Recent Research in Puebla Prehistory

Author(s): Patricia Plunket and Gabriela Uruñuela

Source: Journal of Archaeological Research, Vol. 13, No. 2 (June 2005), pp. 89-127
Published by: Springer
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/41053218
Accessed: 19-07-2016 05:52 UTC

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at
http://about.jstor.org/terms

JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted
digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about
JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.

Springer is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Journal of Archaeological
Research

This content downloaded from 201.148.81.61 on Tue, 19 Jul 2016 05:52:13 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
Journal of Archaeological Research, Vol. 13, No. 2, June 2005 (© 2005)
DOI: 10.1007/S10804-005-2485-5

Recent Research in Puebla Prehistory

Patricia Plunket1 2 and Gabriela Unirmela1

This review of recent research in the state of Puebla, Mexico, focuses on six issues:
(1) réévaluations of the Tehuacan Valley Archaic; (2) rural household archaeology
at Tetimpa; (3) the impact of Popocatepetl' s eruptions; (4) the city of Cholula;
(5) the Nahua-Otomangue frontier; and (6) new perspectives on the Mixteca-
Puebla art style. Not only do these topics illustrate the scope of archaeological
work, but they can be linked to broader anthropological themes like the origins
and spread of agriculture, relationships between rural populations and emergent
cities, the environmental, social, and cultural impact of natural disasters, the
operation of geographical frontiers and ethnic interfaces, the construction of
cultural landscapes, and the connections between political organization and art
style. Puebla' s location along numerous environmental and cultural divides makes
it an excellent laboratory for the study of human interaction across diverse kinds
offrontiers.

KEY WORDS: volcanism; Cholula; frontiers; Mixteca-Puebla.

INTRODUCTION

The central Mexican state of Puebla, located between the Basin of Mexico
and the Mixteca of Oaxaca, most often is treated as a footnote in surveys of
Mesoamerican prehistory. Key developments - the evolution of agricultural sub-
sistence economies; the rise of elaborate chiefdoms; the emergence of major cities
and pilgrimage centers; the industrial production of ceramics, obsidian, basalt,
tecalli and salt; and the elaboration of international iconographie and stylistic
communication systems - took place here, yet with few exceptions, archaeological

Apartamento de Antropología, Universidad de las Américas-Puebla, Sta. Catarina Mártir, Puebla,

México.

¿lo whom correspondence should be addressed at Departamento de Antropología, Universidad

de las Américas-Puebla, Sta. Catarina Mártir, 72820 Cholula, Puebla, México; e-mail: plunket@
mail.udlap.mx.

89

1059-0161/05/0600-0089/0 © 2005 Springer Science +Business Media, Inc.

This content downloaded from 201.148.81.61 on Tue, 19 Jul 2016 05:52:13 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
 90 Plunket and Uruñuela

research of the last 50 years has not resulted in a clear, synthetic understanding
of Puebla's prehispanic past. In large part, this situation results from the enor-
mous environmental and cultural diversity of the state's seven major regions
(Fig. 1).
Puebla sits at the very heart of the Mesoamerican culture area, straddling
the central highlands along the southeastern edge of the Mesa Central, and has
served as a major crossroad between north and south, east and west. The northern

93VQ

w
t Sierra Norte '

™
•i' A V¿SÜ ,-t^"' San Juan §> ^^J

iro

7 / a te'teysT * t V ? C
[^ VateequiHo Tepeaca V ?

V^A fr^^w 'Regbn )

XOuauhquechulanV ^V^7 V V-%^^

L J^s* Southern Region* ^sAtow V j

k^ ^ / ) CoxcattànA *'*

- - ^-Vi (^yV a/ - r^^vn? | Km yi I *"

99W *ns
(^yV

9BW
|

9r3C 97W

Fig. 1. Geographic regions of the state of Puebla showing sites mentioned in the text (based on
Fuentes 1972, p. 129).

This content downloaded from 201.148.81.61 on Tue, 19 Jul 2016 05:52:13 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
 Recent Research in Puebla Prehistory 91

extreme includes the humid, forested Atlantic slope that leads down to the Gulf
Coast, whereas the southern area is composed of a series of small valleys separated
by dry mountain ranges that step down into the Rio Balsas drainage that empties
into the Pacific; the broad highland valleys of the center of the state lie along
the eastern side of the neo-volcanic axis, which forms a significant geographical
barrier between them and the Basin of Mexico. The frontier between the Nahua
and Otomangue worlds - a major cultural divide within Mesoamerica - spans the
eastern periphery, along the border with the states of Veracruz and Oaxaca.
Like the Basin of Mexico and the Valley of Oaxaca, the Puebla region was
the focus of major archaeological research programs during the 1960s and early
1970s. The first of these, Richard MacNeish's Tehuacan Archaeological-Botanical
Project, has been well published (Byers, 1967a,b; Johnson, 1972; MacNeish, 1970,
1972, 1981) and until recently has stood as the unquestioned sequence for our un-
derstanding of the transition from hunting-gathering to agriculture subsistence
strategies during the Mesoamerican Archaic. The second investigation was the
Proyecto Arqueológico Puebla-Tlaxcala directed by Peter Tschohl for the Fun-
dación Alemana para la Investigación Científica (Tschohl, 1977; Tschohl and
Nickel, 1972). With the notable exception of Angel García Cook's (1981) sum-
mary in the first supplement to the Handbook of Middle American Indians, the
German project did not result in a synthetic treatment of settlement patterns, ce-
ramic sequences, economic systems, or political development in the region, and to
date the results remain poorly published. The same is true of the second phase of
INAH's3 Proyecto Cholula,4 first directed by Miguel Messmacher (1967) and then
by Ignacio Marquina (1970, 1975; López et al, 1976); consequently Cholula-
one of the major cities of Mesoamerica - has not played a significant role in any
anthropological consideration of the prehispanic past. Because its Great Pyramid
is the largest pre-Columbian structure in the New World (Fig. 2), Cholula is as-
sumed to have been a thriving metropolis and potential rival of Teotihuacan during
the Classic period (ca. A.D. 200-700) and a core zone with "high population and
concentrated political power" (Smith and Berdan, 2003a, pp. 25-26) during the en-
tire Postclassic, but the archaeological evidence that might allow a reconstruction
of urban planning, residential patterns, population size, craft specialization, or
socioeconomic variation lies buried beneath the modern city.
During the past decade there have been few attempts to remedy this situation.
The rate of development, particularly in the western part of the state, is extremely
intense, and archaeological sites are being impacted at an alarming rate. Most of
the archaeological research in the state of Puebla has been undertaken in response
to activities such as highway and airport construction, housing projects, water and

3 Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia, the government agency that oversees cultural patrimony
in Mexico.

The first Proyecto Cholula, also directed by Ignacio Marquina (1981, pp. 115-129), began work in
1931.

This content downloaded from 201.148.81.61 on Tue, 19 Jul 2016 05:52:13 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
 92 Plunket and Unirmela

Fig. 2. View of the south side of the Great Pyramid (Tlachihualtepetl) of Cholula, Puebla; the
church dedicated to the Virgen de los Remedios crowns the prehispanic structure.

sewage installation, electrification, tourism initiatives, and mining; very little of

the work has been research oriented, although this does not mean that research
interests have been ignored entirely.
Although it is difficult to find common themes in the archaeological research
undertaken during the past decade in the state of Puebla, in this short review
we focus on six specific issues: (1) the Mesoamerican Archaic and the Tehuacan
sequence; (2) household archaeology at the Formative village of Tetimpa; (3)
the impact of volcanic eruptions of Popocatepetl on prehispanic communities;
(4) Cholula; (5) the Nahua-Otomangue frontier; and (6) new perspectives on
the Mixteca-Puebla phenomenon. These topics not only illustrate the nature of
archaeological work in Puebla during the last 10 years but they also can be used
to link the prehistory of this area to broader anthropological themes such as
the origins and spread of agriculture, the relationship between rural populations
and emergent cities, the impact of natural disasters on human communities, the
significance and operation of frontiers and ethnic divides, the construction of
cultural landscapes, and the connections between political organization and art
style.

TEHUACAN AND THE MESOAMERICAN ARCHAIC

For almost 40 years the Tehuacan Valley sequence has provided archaeolo-
gists with a model for the gradual development of maize agriculture in

This content downloaded from 201.148.81.61 on Tue, 19 Jul 2016 05:52:13 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
 Recent Research in Puebla Prehistory 93

Mesoamerica during the Coxcatlán phase (5000-3400 B.C. [uncalibrated]

[Johnson, 1972, p. 40]). These solid foundations were challenged by the publica-
tion of 12 Accelerator Mass Spectrometer (AMS) dates on corn cobs - personally
selected by Richard MacNeish from well-dated levels of the Coxcatlán and San
Marcos caves (Long et al, 1989, p. 1036) - that were about 1500 years younger
than radiocarbon dates the original excavators had obtained on charcoal associated
with the same stratigraphie proveniences (Long et a/., 1989; Long and Fritz, 2001;
MacNeish, 2001). Four of the AMS dates from Archaic contexts fell within the
Terminal Formative, Classic, and Postclassic periods. This discrepancy has led
several authors to suggest that some of the ecofacts recovered by the Tehuacan
Project are more recent intrusions into earlier levels (e.g., Benz and Long, 2000,
p. 464; Fritz 1994, p. 306). MacNeish (Flannery and MacNeish, 1997) first con-
sidered the AMS dates to be unacceptable due to sample contamination from the
use of bedacryl as a consolidant by INAH conservators; he later decided that the
problem was more likely a result of flawed protocols at the University of Arizona
radiocarbon laboratory, which processed these and other AMS dates he likewise
considered questionable (MacNeish, 2001, pp. 103-104).
The Tehuacan Valley sequence also has been contested on other grounds. In
an attempt to take a fresh look at the preceramic period in central Mexico, Karen
Hardy (1993, 1996, 1999) questioned some of the basic premises, methodologi-
cal procedures, and final results of the Tehuacan Project, particularly Flannery 's
(1967) faunal analysis and MacNeish 's lithic typology (Byers, 1967b). In spite of
some unfortunate problems with Hardy's réévaluation (Fennell, 2001; Flannery
and MacNeish, 1997), she did draw attention to a very real need to promote further
study of the Mesoamerican Archaic.
As indicated above, the advent of AMS techniques has made it possible to
directly date the botanical remains from Middle Holocene sites in Mesoamer-
ica and elsewhere (e.g., Flannery, 1999; Kaplan and Lynch, 1999; Smith, 1997).
This dating is an essential part of reconstructing the domestication process and
improving our understanding of the origins of New World agriculture; it would
seem unwise, however, to throw out the Tehuacan Valley sequence (Fritz, 1994,
p. 305) and interpretations (Hardy, 1996) just yet. The new dates do suggest that
the traditional, gradualist models for agricultural origins derived from the Tehua-
can data should be reconsidered in light of evidence that the Middle Holocene
consisted of "two temporally and developmentally distinct cultural transitions -
the initial domestication of plants and the subsequent emergence of economies
centered on food production" (Smith, 1997, p. 379). New excavations in other
areas of Puebla- such as the Valsequillo Depression (Garcia Moll, 1977) or the
swamp lands of the Puebla-Tlaxcala Valley - might provide valuable information
on the apparently prolonged period of "low-level food production" (Smith, 1997,
p. 379) and how this relates to both earlier hunting-gathering subsistence strategies
(Pichardo, 2000) and the subsequent settled agricultural villages of the Formative
period. Indeed, it may turn out that the accelerated rate of morphological change

This content downloaded from 201.148.81.61 on Tue, 19 Jul 2016 05:52:13 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
 94 Plunket and Uruñuela

in maize in the period between 3555 and 3370 B.C. that Benz and Long (2000,
p. 462) cite is evidence for both human selection and genetic drift involved in a
late and rapid origin of maize agriculture. But there are many new techniques to
be applied to both stored and recently excavated materials and many additional
questions to be asked before we should decide to adjust the "period of earli-
est agriculture in Mesoamerica to 3500-3000 B.C." as suggested by Fritz (1994,
p. 308).
Chronological challenges to the long-established Tehuacan Valley Archaic
sequence demonstrate the importance of bolstering existing data on the transition
to agricultural subsistence economies in highland Mesoamerica. Although the dry
caves of Tehuacan and the Valsequillo Depression undoubtedly provide the best
situations for the preservation of organic materials, the natural swamp lands of the
Puebla-Tlaxcala Valley may present additional opportunities for research on the
changing nature of human subsistence patterns under less arid conditions between
5000 and 2000 B.C.
Linguists also have found reasons to reevaluate the Archaic of central Mexico.
In a recent study by Jane Hill (2001), Puebla is implicity, if not explicitly, sug-
gested as a homeland for the Proto-Uto-Aztecan speech community, which ac-
cording to her formed sometime between 5600 and 4500 BP and participated
in the primary domestication of maize. In opposition to the prevailing view that
Uto-Aztecan languages originated in the southwestern United States and moved
south at a much later date (Fowler, 1983), Hill and others (e.g., Diamond and
Bellwood, 2003) link the spread of this language group to a northward expansion
of early farmers out of the Mesoamerican heartland during the fourth millen-
nium B.C. Whether the specific merits of the linguistic argument are valid or
not, they concur with Bellwood and Renfrew's (2003) claim that widespread,
multibranched language groups may represent the trace of human expansions
driven by Neolithic technological innovations, especially cultivation, not only in
Mesoamerica but worldwide (Diamond and Bellwood, 2003). Hill's study implies
that many Aztecan speakers were central to the development of the Mesoamerican
worldview and not latecomers who acculturated to civilized patterns in recent
prehistory.
Few projects have focused on the succeeding Early Formative period in
the state of Puebla. During the late 1980s, abundant Early Formative ceramics
like those described by Niederberger (1976) for the southern Basin of Mexico
were found in test excavations at Colotzingo in the Atlixco Valley (Uruñuela,
1989b). More recently, Paillés (2000; Paillés et al.y 2000) has undertaken a limited
program of test pitting and a small extensive excavation at the heavily looted
Olmec horizon site of Las Bocas. Early Formative remains include floors, a hearth
that was possibly used for firing ceramics, fragments of "baby face" figurines, and
burials. In the adjoining state of Tlaxcala, Richard Lesure (2002) has initiated a
project to explore the transition to sedentary life around the lakes of the Apizaco
area. Both of these projects, however, are in their initial stages.

