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Chapter 1: Crowd Psychology: October 2015

This document provides an overview of crowd psychology concepts relevant to crowd control within the South African National Defence Force (SANDF). It defines key terms like crowd, mass, and gathering and distinguishes between a mass and a crowd. It also describes the three phases of a gathering: assembly, crowd building, and dispersal. The goal is to provide SANDF members and leaders with an understanding of group behavior and dynamics to effectively manage crowds.

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100% found this document useful (1 vote)
175 views40 pages

Chapter 1: Crowd Psychology: October 2015

This document provides an overview of crowd psychology concepts relevant to crowd control within the South African National Defence Force (SANDF). It defines key terms like crowd, mass, and gathering and distinguishes between a mass and a crowd. It also describes the three phases of a gathering: assembly, crowd building, and dispersal. The goal is to provide SANDF members and leaders with an understanding of group behavior and dynamics to effectively manage crowds.

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Chapter 1: Crowd Psychology

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DOI: 10.13140/RG.2.1.3455.6888

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Bester, P.C. (2009). Chapter 1: Crowd psychology. Unpublished manuscript for contribution to the South African Army Doctrine on Crowd Control.

CHAPTER 1: CROWD PSYCHOLOGY

Appendix A: Bibliography

B: Crowd control techniques and procedures for each crowd dynamic


factor

INTRODUCTION

1. Collective human behaviour and especially that manifesting itself in crowd


behaviour is a complex phenomenon, which has been studied over many decades
without obtaining clear answers to many of the questions (1: 597; 6: 1; 8; 11: 1). The
changing requirements of military missions and the utilisation of the military in Africa
in situations that might include civil disorder, mass events and disaster management
compel the South African National Defence Force (SANDF) to prepare its deploying
soldiers in the tactics of crowd control. Consequently the particular subject of “Crowd
Psychology”, loaded with knowledge of behavioural and social sciences, requires the
input of the Directorate Psychology from the South African Military Health Services
(SAMHS).

2. Since Crowd Psychology has a strong behavioural base, it implies that in the
preparation of SANDF members and more specifically the military leaders to be
crowd-control agents, they must be given insight into group behaviour. This insight is
more than a cognitive understanding of what will be discussed in this chapter. It also
implies sensitivity and a feeling for group and crowd dynamics that suggests
reinforcement by practical training. Any adequate explanation of the crowd will take
one a long way towards understanding the general bases of human social behaviour
(13). This is therefore a humble contribution to the understanding of the general
bases of human social behaviour.

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Bester, P.C. (2009). Chapter 1: Crowd psychology. Unpublished manuscript for contribution to the South African Army Doctrine on Crowd Control.

AIM

3. The aim of this chapter is to provide a general orientation to crowd psychology as


a basis for crowd control within the SANDF.

SCOPE

4. With the introduction as background, this chapter starts with the clarification of
concepts relevant to crowd psychology. This is followed by an introductory
discussion to collective behaviour and the social dynamics of crowds, with specific
reference to types of crowds, leadership in crowds, crowd dynamics, the social
political context of crowds and the physical context of crowd behaviour. Next, crowd
management is discussed by firstly referring to the tactics used by crowds, then
focusing on the individual, followed by a framework that commanders can use in
negotiations, the principles of crowd control and, finally, a brief reference to training
in crowd control.

CONCEPT CLARIFICATION

5. In order to prevent misunderstanding and to ensure the standardisation of


concepts within the SANDF, some concepts will be clarified. A crowd can be defined
as a large group (mass) or multitude of individuals and small groups of people who
have temporarily assembled in the same place with an awareness that they are a
crowd and have something in common (7: 13; 12; 16: 1-2). A specific stimulus is,
however, required to turn a mass into a crowd (12:1). This stimulus is perceived as a
cue that energises the mass and focuses its attention. This could be, for example,
the action where a vehicle is suddenly set on fire, or an argument erupts between
police and pedestrians. Note. The best way of crowd control is prevention of
formation of crowds in the first place, or defusing the situation rapidly before a crowd
forms.

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Bester, P.C. (2009). Chapter 1: Crowd psychology. Unpublished manuscript for contribution to the South African Army Doctrine on Crowd Control.

6. It is important for the tactical commander to be able to distinguish between a


mass and a crowd. Therefore Table 1-1 below summarises the difference between a
mass and a crowd:

S/No Mass Crowd

a b

1 Group of people Group that is bound together.

2 Individual awareness. Group awareness.

3 No links between members. (Structure) Cells connected to one another to


form chains of cells. Strong links between
members, sense of oneness, communication
links.

4 Normal state of mind. Hypnotic state of mind.

5 Rational thinking. Irrational thinking, illusion of will and power.

6 Normal physiological activities. Adrenalin rush. Fight or flight reactions.

Table 1-1: The difference between a mass and a crowd (adopted from Neale, 12).

7. Some authors (Goldstein cited in Anon, 3: 355) refers to the concept mob that
is defined by Goldstein as “…a crowd acting under strong emotional conditions that
often lead to violence or illegal acts…” (3: 355). He furthermore refers to a riot as
“…an instance of mob violence, with the destruction of property or looting, or
violence against people…” However for the purpose of this document, reference will
only be made to a crowd that includes concepts such as mob, group, panic,
demonstrations, rallies, audiences or riots.

8. Once a crowd has been formed it can turn into a gathering. The assembly
process of a gathering refers to the movement of people from different locations to a
common location within a given period (16:1-2). It is largely determined by who
participates in the process and the creation of a gathering from a crowd is a process
with a beginning, middle, and end (7: 13).

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Bester, P.C. (2009). Chapter 1: Crowd psychology. Unpublished manuscript for contribution to the South African Army Doctrine on Crowd Control.

9. This process is illustrated in Figure 1-1 below, indicating that a crowd has an
assembly process that leads to a gathering of the crowd, which is always followed by
a dispersal process.

Figure 1-1: Crowd building (adopted from Kenny et al, 7: 13 and United States Army,
16:1-3).

10. Gatherings are characterised by the activities of individuals or groups with a


specific agenda, such as yelling catchy slogans and cheers that everyone can easily
pick up and join in. Some groups are so well organised that they can presage
leaders to infiltrate a gathering. This creates unity, even inciting newcomers to join
their cause.

