered there on the way to
Peking. It is strange that there is no mention of Japanese and Portuguese
meeting there since they must have been there at about the same time.
80 It should be noticed that Tanegashima, because of its centrality, was
a transit port in the commercial world that stretched from Malacca via
the Ryukyu islands as far as Korea. It is therefore natural that the first
Portuguese arrived at the southernmost tip of the island. We can
imagine merchant activities on the seas which go far back in history. It
complicates things that there was much piracy and that there was often
no fine distinction between trade and piracy. See S. Morita, Kumamoto-
ken no rekishi, pp. 135–137.
81 See T. Tanaka, ‘Japan’s Relations with Overseas Countries’, pp. 159–178.
82 It should be noticed, however, that the teppô is mentioned as early
as 1549 in Japanese warfare. In this year it is reported that Shimazu
Takahisa used it in combination with bow and arrow. It is natural that
it was Shimazu and its energetic daimyo that implemented the new
weapon first. They were close to the source and probably received it
before others. From the early 1550s the teppô is mentioned more and
more often in battle reports. Still, it is posited here that it was never
more than an auxiliary weapon in this childhood of the Japanese teppô.
For example, when it is reported that Takeda Shingen used the musket
at Kawanakajima (1555), this might be so but it does not detract from
the fact that cavalry was the main source of Kai power until Nagashino
in 1575 (see Map 4). Strategy based on teppô detachments seems to have
developed in the 1560s, and by 1570 this strategy was quickly developed
by Oda Nobunaga which led to continued military successes with
Nagashino as its spectacular first triumph. Note that this was on land.
On the sea, the pirates seem to have used the musket quite early. T.
Hora, Tanegashima-jû, pp. 144–146 and T. Udagawa, Teppô denrai,
heiki ga kitaru seiki no tanjô, pp. 2–58.
83 See T. Hora, Tanegashima-jû, p. 96. Francisco Cabral was the
Superior of the Jesuit mission in Japan for over a decade (1570–81). C.
R. Boxer, The Church Militant and Iberian Expansion, 1440–1770, p. 23.
84 For the Battle of Nagashino see, for example, S. R. Turnbull, Battles
of the Samurai, pp. 79–94 and Y. Nawa, Nagashino-Shitaragahara kassen
no shinjitsu.
85 Yoshiteru (1535–65) was the 14th Ashikaga shogun and ruled
between 1545 and 1565. He ended his life by harakiri aged 30.

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86 Pirates seem to have used muskets and perhaps also cannon at least
by the 1550s. The Inland Sea of Japan (Setonaikai) had been infested
with pirates since early times and it is natural that they were equipped
with the new weapons at an early stage just like the wakô corsairs in the
China Sea. If we are to believe Pinto, pirates were active in Bungo’s
waters using cannon and muskets as early as 1551. T. Hora, Tane-
gashima-jû, p. 109 and F. Pinto, Peregrinaçam, Ch. 209 (p. 470 in Catz’s
translation).
87 H. Ikegami, Sengoku no gunzô, p. 171.
88 The quotation in Turnbull in full: ‘Hereafter guns will be the most
important weapons. Therefore decrease the number of spears [in your
armies] and have the most capable men carry guns. Furthermore, when
you assemble your soldiers, test their marksmanship and order that the
selection of [gunners] be in accordance with the results [of your test]’.
S. R. Turnbull, The Samurai, p. 140. Turnbull presents no source but T.
Udagawa, Teppô denrai, heiki ga kitaru seiki no tanjô, p. 39, does. Takeda
Shingen’s order went out in 1569 but, unfortunately, it was not put into
effect; hence the result of the Battle of Nagashino.
89 H. Ikegami, Sengoku no gunzô, p. 171, where the Hôjôgodaiki is
referred to. As regards Uesugi Kenshin, see Essa shiryô, Vol. 4, pp. 202–
204 and T. Udagawa, Teppô denrai, heiki ga kitaru seiki no tanjô, pp.
135–138. According to the last source, with reference to the Uesugi-ke
bunsho, ‘The Scriptures of the Uesugi House’, Uesugi Kenshin received
a teppô from the shogun at the same time in 1559.
90 See T. Udagawa, Teppô denrai, heiki ga kitaru seiki no tanjô,
pp.18–27.
91 It is reported that musketry comprised 10 % of the Nobunaga forces
at Nagashino, about 24 % of the Japanese forces invading Korea in 1592,
and close to 50 % of the Date forces at Sekigahara. See S. Tokoro, ‘Teppô
denrai wo megutte’, pp. 71–73.
92 See P. A. Tschepe, Japans Beziegungen zu China, p. 253.
93 See K-w. So, Japanese Piracy in Ming China during the 16th Century,
pp. 57–58.
94 For a general picture of the situation on Kyushu in sixteenth-century
Japan, see G. Elison and B. L. Smith, eds, Warlords, Artists, and Commoners:
Japan in the Sixteenth Century, and J. Murdoch, A History of Japan, Vol.
II, pp. 98–120.

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95 That Ôsumi was not totally under Satsuma control in 1556 is

proven by the entry in the Tanegashima kafu (under Tokitaka) saying
that Tanegashima samurai participated in combat at Ushine Castle in
Kimotsuki as late as 1574. The Tanegashima kafu also reports that the
Itô, Kimotsuki, Ichiji and Nejime familes engaged in piracy directed
against the traffic between Kagoshima and Tanegashima in the early
1570s .
96 There is a rich literature about Kyushu history in the sixteenth
century. For a short presentation of the Satsuma in this era, see M. Ôta,
ed., Senryaku senjutsu heiki jiten, p. 64.
97 For a detailed account of Wang Chih’s career as a businessman and
pirate leader, see P. S. Tschepe, Japans Beziehungen zu China, pp. 262–
293. It will be noticed that he is not mentioned in connection with the
arrival of the first Portuguese to Tanegashima in this work.
98 It seems that Gohô had broader interests than commerce and profit.
The Teppôki mentions how he meets the Hokke priest Jûjôin at Jionji
Temple and feels as if he has found a friend in a foreign land.
99 G. Sansom, A History of Japan, p. 268. Both Hu Tsung-hsien in his
Chûkai zuhen and Cheng Shun-kung in Nihon ikkan also mention 1545
as the year when Gohô established himself in Japan. See T. Tanaka,
Wakô, p. 196–200, where both Hu Tsung-hsien and Cheng Shun-kung
are referred to.
100 It is easy to imagine why Wang Chih turned to Japan for a new base,
by 1548 at the latest, as the Ming government had by then restricted
trade and uprooted the Portuguese settlement at Ning-po. The Portu-
guese had reached Ning-po perhaps as early as 1515 and established an
enclave that was later ‘destroyed and completely levelled by the Chinese’
according to Pinto (Peregrinaçam, Ch. 66); in 1549 according to J.
Murdoch, A History of Japan, Vol. II, p. 45. See L. C. Goodrich, Japan in
the Chinese Dynastic Histories, pp. 106–161, Peregrinaçam, Ch. 66 (pp.
125–127 in Catz’s translation) and G. Sansom, A History of Japan, pp.
168–173 and pp. 265–270. For further discus-sions of Ning-po, see T.
Hora, Tanegashima-jû, pp. 70–73, R. D. Catz, op.cit., p. 563 and p. 570
and L. C. Goodrich, A Short History of the Chinese People, pp. 191–192.
There are sources which state that Wang Chih was in touch with
Matsura Takanobu, the daimyo at Hirado, both before and after he
established himself on Fukue Island. See H. Ogasawara, Teppô denrai, p.
272–273 and M. Sasano, ‘Wakô to Gotô’, in Gotô no rekishi to minwa, p.

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20. D. Brown, basing himself on Y. Takegoshi, writes that already from

about 1532 had Wang Chih became entrenched on the Gotô Islands
and that he had gained such strength by 1541 as a wakô leader that he
dominated most of the outlying islands of Kyushu and that the pirates
operating in the China Sea were under his control. Takegoshi’s dates are
highly questionable. There are no primary sources available about
Wang Chih around 1543. D. Brown, Money Economy in Medieval Japan,
p. 28.
101 S. Miyawaki, Muromachi sengoku-shi kikô, p. 207.
102 This was indeed full-fledged war and the Chinese do not hesitate to
call it war with Japan, even though a Chinese led the wakô forces and
perhaps most of the pirates were Chinese. See P. A. Tschepe, Japans
Beziehungen zu China, pp. 230–305.
103 Those wakô raids emanating from Japan came to a final end when
Hideyoshi stopped them with an edict to all daimyo in 1588. Y. Nakata,
Kinsei taigai kankei shiron, p. 5 and K. Akiyama, Nisshi kôtsû-shi kenkyû,
pp. 601–602. He was, however, responsible for the greatest wakô raid of
all when he began the invasion of Korea in 1592 with the aim of
conquering China.
104 Dictionary of Ming Biography 1368–1644, pp. 634–635.
105 See L. C. Goodrich, Japan in the Chinese Dynastic Histories, pp.
129–137.
106 See T. Hora, Tanegashima-jû, p. 44 and T. Udagawa, Teppô denrai no
jitsuzô, p. 10.
107 Peregrinaçam, Ch. 132 (pp. 272–274 in Catz’s translation).
108 See Y. Okamoto, Jûroku-seiki Nichi-Ô kôtsû-shi no kenkyû, pp.
293– 507.
109 Cf. note 111.
110 Diogo Vaz (d’Aragão) is also mentioned as captain of his own ship,
visiting Japan more than once.
111 For example, an unnamed Portuguese is mentioned to have stayed
for three years in Bungo and another with the name Lorenso Pereira.
Xavier mentions in a letter written in 1549 that two Portuguese had
visited Kyoto and that one of them had told him in Kagoshima that
Kyoto was bigger than Lisbon. His name was Pedro Velho. This would
mean that he himself was not the first European to arrive at Kyoto.

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NOTES TO CHAPTER 6

Perhaps a merchant or two had come first! Y. Okamoto, Jûroku-seiki

Nichi-Ô kôtsû-shi no kenkyû, p. 316 and L. Bourdon, La Compagnie de
Jésus et le Japon, pp. 168–169.
112 Duarte da Gama’s five or six voyages in as many years to Japan is a
record that was not surpassed by any of his countrymen. C. R. Boxer,
The Church Militant and Iberian Expansion, p. 30.
113 Luís d’Almeida, born 1525, was a physician who first traded together
with Duarte da Gama and later (1555) became a medical missionary in
the Society of Jesus and the first practitioner of Western medicine in
Japan. D’Almeida’s medical clinic was established in Funai (today’s Ôita)
in Bungo in 1556. J. Z. Bowers, Western Medical Pioneers in Feudal Japan,
pp. 11–13 and Y. Fujikawa, Geschichte der Medizin in Japan, pp. 34–36.
114 L. Bourdon, La Compagnie de Jésus et le Japon, pp. 168–169.
115 For a comprehensive list of and report on the arrivals of Portuguese
ships in Japan 1543–90, see Y. Okamoto, Jûroku-seiki Nichi-Ô kôtsû-shi
no kenkyû, pp. 293–514.
116 It is evident that the Chinese were engaged in direct commerce,
whether licit or illicit, with Japanese merchants in the sixteenth century.
Pinto also presents a vivid picture of Chinese commercial activities in
Kyushu (see Ch. 6 below). G. Sansom mentions that in the sixteenth
century there were already quarters known as Tôjin-machi, or China-
town, in Kyushu’s major ports, for example, Funai in Bungo and Ikura in
Higo. G. Sansom, A History of Japan, p. 268 and S. Morita, Kumamoto-
ken no rekishi, p. 134.

NOTES TO CHAPTER 6
1 It is not exactly known when Pinto was born. 1508 is mentioned in
the literature with a question mark. Tradition has it that he was born in a
poor farmers’ village (Montemor-o-velho) in the Coimbra area north of
Lisbon. See R. D. Catz, The Travels of Mendes Pinto, Introduction, p. xv.
2 For a bibliography of all editions of the Peregrinaçam in Portuguese
and other languages, see F. L. de Faria, As muitas edições da ‘Pere-
grinação’ de Fernão Mendes Pinto, Lisbon, 1992.

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3 On the front page of the printed editions, however, the work is

dedicated to ‘the Majesty of Philip III, King of Spain’. This dedication
was certainly added by the publisher in 1614; Portugal and Spain were
at that time united under Philip III (1598–1621).
4 C. R. Boxer says that ‘the literature on Pinto is voluminous’. The
reader is advised to the titles presented by Boxer in The Christian
Century in Japan, pp. 453–454 apart from the titles presented in this
work – and other works.
5 C. R. Boxer, João de Barros, Portuguese Humanist and Historian of
Asia, p. 122. Quotations from Boxer, The Christian Century in Japan.
6 F. L. de Faria, As muitas edições da ‘Peregrinação’ de Fernão Mendes
Pinto, p. 16.
7 R. D. Catz, The Travels of Mendes Pinto, p. xliv.
8 His Japanese name was Yajirô. He is usually named Anjirô in
Western sources.
9 It is generally thought that Naotaquim (also often Naotoquim)
refers to Tokitaka’s boyhood name, Naotoki, used before he became
lord of the island. Pinto is however not consistent, also using the name
with reference to other persons. See Y. Okamoto, Jûroku-seiki Nichi-Ô
kôtsû-shi no kenkyû, pp. 152–153.
10 That the lord himself would have come himself to trade is
improbable. He was young and probably curious, but he certainly left
the trade to the merchants.
11 Chenchicogis is perhaps a Pinto corruption for tenjikujin, Indian.
Chenchico, then, stands for Tenjiku, the classical Sino-Japanese word for
India.
12 Perhaps the way Pinto heard the word tenjikujin, Indian. The Japan-
ese continued to refer to Portuguese as Indians for quite some time. See,
for example, L. Frois, Historia de Japam, in German translation, Die
Geschichte Japans, p. 21. When the Teppôki and the Tanegashima kafu
use the term nanbanjin, it is synonomous and refers to their coming
from the South and India. Neither term seems to have been used in a
pejorative sense. Tenjikujin was perhaps used in speech while nanbanjin
in writing. L. Frois (1532–97) spent 24 years in Japan from 1561.
13 Pinto is of course exaggerating but it has to be remembered that
Japan had the forging capacity to begin its mass production as soon as
they had mastered the technique. For comparison, in 1483, just one

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NOTES TO CHAPTER 6

kangô mission brought along not less than 37,000 swords to Ning-po –
to the consternation of the Chinese. Several other missions brought
7,000 swords each, the market was glutted and the price went down!
14 The Peregrinaçam, Ch. 134, in R. D. Catz’s translation, p. 278. I
would like to express my gratitude to Catz for the vocabulary and many
quotations from her excellent translation of Pinto’s Peregrinaçam. The
reader is recommended to turn to her translation for the whole story
with all its interesting details.
15 Translation by R. D. Catz, Peregrinaçam, p. 280.
16 China wood or China root (Smilax china), still used in China for
various ailments, rheumatoid arthritis among them. R. D. Catz, Pere-
grinaçam, p. 594.
17 As always, Pinto’s Peregrinaçam contains a grain of truth. It had
actually happened that a prince in the Ôtomo family had been injured
with a gunshot wound (in 1550 or 1551). It happened, however, later
than Pinto’s alleged first visit and concerned the younger brother of the
following shogun, Ôtomo Sôrin. This incident was related in a letter to
Father Francisco Cabral in 1577: ‘At the beginning of the navigation
from China to Japan, Sôrin had had a Portuguese with him for more
than three years, who cured his brother the King of Yamaguchi of an
arquebus wound’. Translation found in J. Murdoch, A History of Japan,
Vol. II, p. 36. Unfortunately, the name of the Portuguese is not men-
tioned. Pinto of course heard the story and ascribed it to himself. This is
proof that Pinto’s first visit to Bungo, as described in the Peregrinaçam,
is fictitious. The story proves indirectly that Portuguese had probably
introduced the musket independently at Bungo, perhaps only a year
after the first Portuguese arrived at Tanegashima. Pinto is here indeed
caught in flagrante delicto. It is a clear case when he is using an event he
has heard about and makes it his own. See T. Hora, Tanegashima-jû, pp.
107–109.
18 For Ning-po, see Ch. 1, n. 29.
19 M. C. Haguenauer, ‘Tables Chronologiques…’, p. 107.
20 Women are now and then mentioned as being on board the merchant
ships, and Pinto never explains why. It seems, however, that women,
probably Chinese in this case, were also merchandise and sold as slaves.
Perhaps they also served as slaves or servants on board the ships. See L.
Frois, Historia de Japam, in German translation, Die Geschichte Japans,
p. 121.

