TEACHING WRITING IN A DIGITAL AND GLOBAL AGE 9
life.
Most of the misinterpretations of the concept came when it was extracted from Vygotsky
and became associated with Bruner’s (1978) notion of “scaffolding,” as others also have pointed
out (see especially Cazden, 2001 and Chaiklin, 2003). Most seriously, it shifted focus toward the
teacher and away from Vygotsky’s original interest in a learner’s potential and teaching-learning
interactions. This shift led to relatively rigid and non-interactive views of instruction.
Another perhaps more serious interpretive problem has arisen from merging the concepts
of learning and development. For Vygotsky, the two were different, and development, not
learning, was the point of the ZPD and indeed the point of his entire theoretical project.
Vygotsky saw development as qualitative shifts in both the “forms and content of thinking”
(Vygotsky, 1998, p. 32). In contrast, the ZPD is sometimes reduced conceptually to a focus on
small bits of learning or as a guide for “scaffolding” students within an imagined “zone,” the
goal being mastery of these small bits of “learning.” This focus stands in contrast to Vygotsky’s
more profound and longer-term process of development. A focus on development instead of
learning implies examining what develops as writers progress and conceptualizing the larger
project of teaching writing across time. We turn next to a fuller discussion of what Vygotsky
meant by development and its implications for the teaching and learning of writing.
Vygotsky’s Theoretical Project
The central question that Vygotsky addressed was how higher mental functions develop,
including the development of both written and oral language (Vygotsky, 1999), which he
considered to be psychological tools important for aiding the development of other higher
functions, such as abstractions and scientific concepts (see discussions by Cole, 1996; Wertsch &
Stone, 1999). The tool of language, as well as other tools that support development, originate in
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the social world and are appropriated or internalized in the process of human development. What
is important about this formulation is that it privileges the social origins of thinking and
ultimately of development. Traditional psychologists of Vygotsky’s day, including Piaget,
thought differently, assuming that development took place through the biologically-based
maturation that occurs as infants naturally grow and change. Vygotsky, however, argued that
theories positioning development as only biologically determined were incorrect.
Vygotsky did not ignore the role of biology in development. Rather, he believed that even
the “lower” or “elementary” processes, such as those associated with physical growth (e.g.,
walking) and with early concept development (e.g., initial understandings of words) were not just
biologically determined but included a social component as well. Development of both lower and
higher forms depend on the social world and the culture and history of the spaces one inhabits. In
this way, the biological and the social come together, with the development of the higher
functions like writing involving “both an overlay on and a reorganization of more basic
psychological functions” (Vygotsky, 1997, p. 107). As Cole (1993) points out, “Vygotsky
believed that old [lower] forms continue to ‘dwell alongside’ the newer, higher forms” (p. 11)
and that these old forms might reappear across time.2 Development of the higher functions is
what educators aspire to for learners in school settings, especially as part of the introduction of
literacy.
Vygotsky further sees the development of higher mental functions as having
directionality, a movement toward imagined ends, and not just a process of change. One example
of directionality is Vygotsky’s notion of the move from what he refers to as “spontaneous” and
“scientific” concepts and the contexts in which they are most typically acquired, respectively
everyday life and formal schooling. Wells (1994) summarizes the difference between these two
TEACHING WRITING IN A DIGITAL AND GLOBAL AGE 11
types of Vygotskian concepts: “scientific concepts have four features which the former
[spontaneous] lack: generality, systemic organization, conscious awareness and voluntary
control” (p. 1).
Although Vygotsky’s theory demands an objective to move toward, imagined ends make
it all too easy to privilege particular means to particular ends as more desirable than others,
especially when members of one cultural group judge the accomplishments of another group.
Rogoff (2003) writes about the importance of separating value judgments from explanations and
of being attentive to how we make judgments when we think about the developmental move
toward desired ends (p. 16). Most dangerous are tendencies to think in ethnocentric ways. Rogoff
writes,
Key to moving beyond one’s own system of assumptions is recognizing that goals of
human development––what is regarded as mature or desirable––vary considerably
according to the cultural traditions and circumstances of different communities. (p. 18)
This valuing happens both across cultures, when the kind of thinking within one culture
is considered “more advanced” than that within another, as well as within cultures, when the
ways of thinking of one group or even an individual is considered “more advanced” than another.
More to the point, ways of thinking develop through participation in cultural activities, with the
needs of different kinds of thinking associated with different kinds of activities. School is one
such activity system, with ways of thinking associated with it (Cole, 1996; Tulviste, 1991).