11. In support of the abovementioned, a gathering takes place in three phases


that range from the assembly process through crowd building up to dispersal of the
gathering (16:1-2 – 1-4). The phases are as follows:

a. Phase 1: The Assembly Process. The first phase of the gathering is


known as the assembly process and it can occur in one of two ways -
impromptu or organised:

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Bester, P.C. (2009). Chapter 1: Crowd psychology. Unpublished manuscript for contribution to the South African Army Doctrine on Crowd Control.

i. Impromptu Gatherings. Impromptu gatherings tend to develop


informally and are mostly organised by word of mouth (one person to
another). Participants spread intelligence by telling one another
when, where, and what is happening and inviting them to participate
(16:1-3). An example of an impromptu gathering would be a
gathering at a secure food distribution point after receiving
information (by word of mouth) that a large truck carrying much-
needed supplies and food is about to arrive. In this case hunger
would be the driving force causing the migration of people to the
food-distribution facility.

ii. Organised Gathering. Organised gathering processes rely more on


centralised planning and organisation. One or more of the groups
offer organisers lists of individual names and groups, which they
contact as potential participants. Modern technologies are available
to these organisers through telephone banks, mailing lists, or e-mail
addresses. In preparation for a long-term event, some group
organisers have the means to provide logistical support in the form
of transportation, food and water to participants.

b. Phase 2: Crowd Building. The second phase of the gathering process is


the building of the crowd. See the discussion on the social dynamics of a
crowd for more detail.

c. Phase 3: Dispersal. The last and final phase of any gathering of a crowd
is the dispersal process that involves the movement of people from the
common location to one or more alternate locations. The dispersal
process signals the end of the gathering of the crowd or at least begins its
decline. The dispersal process can occur on a routine, emergency, or
coerced basis.

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Bester, P.C. (2009). Chapter 1: Crowd psychology. Unpublished manuscript for contribution to the South African Army Doctrine on Crowd Control.

i. Routine Dispersal. The routine dispersal may be specified in


advance and could have been included in the assembly instructions
given by the organisers of the event.

ii. Emergency Dispersal. An unexpected crisis such as a fire,


explosion, bomb threat, or terrorist act will typically activate an
emergency dispersal. Individuals in such an emergency quickly
recover from the initial shock. They keep their wits about them and
improvise ways of extracting themselves and their companions from
the dangerous situation. However, this might cause a stampede and
tragedies have occurred in emergency dispersal situations. Note. It
is therefore important for the tactical commander and/or forces at the
scene to be careful not to misinterpret what is occurring.

iii. Coercion Dispersal. The use of force at some level causes coercion
dispersal. Although not necessarily the best way to force the
dispersal of a crowd, it might be necessary when negotiation fails.
The preferred and proven method is, however, the negotiated
management of crowds where the crowd organisers police
themselves, especially if the leaders of the demonstration and
protest are available and willing to participate.

12. With the phases of crowd building as background, collective behaviour and the
social dynamics of crowds are discussed in the next part.

COLLECTIVE BEHAVIOUR AND THE SOCIAL DYNAMICS OF CROWDS

13. An understanding of collective behaviour, the types of crowds and the


leadership in crowds, as well as the coinciding social dynamics of crowd behaviour,
will assist the tactical commander/forces to react with an effective and efficient
intervention because under most circumstances, crowds that have gathered are
orderly and present few or no problems to authorities. It is, however, a very

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Bester, P.C. (2009). Chapter 1: Crowd psychology. Unpublished manuscript for contribution to the South African Army Doctrine on Crowd Control.

comprehensive and complex phenomenon that cannot be discussed fully within the
scope of this document. Consequently only the most important aspects will be
highlighted in this document.

CAUSES FOR COLLECTIVE BEHAVIOUR

14. An overview of the Psychology literature indicates that there is no single


cause for collective behaviour (9: 1).Therefore, in order to understand instances
where collective behaviour did occur, any of the following can serve as point of
departure:

a. Society. Firstly, the cause of group behaviour can be found in the


circumstances in which a society finds itself (supra-national). A typical
example can be found within the South African society in the 1980s and
early 1990s where a large group of South Africans acted collectively
because they were oppressed under Apartheid legislation. This had the
effect that individuals who were unable to express their dissatisfaction
with the Nationalist Government by voting another party into power
because they did not have voting rights had to find a substitute for
expressing their dissatisfaction, hence, the manifestation of crowd
behaviour in riots and civil unrest.

b. Groups. In the second instance the causes can be linked to the


circumstances in which a particular group or segment of the population
finds itself. A very poor group or segment of the population might start to
act collectively in order to improve its situation or to bring its situation to
the attention of the government or even the world.

c. Social Movements. The third reason for collective behaviour is that there
are certain movements in the community or in society. Typical examples
of such movements are those that campaign for gender equality.

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Bester, P.C. (2009). Chapter 1: Crowd psychology. Unpublished manuscript for contribution to the South African Army Doctrine on Crowd Control.

d. Events. Fourthly, physical events, such as the arrest of a specific person


or the abuse of power by the security forces, might lead to collective
behaviour. An incident at a sports event, such as a controversial decision
by a referee, might activate group behaviour among the supporters of the
affected team.

15. The abovementioned factors might individually or in conjunction with one


another contribute to collective behaviour. In some instances a combination of these
factors not only leads to collective behaviour but also the violent nature of such
collective behaviour.

16. Collective behaviour also occurs when there are specific objectives that an
individual cannot attain on his/her own (9: 1-2). The principle of two or more is better
than one is applied here. Good examples of effective collective behaviour are the
consumer boycotts of the mid- and late 1980s in South Africa. In many instances
specific social circumstances will lead to collective behaviour (10: 1).

17. Conflict might also lead to collective behaviour. When needs or interests are not
satisfied, it might lead to frustration and the individual or groups need an outlet for
this frustration. As mentioned above, for many years mass mobilisation and
collective action was the only way in which the largest segment of the South African
population was able to voice its political frustrations.

18. During times of transition and change there are many uncertainties and
individuals experience a sense of security when they act collectively. If the
authorities do not act correctly towards these masses of people that cluster together
for security it will most probably lead to violence.

TYPES OF CROWDS

19. From the above it is clear why the tactical commander needs to gain an
understanding of the causes of collective behaviour. The United States Army (16:1-
6) emphasises that “active, expressive, acquisitive, and hostile” are not acceptable

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Bester, P.C. (2009). Chapter 1: Crowd psychology. Unpublished manuscript for contribution to the South African Army Doctrine on Crowd Control.

terms used to describe a crowd. These are the motives inferred from the action the
crowd takes and no gathering of a crowd is persistently or exclusively active,
expressive, acquisitive, or hostile.

