Cebu Roosevelt Memorial Colleges

San Vicente St., Bogo City, Cebu

Submitted by: GROUP 1 MANDIRIGMA (CLAIRE JOY GEONZON, DIANNE

MICARSOS ,VANGIE DILAO, TRITZ GANZON, JENNEL CANOY, JUNREY TANUCO, MICHAEL GODINEZ, EDREL ABONG, ARNEL TABOTABO, LEXTER
GONZALES AND MARK SUMAYANG)

Submitted to: Mrs. Martha H. Ylanan

The United Nations defines violence against women as "any act of gender-based
violence that results in, or is likely to result in, physical, sexual, or mental harm or
suffering to women, including threats of such acts, coercion or arbitrary deprivation of
liberty, whether occurring in public or in private life." Violence against women is widely
recognised as a global problem of significant magnitude. It is an often invisible but
common form of violence, and an insidious violation of human rights. It has serious
impacts on the health and wellbeing of those affected, and exacts significant social and
economic costs on communities and nations. At the international level, the United
Nations has adopted specific targets to end all forms of discrimination and violence
against all women and girls everywhere within the global Sustainable Development
Goals (United Nations 2015). Also at the international level, the World Health
Organization (WHO) has given significance to the epidemic rates and severe
consequences of violence against women by naming male intimate partner violence a
leading public health concern for countries around the world (WHO 2002).

Almost one third (30%) of all women who have been in a relationship have experienced
physical and/or sexual violence by their intimate partner. The prevalence estimates of
intimate partner violence range from 23.2% in high-income countries and 24.6% in the
WHO Western Pacific region to 37% in the WHO Eastern Mediterranean region, and
37.7% in the WHO South-East Asia region.
Globally as many as 38% of all murders of women are committed by intimate partners.
In addition to intimate partner violence, globally 7% of women report having been
sexually assaulted by someone other than a partner, although data for non-partner
sexual violence are more limited. Intimate partner and sexual violence are mostly
perpetrated by men against women.

Risk factors
Factors associated with intimate partner and sexual violence occur at individual, family,
community and wider society levels. Some are associated with being a perpetrator of
violence, some are associated with experiencing violence and some are associated with
both.

Risk factors for both intimate partner and sexual violence include:

 lower levels of education (perpetration of sexual violence and experience of

sexual violence);
 a history of exposure to child maltreatment (perpetration and experience);
 witnessing family violence (perpetration and experience);
 antisocial personality disorder (perpetration);
 harmful use of alcohol (perpetration and experience);
 having multiple partners or suspected by their partners of infidelity (perpetration);
 attitudes that condone violence (perpetration);
 community norms that privilege or ascribe higher status to men and lower status
to women; and
 low levels of women’s access to paid employment.

Factors specifically associated with intimate partner violence include:

 past history of violence

 marital discord and dissatisfaction
 difficulties in communicating between partners
 male controlling behaviors towards their partners.

Factors specifically associated with sexual violence perpetration include:

 beliefs in family honour and sexual purity

 ideologies of male sexual entitlement
 weak legal sanctions for sexual violence.
Gender inequality and norms on the acceptability of violence against women are a root
cause of violence against women.

Health consequences
Intimate partner (physical, sexual and emotional) and sexual violence cause serious
short- and long-term physical, mental, sexual and reproductive health problems for
women. They also affect their children, and lead to high social and economic costs for
women, their families and societies. Such violence can:

 Have fatal outcomes like homicide or suicide.

 Lead to injuries, with 42% of women who experience intimate partner violence
reporting an injury as a consequence of this violence.
 Lead to unintended pregnancies, induced abortions, gynaecological problems,
and sexually transmitted infections, including HIV. The 2013 analysis found that
women who had been physically or sexually abused were 1.5 times more likely to
have a sexually transmitted infection and, in some regions, HIV, compared to
women who had not experienced partner violence. They are also twice as likely
to have an abortion.
 Intimate partner violence in pregnancy also increases the likelihood of
miscarriage, stillbirth, pre-term delivery and low birth weight babies. The same
2013 study showed that women who experienced intimate partner violence were
16% more likely to suffer a miscarriage and 41% more likely to have a pre-term
birth.
 These forms of violence can lead to depression, post-traumatic stress and other
anxiety disorders, sleep difficulties, eating disorders, and suicide attempts. The
2013 analysis found that women who have experienced intimate partner violence
were almost twice as likely to experience depression and problem drinking.
 Health effects can also include headaches, back pain, abdominal pain,
gastrointestinal disorders, limited mobility and poor overall health.
 Sexual violence, particularly during childhood, can lead to increased smoking,
drug and alcohol misuse, and risky sexual behaviours in later life. It is also
associated with perpetration of violence (for males) and being a victim of violence
(for females).