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21 Ch. 138–143 in the Peregrinaçam (pp. 288–301 in Catz’s translation)

cover Pinto’s adventures on the Ryukyu Islands.
22 This Jorge Alvares should not be confused with the Jorge Alvares
who was the first Portuguese to reach China and died there in 1521. See
above, Ch. 5, n. 46. This Jorge Alvares wrote the report about Japan for
Xavier (see above), introduced Anjiro to Xavier, took Xavier to Sancian
in 1552 in his ship Santa Cruz, helped bury him in 1552, and assisted in
removing his remains from Sancian to Malacca in 1553.
23 The seaport city of Funai in the northeast corner of the island of
Kyushu, today’s Ôita, the capital of Ôita Prefecture.
24 This new king was Ôtomo Sôrin.
25 Yamagawa, seaport at the entrance to the Bay of Kagoshima.
26 ‘Although Japan was a silk-producing country, the Japanese much
preferred Chinese silk, whether raw or woven, to their own as it was of
superior quality’. C. R. Boxer, The Portuguese Seaborne Empire, 1415–
1825, p. 63. The Portuguese later profited from their monopoly on the
China traffic, silk to Japan and silver from Japan. The Chinese
merchants had enjoyed this lucrative trade with Japan before their
arrival and Pinto proves that they still played an important role in the
silk market about this time. It was after the Ming emperors prohibited
all commerce with Japan that Portuguese merchants could enter the
silk-versus-silver trade, especially after the Macao–Hirado/Nagasaki
route was established after 1557. C. R. Boxer, Fidalgos in the Far East,
1550–1770, pp. 6–7 and M. Cooper, Barbarians, The First Europeans in
Japan, p. 35.
27 The captain, Jorge Alvares, also mentions a devastating storm but
his figures are more modest: according to him 72 Chinese junks and
one Portuguese ship were lost. J. da Camara Manoel, Missões dos
Jesuitas no Oriente, p. 115 and Y. Okamoto, Jûroku-seiki Nichi-Ô kôtsû-
shi no kenkyû, p. 515.
28 This is probably the only time that Pinto mentions that he held
slaves. It is known that Japanese of low class were sold as slaves – or sold
themselves as slaves – who followed, served and defended their
(Portuguese) masters. See C. R. Boxer, ‘Some Aspects of Portuguese
Influence in Japan, 1542–1640’, in Portuguese Merchants and
Missionaries in Feudal Japan, 1543-1640, V, pp. 19–21.
It should be added that Japanese served the Portuguese (and the
Dutch and British) in other capacities, as servants, retainers and guards,

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NOTES TO CHAPTER 6

and even participated in warfare. ‘From time to time we find bodies of

Japanese serving as mercenary soldiers in Portuguese or Dutch service’.
See C. R. Boxer, ‘Notes on Early European Military Influence in Japan’,
in The Transactions of The Asiatic Society of Japan, Second Series, Vol.
VIII (1931), p. 69. As a result, a great number of Japanese spread around
the Far East and as far west as Goa. They seem to have been highly
valued for their bravery. If we add the colonies of independent Japanese
traders and Japanese attached to the Portuguese strongholds, we find
that there was a considerable Japanese presence outside Japan at the
time that the seclusion policy was introduced in 1639, from Acapulco
eastwards to India westwards. See also C. R. Boxer, ‘The Affair of the
‘Madre de Deus’, A Chapter of the History of the Portuguese in Japan’,
in Portuguese Merchants and Missionaries in Feudal Japan, 1543–1640, I,
pp. 43–46.
Slaves seem also to have been a common article in Portuguese trade
in the sixteenth century at least, mentioned side by side with other
articles such as silk, gold, beeswax and sandalwood. This shows that the
Portuguese were not much different from the wakô pirates who
captured Chinese during their raids and sold them as slaves. As late as
1587 Hideyoshi asked Father Coelho why the Portuguese ‘buy many
Japanese and export them from their native land as slaves’ and the
Father admitted that the Portuguese slave trade took place, although
deprecated by the missionaries, and asked Hideyoshi to forbid this
practice ‘in all ports of the empire’.
Pinto had first-hand knowledge about enslavement. He states in the
Peregrinaçam (Ch. 226) that he ‘was sixteen times captured and thirteen
times made a slave!’ The slave trade was thus part of Portuguese
commercial activities around the globe and most Portuguese in the East
had his private slave(s). See C. R. Boxer, Portuguese Society in the
Tropics, p. 57; C. R. Boxer, The Christian Century in Japan, pp. 146-147
and G. Sansom, A History of Japan, p. 270. The best account of slavery
in the East, both China and Japan, is found in C. R. Boxer, Fidalgos in
the Far East, 1550–1770, in the chapter ‘Muitsai in Macao’, pp. 222–241.
That slaves were part of Portuguese lives in the East is shown by a census
of the Macao population in 1834(sic) mentioning 1,717 ‘whites’ and
530 ‘slaves’. A. Ljungstedt, An Historical Sketch of the Portuguese
Settlements in China, p. 205. See Y. Okamoto, Jûroku-seiki Nichi-Ô
kôtsû-shi no kenkyû, pp. 728–754 for the efforts by Hideyoshi to have
the Portuguese slave trade terminated. However, Hideyoshi was not far
from the slave trade himself. Carletti narrates how Hideyoshi brought

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‘an infinite number of men and women, boys and girls, of every age’
from Korea who were sold as slaves and that he bought five of them, one
of whom he brought with him to Italy. F. Carletti, My Voyage around the
World, p. 115. It was in Tokugawa times with its isolationist policy that
this ugly trade came to a final end.
29 Anjiro is well presented in letters written in 1548 by Xavier and
Anjiro himself. In Anjiro’s letter Alvares Vaz is mentioned as the
middleman who ‘generously offered his friendship’ and helped Anjiro
to leave Japan. This Alvares Vaz is probably not identical with Diogo
Vaz who is mentioned by Ôtomo Sôrin as having stayed in Bungo for
some five years and cured his younger brother. Alvares Vaz helped
Anjiro onto a ship whose captain was Jorge Alvares and departed from
Kagoshima in 1546. The letters are found in J. da Camara Manoel,
Missões dos Jesuitas no Oriente, pp. 67–84 and quoted in J. Murdoch, A
History of Japan, Vol. II, pp. 38–39. Anjiro’s letter is also quoted in Y.
Okamoto, Jûroku-seiki Nichi-Ô kôtsû-shi no kenkyû, pp. 308–309 and in
Y. Ishihara, Nihon wo kaeta!, pp. 133–138. Cf. L. Bourdon, La
Compagnie de Jésus et le Japon, p. 123–124.
30 For more about Anjiro or Paulo de Santa Fé, see L. Frois’ Historia de
Japam, pp. 1–17. Anjiro is written in a number of ways. Pinto writes
‘Angiroo’ and Xavier writes ‘Angero’. For other spellings, see G.
Schurhammer, Der hl. Franz Xaver in Japan (1549–1551), p. 7. ‘He was
about thirty-five years old and spoke broken Portuguese’ when he met
Xavier. Ibid., p. 7.
31 For Francis Xavier’s own description of how he met Anjiro, refer-
ence is made to letter quoted in J. Murdoch, A History of Japan, Vol. II,
pp. 38–39.
32 See for example N. S. Fujita, Japan’s Encounter with Christianity, The
Catholic Mission in Pre-modern Japan, New York, 1991, p. 13. It was the
merchant Jorge Alvares who gave refuge to Anjiro on board his ship at
Kagoshima in 1546 and took him to India, where he met Xavier. As
already said, at Xavier’s request, Alvares produced the first European
eye-witness report on Japan – a remarkably informative account,
although the writer freely admits that he had not travelled far inland in
Japan. M. Cooper, They Came to Japan, An Anthology of European
Reports on Japan, 1543–1640, p. 407.
33 See, for example, C. R. Boxer, ‘The Portuguese in the East 1500–
1800’, in H. V. Livermore, ed., Portugal and Brazil, p. 233.
34 Translation by R. D. Catz, Peregrinaçam, p. 279.

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NOTES TO CHAPTER 6

35 Regarding Father Maffei’s report of the conversation, see R. D. Catz,

Cartas de Fernão Mendes Pinto e outros documentos, pp. 122–127 and C.
R. Boxer, The Christian Century in Japan, pp. 22–23.
36 In a note to the Maffei text it is said that when the king of Bungo
heard about these Portuguese, he wanted one of them to be sent to him
and teach the art of the musket. Pinto was sent and promised the king
that he would allow his son to shoot the musket twice. Then the prince
came when Pinto was asleep and the accident occurred.
37 Also in this interview Pinto mentions himself as one of the first
Portuguese to arrive in Japan. Otherwise the first two visits are woven
into one piece and only the rescue of Anjiro remains from the second
visit. C. R. Boxer, Portuguese Merchants and Missionaries in Feudal Japan
1543–1640, pp. 22–23. For Father Maffei’s report of the conversation,
see R. Catz, Cartas de Fernão Mendes Pinto e outros documentos, pp.
122–127 and C. R. Boxer, The Christian Century in Japan, pp. 22–23.
38 Duarte da Gama was a Portuguese captain who made a number of
trading voyages to Japan between 1550 and 1555. As a trader-adventurer
he visited Hirado in 1550, Bungo in 1551, Kagoshima 1552 and Hirado
again in 1555. C. R. Boxer, The Portuguese Seaborne Empire, 1415–1825,
p. 63.
39 The picture of Xavier that Pinto presents is not only exaggerated but
also untruthful. He came by ship from Yamaguchi ‘en grand appareil’
and not in the poor condition as given by Pinto. See below, Ch. 12.
40 For a more accurate description of Xavier’s stay at Bungo, L. Frois’
Historia de Japam is recommended; found in G. Schurhammer’s and E.
A. Voretzsch’ German translation, Die Geschichte Japans (1549–1578),
pp. 17–19.
41 That disputations, or rather discussions, took place is proven in
letters written by the priests. The perhaps best example we find in a
letter by João Fernandez, written in Yamaguchi on 20 October 1551. In
this letter we can register curiosity evinced by the bonzes on the one
side and by the Jesuits on the other. One can therefore rather speak of a
discussion and a give-and-take of views. A latter-day impression is that
the bonzes showed a more open mind than the Jesuits as to what was
new and strange. We have to remember that curiosity is the sign of a
‘vigorous intellect’ (Samuel Johnson). In comparison, Pinto’s ‘disputation’
is opinionated and biased. By this time João Fernandez and Cosme de
Toerres had probably such command of the Japanese language that they

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could engage in discussions with the Buddhist priests. Since Xavier

stayed for more than two months in Bungo, there must have been time for
both preaching and discussions. See G. Schurhammer, Die Disputationen
des P. Cosme de Torres mit den Buddhisten in Yamaguchi im Jahre 1551,
pp. 66–83 and 99–110. Even before departing for Japan, Xavier recog-
nized that the Japanese ‘are of all nations newly discovered the most
curious’. This he wrote in a letter of 20 January 1548, quoted in J.
Murdoch, A History of Japan, Vol. II, p. 39.
42 See, for example, G. Schurhammer, Francis Xavier: His Life, His
Times, Vol. 4, pp. 301–307.
43 This date is impossible, according to Schurhammer. See ibid., p.
307. Pinto probably just picked a date, but it must be said to his credit
that it is not far from the true date. He was equipped with an amazing
memory.
44 This island is found under various names. Perhaps the most correct
name is Shang-ch’uan; another is Shang-ch’uan-tao. It lies outside
Canton where the Portuguese engaged in clandestine trade with the
Chinese prior to the establishment of Macao in 1557. For the many
spellings of the name, see G. Schurhammer, Francis Xavier, pp. 662–
664. The Portuguese used this island as an entrepôt in their trade
activities because they were forbidden to enter China. See H. Cordier,
L’Arrivée des Portugais en Chine, pp. 522–523.
45 Also L. Frois also gives the date as 2 December 1552. See L. Frois,
Historia de Japam, p. 20. However, in a footnote to their translation of
Frois’ work, G. Schurhammer and E. A. Voretzsch say that Xavier ‘more
precisely died on 3 December 1552, at two o’clock in the morning’. Cf.
Ch. 12 below.
46 João Belchior (Melchior) Nunes [Barreto] (1520–71) arrived in Goa
in 1551 and became the Provincial of the Society of Jesus in India. After
returning from Japan he stayed in India and died there in 1571.
47 This is in Ch. 222 of the Peregrinaçam. One of the prisoners released
was a nobleman and is mentioned by name (Mateus de Brito) by Father
Belchior in his letter of 23 November 1555, by Pinto in his letter of 20
November 1555 and by L. Frois in his letter of 7 January 1558. See R.
Catz, Cartas de Fernão Mendes Pinto e outros documentos, pp. 61, 71 and
83. The others are not named and differ in number from letter to letter.
It is apparent that a number of Portuguese were taken prisoners by the
Chinese in the preceding years.
48 Usuki is located about 30 km southeast of today’s Ôita.

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NOTES TO CHAPTER 6

49 At other times one gets the impression that Pinto both speaks and
reads Chinese. See, for example, the Peregrinaçam, Ch. 220 (p. 507 in
Catz’s translation). No interpreter is mentioned.
50 M. Cooper, They Came to Japan, p. 201.
51 Governor of India (1555–58).
52 Toward the end of chapter 226, the last chapter of the Peregrinaçam
(p. 522 in R. D. Catz’s translation).
53 For a thorough dicussion of the Peregrinaçam, see G. Schurhammer,
‘Fernão Mendez Pinto und seine “Peregrinaçam”, in Asia Major, Vol. 3,
Leipzig, 1926.
54 Father Belchior’s letter is found in L. Frois, Historia de Japam, in
German translation, Die Geschichte Japans, pp. 52–55. The letter was
written in 1558, that is two years after he visited Bungo according to
Pinto. In the name of honesty it should be mentioned that Pinto is
mentioned in an earlier letter by Father Belchior, written on 23 Novem-
ber 1555, when they were on the way in the Canton area. He is men-
tioned as his ‘beloved companion brother Fernão Mendes’ (caríssimo
companheiro irmão Fernão Mendes). For the letters in Portuguese, see R.
D. Catz, Cartas de Fernão Mendes Pinto e outros documentos, pp. 59–65
and 100–108. See the letters written on the way to Japan about the same
time, 20 and 23 November 1555, which supplement each other, in R. D.
Catz, op. cit., pp. 59–72. See also below.
55 For Father Belchior’s letters (in Portuguese), see R. D. Catz, Cartas
de Fernão Mendes Pinto, as in preceding note.
56 G. Schurhammer, Fernão Mendez Pinto und seine ‘Peregrinaçam’, pp.
259–261.
57 See, for example, S. Watanabe, Ôita-ken no rekishi, pp. 112–114.
58 L. Frois mentions such disputations in Historia de Japam, in German
translation, Die Geschichte Japans, p. 32. See also G. Schurhammer, Die
Disputationen des P. Cosme de Torres S. J. mit den Buddhisten in
Yamaguchi im Jahre 1551, nach den Briefen des P. Torres und dem
Protokoll seines Dolmetschers Br. Juan Fernandez S. J., pp. 27–36.
59 João Rodrigues Tçuzzu, see above, Ch. 1, nn. 63 and 103.
60 C. R. Boxer, The Christian Century in Japan 1549–1650, p. 19.
61 Quotation from J. G. Mendoza, The History of the Great and Mighty
Kingdom of China, p. xxxvi.

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62 Yoshinaga, also Hachirô, was Ôtomo Sôrin’s younger brother, who

had suffered the gunshot wound. He was called to be the daimyo at
Yamaguchi (in 1551) and adopted with the name Ôuchi Yoshinaga.
63 All dates relating to Pinto are found in G. Schurhammer, Fernão
Mendez Pinto und seine ‘Peregrinaçam’, pp. 6–16.
64 For a short presentation of Ôtomo Sôrin, see G. Elison, Deus
Destroyed, The Image of Christiany in Early Modern Japan, pp. 22–25.
For a longer presentation, see M. Toyama, Ôtomo Sôrin, Tokyo, 1975.
65 See, for example, L. Frois, Historia de Japam, in German translation,
Die Geschichte Japans, pp. 187 and 199.
66 This was in the early years of free trade when Japan was a relatively
open country. The trade did not assume a regular settled condition
until after the Portuguese had secured a permanent base at Macao in
1557; ‘whilst, subsequent to the opening of Nagasaki to foreign traders
in 1570, the trade of the Portuguese with Japan was limited to that
between these two ports, to all intents and purposes’. See C. R. Boxer,
‘Portuguese Commercial Voyages to Japan Three Hundred Years Ago
(1630–1639)’, in Transactions and Proceedings of The Japan Society of
London, Vol. XXXI, The Forty-Third Session, 1933–1934, pp. 27–78
and M. Cooper, The Southern Barbarians, p. 51.
67 Quotation from C. R. Boxer, Portuguese Merchants and Missionaries
in Feudal Japan 1543–1640, p. 27.
68 G. Le Gentil, Fernão Mendes Pinto, un précurseur de l’exotisme au
XVIe siècle, pp. 320–321.