20. For the sake of description, crowds can be identified as spontaneous, semi-
spontaneous or casual, sighting, agitated, fully organised, mob-like, or polarised. A
brief description of each follows below:

a. Spontaneous Crowds. A spontaneous crowd forms without any prior


arrangement around an event, eg the arrest of a person or a quarrel
between two persons (6: 3; 10: 1). This type of crowd is easily established
in a society where there is already a sense of unity or commonality (eg
where a large part of the community feels oppressed by a political system
such as Apartheid). The crowded urban environment and especially an
environment where people stay very close to one another, where there
are often people in the street, is especially conducive to the establishment
of such a crowd. Very often the overreaction of the law enforcement or
security forces or of an individual in the crowd that sets an example
becomes the stimulus for the crowd to proceed to violence. With
spontaneous crowds it is usually the leaders that make the first move to
initiate violent behaviour (6: 5). Note. These types of leaders are very
dangerous and an effort must be made to remove or isolate the leaders
from the crowd. Stott, Adang and Schreiber (15) refer to this activity as
“targeted interventions”.

b. Semi-organised or Casual Crowds. Semi-organised or casual crowds are


usually identified as individuals or small groups with nothing in common to
bind them together. There is, however, an element of prior arrangement
(6: 4; 11: 1) and if they have an agenda, it is their own. They arrive
separately and leave separately. Semi-organised or casual crowds are
made up of individuals or small groups occupying the same common
place, such as a shopping mall where these individuals or small groups
meet. There is, however, no internal control mechanism that will ensure
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Bester, P.C. (2009). Chapter 1: Crowd psychology. Unpublished manuscript for contribution to the South African Army Doctrine on Crowd Control.

that the crowd will remain peaceful. The leadership or organisers are not
really visible or they are hidden among the crowd and do not accept
responsibility for the crowd’s behaviour. Very often so-called “-baiters1”
are purposefully placed in the crowd. Note. During times of civil unrest or
internal instability these types of crowds can be exploited by someone
who wants to create disorder. It is important to identify the leaders and to
remove them from the crowd.

c. Sighting Crowds. There are various similarities between sighting crowds


and semi-organised or casual crowds, with one additional element - an
event. People migrate as a crowd to sporting events, are attracted to fires
and accidents, and attend music concerts. Individuals or small groups
gather at these events for the same purpose. It is the event and/or
curiosity that compels a crowd to come together.

d. Agitated Crowds. Agitated crowds add responses that are based on the
elements of people, space and event. Individuals with strong emotional
feelings within a crowd can quickly spread this emotion and infect the rest
of the crowd. As more people within the crowd become emotionally
involved, a sense of unity can develop, causing changes in the overall
demeanour of the crowd. Yelling, screaming, crying and profane name-
calling are all associated with an agitated crowd.

e. Fully Organised Crowds. In these instances the organisers usually get


prior authorisation from the authorities for the meeting or the march (6: 5;
11: 1). There is usually prior planning with the police, metro police, traffic
authorities and emergency services. In many instance negotiators
(marshals) are appointed who have to ensure that the proceedings take
place in an orderly manner. The leaders are usually easily recognisable
1
In some instances these individuals might be placed within a crowd on purpose to provoke an over-
reaction from the security forces by spitting at them, swearing at them, throwing acid over them, etc.
Another successful form of “police-baiting” is by women who utilise obscene sexual provocation.
Women who take off their clothes and make obscene suggestions to the crowd controllers cause
physiological arousal that causes the adrenal gland to secrete excessive adrenaline, which easily acts
as stimulus for police aggression.
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and can most of the time be found at the front of the proceedings. They
also take responsibility for the behaviour of the crowd. Note. From a
crowd-control perspective, it is important that the leaders are identified
and that communication with the crowd takes place through them. Under
no circumstances should they be removed from the crowd, as people
might be provoked if the leadership is taken away against their will.

f. Mob-like Crowds. Mobs have all the elements found in the first four types
of crowds, with the addition of aggressive, physical and sometimes violent
action. Under these conditions, individuals in a crowd will often say and do
things they would normally not do. Extreme acts of violence and damage
to property are often part of mob activities. Mobs consist of (or involve) the
elements of people and groups being mixed together and becoming fluid.

g. Polarised Crowds. These types of crowds usually erupt spontaneously or


are semi-organised (6: 5; 11: 1). This type of crowd entails two hostile
groups that oppose each other. A typical example is the supporters of two
opposing political parties or the supporters of two opposing sports teams
that are in confrontation with each other. Note. In this instance it is the
task of the security forces to keep these groupings apart and to facilitate
negotiations between the leaders of the groups to ensure that they part
peacefully along separate routes.

21. In the discussion above, many references were made to the leaders in the
groups. It is therefore important to look into more detail into leadership in crowds.

LEADERSHIP IN CROWDS

22. The SANDF (14: 13/3/5-5) postulates different types of leadership in crowds
that range from crowds with leaders to crowds with temporary leaders and finally,
leaderless crowds.

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a. Crowds with Leaders. Crowds with easily recognisable leaders are normally pre-
planned and well-organised. The leader can either control the crowd or
alternatively, incite it to violent action. The crowd-control agent should be prepared
to cooperate with the leader of a peaceful, justified and planned demonstration. On
the other hand, if a leader deliberately incites a crowd, the police should arrest
him immediately.

b. Crowds with Temporary Leaders. Leaders can emerge in the case of both
spontaneous and normal crowds. These people, despite being previously unknown,
emerge as leaders, although they had no prior intention of doing so. This type of
leader, by word or deed, may incite the crowd to take some action. He/she tends to
concentrate the attention of the crowd on an incident or to sum up the situation,
provoking the people into following his/her wishes. The crowd control entity
must either force him to be quiet or go away, or they must make him look foolish in
the eyes of the crowd. On no account must he be permitted to continue with his
inflammatory behaviour; if he has to be removed, this should be done quickly and
before the crowd has the chance to interfere.

c. Leaderless Crowds. Leaderless crowds do not appear aggressive or positive in


their attitude. A conventional or spectator crowd falls into this category. There is
always a possibility, however, that a temporary leader may suddenly emerge with
the intention of inciting the crowd to do something outside its normal behavioural
pattern. The crowd-control entity, in this case, can either take over the
leadership of the crowd, if this can be done without antagonising the people, or
encourage a responsible person from within the crowd to assume the leadership
role.

23. Techniques for Crowd Leadership. Crowd leadership manifests itself in many ways.
An experienced leader will endeavour to manipulate a crowd in the following way:

a. Stage One. The leader establishes an emotional bond with the people.

b. Stage Two. The leader then proceeds to generate emotional tension.

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c. Stage Three. The leader suggests a way to relieve the tension he has generated.

d. Stage Four. The leader gives justification for the action he has
suggested.

24. The SANDF (14: 13/3/5-5) states that the skilful agitator, having directed the
crowd to the point of action, will then fade into the background and take no further part in its
activities. Ideally, the manipulation process should be interrupted before the leader establishes
rapport with the crowd, but the circumstances may not justify pre-emptive action. The police or
the military may be forced to neutralise the leader at a later stage as part of graduated control
measures (use of minimum force) or the targeted intervention.