WHO response
At the World Health Assembly in May 2016, Member States endorsed a global plan of
action on strengthening the role of the health systems in addressing interpersonal
violence, in particular against women and girls and against children.
  Global plan of action to strengthen the role of the health system within a national
multisectoral response to address interpersonal violence, in particular against
women and girls, and against children

WHO, in collaboration with partners, is:

 Building the evidence base on the size and nature of violence against women in
different settings and supporting countries' efforts to document and measure this
violence and its consequences, including improving the methods for measuring
violence against women in the context of monitoring for the Sustainable
Development Goals. This is central to understanding the magnitude and nature
of the problem and to initiating action in countries and globally.
 Strengthening research and capacity to assess interventions to address partner
violence.
 Undertaking interventions research to test and identify effective health sector
interventions to address violence against women.
 Developing guidelines and implementation tools for strengthening the health
sector response to intimate partner and sexual violence and synthesizing
evidence on what works to prevent such violence.
 Supporting countries and partners to implement the global plan of action on
violence by:
 Collaborating with international agencies and organizations to reduce and
eliminate violence globally through initiatives such as the Sexual Violence
Research Initiative, Together for Girls, the Violence Against Women Working
Group of the International Federation of Obstetrician-Gynecologists (FIGO) and
the UN Joint Programme on Essential Services Package for Women Subject to
Violence.
In Australia, around one in three women has experienced physical violence since the
age of 15 years.

In Australia, two in every five women (41%) have experienced violence since the age of
15 years. - around one in three (34%) has experienced physical violence - almost one in
five (19%) has experienced sexual violence (ABS 2013).

• Violence against women costs Australia $21.7 billion a year (PwC et al. 2015).

• In Australia, male intimate partner violence contributes more to the disease burden for
women aged 18 to 44 years than any other well-known risk factor like tobacco use, high
cholesterol or use of illicit drugs (Webster 2016). Violence against women is prevalent
and serious, but it is also preventable. While many factors are said to contribute to
violence against women, research in the last decade has found that at the population
level the two most significant determinants are:

• The unequal distribution of power and resources between men and women

• An adherence to rigidly defined gender roles, or what it means to be (and live as)
masculine or feminine (VicHealth 2007). More recently, research conducted for Our
Watch shows that at the population level, gender inequality in public and private life is
the necessary underlying condition for violence against women to occur (Webster &
Flood 2015). Based on this research, a shared framework for prevention action in
Australia articulates four distinct yet interconnected expressions of gender inequality as
the drivers of violence against women:

• The condoning of violence against women

• Men’s control of decision-making and limits to women’s independence in public life

and relationships • rigid gender roles and stereotyped constructions of masculinity and
femininity

• Male peer relations that emphasise aggression and disrespect towards women (Our
Watch et al. 2015). These gendered drivers arise from discriminatory historical,
economic and social structures, norms and practices. This means that they are deeply
entrenched, but also that they are modifiable and not inevitable. In other words, violence
against women can be prevented from happening in the first place, that is, before it
occurs to anyone, through action to address these drivers. This is known as ‘primary
prevention’, which is the key focus of this overview. The gender-specific dynamics of
violence against women There are several characteristics of women’s experiences of
violence that make it a distinctly gendered problem and different to violence against
men. Women are most likely to be victimised by men who are known to them: their
current or previous cohabiting intimate partners and/or boyfriends or dates. Men are
most likely to be subjected to violence by other men who are unknown to them. This
difference is clearly seen in lifetime prevalence estimates prepared by the ABS, and
based on their latest Personal Safety Survey (PSS). Estimates show that since the age
of 15 years, and at least at one time in their lives:

• 1.5 million Women have experienced violence by male cohabiting partners and almost
a million (981,300) women have experienced violence by boyfriends or dates

• 0.9 million women have experienced violence by male perpetrators unknown to them

• 0.4 million men have experienced violence by female cohabiting partners and 0.3
million men have experienced violence by girlfriends or dates