This content downloaded from 201.148.81.61 on Tue, 19 Jul 2016 05:52:13 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
 Recent Research in Puebla Prehistory 95

HOUSEHOLD ARCHAEOLOGY AT THE FORMATIVE

VILLAGE OF TETIMPA

About the middle of the first century A.D. a major Plinian eruption of
Popocatepetl devastated the agricultural communities settled along the volcano's
northeastern flank. This was a huge natural disaster. But by sealing the For-
mative period landscape under more than 1 m of pumitic ash, the remains of
fragile domestic buildings were protected from the prédation of later groups and
the erosive natural forces that alter and destroy archaeological evidence. During
the past 10 years, archaeologists at the Universidad de las Americas in Cholula,
Puebla, have recorded data from 29 operations that include household units, de-
tached kitchens, ritual structures, and agricultural fields from the ancient village
of Tetimpa (Aguirre, 2000; Aguirre and Quintana, 1998; Clear and Plunket, 1998;
Hernández, 1998, 2000; López, 2000; Panfil, 1996; Panfil et al, 1999; Plunket
and Uruñuela, 1998a,b,c,e,f, 1999a,b, 2000a,b, 2001, 2002a, 2003; Uruñuela and
Plunket, 1998, 2001, 2002a,b, 2003; Uruñuela et al, 1998).
Tetimpa was occupied from the late eighth century B.c. until the eruption
in the first century A.D. The site offers an opportunity to study the structure
and organization of a large, dispersed village during a period of colonization and
population build-up along both the eastern (Garcia Cook, 1981, pp. 248-262) and
western flanks (Sanders et al, 1979, pp. 97-104) of the Sierra Nevada that peaked
just prior to the first century B.C. More importantly perhaps, Tetimpa witnessed the
succeeding demographic decline of this area, a process that was evidently related to
impressive population increases both at Teotihuacan (Sanders et al, 1979, p. 107)
in the northeastern corner of the Basin of Mexico and at Cholula (Plunket and
Uruñuela, 2000a) in the western Puebla Valley during the following two centuries.
Thus, the data retrieved from Tetimpa relate to two important issues: (1) village
organization prior to and contemporary with the formation of the urban centers
at Teotihuacan and Cholula, and (2) unequivocal evidence of a natural disaster
that must have played a significant role in the abandonment of the Sierra Nevada
piedmont and the massive migrations to these emerging cities. In this section we
focus on the first of these two topics.
The houses of Tetimpa utilize a highly standardized building program (Plunket
and Uruñuela, 1998a) that, as Flannery (2002, p. 431) has recently noted, combine
"the flexibility of 'growth on demand' with the formality of a Stereotypie module"
in a pattern suggesting population growth with segmentation at the nuclear family
level. The mature house uses the same format as Plaza One, a first century A.D.
Three Temple Complex in Teotihuacan (Cook de Leonard, 1957, 1971, p. 192;
Plunket and Uruñuela, 2002c). This consists of a large central platform flanked
by two smaller lateral structures that together frame a courtyard (Fig. 3). An altar
or shrine marks the midpoint of the courtyard, and in some cases, an elongated
platform located opposite the central building serves to restrict access to the com-
pound. The stone-faced platforms, usually about 0.7-2.0 m high, have a central

This content downloaded from 201.148.81.61 on Tue, 19 Jul 2016 05:52:13 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
 96 Plunket and Uruñuela

Fig. 3. Plan of Operation 2, a typical Terminal Formative house compound at the village of Tetimpa,
Puebla.

staircase and use talud-tablero architecture, a feature that although long consid-
ered diagnostic of Classic period Teotihuacan religious constructions, appears on
both domestic (Plunket and Uruñuela, 1998a) and civic-ceremonial (Garcia Cook,
1 98 1 , p. 252) structures in western Puebla during the Late Formative. The presence
of the talud-tablero "temple" diagnostic on the residential platforms of Tetimpa
leads us to believe that the earliest first century A.D. three-temple-complexes of
Teotihuacan were originally elite houses and not specialized religious structures,
although they subsequently seem to have acquired temple status (compare with
Grove and Gillespie, 2002; Kirch, 2000).
At Tetimpa, the three-to-four room modules apparently form clusters that
include one larger house and a nonresidential building. We have interpreted these
as social subdivisions of the village, perhaps extended lineages or maybe some
version of a "social house" (Joyce and Gillespie, 2000), where junior residential
compounds are grouped around a senior or elite house and a specialized structure

This content downloaded from 201.148.81.61 on Tue, 19 Jul 2016 05:52:13 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
 Recent Research in Puebla Prehistory 97

that may have been used for communal activities and/or as an ancestor hall for
lineage ritual (Plunket et al, n.d.).
At most houses the central room is distinguished from the lateral ones pri-
marily by size but also usually by the floor assemblages that include censers. In
a single case - a house we have identified as a senior lineage residence based on
mortuary patterns - a talud-tablero altar was attached to the rear wall of the main
room (Unirmela and Plunket, n.d.-a). Thus it appears that certain rituals only took
place at the senior lineage house and not at the junior houses, and that ceremonial
activities, like the lineage itself, were hierarchically structured. The altar may have
been used to display the bundled corpse of an important individual for a period of
time before interment, but the singularity of this feature indicates that the largest
house was distinguished from other residences by more than size alone.
Although the courtyards of the Tetimpa houses were used for a variety of
domestic tasks (Uruñuela and Plunket, 1998), the midpoint is always marked by
a small shrine or at least a stone cobble; this is true for all houses and detached
kitchens. The shrines are highly variable and probably reflect aspects of individual
family history, but most include carved anthropomorphic or zoomorphic stones
set on top of subfloor chimneys. In five cases, shrine stones were placed on top
of effigy volcanoes, a reference that obviously relates to Popocatepetl (Smoking
Mountain) whose crater lies only 13 km to the southeast (Plunket and Uruñuela,
1998c). Ritual activity around these shrines is manifested in the presence of incense
burners (Uruñuela and Plunket, 2002a, p. 28, Fig. 3.8), ash, reddened areas of burnt
earth, prismatic obsidian blades, concentrations of small stones, and cremated bird
remains inside the chimneys (Plunket and Uruñuela, 2002a).
The village was probably composed of patrilineages. The orientation towards
the paternal line is reflected in the mortuary program. Only a few individuals,
almost always adult males, were buried - often with abundant grave goods - in
tombs or pits located under the floor of the central room of each house compound
(Uruñuela and Plunket, 2001, 2002a,b). The incense burners that frequently are
included in these interments also have been found on the floors of the room above
or at the patio shrine, providing a ritual link between the living and the dead within
this structure and at the sacred center of the family compound. The few women
and children buried in the houses of Tetimpa were generally excluded from the
ritually significant central room.
The existence of patrilineages at Tetimpa is supported further by the dis-
tribution of imported ceramics associated with the burials (Plunket et al., n.d.).
Members of senior lineage houses appear to have engaged in a variety of reciprocal
trading partnerships that are evidenced by the ceramics brought back home and
ultimately inhumed with important individuals who may have been lineage heads.
Neutron activation analyses of these ceramics indicate that the villages traded
locally for most of their serving vessels, but a significant number of items were
imported from the northeastern Basin of Mexico, the area between Huejotzingo
and Tlaxcala and the Tepexi region of southern Puebla, which provided early

This content downloaded from 201.148.81.61 on Tue, 19 Jul 2016 05:52:13 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
 98 Plunket and Unirmela

(ca. 300 B.C.) examples of Thin Orange wares (Plunket et al, n.d.). Although each
cluster of houses was affiliated with two or more distinct regions, all of them forged
alliances to the north in order to procure obsidian from the mines of Otumba and
Paredón.
Although we know next to nothing about the domestic organization of Classic
period Cholula, the city of Teotihuacan offers many intriguing parallels to Tetimpa
that seem to reflect the village on a monumental scale. The very specific triadic
format of the three-temple-complex at Teotihuacan is a mirror of the residential
architecture at Tetimpa and probably other Formative villages and towns. We and
others have suggested links between this architectural format and lineage struc-
tures, both along the Street of the Dead and within the apartment compounds of
Teotihuacan (Headrick, 1999, 2001; Plunket and Unírmela, 1998a, 2002c). The
talud-tablero system used on every platform at Tetimpa served no practical pur-
pose. The tablero embellishment that wraps around the façade of the sloping wall
of the platform can be viewed best as a symbolic divide between the underground
quarters of deceased family members and those of their living descendants who
occupy the surface (Unirmela and Plunket, n.d.-a). Urban Teotihuacan adopted
this ancient symbolic device (dated as early as 300 B.C. at Tlalancaleca, Puebla
[García Cook, 1984]) for use on most of the city's temples, enhancing the tablero
with a thin stone frame and painted stucco. Rather than create an entirely new
symbol, Teotihuacan drew upon the canons of the past - the emblem of house and
lineage - in order to deal with the problems of continuity and change in a complex
urban environment.
We believe that the city embraced this traditional configuration as one of
several strategies designed to incorporate the tremendous influx of immigrants
that arrived at the beginning of the first century A.D.; the modular nature of the
building program was well suited to rapid growth and could bridge the imposing
chasm between village and city, between past and present. At the same time,
Teotihuacan appears to have established this triadic structure as a cornerstone
of its emerging state ideology, converting it into a formula that was repeated on
a monumental scale along the Street of the Dead, perhaps to provide lineage
representation at the very heart of the city (see Headrick, 1999).
Traces of ancient agricultural systems are usually not preserved in the ar-
chaeological record, their imprint having been erased long ago by more recent
activity. The furrowed fields of the Tetimpa region, however, have provided new
insights into prehispanic agricultural systems. There are two temporally distinct
sets of fields, one that was covered by the first century A.D. eruption (Plunket
and Unirmela, 1998a) and a second that was impacted by a later volcanic event
sometime between A.D. 700 and 850 (Hirth, 2001; Panfil, 1996). The early fields
occupy all of the space between house compounds, and they were designed to
arrest the erosive force of torrential rains on the sandy piedmont soil. The majority
of the furrows are spaced regularly at intervals of 1.0 to 1.3 m apart and prob-
ably represent milpa agriculture (Aguirre, 2000). Others are more compact with

This content downloaded from 201.148.81.61 on Tue, 19 Jul 2016 05:52:13 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
 Recent Research in Puebla Prehistory 99

only 0.45-0.85 m between furrows; these most likely are vestiges of orchards and
gardens (López, 2000). On the basis of the size of corn cobs recovered from the
houses and the spacing of the furrows in Tetimpa's milpas, agricultural productiv-
ity at this time period (López et a/., 2001) was less than estimates derived for the
Basin of Mexico (Sanders et al, 1979, p. 373).
The Classic period furrows are limited in extent due mainly to the meager soil
development on top of the pumitic ash deposits of the Formative period eruption;
indeed, the reoccupation of the Tetimpa area during the Classic seems to have been
fairly limited. After the initial blast of the second volcanic event, farmers tried to
rescue these furrow systems and replant, but they were forced to abandon their
fields and homes by subsequent pyroclastic flows that devastated the northeastern
side of Popocatepetl (Hirth, 2001).

THE IMPACT OF VOLCANIC ERUPTIONS

ON THE WESTERN PUEBLA VALLEY

One theme that has generated interest since the 1994 eruption of Popocatepetl
is the impact of the volcano's activity on human settlement (Panfil, 1996; Panfil
et a/., 1999; Plunket and Uruñuela, 1998a,b,c, 1999a,b, 2000a,b, 2002a, 2003;
Siebe, 2000; Siebe et a/., 1996; Uruñuela and Plunket, 2003, n.d.-a). Although
the volcano has erupted over 30 times since the fourteenth century (Simkin and
Siebert, 2000, p. 1379), none of these events had major destructive consequences.
Geologists and archaeologists have documented two earlier eruptions, however,
whose volcanic explosivity indices were of a different order and can be classified
as major eruptions (e.g., Panfil, 1996; Plunket and Uruñuela, 1998a; Seele, 1973;
Siebe et al, 1996). The earliest of these was a Plinian event that took place during
the first century A.D., the second a series of pyroclastic flows and subsequent mud
flows, or lahars, that rushed down the slopes of Popocatepetl in the eighth century
A.D.

Research has focused on two initial problems: (1) accurate dating of the
eruptions visible in local stratigraphy, and (2) determination of the lateral impact
of the volcanic events. The Tetimpa area has provided the best dating for the
eruptive sequence because of the primary contexts offered by the village setting.
At present the most precise date for the early eruption is an AMS determination of
2010 ± 40 BP (Beta-146572) on a carbonized corn cob found inside a sealed olla
The 2 sigma range is between cal 100 B.C. and A.D. 70. On the basis of this date
and a suite of 13 others, we have established that the Terminal Formative event
took place towards the middle of the first century A.D. The second eruption is less
securely dated5 to ca. A.D. 700 (Panfil, 1996; Siebe et al, 1996).

5 Charcoal samples from the Classic period furrowed fields and floors of a contemporary residence are
being dated at this time.

This content downloaded from 201.148.81.61 on Tue, 19 Jul 2016 05:52:13 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
 100 Plunket and Uruñuela

The first century event has been classified as a VEI-6 eruption (Volcanic
Explosivity Index) (Siebe, 2000, p. 61). It produced over 3.2 km3 of pumitic
lapilli that collapsed across an area extending at least 25 km east of the crater,
the eruption column has been estimated at between 20 and 30 km (Panfil, 1996,
p. 16). Following this Plinian phase, lava flows covered 50 km2 of the eastern
piedmont of the volcano with between 30 and 100 m of rock that dammed and
diverted drainages, altering the surface hydrology of the western Puebla Valley
(Panfil, 1996, pp. 16-20).
Although the eastern slopes of the volcano were strongly impacted by the
Plinian fallout and lava, the northwestern sector (the southeastern corner of the
adjacent Basin of Mexico) was devastated by pyroclastic flows that led to mas-
sive migrations of survivors (Siebe, 2000, p. 61). Indeed, archaeological surveys
of this area have documented an enormous population decline between 100 B.C.
and A.D. 100 (Sanders et al, 1979, p. 183). We believe that the first century
eruption was ultimately responsible for the displacement of some 50,000 people
in the Basin of Mexico and that these refugees contributed heavily to the ex-
traordinary population build-up at Teotihuacan, situated far from the volcanically
active mountains that ring the southern basin. Although Millón (1981, p. 217)
and Sanders (Sanders et al, 1979, p. 107) both argue that Teotihuacan's ag-
gressive bid for political control of the countryside was the principal factor in-
volved in the rapid growth of the city, we believe that the emergent state was
confronted with an ecological disaster of unprecedented proportions that accel-
erated social and ideological processes already underway, including population
nucleation and modifications of prevailing belief systems (Plunket and Uruñuela,
2002d).
According to Siebe et al. (1996), the second volcanic event dated to the eighth
century A.D. resulted in massive lahars that rushed into the western Puebla Valley
and destroyed the city of Cholula. They base their reconstruction on an inspection
of the deposits that overlie the Classic period architecture on the southern side of
Cholula's Great Pyramid; they identify these as the lahars. Although it is unques-
tionable that the eruptions would have impacted Cholula socially, politically, and
environmentally, it is very doubtful that the city was buried under immense mud
flows. Excavations in the low-lying fields at the northeastern corner of the pyramid
(López et al, 2002a) show no sign of destructive lahars, nor do explorations in the
area between the Great Pyramid and the Palacio Municipal located to the west of
the monumental architecture - between the Pyramid and the volcano - a zone that
would necessarily show remains of these deposits if they had covered the Pyramid
(López et al, 2002b; Plunket and Uruñuela, 1993, 2002b; Plunket et al, 1994).
Although the volcano has been invoked by geologists in a wave of catastrophism
stimulated by present-day activity, it is unlikely that Cholula was devastated in the
way Siebe and his colleagues propose. Integrating archaeological and geological
observations of Cholula's complex stratigraphy will form an important part of
assessing the effects of volcanic activity on this pre-Columbian city.

This content downloaded from 201.148.81.61 on Tue, 19 Jul 2016 05:52:13 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
 Recent Research in Puebla Prehistory 101

With the advent of Schiffer 's (1987) work on formation processes and subse-
quent publications by Cameron (1991; Cameron and Tomka, 1996), abandonment
has evolved into an important area of investigation, particularly for household
archaeology. Tetimpa has provided an excellent laboratory for understanding both
rapid and gradual abandonment (Plunket and Uruñuela, 2000b, 2003; Unirmela
and Plunket 2003). Our analysis of the distribution and placement of artifacts at
the first century houses demonstrates that some families were absent when the
eruption occurred while others were immersed in their daily chores, perhaps indi-
cating that inhabitants were aware of the imminent danger posed by the volcano
and were already establishing alternate living arrangements elsewhere (Plunket
and Uruñuela, 2000b). The scarcity of portable, exotic goods in relation to large or
heavy craft items at most houses points to the possibility that householders were
selectively removing valuables while leaving behind items useful for daily life
during the relocation process; the presence of high proportions of "improvised,"
recycled or waiting-to-be-recycled artifacts that would not be taken to new homes
and the lack of caching behavior are both consistent with our interpretation that
abandonment was imminent and there was little anticipation for return (Plunket
and Uruñuela, 2003).

CHOLULA

Archaeological work in Cholula almost always occurs in response to develop-

ment projects or maintenance of protected areas around the Great Pyramid (Fig. 2),
and most of what has been done can be found only in unpublished technical re-
ports (e.g., Hernández et al., 1998; López et al, 2002a,b; Plunket et al, 1994;
Plunket and Uruñuela, 1993), theses (e.g., Edelstein, 1995; Hermosillo, 1992;
McCafferty, 1992), or abbreviated summaries published in symposia memoirs
(e.g., Suárez, 1992). One exception to this pattern is McCafferty 's (1992, 1994,
1996b, 2001c; McCafferty and McCafferty, 2000) analysis of Daniel Wolfman's
1968 excavations on the Universidad de las Americas campus at the eastern edge
of the city (Wolfman, 1968). The random nature and limited extent of salvage-
generated exploration, however, makes it difficult to find common themes in
this work.

The Great Pyramid, or Tlachihualtepetl, was the focus of archaeological

research from the 1930s until the 1970s; since then most efforts have been directed
at the maintenance of this enormous structure (e.g., Rodriguez, 1999, 2000, 2001;
Vela and Solanes, 1991). Recent work in fields abutting the northeast corner
of the pyramid (López et al, 2002a) has produced evidence of early colonial
and Postclassic houses constructed on top of the ruins of earlier Classic period
platforms that represent the initial occupation of this swampy zone; however,
Noguera (1956) reported Late Formative materials from the adjacent Templo
Rojo so earlier buildings may have existed in this area.