NOTES TO CHAPTER 7
1 For the original in Chinese, see Appendix. Both Wei Cheng and
Fang Hsüan-ling were scholars, generals and statesmen in T’ang China.
They both served the first T’ang emperor, T’ai Tsung (r. 627–649).
2 It is impossible to trace any countries which correspond to these
kanji names. They must be considered fantasy just like the introductory
passage in its entirety.
3 This is an obvious writing mistake. The year should be Tenbun 12
which corresponds to 1543. Compare with the Teppôki and the Tane-
gashima kafu.

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NOTES TO CHAPTER 7

4 This is a mistake. Lord Tokitaka’s grandfather, the 12th lord of Tane-

gashima, was Tanegashima Musashi no kami Tadatoki (1468–1536).
5 The title Byôbu no jô is not entirely correct. The title in the
Tanegashima kafu is Sahyôe no jô.
6 Since one shaku measures about 30 cm, it means that the weapon
was about 90 cm long. Here the term is used literally; above, in the term
san-jaku, it is used symbolically for what is small.
7 Shimazu Yoshihisa (1533–1611), eldest son of Shimazu Takahisa
(1514–71) and the latter’s successor as daimyo of Satsuma (1566).
Shimazu Takahisa is probably referred to here, since he was the daimyo
of Satsuma at the time.
8 Ashikaga Yoshiharu (1510–50), the 12th Ashikaga shogun. He was
shogun from 1521 to 1545.
9 Abbot Shimobe no Shinbô is not mentioned in the Teppôki and the
Tanegashima kafû as being a middleman. The reading of the name is
tentative.
10 Hôjô Ujiyasu (1515–70). ‘It was Ujiyasu who raised the glory and
power of the Odawara Hôjô to their greatest height’.
11 Hosokawa Harumoto (1519–63) served in the capacity of kanryô or
prime minister for the shogun. He was the last kanryô of the Hosokawa
family.
12 These four smiths are later referred to with the title, toshiyori, ‘elder’,
with fuchi rations. Above them was a daikan, ‘magistrate’.
13 It is then possible that the helical technique was developed twice in
Japan in connection wih the teppô. The first screw was made on
Tanegashima by Yaita Kinbee Kiyosada with the help of the Portuguese
smith; the second by Jirô no Suke at Kunitomo without the help of the
Portuguese. The translation of this passage is tentative.
14 That is, bullets of about 22.5 grammes.
15 Hashimoto Ippa is known for having been Oda Nobunaga’s teppô
teacher. He is mentioned in the Nobunaga Chronicle (Shinchôki or
Nobunagaki, 1604), quoted in T. Udagawa, Teppô denrai no jitsuzô, p.
61.
16 That is, about 750 grammes. T. Hora expresses suspicion about the
size of 200 momme. In his view the Japanese never managed to forge
cannon bigger than the size of 100 momme, and this refers as much to

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the cannon forged in the Kinki area as on Kyushu. The truly great
cannon had to wait until in modern times to be forged. T. Hora,
Tanegashima-jû, pp. 185–188. The Tanegashima teppô were made for
bullets of 10 momme, that is, about 37.5 grammes. H. Motojima,
Tanegashima teppô denrai, p. 39. The special order from Hideyoshi for
200 teppô in 1590 concerned teppô for 20 momme bullets.
17 This was then probably the first time in Japanese history that
cannon were produced and shot. See S. Arima, Kahô no kigen to sono
denryû, p. 668.
18 Ôgimachi (1517–93) was the 106th generation in official imperial
genealogy. He ruled from 1532 to 1586. Since he did not abdicate until
1586, he should not be mentioned as Ôgimachi’in, the Retired Emperor
Ôgimachi, as in our text. The suffix ‘in’ means ‘retired’.
19 Naruse Hayato no shô Masanari was the daikan deputy of the
authorities in Kunitomo and as such the overseer of the whole
population, thus also of the four smiths.
20 More correctly it should be ‘the 19th year of the same era’ which
corresponds to 1614 when the first ‘winter campaign’ (fuyu no jin) took
place.
21 That is, the province by Osaka.
22 Ishibiya was the later term for the cannon with shot of 3.75 kg
(ikkanmedama) or more; smaller cannon for shot of about at least 0.375
kg or more (hyakumedama) were called ôzutsu, ‘big firearms’. It is a
question when the ishibiya cannon was first introduced and used in
Japan. The cannon mentioned above as produced in 1571 was clearly of
the ôzutsu size as it is stated that the bullets were 0.750 kg
(nihyakumedama). See T. Hora, Tanegashima-jû, pp.183–189.
23 The settlement permitted Ieyasu to fill in the outer moats around
the castle, but Ieyasu also filled in some of the inner moats; this was one
the reasons for the outbreak of new hostilities and the following
campaign in 1615.
24 Place to the south of Dôtonbori in today’s Osaka.
25 Another source says 880 koku and adds their official posts
(toshiyori) in this connection. See T. Hora, Tanegashima-jû, p. 371.
26 Another source says Surihari Hill (Surihari-saka), a mountain in
Shiga Prefecture, today mostly named Surihari-yama or Surihari-tôge.
T. Hora, Tanegashima-jû, p. 371.

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NOTES TO CHAPTER 8

NOTES TO CHAPTER 8
1 See T. Hora, Tanegashima-jû, pp. 118–121.
2 Ibid., pp. 123–124.
3 The Môko-shûrai-ekotoba dates from 1293.
4 The first name given in the Tanegashima kafu is Tokitsura. See page
45 above.
5 There were presents and presents-in-return: the shogun received the
teppô from Sôrin and Sôrin received the shugo title for several provinces
on Kyushu.
6 Hino in Ômi, today’s Shiga Province, was well-known for its iron-
works and became soon an important teppô-producing location (see
Map XX). T. Yamazaki, ‘Isan-hozon to chiiki-kaihatsu’, in M. Izuka and
K. Iida, Teppô denrai zengo, pp. 120–121.
7 T. Udagawa, Teppô denrai no jitsuzô, p. 44, where a Tokugawa work
of 1684, Sakai kagami, is quoted. Professor Udagawa does not find
Sakai kagami credible.
8 It is mentioned that the Gohôjô had 55 teppô in 1577, which is a
small number in comparison with what Oda Nobunaga displayed two
years earlier at Nagashino.
9 A longer tradition has it that Oda Nobunaga heard about Tsuda
Kenmotsu no jô (Kazunaga) who had been advanced to the fifth lower
imperial rank by Shogun Yoshiharu for his introduction of the musket
at Negoro. Always curious, Oda Nobunaga approached Tsuda (in 1549)
who, tired of discord among the Negoro monks, willingly handed over
a musket to Oda Nobunaga, who then learned to use it from Hashimoto
Ippa. The same tradition has it that already in 1553 he could show off
the 500 muskets to his father-in-law, Saitô Dôsan, who was both
impressed and surprised. R. Yamamoto, Sengoku ura-shidan, p. 44.
10 T. Hora, Tanegashima-jû, pp. 122–123.
11 The fact is that Hideyoshi did not receive Nagahama as his fief until
in 1573, so there must be a mistake here. On the other hand, Oda
Nobunaga might have had the power after the battle at Anegawa in 1570
to submit orders to the Kunitomo smiths and Hideyoshi was his
follower.
12 When Oda Nobunaga became daimyo at 15, he took more interest
in warlike exercises than in government. It was these exercises with

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teppô that stood him in good stead in later battles at Okehazama (1560),
Nagashino (1575) and other places.
13 Nagahama Castle was located by Lake Biwa, a short distance away
from Kunitomo Village.
14 S. Turnbull, Battles of the Samurai, pp. 58–65. It presents a picture
of the age that Asai Nagamasa (1545–73) was married to Oda Nobu-
naga’s sister and that one of his daughters was married to Hideyoshi
and another to Shogun Hidetada, later to become the mother of
Shogun Iemitsu.
15 As for the Battles of Kawanakajima and Okehazama (Map 4), see
Senryaku, senjutsu, heiki jiten, pp. 148–151 and 184–185. See also N.
McMullin, Buddhism and the State in Sixteenth-Century Japan, pp. 61
and 315.
16 It can be discussed to what extent Oda Nobunaga had these musket-
producing places under his control by 1574. Kunitomo goes without
saying. The other foundries were hardly under his full control, but
perhaps sufficiently so that he could order and buy weapons from them.
17 See T. Hora, Tanegashima-jû, p. 203–207.
18 S. Turnbull, Battles of the Samurai, p. 77 and N. Perrin, Giving up the
Gun, Japan’s Reversion to the Sword.
19 D. M. Brown, Money Economy in Medieval Japan, pp. 244–245 and
T. Hora, Tanegashima-jû, p. 192.
20 The Battle of Nagashino is much analysed in Japanese historical
literature. For succinct accounts, see S. Turnbull, Battles of the Samurai,
pp. 79–94 and Samurai Warfare, p. 77. There is discussion as to how
many musketeers there were at Nagashino: 3,000 as tradition has it or
less. See J. Lamers, Japonius Tyrannus, p. 112.
21 See T. Hora, Tanegashima-jû, p. 125, where a letter is sent by Ishida
Mitsunari on the 28th day of the 7th month of Keichô 5 (1600), that is,
not long before the Battle of Sekigahara. In this letter the Kunitomo
smiths are reminded of earlier orders from Lord Taikô (1575), that is,
Toyotomi Hideyoshi, about their teppô work. Unfortunately
Hideyoshi’s earlier communication is not extant.
22 As for these rules see T. Udagawa, Teppô denrai no jitsuzô, p. 120.
These rules resemble the rules which were earlier issued by Oda
Nobunaga.
23 See T. Hora, Tanegashima-jû, pp. 373–375.

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NOTES TO CHAPTER 9

24 The Kunitomo kikôki is quoted in T. Hora, Tanegashima-jû, pp. 379–

380. Access to this source was not possible during the writing of this
work.

NOTES TO CHAPTER 9
1 See the translation of the Teppôki (Ch. 2 above).
2 K. Inoue, Geschichte Japans, p. 170.
3 The relationship between Shibatsuji and Tachibanaya and the roles
they played in the making of the first Sakai teppô are not clear. Either of
them could have been the first, Shibatsuji bringing the knowledge from
Negoro or Tachibanaya bringing the knowledge from Tanegashima.
Thereupon they perhaps cooperated and forged the first Sakai teppô
together.
4 Early Sakai teppô can be seen at the Sakai City Museum (Sakai-shi
hakubutsukan). They are longer than the early teppô seen at the Teppô-
kan at Nishinoomote. They are also often richly ornamented – perhaps
for commercial reasons. See Sakai teppô – sono genryû to haikei wo
meguru, pp. 13–57.
5 C. Eliot, Japanese Buddhism, p. 302.
6 See V. Dixon Morris, ‘Sakai: From Shôen to Port City’, in John W.
Hall and Toyoda Takeshi, eds, Japan in the Muromachi Age, pp. 145–158.
7 Ibid., p. 154.
8 Quotation found in J. Murdoch, A History of Japan, Vol. 1, p. 635.
9 Well-known among the defendents were the teppô contingents from
Negoro and Saiga in Kii, the Negoro-shû and the Saiga-tô, perhaps the
earliest organized teppô companies in Japan. Nobunaga must have
learned from confronting them. R. Yamamoto, Sengoku ura-shidan, pp.
119–133. Saiga was a domain close to Negoro known for its forging
capacity and proud of its domain forces. It cooperated closely with
Negoro in the production of the new weapon. Ibid., pp. 41–49.
10 See T. Hora, Tanegashima-jû, p. 126.
11 S. Arima, Kaho no kigen to sono denryû, p. 657.
12 See P. Pratt, History of Japan, p. 244.

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13 N. Perrin, Giving Up the Gun, pp. 64–65. The translations are

adapted. Perrin bases himself upon S. Arima, Kaho no kigen to sono
denryû, pp. 659–661 and p. 677.
14 For the story of ‘The Sakai Gun’, see Sakai-shi hakubutsukan, ed.,
Sakai teppô – sono genryû to haikei wo saguru, especially pp. 98–106 and
the illustrations.
15 The early Japanese guns were astonishingly well made. They were
stored in government storehouses but were brought out and converted
to percussion rifles after the arrival of Commodore Perry (1853–54) –
and they performed admirably. N. Perrin, Giving Up the Gun, p. 67.

NOTES TO CHAPTER 10
1 As for Negoro, see, for example, C. Eliot, Japanese Buddhism, p. 302.
2 Negoro, Shingon Temple in Kii (Kishû), today’s Wakayama Prefecture.
Bô in Suginobô may indicate that he was a young monk.
3 This legend about the Lord of Jo (Ch. Shu) and Lord Kisatsu (Ch.
Chi-tsa) is found in Ssu-ma Ch’ien’s Shih Chi, Shih chia 2.
4 Jûshû, lit., ‘ten wraps’.
5 As already stated above, Tanegashima was an important transit port
and haven for merchant ships both from Kii and Sakai on their
commercial journeys to China, Okinawa and perhaps other places. The
sailing conditions compelled the ships to wait at Tanegashima for long
periods when weather did not allow them to go farther or when storm-
battered – as in the case of the first nanbansen junk. Perhaps
Tanegashima was also one of the locations where the ships assembled
before launching out on dangerous trade journeys and where they
reassembled on their way home. One such expedition containing three
merchant ships is mentioned at the end of the Teppôki and can be an
indication of something that happened regularly. See the Teppôki above
and T. Hora, Tanegashima-jû, pp. 104–105.
6 See T. Hora, Tanegashima-jû, p. 11.
7 The Portuguese Jesuit Father, Gaspar Vilela (1525–72), mentioned
in his correspondence that Negoro could muster no less than 20,000
warriors. Also 30,000 warriors are mentioned in sengoku literature.

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NOTES TO CHAPTER 11

8 See T. Hora, Tanegashima-jû, pp. 109–114.

9 Sakai had its own army of militant monks who spent all their time
in practising rigorous military exercises. This explains why Oda
Nobunaga had such difficulty in subjugating this city. According to
Vilela, who visited Sakai, these military monks readily hired themselves
out as mercenaries to warring daimyo. C. R. Boxer, The Christian
Century in Japan, p. 68 where Vilela is quoted.
10 C. Eliot, Japanese Buddhism, p. 302.

NOTES TO CHAPTER 11
1 See quotation in T. Hora, Tanegashima-jû, p. 108.
2 J. Murdoch, A History of Japan, Vol. II, p. 59.
3 H. Motojima, Tanegashima teppô denrai, p. 38.
4 The Portuguese presented Ôtomo Sôrin with two cannon as early as
1551 and his retainers attempted to copy them. C. R. Boxer, ‘Notes on
Early European Military Influence in Japan’, in The Transactions of The
Asiatic Society of Japan, Vol. VIII, 1931, p. 70 and S. Turnbull, Samurai
Warfare, pp. 78–79. It is also reported that Sôrin sent cannon as
presents to the shogun and Oda Nobunaga in the 1560s. T. Udagawa,
Teppô denrai no jitsuzô, pp. 80–81.
5 The letter is quoted in G. B. Sansom, The Western World and Japan,
p. 124. No source is given but it is possible that such a letter was written,
perhaps directed to the Portuguese Jesuits at Macao.
6 C. R. Boxer, ‘Notes on Early European Military Influence in Japan’,
pp. 67–73.
7 Ibid., p. 71.
8 D. M. Brown mentions that cannon were used in battles by Noguchi
in 1578 and in Etchû and Nôto in 1582 in land operations. D. M.
Brown, ‘The Impact of Firearms on Japanese Warfare, 1543–98’, p. 242.
9 Cannon is reported used by the Chinese for the first time in 1554 in
their fight against the wakô pirates. At the same time it is mentioned
that the pirate leader Wang Chih had used cannon on his pirate ships
for quite some time. P. A. Tschepe, Japans Beziehungen zu China, p. 242.
10 T. Hora, Tanegashima-jû, pp. 108–109.