• 3.0 million Men have experienced violence by male perpetrators unknown to them
(ABS 2013). Women are also most likely to be physically assaulted in their own homes
or other private domains; men are most likely to be physically assaulted in public places
such as places of entertainment (ABS 2013). The PSS is designed to capture
Australians’ experiences of violence as individual incidents, but not the contextual
complexities of victimisation and perpetration. Other studies are needed to nuance the
data.
According to the National Crime Records Bureau of India, reported incidents of crime against women
increased 6.4% during 2012, and a crime against a woman is committed every three
minutes. According to the National Crime Records Bureau, in 2011, there were greater than 228,650
reported incidents of crime against women, while in 2015, there were over 300,000 reported
incidents, a 44% increase. Of the women living in India, 7.5% live in West Bengal where 12.7% of
the total reported crime against women occurs.] Andhra Pradesh is home to 7.3% of India's female
population and accounts for 11.5% of the total reported crimes against women.65% of Indian men
believe women should tolerate violence in order to keep the family together, and women sometimes
deserve to be beaten. In January 2011, the International Men and Gender Equality Survey
(IMAGES) Questionnaire reported that 24% of Indian men had committed sexual violence at some
point during their lives.Exact statistics on the extent case occurrences are very difficult to obtain, as
a large number of cases go unreported. This is due in large part to the threat of ridicule or shame on
the part of the potential reporter, as well as an immense pressure not to damage the family's
honor. For similar reasons, law enforcement officers are more motivated to accept offers
of bribery from the family of the accused, or perhaps in fear of more grave consequences, such
as Honor Killings.
Dowry deaths
A map of the reported dowry deaths in India, per 100,000 people (2012)

A dowry death is the murder or suicide of a married woman caused by a dispute over
her dowry. In some cases, husbands and in-laws will attempt to extort a
greater dowry through continuous harassment and torture which sometimes results in
the wife committing suicide, or the exchange of gifts, money, or property upon marriage
of a family's daughter.
The majority of these suicides are done through hanging, poisoning or self-immolation.
When a dowry death is done by setting the woman on fire, it is called bride burning.
Bride burning murder is often set up to appear to be a suicide or accident, sometimes
by setting the woman on fire in such a way that it appears she ignited while cooking at
kerosene stove. Dowry is illegal in India, but it is still common practice to give expensive
gifts to the groom and his relatives at weddings which are hosted by the family of the
bride. In Uttar Pradesh, 2,244 cases were reported, accounting for 27.3% of the dowry
deaths nationwide. In, Bihar, 1,275 cases were reported, accounting for 15.5% of cases
nationwide.
Incidents of dowry deaths have decreased 4.5% from 2011 to 2012.
In 2018, still as many as 5,000 dowry deaths are recorded each year.

Reported dowry
Year
deaths

2008 8,172

2009 8,383

2010 8,391

2011 8,618

2012 8,233

Honor killings
An honor killing is a murder of a family member who has been considered to have
brought dishonour and shame upon the family. Examples of reasons for honor killings
include the refusal to enter an arranged marriage, committing adultery, choosing a
partner that the family disapproves of, and becoming a victim of rape. Village caste
councils or khap panchayats in certain regions of India regularly pass death sentences
for persons who do not follow their diktats on caste or gotra. The volunteer group known
as Love Commandos from Delhi, runs a helpline dedicated to rescuing couples who are
afraid of violence for marrying outside of caste lines
The most prominent areas where honor killings occur in India are northern regions.
Honor killings are especially seen in Haryana, Bihar, Uttar
Pradesh, Rajasthan, Jharkhand, Himachal Pradesh, and Madhya Pradesh.[14][15] Honor
killings have notably increased in some Indian states which has led to the Supreme
Court of India, in June 2010, issuing notices to both the Indian central government and
six states to take preventative measures against honor killings.
Honor killings can be very violent. For example, in June 2012, a father decapitated his
20-year-old daughter with a sword upon hearing that she was dating a man who he did
not approve of. Honor killings can also be openly supported by both local villagers and
neighbouring villagers. This was the case in September 2013, when a young couple
who married after having a love affair was brutally murdered.
Witchcraft-related murders
Murders of women accused of witchcraft still occur in India. Poor women, widows, and
women from lower castes are most at risk of such killings.
Female infanticide and sex-selective abortion
Female infanticide is the elected killing of a newborn female child or the termination of a
female fetus through sex-selective abortion. In India, there is incentive to have a son,
because they offer security to the family in old age and are able to conduct rituals for
deceased parents and ancestors. In contrast, daughters are considered to be a social
and economic burden. An example of this is dowry. The fear of not being able to pay an
acceptable dowry and becoming socially ostracised can lead to female infanticide in
poorer families. Modern medical technology has allowed for the sex of a child to be
determined while the child is still a fetus. Once these modern prenatal diagnostic
techniques determine the sex of the fetus, families then are able to decide if they would
like to abort based on sex. One study found that 7,997 of 8,000 abortions were of
female fetuses. The fetal sex determination and sex-selective abortion by medical
professionals is now a R.s 1,000 crore (US$244 million) industry.
The Preconception and Prenatal Diagnostic Techniques Act of 1994 (PCPNDT Act
1994) was modified in 2003 in order to target medical professionals. The Act has proven
ineffective due to the lack of implementation. Sex-selective abortions have totaled
approximately 4.2-12.1 million from 1980-2010. There was a greater increase in the
number of sex-selective abortions in the 1990s than the 2000s. Poorer families are
responsible for a higher proportion of abortions than wealthier families. Significantly
more abortions occur in rural areas versus urban areas when the first child is female.