In studies in the early 1930s in the Soviet Union, Vygotsky’s student Luria (1976) found
that illiterate peasants solved problems based on concrete experience while literate adults used
abstract, verbal, and logical experience. He concluded that the illiterates had not developed
abstract and hypothetical reasoning. However, Cole, Gay, Glick and Sharp (1971) show that non-
TEACHING WRITING IN A DIGITAL AND GLOBAL AGE 12
literates will not perform hypothetical reasoning if they have to state a conclusion but will if they
are asked only to evaluate the logic of a set of statements. Thus, the task was limiting for them
while it was a familiar task for literates who had gone to school. Luria’s conclusions about the
effects of literacy did not hold (see further critique in Rogoff, 2003, p. 39-41). Luria assumed
that literacy caused these developmental differences and implied that the absence of literacy
made such higher mental functions impossible. Vygotsky’s privileging of literacy becomes
problematic when its deficit is taken to imply the impossibility of certain kinds of development.
Importantly, development similar to the kinds claimed for writing have been found to be
supported through other cultural tools in some societies.
This is not to say that literacy has no cognitive effects. It is just that the effects are
somewhat particular and related to the kinds of literacy practices one engages in both in and out
of school (Scribner & Cole, 1981b). Cole (1996) explains, "It is essential to take into account the
fact that human activity involves elaborate and shifting divisions of labor and experience within
cultures, so that no two members of a cultural group can be expected to have internalized the
same parts of whatever ‘whole’ might be said to exist” (D'Andrade, 1989; Schwartz, 1978, 1990)
(p. 124). Missteps like those of Luria serve as a cautionary tale for over-claiming cognitive
benefits of particular activities, but not as evidence against the importance of having
directionality for the historical development of both the individual and the culture. Nor do
critiques of Luria’s study or Scribner and Cole’s later findings eliminate the potential power of
literacy as a psychological tool. Rather, our knowledge of these missteps should inoculate us
against assuming that the presence of particular kinds of literacy practices is requisite for
particular kinds of mental functioning.
Vygotsky’s concept of cultural-historical development applies not only to the
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development of individuals but also to the development of cultures. His claim is that human
beings, individually and collectively, use their higher mental functions in ways that contribute to
the ongoing development of the cultural world itself, with new cultural forms of behavior
emerging as the culture develops. In this cultural-historical conceptualization, then, higher
mental functions are not something that only individuals accomplish. Over time, historically, the
cultural and individual planes interact recursively; societal development provides affordances for
individual development, which in turn contributes to further societal development and so on.
Cole (1996) explains these mutually occurring processes:
[C]ulture undergoes both quantitative change in terms of the number and variety of
artifacts, and qualitative change in terms of the mediational potentials that they embody.
And as a consequence, both culture and human thinking develop. (p. 114)
The tools, both ideal and material, provide the cultural medium that supports the development of
people, who in turn develop new tools that support the development of the culture.
Boesch (1997), in “The Sound of the Violin,” describes the development of one such
tool, the violin, across history. He shows clearly how cultural-historical development works, both
for the individual who is developing musical sounds and for the cultural world of music. Boesch
explains that early violins could be made to produce a certain kind of sound, but humans were
reaching for what they thought would be a more “beautiful” sound, an ideal sound that they had
never heard. They changed the instrument so that it could produce this imagined more
“beautiful” sound. They kept engaging in this same process over time. With each improvement
in their tool, violinists came to have new goals with respect to sound because of the new
capabilities of their new instrument. This iterative process is a story of both cultural-historical
development, including important changes in the possible sounds of music, and human
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development, with humans changing their tool to produce what they found to be increasingly
beautiful sounds. As violin players learned to produce the new and what they considered more
beautiful sounds, they were able to play what they considered more beautiful and more varied
kinds of music. This in turn led them to desire something they perceived as even more beautiful.
Boesch thus shows how the cultural history of the tool of the violin influenced the sounds
that humans could produce across time; how people came to imagine new possibilities that they
couldn’t have imagined without changes in the violin that allowed them to hear something new;
and then how once new sounds were heard, people could imagine something new yet again. Over
time, as the violin developed, musical culture developed, including the cultural activity of
playing string instruments, which in turn led to further developments in the violin and in the
cultural organization of music.
Boesch’s discussion of the violin illustrates not just how the cultural-historical
development of higher functions is interwoven with the development of cultures and individuals
across time, but also the role that mediation with tools plays in that process. Tools, such as the
violin, mediate the process of developing as a musician and of changing the nature of musical
sounds and culture itself. Similarly, for written language, even beyond symbols that function as
tools, Vygotsky explains that written language is a powerful and specialized psychological tool.
Even though Vygotsky predates this digital, global age, with the metaphor of the violin in
mind, one can think about how he provides a framework for considering both the social-
historical development that led to digitalization and the new developmental possibilities for
individuals who live in times marked by great changes such as the ones being experienced today.