25. Except for the specific role that leaders play, there are also some dynamics
taking place within a crowd.

CROWD DYNAMICS

26. Some of the dynamics of crowds are described below.

a. Personal Need for Comfort. In essence, a crowd consists of people who,


although very motivated and passionate, are also subject to their own
need for creature comforts. Therefore, rainy, cold and nasty weather has
a way of disheartening all but a few highly motivated and disciplined
individuals (16:1-5).

b. Opinion Formers Energising Crowd. These are members of the crowd


who influence the members around them. They must be loud and visual to
be able to influence those around them. They are normally very energetic
and appear to be charismatic in leadership. Note. This suggests that the
crowd-control entity should focus on the opinion formers.

c. Various Factors as Individual Motivators for Participation. The Military


Psychological Institute (10: 4) indicates that an individual’s motivation for
participation in group behaviour will differ from person to person. The
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degree of involvement in group activity is determined by the following


motivational aspects:

i. Strong sentiment or ego involvement with the given situation.

ii. General feeling of communal interest, although the individual might


not be directly affected by it.

iii. Uncertainty or lack of identity.

iv. Curiosity. Very often the initial involvement in the crowd is mainly
because of curiosity, but in the end the individual becomes involved
in the activities of the crowd.

v. Opportunistic reasons. There are often people who participate


although they do not share the sentiments of the group, for example
criminals who see it as an opportunity to gain something personal.

d. Crowd Composed of Linked Cells. Crowds are not made up of isolated


individuals but of a minority of individuals and a majority of small groups
who may or may not be acquainted with one another (16:1-4). Kenny et al
(7: 1) refer to “companion clusters”. This clustering of individuals is called
a cell and a cell consists of more or less 10 people in close proximity to
each other. Each cell may comprise friends, family members, or
acquaintances that represent a group, belief or cause (16: 1-2). This
confirms Kenny et al’s (7: 1) emphasis that crowds are not homogenous
entities and that all participants are not the same. Cells communicate with
one another and information spreads with a ripple effect. Synergy
between cells will increase energy input in a group in order to effect
unison in an attempt to achieve their agendas. This synergy and a
possible confusion between cells will exhaust energy input. It is thus
important to note that crowds are made up of many entities; all
participants are not the same and they are not by default unanimous in
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their motivation. Note. Tactical commanders must consider how the cells
are assembled and how they interact during the gathering process. The
objective of crowd control should thus be to prevent synergy in crowds
and facilitate confusion. These are, however, very sensitive tactics and
the rule of waves would also apply, for example, waves of confusion can
easily find other waves and double their size and strength. The effort to
confuse can easily become the energy in a crowd.

e. Increased Feeling of Cohesion. An individual who is part of a crowd starts


to experience an increased feeling of cohesion, which is inter alia
stimulated by the rhythmic movements of the crowd (eg singing and
dancing), speeches by charismatic leaders and a real or perceived
external threat that collectively influences the crowd, eg if the behaviour of
the security forces unite the crowd (6: 6; 11 3). Kenny et al (7:1), however,
confirm that participants are not unanimous in their motives.

f. Physiological Arousal. The rhythmic movement of the crowd and/or the


perceived external threat causes an increased secretion of adrenaline by
the adrenal gland (6: 6; 11: 3). This causes physiological arousal and
according to de Kock (6: 6) it can eventually lead to aggression and/or
private de-individuation2. Le Bon (1895), as cited by Reicher (13), refers
to a person being “submerged”, which refers not only to the loss of identity
but also to the gaining of a sense of power.

g. Identity Change of Individuals in Crowd. This phenomenon is called de-


individuation. According to de Kock (6: 6-7), in his/her daily life the human
being is regulated by a set of internal rules and by the behaviour of people
around him. He is in an environment where his attention continuously
fluctuates between his own rules and his social environment. If this
person, however, ends up in foreign situations and/or quickly developing

2
Goldstein refers to de-individuation as a process of losing one’s sense of individuality or personal
accountability and/or separateness from others and becoming submerged in a group or large, noisy
emotional crowds (3: 355; 4: 5). A person tends to lose a sense of individual responsibility as well as
the creation of a sense of anonymity, particularly from potential punishment for actions.
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situations, such as being in a crowd of people, the person tends to


“freeze” and is unable to recall his internal behavioural rules. This is
known as private de-individuation and such persons are susceptible to
suggestion and leading by others. There is also another form of de-
individuation known as public de-individuation. By becoming just another
face (faceless) in the crowd, the individual loses his/her identity and
develops a common identity that can be the complete opposite of his/her
normal identity (11: 3). The individual experiences a sense of
invulnerability and may do things he/she would normally not do or that are
atypical of his/her culture, because the person believes that nobody will
recognise him/her in a crowd or that people will be too scared to
recognise him/her (6: 7; 10: 2). This type of behaviour is reinforced by the
crowd and the individual’s behaviour that is impersonal (cold and aloof) in
nature, which fosters a “them-against-us” attitude. This attitude affords
those in the crowd the ability to freely (without hesitation or reservation)
be verbally abusive, throw objects, overturn cars, break shop windows,
become very violent, or attack anyone that gets in the way (16:1-5). This,
however, does not suggest that individuals and groups in crowds are
anonymous to one another, especially different groups gathered at the
same place (16:1-3). They rather have a tendency to replace individual
responsibility with group responsibility in the belief that they will not be
acted against for what they do as part of a group.

h. Mental State Change to Mass Hypnotic State. In a mass hypnotic state


the human mind is very susceptible to suggestion that facilitates further
de-individuation and synergy in the crowd (9: 2). The United States Army
(16:1-3) confirmed through studies that individuals in a crowd are not
given to unique emotional displays, although it is known that in a group,
most individuals would not want to draw attention to themselves. There is,
however, a tendency for the psychological unity among the crowd to
dominate individual rationality to such an extent that individual perceptions
are distorted and that people lose track of the consequences of their
behaviour (11: 3). In most instances a sense of universalism starts to
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develop among the members of the crowd that provides “quick legitimacy”
to behaviour that would otherwise not have been acceptable on an
individual base (6: 7). De Kock (6: 7) concludes that in the crowd people
behave as they suspect the crowd wants them to behave.

i. Loss of Respect for Social Norms, Laws, and Government Institutions.


There is a tendency that once people act collectively they start to lose
respect for social norms, laws, and government institutions (10: 3).

j. Snowballing of Destructive A-moral Force. In crowds, groups start to act


destructively and display a-moral behaviour (10: 3). This behaviour
increases exponentially within the crowd until the majority act that way.
They lose the ability to think logically (10: 3).

k. Fatigue. Being part of a crowd can be very tiring and when fatigue sets in
people can become irritated, aggressive and unable to interpret events in
the context in which they take place (10: 3). Very often minute aspects
cause great irritation that evokes aggression. De Kock (6: 7) observes that
once the crowd becomes tired enough, it disperses and its members go
home.

l. Exposure to New Norms. The behaviour of people around an individual


can become the norm (11: 3) especially if the behaviour takes place over
a period of time without being punished (2: 24). Individuals lose their own
ability to evaluate and they tend to follow the behaviour of those around
them under the impression that they are doing what is expected of them.

m. Few individuals Engage in Destructive Behaviour. Kenny e al (7: 26)


emphasise that it is only a few individuals that engage in violent and
destructive behaviour and that it should not be generalised to the
behaviour of the entire crowd. When the crowd-controlling entity, whether
it is the police or the SANDF, responds collectively to the entire gathering,

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it might provoke individuals who were not involved in the violence. Note. It
is therefore important to target the individual(s) engaged in violent
behaviour and to respond to their behaviour, rather than to the crowd as a
whole.