Sexual crimes
Rape
The map shows the comparative rate of violence against women in Indian states and
union territories in 2012, based on crimes reported to the police. Crime rate data per
100,000 women in this map is the broadest definition of crime against women under
Indian law. It includes rape, sexual assault, insult to modesty, kidnapping, and
abduction, cruelty by intimate partner or relatives, trafficking, persecution for dowry,
dowry deaths, indecency, and all other crimes listed in Indian Penal Code.
India is considered to be the world’s most dangerous country for sexual violence against
women. Rape is one of the most common crimes in India. Criminal Law (Amendment)
Act, 2013 defines rape as penile and non-penile penetration in bodily orifices of a
woman by a man, without the consent of the woman. According to the National Crime
Records Bureau, one woman is raped every 20 minutes in India. Incidents of reported
rape increased 3% from 2011 to 2012. Incidents of reported incest rape increased
46.8% from 268 cases in 2011 to 392 cases in 2012. Despite its prevalence, rape
accounted for 10.9% of reported cases of violence against women in 2016.
Year Reported rapes

2008 21,467

2009 21,397

2010 22,172

2011 24,206

2012 24,923

2013 34,707

2014 36,735

2015 34,651

Victims of rape are increasingly reporting their rapes and confronting the perpetrators.
Women are becoming more independent and educated, which is increasing their
likelihood to report their rape.
Although rapes are becoming more frequently reported, many go unreported or have
the complaint files withdrawn due to the perception of family honour being
compromised. Women frequently do not receive justice for their rapes, because police
often do not give a fair hearing, and/or medical evidence is often unrecorded which
makes it easy for offenders to get away with their crimes under the current laws.
Increased attention in the media and awareness among both Indians and the outside
world is both bringing attention to the issue of rape in India and helping empower
women to report the crime. After international news reported the gang rape of a 23-
year-old student on a moving bus that occurred in Delhi, in December 2012, Delhi
experienced a significant increase in reported rapes. The number of reported rapes
nearly doubled from 143 reported in January–March 2012 to 359 during the three
months after the rape. After the Delhi rape case, Indian media has committed to report
each and every rape case.
Marital rape
In India, marital rape is not a criminal offense. India is one of fifty countries that have not
yet outlawed marital rape 20% of Indian men admit to forcing their wives or partners to
have sex.
Marital rape can be classified into one of three types:

 Battering rape: This includes both physical and sexual violence. The majority of
marital rape victims experience battering rape.
 Force-only rape: Husbands use the minimum amount of force necessary to coerce
his wife.
 Compulsive or obsessive rape: Torture and/or "perverse" sexual acts occur and are
often physically violent.
Insult to modesty

Assaults with Insults to the

Year intent to outrage modesty of
modesty women

2008 40,413 12,214

2009 38,711 11,009

2010 40,613 9,961

2011 42,968 8,570

2012 45,351 9,173

2013 70,739 12,589

2014 82,235 9,735

2015 82,422 8,685

Modesty-related violence against women includes assaults on women with intent to

outrage her modesty and insults to the modesty of women. From 2011 to 2012, there
was a 5.5% increase in reported assaults on women with intent to outrage her
modesty. Madhya Pradesh had 6,655 cases, accounting for 14.7% of the national
incidents. From 2011 to 2012, there was a 7.0% increase in reported insults to the
modesty of women Andhra Pradesh had 3,714 cases, accounting for 40.5% of the
national accounts, and Maharashtra had 3,714 cases, accounting for 14.1% of the
national accounts.
Human trafficking and forced prostitution

This desperate mother traveled from her village in Nepal to Mumbai, India, hoping to
find and rescue her teenage daughter who was trafficked into an Indian brothel. "I will
stay in Mumbai," said the mother, "Until I find my daughter or die. I am not leaving here
without her."