This content downloaded from 201.148.81.61 on Tue, 19 Jul 2016 05:52:13 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
 102 Plunket and Uruñuela

Until last year, the dating of the pyramid relied entirely on ceramic studies
of materials from selected areas of fill, a situation that has created controversy
about the building's construction sequence (Marquina, 1970, 1975; McCafferty,
1996a). In an effort to assess the possibility that the first century A.D. eruption
of Popocatepetl led to enhanced strategies of tempering divine justice and new
political agendas that were partially manifested in an acceleration of monumen-
tal construction within the city, the Tetimpa Project has begun to explore the
developmental sequence of the Great Pyramid (Uruñuela and Plunket, 2002b).
The first part of the work has involved the detailed recording of an unreported
excavation of a tunnel about 2 m underneath what has been referred to as the
"initial" construction phase (Marquina, 1970). The tunnel terminates in a "room"
with remains of wooden beams that McCafferty (1996a, p. 5) has referred to as
"an interior chamber . . . that may relate to an artificial 'cave' as a symbolic portal
to the underworld" (see also McCafferty, 2001a, p. 286). In fact, the stratigraphy
of the tunnel clearly indicates that it was excavated into an adobe construction
that predates the "first" stage (A) of the Great Pyramid; a 14C determination on
the remnants of the beams provided a date of 110 ±50 BP (Beta- 162996). It
appears that the modern tunneling ended in an adobe- walled cell - typical of plat-
form construction in Cholula - that may have contained an offering that merited
the reinforcement of the "ceiling" with beams for excavation. Charcoal from the
adobe fill underneath the "chamber" has been dated to 1810 db 40 BP (AMS Beta-
162997), providing a 2 sigma range of cal A.D. 1 10-330, considerably later than
McCafferty's (2001a, p. 285) second century B.C. estimates. A third date that was
obtained from the fill placed directly on top of Marquina's "initial" construction
phase (A) yielded a determination of 1700 ± 60 BP (Beta-162998) with a 2 sigma
range of cal A.D. 220-450, suggesting that the "first" pyramid was built during the
second century A.D. More dates are necessary to validate these initial findings, but
the construction of an independent chronological sequence for the pyramid and
surrounding structures is essential for our understanding of Early Classic urban
development in the central highlands.
Other monumental architecture in Cholula also has been dated to this time
period. Salvage excavations immediately south of the junction between the kitchen
of the Franciscan monastery of San Gabriel and its Portal de Peregrinos uncovered
a well-preserved staircase - over 12-m wide with more than 13 steps - of a large
east-facing platform that continues under the 16th century building and the adjoin-
ing school yard (Plunket and Uruñuela, 2002b). A 14C determination on charcoal
from a hearth associated with the superstructure of this platform provided a date
of 1890 ± 80 BP (1-17,627) with a 2 sigma range of cal 41 B.C. to A.D. 268 and cal
A.D. 273 to 336. Importantly, this platform is constructed directly on top of sterile
tepetate, and no Formative period remains were found in the excavations. Farther
to the northwest, in the patio of the building adjacent to the Casa del Caballero
Águila, salvage excavations found no evidence of monumental architecture and

This content downloaded from 201.148.81.61 on Tue, 19 Jul 2016 05:52:13 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
 Recent Research in Puebla Prehistory 103

no occupation prior to the latter part of the Classic (López et al., 2002b). The
Formative and Classic remains of the city center apparently lie primarily to the
east and south of the present-day main square of Cholula.
The eastern limits of the settlement coincide with the campus of the Uni-
versidad de las Americas. Salvage excavations there have documented Classic
period burials and midden deposits, but the soil is so thin that most structural
remains have been destroyed by agricultural activities. The western edge of the
campus is pocked with huge pits excavated into the tepetate during Classic times -
apparently to extract building material for platform construction - that were then
filled with trash during the subsequent centuries. One of these mines was filled
with broken drinking vessels and other elements of a ceramic assemblage similar
to that depicted in the mural of Los Bebedores (Uriarte, 1999), and it appears that
this deposit resulted from the discard of artifacts used on a single ritual occasion
(Salomón et al, 2001, 2002). McCafferty (1996b, 2001b; see also Edelstein, 1995)
has briefly reported on Sergio Suarez's INAH salvage excavation of a Classic pe-
riod house, but there is still very little that can be said about Cholula during this
epoch.
The transition between the Classic and Postclassic in Cholula represents
an extremely complex problem (Garcia Cook and Merino, 1991; Uruñuela and
Plunket, n.d.-b). Excavations in Cholula (Dumond and Müller, 1972) - in addition
to work at nearby Cerro Zapotecas (Mountjoy, 1987), Cacaxtla-Xochitécatl (Serra,
1998), and the various surveys of the Puebla-Tlaxcala Valley - suggest important
changes at the beginning of the seventh century A.D. that included a cessation of
monumental construction in the city, the establishment of a new political ideol-
ogy linked to the Olmeca-Xicalanca of Cacaxtla (Ringle et al, 1998), and the
Teotihuacan diaspora (however, see McCafferty, 1996a). Some of this turbulence
may have been caused by the second eruption of Popocatepetl (Siebe et al, 1996).
Excavations on the campus of the Universidad de las Americas have demonstrated
that in areas where stratigraphy is intact, the black clay deposits of the Classic
are consistently sealed by a sterile layer of sandy volcanic ash; materials on top
of this ash include Early Postclassic ceramics, specifically black-on-orange wares
similar to Aztec I.

As in so many other areas of Mesoamerica, the Postclassic of Cholula is gen-

erally dealt with from an ethnohistoric perspective rather than an archaeological
one (e.g., Lind, 1994b; McCafferty, 2001a; McCafferty and McCafferty, 2000;
Pinto et al, 2001; Suárez and Martínez, 1993). Most of the important exceptions
have to do with ceramic studies that stem from Michael Lind's seminal work on
Cholula polychrome wares (Lind et al, n.d.). On the basis of form and decora-
tion, Lind seriated the complex decorated Postclassic ceramics of Cholula into
three phases: Aquiahuac (A.D. 1000-1200), Tecama (A.D. 1200-1350), and Mártir
(A.D. 1350-1519). Although his work is still being tested and verified (Hernández,
1995a; Plunket, 1995; Suárez, 1994, 1995), his basic divisions have been modified

This content downloaded from 201.148.81.61 on Tue, 19 Jul 2016 05:52:13 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
 104 Plunket and Uruñuela

by McCafferty (1992, 1994, 2001c) in his analysis of the assemblage from UA-1,
a residence located at the eastern limits of the Postclassic city. McCafferty (2001c,
p. 14) has published a detailed chronological sequence, with new phase names -
Early Tlachihualtepetl (A.D. 700-900), Middle Tlachihualtepetl (A.D. 900-1050),
Late Tlachihualtepetl (A.D. 1050-1200), Early Cholollan (A.D. 1200-1400), and
Late Cholollan (A.D. 1400-1520) - based on four radiocarbon dates. Cholula now
has three different Postclassic chronologies, none of which is grounded in suffi-
cient temporal information. We return to a discussion of the Postclassic ceramics
below.

THE NAHUA-OTOMANGUE FRONTIER

Although the linguistic frontier between Uto-Aztecan (Náhuatl) and

Otomangue speakers probably developed late in Mesoamerican culture history
(Hopkins, 1984; however, see Hill, 2001, and Manrique, 2000), it evolved along a
major geographic transition. The Plains of San Juan as well as the southeastern and
southern regions (Fig. 1) lead out of the broad central valleys and into the broken
terrain occupied by Otomangue groups like the Mixtee and Popoloca, or Totonacs.
With the exception of the Tehuacan Valley, these are poorly explored areas even
though they should be considered vital to any discussion of frontiers - particularly
fortified frontiers - during the latter part of the Classic and the Postclassic. We
briefly review several sets of research on two frontier areas: the city of Cantona
situated at the northern rim of the Plains of San Juan (Garcia Cook and Merino,
1998), and the nahuatized Popoloca kingdoms of Tepexi (Castillo, 1997, 1998a,b),
LaMesa(Alducin, 1998; Arana, 1995, 1998; Castillo, 1995, 1998c; Chacón, 1995,
1998; Sisson and Lilly, 1994a,b), and Cuthá (Castellón, 1995, 1999; Castellón and
Dumaine, 2000) located in the southeastern section of the state.

Cantona

The fortified city of Cantona spreads across 12.6 km2 of rugged volcanic
topography west of Cofre de Perote near the border between the states of Puebla
and Veracruz (Garcia Cook and Merino, 1996, 1998). Obsidian from the nearby
mines of Oyameles-Zaragoza was converted into prismatic cores and bifaces in
its numerous obsidian workshops. Rojas (2001, pp. 69, 107) considers Cantona to
have been a major competitor of Teotihuacan's obsidian industry, and in certain
areas of Mesoamerica this may have been the case. However, a study of the
distribution of obsidian from Classic contexts in the Tehuacan Valley demonstrates
that while Cantona was the major supplier for this area, Teotihuacan's materials
moved through the Tehuacan Valley and on to the Gulf Coast and the Maya

This content downloaded from 201.148.81.61 on Tue, 19 Jul 2016 05:52:13 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
 Recent Research in Puebla Prehistory 105

lowlands where more exotic luxury goods could be obtained (Drennan et al, 1990).
Cantona may have participated on a limited scale in the long-distance exchange
of obsidian for prestige commodities during the Classic since Oy ameles-Zaragoza
artifacts have been identified as far away as Tikal (Moholy-Nagy and Nelson,
1990, pp. 73-74), but its role as an important international exporter appears to have
mushroomed primarily during the post-Teotihuacan era. Its workshops contributed
significant percentages of obsidian to the lithic assemblages at sites in the Puebla
Valley, along the Gulf Coast, in the Valley of Oaxaca, and across the southern
Isthmus; its products also occur in minute quantities in the northern Maya area
at sites like Chicanna, Chichén Itzá, Uxmal, Ek Balam, and Labná (Braswell,
2003, Table 20.1). Use of Oy ameles-Zaragoza obsidian declined at the beginning
of the Postclassic as Cantona was abandoned around A.D. 1000 (Garcia Cook and
Merino, 1998, p. 213).
The city was constructed upon a series of superimposed andesitic flows that
form natural terraces - each about 10-m high (Ferriz, 1985) - using asymmetrical
architectural layouts to adapt building plans to the highly irregular ground (Garcia
Cook and Merino, 1998, p. 197). Most of Cantona's civic and religious buildings
are located on the upper terrace, or Acropolis, that rises at the southern end of
the site while the habitation areas cover the lower two flows along the southern
and western boundaries of the geological formation. The city's public architecture
includes 24 ballcourts and more than 100 plazas. Twelve of the ballcourts were
embedded into an entirely new architectural complex that consists of a plaza with
a stepped platform at one end and the I-shaped ballcourt at the other (Fig. 4); most
of these complex architectural configurations are located on the Acropolis (Garcia
Cook and Merino, 1998, pp. 200-201). Thirty of Cantona's plazas also were built
on the Acropolis while the remainder were scattered among the residential patio
groups, perhaps functioning as civic and religious hubs for the city's subdivi-
sions. Garcia Cook and Merino (1998, p. 197) identified two large rectangular
open areas defined by low walls and platforms - covering 1 1,200 and 16,000 m2,
respectively - that may have functioned as marketplaces.
A complex network of elevated stone-paved streets meanders through the
residential patios that occupy more than 3000 terraces, while clearly defined
roads linked the settlement with a number of neighboring towns (Garcia Cook
and Merino, 1998). Over 20 14C dates place the occupation between the Late
Formative and Epiclassic. The site seems to have become more fortified through
time, reinforcing its frontier status and perhaps reflecting the political turmoil of
the Epiclassic.
Both Cantona's building program and ceramic assemblage are unique in
Mesoamerica and do not employ the canons of the central valleys or Gulf Coast
sites, although certain similarities to the styles of Veracruz, Oaxaca, the cen-
tral highlands, and West Mexico are present (Garcia Cook and Merino, 1998,
pp. 210, 213-214). The ethnic composition of Cantona and the nature of the

This content downloaded from 201.148.81.61 on Tue, 19 Jul 2016 05:52:13 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
 106 Plunket and Uruñuela

Fig. 4. Plan of ballcourt complex no. 7 at Cantona (redrawn from Talavera et al., 2001, Fig. 50).

settlement's outside contacts and alliances remain unresolved; further analysis of

the excavated materials and their contexts (e.g., Rojas, 2001; Talavera et al., 2001)
should provide important insights about this frontier polity and its interaction
with other parts of Mesoamerica. In many ways, the city is like other Epiclassic
centers (e.g., Xochicalco, Cacaxtla, and El Tajin): It is located on a prominent
hill with fortified architecture; it possess a road network with controlled ac-
cesses; it focuses strongly on ballcourt ritual; and its artifact assemblages includes
reworked human bone. Unlike the above-mentioned cities, however, Cantona
has little public artwork, which makes ideological and symbolic comparisons
difficult.

Popoloca Region

Ethnic identity also represents an important issue for archaeologists working

in the southeastern corner of the state. Not only are the small polities centered at
sites like La Mesa (Tehuacan Viejo), Cuthá, and Tepexi located in a region of both
geographic and cultural transitions, but the area was subject to an influx of Náhuatl
speakers from the northwest early in the 13th century, and two hundred years later
much of it became subject to the Aztec empire (Castillo, 1997, p. 239; Sisson
and Lilly, 1994a, p. 33). Although some authors stress the relevance of an ancient
Popoloca identity (Castillo, 1998c), others have given more importance to the Post-
classic Nahua migrants (Sisson and Lilly, 1994a,b). La Mesa has been described

This content downloaded from 201.148.81.61 on Tue, 19 Jul 2016 05:52:13 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
 Recent Research in Puebla Prehistory 107

as being occupied by either Popoloca (Castillo, 1998c) or Nahua refugees (Sisson

and Lilly, 1994a, p. 33), while Tepexi and Cuthá have traditionally been classified
as Popoloca. Some authors propose that the Popoloca kingdoms flourished after
the fall of Tula (Castillo, 1994, p. 18), but Castellón (1999) has recently suggested
that Cuthá, one of the most important sites in the area, reached its peak during the
Epiclassic.
Researchers who have worked in the region during the last dozen years
agree that its population was not homogeneous but rather a complex mixture of
the various ethnic groups whose geographic boundaries coalesce in southeastern
Puebla (Castellón, 1999; Castillo, 1998c; Sisson and Lilly, 1994a). Surrounded
by Nahua groups to the north and Mixtees, Chochos, and Mazatecs to the south,
the Popoloca kingdoms were linked to one another and to their outside neighbors
through marriage alliances (Castillo, 1998c, p. 1876; Sisson and Lilly, 1994a,
p. 33), although they were simultaneously engaged in local conflicts that resulted
in the fortification of many of the major cabeceras, such as Cuthá and Tepexi
(Castillo, 1994).
Although a great deal of the recent archaeological work has centered on map-
ping and the excavation of public architecture at La Mesa (Alducin, 1998; Arana,
1995, 1998; Chacón, 1995, 1998; Sisson and Lilly, 1994a,b), Tepexi (Castillo,
1996, 1997), and Cuthá (Castellón, 1999), much of the interpretation reviewed
above is based primarily on legendary accounts in ethnohistoric documents and
ceramic studies. The fact that the ceramics and murals found in the region belong
to the generalized Mixteca-Puebla tradition does not help clarify issues of ethnic
identity. Surface collections at La Mesa include not only local bichromes and
polychromes but also ceramics from Acatlán, Tepeaca, Cholula, Cuauhtinchan,
Tlaxco, the Basin of Mexico, the Mixteca Alta, the Chinantla, and the Huasteca
(Márquez, 1994) - a situation paralleled at Cuthá (Castellón, 1999). In addition
to ethnic diversity, this suggests the existence of complex exchange networks and
marriage alliances that were fundamental to the social, political, and economic
organization of these often fortified polities that occupied the small valleys of the
region. Ceramics are not particularly good indicators of ethnicity, and more work
needs to be done at the household level to investigate the population mix at these
settlements and how the Nahua migrants affected the political and demographic
structure of the region.
Southeastern Puebla also has witnessed research on productive systems.
Neely's (Neely and Castellón, 2003) continuing work on the fossilized canal
systems of the Tehuacan Valley has shown that spring water was being channeled
to agricultural fields by the beginning of the Late Formative, and organic mate-
rials sealed between the travertine layers of the canals should provide important
environmental data for this initial period of agricultural intensification. The canal
water also was employed in salt making that was a major industry of the area
around Cuthá (Castellón, 1999).