27. Although crowd dynamics were discussed under various headings, it should
be kept in mind that these aspects are very often interwoven. Thus, one aspect has
an influence on another. This mutual inclusiveness is expressed by de Kock (6: 8)
when he provides an example indicating that physiological arousal is enabled by the
rhythmic movement of the crowd, which then enhances private de-individuation. He
furthermore uses the analogy of the various elements in an explosive device which
combine to form an explosive device as the cumulative result of the elements
discussed above. Thus, the tactical commander can exploit one aspect to stimulate
others. De Kock (6: 8) observes that crowd-control procedures and techniques (eg
tear gas, pepper spray, colourants, formations, buck shot, photography, etc) should
be developed to control any of the elements referred to above. In this way
photography is used to control facelessness while tear gas is used to control
cohesion. De Kock (6: 8) warns, however, that care should be taken because
photography can on the opposite pole stimulate group cohesion and subsequently
the crowd can turn violent.

28. The abovementioned emphasises the importance of the tactical commander


having the necessary knowledge of crowd dynamics to know where and when to use
what intervention. Crowd dynamics should, however, not be viewed in isolation. In
support de Kock (6: 1-2) observes that although the same crowd dynamics are
present in for example soccer crowds, a crowd of fun-seeking students protesting to
allow women into men’s hostels and a crowd of people who bury a member from a
minority group because of “police brutality”, there are major differences in the socio-
political contexts of these crowds. It is therefore important for the tactical commander
to take cognisance of these aspects.

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THE SOCIO-POLITICAL CONTEXT OF CROWDS

29. Differences in socio-political contexts are basically on three levels:

a. Degree of Emotionality, Frustration and Aggression. It is just common


sense that people participating in a mass funeral will be more emotional,
frustrated and aggressive compared to fun-seeking students or a soccer
crowd. The crowd dynamics factors are thus more likely to be activated in
the case of the funeral crowd (6: 2). The controlling agent (security forces)
will be more easily viewed as the scapegoat than in the case of the other
two crowds.

b. Extent to which Crowd is Part of Larger National Phenomenon. The


soccer crowd and the crowd of students protesting to get women allowed
in their hostels are most probably more isolated in a local situation than in
the case of the mass funeral (6: 2). If the people being buried at the
funeral are viewed as part of, for example, the “heroes” in a “liberation
struggle”, it becomes part of a national phenomenon.

c. Result of Treatment. If the controlling agent (eg the police or military) were
to handle any of the abovementioned three examples of crowds, it would
have different results (6: 2). The handling of the soccer crowd and the
student crowd will have a more local effect, eg the parents might blame
the police for overreacting and maltreatment of the students 3. It will get
some publicity but the “dust” will settle very soon. In the case of the
funeral crowd the organisers might appreciate it if the security forces
react, especially with violence, because it can then be described as
“police brutality”.

3
If it is an international soccer crowd the repercussions would be more than just local and it will
receive significant media attention throughout the world.
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30. Additional Matters to be Considered. De Kock (6: 3) suggests that prior to


handling the crowd, the tactical commander has to answer the following questions:

a. Where does the crowd come from?

b. Why is there a crowd?

c. What will the consequences of handling the crowd be?

31. Except for the socio-political context, there is also a physical context in which
crowd behaviour takes place.

PHYSICAL CONTEXT OF CROWD BEHAVIOUR

32. De Kock (1: 3) emphasises that the physical context in which crowd behaviour
occurs can differ from situation to situation. This suggests that crowd behaviour at a
sport stadium must at least be treated differently in the city than when it involves a
group of unhappy people in an open field that is part of an informal settlement. Note.
It is important that the standard procedures for crowd control should make provision
for dealing with crowds in different physical contexts.

33. With a better understanding of collective behaviour and the coinciding crowd
dynamics, the next step is to discuss the management of crowds.

CROWD MANAGEMENT

34. It is of the utmost importance that crowds must be managed or else they will
“go with the flow”, which means that the collective consciousness becomes stronger
and more energised and could become like a tidal wave that sweeps away anything
in its way. In social terms it means that a crowd can become very destructive and
destroy everything in its way, even other human beings opposing it or trying to
control the crowd (12).

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35. In order to achieve their goals, the individuals and small groups in a crowd use
any number of tactics to resist authority and disrupt and add turmoil. Next, some of
the various tactics that the tactical commander can come across when managing a
crowd are discussed.

CROWD TACTICS

36. These tactics, which can range from unplanned to planned and non-violent to
violent, manifest themselves especially during public disorder or disturbances. . The
more organised and purposeful a crowd becomes, the more likely it is to use some of
these tactics.

37. Non-violent Behaviour. As discussed above, most gatherings of individuals


and small groups into a crowd do not involve violent behaviour. Most of the time
public disorder or a disturbance mainly involves harmless name-calling,
demonstrations to express views, corporate yelling and chanting, and even singing
and dancing. However, in some instances there may be damage to property and the
erection of makeshift barricades. All seven of the types of crowds may be non-
violent, but mobs and agitated crowds have the greatest tendency to turn violent.
The non-violent conduct of a crowd is disruptive because it is in direct conflict with
what authorities want its members to do, such as refusing to leave when directed,
locking arms and sitting in front of or around areas and buildings that the authorities
are attempting to clear.

38. Violent Behaviour. When a crowd turns into a mob it can become very violent
and destructive. Despite the fact that some non-violent activities occur, violent
crowds strike out physically at bystanders or others in the crowd, destroying both
private and government property, setting fires and employing bombs (in extreme
cases). The only limitations for violent crowds are their own imaginations, the training
of their leaders and the materials readily available. Violent crowds may erect
barricades and physical barriers to impede the movement of authorities and prevent
them from entering certain areas and/or buildings and to hide their activities.
Common materials used for barricades include, but are not limited to, vehicles, felled

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trees, huge stones, burning tires, felled light or telephone poles, fencing material, or
anything on hand and readily available. Very often fire fighters are violently
prevented from gaining access to extinguish the fire. These fires are also often used
to create confusion among authorities or to divert attention from another activity.

39. Riots. A riot can be described as “…one or more groups or individuals who
are part of a larger crowd that involves threats of violence against persons or
property…” (16: 1-8). In some instances a crowd will continue to gather until it
evolves into a riot. A riot varies considerably in both targets and participants.

a. A communal riot, for instance, deals with deep-seated ethnic, religious


and language differences.

b. Commodity riots involve an attack on property by acts of vandalism,


looting and arson.

c. Protest riots, such as the riot at the World Trade Organisation Assembly in
Washington (30 November 1999), illustrate groups and individuals
aggressively and sometimes violently acting out or voicing their opposition
to the target. The Democratic Convention in Chicago, Illinois, in 1968
experienced a riot that directly targeted police and authority in general.

d. Celebration riots have occurred across Europe as a result of home team


victories in sporting events, among other reasons. Celebrating crowds
look to make the moment more memorable through raucous acts that
demonstrate their joy and happiness, for example the riots that took place
in 1992 in Chicago as a result of the Chicago Bulls winning the National
Basketball Association Championship.