While we recognize that all tools are unevenly distributed and used, one of the important
functions of new digital tools, for those who have access to them, is that they serve as tools for
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composing. They are cultural artifacts that, like the violin, have developed over time. And as
they continue to develop, they offer new opportunities for composing and for what we think of as
writing. Like the violin, over time newer and better digital tools have been created that can afford
new opportunities for communicating, opportunities we could not have imagined even 50 years
ago. Who would have thought everyday citizens would be collectively writing Wikipedia, and
that Wikipedia would supersede The Encyclopedia Britannica, The World Book, and door-to-
door encyclopedia salesmen? And now that Wikipedia exists as well as other sources of socially
created information through the World Wide Web, humans have devised new social
organizations for the distribution and creation of knowledge as well as for archiving that
knowledge. With these affordances, one can imagine different ways of accumulating,
synthesizing, creating, and presenting knowledge. To be sure, there is variation in access to
particular cultural tools and different value systems around the use of these tools within and
across cultures. Vygotsky’s theory demands that researchers study precisely how new tools and
writing are functioning and changing and how the development of individuals is affected by new
forms of writing that interact with and lead to changes in tools, thinking, and composing.
Even with new digital affordances, people still read and write conventional books, from
novels to academic treatises. People still develop knowledge through argument and debate.
People still make good use of physical library spaces. But it is also the case that physical libraries
are becoming insufficient as digital information becomes accessible easily and quickly to many
outside of the physical library, providing scholars of all ages, for example, the possibility of
acquiring much information almost instantaneously, without the need for browsing in the stacks
(see Report of the Commission on the Future of the UC Berkeley Library, October, 2013). Digital
libraries can allow for forms of presentation that show the searcher surrounding volumes. Digital
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tools preserve much of what people value about spending time physically in the library but add
new affordances of easy search and easy access. With these changes in access to information,
people may, over time, have to learn to synthesize information more quickly and perhaps in new
ways as well as change the way they design and use the physical space of libraries.
Digital media has led to vast cultural development in the ways people use written
language to communicate, and that cultural development is more than mere change. Indeed, it
alters the ways in which people develop and grow. The new digital tools are not static; they are
developing, rapidly. And in turn, individual ways of learning and developing are likely not static
either. However, one cautionary note: digital tools are still unequally distributed in local and
global communities, and just as importantly, individuals in every culture, digitally-turned or not,
use the cultural tools at hand to make meaning, to represent themselves, and to do “necessary”
cultural work (Willis, 1990; see, for example, Stein’s [2004] classroom-based research with
English language learners in Johannesburg, South Africa where their tools for representation
included oral stories, handmade artifacts, and gesture). In the end, the job of researchers and
teachers is to account for and understand precisely how the social organization of the activity of
writing, in conjunction with new and old tools, have consequential effects on how young people
develop higher mental functions.
Vygotsky’s work continues to inspire learning theorists and educators. Wanting to
account for learning and development in heterogeneous social worlds filled with interacting
people and ideas, neo-Vygotskians like Engeström (1987, 1999) write about interacting activity
systems, filled with clashes and disruptions. In the process they moved their focus away from
individual and societal development to consider the importance of collective activity and the
struggles that people attempt to resolve when they work, play, and learn together (cf., Leont’ev,
TEACHING WRITING IN A DIGITAL AND GLOBAL AGE 17
1981). Engeström (1987), building on Bateson (1972), theorized that people who find themselves
in “double binds”—or situations in which there is no right answer and in which different ways of
thinking compete—are in a position to experience what he calls “expansive learning.” What
Engeström describes as “expansive learning” is much like what Vygotsky calls development,
although Vygotsky did not privilege dissonance or “double binds” as its impetus as Engeström
did. Although activity theorists typically have not focused their attention on analyzing language,
choosing instead to analyze the activity systems themselves, some writing researchers have used
activity theory as a framework for their studies. For example, Gutiérrez and colleagues (e.g.,
Gutiérrez, 2008; Gutiérrez, Bien, Selland, & Pierce, 2011; Gutiérrez, Larson, Encisco, & Ryan,
2007; Gutiérrez, Morales, & Martinez, 2009), working with children and undergraduates in after-
school programs, used the concept of competing activity systems to elaborate how the coming
together of these systems led to “expansive learning” (Engeström, 1987) of writing and literacy,
especially for students from nondominant communities.
Bakhtin’s Theoretical Project
Like the neo-Vygotskians, Bakhtin adds specificity about the underpinnings of
development but with a focus on the central role played by language, both written and oral.
Bakhtin focused on how humans struggle through dialogue to build meaning and senses of self in
relation to others through written and oral language. We note that Matusov (2011) opposes
Bakhtin’s construct of dialogicality to Vygotsky’s construct of development, seeing them as
irreconcilable. Although we see important differences as well, we argue that Bakhtin can be read
as aligned with rather than theoretically incompatible with Vygotsky. We see the following
commonalities. Both focused on the role that writing plays in the workings of the mind and saw
language and symbolizing as central to any discussion of how social and cultural processes are