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11 For example, the Portuguese who cured Ôtomo Sôrin’s younger

brother, Yoshinaga, is mentioned in a letter from Sôrin to Father
Francisco Cabral, with no name given. Another Portuguese, Diogo Vaz
(d’Aragão), who stayed for some years is mentioned. Further, the
merchant, Jorge de Faria, came with five or six other Portuguese about
1545. Let us imagine that there were two persons with the name Vaz,
one Alvares Vaz and another Diogo Vaz (d’Aragão). Alvares Vaz helped
Anjiro to leave Japan in 1546 and thereupon perhaps sailed to Bungo.
Diogo Vaz (d’Aragão) stayed longer and was perhaps in Bungo when
Pinto arrived. See above. Pinto was thus certanly not the first
Portuguese to arrive in Bungo. See T. Hora, Tanegashima-jû, p. 107 and
Y. Okamoto, Jûroku-seiki Nichi-Ô kôtsû-shi no kenkyû, pp. 312–316.
12 The earliest mention of Portuguese ships reaching Hirado is 1550.
Nagasaki was opened later for trade, in 1570, and from that time the
Portuguese trade was on the whole limited to that between Macao and
Nagasaki. Nagasaki was under partly Jesuit (i.e. Portuguese) administra-
tion between 1580 and 1588, that is, until Hideyoshi took over. Many
Portuguese were settled on Kyushu with wives and children. The first
Dutch came to Hirado in 1609 and the first British in 1613. The British
left in 1623 and the Dutch were transferred to Nagasaki (Deshima) in
1641. J. Murdoch, A History of Japan, Vol. II, p. 38 and C. R. Boxer,
‘Portuguese Commercial Voyages to Japan Three Hundred Years Ago,
1630–1639’, in Transactions and Proceedings of The Japan Society of
London, Vol. XXXI, 1933–34, p. 28–33.
13 In a letter quoted in T. Hora, Tanegashima-jû, p. 96. Matsura Takanobu,
the Hirado lord, writes proudly that Tanegashima and Hirado were the
first places with muskets in Japan and Cheng Shun-kung (Jpn. Tei
Shun-kô) lists Hirado together with Satsuma (Bônotsu), Bungo and
Izumi (Sakai) as the teppô-producing locations in Nihon ikkan, quoted
in T. Hora, op. cit., 105–107. The Nihon ikkan is an encyclopedic work
about Japan containing some 3,400 entries written by Cheng Shun-
kung who originated from Kuang-tung in southern China and lived for
two years in Japan. The sixth chapter of the first volume deals with
trade, smuggling and pirates. K. Akiyama, Nisshi kôtsû-shi kenkyû, p.
604–605; T. Tanaka, Wakô, pp 197–198; and K-w. So, Japanese Piracy in
Ming China, pp. 70–72.
14 Captain Richard Cocks was the English Chief Merchant in Japan
from1613 to1623. His reports are found in M. Paske-Smith, Western
Barbarians in Japan and Formosa in Tokugawa Days, 1603–1868.

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NOTES TO CHAPTER 11

15 Quotation in C. R. Boxer, The Christian Century in Japan, p. 307.

‘Langasaque’ is a corruption of Nagasaki.
16 See P. Pratt, History of Japan, p. 17 et passim and C. R. Boxer, Notes
on Early European Military Influence in Japan (1543–1853), p. 73.
17 M. Paske-Smith, Western Barbarians in Japan and Formosa, p. 27.
18 R. Cocks (Diary, Vol. 1, p. 34) quoted in C. M. Cipolla, Guns, Sails,
& Empires, p. 127. See also C. R. Boxer, ‘Asian Potentates and European
Artillery in the 16th–18th Centuries: A Footnote to Gibson-Hill’, in C.
R. Boxer, Portuguese Conquest and Commerce in Southern Asia 1500–
1750, VII, pp. 169–170. The full statement by Richard Cocks as rendered
by S. Turnbull (August, 1615): ‘I marvelled at their workmanship. For
they carried the metal in ladles above twenty yards from the place where
the mould stood, and so put it in, ladleful after laddle, and yet made as
formal ordnance as we do in Christendom, both of brass and iron.
Captain Specx told me that neither workmanship nor stuff did not
stand him in half the price it cost them in Christendom’. S. Turnbull,
Samurai Warfare, p. 81.
19 Lecture by Umekita Kichio, held at a conference at Lisbon in com-
memoration of the 450th anniversary of the arrival of the first Portu-
guese at Tanegashma. It was Professor Umekita’s thesis that the Jesuit
priests were from the beginning deeply committed to trade. See also C.
R. Boxer, The Christian Century in Japan, pp. 107–121.
20 Shimazu Takahisa is said to have used it in an attack on the fortress
of Kajiki in Ôsumi province in 1549. S. Turnbull, Samurai Warfare, p.
73. M. Inomoto mentions a battle at Kurokawasaki in the same year
when Shimazu Takahisa is said to have used the teppô in a war with
Kimotsuki and Gamô. One might doubt this early date for the usage of
the teppô in Japanese warfare. When it is reported, on the other hand,
that Shimazu Yoshihisa used the teppô in 1576 in Hyûga against Itô
Yoshisuke, it sounds convincing. M. Inomoto, Tanegashima, p.109, Y.
Ishihara, Nihon wo kaeta!, p. 76 and T. Udagawa, Teppô denrai no
jitsuzô, p. 27.
21 T. Hora, Tanegashima-jû, p. 105.
22 The interest in mortars was great after the Shimabara Rebellion
(1637–38) when this weapon could serve better than cannon. See C. R.
Boxer, ‘Notes on Early European Military Influence in Japan’, in The
Transactions of The Asiatic Society of Japan, pp. 77–88.

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23 M. Izuka and K. Iida, Teppô denrai zengo, pp. 151–152.

24 Carl Peter Thunberg, a Swede, and Philipp Franz von Siebold, a
German, served both as doctors with the Dutch on Deshima. Thunberg
wrote in 1776: ‘Cannons are not the usual arms of this country;
although at Nagasaki, in the possession of the imperial guard, there are
some to be seen, which were formerly taken from the Portuguese; but
they are never used for saluting the ships; and indeed they are very
seldom discharged at all. The Japanese have little or no notion of the
proper mode of using them, and whenever they are to fire them off,
which is generally done once every seven years, at Nagasaki, in order to
cleanse and prove them, the adjutant of artillery provides himself with
a long pole, to which he fixes the match, and not withstanding this
precaution, sometimes sets fire to the cannon with averted eyes’. In C. P.
Thunberg, Travels in Europe, Africa, and Asia, 1770–1779, Vol. 4, p. 14.
25 C. R. Boxer thinks that the stagnation began already in the seven-
teenth century; and that the artillery made no further progress after
1640. See his ‘Asian Potentates and European Artillery in the 16th–18th
Centuries: A Footnote to Gibson-Hill’, in C. R. Boxer, Portuguese
Conquest and Commerce in Southern Asia, 1500–1750, Vol. VII, p. 170.

NOTES TO CHAPTER 12
1 Francisco (Francis) Xavier (1505–52) was born in Spanish Basque
Navarre and educated in Paris, where he first met Ignatius Loyola, the
founder of the Society of Jesus. He was himself one of the first members
of the Society. Sailing from Europe in 1541, he laboured in India,
Malacca and the Moluccas, before reaching Japan in August 1549. M.
Cooper, They Came to Japan, An Anthology of European Reports on
Japan, 1543–1640, p. 412 and J. Natori, Historical Stories of Christianity
in Japan, pp. 24–41. The Xavier literature is extensive. The reader is
recommended to read the works by G. Schurhammer, J. Brodrick and
H. Haas.
2 C. R. Boxer is certainly close to the truth when he says that ‘God and
Mammon formed the hallmark of the empire bounded by the Portu-
guese in the East, and, for that matter, in Africa and in Brazil as well’. C.
R. Boxer, Four Centuries of Portuguese Expansion, 1415–1825: A Succinct
Survey, Johannesburg (Witwatersrand University Press), 1961, p. 14.

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NOTES TO CHAPTER 12

3 It was toward the end of Xavier’s eleven-year apostolate in the East

that he became acquainted with Japan. His last two years in the East can
be called his Japanese years. D. F. Lach, Southeast Asia in the Eyes of
Europe, p. 609. It is in a letter of 20 January 1548, addressed to Rome
(aos irmãos da Companhia em Roma), that he mentions that he has
heard from reliable Portuguese merchants that las islas de Japon have
been discovered and that the people there are more amiable, cultured
and curious than the people in India. He then meets Angero (Anjiro)
who proves that this is true. The letter is found in J. da Camara Manoel,
Missões dos Jesuitas no Oriente nos Seculos XVI e XVII, pp. 67–84,
especially pp. 76–77.
4 J. Brodrick, Saint Francis Xavier (1506–1522), p. 291.
5 Three Japanese were baptized on 20 May 1548 in the cathedral of
Goa in the presence of Xavier. Anjiro received the name Paulo de Santa
Fé (Paul of Holy Faith) and his servant the name João (Johannes, John).
The third Japanese received the name Antonio. Since Anjiro was a
samurai, it is natural that he was accompanied by a servant. It is not
clear whether Antonio was also his servant. In his own letter, dated 29
November 1548, Anjiro says that he was baptized together with one
follower, no name given. Y. Ishihara, Nihon wo kaeta!, p. 137.
6 J. Natori, Historical Stories of Christianity in Japan, p. 21.
7 Letter of 12 January 1549 to Ignatius Loyola.
8 As for Cosme de Torres and João Fernandez, see nn. 30 and 47 for
this chapter below.
9 While Anjiro is well known, not much is said about his two
companions João and Antonio. They followed Xavier from Kagoshima
to Hirado, Yamaguchi, Bungo and to India. Apparently they remained
on Hirado when Xavier went to Kyoto, perhaps as Cosme de Torres’
interpreters. Perhaps they later served as Xavier’s interpreters in Bungo.
See G. Schurhammer, Die kirchliche Sprachproblem in der japanischen
Jesuitenmission des 16. und 17. Jahrhunderts, pp. 24–25.
10 G. Schurhammer, Epistolae S. Francisci Xaverii, pp. 179–186 and E.
Vitzthum, Die Briefe des Francisco de Xavier 1542–1552, pp. 139–144.
11 J. Brodrick, Saint Francis Xavier, p. 360 where Xavier’s letter is quoted.
12 Ibid., p. 361.
13 Father Cosme de Torres was no less impressed by the Japanese. He
expressed that, among the peoples found in the world, they were the
best. They showed curiosity and were immediately interested in what a

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new religion could offer. See his letter of 29 September 1551, found in
G, Schurhammer, Die Disputationen des P. Cosme de Torres S. J. mit den
Buddhisten, p. 48–49.
14 For the letter in the original, see G. Schurhammer, Epistolae S.
Francisci, ii, pp. 179–188.
15 M. Cooper, The Southern Barbarians, p. 24.
16 J. Brodrick, Saint Francis Xavier, p. 374.
17 The misconception that the Jesuits represented just a new Buddhist
sect was not unnatural. As J. Murdoch writes:
The two cults were exceedingly like each other in ritual – the
flowers on the altars, the candles, the incense, the rosaries, the
images, the processions were common to both – while the
shaven-headed missionaries from over the sea approved of
every one of the ordinary five Buddhist commandments, and
made a point of copying the bonzes closely in their manners
and way of living. (J. Murdoch, A History of Japan, Vol. II, p. 67)
A similar comparison is found in J. Brodrick, Saint Francis Xavier, p.
444. Brodrick adds that Xavier was astonished ‘to find so many
practices and institutions in Buddhism which closely resembled those
of the Catholic Church’ and wondered whether ‘the religion of China
and consequently of Japan had not been influenced either by the
preaching of the Apostle St. Thomas or by contact with the later
Nestorian missions’. Duteil writes:
En Chine comme au Japon, les missionaires européens semblent
avoir été frappés par les similitudes plus que par les différences.
Similitudes étonnantes! Dans l’habit des religieux et même dans
leur pratique: du chapelet de confession, les bonzes semblent si
exactement calqués sur les réguliers d’Occident que François-
Xavier se laisse aisément induire en erreur. (J-P. Duteil, Le rôle
des Jesuites en Chine, p. 11)
Further, W. E. Griffis says that ‘the transition from the religion of India
to that of Rome was extremely easy’ and lists 37 aspects where the two
religions were alike, adding ‘etc., etc., etc.’ W. E. Griffis, The Mikado’s
Empire, p. 252. As late as 1580 one finds the Chritians referred to as
tenjiku-shû, ‘The Indian Sect’. K. Matsuda, Nanbanjin no Nihon-
hakken, p. 75.
18 Xavier came at a time when the Satsuma area was characterized by
discord and civil strife. It was not until 1556 that Satsuma and Ôsumi

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NOTES TO CHAPTER 12

were under Shimazu Takahisa’s partial control and he could expand

into Higo and Hyûga.
19 It should be noted that Xavier was aged 43 when he arrived in Japan,
Cosme de Torres was 38, while Fernandez was only about 22. Due to
age, it is therefore natural that Fernandez managed to learn Japanese
better than the two others and after about a year could also act as an
interpreter for Xavier. He had begun to learn the language from Anjirô
and he could probably concentrate on learning the language more so
than Xavier who was not only over 40 but also busy with other matters,
not least visitors during the day and partly also during the night. It was
therefore Fernandez who soon took over the job as interpreter and also
did much of the preaching when he followed Xavier from Kagoshima to
Hirado and Kyoto and then back to Hirado and last to Yamaguchi. The
question is how Xavier managed when he left Yamaguchi for Bungo in
September 1551 and Fernandez remained behind at Yamaguchi. There are
three possibilities. The first is that Xavier by then knew enough Japanese
that he could converse with the daimyo and others. The second
possibility is that the enigmatic merchant Diogo Vaz (d’Aragão), who is
reported to have lived in Bungo for five years and learned Japanese,
acted as the interpreter. A third possibility could be that João and
Antonio, who had been Xavier’s followers since the day they came to
Japan, acted as interpreters. If our reports are reliable, Xavier never
learned enough Japanese to manage without an interpreter. See G.
Schurhammer, Die kirchliche Sprachproblem in der japnischen Jesuiten-
mission des 16. und 17. Jahrhunderts, pp. 11–13.
20 G. Schurhammer, Die kirchliche Sprachproblem, pp. 16–17.
21 It was a collection of 29 articles of faith and prayer. This Declaração
dos Artigos da Fé had been prepared by Xavier already in 1546 in his
missionary work at Ternate. The Japanese version was somewhat
modified. The declaration was later rewritten by Father Gago and perhaps
others in 1556. See N. S. Fujita, Japan’s Encounter with Christianity, pp.
19–20 and L. Bourdon, La Compagnie de Jésus et le Japon, p. 174 and pp.
311–313.
22 G. Schurhammer, Der hl. Franz Xaver in Japan, p. 15.
23 According to L. Frois, Xavier stayed ten months in Kagoshima. See
G. Schurhammer’s and E. A. Voretzsch’s translation of L. Frois’ Historia
de Japam with the German title, Die Geschichte Japans, p. 6.
24 Bernardo later accompanied Xavier to Goa, and from there he
travelled on to Lisbon and Rome, thus becoming probably the first

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Japanese to reach Europe. He died at Coimbra in Portugal in 1557. M.