40. It is therefore important for tactical commanders and their subordinate leaders
to be aware that highly organised groups or protesters and/or demonstrators have
developed tactics to disrupt the control force. These tactics are freely available, as

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they were published in handbooks for communist organisers during the Cold War, as
well as the struggle against Apartheid in the Republic of South Africa. Today, even
Internet sites can be found that are devoted to sharing these tactics with the general
public and various protest groups.

41. Although these tactics are somewhat outdated, tactical commanders and their
appointed leaders must be aware of them and their potential consequences. Many of
these groups, such as anarchists, often mock the tactics employed against large
crowds, for example, they may identify the crowd control entity as “Darth Vader
Cops” when the control force responds in full riot control gear. Consequently tactical
commanders must be aware that well-organised crowds may attempt to engage the
control force, surround it, and overpower it by sheer numbers. Note. In order to avoid
this, tactical commanders must briefly do a detailed appreciation of the area to
include all approach and exit routes in the area. Their tactics need to include the
protection of their flanks to avoid being enveloped by the crowd.

FOCUSING ON THE INDIVIDUAL

42. According to Kenny et al (7: 13) police have found it more effective to target the
individual(s) engaged in violent behaviour and to respond to that behaviour, rather
than the crowd as a whole. Such intervention requires an understanding of how this
behaviour might be altered. They (7:13) refer to the model developed by Taylor that
comprised five psychological factors for understanding and assessing individual
behaviour. This model forms a pyramid and the factors closer to the top have the
more immediate influence on performance. See Figure 1-2 below.

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Figure 1-2: Potential points of intervention for the control of individuals (adopted
from Kenny et al, 7: 13).

43. According to Kenny et al (7: 27), each of these psychological factors represents
a possible point of intervention. Next, these factors are discussed in ascending order
on the pyramid:

a. Motivation. Motivation refers to an individual’s ability to be committed to the


crowd’s cause despite fear, fatigue, opposition and personal needs.
Within a crowd, individual motivations vary. They may be zealotry, fear,
self-protection, obedience, or selfish needs. These motivations relate to
goals - what the individual hopes to accomplish. Tactical commanders may
satisfy motivations through resolution. They also may reduce them through
fatigue, fear and pain.

b. Confidence. Confidence refers to an individual’s belief in his ability to


accomplish goals. Confidence is key to the use of that ability, and the single
most important aspect of individual behaviour. Confidence enables
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motivation, the ability to handle stress, focus on a goal and experience


positive emotions. Preparation, resources and initial success contribute
to confidence. Conversely, the denial of these can reduce confidence.

c. Stress. Stress refers to physical, mental, or emotional reactions to


internal or external demands. This is largely how individuals perceive and
respond to stimuli. Some see difficulty and shrink from it. Others see
challenge and respond to it. Stress may be caused by the mere presence
of force, or by creating a greater demand than someone has resources to
meet. Also, individual needs - food, sleep, etc - can cause stress. Such
stress can undermine individuals’ motivation to pursue their goals.

d. Focus. Focus refers to the ability to concentrate on those things leading


to a goal. This includes picking up cues that indicate action needed to
accomplish the goal. This factor more immediately influences behaviour
than previous ones. It can be altered by ineffective focus - focusing on
those things that interfere with or are irrelevant to goal accomplishment.
Causing individuals to focus on personal needs, for example, may do this.
Increased stress can also diminish focus.

e. Emotions. Emotions ultimately dictate an individual’s behaviour. Emotions


guide decisions, influence reactions to situations and determine how
individuals feel. They vary among individuals in a crowd and change
rapidly with the situation. Physical or ego threats can influence emotions
negatively. A physical threat might be the size and resources of an
opposing force. An ego threat might be a goal that seems too difficult to
accomplish. These threats can cause frustration, anger, or despair.

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FRAMEWORK FOR TACTICAL COMMANDERS IN NEGOTIATIONS

44. Elsewhere in this document the importance of negotiating with crowds and their
leaders has been emphasised. Taylor, as cited in Kenny et al (7: 29-30), provides a
framework that the tactical commander can follow in negotiations. The framework
represented in Figure 1-3 below is similar to the individual model, which is also a
pyramid, comprising five factors, which follow a logical and purposeful progression.

Figure 1-3: Potential points of intervention for the control of crowds (adopted from
Kenny et al, 7: 13).

45. Each factor represents a potential point of intervention in dealing with groups or
a crowd (Kenny, et al, 7: 29). However, this model needs to be treated with caution;
as mentioned above and confirmed by empirical data, crowds are not made up of
isolated individuals, but of “companion clusters” or cells, which arrive, remain and
leave together, and crowd participants are not unanimous in motives. These factors
are nevertheless helpful to the tactical commander in negotiations and are discussed
below in ascending order on the pyramid.

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a. Identity. Identity is the foundation for any group’s intentions and


behaviour, eg they may be strikers, soccer hooligans, or ethnic factions.
Identity thus reflects their values and the purpose in their existence. Once
the tactical commander understands who they are, he/she can understand
what to do. Kenny et al (7: 30) emphasise that crowd identity is self-
renewing, though it requires a continued sense of purpose and action. If
the tactical commander can make this difficult to achieve, he/she can alter
their identity. Helping groups achieve goals can also validate it.

b. Leadership. In general leadership provides direction, offers structure and


process and rewards efforts. Therefore it is essential for the tactical
commander to assess the leadership of the group for its effectiveness and
span of control (7: 30). Leadership can be influenced either negatively or
positively. Leadership can be undermined by creating disorganisation
within a group or uncertainty with regard to the accomplishment of goals.
On the other hand, it can be positively influenced by convincing leaders to
work with authorities and by encouraging other factions to do the same.

c. Cohesiveness. Cohesiveness refers to those elements that hold a crowd


together; it might, for example, be an overarching value (7: 30).
Leadership and communication are aspects that can enable
cohesiveness. Cohesiveness requires participants to be cooperative, loyal
and compassionate. Note. Tactical commanders can disrupt
cohesiveness by either removing leadership or disrupting communication.
Advantage can be taken of cohesiveness by winning over the leadership
and ultimately its followers.

d. Communication. Communication refers to the acquisition and


dissemination of information and is needed to provide clear vision and
goals, as well as convey decisions to the crowd. Kenny et al (7: 30)
emphasise that threats, stress and internal conflicts can disrupt

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communication. Furthermore, if people are more concerned about self-


preservation, they may be less focused on receiving and sending
information. Note. Tactical commanders can thus take advantage of group
communication by getting leaders to convey cooperative, rather than
confrontational information to the crowd.

e. Decisions. Decisions involve evaluating options and selecting the best


one that will achieve a goal, thus influencing the directions, goals and
outcomes of those in the crowd (7: 30). Decision-making in a group is
already difficult and even more so if time is limited, communication is
disrupted and certain stimuli create negative emotional responses. Note.
Therefore, tactical commanders can positively influence decision-making
by meeting with leaders and convincing them to do it their way.