This content downloaded from 201.148.81.61 on Tue, 19 Jul 2016 05:52:13 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
 108 Plunket and Uruñuela

During the Classic period the Popoloca region's interaction with the great
power centers, especially Teotihuacan, revolved around the production of Thin
Orange ceramics (Plunket and Uruñuela 1998d) made from clay deposits along
the Río Carnero drainage. Rattray's survey (Rattray, 1990a,b, 1995) of about
100 km2 of an area between Tepexi and San Juan Ixcaquixtla was designed
to study the production of this ware and the interaction between the Popoloca
and Teotihuacan. She located 83 sites, including three regional centers and nine
cabeceras (Rattray, 1998, p. 80, Fig. 2), and partially excavated a house compound
with a Thin Orange workshop (Rattray, 1990a). Although Rattray (1998, p. 81)
places the earliest appearance of this highly traded ware around A.D. 200, neutron
activation analyses of pink-orange paste vessels from Late Formative contexts at
Tetimpa demonstrate that ceramics chemically identical to Classic period Thin
Orange were in circulation much earlier (Plunket et a/., n.d.).

Atlixco

The northern frontier of the Popoloca and Mixtee areas is located at the
southern edge of the Atlixco Valley. Here studies have focused not so much on
the nature of this boundary but rather on the political division that developed be-
tween cabeceras conquered by the Aztec empire and the independent kingdoms
of Puebla-Tlaxcala after 1465 (Plunket, 1990; Plunket and Uruñuela, 1994). Hos-
tilities between these two groups, known as the xochiyaoyotl or Flowery Wars,
apparently resulted in the episodic abandonment of settlements in the Atlixco
Valley, particularly in the southern area near Quauhquechulan where the Aztecs
installed a garrison (Dyckerhoff, 1988, p. 26). As opposed to the situation in the
Popoloca region, ceramics and probably other goods did not cross this frontier
easily. Aztec III and the cream wares typical of the Mixteca are absent or scarce
in the Puebla Valley to the north, while Cholula polychromes are very uncommon
around Quauhquechulan to the south.
The nature of the Nahua-Otomangue divide seems to have varied consider-
ably according to the political and economic relations between bordering groups.
Internal regional hostilities among peer polities, like those indicated for the south-
eastern area, seem to be reflected in the defensive position and frequent fortification
of cabeceras without major or long-term effects on economic exchange. Threats
of conquest by a major foreign military alliance, however, appear to have affected
both settlement continuity and commercial activity.

THE MKTECA-PUEBLA PHENOMENON

In a recent synthesis, Nicholson (2001) reminds us that the origins of the

Late Postclassic International Style - also known as the Mixteca-Puebla Horizon

This content downloaded from 201.148.81.61 on Tue, 19 Jul 2016 05:52:13 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
 Recent Research in Puebla Prehistory 109

Style - are still unclear. One group of researchers associates it with the emergence
of the Mixtee kingdoms in Oaxaca and southern Puebla, while others argue for
roots in the turbulent Early Postclassic of Cholula in the western Puebla Valley,
or in the highland-lowland interaction along the Gulf Coast. For many years,
interest in the origins of this art style was interwoven with diffusionist models that
posited a culture core in central Mexico from which Mixteca-Puebla "culture"
spread (Nicholson, 1960; Vaillant, 1940). Smith and Heath-Smith (1980, p. 15)
challenged this traditional view, arguing that it confuses three distinct phenomena:
(1) the Religious Style of the Early Postclassic; (2) the Mixtee Codex Style of the
Late Postclassic; and (3) the Mixteca-Puebla Regional Ceramic Sphere composed
of local central Mexican ceramic complexes that share certain stylistic features.
They concluded that the conflation of these phenomena has led to inappropriate
models and flawed interpretations, and they propose that trade and developing
communication networks provide better explanations.
A recent volume on Postclassic Mesoamerica (Smith and Berdan, 2000,
2003b) examines the Mixteca-Puebla phenomenon from a world-systems per-
spective. To distinguish between style and iconography, two categories are used:
(1) the Postclassic International Style (painting styles of codices, murals, and ce-
ramics), and (2) the Postclassic International Symbol Sets (iconography) that have
early and late components (Boone and Smith, 2003). The world-systems approach
reverses the culture core concept that held that traits diffuse outward from a center
and instead contends that the styles and symbols originate outside central Mexico,
but were incorporated into the exchange networks of the Postclassic world system
(Smith, 2003, p. 183). "Mixteca-Puebla style" is used now to refer to ceramic
decoration, murals, and codices in Puebla, Tlaxcala, and Oaxaca (Smith, 2003,
p. 182).
In Puebla, recent work has sought to separate and define substyles (Castellón
and Dumaine, 2000; Castillo, 1994; Dennis, 1994; Lind, 1994a; McCafferty, 1994,
2001c; Quiñones-Keber, 1994; Smith and Berdan, 2000, 2003b), identify loci
where materials were made (Neff et al, 1994; Unirmela et al, 1997), determine the
style's application in different media - codices, ceramics, and mural - (Contreras,
1994; Sisson and Lilly, 1994b), "read" the iconographie references (Hernández,
1995a,b; Nicholson, 1994; Sisson and Lilly, 1994a), and understand how this ritu-
ally charged symbolism was woven into the social fabric (Pohl, 1998, 2003a,b,c,d;
Pohl and Byland, 1994).
Several studies have demonstrated strong relationships between regional sub-
styles and certain codical traditions, lending weight to arguments about the origins
of particular manuscripts. For example, there is such a strong correspondence be-
tween the Late Postclassic polychrome wares and murals of the Puebla-Tlaxcala
Valley and the Codex Borgia that it is highly probable that this pre-Columbian
document was produced in that area (Boone, 2003; Contreras, 1994; Hernández,
1995a,b; Nicholson, 1994; Pohl, 1998; Quiñones-Keber, 1994; Unirmela et a/.,
1997).

This content downloaded from 201.148.81.61 on Tue, 19 Jul 2016 05:52:13 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
 110 Plunket and Uruñuela

These links between the Codex Borgia and the codex-style ceramics from
the Puebla-Tlaxcala Valley have led several researchers to isolate elements and
motifs in the complex compositions in an attempt to create "vocabularies" that can
be translated or tied to culturally specific meanings (Hernández, 1995a,b; Lind,
1994a; Lind et a/., n.d.; Nicholson, 1994). Based on Lind's (1994a, pp. 94-95)
comparative dictionary of motifs that occur on Late Postclassic Mixtee Pilitas
and Cholula Catalina polychromes, these ceramics functioned within two signif-
icantly different political systems. According to Lind (1994a, p. 97) the Mixtee
vessels served as drinking vessels at royal weddings and other gatherings of the
political elite; consequently they illustrate distinctive Mixtee rituals, anthropo-
morphic representations of royalty, and mythological themes that are similar to
those found in the Mixtee Codex Vindobonensis. The Cholula ceramics, on the
other hand, use design motifs that reflect bloody rites, including human and animal
sacrifice; they focus on the ritual paraphernalia like maguey thorns and bone awls
used in these events. Occasional references to deities like Xochipilli, Xochiquet-
zal, or Tezcatlipoca on drinking vessels and plates are achieved through esoteric
symbols rather than anthropomorphic representations; likewise, representations
of jaguars and eagles allude to the two high priests of Cholula, the Tlalchiach
and the Aquiach, respectively. For Lind, the elegant Catalina polychrome (Fig. 5)
is thematically related to the interests of the religious bureaucracy of the holy
city of Cholula and was not employed in the aggrandizement of the political elite
like the Mixtee Pilitas ware appears to have been. If Lind is correct in his in-
terpretation, an intensive study of "vocabularies" depicted on the "codex style"
ceramics produced in the other kingdoms of the Puebla-Tlaxcala Valley should
reveal patterns similar to those of the Mixtee Pilitas polychromes since the sacred
pilgrimage city of Cholula is probably a unique case. Neutron activation analysis
of ceramics decorated with "Mixteca-Puebla" iconography has shown that these
were made at a number of locations in the Basin of Mexico, the Puebla-Tlaxcala
Valley, the Popoloca area, the Mixteca Alta, the Oaxaca Valley, and the Chinantla
(Neff et al , 1 994, p. 1 29); therefore the signs and symbols should reflect the rituals
and mythology used by the local elites.
In a recent article on the Late Postclassic painted altars in Tlaxcala, Pohl
(1998, pp. 194-195) proposes that some of the sacrificial references in these
murals and on local ceramics are related to the Tzitzimitl, fearsome spirits that
personified disease, drought, war, sacrifice, death, and divine castigation who serve
as emblems of the chaos caused by drunkenness and violent discord. He suggests
that drunkenness was common at the palace feasts that played such an important
role in maintaining social relations among the multiethnic kingdoms of highland
Mexico (Pohl 2003a,b,c,d), and that the movable feasts of the 260-day sacred
calendar were celebrated in these palaces and dedicated to the Tzitzimime (Pohl,
1998, pp. 197, 200). In effect, he suggests that, like their Mixtee counterparts,
the Tlaxcalan kingdoms also used ceramics and other art forms depicting the
ritual and mythological themes that were specifically relevant to their own social

This content downloaded from 201.148.81.61 on Tue, 19 Jul 2016 05:52:13 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
Recent Research in Puebla Prehistory 111

Fig. 5. Catalina polychrome pulque goblet (courtesy of the

Museo de la Ciudad de Cholula en la Casa del Caballero
Águila, Cholula, Puebla).

milieu. Hernández' (1995a,b) comparison of the motifs of Cholula, Huejotzingo,

and Tlaxcalan ceramics shows that the Tzitzimitl references - the severed hands,
the skulls, and human hearts - frequently appear in Cholula, so it is likely that the
sacred city used the polychrome wares not only as a vehicle for the interests of
the religious bureaucracy but also for promoting the political elite.
The discovery of codex-style murals at La Mesa (Tehuacan Viejo) in 1991
provides significant information about how Mixteca-Puebla style iconography

This content downloaded from 201.148.81.61 on Tue, 19 Jul 2016 05:52:13 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
 112 Plunket and Uruñuela

was used in nonpalatial architectural settings. On the back wall of the west room
in a courtyard group, Edward Sisson (Sisson and Lilly, 1994a,b) uncovered a
well-preserved mural painted on mud plaster that depicts eight shields (originally
9) surmounted on diagonally crossed lances and banners. The building has been
interpreted as an armory decorated with the symbolism of the night sun where the
elaborate costumes, shields, and lances of elite warriors were stored (Sisson and
Lilly, 1994a, p. 43). The shields themselves make reference to deities like Xipe
Totee, Tezcatlipoca, and Mixcoatl-Camaxtli and employ metaphors for warfare
and sacrifice like the atl-tlachinolli ("burning water"), the mitl-chimalli (a shield
on top of atlatl darts), anthropomorphized sacrificial knives, and the aztamecatl
(a feathered rope for binding sacrificial victims). The paintings were probably
made by a Nahuatl-speaking component of the Popoloca region since there are
strong iconographie similarities between the murals and the Codex Borgia (see,
Boone, 2003). Sisson and Lilly (1994a, p. 42) stress that the full meaning of the
murals could be better understood if the surrounding rooms were excavated, but
difficulties in the conservation of the paintings have made archaeologists reluctant
to undertake this exploration. As opposed to the Tlaxcalan palace murals that
emphasize the Tzitzimime motifs, the La Mesa artwork demonstrates that the
Mixteca-Puebla style also articulated military themes for warrior societies whose
ranks probably included members of the political elite.

FINAL COMMENTS

As this review demonstrates, the amount of research-oriented archaeology in

the state of Puebla during the past dozen years has been limited. With the exception
of the Tehuacan Archaeological-Botanical Project, this situation results from the
failure of the large-scale projects of the 1960s and 1970s in the Puebla-Tlaxcala
Valley to produce and publish a coherent chronological framework (however, see
Garcia Cook, 1981, 1988), well-established ceramic sequences, and a detailed,
comprehensive analysis of settlement patterns that could serve as a platform from
which to launch more specific research. Forty years ago modern settlement was
not an important impediment to archaeological research, but today the problems
caused by population growth and resource use have made it much more difficult
to obtain the kind of information needed to create the broad outlines that can
generate theoretical discussions. Not only have important sites been impacted by
development projects and squatters settlements, but also the topsoil of a large
section of the western Puebla Valley has been removed and used by cottage
industries to make bricks. It is now almost impossible to record small villages and
hamlets in these zones.
Other areas of the state remain virtually unknown archaeologically. The
Sierra Norte and the Atlantic slope that leads into the Totonac area have many

This content downloaded from 201.148.81.61 on Tue, 19 Jul 2016 05:52:13 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
Recent Research in Puebla Prehistory 113

important sites such as Yohualichan and Xiutetelco, but little systematic explo-
ration has been undertaken. The Izucar-Chiauhtla area to the southwest and the
Mixteca Baja to the south are unexplored with the exception of limited work at
Las Bocas (Paillés, 2000; Paillés et al, 2000). The Mixtee kingdom of Acatlán
that apparently produced the Codex Tulane (Smith and Parmenter, 1991) has seen
little archaeological research. The Plains of San Juan around Cantona have been
and continue to be the subject of archaeological survey by Angel Garcia Cook
in spite of Leonor Merino's untimely death. The western extreme of the central
valleys around Tepeaca-Acatzingo was intensively surveyed by James Sheehy;
unfortunately, this work remains unpublished and can only be consulted in two
licenciatura theses (Maldonado, 1997; Medina, 2001) and in technical reports to
the Mexican government (Sheehy, 1994; Sheehy et al, 1995, 1996).
The publication of detailed analyses of salvage work has been very inade-
quate. Major excavations were undertaken during the 1980s in response to the
construction of the Huejotzingo airport. The only published mention of the air-
port project (Cepeda, 1997) summarizes in one paragraph evidence of an Early
Classic occupation that included the remains of an urban settlement with palaces
surrounded by walls and separated by streets 1.5-m wide, a drainage system to
recycle rainwater, canals for irrigation, domestic artifacts, ceremonial burials, and
more than 4000 ceramic vessels. There are no maps, drawings, or photographs.
During this same period a modern drainage system cut a 4 km long east- west
trench through Cholula two blocks south of the Great Pyramid. With the excep-
tion of three midden deposits (Fajardo, 1985) and the burials (Unirmela, 1989a),
the excavated materials from this salvage project were never analyzed and no re-
port was prepared. Occasionally, however, results from these kinds of excavations
are published (e.g., Suárez, 1990, 1995).
In spite of the problems we have mentioned, the state of Puebla has tremen-
dous potential for archaeological research. The Middle and Late Formative saw
impressive population growth and the establishment of numerous chiefdoms. Re-
lations between Teotihuacan and Cholula are still not clearly understood for the
Classic period, and this is an important research problem that needs to be ad-
dressed. To the east of Cholula there are several important centers (Hirth and
Swezey, 1976; Medina, 2001, pp. 124-132) that may provide significant data
about Teotihuacan 's relations with lesser highland political structures, a subject
that, having been overshadowed by research on the Teotihuacan-Maya interaction,
requires attention. And finally, Puebla's location along the fringe of the Nahuatl-
speaking world - at least during the Postlcassic - provides archaeologists with
excellent opportunities to investigate social, economic, and political interaction
along frontier zones and ethnic divides.
This short review brings together various sets of the recent archaeological
work in the state of Puebla. We have attempted to show that, in spite of the sporadic
and opportunistic nature of many projects, there is much to be learned from this

This content downloaded from 201.148.81.61 on Tue, 19 Jul 2016 05:52:13 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
 114 Plunket and Uruñuela

central area; its exclusion from general considerations of Mesoamerican prehistory

due to a lack of regional synthesis shows that our reconstruction and understanding
of basic culture history and social process in this "cradle of civilization" is far
from adequate.
As Richard MacNeish recognized long ago, certain parts of the state provide
excellent prospects for the study of agricultural origins and the spread of Neolithic
lifeways. Chronological challenges to the long-established Tehuacan Valley Ar-
chaic sequence demonstrate the importance of bolstering existing data bases on
the transition to agricultural subsistence economies in highland Mesoamerica.
Although the dry caves of Tehuacan and the Valsequillo Depression undoubt-
edly provide the best preservation of organic materials, the swamp lands of the
Puebla-Tlaxcala Valley also may present opportunities for research on the chang-
ing nature of human subsistence patterns under less arid conditions between 5000
and 2000 BR More and better archaeological and linguistic data from the Ar-
chaic period will help trace the Neolithic expansion so that the Mesoamerican
experience can be compared to similar processes worldwide.
Almost 30 years ago, Flannery (1976) wrote about the early Mesoamerican
village. Some of these early villages in Puebla were tested by the German ar-
chaeological project of the 1960s (Aufdermaeur, 1970), but along the eastern base
of the Sierra Nevada there is a string of villages that developed into important
chiefdoms during the Middle and Late Formative - sites like Tlalancaleca, San
Francisco Coapan, and Colotzingo - that need intensive study in order to make
better sense of the political and economic processes documented in the Basin of
Mexico to the northwest and the Valley of Oaxaca to the southeast. Our studies at
Tetimpa have shown that even the rural settlements that dotted the piedmont were
active participants in Formative exchange networks, and we might expect that the
centers located on the valley floor were prime movers in the political development
of central Mexico.
The population declines documented for both sides of the Sierra Nevada
during the first century A.D. - including the large chiefdoms of the western Puebla
Valley - may have been a consequence of a huge eruption of the Popocatepetl
volcano. This natural disaster has direct bearing on the rapid growth of the two
major urban centers of highland Mesoamerica, Teotihuacan, and Cholula, in that
it provides a specific set of circumstances under which decision making took
place at both the impacted communities and the powerful political centers closest
to them. Generally, it has been assumed that the emergent cities of the central
highlands coerced the inhabitants of the towns and villages of their respective
regions to relocate to the urban environment, yet the dating of the VEI-6 eruption
provides an alternate explanation for the massive population movements of the first
century A.D. and requires us to reconsider our ideas about population implosion
and the nature of the Terminal Formative/Early Classic transition in the central
highlands.