Cooper, The Southern Barbarians, p. 36.
25 Quotations from J. Murdoch, A History of Japan, Vol. II, p. 66, in
these paragraphs.
26 One reason why the Portuguese hesitated to approach Kagoshima
was the pirates. The Tanegashima kafu under Lord Tokitaka makes it
clear that to sail into Kagoshima Bay could be dangerous for all traffic
because of the pirates who were soon armed with the new muskets.
27 L. Frois relates that Anjiro finished his life as a bahan pirate on the
Chinese coast. L. Frois, Historia de Japam, p. 18. Satsuma was at this
time much involved in enterprises that combined commerce and piracy
along the Chinese coast and it is perhaps not so surprising that Anjiro
was drawn into these activities as soon as he was on his own and not
under Xavier’s direct influence. It is a guess that Anjiro joined the wakô
reinforcements which went on fifteen ships in 1553.
28 The second servant, Manoel, is not mentioned. He had suffered an
accident on the way to Japan and might have died or returned to
Malacca earlier. G. Schurhammer, Der hl. Franz Xaver in Japan, p. 15.
29 This was the first Portuguese ship that reached Hirado. Xavier heard
about the arrival at Kagoshima by the end of June 1550 and, hoping for
news from India and Portugal, he hurried there on foot – and was much
disappointed when there were no letters for him. This means that
Xavier visited Hirado once before he finally left Kagoshima in August
1550. G. Schurhammer, Der hl. Franz Xaver in Japan, p. 16.
30 Cosme de Torres, S. J., was a native of Valencia, Spain, born about
1518 who, after four years wandering through Mexico ‘searching for I
know not what’, joined forces with Xavier and sailed with him to Japan in
1549. On his departure from Japan, Xavier designated him the Superior
of the Japanese mission; he laboured indefatigably in Yamaguchi and
elsewhere until his death in Shiki in 1570. He was the soul of the early
mission between 1552 and 1570. M. Cooper, They Came to Japan, An
Anthology of European Reports on Japan, 1543–1640, p. 411; M. Cooper,
The Southern Barbarians, pp. 38–40; and G. Schurhammer, Die Dis-
putationen des P. Cosme de Torres S. J. mit den Buddhisten, pp. 11–14.
31 More exactly, on 17 December 1550.
32 Reported by L. Frois, Historia de Japam, p. 12.
33 Quotation from M. Cooper, The Southern Barbarians, Tokyo, 1971.
The situation that met Xavier in Kyoto is well described in M. E. Berry,
The Culture of Civil War in Kyoto, pp. 55–105 passim.

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NOTES TO CHAPTER 12

34 There was probably no one who could explain the triangular power
play involving emperor, shogun and influential daimyo that was going
on in Kyoto at the time. See J. W. Hall, ‘The Muromachi Bakufu’, in The
Cambridge History of Japan, Vol. 3, pp. 175–225, especially p. 225.
35 In a letter to the Jesuits at Goa of 5 November 1549, Xavier mentions
Mount Hiei and Tendai among some six ‘universities’ in the Kyoto area,
all Buddhist establishments. For an English translation of part of this
letter, see C. R. Boxer, The Christian Century in Japan, pp. 401–105.
36 J. F. Moran, The Language Barrier and the Early Jesuits in Japan, p. 3.
37 Ibid., p. 432.
38 It was some eight years later, in 1558, that the next Jesuit, Father
Vilela, arrived in Kyoto and the missionary work began there. If we are
to believe what Xavier says in a letter of 31 January 1552, he met a
Portuguese at Kagoshima, Pedro Velho, who had visited Miyako (Kyoto)
together with another Portuguese. It was this Pedro Velho who told
Xavier that Miyako was larger than Lisbon with a flourishing university
that had five colleges.
39 R. P. Henri Bernard, ‘Les premiers rapports de la culture européenne
avec la civilisation japonaise’, in Bulletin de la Maison Franco-Japonaise,
Tome Dixième, Numéro 1 (1938), p. 11.
40 J. Brodrick, Saint Francis Xavier, pp. 432–433.
41 In the contemporary chronicle about Ôuchi Yoshitaka (Ôuchi-
Yoshitaka-ki) some of the gifts are described carefully while Xavier is
only referred as the tenjiku-jin, the Indian. K. Matsuda, Nanbanjin no
Nihon-hakken, pp. 71–72.
42 Ibid., p. 439. According to L. Bourdon, La Compagnie de Jésus et le
Japon, p. 179, the situation had been the same at Kagoshima where
many people crowded around him and followed him to his home, not
allowing him to study or pray.
43 It was probably Anjiro who began to use Dainichi for God when
preaching in Kagoshima where the Shingon Sect was strong. Xavier
accepted this term and Dainichi was used at Hirado and Yamaguchi
until Xavier discovered that Dainichi differed in meaning from God.
See G. Schurhammer, ‘Von Dainichi zum Deus (1549–1551)’, in Das
kirchliche Sprachproblem, pp. 1–42.
44 See M. Cooper, The Southern Barbarians, p. 138. Deusu is close in
pronunciation to the Japanese word daiuso, meaning ‘great lie’, some-

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TANEGASHIMA – THE ARRIVAL OF EUROPE IN JAPAN

thing the Buddhist priests lost no time to notice, taunting the Christians
that they prayed to a great lie!
45 See G. Schurhammer, Die Disputationen des P. Cosme de Torres S. J.
mit den buddhisten in Yamaguchi im Jahre 1551, nach den Briefen des P.
Torres und dem Protokoll seines Dolmetchers Br. Juan Fernandez S. J.,
Tokyo, 1929.
46 G. B. Sansom, The Western World and Japan, pp. 117–118. The
abbot’s name was Ninjitsu and the temple’s name was Fukushôji. See
also J. Brodrick, Saint Francis Xavier, pp. 382–386 and G. Schurhammer,
Franz Xaver, sein Leben und seine Zeit, pp. 73–79.
47 João (Juan) Fernandez, S. J., (1526–67) was a Spanish Jesuit, born
in Cordoba, who sailed with Xavier to Japan in 1549 and accompanied
him to Miyako (Kyoto). A pioneer of the Japan mission, he died at
Hirado in 1567. He was the first European to learn Japanese and acted
as an interpreter for later priests. M. Cooper, They Came to Japan, An
Anthology of European Reports on Japan, 1543–1640, p. 409 and L. Frois,
Historia de Japam, 1:21, n. 28.
48 J. Brodrick, Saint Francis Xavier, p. 446.
49 Pinto is otherwise amazingly correct in his description of Xavier’s
sojourn and travel in Japan. If one forgets the exaggerations and minor
mistakes, the arrival in Japan, the way via Hirado to Kyoto, and the
missionary work at Yamaguchi are accurate as given in chapter 208 (pp.
468–471 in Catz’s translation).
50 J. Brodrick, Saint Francis Xavier, p. 447.
51 M. Steichen, The Christian Daimyos, p. 16.
52 L. Frois mentions that this ambassador became a Christian as he
travelled the long way to India with Xavier and received the name
Lourenço Pereira. Frois adds: ‘He lives today still in Bungo’.
53 Matteo and Bernardo never returned to Japan. Matteo died at Goa
and Bernardo at Coimbra. João and Antonio returned to Japan and
served as interpreters. Bernardo was probably the first Japanese to visit
Europe.
54 This miracle is described in Pinto’s Peregrinaçam, Ch. 214 (pp. 489–
493 in R. D. Catz’s translation). Pinto even gives the date of 17
December 1551 for the miracle.
55 Quotation found in E. A. Robertson, Francis Xavier, Knight Errant
of the Cross, 1506–1552, p. 186.

258
Lidin_book Page 259 Friday, January 30, 2004 3:33 PM

NOTES TO CHAPTER 12

56 It was only a generation later, in 1583, that Jesuits established them-

selves in Canton. Matteo Ricci reached Peking in 1595. Before then,
Jesuits were at Macao soon after this Portuguese colony had been
established in 1557. See, for example, G. B. Sansom, The Western World
and Japan, p. 109.
57 See translation of Historia de Japam by G. Schurhammer and E. A.
Voretzsch with the title Die Geschichte Japans (1549–1578). ‘Frois
(1532–1597) was either an eyewitness of events that he described or had
knowledge of them from his colleagues in the mission field’. G. B.
Sansom, The Western World and Japan, p. 115.
58 Father Gago was en route discharged from the mission and sent to
Japan where he served as a missionary for nine years in Bungo. Illness
forced him back to India where he died in in 1561.
59 See E. A. Robertson, Francis Xavier, Knight Errant of the Cross, p.
196. This ‘Schmugglerparadies’ in the Canton area was the same island
which he had approached on his way from Japan less than a year earlier
and where Pereira gave him the idea about China.
60 G. Schurhammer, Epistolae S. Francisci Xaverii, ii, pp. 518–521. English
translation in J. Brodrick, Saint Francis Xavier, p. 523 (emphasis added).
61 The story about Xavier’s death is given in a letter by his companion
and interpreter Antonio who was together with him on Sancian Island.
There has been some controversy about the date of his death. Antonio’s
letter has decided the question. Xavier died in the small hours, probably
2 a.m., of Saturday, 3 December 1552. J. Brodrick, Saint Francis Xavier,
p. 526. See also A. Ljungstedt, An Historical Sketch of the Portuguese
Settlements in China, pp. 7–9.
62 This means that the Portuguese trade with China had been on a
clandestine basis over a 30-year period.
63 C. R. Boxer, Fidalgos in the Far East, 1550–1770, pp. 31–32, and
South China in the Sixteenth Century, p. xxxii.
64 This report about Lampacau comes from A. Ljungstedt, An Historical
Sketch of the Portuguese Settlements in China, p. 9. When it is stated that
the port of Sancian was closed, we can imagine that it was shut for
trade. Father Belchior and his party were allowed to visit Xavier’s grave
and so were others on the way to and from Japan. Perhaps it was this
traffic to Xavier’s grave that made the Chinese authorities apprehensive
and made them concentrate the Portuguese (trade) to Lampacau,
where they had them under close control. Ljungstedt seems to think so.

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TANEGASHIMA – THE ARRIVAL OF EUROPE IN JAPAN

65 As for the establishment of Macao, a small inhabited peninsula at

the entrance to the Bay of Canton, see Ch. 5 above, especially n. 63.
66 It is a strange coincidence that both Pinto and Father Belchior date
their letters from Macao. They must have meant Canton – or can they
possibly have visited also Macao? Officially the Portuguese were only
established at Macao two years later, in 1557.
67 The letters by both Father Belchior and Pinto are found in R. D.
Catz’s Cartas de Fernão Pinto e outros documentos, pp. 59–73. Belchior
is spelled Melchior in these letters. In the Peregrinaçam the name is
spelled Belchior. Both letters are of interest, not least Father Belchior’s
which contains one of the earliest Western descriptions of China, that
is, after Marco Polo.
68 See C. R. Boxer, The Christian Century in Japan.
69 Quotation from Xavier’s letter to Goa (5 November 1549), English
translation in M. Cooper, They Came to Japan: An Anthology of Euro-
pean Reports on Japan, 1543–1640, p. 289.
70 Translation found in Hubert Cieslik, S. J., ‘The Training of a
Japanese Clergy in the Seventeenth Century’, in Joseph Roggendorf, ed.,
Studies in Japanese Culture, Tradition and Experiment, p. 41.
71 For comparison, remember that the earliest European globe was
made by Martin Behaim in 1492. See L. Zögner, ‘Martin Behaim in das
vorkolombianische Weltbild’ in L. Zögner et al., Die Welt in Händen,
Globus und Karte als Modell von Erde und Raum, pp. 43–45. Japan has a
fanciful position on this globe.
72 For Luís d’Almeida and his medical work in Japan, see M. Yamazaki,
Kusuri to Nihonjin, pp. 145–150.
73 Y. Fujikawa, Geschichte der Medizin in Japan, p. 36.
74 Some 29 titles are registered. See Kirishitan-ban, ed. by the Tenri
Library, Kyoto, 1953.
75 M. Cooper, The Southern Barbarians, pp. 139–144.
76 N. S. Fujita, Japan’s Encounter with Christianity, p. 81.
77 M. Cooper, The Southern Barbarians, p. 19.
78 C. R. Boxer, The Christian Century in Japan, p. 42.
79 R. S. Ozaki, The Japanese, A Cultural Portrait, pp. 42–45.

260
Lidin_book Page 261 Friday, January 30, 2004 3:33 PM

Kanji Glossary

Akôgi +,-.(also Akaogi)

Akusekijima /01
Anbô 23
Annômura 245.Village.
Arai Hakuseki 6780
Aritome Iga no kami &'9:;
Asai Nagamatsu <7=>
Asakura Yoshikage ?@AB
Ashikaga Yoshiharu CDAE F

baishin GH
Bubishi IJ"

chôjû KL
chôkyû no setsu MNO
chôrô PQ
chôtô MR
Ch’ou-hai t’u-pien STUV.(Jpn. Chûkai zuhen)
Chû (Tadashi) Shuso WXY.(Shuza)

dai Z
daikan [\
Danjô no chû ]^W
dôri _`

emakimono abc
Endô Yozaemon no suke defghi

Fuji no gomon ejk

Furuichi Nagato no kami lm=i;
Furuichi Sanuki no kami lmno;
Furuichi Tanba lmp*
Furuichi Toneri lmqr
Fusô st

261
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TANEGASHIMA – THE ARRIVAL OF EUROPE IN JAPAN

Gajajima uv1
gogôsen wxy
Gohô (Ch. Wu-feng) wz
Goki w{
Gôshû |}
gubu ~
Gûshû €

hakugin 8‚
Hachiman Daijin ƒ„…†
Hekizan nichiriku ‡ˆ‰
Hidaka Kai no kami Š‹Œ;
Hidaka Oki no kami Šo;
Higo no kami Tokinori Ž;‘
hinawa-jû ’“L
Hino ”
Hirase •–
Hirayama Bichû no kami Tomoshige •ˆJ—;˜M
Hirayama Mikawa no kami Tomotsugu •ˆ™š˜›
Hisamichi œ
Hisamoto œž
hitsudan Ÿ 
Hôjô-godaiki ¡¢w[£
Hôki no kami ¤¥;
Hokke Ichijô ¦§¨©
hokuteki ¡ª
Honnôji «¬. Temple
Hôshô’in-dono Nisshô Daikoji ¦­®¯°±²
Hu Tsung-hsien ³´µ.(Jpn. Ko Shûken)
Huan-ma-ni-ya-kuo ¶·¸¹º
Hyûga »

Iehisa ¼œ
Inatomi School ½¾¿
Inryôkan nichiroku ÀÁ‰
Intoku-taiheiki ÀŕÄ
Inukusumaru ÅÆÇ
Iôjima ÈÉ1
ishibiya 0’Ê
Ishihara 0Ë
Issô ¨Ì

262
Lidin_book Page 263 Friday, January 30, 2004 3:33 PM

KANJI GLOSSARY

Iwakawa Iki no kami Morimasa ͚Îo;Ï

Iyaku ÐÑ
Izumi Ò
Izumo no kami Tokinori ÓÔ;Õ
Izumo no kami Tokitsura ÓÔ;Ö

Jaku ×
jitô ØÙ
jijusai-ryû ÚÛÜ¿
Jijutoshi ÚÛ(m
Jionji Ýd¬
Jo Þ.(Ch. Shu)
jûgoi no ge ßwàáâ
Jûjôin ã©®
Jukô äå
jûshû æç
jûyaku Mè. ( é )

Kachô êë
Kadokura Cape i@ì
Kaga no kami !:;
kaiwaku íî
kaizoku-chôji-rei Tïðñò
Kajiki !>-
Kajiwara Mondo óËôõ
kamikaze †ö
kangô ÷ø
kangô bôeki ÷øùú
kankaku ûü
kanryô ýþ
Kaseda !–

kenjômono c
Kinai 
ki 
kinjû 
Kinoshita Tôkichirô -âe

Kirishita da Môta D" 

Kisatsu . (Ch. Chi-tsa)
kishin †
Kishû .(Kii)
Kiyotoki 

263
Lidin_book Page 264 Friday, January 30, 2004 3:33 PM

TANEGASHIMA – THE ARRIVAL OF EUROPE IN JAPAN

kôdai no setsu [O

Kôda Shigetomo å
˜
kogatana no hasaki 
Konoe Taneie h¼
Ko-rozan ˆ
Ko-tenjiku 
Kôzuma Awa no kami Ietsugu *;¼›
Kôzuma Ietsugu ¼›
Kôzuma Takanao Š
kozutsu !
Kuchinoerabujima "#Q$1
Kukinaga %#
Kumano &”
Kumonjô Ô'
Kunikami Hitachi no suke Tokitake º()*I
Kunitomo º˜
kunitomo-ryû º˜¿
Kunitomo teppôki º˜+,£
Kurokawasaki -./
Kuroki Michizumi --_0
kutsugô 12
kyaku 3
kyûba 45

Lao Tzu 67
Lord Nisshin 68
Lord (taishu) Shimazu Shûri Taifu Yoshihisa Ason
;1 9`…:Aœ?H

Maenohama ;<=
Makise >–
marukibune Ç-?
Masako >7
Masegawa @–.
Masuda Village A
5 B
Mato hajime-shiki CDE
Matsura Takanobu FGHI
Matsushita Gorôsaburô FâwJ™J
Meguri K
meisho-zue LMUa
menboku NO