46. It is not the objective of this part to discuss the technical details of crowd
control, but there are certain principles that should be adhered to, to enable the
tactical commander to control the crowd.

PRINCIPLES OF CROWD CONTROL

47. The SANDF’s Military Psychological Institute (11) indicates that many
principles of crowd control can be found in the literature but their application in
practice is often very difficult, the reason being that the security forces do not have
enough manpower to arrive at the scene in a coordinated manner, was well as the
unpredictable nature of crowd behaviour. The following are principles of crowd
control from a psychological perspective and the tactical commander should apply
these principles, which should form the basis of his/her action plan in crowd control,
in specific situations:

a. Preventing Crowds from Forming. First and foremost, the tactical


commander should prevent a mass from turning into a crowd and if a
crowd already exists, an effort should be made to prevent it from gaining

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momentum. An effort should be made either to isolate the group of people


or to remove them from the situation. Typical physical measures that can
be taken are breaking up group gatherings and controlling the
environment by using barricades, wire, etc. It is also important to develop
tactics to debrief situations very quickly before a crowd can form. For
example, all possible drills when high-risk situations occur should be
worked out beforehand, such as the drills when involved in a vehicle
accident, the drills when a vehicle is set on fire, etc.

b. Regular Assessment of Crowd. Neale (12) developed a crowd-rating scale


to determine the stage of development in crowds, from mass to crowd to a
full-scale riot. These assessments of the crowd will also assist the tactical
commander to determine the appropriate action in crowd control. A brief
summary of this crowd-rating scale is given below:

i. Green Stage. This indicates the stage when the crowd is peaceful
and tension is low.

ii. Yellow Stage. This is the stage when tension starts to build up, the
crowd grows in number and bonding between members takes place,
as well as unification around a specific issue.

iii. Red Stage. This is the stage when the crowd becomes a full-scale
riot and the situation threatens to get out of hand.

c. Communication with Crowd. Communication with crowds is essential and


the tactical commander can, for example, use sound equipment and
pamphlets to provide options and alternatives, to bargain with a crowd
and finally convince its members to disperse. This communication is not
limited to only verbal communication, but can also include nonverbal
communication such as the crowd-control entity taking up an aggressive
posture. It is important to feed the crowd with rational ideas (pointing out

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the dangers and consequences of their own behaviour). It is also


important to identify the leaders (opinion makers) of the crowd and to
focus on them when communicating. The person communicating with the
crowd must project a positive image and must be perceived as credible. It
is therefore important to be well trained in communication or negotiation
with crowds.

d. Redirecting Crowd’s Attention. A crowd is highly dependent on


communication within itself and the collective ideas and goals of the cells
that make up the crowd. It is therefore important to confuse or break down
the communication in the crowd in order to redirect its attention from its
initial collective aim (12: 3-4). Distracting the crowd’s attention from its
initial collective aim can be achieved by, for example, handing out food to
a hungry crowd while a march takes place. In essence, this leaves room
for the spontaneous distribution of the crowd and disturbs the crowd’s
psychological unity (11: 1). Note. It is vital to avoid actions that facilitate
the feeling of collectiveness, such as conveying the message of “us”
against “them”. A crowd could also be confused or redirected if those who
manage it are also perceived as “us” and as not opposing forces. In this
regard Stott, Adang and Schreiber (15) emphasise that the dynamics of
the crowd are not just internal to the crowd but involve police action. It is
also important to note that this principle only works well if enough forces
are present (11: 1).

e. Show of Force. The presence of a large number of security forces that


display/show their weapons leaves a clear suggestion that they are ready
to use their weapons. Showing such intent can convince the crowd either
to disperse or to act within the law. In the case of a peaceful crowd, it is
only necessary to monitor it with a small monitoring group from the
security forces. Note. This monitoring group must be as inconspicuous as
possible because its presence can increase group cohesion in the crowd
(6:11). A larger force (main force) should be deployed a few street blocks

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away outside the view of the crowd. This force is thus not exposed to the
provocation and physiological arousal of the crowd, as in the case of the
monitoring group. When the crowd’s status changes from green to yellow
(the situation becomes tenser and is on the verge of a riot) the main force
can move in swiftly and in a disciplined manner, with as much show of
force as possible.

f. Use of Extreme Measures of Confusion and Overpowering. Linked to a


show of force, crowds can be overpowered and confused in the following
ways (7):

i. Display of strength, driving around in armoured vehicles.

ii. Overpowering with sound (jets flying over, making noise).

iii. Overpowering with gas, rubber bullets, spraying of water, etc.

g. Removing Leaders from Crowd. It is essential that the leaders be


removed from the crowd with or without violence (11: 1). Identification of
leaders could be easy if they wear specific clothes or if they are well-
known persons. In some instances it might be difficult to identify the
leader element and then the specific behaviour of individuals should be
focused on to identify the leaders.

h. Crowd Control Response Matching Activity of Crowd. Inappropriate


response will aggravate the crowd and fuel the existing energy. The risk is
that extreme measures might fuel or aggravate the crowd to become
stronger (12: 2-3).

i. Specific Psychological Skills for Each Stage in Crowd Control. Each stage
in crowd control has different drills and requires different psychological
skills from the crowd-control team. The skills required are cumulative, thus

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building up as the situation develops. The psychological skills for each of


the stages are as follows:

i. Green Stage

(1) Active attention for long periods.

(2) Alert perception to monitor the situation.

(3) Friendly, non-threatening image displayed to members of the


crowd.

ii. Yellow Stage

(1) Cooperation.

(2) Accurate communication.

(3) Self-discipline.

iii. Red Stage

(1) Self-control.

(2) Management of intense stress.

j. Avoid Becoming Object of Crowd’s Anger. The final but one of the most
important principles in crowd control is to never become the object of the
crowd’s anger. The tactical commander must ensure that he and his
crowd-control entity stay neutral as far as possible. Crowd-control agents
are normally the third party involved in the situation. Riot situations are
normally clearly defined as the crowd and the opposition (for example the
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government). Remain the neutral agent wanting the best for all and
protecting everyone. De Kock (5: 22) refers to the role of a legitimate
impartial umpire to administer the code of conduct for all relevant parties.

48. See Appendix B for a summary in tabular format of the crowd-control procedure
or technique in relation to the specific crowd dynamic factor.

TRAINING IN CROWD CONTROL

49. Crowd control has a strong behavioural base and therefore the preparation of
SANDF members to be crowd-control agents imply that they must have insight in
group behaviour. This insight is more than a cognitive understanding of information,
it also implies sensitivity and a feeling for group and crowd dynamics. The best way
to learn about group behaviour is through facilitated group activities. It is
recommended that psychologists are included in the training team of crowd-control
agents where possible.