Imported
Violations of
girls from
Year the Immoral
foreign
Traffic Act
countries

2008 67 2,659

2009 48 2,474

2010 36 2,499

2011 80 2,435

2012 59 2,563
 2013 31 2,579

2014 13 2,070

2015 6 2,424

From 2011 to 2012, there was a 26.3% decrease in girls imported to India from another
country. Karnataka had 32 cases, and West Bengal had 12 cases, together accounting
for 93.2% of the total cases nationwide.
From 2011 to 2012, there was a 5.3% increase in violations of the Immoral Traffic
(Prevention) Act of 1956.[2] Tamil Nadu had 500 incidents, accounting for 19.5% of the
total nationwide, and Andhra Pradesh had 472 incidents, accounting for 18.4% of the
total nationwide.

Domestic violence
Main article: Domestic violence in India

Domestic violence is abuse by one partner against another in an intimate relationship

such as dating, marriage, cohabitation or a familial relationship. Domestic violence is
also known as domestic abuse, spousal abuse, battering, family violence, dating
abuse and intimate partner violence (IPV). Domestic violence can be physical,
emotional, verbal, economic and sexual abuse. Domestic violence can be subtle,
coercive or violent. In India, 70% of women are victims of domestic violence.
38% of Indian men admit they have physically abused their partners. The Indian
government has taken measures to try to reduce domestic violence through legislation
such as the Protection of Women from Domestic Violence Act 2005.

Reported cruelty by a husband or

Year
relative[2][35]

2008 81,344

2009 89,546

2010 94,041
2011 99,135

2012 106,527

2013 118,866

2014 122,877

2015 113,403

Every 9 minutes, a case of cruelty is committed by either of husbands or a relative of

the husband. Cruelty by a husband or his relatives is the greatest occurring crime
against women. From 2011 to 2012, there was a 7.5% increase in cruelty by husbands
and relatives.

Forced and child marriage

Girls are vulnerable to being forced into marriage at young ages, suffering from a
double vulnerability: both for being a child and for being female. Child brides often do
not understand the meaning and responsibilities of marriage. Causes of such marriages
include the view that girls are a burden for their parents, and the fear of girls losing their
chastity before marriage.

Acid throwing
Acid throwing, also called an acid attack, a vitriol attack or vitriolage, is a form of violent
assault used against women in India. Acid throwing is the act of throwing acid or an
alternative corrosive substance onto a person's body "with the intention to disfigure,
maim, torture, or kill." Acid attacks are usually directed at a victim's face which burns the
skin causing damage and often exposing or dissolving bone. Acid attacks can lead to
permanent scarring, blindness, as well as social, psychological and economic
difficulties.
The Indian legislature has regulated the sale of acid. Compared to women throughout
the world, women in India are at a higher risk of being victims of acid attacks. At least
72% of reported acid attacks in India have involved women. ] India has been
experiencing an increasing trend of acid attacks over the past decade.
In 2010, there was a high of 27 reported cases of chemical assaults. Scholars believe
that acid attacks in India are being under-reported. 34% of acid attacks in India have
been determined to be related to rejection of marriage or refusal by a woman of sexual
advances. 20% of acid attacks have been determined to be related to land, property,
and/or business disputes. Acid attacks related to marriage are often spurred by dowry
disagreements.

Abduction

Year Reported abductions

2008 22,939

2009 25,741

2010 29,795

2011 35,565

2012 38,262

2013 51,881

2014 57,311

2015 59,277

Incidents of reported kidnappings and abductions of women increased 7.6% from 2011
to 2012. Uttar Pradesh had 7,910 cases, accounting for 22.2% of the total of cases
nationwide.