264
Lidin_book Page 265 Friday, January 30, 2004 3:33 PM

KANJI GLOSSARY

Minamoto Daijin-kun P…†Q

Ming Shih RS
min-jusha RTU
Môko-shûrai-ekotoba VlçWaX
Mononobe Magozaemon c$Yghi
Moritoki ;
Motojima Hiroshi 1Z
mudô [_
Murashukusha \Q]q
myôyaku ^_

Nagano Heizaemon =”•`hi

Nagata Castle =
'
Nakamura Heishirô —5a8J
Nakanoshima —1
nanban bc
nanbansen bcy
nanbantetsu bc+
nankai jûnitô bTæ1
Nanpo Bunshi bGd
Nanseigô bef
Nantô ikô-den b1ghi
Naotoki 
Naruse Hayato no shoo Masanari –jr^^
Negoro kW
Negoro teppô brigade kWl,m
Nejime Etsuzan nopˆ
Nejime Magojirô noYJ
Nejime Tatsuyoshi kq°r
Nejime Ukondayu Shigenaga nos:M=
Nichigaku t
Nichiô tsûkôshi uvS
Nigôsen øy
Ning-po w*
Nippon dai-teppô +,
Nishimura Tokihiko (Tenshû) x5y.( z )
Nishimura Iki no kami Tokiyo x5Îo;f
Nishimura Oribenojô Tokitsura x5{$|}
Nishimura Iki no kami Tokihiro.x5Îo;~
Nishimura Oribenojô x5{(|
Nishimura-shi keizu x5€U

265
Lidin_book Page 266 Friday, January 30, 2004 3:33 PM

TANEGASHIMA – THE ARRIVAL OF EUROPE IN JAPAN

Nishi(no)mura x5
Nishinoomote x.x
Nisshû 
Nobumoto Iž
Noma Jirôsaemon Ienari ”‚J`hi¼

Oda Nobunaga {
I=

Ôgimachi´in ^ƒ®
Ogyû Sorai „…†‡
Ômine z
Oribenojô {$|
Ôshima Zenbee 1rah
Ôsumi €
O-tama ˆ‰
Ôtomo kôhai-ki ˜Š‹£
Ôtomo Yoshiaki ˜AŒ
Ôtomo Yoshishige ˜A Ž.(Sôrin ´ )
Ôuchi-Yoshitaka-ki AH£

rokugôsen xy
reibô ‘’
reihô ‘,
ryô “
ryôshu þô
Ryûgenji ”P¬
Ryu-kyu Islands (Liu-Ch’iu) •–

Sahyôe no jô gah—
Saiga ˜:
saiga-tô ˜:™
Saitô Shinshirô Üe6šJ
Sakada ›

Sakai œ
sakai-jû œL
sakai-tanji œž
sakoku ټ
Sakon no shôgen ` ¡
Sameshima Tosho no suke Yoshimasa ¢1U£*A^
sanjaku ™¤
Sasakawa (or Shinokawa) Koshirô Tokishige ¥  ¦ § .šJM
satetsu ¨+

266
Lidin_book Page 267 Friday, January 30, 2004 3:33 PM

KANJI GLOSSARY

seijû x©
seinanban xbc
Shang-ch'uan-tao .1
Shibushi "ª"
Shichidô «_
Shichigôsen «xy
Shimazu Sasuga no kami Tadaoki 1 ¿0;WŠ
Shimazu Satsuma no kami Tadayoshi 1 ¬­;WQ
Shimazu Shisaku 1 š®. (Takahisa ¯œ )
Shimazu Takahisa 1 ¯œ
Shimazu Yoshihisa 1 Aœ
shinjô 6'
shokô °±
Sôshû ²
Suwanosejima ³´–1

Taira no Kiyomori •Ï

Taira no Yukimori •µÏ
Takarashima ¶1
Takezaki no Ura ·¸G
Tamagusuku ‰'
Tanegashima ¹71
Tanegashima Danjô no chû-dono ¹71]^W¯. (Tokitaka)
Tanegashima-fu ¹71º
Tanegashima Hisatoki ¹71œ
tanegashima-jû ¹71L
tanegashima-ryû ¹71L
Tanegashima seitô keizu ¹71^»¼º
Tanegashima Shigetoki ¹71)
Tanegashima Tokitaka ¹71¼
Tanegashima Tokikuni ¹71½
Taneie ¼
tebiya ¾’Ê
tenjiku-jin r
tenjiku-shû ´
tenka no ri â`
tenka taihei â•
tenri `
teppô +,
Teppô denrai kikô-hi +,iWh¿
Teppô denraikô +ÀiWÁ

267
Lidin_book Page 268 Friday, January 30, 2004 3:33 PM

TANEGASHIMA – THE ARRIVAL OF EUROPE IN JAPAN

Teppôki +À£
Teppômata +ÀÂ
teppô-tai +,Ã
tôi ÄÅ
tôjin-machi Ærƒ
Tokimitsu Ç
Tokimochi È
Tokitaka É
Tokiuji 
Tokoro Sôkichi MÊ
Tominaga Tokusaemon ¾#Ãghi
Tosa no kami Tokihiro Ëg;Ì
totôsen ÍÆy
‘To see what is small clearly that is called clarity’ ÎÏÐÑR
Tsuda Kenmotsu Kazunaga no jô
¡ÒÓ=|
Tsuboi Kumazô Ô7N5™
tsuda-ryû
¿
Tsumagari Jinbee ÕÖah
Tsumagari Mikawa no kami ՙš;

Uchida Uemonnohyôe 
hiah

uchijô '
Uchi no ura <G
Udaijin Hideyori sH×Ø
umi no kataganagari-rei TÙò

waboku Ú
wajin Ûr
Wakasa ×Ü
Wakasa kôen ×Ü8Ý
Wake Yozaemon fghi
Wakisaka Sukedayu ޛ*Û
wakô Û   § ß

Yaita Kinbee Kiyosada ƒàáahâ

Yaita-shi Kiyosada ichiryû no keizu ƒà⨿€U
Yajirô ãäJ
Yakuda ¹œ

Yakushima Island ¹œ1
Yamaga Sokô ˆåµ
Yoritoki ؐ

268
Lidin_book Page 269 Friday, January 30, 2004 3:33 PM

Bibliography

Akiyama, Kenzô, ‘Muromachi shoki ni okeru wakô no chôryô to Ôei gaikô

jijô’, in Shigaku zasshi, 1931.
—— Nisshi kôtsû-shi kenkyû, Tokyo, 1939.
Akutagawa, Tatsuo, Ôtomo Sôrin no subete, Tokyo, 1986.
Albrecht, Johannes, Vier portugiesische Historiker des XVI. Jahrhunderts
(Castanheda, Barros, d’Alboquerque und Goes), Halle, 1915.
Alvares, Jorge, ‘Report’ (1547), in Jeronimo da Camara Manoel, ed.,
Missões dos Jesuitas no Oriente, pp. 112–125.
Appert, G., Ancien Japon, Tokyo and London, 1978.
Arima, Seiho, Kahô no kigen to sono denryû (The Origin of Firearms and
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—— ‘Teppô denrai-setsu no kentô’, in Shigaku, 12, No. 2, Tokyo, 1933.
Ayres, Christovão, Fernão Mendes Pinto e o Japão. Pontos controversos –
Discussão – Informacões novas, Lisbon, 1906.
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Ballard, C. B., The Influence of the Sea on the Political History of Japan,
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‘Ásia’, Coimbra, 1937.
Beasley, W. G., Japan Encounters the Barbarian, New Haven and London, 1995.
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Tome Dixième (1938), Numéro 1, pp. 1–27.
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Bowers, John Z., Western Medical Pioneers in Feudal Japan, Baltimore and
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History of the Portuguese in Japan’, in Portuguese Merchants and
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A Footnote to Gibson-Hill’, in C. R. Boxer, Portuguese Conquest and
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Survey, Johannesburg (Witwatersrand University Press), 1961.
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Trade, 1555–1640, Lisbon, 1959 and 1963.
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—— ‘Jan Compagnie in Japan, 1672–1674 or Anglo-Dutch Rivalry in
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Delhi, 1981.
—— Mary and Misogyny: Women in Iberian Expansion Overseas, 1415–
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innerhald ein ud zwantzig Jahren; durch Europa, Asia, und Africa,
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Tartarey, Siam, Calaminham, Pegu, Martabane, Bengale, Brama,
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von Erde und Raum, Berlin, 1989, pp. 43–46.

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Index
References to figures and maps in bold italics

a Fé e o Imperio (‘for the Faith and baishin (samurai) 132

for the Empire’) 164 Barreto, Francisco 122
ad majorem Dei gloriam (‘for the Barros, João de (historian) 102
greater glory of God’) 164
bathing 207 (n. 89)
Akôgi (today’s Nishinoomote) 2,
Belchior, Nunes, Father 118, 123,
37, 60, 110, 131 241 (nn. 54–55), 260 (n. 66)
Akusekijima (one of the 12 Bernardo (Japanese Christian) 116,
southern islands) 2 169, 255–56 (n. 24), 258 (n. 53)
Alvares, Jorge (merchant) 27, 29, Bônotsu (port in Satsuma) 162
110,126, 206 (n. 87)
Borralho, Cristóvão 17, 105, 109.
Amadomari (harbour) 53 See also Portuguese: identity of
Amador (Xavier’s servant) 165, first
169, 172 Boxer, C. R. (author) 83, 180
Amaterasu (sun goddess) 135 Bubishi (historical work) 21
Anbô (on Yakushima) 46 Buddhism 32, 69
Anegawa (battle, 1570) 93, 140, Hokke Ichijô 37
145, 148, 245 (n. 11) Jesuit disputations with 125. See
Anjiro (also Angero, Yajiro) 29, also Xavier
112, 164–165, 238 (nn. 29–32), (Lotus) Nichiren ~ 3, 37, 69
253 (nn. 5 and 9), 256 (n. 27) Shingon Sect 174
Tendai 171, 257 (n. 35)
Annômura (village on Tanegashima)
2, 47 Bungo (province) 6, 200 (n. 30),
224 (n. 52)
Antonio (Christian convert and daimyo. See Ôtomo (daimyo
Xavier’s interpreter) 116, 169, family)
253 (n. 9) expansion 6, 95, 128, 157–159.
Arai Hakuseki (Japanese scholar) See also Mimikawa
163 first Portuguese at 26, 33–34, 77,
Asai Nagamatsu (daimyo) 145 99, 107–108, 128, 168
Pinto visits 77, 107–128 passim
Asakura Yoshikage (daimyo) 145 spread of têppo to 15, 107–108,
ashigaru (foot soldiers) 146 157, 162

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wars with Satsuma 54, 67, 101 Chôkyû no setsu (Chrysanthemum

Xavier arrives at 116, 174–175, 183 Festival) 12, 39, 211 (n. 23)
see also Fuchô; Xavier chôrô (abbot) 132
bushi (samurai class) 68, 108 Chû (Tadashi) Shuso (Shusa)
(Buddhist monk) 37, 132, 211
Cabral, Francisco (priest) 91 (n. 14)
cannon 252 (nn. 24–25) Ch’uan-tu-lieh-tun-na (historical
Ieyasu’s interest in 80 work) 130
manufacture 136, 142, 145, 147– Cocks Richard (British merchant)
148, 243–244 (nn. 16–17), 244 160, 250–51 (nn. 14–18)
(n. 22) Collis, Maurice (author) 103
pirates equipped with 79, 93–94,
220 (n. 17), 230 (n. 86) Commentarios do grande Afonso
as presents 157, 160–161, 163, Dalboquerque 90
249 (n. 4) commerce 80–88. See also kangô
use in warfare 91, 137, 152, 157– missions
159, 249 (nn. 8–9) Confucius 72
see also ishibiya; mortars; ôzutsu; Cooper, M. (author) 32, 166
teppô
Couto, Diogo do (author) 15, 31–
Canton 118, 177, 179 32, 207–208 (100)
Captain Major (Capitão-Mór) 87–
88. See also nanbansen
Da Mota, Antonio 16–21, 31. See
carrack. See náo also Portuguese: identity of first
Catz, Rebecca D. (author) 104– Da Môta, Kirishita. See Kirishita da
105
Môta
Cervantes’ Don Quixote 129
daikan (local administrator,
charcoal 15 intendant) 135
Chenchicogi (Japanese name for Dainichi. See Vairochana
‘Indians’) 106–107, 234 (nn. 11–
D’Albuquerque, Afonso, conquers
12)
Malacca 78, 90. See also
China 28, 36, 38, 40–41,76 Commentarios do grande Afonso
Japanese trade with. See kangô Dalboquerque
missions
D’Almeida, Luis (missionary,
Portuguese reach 27
surgeon) 100, 182, 233 (n. 113)
wâko raids on. See pirates and
piracy; wâko Danjô no chû (samurai title) 47
see also Canton, Chincheo, Ming Década Quinto da ‘Ásia’ (literary
Shih, Ning-Po work) 31–32
Chincheo (Ch’uan-chow) (Chinese Descobrimentos antigos e modernos
port 2, 27, 31, 112 31, 71. See also Galvano

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INDEX

Diez, Pero 27–28, 30 Galvano, Antonio (historian) 6–

disputations. See Xavier 17, 31–32, 203 (n. 56)
Gama, Duarte da, captain 100,
111, 118, 176, 233 (n. 212), 239
emakimono (picture scroll) 4 (n. 38)
emperor 66. See also Kyoto Genki era (1570–1572) 53
Eisei era (1504–20) 130 Gifu, location 136, 140
Escalante, Garcia [Alvarado] de ‘giving up the gun’ 248 ( n. 13–15)
(merchant) 27–28, 99
Goa 30, 178
God and Mammon 252 (n. 2)
Fang Hsüan-ling 130
Gohô (Ch. Wu-feng, also Wang
Faria, Antonio de (merchant) 126 Chih), Chinese corsair xi, 12,
Faria, Jorge de (merchant) 33 16, 36, 60, 93, 95–98, 131, 140,
Fernandez, Juan (João), Brother 196 (n. 6), 220 (n. 18). See also
(missionary) 165, 167, 170, pirates and piracy; Wang Wu-
176, 258 (n. 47) feng
Freitas, Diogo de 18, 27, 33 Goki (Five Central Provinces) 42,
Frois, Lois or Luís (missionary, 136
author) 32, 88, 116, 118, 124, 177 Go-Nara (emperor) 117
História de Japam by 32, 177. Gores 90, 228 (n. 78)
Fuchô (today’s Ôita) 109, 111, Goshi (imperial palace) 171
119, 174. See also Bungo Gôshû (in Ômi province) 138
Fuji no gomon (crest) 136 Gotô Islands 2
Fukien Gazetteer (Chinese wâko stronghold 93, 96, 220 (n.
history) 83 18), 232 (n. 100)
Fukue Island (Fukue-jima, one of see also wâko; Wang Wu-feng
the Gotô Islands) 96. See also gunpowder, introduction of 15–
Gotô Islands; Wang Wu-feng 16, 50
Funai. See Fuchô Gûshû. See Ôsumi province
Furuichi Tanba (samurai) 51
Furuta Gozen (Lady Furuta) 215 Hachiman Daijin (Daibosatsu,
(n. 24) Shinto deity) 133, 135
Fusô (name for Japan) 42, 213 Haguenauer, M. C. (French
(n. 38) professor) 26
Hakata (port on Kyushu) 80, 86,
Gago, Balthasar (priest) 178, 169
259 (n. 58) Hashimoto Ippa (samurai) 135,
Gajajima (one of the 12 southern 144
islands) 2 helical technique 243 (n. 13)

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hidalgo (Port.: fidalgo, ‘gentleman’) Hokusai (painter) 22–23