This content downloaded from 201.148.81.61 on Tue, 19 Jul 2016 05:52:13 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
 Recent Research in Puebla Prehistory 115

Ethnic and environmental diversity played major roles in the political and
economic development of Puebla. The northern, eastern, and southern sectors of
this macroregion constitute major linguistic and environmental divides that create
excellent opportunities to study the interaction between environmentally and/or
ethnically distinct territories. In spite of internal regional hostilities, the small
polities of the Postclassic developed communication systems that could function
in multiethnic circumstances to promote alliance formation and maintain active
exchange networks. This kind of social and commercial interaction appears to
have been curtailed, however, by the emergence of the Triple Alliance and the
imperialistic designs of the Aztec empire.
Puebla sits at the crossroads of Mesoamerica, and in a sense, it divides the
ancient culture area in two rather distinct parts, just as it divides the modern nation
of Mexico into the developed north and the impoverished south. The transitions
in environment and language are complex and obviously have deep temporal
roots, but these transitions make Puebla an important laboratory for the study of
interaction across frontiers.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

We thank the Mesoamerican Research Foundation, the Sistema Regional

Ignacio Zaragoza, the Consejo Nacional de Ciencia y Tecnología, and the De-
canatura de Investigación y Posgrado of the Universidad de las Americas, Puebla,
for their generous support of our research. Kent Flannery, Kenneth Hirth, James
Sheehy, Gary Feinman, and Linda Nicholas all provided helpful suggestions and
sound advice that were much appreciated.

REFERENCES CITED

Aguirre, Z. (2000). Estudios químicos y paleoetnobotánicos en unidades domésticas arqueológicas del

sitio de Tetimpa, Puebla. Unpublished Master's thesis, Department of Anthropology, Universidad
de las Américas-Puebla, Cholula.
Aguirre, Z., and Quintana, N. (1998). Análisis químico de cationes de un espacio doméstico ar-
queológico de la región de Tetimpa, Puebla. In Brambila, R. (ed.), Antropología e historia del
occidente de México: XXIV Mesa Redonda, Vol. DI, Sociedad Mexicana de Antropología and
Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, Mexico City, pp. 1799-1820.
Alducín, R. (1998). LaPlaza B de Tehuacán Viejo "La Mesa." In Brambila, R. (ed.), Antropología e his-
toria del occidente de México: XXIV Mesa Redonda, Vol. m, Sociedad Mexicana de Antropología
and Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, Mexico City, pp. 1939-1946.
Arana, R. (1995). Sistemas constructivos y consolidación del Conjunto "A" de Tehuacán el Viejo, "La
Mesa." Revista Mexicana de Estudios Antropológicos XLI: 129-148.
Arana, R. (1998). Estructura 4, Plaza C de Tehuacán Viejo "La Mesa." In Brambila, R. (ed.),
Antropología e historia del occidente de México: XXIV Mesa Redonda, Vol. DI, Sociedad Mexi-
cana de Antropología and Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, Mexico City, pp. 1909-
1926.

This content downloaded from 201.148.81.61 on Tue, 19 Jul 2016 05:52:13 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
 116 Plunket and U mímela

Aufdermaeur, J. (1970). Excavaciones en dos sitios preclásicos de Moyotzingo. Comunicaciones 1:

9-24.
Bellwood, P., and Renfrew, C. (eds.) (2003). Examining the Framing! Language Dispersal Hypothesis,
McDonald Institute Monographs, McDonald Institute for Archaeological Research, Cambridge.
Benz, B. F., and Long, A. (2000). Prehistoric maize evolution in the Tehuacan Valley. Current Anthro-
pology 41:459-465.
Boone, E. H. (2003). A web of understanding: Pictorial codices and the shared intellectual culture
of Late Postclassic Mesoamerica. In Smith, M. E., and Berdan, F. F. (eds.), The Postclassic
Mesoamerican World, University of Utah Press, Salt Lake City, pp. 207-221.
Boone, E. H., and Smith, M. E. (2003). Postclassic international styles and symbol sets. In Smith,
M. E., and Berdan, F. F. (eds.), The Postclassic Mesoamerican World, University of Utah Press,
Salt Lake City, pp. 186-193.
Braswell, G. E. (2003). Obsidian exchange spheres. In Smith, M. E., and Berdan, F. F. (eds.), The
Postclassic Mesoamerican World, University of Utah Press, Salt Lake City, pp. 131-158.
Byers, D. S. (ed.) (1967a). The Prehistory of the Tehuacan Valley, Vol. 1: Environment and Subsistence,
University of Texas Press, Austin.
Byers, D. S. (ed.) (1967b). The Prehistory of the Tehuacan Valley, Vol. 2: Nonceramic Artifacts,
University of Texas Press, Austin.
Cameron, C. M. (1991). Structure abandonment in villages. In Schiffer, M. (ed.), Archaeological
Method and Theory, Vol. 3, University of Arizona Press, Tucson, pp. 155-194.
Cameron, C. M., and Tomka, S. A. (eds.) (1996). Abandonment of Settlements and Regions: Ethnoar-
chaeolosical and Archaeological Approaches, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.
Castellón, B. R. (1995). Trabajos arqueológicos en Cuthá, antiguo señorío popoloca en Zapotitlán
Salinas, Puebla. Revista Mexicana de Estudios Antropológicos XLI: 165-175.
Castellón, B. R. (1999). Cuthá, Zapotitlán Salinas, Puebla: arqueología y etnicidad en el área
popoloca, Doctoral thesis, Escuela Nacional de Antropología e Historia, Mexico City.
Castellón, B. R., and Dumaine, A. (2000). La cerámica de fondo sellado de Tepexi, Cuthá y Tehuacán,
Puebla. Arqueología 24: 61-85.
Castillo, N. (1994). Los popolocas y la región mixteca-puebla. In Nicholson, H. B., and Quiñones-
Keber, E. (eds.), Mixteca-Puebla: Discoveries and Research in Mesoamerican Art and Archae-
ology, Labyrinthos, Culver City, pp. 175-187.
Castillo, N. (1995). Proyecto "Sur del estado de Puebla: área central popoloca." Revista Mexicana de
Estudios Antropológicos XLI: 1 15-1 28.
Castillo, N. (1996). Las popolocas de Tepexi El Viejo, Puebla. In Brambila, R., and Monjarás-Ruiz,
J. (eds.), Los arqueólogos frente a las fuentes, Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia,
Mexico City, pp. 171-179.
Castillo, N. (1997). Tepexi El Viejo: un señorío popoloca al sur de Puebla, y los mexicas. In Manrique,
L., and Castillo, N. (eds.), Homenaje al doctor Ignacio Bernal, Instituto Nacional de Antropología
e Historia, Mexico City, pp. 237-249.
Castillo, N. (1998a). Iconografía en vasijas de Tepexi El Viejo, Puebla. In Barba, B. (ed.), Iconografía
mexicana I, Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia, Mexico City, pp. 93-104.
Castillo, N. (1998b). Iconografía en vasijas de Tepexi el Viejo, Puebla: representaciones de serpi-
ente y jaguar. In Barba, B. (ed.), Iconografía mexicana II: el cielo, la tierra y el inframundo:
águila, serpiente y jaguar, Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia, Mexico City, pp. 247-
258.
Castillo, N. (1998c). La zona arqueológica de Tehuacán, Puebla: avances y perspectivas del proyecto
"Tehuacán, un señorío popoloca del Postclásico." In Brambila, R. (ed.), Antropología e historia
del occidente de México: XXIV Mesa Redonda, Vol. HI, Sociedad Mexicana de Antropología and
Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, Mexico City, pp. 1875-1886.
Cepeda, G. (1997). El salvamento arqueológico en el aeropuerto de Puebla. In de la Lama, E., and
Landa, M. E. (eds.), Simposio internacional de investigación de Huexotzinco, Instituto Nacional
de Antropología e Historia, Mexico City, pp. 27-35.
Chacón, J. C. (1995). Excavación de la Estructura 5, altar central de la Plaza C de Tehuacán el Viejo,
"La Mesa." Revista Mexicana de Estudios Antropológicos XLI: 149-164.
Chacón, J. C. (1998). Estructura 6, Plaza C de Tehuacán Viejo "La Mesa." ln Bramoiia, k. {ta.),
Antropología e historia del occidente de México: XXIV Mesa Redonda, Vol. m, Sociedad

This content downloaded from 201.148.81.61 on Tue, 19 Jul 2016 05:52:13 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
 Recent Research in Puebla Prehistory 117

Mexicana de Antropología and Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, Mexico City,

pp. 1927-1938.
Clear, K., and Plunket, P. (1998). Las figurillas de Tetimpa. In Brambila, R. (ed.), Antropología e historia
del occidente de México: XXIV Mesa Redonda, Vol. HI, Sociedad Mexicana de Antropología and
Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, Mexico City, pp. 1841-1857.
Contreras, E. (1994). Los murales y cerámica polícromos de la zona arqueológica de Ocotelulco,
Tlaxcala. In Nicholson, H. B., and Quiñones-Keber, E. (eds.), Mixteca-Puebla: Discoveries and
Research in Mesoamerican Art and Archaeology, Labyrinthos, Culver City, CA, pp. 7-24.
Cook de Leonard, C. (1957). Excavaciones en la Plaza No. 1, "Tres Palos," Teotihuacán. Boletín del
Centro de Investigaciones Antropológicas de México 4: 3-5.
Cook de Leonard, C. (1971). Ceramics of the Classic period in central Mexico. In Ekholm, G. E,
and Bernal, I. (eds.), Handbook of Middle American Indians, Vol. 10: Archaeology of Northern
Mesoamerica, Pt. 1, University of Texas Press, Austin, pp. 179-205.
Dennis, B. J. (1994). Narrative sequences in the Codex Borgia and the Codex Zouche-Nuttal. In
Nicholson, H. B., and Quiñones-Keber, E. (eds.), Mixteca-Puebla: Discoveries and Research in
Mesoamerican Art and Archaeology, Labyrinthos, Culver City, CA, pp. 153-173.
Diamond, J., and Bellwood, P. (2003). Farmers and their languages: The first expansions. Science 300:
597-603.
Drennan, R. D., Fitzgibbons, P. T., and Dehn, H. (1990). Imports and exports in Classic Mesoamerican
political economy: The Tehuacan Valley and the Teotihuacán obsidian industry. Research in
Economic Anthropology 12: 177-199.
Dumond, D. E., and Müller, F. (1972). Classic to Postclassic in highland central Mexico. Science 175:
1208-1215.
Dyckerhoff, U. (1988). La época prehispánica. In Prem, H. J. (ed.), Milpa y hacienda: tenencia de la
tierra indígena y española en la cuenca del Alto Atoyac, Puebla, México (1520-1650), Centro de
Investigaciones Superiores del Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia, Instituto Nacional
de Antropología e Historia and Secretaría de Educación Pública, Mexico City, pp. 18-34.
Edelstein, R. R. (1995). Obsidian exploitation and political economic dynamics from the Classic pe-
riod through colonial era on the central plateau: An analysis of a lithic collection from Cholula,
Puebla, Mexico. Unpublished Master's thesis, Department of Anthropology, McMaster Univer-
sity, Hamilton.
Fajardo, C. J. (1985). Análisis de tres basureros del sitio arqueológico de Cholula, Unpublished
Licenciatura^ thesis, Escuela Nacional de Antropología e Historia, Mexico City.
Fennell, C. C. (2001). Assessing criticisms of faunal analyses and environmental reconstructions in
the Tehuacan Valley Project Human Ecology 29: 349-359.
Ferriz, H. (1985). Caltonac, a Prehispanic Obsidian-mining center in Eastern Mexico?: A preliminary
report. Journal of Field Archaeology 12: 363-370.
Flannery, K. V. (1967). Vertebrate fauna and hunting patterns. In Byers, D. S. (ed.), The Prehistory
of the Tehuacan Valley, Vol. I: Environment and Subsistence, University of Texas Press, Austin,
pp. 132-177.
Flannery, K. V. (1999). Los orígenes de la agricultura en Oaxaca. Cuadernos del Sur 5(14): 5-14.
Flannery, K. V. (2002). The origins of the village revisited: From nuclear to extended households.
American Antiquity 67: 417-433.
Flannery, K. V. (ed.) (1976). The early Mesoamerican village, Academic Press, New York.
Flannery, K. V, and MacNeish, R. S. (1997). In defense of the Tehuacan project. Current Anthropology
38: 660-672.
Fowler, C. (1983). Lexical clues to Uto-Aztecan prehistory. International Journal of American Lin-
guistics 49: 224-257.
Fritz, G. J. (1994). Are the first American farmers getting younger? Current Anthropology 35: 304-309.
Fuentes, L. (1972). Regiones naturales del estado de Puebla, Instituto de Geografía, Universidad
Nacional Autónoma de México, Mexico City.
García Cook, A. (1981). The historical importance of Tlaxcala. In Sabloff, J. A. (ed.), Handbook
of Middle American Indians, Supplement I: Archaeology, University of Texas Press, Austin,
pp. 244-276.
Garcia Cook, A. (1984). Dos elementos arquitectónicos "tempranos" en Tlalancaleca, Puebla. Cuader-
nos de Arquitectura Mesoamericana 2: 28-32.