Perpetuation
Perpetuation of violence against women in India continues as a result of many systems
of sexism and Patriarchy in place within Indian culture. Beginning in early childhood,
young girls are given less access to education than their male counterparts. 80% of
boys will go to primary school, where as just over half of girls will have that same
opportunity.] Gender based inequality is present even before that however, as it is
reported that female children are often fed less and are given less hearty diets that
contain little to no butter, milk, or other more hearty foods. Even when girls are taught
about the inequity they will face in life, boys are uneducated on this and are therefore
unprepared to treat women and girls as equals.
Later in life, the social climate continues to reinforce inequality, and consequently,
violence against women. Married women in India tend to see violence as a routine part
of being married. Women who are put in a situation where they are being subjected to
gender-based violence are often victim shamed, being told that their safety is their own
responsibility and that whatever may happen to them is their own fault. ] In addition to
this, women are very heavily pressured into complicity because of social and cultural
beliefs, such as family honor.
Even when a woman who is a victim of gender-based violence or crime does decide to
report the incident, it is not always likely that she will have access to the support she
would need to handle the situation properly. Law enforcement officers and doctors will
often choose not to report a case, due to fear that it might in some way damage their
own honor, or otherwise bring shame to them. In the case that she gets help from a
doctor, there is no standard procedure for determining whether a woman is a victim
of Sexual assault and doctors often resort to highly invasive and primitive methods such
as the infamous "two-finger test" which can worsen the problem and are can be
psychologically damaging for the victim.
Some organizations exist to help end the perpetuation of violence against women in
India, most notably Dilaasa, a hospital based crisis center for women operated in
collaboration with CEHAT [1] with aims to provide proper care for survivors of violence
against women and work towards ending gender inequality. From 2000 to 2013, about
3,000 victims of sexual assault, domestic abuse, or other forms of gender-based
violence have registered with Dilaasa.

Impact on children

 Children who grow up in families where there is violence may suffer a range of
behavioural and emotional disturbances. These can also be associated with
perpetrating or experiencing violence later in life.
 Intimate partner violence has also been associated with higher rates of infant and
child mortality and morbidity (through, for example diarrhoeal disease or
malnutrition).

Social and economic costs

The social and economic costs of intimate partner and sexual violence are enormous
and have ripple effects throughout society. Women may suffer isolation, inability to
work, loss of wages, lack of participation in regular activities and limited ability to care
for themselves and their children.
Prevention and response
There are a growing number of well-designed studies looking at the effectiveness of
prevention and response programmes. More resources are needed to strengthen the
prevention of and response to intimate partner and sexual violence, including primary
prevention – stopping it from happening in the first place.

There is some evidence from high-income countries that advocacy and counselling
interventions to improve access to services for survivors of intimate partner violence are
effective in reducing such violence. Home visitation programmes involving health worker
outreach by trained nurses also show promise in reducing intimate partner violence.
However, these have yet to be assessed for use in resource-poor settings.

In low resource settings, prevention strategies that have been shown to be promising
include: those that empower women economically and socially through a combination of
microfinance and skills training related to gender equality; that promote communication
and relationship skills within couples and communities; that reduce access to, and
harmful use of alcohol; transform harmful gender and social norms through community
mobilization and group-based participatory education with women and men to generate
critical reflections about unequal gender and power relationships.

To achieve lasting change, it is important to enact and enforce legislation and develop
and implement policies that promote gender equality by:

 ending discrimination against women in marriage, divorce and custody laws

 ending discrimination in inheritance laws and ownership of assets
 improving women’s access to paid employment
 Developing and resourcing national plans and policies to address violence
against women.

While preventing and responding to violence against women requires a multi-sectoral

approach, the health sector has an important role to play. The health sector can:

 Advocate making violence against women unacceptable and for such violence to
be addressed as a public health problem.
 Provide comprehensive services, sensitize and train health care providers in
responding to the needs of survivors holistically and empathetically.
 Prevent recurrence of violence through early identification of women and children
who are experiencing violence and providing appropriate referral and support
 Promote egalitarian gender norms as part of life skills and comprehensive
sexuality education curricular taught to young people.
 Generate evidence on what works and on the magnitude of the problem by
carrying out population-based surveys, or including violence against women in
population-based demographic and health surveys, as well as in surveillance and
health information systems.

There are three ways in which violence against women can be prevented, and
each intervention type has distinct aims and targets. Primary prevention refers
to whole-of-population initiatives that target the primary (first or underlying)
gendered drivers of violence against women with the aim that violence does not
happen at all. This can be achieved through a combination of universal strategies
as well as tailored actions or strategies for different settings, groups and
contexts. Primary prevention is distinguished from secondary prevention (also
called ‘early intervention’), which works in more targeted ways to stop early
signs of violence in specific individuals, communities or contexts from escalating,
and tertiary prevention (also called ‘response’), which seeks to stop the
recurrence of existing violence and/or minimise its impacts.