29, 62 illustration by 23
Hideyoshi. See Toyotomi manga collection 23
Hideyoshi Hongenji (temple in Akôgi) 48, 51
Higo (province) 94, 233 (n. 116), Honnôji (temple in Kyoto) 43
255 (n. 18) Hora, T. (historian) 66, 97
hinawa-jû (muzzleloader) 197 Hosokawa (daimyo family) 80
(n. 18) ~ Harumoto (daimyo) 134, 143
Hino (smithery) 141, 152. See also hyakuhatsu-hyakuchû (100 shots,
teppô, production of 100 hits) 39–40, 50. See also
Hirado (port on Kyushu) 93, 141 Tanegashima Tokitaka
Dutch and English at 159–160, Hyôeshirô (Kunimoto smith) 134–
250 (n. 12) 138, 143
Portuguese arrival 77, 88, 99–100,
Hyûga (Nisshû) (province, today’s
250 (n. 12), 256 (n. 29)
Miyasaki) 37, 101, 211 (n. 15),
teppô reaches 77, 250 (n. 13)
214 (n. 16)
trade with China 236 (n. 26)
coalition against Satsuma 62. See
wâkos and 96, 159, 231 (n. 100).
also Nejime
See also wâko
conquest by Satsuma 94, 95, 161,
Xavier visits 168–169
251 (n. 20), 255 (n. 18)
Hirase (smith) 5 invasion by Bungo 54, 67, 101.
Hirase Iwami 51 See also Toyotomi Hideyoshi;
Hirayama Bichû no kami Mimikawa
Tomoshige (samurai) 48–49 war with Satsuma 214 (n. 16),
215 (n. 22), 217 (n. 10)
Hirayama Mikawa no kami
see also Itô Yoshisuke
Tomotsugu (samurai) 48
Hirayama, Toshio (businessman) xi
Ichigôsen (ship name) 81. See also
História da Igreja do Japão. See
kangô missions
Rodrigues, João, Tçuzzu
Ijichi (on Kyushu) 54
História de Japam. See Frois, Luís
Ilha de Jampon (‘Island of
History of Ming. See Ming shih
Japan’) 29
hitsudan (brush conversation) 36
Imô (on Yakushima) 46
Hôjô (daimyo family)
Inatomi (military school) 163
~ Sakyô Taifu Ujiyasu
(daimyo) 133 Inomoto, M. (author) xi
~ Tokimasa (daimyo) 56 Iôjima (one of the 12 southern
~ Ujiyasu (daimyo) 93, 142 islands) 2
Hôki no kami (samurai) 44 iron, imported 92
Hokke Ichijô. See Buddhism Ise Nagato no kami (samurai) 51

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INDEX

ishibiya (musket or cannon) 137, Kamada Owari no kami Masatoshi

244 (n. 22). See also cannon; (samurai) 54
teppô kami (Shinto gods) 41
Ishida Mitsunari (daimyo) 146 kamikaze (divine wind) 131
Ishihara (smith) 5 kana (syllabary script) 4
Itô Yoshisuke 52, 215 (n. 22) kanbun (Chinese script) 8, 81
Iwakuni (today’s Hiroshima), Kan’ei era (1624–43) 138
visited by Xavier 170
kangô bôeki (exchange trade) 81–
Izumi (province) 11, 40 82, 220 (n. 20). See also China
Izumo (province) 44–45 kangô missions 82, 86, 220 (n. 20).
Izumo no kami Tokinori 44–45, See also China
47, 61 kanpaku (Imperial Chancellor,
regent) 66, 217–18 (n. 14)
Jaku (god of the sea) 41 Kansai (central Kyoto area) 75
Java 26 katakana (syllabary script) 20, 142
Jesuits 30–31, 254 (n. 17), 259 (n. katana sword 55
56). See also Buddhism; Xavier Kawachi no kami Tokiyuki
jijûsai-ryû (military school) 163 (samurai) 44–45, 47
Jionji (Buddhist temple in Akôgi) Kawanakajima (battle, 1555) 146,
3, 196 (n. 11) 148, 229 (n. 82)
Jipangu (Marco Polo’s Japan) 27 Keichô era (1596–1614) 147, 163
jitô (samurai administrator) 53 Kii province (today’s Wakayama) 6
Jo (Ch. Shu) (Chinese lord) 39, Kimotsuki (domain in Satsuma) 53
212 (n. 29) Kinbee Kiyosada 40, 133. See also
João (Japanese Christian convert) Yaita
116, 169, 253 (n. 9) Kinoshita Tôkichirô. See Toyotomi
jusha (Confucian scholar) 50 Hideyoshi
jûyaku (double interpretation) 38, Kirishita da Môta 16, 22, 37, 45.
98 See also Portuguese: identity of
first
Kisatsu (Ch. Chi-tsa) 39
Kadokura Cape (on Tanegashima)
1, 2 kishin (spiritual mind) 132
Kagoshima (capital of Kishû. See Kii
Satsuma) 30, 58, 70, 72, Kôan era (1278–87) 130
161,167 Kôchi era (1555–57) 144
kaizoku-chôji-rei 218 (n. 16) Kôda Shigetomo 21
Kajiwara Mondo (samurai) 51 Kokubu (fortress in Satsuma) 51

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komanaku (swan target) 38 Xavier visits 170–172

Konoe Taneie 50, 66, 216–17 (n. 16) see also emperor; Miyako
Korea 27, 81, 85–86, 136
Korean war (1592–98) 62, 146, 159 Lampacau (island by Canton) 118,
Ko-rozan (Little Rozan, Lu-shan) 122, 179–180, 225 (n. 62), 259
40, 212 (n. 33) (n. 64)
Ko-tenjiku (Little Tenjiku or India) Langasaque. See Nagasaki
40, 212 (n. 34) Lao Tzu (philosopher) 72
Kôzuma Awa no kami Ietsugu 54, Las islas de Japan (‘the islands of
59–60 Japan’) 27
kozutsu (firearm) 137 lead, metal 16, 203 (n. 54)
Kuchinoerabujima (one of the 12 Lequjos (Lequeos) 29, 85. See also
southern islands) 2, 15, 51, 215 Ryukyu Islands
(n. 19) Liampo. See Ning-po
Kuchinoshima (one of the 12 Lisbon 27
southern islands) 2
Lotus Nichiren Buddhism. See
Kuchinotsu 100 Buddhism
Kumano (bay on Tanegashima) 2,
Loyola, Ignatius 29, 181
40, 46, 201 (n. 41)
Kumonjô (in Nishinoomote) 8
Macao 100, 225 (n. 63), 227 (n. 72)
Kunitomo (in Ômi province) 139
gunsmiths. See Hyôeshirô; Maenohama (on Tanegashima) 1
Kunimoto Zenbee; Sukedayu; Maffei, Giovanni 113, 239 (n. 26)
Tôkyûsaemon Makise 5
teppô production 139–148;
brought under outside Malacca 15, 29–30, 32, 88, 117
control 146, 156; story of. See Pinto and 105–127 passim
Kunitomo teppôki Portuguese conquest 27, 78, 90
kunitomo-ryû (military school) 163 Ryukyuan merchants at 85, 91
Kunitomo teppôki (historical work) Marco Polo 29, 90. 95, 203 (n. 59)
78, 139–148, 155, 161 Masako 56
original text 190–194 Mascarenhas, Dom Francisco 85
translation of 130–138
Mascarenhas, Francisco de 123
Kunimoto Zenbee (Kunimoto
smith) 134–138, 143 Mascarenhas, Jorge 85
Kuroki Michizumi (samurai) 52 Masegawa 43
kyaku (guest) 36 Matsuda, K. 25–26, 206 (n. 79)
Kyoto 66 Matsura Takanobu (daimyo) 77,
first Portuguese visitors 100, 257 250 (n. 13)
(n. 38) Matsushita Gorôsaburo 41, 75, 91

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INDEX

Matteo 258 (n. 53) Murdoch, J. (author) 56

Meacó (Miyako: Kyoto) 32 musket. See teppô
Meguri (battle, 1561) 50, 158, 215 musket warfare, musketry. See
(n. 18) teppô, use in warfare
meisho-zue (picture chronicle) 21 Myôkuji (temple) 48
Mello, Simão de 114 myôyaku (gunpowder) 38, 50
Mimikawa (battle, 1578) 95, 158,
162 Nagahama Castle (in Ômi
Minamoto Daijin-kun. See province) 135, 136, 145, 245–
Tokugawa Ieyasu 246 (nn. 11–13)
Minamoto Nobusada (samurai) 50 Nagano Tairazaemon Hideaki
Minamoto no Yoritomo (samurai) 50
(shogun) 56 Nagasaki (port on Kyushu) 88, 100,
Ming China. See China 160, 226 (n. 66), 242 (n. 66), 250
Ming Shih (Chinese dynastic (n. 12), 251 (n. 15), 252 (n. 24)
history) 221–222 (nn. 29 and 31) Nagashino (battle, 1575) 92, 146,
min-jusha (Ming scholar) 50, 95, 98 148, 246 (n. 20)
Miyako (= Kyoto) 43, 50, 68, 170 Nagata Castle (on Yakushima) 46,
51
Miyoshi (daimyo family) 93
Nakamura Shinya (sculptor) 57
Moluccas (islands) 27
Nakanoshima (one of the 12
Môko-shûrai-ekotoba (picture
scroll) 4 southern islands) 2
momme (silver money) 136 nanban (southern barbarians) 26–
27, 169
Mondo no suke Tokimori
(samurai) 51 nanban byôbu (screens of the
southern barbarians) 182
Mononobe Magozaemon
(samurai) 43 nanbangaku (Western studies) 181
mortars 251 (n. 22). See also nanbanryû geka (Western
cannon surgery) 181
Mota, Antonio da. See Da Mota, nanbansen (southern barbarian
Antonio ship) 9–14, 16, 26–27, 69, 74,
196 (n. 10). See also Captain
Motojima Atsushi (author) 21
Major; náo
Münchhausen, Baron von
nanbantetsu (iron brought by
(adventurer, liar) 129
southern people) 92
Murashukusha (one of the first two
nankaijûnitô (‘twelve islands in the
Portuguese) 9, 12, 16, 22, 37,
45. See also Portuguese: identity southern sea’) 2, 56, 216 (n. 1)
of first Nanking 97

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Nanpo Bunshi (Confucian ~ Ukondayu Shigenaga (domain

philosopher, author) 24, 36, 60, lord) 44, 47, 50–52, 60–62, 64,
61–62, 72, 97, 209–10 (n. 1). See 217 (n. 11)
also Teppôki New Spain, Mexico 27
Nantô ikô-den (historical work) 20 Nichiô tsûkôshi (historical
náo (carrack) 63, 110 work) 21
náo de prata (silver carrack) 87 Nichiren. See Buddhism
see also Captain Major; nanbansen
Nigôsen (ship name) 47, 81. See
Naotoki. See Tanegashima Tokitaka also kangô missions
Naruse Hayato no shô Masanari Nikai-kuzure no hen 124. See also
(samurai) 137 Ôtomo Yoshiaki
Nautaquim (Naotoki). See Ning-po (also Liampo), Chinese
Tanegashima Tokitaka port 2, 18, 27, 40, 199–200 (n.
necodá (captain) 97 29), 213 (n. 37), 228–29 (n. 79)
Negoro (Buddhist centre, Kii nippon teppô 46, 65. See also teppô
province) 5, 16, 74–75, 133, Nishimura (family in service to the
142–143, 146, 149, 198 (n. 23), Tanegashima) 195–196 (n. 5)
245 (n. 9), 248 (n. 7) house chronicle. See Nishimura-
obtains teppô 6, 18, 75. See also shi keizu
Suginobô; Tsuda Kenmotsu no ~ Iki no kami Tokihiro (samurai)
jô 44, 45, 48, 49, 51
teppô brigade 155, 247 (n. 9) ~ Oribenojô Tokitsura (Tokimasa)
teppô production at 93, 143, (samurai) 1, 3, 36, 37, 45, 48,
150–151, 154–156, 247 (n. 9) 60, 72, 95, 131, 140, 210 (n. 7).
Nejime (domain) 46, 197 (n. 14) See also teppô: arrival of
conquest, loss and later attacks on Nishimura Echizen Tokiyasu
Yakushima. See Yakushima (samurai) 54, 55
independence of 217 (n. 11)
Nishimura Suô no kami Tokikuro
invasion of Tanegashima 44, 47–
(Tokiharu) (samurai) 52
49, 61, 67
Tanegashima attacks on 51–52, Nishimura Tokihiko (Tenshû)
217 (n. 11) (scholar) 20
war with Satsuma 53, 62, 64, 67, Nishimura-shi keizu (house
68, 217 (n. 11), 231 (n. 95). See chronicle) 195–196 (n. 5)
also pirates and piracy Nishi(no)mura 1, 2, 3, 45, 99,
see also Nejime Ukondayu 195–96 (n. 5)
Shigenaga
Nishinoomote. See Akôgi
Nejime (domain family) 231 (n. 95)
~ Etsuzan 52 Nisshin-kô (lord). See Shimazu
~ Magojirô (samurai) 53 Tadayoshi
~ Tatsuyoshi (samurai) 50 Nisshô (abbot) 43

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INDEX

Nisshû. See Hyûga Nejime a domain within 197 (n.

Nobumoto. See Tanegashima 14), 217 (n. 11). See also
Nobumoto Nejime
Satsuma expansion into 94, 161,
Nobunaga. See Oda Nobunaga 217 (n. 11)
Noma Jirôsaemon Ienari see also Gûshû; Satsuma
(samurai) 44–45 Ôtomo (daimyo family) 3, 26, 86,
Nyûdô (lay priest) 43, 47 161
house chronicle. See Ôtomo
Ôchoku. See Wang Wu-feng 95 kôhai-ki
~ Haruhide. See Ôuchi Yoshinaga
Oda Nobunaga (war lord) 134– ~ Yoshiaki (daimyo) 6, 33–34,
136, 140, 144–145, 245 (nn. 9, 52, 111, 124, 126. See also
11–12) Nikai-kuzure no hen
death 146, 152 ~ Yoshishige (Sôrin) (daimyo) 54,
first to understand importance of 67, 77, 95, 101, 111, 157, 162,
teppô 92, 134, 146, 229 (n. 82) 208–209 (n. 107); 215 (nn. 22
gains control of teppô foundries and 25), 235 (n. 17), 249 (n. 4);
146, 151, 246 (n. 16), 249 (n. 9) Christian conversion 33, 175;
success based on teppô 35, 93, wars with Satsuma. See Bungo;
139, 141, 146 and Xavier 127–128, 174, 176
see also Ôtomo Yoshishige trade and piracy connections 86,
Odawara, teppô reaches 93, 142 96. See also kangô missions;
Ôgimachi’in (retired emperor) 136 Wang Wu-feng
Ogyû Sorai (philosopher) 163 see also Bungo
Okehazama (battle, 1560) 146, Ôtomo kôhai-ki (house chronicle)
246 (n. 12) 33, 162
Okinawa 2, 248 (n. 5). See also Ôuchi (daimyo family) 80
Ryukyu Islands ~ Yoshinaga (daimyo) 126, 176,
242 (n. 62), 249 (n. 4). See also
Okinohama (port in Bungo) 175, Pinto: 1st visit
177 ~ Yoshitaka (daimyo) 169, 176,
Ômi (province) 133–134 257 (n. 41)
Ônin Civil War (1467–77) 86, 150 trade and piracy connections 86,
96, 170. See also kangô
Oribe(nojô) Tokimasa. See
missions; Wang Wu-feng
Nishimura Oribenojô
see also Yamuguchi
Osaka Campaigns (1614–15) 79,
ôzutsu (cannon) 136. See also
137, 147. See also Kunitomo;
cannon
Tokugawa Ieyasu
Ôsumi (Gûshû) (province) 23, 36,
45, 94, 131, 161, 217 (n. 11), 231 Patani 27, 28
(n. 95) Peitaro 18