This content downloaded from 201.148.81.61 on Tue, 19 Jul 2016 05:52:13 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
 118 Plunket and Unirmela

García Cook, A., and Merino, L. (1988). Notas sobre la cerámica prehispánica en Tlaxcala. In Serra,
M. G, and Navarrete, G (eds.), Ensayos de alfarería prehispánica e histórica de Mesoamérica:
Homenaje a Eduardo Noguera Auza, UNAM, Mexico City, pp. 275-342.
García Cook, A., and Merino, B. L. (1991). El Epiclásico en la región Puebla-Tlaxcala. In García
Cook, A., and Merino, B. L. (eds.), Tlaxcala: textos de su historia: 2. Los orígenes; arqueología,
Gobierno del Estado de Tlaxcala, Consejo Nacional Para la Cultura y las Artes, Mexico City,
pp. 387-394.
García Cook, A., and Menno, B. L. (1996). Investigación arqueológica en Cantona, Puebla. Arque-
ología 15: 55-78.
García Cook, A., and Merino, B. L. (1998). Cantona: urbe prehispánica en el altiplano central de
México. Latin American Antiquity 9: 191-216.
García Moll, R. (1977). Análisis de los materiales arqueológicos de la Cueva de Texcal, Puebla,
Colección Científica 56, Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia-Secretaría de Educación
Pública, Mexico City.
Grove, D. G, and Gillespie, S. D. (2002). Middle Formative domestic ritual at Chalcatzingo, Morelos.
In Plunket, P. (ed.), Domestic Ritual in Ancient Mesoamerica, Monograph 46, The Cotsen Institute
of Archaeology, University of California, Los Angeles, pp. 11-19.
Hardy, K. (1993). Preceramic Lit hies in Central Mexico: An Examination of the Tehuacan and Oaxaca
Chronological Sequences, Ph.D. dissertation, University of London, London.
Hardy, K. (1996). The pre-ceramic sequence from the Tehuacán Valley: A réévaluation. Current
Anthropology 37: 700-716.
Hardy, K. (1999). On the Tehuacán project: Reply to Flannery and MacNeish. Current Anthropology
40: 63-69.
Headrick, A. (1999). The street of the dead ... It really was: Mortuary bundles at Teotihuacan. Ancient
Mesoamerica 10: 69-85.
Headrick, A. (2001). Merging myth and politics: The three temple complex at Teotihuacan. In Koontz,
R., Reese-Taylor, K., and Headrick, A. (eds.), Landscape and Power in Ancient Mesoamerica,
Westview Press, Boulder, co, pp. 169-195.
Hermosillo, A. (1992). Malacates e industria textil prehispánica de Cholula, Puebla. Unpublished
Licenciatura thesis, Department of Anthropology, Universidad de las Américas-Puebla, Cholula.
Hernández, G. (1995a). Iconografía de las copas polícromas cholultecas. Arqueología 13-14: 110-
120.
Hernández, G. (1995b). Un acercamiento a la iconografía de la cerámica polícroma tipo códice
de Cholula. Unpublished Licenciatura thesis, Department of Anthropology, Univesidad de las
Américas-Puebla, Cholula.
Hernández, G. (1998). Forma, función, y estilo cerámico en el entorno doméstico. In Brambila,
R. (ed.), Antropología e historia del occidente de México: XXIV Mesa Redonda, Vol. DI, So-
ciedad Mexicana de Antropología and Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, Mexico City,
pp. 1859-1871.
Hernández, G. (2000). La organización doméstica en el Formativo Medio-Tardío: el caso de Tetimpa,
Puebla. Unpublished Master's thesis, Department of Anthropology, Universidad de las Américas-
Puebla, Cholula.
Hernández, G., Quintana, N., Unirmela, G., and Plunket, P. (1998). Informe sondeo UA98B: área para
instalación de un sistema de riego. Report submitted to the Consejo Nacional de Arqueología,
Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia, Archivo Técnico del INAH, Mexico City.
Hill, Jane H. (2001). Proto-Uto-Azteca: A community of cultivators in central Mexico? American
Anthropologist 103: 913-934.
Hirth, K. (2001). Prácticas agrícolas y el reclamo del campo en un ambiente volcánico. Paper presented
at the symposium "Entre coas y milpas: en búsqueda de la diversidad agrícola prehispánica," XXVI
Mesa Redonda of the Sociedad Mexicana de Antropología, Zacatecas.
Hirth, K., and Swezey, W. (1976). The changing nature of the Teotihuacan Classic: A regional perspec-
tive from Manzanilla, Puebla. In Las fronteras de Mesoamérica, Tomo 2: XIV Mesa Redonda,
Sociedad Mexicana de Antropología, Mexico City, pp. 1 1-23.
Hopkins, N. A. (1984). Otomanguean linguistic prehistory. In Josserand, J. K., Winter, M., and
Hopkins, N. (eds.), Essays in Otomanguean Culture History, Publications in Anthropology No.
31, Vanderbilt University, Nashville, pp. 25-64.

This content downloaded from 201.148.81.61 on Tue, 19 Jul 2016 05:52:13 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
 Recent Research in Puebla Prehistory 119

Johnson, E (ed.) (1972). The Prehistory of the Tehuacan Valley, Vol. 4: Chronology and Irrigation,
University of Texas Press, Austin.
Joyce, R. A., and Gillespie, S. D. (eds.) (2000). Beyond Kinship: Social and Material Reproduction in
House Societies, University of Pennsylvania Press, Philadelphia.
Kaplan, L., and Lynch, T. F. (1999). Phaseolus (Fabaceae) in archaeology: AMS radiocarbon dates
and their significance for pre-Columbian agriculture. Economic Botany 53: 261-272.
Kirch, P. V. (2000). Temples as "holy houses": The transformation of ritual architecture in tradi-
tional Polynesian societies. In Joyce, R. A., and Gillespie, S. D. (eds.), Beyond Kinship: Social
and Material Reproduction in House Societies, University of Pennsylvania Press, Philadelphia,
pp. 103-114.
Lesure, R. G. (2002). Segundo informe técnico parcial del proyecto "Investigaciones del Formativo y
Precerámico en Apizaco, Tlaxcala." Report submitted to the Consejo Nacional de Arqueología,
Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia, Archivo Técnico del INAH, Mexico City.
Lind, M. D. (1994a). Cholula and Mixteca polychromes: Two Mixteca-Puebla regional sub-styles. In
Nicholson, H. B., and Quiñones-Keber, E. (eds.), Mixteca-Puebla: Discoveries and Research in
Mesoamerican Art and Archaeology, Labyrinthos, Culver City, CA, pp. 79-99.
Lind, M. D. (1994b). The obverse of the Codex of Cholula: Defining the borders of the kingdom of
Cholula. In Marcus, J., and Zeitlin, J. (eds.), Caciques and Their People, Anthropological Papers
No. 89, Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, pp. 87-100.
Lind, M. D., Barrientes, C, Turner, G, Caskey, G, McCafferty, G., Martínez, G, and Orea, M. (n.d.).
Cholula polychrome. Unpublished manuscript on file, Archaeology Laboratory, Department of
Anthropology, Universidad de las Américas-Puebla, Cholula, MS 1990.
Long, A., Benz, B. F., Donahue, D. J., Juli, A. J. T., and Toolin, L. J. (1989). First direct AMS dates
on early maize from Tehuacán, Mexico. Radiocarbon 31: 1035-1040.
Long, A., and Fritz, G. J. (2001). Validity of AMS dates on maize from the Tehuacan Valley: A
comment on MacNeish and Eubanks. Latin American Antiquity 12: 87-90.
López, A. (2000). Dos mil años de tradición agrícola: tecnología y organización social durante el Forma-
tivo Terminal en Tetimpa, Puebla. Unpublished Licenciatura thesis, Department of Anthropology,
Universidad de las Américas-Puebla, Cholula.
López, A., Plunket, P., and Unirmela, G. (2001 ). Campos y huertos prehispánicos en la Sierra Nevada: la
tecnología agrícola de Tetimpa, Puebla. Paper presented at the symposium "Entre coas y milpas:
en búsqueda de la diversidad agrícola prehispánica," XXVI Mesa Redonda of the Sociedad
Mexicana de Antropología, Zacatecas.
López, A., Talavera, S., Uruñuela, G., and Plunket, P. (2002a). Sondeo arqueológico Rancho de la
Virgen 2002. Report submitted to the Consejo Nacional de Arqueología, Instituto Nacional de
Antropología e Historia, Archivo Técnico del INAH, Mexico City.
López, A., Talavera, S., Uruñuela, G., and Plunket, P. (2002b). Sondeo arqueológico Colegio Coley
B. Taylor. Report submitted to the Consejo Nacional de Arqueología, Instituto Nacional de
Antropología e Historia, Archivo Técnico del INAH, Mexico City.
López, S., Lagunas, Z., and Serrano, C. (1976). Enterramientos humanos de la zona arqueológica de
Cholula, Puebla, Colección Científica 44, Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia, Mexico
City.
MacNeish, R. S. (1981). Tehuacán's accomplishments. In Sabloff, J. A. (ed.), Handbook of Middle
American Indians, Supplement I: Archaeology, University of Texas Press, Austin, pp. 31-47.
MacNeish, R. S. (200 1 ). A response to Long's radiocarbon determinations that attempt to put acceptable
chronology on the fritz. Latin American Antiquity 12: 99-104.
MacNeish, R. S. (ed.) (1970). The Prehistory of the Tehuacan Valley, Vol. 3: Ceramics, University of
Texas Press, Austin.
MacNeish, R. S. (ed.) (1972). The Prehistory of the Tehuacan Valley, Vol. 5: Excavations and Recon-
naissance, University of Texas Press, Austin.
Maldonado, B. (1997). Las figurillas formativas del área de Acatzingo-Tepeaca. Unpublished Licen-
ciatura thesis, Department of Anthropology, Universidad de las Américas-Puebla. Cholula.
Manrique, L. (2000). Lingüística histórica. In Manzanilla, L., and López, L. (eds.), Historia antigua
de México, Vol. I: el México antiguo, sus áreas culturales, los orígenes y el horizonte Preclásico,
Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia, Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México and
Miguel Angel Porrúa, Librero-Editor, Mexico City, pp. 53-93.

This content downloaded from 201.148.81.61 on Tue, 19 Jul 2016 05:52:13 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
 120 Plunket and Untimela

Márquez, T. (1994). Control de cerámica fina y diferencias de estatus en un señorío del valle de
Tehuacan. Unpublished Licenciatura thesis, Department of Anthropology, Universidad de las
Américas-Puebla, Cholula.
Marquina, I. (1975). Cholula, Puebla. In Matos, E. (ed.), Los pueblos y señoríos teocráticos: el periodo
de las ciudades urbanas, primera parte, Secretaría de Educación Pública and Instituto Nacional
de Antropología e Historia, Mexico City, pp. 109-122.
Marquina, I. (ed.) (1970). Proyecto Cholula, Serie Investigaciones No. 19, Instituto Nacional de
Antropología e Historia, Mexico City.
Marquina, I. (198 1). Arquitectura prehispánica, Tomo I, Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia,
Mexico City. (Originally published 1951.)
McCafferty, G. G. (1992). The Material Culture of Postclassic Cholula, Puebla: Contextual Inter-
pretations of the UA-1 Domestic Compounds, Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Department of
Anthropology, State University of New York, Binghamton.
McCafferty, G. G. (1994). The Mixteca-Puebla stylistic tradition at Early Postclassic Cholula. In
Nicholson, H..B., and Quiñones-Keber, E. (eds.), Mixteca-Puebla: Discoveries and Research in
Mesoamerican Art and Archaeology, Labyrinthos, Culver City, CA, pp. 53-77.
McCafferty, G. G. (1996a). Reinterpreting the Great Pyramid of Cholula, Mexico. Ancient M esoamer-
ica 7: 1-17.
McCafferty, G. G. (1996b). The ceramics and chronology of Cholula, Mexico. Ancient Mesoamerica
7: 299-324.
McCafferty, G. G. (2001a). Mountain of heaven, mountain of earth: The Great Pyramid of Cholula as
sacred landscape. In Koontz, R., Reese-Taylor, K., and Headrick, A. (eds.), Landscape and Power
in Ancient Mesoamerica, Westview Press, Boulder, CO, pp. 279-316.
McCafferty, G. G. (2001b). Cholula (Puebla, Mexico). In Evans, S., and Webster, D. (eds.), The
Archaeology of Ancient Mexico and Central America, Garland Press, New York, pp. 138-
142.
McCafferty, G. G. (2001c). Ceramics of Postclassic Cholula, Mexico: Typology and Sedation of
Pottery from the UA-1 Domestic Compound, The Cotsen Institute of Archaeology, Monograph
43, University of California, Los Angeles.
McCafferty, S. D., and McCafferty, G. G. (2000). Textile production in Postclassic Cholula, Mexico.
Ancient Mesoamerica 11: 39-54.
Medina, M. (2001). Las Cuevas de Acatzingo-Tepeaca, Puebla: estudio arqueológico, etnohistonco
y etnográfico. Unpublished Licenciatura thesis, Escuela Nacional de Antropología e Historia,
Mexico City.
Messmacher, M. (1967). Cholula, reporte preliminar, Editorial Nueva Antropología, Mexico City.
Millón, R. (1981). Teotihuacan: City, state, and civilization. In Sabloff, J. A. (ed.), Handbook of
Middle American Indians, Supplementi: Archaeology, University of Texas Press, Austin, pp. 198-
243.
Moholy-Nagy, H., and Nelson, F. W. (1990). New data on sources of obsidian artifacts from Tikal,
Guatemala. Ancient Mesoamerica 1: 71-80.
Mountjoy, J. (1987). The collapse of the Classic at Cholula as seen from Cerro Zapotecas. Notas
Mesoamericanas 10: 119-151.
Neely, J. A., and Castellón, B. R. (2003). Avance del estudio contextual de los sistemas de canales
prehispánicos "fosilizados" del Valle de Tehuacán, Puebla. Arqueología 29: 157-160.
Neff, H., Bishop, R., Sisson, E. B., Glasscock, M., and Sisson, P. (1994). Neutron activation anal-
ysis of Late Postclassic polychrome pottery from central Mexico. In Nicholson, H. B., and
Quiñones-Keber, E. (eds.), Mixteca-Puebla: Discoveries and Research in Mesoamerican Art and
Archaeology, Labyrinthos, Culver City, CA, pp. 117-141.
Nicholson, H. B. (1960). The Mixteca-Puebla concept in Mesoamerican archaeology: A re-
examination. In Wallace, A. F. C. (ed.), Men and Cultures: Selected Papers of the Fifth In-
ternational Congress of Anthropological and Ethnological Sciences, University of Pennsylvania
Press, Philadelphia, pp. 612-617.
Nicholson, H. B. (1994). The eagle claw/tied doubled maize ear motif: The Cholula polychrome
ceramic tradition and some members of the Codex Borgia group. In Nicholson, H. B., and
Quiñones-Keber, E. (eds.), Mixteca-Puebla: Discoveries and Research in Mesoamerican Art and
Archaeology, Labyrinthos, Culver City, CA, pp. 101-1 16.

This content downloaded from 201.148.81.61 on Tue, 19 Jul 2016 05:52:13 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
 Recent Research in Puebla Prehistory 121