CONCLUSION

50. Crowd behaviour is a very complex phenomenon, which is difficult to handle,


and if a crowd is not understood within its particular context, it can become very
dangerous. Although some knowledge could be gained from the information in this
chapter, it should be emphasised that each engagement with a crowd will be unique
and all aspects discussed here will not necessarily manifest themselves exactly in
this manner. This contribution, however, needs to be seen as a generic guideline as
to what to expect in reality.

51. Own forces will be exposed to provocation, frustration and physiological arousal
that can very easily lead to an overreaction. Therefore the most important principle in
crowd control is disciplined and controlled action. Disciplined and controlled action
can be ensured by performing specific drills, which will subsequently be discussed in
some of the following chapters.

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APPENDIX A
TO CHAPTER 1: CROWD PSYCHOLOGY

BIBLIOGRAPHY

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2. Anon. Undated. Kollektiewe gedrag.”Collective Behaviour”. Unpublished


document from the Military Psychological Institute’s archives.

3. Anon. Undated. The Psychology of the Wilmington Riot.

4. Colman, A.M. 1991. Crowd Psychology in South African murder trials.


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5. de Kock, C.P. Undated. Dynamics of the present political violence and


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7. Kenny, J.M., McPhail, C., Waddington, P., Heal, S., Ijames, S., Farrer, D.N.,
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12. Neale, A. 2006. Concept for the Psychology of Crowd Control. Draft
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13. Reicher, S. Undated. The Psychology of Crowd Dynamics. Unpublished


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Print Regiment.

15. Stott, C., Adang, O. & Schreiber, M. 2005. Crowd Psychology and Public
Order at Euro2004. Presentation to debrief for Senior Commanders of Euro2004,
Lisbon, Portugal.

16. United States Army. 2005. Civil Disturbance Operations: FM 3-19.15.


Downloaded from the World Wide Web: http://www.us.army.mil. dd 10 September
2009.

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Bester, P.C. (2009). Chapter 1: Crowd psychology. Unpublished manuscript for contribution to the South African Army Doctrine on Crowd Control.

APPENDIX B
TO CHAPTER 1: CROWD PSYCHOLOGY

CROWD CONTROL TECHNIQUES AND PROCEDURES FOR EACH CROWD DYNAMIC FACTOR

S/no Crowd Dynamic Factor What should be done about the factor Specific technique or procedure

a b c

1 High group cohesion (feeling of oneness) Group cohesion should be broken down as quickly as possible - Show-of--force principle should be applied that
Physiological arousal by breaking up the spontaneous or semi-organised crowd that surprises the crowd and shows intent to act.
Private de-individuation clearly shows a tendency towards disorder and violence so
that they can turn homewards. (This is especially when their - Tear gas and other types of smoke or pepper
status starts to turn from green to yellow) Where a completely spray - the smoke and gas will divert the
organised crowd shows a tendency towards disorder it is firstly participants’ attention from the social
recommended to reinforce their existing internal control environment to prevent them from mimicking
structures and if this is unsuccessful, the same procedures other people’s behaviour. The person will be
would be used as with a semi-organised crowd. High group too involved with himself to become de-
cohesion, arousal and private de-individuation have such a individualised. Rhythmic dance and song will
close relationship that they have to be controlled jointly. also not take place.

- High frequency sound has the same effect as


tear gas. People will stop up their ears, feel
like vomiting and be too preoccupied with
themselves to be influenced by a crowd.

- Certain tactical formations can be used to


break up the crowd.

- Water canon.

- Later on buck shot and rubber bullets are

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Bester, P.C. (2009). Chapter 1: Crowd psychology. Unpublished manuscript for contribution to the South African Army Doctrine on Crowd Control.

S/no Crowd Dynamic Factor What should be done about the factor Specific technique or procedure

a b c

used.

2 Facelessness (Public de-individuation) The individual within the crowd must know clearly that he/she - Normal and video photography by clearly
is not as faceless as he or she thinks. They must know that identifiable agents should take place. If the
they will definitely be dealt with at a later stage. persons being photographed are under the
impression that the photographers might be
from the media, they might put up a show.
Therefore they must be given the impression
that the photographers are agents who are
collecting evidence that at a later stage might
be used in court.

- A colourant that is difficult to remove can be


sprayed over the crowd with the water canon
or with a helicopter. The participants in the
crowd are then marked for later identification.
The United States also makes use of a ball-
like projectile filled with colourant that can be
used to mark specific individuals for later
identification.

3 Collective norms, quick legitimacy, The individual in the crowd must be given the impression that - If the members of the crowd are not too
universalism and conformism there is no unity in the crowd. He/she thus does not have to aggressive (green status) they can be
conform. “infiltrated” by persons who oppose the
speakers with counter-arguments. This
method should, however, not be used with a
revolutionary, mobilised crowd, as the
infiltrators’ lives might be in danger.

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Bester, P.C. (2009). Chapter 1: Crowd psychology. Unpublished manuscript for contribution to the South African Army Doctrine on Crowd Control.

S/no Crowd Dynamic Factor What should be done about the factor Specific technique or procedure

a b c

4 Fatigue People who are part of a crowd should be tired out in favour of - Isolating a relatively peaceful crowd (green or
using the controlling agent. yellow stage) in an area where they can act
themselves out is an example of applying the
technique of tiring them. Once they are tired of
the heat and the dust they will start to turn
homeward.

5 Polarised crowds This is when two or more hostile crowds oppose one another. - Show-of-force principle should be applied
The one experiences the other as a threat and this activates when the security forces move in in between
the crowd dynamics of both groups. the groupings.

- They should be diverted to different exit routes


and kept apart by using, for example, razor
wire or a line of soldiers in flack jackets and
other protective equipment with weapons at
the port to form an imposing barrier in front of
a crowd and maintain flexibility.

- If there are identifiable leaders, negotiations


should take place with both parties while the
crowd disperses along different routes.

- If the crowd is armed, members should be


asked to lay down their weapons. They should
only be coerced to lay down their weapons if
the groupings are separated, otherwise the
controlling agent will be in danger.

- If the leaders are identified and the situation is


rapidly escalating extreme measures (targeted
interventions) such as sharp shooters may be
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Bester, P.C. (2009). Chapter 1: Crowd psychology. Unpublished manuscript for contribution to the South African Army Doctrine on Crowd Control.

S/no Crowd Dynamic Factor What should be done about the factor Specific technique or procedure

a b c

used to eliminate the leaders. Snipers may be


deployed further back covering far ground and
the flanks. This is when the status is red.

- It is important for the controlling agent to


remain neutral (objective) although his
sentiment might be with one grouping or the
other. This is also applicable to joint
negotiation with all parties.

Table 1-2: Crowd control techniques and procedures for each dynamics factor (adopted from de Kock, 5: 8-12).

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