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Peregrinaçam 18, 28, 63, 97, 100, use in warfare. See Nejime;
109–122, 233–234 (nn. 2–4), Satsuma
235 (n.17) use of muskets and cannon 67,
title page 103 78–79, 92–94, 229 (n. 82), 230
see also Catz; Pinto (n. 86), 249 (n. 9), 256 (n. 26).
Pereira, Diogo 178 See also teppô, use in warfare
Pexoto, Antonio 16, 18, 31. See see also Gohô; wakô
also Portuguese: identity of first Portuguese
Philippines 27 arrival of first (in Japan) 1–37
passim, 56, 62–69 passim, 97–
Pinto, Fernão Mendes (merchant 101, 125, 128–129; as depicted
and author) 20, 32, 64, 102– by Hokusai 23. See also Pinto:
129, 233 (n. 1) 1st visit
1st visit 17, 33, 96, 104–110, 113, identity of first 16–22, 128–129.
125–128, 159, 195 (n. 4), 235 See also Borralho, Cristóvão;
(n.17), 239 (nn. 36–37). See
Da Mota, Antonio; Kirishita da
also Ôuchi Yoshinaga;
Môta; Murashukusha; Pexoto,
Tanegashima Tokitaka; teppô:
Antonio; Pinto; Zeimoto,
arrival of
Francisco
2nd visit 63, 110–114, 124, 127.
lack of manners, propriety (reibô)
See also Nikai-kuzure no hen
3rd visit 104, 114–118, 124–125. 37, 119–120
See also Xavier and piracy 87, 88, 89, 200 (n. 31),
4th visit 107, 118–124. See also 226 (n. 63), 237 (n. 28)
Ôtomo Yoshishige ships in Japan, list 233 (n. 115)
see also Peregrinaçam; Portuguese: as welcome visitors 77, 157, 159
identity of first see also Captain Major; Jesuits;
náo; Tanegashima; Xavier
pirates and piracy 7, 53, 62, 67–70,
79, 100, 159, 160, 164, 170, 218
(n. 16), 221 (n. 27), 230 (n. 86) rangaku (Dutch studies) 182
attacks on China 87, 96–97, 222 Reischauer, Edwin O. (author) 26
(n. 31), 224 (n. 54), 232 (n.
100, 102). See also wakô ri (distance) 39
involvement of daimyos. See Ricci, Matteo (missionary) 177,
Hirado; Ôtomo (daimyo 180
family); Ôuchi (daimyo family); Rodrigues, João (Tçuzzu,
Satsuma missionary) 19, 32–33, 125, 129,
Portuguese involvement 87. See 204 (n. 63)
also Portuguese História da Igreja do Japão by 19,
and trade 80–91, 96, 115, 218 (n. 32, 125
16), 226 (n. 66), 229 (n. 80), see also Jesuits
256 (n. 27). See also Ôtomo
ryô (gold currency) 40
(daimyo family); Ôuchi
(daimyo family); Satsuma Ryûgenji Temple 37

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Ryukyu Islands (Liu-Ch’iu) 29, 30, Sancian (Sanchão, Shang-ch’uan[-

40, 202 (n. 51), 222–223 (nn. tao], island by Canton) 117, 177,
39–42) 179, 240 (n. 44). See also Xavier
as axis of regional trade 30 Sasakawa (or Shinokawa) Koshirô
identification with Gores 85, 90, Tokishige 15–16, 50, 132
228 (n. 78)
Pinto visits 110 satetsu (‘sand iron’) 198 (n. 21)
Portuguese reach 25, 27, 206 Satsuma (province) 28, 56, 66, 83,
(n. 84) 94
relations with Tanegashima 83– coalition against 62
84, 229 (n. 80) daimyo. See Shimazu (daimyo
rise and fall of commercial family)
position 85–86 disunity in 94, 254 (n. 18)
Satsuma’s control of 84, 90, 222 domination and later conquest of
(n. 39) Ryukyus 84, 90, 222 (n. 39).
trade with Japan via 16, 26–27, See also Ryukyu Islands
81, 83–84, 90 expansion into Higo, Hyûga and
wide extent of trade 78, 84–86, Ôsumi 94, 161, 217 (n. 11),
224 (n. 49) 254–255 (n. 18); ~ halted and
woman as interpreter 3, 98, 196– reversed by Hideyoshi 95
197 (n. 12) feudal support from Tane-
see also Lequjos; Okinawa gashima 62, 67, 217 (n. 10)
participation in wakô raids 83
piracy problems 62, 67, 217 (n.
Saiga (foundry, Kii province) 146, 11). See also Nejime
247 (n. 9) trade with Ryukyus 90
Sakai (in Izumi province) 5, 48, unification of 94, 161, 254–255
80, 86, 150–152, 198 (n. 22), 249 (n. 18)
(n. 9) wars with Bungo 54, 67, 101
external trade 81, 86, 248 (n. 5). wars with Nejime 53, 62, 64, 67,
See also kangô missions 68, 217 (n. 11), 231 (n. 95)
free city (jijû-toshi) 150 Schall, Johann Adam
teppô production at 16, 75, 142, (missionary) 177
147, 149–153, 247 (nn. 3–4);
brought under outside control Schurhammer, G. (author) 32, 34,
146, 156 129
Xavier visits 170 sea travel 204 (n. 61)
sakai-jû, Sakai teppô 151, 247 seinanban (barbarians from the
(n. 4) southwest) 36
sakai-tanji (‘forged in Sakai’) 149 Sekigahara (battle, 1600) 79
sakoku (national seclusion) 163, seminario 182
182 sengoku (country in war) 16, 61,
saltpetre 15 171, 203 (n. 55)

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seppuku (harakiri suicide) 137 Suginobô (priest at Negoro

Shang-ch’uan-tao. See Sancian Temple) 12, 39–40, 73, 133,
142, 219 (n. 5)
Shichidô (Seven Roads) 42, 137
Sukedayu (Kunimoto smith) 134–
Shimabara Incident (military 138, 143
revolt) 62
sulphur 15
Shimazu (daimyo family) 26, 45, 58
blood ties with Tanegashima 58 Suma Oriental (historical work) 29
~ Iehisa (Satsuma lord) 94 Suwanosejima (one of the 12
~ Shûri Taifu Yoshihisa Ason. See southern islands) 2
~ Yoshihisa
~ Tadayoshi (Lord Nisshin) tabako 182
(Satsuma lord) 52, 94, 215
(n. 23) Tables Chronologiques 26
~ Takahisa (Satsuma lord) 66, 94, Tachi sword 55
132–133, 161, 168, 213 (n. 5) Tachibanaya Matasaburô 6, 11, 40,
~ Yoshihiro (Satsuma lord) 94 75, 133,142–142, 49
~ Yoshihisa (Satsuma lord) 43, 45,
Taira no Kiyomori (hegemon) 56
51–53, 58, 94, 133, 243 (n. 7)
title of shugo daimyo 94 Taira no Yukimori (samurai) 56
Shimobe no Shinbô (abbot) 133 Tairajima (one of the 12 southern
islands) 2
Shimonoseki, strait of 172
Taishu Yoshihisa. See Shimazu
Shingon Sect. See Buddhism Yoshihisa
Shinogawa Saemonbyôe Takajô Castle 54
(samurai) 47
Takarashima (one of the 12
Shintoism 69 southern islands) 2
shokô (princes, lords) 137 Takeda Shingen (daimyo) 51
shoshi (guardsman) 52 Takeshima (one of the 12 southern
shugo daimyo. See Shimazu islands) 2, 51
(daimyo family) Takezaki Bay (no Ura) 2, 43
Siebold, P. F. von (German Tamagusuku, Ryukyuan woman 3
physician) 20, 22, 163
Tamaryû no bô (monk) 133
Siam 22
Tanegashima (family) xi, 56–58
silk 112, 236 (n. 26) blood ties with Shimazu 58
slaves 83, 112, 237–238 (n. 28) house chronicle. See Tanegashima
Sôrin. See Ôtomo Yoshishige kafu
origins and rule of island 56
Sôshû, Lord Nisshin. See Shimazu
~ Byôbu no jô Tokitaka. See ~
Tadayoshi
Tokitaka
Sousa, Leonel de (Captain Major) ~ Danjô no chû (-dono). See ~
179 Tokitaka

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~ Hisamichi, 23rd generation 58 infested by pirates 214 (n. 8). See

~ Hisamitsu, 24th generation 58 also Nejime (domain)
~ Hisamoto, 19th generation 12 links with Ryukyus 83–84, 229
~ Hisanao, 25th generation 56 (n. 80)
~ Hisatoki, 18th generation 36, one of the 12 southern islands 1, 2
216–17 (n. 7) as Satsuma fief 6, 56–58
~ Kiyotoki, 8th generation 59, 71 wars with Nejime. See
~ Moritoki, 27th generation 56 Tanegashima, family
~ Naotoki (Tokitaka as child) 44, tanegashima-jû (tanegashima
47–49, 56, 61–63, 105, 110. See musket) 4
also ~ Tokitaka Tanegashima kafu xi, 16, 17, 21,
~ Nobumoto, 1st generation 56, 24–25, 43–55 translation,58
217 (n. 8) scope, 56–70 discussion, 71, 1
~ Shigetoki, 13th generation 2,
37, 46–47, 212 (n. 12), Tanegashima seitô keizu,
translation of chronicle 43–47, chronicle 58
passim tanegashima teppô 4, 6, 8, 25, 43–
~ Tadatoki, 12th generation 69, 47, 65
218 (n. 18) tebiya (musket) 4
~ Tokikuni, 29th generation x, tempura 182
56–57; picture 57
~ Tokimitsu, 6th generation 59 Tenbun era (1532–54) 131
~ Tokimochi, 28th generation 56 Tendai. See Buddhism
~ Tokitaka, 14th generation 1, 5, Tenjiku (India) 40, 167
25, 37–37, 42, 46, 101; accorded tenjiku-jin (Indian) 234 (n. 12)
title Sakon no shôgen 50;
statue of 57; translation of tenka no ri (world principle) 38
chronicle 47–55. See also ~ tenka taihei (grand peace of the
wars with Nejime (below) world) 133
~ Tokitsugi, 15th generation 50– tenri (truth of Heaven) 132
51, 64 teppô (musket) 4, 5, 9–12, 38, 45–
~ Yoritoki, 7th generation 59 47
wars with Nejime 44–52 passim, arrival of 3–4
61, 64–65, 67, 199 (n. 28), 217 contingents 155, 247 (n. 9)
(n. 11) as kachin house treasure 11, 39,
Tanegashima (island) 28, 33, 60, 46
195 (n. 2), 248 (n. 5), et passim picture 5
arrival of first Portuguese 1–37 power of (teppô no ikioi) 134
passim, 101. See also Portuguese production of. See below
centrality of 229 (n. 80) role in unification of Japan 8,
feudal support for Satsuma 62, 139, 142–143, 183
67, 217 (n. 10) spread of. See below
granted to Tanegashima in warfare. See below
family 56 see also cannon; Tanegashima

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Teppô Museum (Teppô-kan, in Tôkaidô (route from Kyoto to

Nishinoomote) 5, 199 (n. 26) Edo) 41
teppô, production of Tokikuro (see Nishimura
first musket on Tanegashima 4– Tokikuro) 52
14. See also Yaita Tokimitsu. See Tanegashima
at Hino 146 Tokimitsu
at Kunitomo. See Kunitomo
at Negoro. See Negoro Tokitaka. See Tanegashima
Nobunaga gains control of 146, Tokitaka
151, 246 (n. 16), 249 (n. 9) Tokitsugi. See Tanegashima
at Saiga 146 Tokitsugi
at Sakai. See Sakai Tokoro Sôkichi (historian) 21, 25
teppô, spread of 6–8, 151 Tokugawa Ieyasu (shogun) 92,
to Kunitomo 132–134 136, 146–147, 156, 244
on Kyushu 157–163 interest in teppô 79–80, 146, 152
to Negoro 6, 18, 75. See also Sugi- and unification of Japan 139,
nobô; Tsuda Kenmotsu no jôto 146, 203 (n. 55)
Odawara 93, 142 use of Kunitomo smiths 146
to Sakai 6, 75; 247 (n. 3) see also Osaka Campaigns;
teppô, use in warfare 91–94, 146, Rodrigues, João
229 (n. 82) Tôkyûsaemon (Kunimoto smith)
battles 92, 229 (n. 82). See also 134–138, 143
Anegawa; Kawanakajima; Tomé Pires (historian) 29, 207 (n.
Meguri; Mimikawa; Nagashino; 96), 227–228 (n. 77)
Okehazama; Sekigahara
early 92–93, 251 (n. 20) Torres, Cosme de 165, 175–176,
reconquest of Yakushima. See 256 (n. 30)
Yakushima totôsen (ship to China) 47
at sea 53, 67, 92–94. See also Toyotomi Hideyoshi (daimyo) 92,
pirates and piracy 146
see also Oda Nobunaga; Tokugawa ban on swords 218 (n. 16)
Ieyasu; Toyotomi Hideyoshi halts expansion of Satsuma 95
Teppôki (‘Record of the Musket’) successor to Nobunaga 152
xi, 16, 17, 24, translation 36–42, supervision of Kunitomo
63, 71, 91, 209–10 (n. 1). See also smiths 135–136
Nanpo Bunshi and unification of Japan 139,
Teppômata (‘the Teppô Master’) 152, 203 (n. 55)
40, 75 Tratado Decobrimentos Antigos e
Thunberg, Carl Peter (Swedish Modernos (Galvano) 17
physician) 252 (n. 24) Tsuboi Kumazô (historian) 20–21
Tidore (island in the Moluccas) 27 Tsuchii Ôi no suke Toshikatsu
tôjin-machi (China-town) 89 (samurai) 138

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Tsuda Kenmotsu no jô (Kazunaga) Wake Yozaemon (samurai) 54

6, 40, 74, 155, 245 (n. 9) wakô (pirates, piracy) 7, 80, 170,
Tsuda-ryû (military school) 163 221 (n. 25), 232 (n. 103)
Tsukushi (Kyushu) 133 adoption of teppô 200 (n. 32)
centres. See Gotô Islands; Hirado;
Yamaguchi
uchijô 48 nationality of 200 (n. 31)
Udagawa, T. 97 see also Gohô; pirates and piracy;
Udaijin Hideyori (Hideyoshi’s Wang Wu-feng
son) 137 Wang Chih. See Wang Wu-feng
Uesugi Kenshin (daimyo) 93 Wang Wu-feng (Jpn. Ô Gohô, also
umi no kataganagari-rei (Hide- Wang Chih, Jpn. Ôchoku) 93–
yoshi’s ban on swords) 218 98, 231–232 (nn. 97–100). See
(n. 16) also Gohô; wakô
The United States and Japan (E. O. Wei-cheng (Chinese scholar) 130
Reischauer) 26 women on ships 235 (n. 20)
Urata, on Tanegashima 2, 44, 47 Wu-feng. See Gohô; Wang Wu-
feng
Vairochana (the Sun Buddha,
Dainichi) 174, 257 (n. 43) Xavier, Francis (first missionary to
Vaz (d’Áragão), Diogo (merchant) Japan) 29–30, 34–99, 104, 164–
34, 99, 175 181, 252 (n. 1), 253 (n. 3), 255
Velho, Pedro 100 (n. 19)
death 117–118, 179–180, 259 (n.
Verbiest, Ferdinand (missionary) 61). See also Sancian
177 disputations 116–117, 239–240
Vikings, robbers 81–82 (n. 41)
Vilela, Gaspar (missionary) 151, leaves Japan 176–177
248 (n. 7), 257 (n. 38) miracle of the sloop 117, 177
portrait 165
Villalobos, Ruy Lopez (Spanich
visits Bungo 116, 174–175, 183.
explorer) 27
See also Ôtomo Yoshishige
visits Hirado 168–169
waboku (reconciliation) 137 visits Iwakuni (Hiroshima) 170
wajin (Japanese) 131 visits Kyoto 170–172
visits Sakai 170
Wakasa (the teppô maiden) 8–14,
visits Yamaguchi 169–170, 172–
202 (nn. 47–49)
174
poem 12, 201–202 (n. 43)
see also teppô, production of; Yaita
Wakasa kôen (Wakasa Park in Yaita Kinbee Kiyosada (smith) 5–
Nishinoomote) 8 8, 198 (n. 25), 66, 75

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TANEGASHIMA – THE ARRIVAL OF EUROPE IN JAPAN

Yaita-shi Kiyosada ichiryû no keizu Yokoseura (port on Kyushu) 100

(chronicle of Yaita family) 8, 9– Yoshiharu (Muromachi shogun
12, 65 1521–45) 134, 141
Yajirô. See Anjiro Yoshimitsu (Muromachi shogun
Yakushima (one of the 12 southern 1367–95) 80, 133
islands) 2, 15, 197 (n. 13) Yoshimochi (Muromachi shogun
conquered by Nejime 49, 62 1395–1428) 80
later Nejime attacks on 51, 67
Yoshinaga, Hayashi (author) xi
reconquest by Tanegashima 4,6,
46, 64–65, 199 (n. 28) Yoshinori (Muromachi shogun
Shigetoki flees to 44, 60 1428–41) 80
see also Nejime; Tanegashima Yoshiteru (Muromachi shogun
yamabushi (mountain priests) 133 1545–65) 92, 144, 159, 171
Yamagawa (Satsuma province) 28, yûhitsu 49
111
Yamaguchi (province) 99, 124, Zeimoto, Francisco (Diogo) (one
169, 172 of the first Portuguese in Japan)
daimyo. See Ôuchi (daimyo 13, 16–17, 31, 105–106. See also
family) Galvano; Portuguese: identity
Xavier visits 169–170, 172–174 of first

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304