Nicholson, H. B. (2001). Mixteca-Puebla style. In Carrasco, D. (ed.), The Oxford Encyclopedia

of Mesoamerican Cultures: The Civlizations of Mexico and Central America, Vol. 2, Oxford
University Press, Oxford, pp. 329-330.
Niederberger, C. (1976). Zoahapilco: cinco milenios de ocupación humana en un sitio lacustre de
la cuenca de México, Colección Científica 30, Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia,
Mexico City.
Noguera, E. (1956). Un edificio preclásico en Cholula. In Estudios antropológicos publicados en
homenaje al Dr. Manuel Gamio, Dirección General de Publicaciones, Universidad Nacional
Autónoma de México, Mexico City, pp. 213-224.
Paillés, M. C. (2000). Proyecto arqueológico Las Bocas, Puebla, Report submitted to FAMSI, Crystal
Springs. Available from www.famsi.org/resports/pailles/paillestoc.htm
Paillés, M. C, Velasquez, V, and Bojalil, A. (2000). Las Bocas y la presencia olmeca en el altiplano
mexicano. Diario de Campo 25: 14-17.
Panfil, M. S. (1996). The Late Holocene volcanic stratigraphy of the Tetimpa area, northeast flank
of Popocatepetl volcano, central Mexico. Unpublished MS thesis in Geosciences, Pennsylvania
State University, College Park.
Panfil, M. S., Gardner, T. W., and Hirth, K. G. (1999). Late Holocene stratigraphy of the Tetimpa
archaeological sites, northeast flank of Popocatepetl volcano, central Mexico. Geological Society
of America Bulletin 111: 204-218.
Pichardo, M. (2000). Redating Iztapan and Valsequillo, Mexico. Radiocarbon 42: 305-310.
Pinto, G, Plunket, P., and O'Leary, J. (2001). Diseño gráfico en cerámica prehispánica cholulteca,
Universidad de las Américas-Puebla, CONACULTA-FONCA-INAH, Cholula.
Plunket, P. (1990). Arqueología y etnohistoria en el Valle de Atlixco. Notas Mesoamericanas 12: 3-
18.
Plunket, P. (1995). Cholula y su cerámica postclásica: algunas perspectivas. Arqueología 13-14: 103-
108.
Plunket, P, and Unirmela, G. (1993). Proyecto de salvamento arqueológico: la residencia de monjas
del convento de San Gabriel de Cholula, primera temporada. Report submitted to the Consejo
Nacional de Arqueología, Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia, Archivo Técnico del
INAH, Mexico City.
Plunket, P, and Unírmela, G. (1994). The impact of the Xochiyaoyotl in southwestern Puebla. In
Hodge, M., and Smith, M. E. (eds.), Economies and Polities in the Aztec Realm, Studies on
Culture and Society 6, Institute for Mesoamerican Studies, State University of New York at
Albany, Albany, pp. 433-446.
Plunket, P., and Unirmela, G. (1998a). Preclassic household patterns preserved under volcanic ash at
Tetimpa, Puebla. Latin American Antiquity 9: 287-309.
Plunket, P., and Unirmela, G. (1998b). The impact of the Popocatepetl volcano on Preclassic settlement
in central Mexico. Quaternaire 9: 53-59.
Plunket, P., and Unirmela, G. (1998c). Appeasing the volcano gods. Archaeology 51(4): 36-^2.
Plunket, P., and Unirmela, G. (1998d). Cholula y Teotihuacan. In Rattray, E. C. (ed.), Rutas de inter-
cambio en Mesoamérica, Memorias del III Coloquio Pedro Bosch-Gimpera, Instituto de Investi-
gaciones Antropológicas, Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, Mexico City, pp. 101-1 14.
Plunket, R, and Unírmela, G. (1998e). Donde se arman las nubes: dos mil años de culto al Popocatepetl.
In El Popocatepetl: donde se arman las nubes, Universidad de las Américas-Puebla, Cholula,
pp. 11-20.
Plunket, P., and Unirmela, G. (1998f). Las unidades domésticas de Tetimpa. In Brambila, R. (ed.),
Antropología e historia del occidente de México: XXIV Mesa Redonda, Vol. HI, Sociedad
Mexicana de Antropología and Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, Mexico City,
pp. 1789-1798.
Plunket, R, and Unírmela, G. (1999a). Bajo el volcán: riesgo y catástrofe en el Preclásico Superior. In
Aréchiga, J., Ruz, M., Pérez, A., Zurita, J., and Valiñas, L. (eds.), Memorias de la XXIII Mesa
Redonda, Sociedad Mexicana de Antropología, Villahermosa, pp. 15-27.
Plunket, P., and Unírmela, G. (1999b). Pueblos sin memoria: lecciones del Popocatepetl. Cuicuilco
5(14): 5-25.
Plunket, R, and Unirmela, G. (2000a). The archaeology of a plinian eruption of the Popocatepetl
volcano. In McGuire, W. J., Griffiths, D. R., Hancock, P. L., and Stewart, I. S. (eds.), The

This content downloaded from 201.148.81.61 on Tue, 19 Jul 2016 05:52:13 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
 122 Plunket and Uruñuela

Archaeology of Geological Catastrophes, Geological Society Special Publication No. 171, Bath,
pp. 195-203.
Plunket, P., and Uruñuela, G. (2000b). The quick and the dead: Decision-making in the abandonment
of Tetimpa. Mayab 13: 78-87.
Plunket, P., and Uruñuela, G. (2001). The Tetimpa region. In Evans, S., and Webster, D. (eds.), The
Archaeology of Ancient Mexico and Central America, Garland Press, New York, pp. 737-738.
Plunket, P., and Uruñuela, G. (2002a). Shrines, ancestors and the volcanic landscape at Tetimpa,
Puebla. In Plunket, P. (ed.), Domestic Ritual in Ancient Mesoamerica, The Cotsen Institute of
Archaeology, Monograph 46, University of California, Los Angeles, pp. 31-42.
Plunket, P., and Uruñuela, G. (2002b). Antecedentes prehispánicos. In Cholula, un vínculo de sabiduría
y fraternidad, Universidad de las Americas, Puebla, Cholula, pp. 19-27.
Plunket, P., and Uruñuela, G. (2002c). Antecedentes conceptuales de los Conjuntos de Tres Templos.
In Ruiz, M. E. (ed.), Memorias Primera Mesa Redonda de Teotihuacan: ideología y política de
Teotihuacan a través de materiales, imágenes y símbolos, Instituto Nacional de Antropología
e Historia and Instituto de Investigaciones Antropológicas, Universidad Nacional Autónoma de
México, Mexico City, pp. 529-546.
Plunket, P., and Uruñuela, G. (2002d). To leave or not to leave: Human responses to Popocatepetl's
eruptions in the Tetimpa region of Puebla, Mexico. Paper presented at the symposium " Question-
ing Catastrophes: the Archaeology of Natural Disasters," LXVn Annual Meeting of the Society
of American Archaeology, Denver.
Plunket, P., and Uruñuela, G. (2003). From episodic to permanent abandonment: Responses to vol-
canic hazards at Tetimpa, Puebla, Mexico. In Inomata, T., and Webb, R. (eds.), Studies of Site
Abandonment Processes in Middle America, University of Utah Press, Salt Lake City, pp. 13-27.
Plunket, P., Uruñuela, G., Glascock, M., and Neff, H. (n.d.). A rural perspective on Mesoamerican
integration during the Late and Terminal Formative. In Powis, T. (ed.), New Perspectives on
Formative Mesoamerican Cultures, British Archaeological Reports, Oxford, MS 2002.
Plunket, P., Uruñuela, G., and Hernández, G. (1994). Proyecto de salvamento arqueológico: la resi-
dencia de monjas del convento de San Gabriel de Cholula, segunda temporada. Report submitted
to the Consejo Nacional de Arqueología, Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia, Archivo
Técnico del INAH, Mexico City.
Pohl, J. M. D. (1998). Themes of drunkenness, violence, and factionalism in Tlaxcalan altar paintings.
RES: Anthropology and Aesthetics 33: 184-207.
Pohl, J. M. D. (2003a). Creation stories, hero cults, and alliance building: Confederacies of central and
southern Mexico. In Smith, M. E., and Berdan, F. F. (eds.), The Postclassic Mesoamerican World,
University of Utah Press, Salt Lake City, pp. 61-66.
Pohl, J. M. D. (2003b). Ritual ideology and commerce in the southern Mexican highlands. In Smith,
M. E., and Berdan, F. F. (eds.), The Postclassic Mesoamerican World, University of Utah Press,
Salt Lake City, pp. 172-177.
Pohl, J. M. D. (2003c). Ritual and iconographie variability in Mixteca-Puebla polychrome pottery. In
Smith, M. E., and Berdan, F. F. (eds.), The Postclassic Mesoamerican World, University of Utah
Press, Salt Lake City, pp. 201-206.
Pohl, J. M. D. (2003d). Royal marriage and confederacy building among the eastern Nahua, Mixtees,
and Zapotees. In Smith, M. E., and Berdan, F. F. (eds.), The Postclassic Mesoamerican World,
University of Utah Press, Salt Lake City, pp. 243-248.
Pohl, J. M. D., and Byland, B. E. (1994). The Mixteca-Puebla style and Early Postclassic socio-political
interaction. In Nicholson, H. B., and Quiñones-Keber, E. (eds.), Mixteca-Puebla: Discoveries
and Research in Mesoamerican Art and Archaeology, Labyrinthos, Culver City, CA, pp. 189-
199.
Quiñones-Keber, E. (1994). The Codex Style: Which Codex? Which Style? In Nicholson, H. B., and
Quiñones-Keber, E. (eds.), Mixteca-Puebla: Discoveries and Research in Mesoamerican Art and
Archaeology, Labyrinthos, Culver City, CA, pp. 143-152.
Rattray, E. C. (1990a). New findings on the origins of Thin Orange ceramics. Ancient Mesoamenca
1: 181-195.
Rattray, E. C. (1990b). Nuevos hallazgos sobre los orígenes de la ceramica anaranjada delgado.
In Cardoso, A. (ed.), La época clásica: nuevos hallazgos, nuevas ideas, Instituto Nacional de
Antropología e Historia, Mexico City, pp. 89-106.

This content downloaded from 201.148.81.61 on Tue, 19 Jul 2016 05:52:13 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
 Recent Research in Puebla Prehistory 123

Rattray, E. C. (1995). The modern and ancient potters of southern Puebla. In Gubler, R., and Hostettler,
U. (eds.), The Fragmented Present, Acta Mesoamericana 9, Verlag von Flemming Möckmühl,
pp. 1-16.
Rattray, E. C. (1998). Rutas de intercambio en el periodo Clásico en Mesoamérica. In Rattray, E. C.
(ed.), Rutas de intercambio en Mesoamérica: III Coloquio Pedro Bosch Gimpera, Instituto de In-
vestigaciones Antropológicas, Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, Mexico City, pp. 77-
100.
Ringle, W. M., Gallareta, T., and Bey, G. J. (1998). The return of Quetzalcoatl: Evidence for the spread
of a world religion during the Epiclassic period. Ancient Mesoamérica 9: 183-232.
Rodríguez, D. (1999). Los efectos de los fenómenos naturales en la pintura mural prehispánica de
Cholula, Puebla. Boletín Informativo: La Pintura Mural Prehispánica en México 5(10-1 1): 44-
47.
Rodríguez, D. (2000). La pintura mural de la gran pirámide de Cholula: los secretos de la Tlachi-
hualtepetl. Boletín Informativo: La Pintura Mural Prehispánica en México 6(12-13): 17-
22.
Rodríguez, D. (2001). Los murales perdidos de Cholula, Puebla. Boletín Informativo: La Pintura
Mural Prehispánica en México 7(14): 13-17.
Rojas, J. M. (2001). La litica de Cantona, Puebla: análisis tecnológico y morfológico. Unpublished
Licenciatura thesis, Escuela Nacional de Antropología e Historia, Mexico City.
Salomón, T., Domínguez, E., and Unirmela, G. (2001). Vasos y braseros: cerámicas rituales del
Clásico en Cholula. Paper presented at the symposium "Cerámicas rituales: ceremonias y ritos
de la Mesoamérica antigua," XXVI Mesa Redonda of the Sociedad Mexicana de Antropología,
Zacatecas.
Salomón, T., Unirmela, G., and Plunket, P. (2002). The material evidence for the Bebedores feasting:
Ritual drinking at ancient Cholula. Paper presented at the symposium "Cholula: A Look Back
and a Step Forward," 67th Annual Meeting of the Society for American Archaeology, Denver.
Sanders, W., Parsons, J., and Santley, R. (1979). The Basin of Mexico: Ecological Processes in the
Evolution of a Civilization, Academic Press, New York.
Schiffer, M. B. (1987). Formation Processes of the Archaeological Record, University of New Mexico
Press, Albuquerque.
Seele, E. (1973). Restos de milpas y poblaciones prehispánicas cerca de San Buenaventura Nealtican,
Puebla. Comunicaciones 7: 77-86.
Serra, M. C. (1998). Xochitécatl, Gobierno del Estado de Tlaxcala, Tlaxcala.
Sheehy, J. J. (1994). Informe técnico sobre la primera temporada del proyecto Acatzingo-Tepeaca.
Report submitted to the Consejo de Arqueología, Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia,
Mexico City.
Sheehy, J. J., Gonlin, N., Medina, M., and Hirth, K. (1995). Informe técnico sobre la segunda temporada
del proyecto Acatzingo-Tepeaca. Report submitted to the Consejo de Arqueología, Instituto
Nacional de Antropología e Historia, Mexico City.
Sheehy, J. J., Medina, M., and Hirth, K. (1996). Informe técnico sobre la tercera temporada del
proyecto Acatzingo-Tepeaca. Report submitted to the Consejo de Arqueología, Instituto Nacional
de Antropología e Historia, Mexico City.
Siebe, C. (2000). Age and archaeological implications of Xitle volcano, southwestern basin of Mexico
City. Journal ofVolcanology and Geothermal Reserach 104: 45-64.
Siebe, C., Abrams, M., Macias, J. L., and Obenholzner, J. (1996). Repeated volcanic disasters in
Prehispanic time at Popocatepetl, Central Mexico: Past key to the future? Geology 24: 399-
402.
Simkin, T., and Siebert, L. (2000). Appendix 2: Catalog of historically active volcanoes on Earth. In
Sigurdsson, H. (ed.), Encyclopedia of Volcanoes, Academic Press, San Diego, pp. 1365-1383.
Sisson, E. B., and Lilly, T. G. (1994a). A codex-style mural from Tehuacan Viejo, Puebla, Mexico.
Ancient Mesoamérica 5: 33-44.
Sisson, E. B., and Lilly, T. G. (1994b). The mural of the Chúñales and the Codex Borgia. In Nicholson,
H. B., and Quiñones-Keber, E. (eds.), Mixteca-Puebla: Discoveries and Research in Mesoamer-
ican Art and Archaeology, Labyrinthos, Culver City, CA, pp. 25-44.
Smith, B. D. ( 1 997). Reconsidering the Ocampo Caves and the era of incipient cultivation in Mesoamer-
ica. Latin American Antiquity 8: 342-383.

This content downloaded from 201.148.81.61 on Tue, 19 Jul 2016 05:52:13 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
 124 Plunket and Uruñuela

Smith, M. E. (2003). Information networks in Postclassic Mesoamerica. In Smith, M. E., and Berdan,
F. F. (eds.), The Postclassic Mesoamerican World, University of Utah Press, Salt Lake City,
pp. 181-193.
Smith, M. E., and Berdan, F. F. (2000). The Postclassic Mesoamerican world system. Current Anthro-
pology 41: 283-286.
Smith, M. E., and Berdan, F. F. (2003a). Spatial structure of the Mesoamerican world system. In Smith,
M. E., and Berdan, F. F. (eds.), The Postclassic Mesoamerican World, University of Utah Press,
Salt Lake City, pp. 21-31.
Smith, M. E., and Berdan, F. F. (eds.) (2003b). The Postclassic Mesoamerican World, University of
Utah Press, Salt Lake City.
Smith, M. E., and Heath-Smith, C. M. (1980). Waves of influence in Postclassic Mesoamerica? A
critique of the Mixteca-Puebla concept Anthropology 4: 15-50.
Smith, M. E., and Parmenter, R. (1991). The Codex Tulane, Middle American Research Institute
Publication No. 61, Tulane University, New Orleans.
Suárez, S. (1990). Ultimos descubrimientos de entierros postclásicos en Cholula, Instituto Nacional
de Antropología e Historia, Puebla.
Suárez, S. (1992). Excavaciones arqueológicas en Cholula, Puebla. In Segundo coloquio: balances y
prospectivas de las investigaciones sobre Puebla, Comisión Puebla V Centenario-Gobierno del
Estado de Puebla, Puebla, pp. 297-303.
Suárez, S. (1994). El polícromo laca de Cholula, Puebla. In Nicholson, H. B., and Quiñones-Keber,
E. (eds.), Mixteca-Puebla: Discoveries and Research in Mesoamerican Art and Archaeology,
Labyrinthos, Culver City, CA, pp. 45-51.
Suárez, S. (1995). La cerámica lisa cholulteca. Arqueología 13-14: 109-120.
Suárez, S., and Martínez, S. (1993). Monografía de Cholula, Puebla: una síntesis histórica, H. Ayun-
tamiento Municipal de San Pedro Cholula, Cholula.
Talavera, J., Rojas, J. M., and García, E. (2001). Modificaciones culturales en los restos óseos de
Cantona, Puebla, Colección Científica 432, Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia, Mexico
City.
Tschohl, P. (1977). Catálogo arqueológico y etnohistórico de Puebla-Tlaxcala, Mexico: CH-O, Fun-
dación Alemana para la Investigación Científica, Köln.
Tschohl, P., and Nickel, H. (1972). Catálogo arqueológico y etnohistórico de Puebla-Tlaxcala, México,
Tomo 1 (A-C), Fundación Alemana para la Investigación Científica, Köln-Frieberg.
Uriarte, M. T. (1999). Cholula. In de la Fuente, B. (ed.), Pre-Columbian Painting: Murals of Mesoamer-
ica, Jaca Book, Milan, pp. 67-70.
Uruñuela, G. (1989a). Los entierros del proyecto "Rescate Drenaje Cholula 85." Notas Mesoamericanas
11: 64-80.
Uruñuela, G. (1989b). Investigaciones arqueológicas en Colotzingo, Puebla. Notas Mesoamericanas
11:110-119.
Uruñuela, G., Meza, A., and Hernández, G. (1998). Patrones funerarios en Tetimpa. In Brambila,
R. (ed.), Antropología e historia del occidente de México: XXIV Mesa Redonda, Vol. DI, So-
ciedad Mexicana de Antropología and Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, Mexico City,
pp. 1821-1839.
Uruñuela, G., and Plunket, P. ( 1 998). Areas de actividad en unidades domésticas del Formativo Terminal
en Tetimpa, Puebla. Arqueología 20: 3-19.
Uruñuela, G., and Plunket, P. (2001). "De piedra ha de ser la cama . . ."? Las tumbas en el Formativo de
Puebla-Tlaxcala y la Cuenca de México, a partir de la evidencia de Tetimpa, Puebla. Arqueología
25: 3-22.
Uruñuela, G., and Plunket, P. (2002a). Lineages and ancestors: The Formative mortuary assemblages
of Tetimpa, Puebla. In Plunket, P. (ed.), Domestic Ritual in Ancient Mesoamerica, The Cot-
sen Institute of Archaeology, Monograph 46, University of California, Los Angeles, pp. 20-
30.
Uruñuela, G., and Plunket, P. (2002b). Informe técnico: temporada 2001 del proyecto Tetimpa, Report
submitted to the Consejo Nacional de Arqueología, Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia,
Archivo Técnico del INAH, Mexico City.
Uruñuela, G., and Plunket, P. (2003). Testimonios de diversos tipos de abandono en Tetimpa, Puebla.
Trace 43: 84-96.

This content downloaded from 201.148.81.61 on Tue, 19 Jul 2016 05:52:13 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
 Recent Research in Puebla Prehistory 125

Unirmela, G., and Plunket, P. (n.d.-a). Not so common: Pattern and variation in domestic ritual at rural
Formative Tetimpa. In Gonlin, N., and Lohse, J. (eds.), Commoner Ritual, Commoner Ideology:
A View from Households and Beyond Across Mesoamerica, MS 2002.
Unirmela, G., and Plunket, P. (n.d.-b). La transición del Clásico al Posclásico: reflexiones sobre el Valle
de Puebla-Tlaxcala. In Manzanilla, L. (ed.), Reacomodos demográficos del Clásico al Posclásico
en el centro de México, UNAM, Mexico City, MS 2002.
Unirmela, G., Plunket, P., Hernández, G., and Albaitero, J. (1997). Biconical god figurines from
Cholula and the Codex Borgia. Latin American Antiquity 8: 63-70.
Vaillant, G. C. (1940). Patterns in Middle American archaeology. In Hay, C. L., Linton, R. L., Lothrop,
S. K., Shapiro, H. L., and Vaillant, G. C. (eds.), The Maya and Their Neighbors: Essays on Middle
American Anthropology and Archaeology, Appleton-Century, New York, pp. 295-305.
Vela, E., and Solanes, M. C. (1991). Propuesta para la protección del patrimonio arqueológico de
Cholula, Puebla. In Castillo Rojas, A. Y. (ed.), Primer coloquio balances y prospectivas de las
investigaciones sobre Puebla: Memorias, Gobierno del Estado de Puebla, Comisión Puebla V
Centenario, Puebla, pp. 179-186.
Wolfman, D. (1968). Preliminary report on excavations at UA-1, July 1968. Technical report submitted
to the Departamento de Monumentos Prehispánicos, Manuscript on file, Archaeology Laboratory,
Department of Anthropology, Universidad de las Americas, Puebla, Cholula

BIBLIOGRAPHY OF RECENT LITERATURE

Benz, B. F., and Dtis, H. H. (1990). Studies in archaeological maize I. The "wild" maize from San
Marcos Cave restudied. American Antiquity 55: 500-51 1.
Buckler, E. S., IV, Pearsall, D. M., and Holtsford, T. P. (1998). Climate, plant ecology, and central
Mexican Archaic subsistence. Current Anthropology 39: 152-164.
Cabrera, M. R. (1990). Una region histórica: la sierra norte de Puebla, época prehispánica. Boletín de
Antropología Americana 22: 1 13-122.
Cepeda, G. (1997a). Los nonoalca y sus relaciones con los mixtéeos en los siglos XI y Xu. In de la
Lama, E. (ed.), Simposium internacional Tehuacány su entorno: balance y perspectivas, Instituto
Nacional de Antropología e Historia, Mexico City, pp. 25-44.
Cepeda, G. (1997b). Tula-Teohuacan, su posición y relaciones en el siglo XVI. In de la Lama, E. (ed.),
Simposium internacional Tehuacán y su entorno: balance y perspectivas, Instituto Nacional de
Antropología e Historia, Mexico City, pp. 45-50.
Contreras, J. E. (1991). El proyecto Tetlatahuaca. Notas Mesoamericanas 13: 83-92.
Cortés, F. (1995). Un sitio prehispánico en el subsuelo de la ciudad de Puebla. In Dahlgren, B.,
and Arechavaleta, M. D. (eds.), Arqueología del norte y del occidente de México, Universidad
Nacional Autónoma de México, Mexico City, pp. 361-367.
Cortés, F. (1997). La arqueología del valle de Zapotitlán. In de la Lama, E. (ed.), Simposium inter-
nacional Tehuacán y su entorno: balance y perspectivas, Instituto Nacional de Antropología e
Historia, Mexico City, pp. 1 1-16.
Drennan, R. D. (1997). Tehuacán y los estados del Clasico. In de la Lama, E. (ed.), Simposium
internacional Tehuacán y su entorno: balance y perspectivas, Instituto Nacional de Antropología
e Historia, Mexico City, pp. 51-61.
Drue, L C. (2000). Ceramic production in San Marcos Acteopan, Puebla, Mexico. Ancient Mesoamerica
11: 77-89.
Dyckerhoff, U. (1990). Control hidráulico en el Huejotzingo prehispánico. Papeles de la Casa Chata
5(7): 19-28.
Dyckerhoff, U. (1997). Los caminos reales en la provincia de Huejotzingo, siglos XV al XVni. In de
la Lama, E., and Landa, M. E. (eds.), Simposium internacional de investigación de Huexotzinco,
Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia, Mexico City, pp. 121-151.
Fowler, R. (1997). Manejo hidráulico en el Preclásico en Puebla, México. In de la Lama, E., and Landa,
M. E. (eds.), Simposium internacional Tehuacán y su entorno: balance y perspectivas, Instituto
Nacional de Antropología e Historia, Mexico City, pp. 63-68.

This content downloaded from 201.148.81.61 on Tue, 19 Jul 2016 05:52:13 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
 126 Plunket and Uruñuela

Gal vez, M. (1998). Cerro Colorado, una fortaleza a través del tiempo. In Brambila, R. (ed.),
Antropología e historia del occidente de México: XXIV Mesa Redonda, Vol. HI, Sociedad Mexi-
cana de Antropología and Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, Mexico City, pp. 1975-
1989.
Gámez, A. (1999). Los popoloca de Tecamachalco-Quecholac. Historia, sociedad y cultura de un
señorío prehispánico, Unpublished Master's thesis, División de Posgrado, Escuela Nacional de
Antropología e Historia, Mexico City.
García Cook, A. (1993). Investigaciones en Cantona, Puebla. Arqueología Mexicana 1(3): 80.
García Cook, A. (1994). Cantona. Arqueología Mexicana 2(10): 60-65.
García Cook, A. (1995). Cruce de caminos: desarrollo histonco de la region poblano-tlaxcalteca.
Arqueología Mexicana 3(13): 12-17.
García Cook, A., and Merino, B. L. (1997). Notas sobre asentamientos prehispánicos fortificados o
en posición estratégica del suroeste de Puebla. In García Cook, A., Mastache, A. G., Merino, L.,
and Rivero, S. (eds.), Homenaje al profesor César A. Sáenz, Instituto Nacional de Antropología
e Historia, Mexico City, pp. 367-388.
García, A. (1997). La industria de la sal y de la cerámica en la región de Coxcatlán, Tehuacán, vista por
las fuentes etnohistóricas y arqueológicas; siglos XII al XVI. In de la Lama, E. (ed.), Simposium
internacional Tehuacán y su entorno: balance y perspectivas, Instituto Nacional de Antropología
e Historia, Mexico City, pp. 69-77.
Hernández, M. R. (1995). Materiales constructivos empleados en el sitio de Cuthá, Zapotitlán Salinas,
Puebla. Revista Mexicana de Estudios Antropológicos XLI: 177-190.
Jiménez, O. H., Sánchez, R., and Robles, J. (2000). El tecali, un tipo de travertino: petrografia y uso
arqueológico. Arqueología 24: 129-143.
McAuliffe, J. R., Sundt, R C, Valiente-Banuet, A., Casas, A., and Viveros, J. L. (2001). Pre-Columbian
soil erosion, persistent ecological changes, and collapse of a subsistence agricultural economy
in the semi-arid Tehucan Valley, Mexico's 'cradle of maize.' Journal of Arid Environments 47:
47-75.
MacNeish, R. S. (1995). Investigaciones arqueológicas en el Valle de Tehuacán. Arqueología Mexicana
3(13): 18-23.
MacNeish, R. S., and Eubanks, M. W. (2000). Comparative analysis of the Río Balsas and Tehuacán
models for the origins of maize. Latin American Antiquity 11: 3-20.
Merlo, E. (1991). Los teocallis-maqueta de Calipan, Puebla. Notas Mesoamericanas 13: 25-34.
Montano, H. (1997). Tlalancaleca: un sitio preclásico en Puebla. In de la Lama, E., and Landa,
M. E. (eds.), Simposio internacional de investigación de Huexotzinco, Instituto Nacional de
Antropología e Historia, Mexico City, pp. 13-26.
Montano, H. (1998). Tlalancaleca, Puebla: un antecedente del apogeo cultural del altipiano centrai.
Unpublished Master's thesis, Escuela Nacional de Antropología e Historia, Mexico City.
Morales, L. (1991). Altixcö prehispánico. Unpublished Licenciatura s thesis, Department of Anthro-
pology, Universidad de las Américas-Puebla, Cholula.
Neely, J. A. (2001). A contextual study of the "fossilized" prehispanic canal systems of the Tehuacán
Valley, Puebla, Mexico. Antiquity 75(289): 505-506.
Nelken-Terner, A. (1997). Retrospectiva y perspectivas: reflexiones mínimas. In de la Lama, E. (ed.),
Simposium internacional Tehuacán y su entorno: balance y perspectivas, Instituto Nacional de
Antropología e Historia, Mexico City, pp. 99-101.
Nicholson, H. B. (1991-92). A Cholultçca ceramic "caricature" of a Totonac. Notas Mesoamericanas
13: 63-82.
Noyola, A. (1991). La excavación de una unidad habitacional del Clásico en San Juan Tejupa, Atziz-
ihuacan, Puebla. Unpublished Licenciatura thesis, Department of Anthropology, Universidad de
las Américas-Puebla, Cholula.
Noyola, A. (1991). La excavación de una unidad habitacional del Clásico en Tejupa, Puebla. Notas
Mesoamericanas 13: 51-62.
Noyola, A. (1992). Unidades habitacionales prehispánicas excavadas en el estado de Puebla. Notas
Mesoamericanas 14: 19-36.
Paddock, J. (1992). Cholula de vidas varias. Notas Mesoamericanas 14: 3-18.
Paddock, J. (1997). Algunos problemas pendientes en el valle de Tehuacán. In de la Lama, t. (ed.),
Simposium internacional Tehuacán y su entorno: balance y perspectivas, Instituto Nacional de
Antropología e Historia, Mexico City, pp. 103-109.

This content downloaded from 201.148.81.61 on Tue, 19 Jul 2016 05:52:13 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
 Recent Research in Puebla Prehistory 127

Paddock, J. (1997). Ciudad del Sol. In de la Lama, E. (ed.), Simposium internacional Tehuacán y
su entorno: balance y perspectivas, Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia, Mexico City,
pp. 111-113.
Plunket, P. (1998). La arqueología del valle de Atlixco. In Jaén, M. T., López, S., Márquez, L.,
and Hernández, P. (eds.), Tiempo, población y sociedad: homenaje al maestro Arturo Romano
Pacheco, Colección Científica 365, INAH, Mexico City, pp. 471-481.
Plunket, P. (2001). Huejotzingo. In Carrasco, D. (ed.), The Oxford Encyclopedia of Mesoamerican
Cultures, Oxford University Press, New York, pp. 17-19.
Plunket, P, and Unírmela, G. (1991-92). La escultura postclásica del Valle de Atlixco. Notas
Mesoamericanas 13: 35-49.
Plunket, P, and Unírmela, G. (2001). The Puebla-Tlaxcala region. In Evans, S., and Webster, D. (eds.),
The Archaeology of Ancient Mexico and Central America, Garland Press, New York, pp. 61 1-617.
Ramirez, F. (1996). The social, political and economic structure of Zapotitlán Salinas, Puebla, Mexico
during the late prehispanic and early colonial periods. Unpublished Master's thesis, Department
of Anthropology, University of Texas, Austin.
Rattray, E. C, and Galguera, G. (1993). Enfoques interdisciplinarios en el estudio de la cerámica
anaranjado delgado. In Cabrero, M. T. (ed.), // Coloquio Pedro Bosch-Gimpera, Instituto de
Investigaciones Antropológicas, Mexico City, pp. 239-252.
Reynoso, L. (1997). La cerámica de Los Reyes Metzontla, una clave hacia el pasado. In de la Lama, E.
(ed.), Simposium internacional Tehuacán y su entorno: balance y perspectivas, Instituto Nacional
de Antropología e Historia, Mexico City, pp. 1 15-128.
Rojas, J. L. de (1994). After the conquest: Quauhtinchan and the Mexica province of Tepeacac. In
Hodge, M., and Smith, M. E. (eds.), Economies and Polities in the Aztec Realm, Studies on
Culture and Society 6, Institute for Mesoamerican Studies, State University of New York at
Albany, Albany, pp. 405-431.
Ruiz, J. O. (1991). Yohualichan en el contexto cultural prehispánico de la totonaca Puebla- Veracruz. In
Castillo, A. Y. (ed.), Primer coloquio balances y prospectivas de las investigaciones sobre Puebla:
Memorias, Gobierno del Estado de Puebla, Comisión Puebla V Centenario, Puebla, pp. 225-
232.
Sánchez de la Barquera, E. C. (1996). Figurillas pre hispánicas del valle de Atlixco, Puebla, Colección
Científica 355, Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia, Mexico City.
Serra, M. C. (1995). Presencia olmeca en el altiplano. In Clark, J. (ed.), Los olmecas en Mesoamérica,
Citibank, Mexico City, pp. 175-187.
Sisson, E. B. (1991). The gods of Coxcatlan. Notas Mesoamericanas 13: 5-23.
Sisson, E. B. (1997). La muerte en el cacicazgo de Coxcatlan. In de la Lama, E. (ed.), Simposium
internacional Tehuacán y su'entorno: balance y perspectivas, Instituto Nacional de Antropología
e Historia, Mexico City, pp. 129-147.
Solanes, M. C. (1995). Cholula. Arqueología Mexicana 3(13): 24-30.
Solís, F. (1994). La cerámica polícroma de Cholula, Puebla. Arqueología Mexicana 2(7): 53-
56.
Spranz, B. (1992). Puebla und Tlaxcala in vorspanischer Zeit: Archäologische und ethnohistorische
Arbeiten des Mexico-Projektes der Deutschen Forschungsgemeinschaft Baessler Archiv 40(2):
241-287.
Spranz, B. (1996). Totimehuacan und Xochitecal: zwei Plätze in Puebla und Tlaxcala, Mexiko, in
präklassischer Zeit Tribus 45: 138-150.
Suárez, S., Plunket P, and Unirmela, G. (1992). Rescate arqueológico en la Universidad de las
Americas, Cholula, Puebla. Boletín del Consejo de Arqueología 1991: 260-261.
Urdapilleta, J. A., and Urquiza, L. (1997). Manifestaciones rupestres en el altiplano central de México:
el culto a Tláloc. In García, A., Becerril, V, Lechuga, M. C, and Rivas, F. (eds.), Homenaje a
la doctora Beatriz Barba de Pina Chan, Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia, Mexico
City, pp. 389-414.
Unirmela G. (1998). Excavaciones en Colotzingo, un sitio del Preclásico Medio y Tardío. In Jaén,
M. T., López, S., Márquez, L., and Hernández, P. (eds.), Tiempo, población y sociedad: homenaje
al maestro Arturo Romano Pacheco, Colección Científica 365, INAH, Mexico City, pp. 483-491.
Villaverde, C. (1993). Yohualichan. Institute of Maya Studies Newsletter 22(4): 7.

This content downloaded from 201.148.81.61 on Tue, 19 Jul 2016 05:52:13 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms