Modern Political Ritual: Ethnography of an Inauguration and a Pilgrimage by President

Mitterrand
Author(s): Marc Abeles
Source: Current Anthropology, Vol. 29, No. 3 (Jun., 1988), pp. 391-404
Published by: The University of Chicago Press on behalf of Wenner-Gren Foundation for
Anthropological Research
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CURRENT ANTHROPOLOGY Volume 29, Number 3, JuneI988
? I988 byThe Wenner-Gren
Foundation
forAnthropological
Research.All rightsreserved
ooi I-3204/88/2903-0002$2.50

That the governanceoftraditionalsocietiesis character-

Modern Political
ized by the comminglingofpolitics and ritualis a com-
monplace foranthropologistsand social historians,who
are used to tracingthe pansocial implicationsof major
Ritual rites and exposing the intimate connections between
power and the sacred. A substantialbody of literature
has been devoted to the relations between these two
aspects of social life not only in non-Westerncultures
Ethnography ofan Inauguration but also in our own history,particularlywith respectto
kingshipand the doctrineof Divine Right.If commen-
and a Pilgrimageby President tatorsnowadays referfreelyto the "charisma" associ-
ated with certainpolitical leaders to the extentof com-
Mitterrand' paringthem to real kings, such parallels are generally
proposed metaphorically-eitherrealisticallyor satiri-
cally, in accordance with the author'sparticularstand-
by Marc Abeles point. However, such commentatorshardlybother to
draw out the sense of the metaphoror to considerthe
image of power therebyprojected.
Occasionally the concept of "political drama" is
evoked in a pejorativesense, especially in referenceto
This paperexaminesfroman anthropological perspective two the role of the news media. But the overall impression
ritualsperformed bytheFrenchpresident, FrancoisMitterrand. givenis thatthe political is immersedin a sea ofappear-
The firstrelatesto thewell-established customofinauguration ances thateffectively masks the realitiesof conflictand
and commemoration. The second,thepilgrimage to Solutre,
wouldappearto be an originalinventionofitsprotagonist. On the domination. We need to remind ourselves that the
basisofthisethnographic analysis,it is possibleto findin modem dramatizationofthe politicalis not peculiarto ourmod-
politicalritualstheformalprocedure thatanthropologists have ern civilization: witness the vivid political dramas en-
describedin traditional
societies.In oppositionto manywhoun- acted in Africankingdomssuch as the Swazi.2 It will
derlinethesecularizationofpoliticsin contemporary societies,it doubtless be argued that between modernpolitics and
is observedherethatritualssuchas thesevisitsofthepresident
havea religiousdimension.These modemrituals,whichpartici- the customs of African monarchies or even of pre-
patein theconstruction ofpoliticallegitimacy, arecharacterized Revolutionkingshipin Francethereintervenesthe pro-
byinventionandmessage. cess of secularizationwhich has separatedchurchfrom
state and which has entailed, at a still deeper level, a
MARC ABELES iS Chargede Recherche ofCNRS anda member dissociationbetweenpoliticalpowerand the sacred.Ac-
oftheLaboratory ofSocial Anthropology (5.2ruedu Cardinal cordingto this view, modernpolitical "show business"
Lemoine,75005 Paris,France).Bornin I950, he was educatedat
theEcole NormaleSuperieure(i968-73) andtheEcole des Hautes representsa new way of portrayingpower, in which
Etudesen SciencesSociales(Doctoratd'ethnologie, 1976). He has coerciverelationsand the juxtapositionofcrudeimages
donefieldwork in Ethiopia,in southernSpain,andin theYonne. tendto obliterateawareness of any fixedreferent, either
His publicationsincludeAnthropologie etmarxisme(Paris:Edi- transcendantor immanent(God, the Law).
tionsComplexe,1978), Le lieu du politique(Paris:Societed'Eth- Attractivethoughit may seem, this idea of the polit-
nographie, i983), Age,pouvoiret societeen Afrique noire,edited
withChantalCollard(Paris:EditionsKharthala,i985), "Le degres ical seems unduly schematic. One can certainlyadmit,
zerode la politique"(EtudesRuralesI986, pp. ioi-2), and "L'an- with Habermas (i986[i962]:24I), that the "public polit-
thropologue et le politique"(L'Homme26: I-2). The presentpaper ical sphere"has undergonea remarkableevolutionsince
was submitted in finalform25 vi 87. the Enlightenment, to the extentthatit "has been taken
over by techniques of demonstrationand manipulation
invented by organizationsthat constructa 'publicity'
from which the subordinated 'public' has been ex-
cluded." But does the analogybetweenpolitical compe-
titionand a greatmarketin which new "products"are
paraded beforethe public accordingto the latest com-
mercial and advertisingtechniques adequatelydescribe
relationsbetween professionalpoliticians and theirfel-
low citizens?And should these latter,at least in demo-
craticsocieties,be equated withconsumers,albeitfickle
ones?
Evidently,the question ofpolitical dramais insepara-
ble fromthe complex question of political representa-
i. TranslatedbyRoyWillis.An originalversionofthistextformed tion in modern society. At this point the analysis of
thesubjectofa paperpresented to theColloquiumat BadHomburg
Octoberi6-I8, I986. It appearedin Frenchin Le TempsModernes
in March I987 and is translatedhere by permissionof the pub- 2. The Ncwala, the greatannualritualofthe Swazi,describedby
lisher. Kuper (I 947:197-225), explicitlygeneratesthe powers of kingship.

39I

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392 1 CURRENT ANTHROPOLOGY Volume 29, Number 3, JuneI988

contemporary societywould seem partiallyto invalidate did not in any way imply denyingthe futureprime
the notionoftotal secularizationofpoliticallifein favor minister access to certain spheres of activity: "The
of a less strictlyevolutionistview of matters.If we ex- primeministerhas everyrightto contributeto all polit-
amine politicalritualin present-day France,we findour- ical debate outside the provinceof the president."
selves dealing with relationsof abiding complexity,as These carefullyconstructedstatements did not, of
Lefort(I986) has emphasized,betweenthe political and course,go unnoticed.The followingday theymade the
the religious.3That is why I have chosen to consider headlines in the political columns of the majornewspa-
from an anthropologicalperspective two rituals per- pers: "The PremierAccordingto Francois Mitterrand"
formedby a particularlytypicalstatesman,namely,the (Le Monde, FebruaryI7); "I Remain VeryMuch in Ad-
Presidentofthe Republic,FrancoisMitterrand.The first vance of My Predecessors"(La Montagne,FebruaryI5);
ritualrelatesto a well-establishedcustom,thatof inau- "Mitterrand:Diplomacy a Jobforthe Prime Minister"
gurationsand commemorationssuch as are regularlyat- (Le Matin, FebruaryI 5). Fromthepresidentialjourneyin
tendedby elected representativesin the course of their Nievre, the national dailies and the television service
duties. The second ritualwould appearto be an original selectedthese briefstatementsrelatingto the mannerof
inventionand also contains informationabout the per- selectinga prime ministerand to the role assigned to
sonal historyof its protagonist.Analysis of the charac- him by the occupant of the Elysee Palace. However,the
teristicsof these kinds of political practiceleads us to actual day in Nievre had yet to begin: it was II: I4 A.M.
question the adequacy of the veryidea of "ritual," and when the trainarrivedat the station.The buildingwas
deeper studyof these public proceduresmay enable us bedeckedwith both the national colors and those ofthe
betterto understandthe functionof political ritual in town.
termsof legitimacy. The main elementoftheritualperformed bythepresi-
dentwas the inaugurationofNevers railwaystation.On
his arrival,M. Mitterrandwas welcomed by the deputy
A PresidentialDay mayorof Nevers (M. Beregovoy,ministerof economics
and finance),the presidentof the department'sGeneral
On FebruaryI4, I986, PresidentMitterrandwent to Council, anotherdeputyforNievre,the regionalprefect,
Nievre,a departmentforwhich he had been the elected and the departmentalprefect.The red carpethad been
representativeformore than 30 years,rightup to his duly rolled out, and the presidentemergedinto the sta-
accession to the supremeoffice.The officialpurposeof tion courtyard,where he revieweda detachmentof the
this journeywas to inauguratethe new railwaystation SeventhR.A. To the applause ofthe crowd,estimatedby
at Nevers (the principaltown of the department).The the journalistsas close on a thousandpeople, he moved
remainderof the day was to be devotedto otheracts of towards the station entrance.For a moment,together
commemorationand inauguration,such as the bestowal with the stationmaster,he contemplatedthe building.
of decorationson various local personalities:a full day Then he cut the symbolicred ribbonand unveiled the
that was to take the presidentall over the department. plaque commemoratingthis inauguration.Followed by
Let us now followM. Mitterrandand his entourage:we several hundred invited guests, M. Mitterrandwas
shall also take note of the various local and national shown around the premises by the regionaldirectorof
press commentariesthat marked this visit and effec- the railway corporation.Twelve minutes later, he re-
tivelymade an event of it. turnedto the grandconcourse,wherehe made a speech
On this Fridaya special trainconveyedthe president, on a modestplatformspeciallyconstructedforthis pur-
accompaniedby the state secretaryfortransportand the pose. The presidentspoke afterlisteningin turnto the
presidentof the state railwaycorporation,fromParis to wordsofNevers's deputymayorand thepresidentofthe
Nevers. The journey became the occasion for a free- railway.The speeches were relayedthroughloudspeak-
wheelingdiscussion with journalists,and inevitablyin- ers to the crowd gatheredoutside the station. His ad-
terestfocussedon the legislativeelections,due withina dressconcluded,M. Mitterrandlaid a wreathin memory
month; on this topic M. Mitterrandobservedthat his ofthe railwaymenwho had died fortheircountry,in the
pronouncementsplaced him "verymuch in advance" of presence of the veterans' standard-bearer.He next
his predecessors.Accordingto him, the electionswould moved towardsthe buffet, whererefreshments had been
follow a patternalready laid down by the presidential preparedforthe guests,pausing on the way to sign two
campaign: "Undoubtedlythe legislative elections will copies of his recentlypublishedbook, R6flexionssur la
take just that shape." As to a possible "deal" over the politique exterieurede la France, and presentthem to
premiership,the presidentemphasized that he would the station library.Without pausing at the buffet,the
choose "whomeverhe wishes" as primeminister.This presidentwent out into the courtyardand mingledcon-
concernovertheproperpreeminenceofthehead ofstate viviallywith the crowd beforegettinginto his car and
headingforLa Baratte,the hall that houses the annual
Nivernais-MorvanExhibition.Accompanied by the di-
3. Lefortrightlyemphasizesthe interrelation
of the politicaland
religiousdimensions,notingin thisconnectionthat"it is impossi- rectorofthe exhibition,M. Mitterrandvisitedthenearly
ble to separatewhatbelongsto theelaborationofa politicalform completednew hall. This visit providedan opportunity
... fromwhatbelongsto the elaborationof a religiousform"(p. forseveralminutes'conversationwiththeformermayor
26i). of Nevers and several otherguests.

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 AB ELE S Modern Political Ritual | 393

At half-pasttwelve the head of state took a helicopter in the affairsof her commune, the presidentmade a
tripto Lormes,a cantonal headquarterssituatedwithin point of devotingthe last moments of this visit to an-
the parliamentaryconstituencyhe had represented.The swering questions from the press. It fell to a young
pretextforthis visit to his fiefofMorvanwas the inves- woman to have the privilegeof questioningM. Mitter-
titureof the general councillor of Lormes with the Le- rand, and she simply asked him, "What do you think
gion of Honor. On his receptionat the town hall, M. about worldhunger?"At 6:o5 P.M. the presidential
Mitterrandmade a shortspeech in which he expressed helicoptertook off;the constraintsofprotocolhad been
his pleasure at once again meeting with friendlyand observedfornearlyfiveminutes.
loyal people: "I see here many familiar and friendly A studyofthe different phases ofM. Mitterrand'svisit
faces. This is a special occasion for me." Addressing to Nievre gives one the sense ofbeingpresentat a major
himselfto the generalcouncillorwhom he had come to ritual in which the combination of spoken words,
decorate,the presidentevoked the past: "I knew your significant acts, and manipulated objects (cf. Levi-
father,a respectedand conscientiouscraftsmanof deep StraussI97I: 6oo) bringsintoplay the symbolismofrela-
political convictions." Remembranceand also attach- tions between political power and civil society.We see
ment to the land of Morvan were signalledin the presi- here the bringingtogetherof an ensemble of coded be-
dent's assertion, "If I were in need of reassurance- haviors,whose meaningis well understoodbythe differ-
which I must hasten to add I am not-it is to this place ent participants,around certain "focalizing elements"
thatI would come forit" (Le Journaldu Centre,February (6l6ments focalisateurs)that markthe highlightsof the
I5). With this ceremonythe morning'sbusiness con- presidentialday. PierreSmith,to whom I am indebted
cludedwith a privateluncheonforI 5 guestsprovidedby forthis expression,has rightlyemphasized one of the
the generalcouncillorof Lormes. characteristicsofritual,dramatization,the actingout of
M. Mitterrand'sday in Nevers was by no means over. performancesthat mobilize public support.When we
We findhim again at 3:30 P.M. inauguratinga block of27 look at M. Mitterrand'sjourney,the dual dimensionsof
apartmentsat La Charite-sur-Loire. An old buildinghad ritualare clearlyapparent:on the one hand, a high de-
been renovatedfor this purpose. Numerous local per- gree of formalization,given that all the acts are thor-
sonalitiesaccompaniedthe president,includingthe dep- oughly codified,fromthe cuttingof the ribbonat the
uty mayorsof Nevers and Cosne-sur-Loire,the local di- stationto the investitureofnew knightsofthe Legionof
rector of housing, and the local senator. The press Honor; on the otherhand, the promotionof a high de-
photographers recordedthe "affectionategesture"with greeof emotion in the participants.
which M. Mitterrandembraceda little girl beforecut- Let us tryto understandbetterthis curious contrast
ting the inauguralribbon.From his address,what was between formalismand artifice,drama and sentiment,
particularlynoted was his insistence on "the will for that lies behind the ritual. Here one may readilyagree
renewal of this commune,in the contextof the general with PierreSmith's contentionthat an inaugurationis
renewal" (La Montagne, Februaryi 5). Once again, M. no more than a "symbolic act." There can hardlybe a
Mitterrandtold of "the pleasure I feel at being among Frenchcitizenwho has not been presentat some time at
you, togetherwith my sense of the historicsignificance a performanceof this sort.Each one knows the scenario
of this place." The faces of those presentbetrayedtheir beforehand.Taken individually,each participantwill
emotion.This was the momentto proceedwith the in- readilyconcede that both the organizersand the public
vestitures:two general councillors and a mayor were could put the time taken up by this ceremonyto better
made respectivelyofficerand knightsof the Legion of use. It will also be generallyagreed that there is "ar-
Honor. "A signing of the golden book, several auto- tificiality"in certaintypes of behavioradopted by the
graphs,a kiss forthe little girl,a warm handshakefor principal protagonists,behavior expressive of respect,
AdrienLangumierwho has come fromSaint-Amand-en- meditation,emotion,etc. In this sense, the ritualfunc-
Puisayeforthis littleexchangeofcivilities. . . the Presi- tionsas what Smithcalls a "snareforthought,"in which
dentialvisit was over in less than an hour,"reportedLa everythingis acceptable because no one asks more in
Montagne. thatmomentthanto believe. No one would have turned
A littlelater,thepresidentialhelicoptertoucheddown downhis invitationto attendtheinaugurationofNevers
at Chatillon-en-Bazois.M. Mitterrand'spurposein com- railwaystation; and so the photographersrecordedthe
ingherewas to unveil a plaque in memoryofthefounder expressions,respectfulor admiring,ofthosemembersof
of a children'svillage, a man who was also his deputy the public who were presentwhen M. Mitterrandun-
when he was deputy mayor of Chateau-Chinon. The veiled the plaque in memoryof his old deputy.More-
ceremonywas performedin the presence of the dead over,no one would dare to talk aloud or look cheerful
man's widow, currentlythe guidingspiritof the village. duringthe minute's silence.
In his speech, the presidentemphasizedthe importance Comedy? Conjuring tricks?In reality,it is obvious
of this kind of enterpriseand observedthat "the village that everyonebelieves: the ritualdoes not generatebut
has been part of the largermovementwhich has led to presupposessolidarity.To understandthis it is neces-
Nievre's being the departmentthathas best understood sary to consider the second dimension of the ritual,
childhood" (Le Journaldu Centre,Februaryi5). After whichI shall call "contextualdramatization"and which
decoratinganother woman, who is handicapped and produces,I believe, the "snare forthought."If we take
comes fromCorbignyand who is also extremelyactive into account the totalityof the acts performedby the

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394 CURRENT ANTHROPOLOGY Volume 29, Number 3, JuineI988

presidentduringthis day of FebruaryI4, we see that heartfeltchoice, to the friendshipand gratitudeI owe to
theycompose a series ofmovements.Besides the initial thispeople, loyal throughthe years" (La Montagne,Feb-
trainjourneyto Nevers,the sites of Lormes,La Charite- ruaryi 5). Friendshipand loyaltyare two themescentral
sur-Loire,and Chatillon-en-Bazoisconstitutethe stages to the presidentialmessage, associated with a certain
of this pilgrimage.One may furthersuggestthatthe to- stubbornness,the "solidarity"referredto a little later
and-froing all over Nievre is the central"focalizingele- duringthe visit to Morvan.
ment" of this ritual. Thus the various celebrationsare The image of returnrecursagain in this referenceto
grouped around an action which provides the real Nievre: "It is hereperhapsthatI have most readilybeen
significanceofthis day: the movementofM. Mitterrand able to relate directlyto the men and women of a de-
fromthe centerto the peripheryand then,as if into an partment"(La Montagne, Februaryi 5). This is a para-
abyss, fromthe departmentalheadquartersto outlying digmaticinstance of political discourse,forthe quasi-
localities. The inaugurationof the Nevers station sym- transparency oftherelationshipbetweenthe electedand
bolizes in itselfthe permanenceof the exchangesrepre- the electoratein Nievre on thisfourteenth day ofFebru-
sentedby this political man between the abidingcoun- ary,I986, also reveals an underlyinguncertainty.Forall
tryside,in which he findsthe source of his legitimacy, that the topic is never explicitly raised, everyone is
and the capital city,fromwhich it is his task to attract aware of the imminentnational elections,the possibil-
financialmanna forthe benefitof his department.4 ityof the coexistenceof a presidentand an executiveof
M. Mitterrand'sspeech at Nevers at the outset of his opposed political allegiances and all the potential for
visit clearlyillustratesthese themes.In it he evokes the conflictinherentin such an outcome.The tourofNievre
atmosphereof railwaystationsand theirsignificancein is in part an acting out of a reply to these unspoken
the dailylifeofthepolitician: "I have travelledbyrail so questions. The opening address at Nevers proclaims a
many times, and very frequentlyon the Paris-Nevers returnto origins,as in thisevocationofthepast: "I spent
line." And he goes on to say, "I have crossedthis grand my earliest years in the shadow of a railway station,
concourse [of the station] so many times: this station because when I was bornmyfatherhad just leftMontlu-
has been associated with many importantmomentsin c,on,where he was stationmaster.All the men of my
my life, some fraughtwith uncertainty,others with familyforthe two precedinggenerations,my fatherand
hope; as a resultI have a kind ofpersonalattachmentto grandfathers, had been railwaymen"(La Montagne,Feb-
it" (La Montagne,FebruaryI5). Hence a returnto Ne- ruaryi 5).
vers, and a fittingone, forin the context of exchange The inaugurationof Nevers stationthus servesas the
betweenterritorialand national collectivities,it is only occasion for a return to origins: the elected one is
rightthat the presidentshould rememberthe parlia- reunitedwith his loyal followers,and the son remem-
mentaryrepresentativethat he once was and the land bershis forefathers. The speech at Nevers lays out, as it
which engenderedhis political career.He had himself were, the ritual program.The actions which thereafter
made sure that Nevers acquired a new station: "We are punctuate the presidentialprogressmake visible this
workingforFrance,but it is not forbiddento work also "journeyto the heart of legitimacy"in the manner of
forNievre. It is not a matterof privilegebut of due rec- royal progressesrecordedby anthropologistsin certain
ompense." But this celebrationcontains a deeper con- Africankingdoms(cf.Evans-Pritchard i962 [I948], Izard
cern,forthe presidentis visitinghis friends,and is glad I973). Obviouslywe are dealingherenot with a quest of
of it: "It is a greatpleasure forme to be in Nevers this the kind characteristicofroyalenthronments but rather
morning,to be in Nievre.... we comprisesome sortof with the symbolic reaffirmation of a continuingrela-
community." tionship between the presidentand the country.The
In the course of his journeyM. Mitterrandmakes nu- tour of Nievre constitutesin this sense one of those
merous referencesto his delight at being among his "occasional rituals" defined by Smith (I979:I47) as
faithfulfollowers,his "old stagers."The tourof the de- "based on theidea ofa disorderthatmustbe dealtwith."
partmentrepresentsa returnto his roots,as the opening The formulaadoptedconformswhollyto a traditional
addressat Nevers stationmakes clear: "Nievre remains pattern,fromthe beribbonedbouquet to the fanfareat
forme, and in both senses of the term,a place of elec- the reception.The day is thus composedofmonotonous
tion. As for me, I preferthat sense which refersto a sequences informedto the point of satiation by what
Claude Levi-Straussdescribesas the two characteristic
proceduresofritual:minutedivisionand repetition.Di-
4. As I have notedelsewhere(Ab6l6si986), the markedpolycen- vision is manifestin the decompositionof the principal
trismoftheFrenchsystemimpliesa perpetualto-and-froing from actionin each sequence into a multiplicityofspeechand
the centralto the local and vice versa;a deeplyentrenched
local actions.Forexample,at La Charite-sur-Loire theinaugu-
base,oftentranslated intoan accumulationofsuccessiveelectoral
mandates,is the minimal but essential preconditionfor the ration of the 27 apartmentsincludes in succession the
achievementof "national"legitimacy. tourbears
M. Mitterrand's greetingsto those responsibleforthe operation,the ar-
witnessto the graduatedrelationship betweenthe electedperson chitect's expositionto the president,the cuttingof the
and his constituency: he returnsthereonly to obtainthis fresh ribbon,a hastyvisit to one apartment,the hearingof a
endorsement whichcommunicateslegitimacyconfirmed. Byway
ofcomparisonit will be recalledthatit was fromChamaliere,his piece of music played by the local philharmonicor-
local town,thatValeryGiscardd'Estaingannouncedhis candidacy chestra,a motorcade to the festivalhall, a visit to a
forthepresidency in 1974. museum, a receptioncomprisingthe senator's address

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 ABELE S Modern Political Ritual | 39 5

and that of the president,the bestowal of decorations, their purpose, one being "political significance,"the
and the signingof the town's Golden Book. other"ceremonial offeredto the department,"does not
It would be superfluousto emphasize the repetitive suffice.Obviously, the correspondentof Liberation is
character,fromone place to another,ofthese operations not concernedabout the details of the stationinaugura-
to do withdecorations,inaugurations,etc. Levi-Strauss's tion. For its part,Le Monde, while satisfiedwith a sum-
(I97I:602) commenton certainrituals of the Navajo is mary of the remarksof the presidentduringhis inter-
relevanthere: "at the price of a considerableexpense of view with the journalists,returnsa couple of days later
words,the ritual becomes an orgyof repetitions."This to the tourof FebruaryI4 and devotes to it threelines,
ensemble of microsequenceslinked togetherwithouta not without a touch of humor: "The presidentNievre
break conferson political ritual a special atmosphere. has given France,accordingto M. PierreBeregovoy,the
On the one hand,thereare real eventsofgenuinecollec- mayorM. Mitterrandhas givenNievre,still owes some-
tive interest,concrete gains accrued by reason of the thingto his department.... M. Mitterrandhad the right
eminentpolitical role acquiredby Nievre's politicalrep- to all the flummeryof a full-dressofficialvisit . . ." (Le
resentative;on the other,the whole celebrationoccurs Monde, FebruaryI7). Behind the simple words of these
on the margin of ordinarylife, in a special time that national journaliststherelies the outline of a negative
formsa kind of parenthesisas much in relationto the message projectedby the president."M. Mitterrand'in-
normalpreoccupationsofthe participantsas to the cares auguratedthe chrysanthemums,' as the late General de
of governmentone would generallyassociate with the Gaulle mighthave said, all throughthat day of Friday,
officeof Presidentof the Republic. FebruaryI4. But afterMarch i 6 it will be a different
This contrastbetweenritualtime and thegeneralcon- story" (Le Monde, FebruaryI7). And was not this the
juncturein which it is inscribedin fact constitutesa essence of the matter,the simple idea offeredto the
necessaryconditionforthe settingup of the "snare for public-an idea which could be paraphrasedas "See me
thought."All the participantslay aside their ordinary playingthe role of a presidentin the styleof the Fourth
activities for several hours to join with the principal Republic!But know well thatI will neverbe confinedto
officiantin a ceremonyto effecta double homage:on the such a role!", a message in the formof a paradox well
one hand dedicated to the elected one, to the "sover- summedup in the openingaddressat Nevers (Le Monde,
eign," on the otherby the presidentto the department, February I7): "I am not particularlykeen on inau-
whose heroic notables he continuously extols. This gurations"?
quasi-religiousaspect ofthepoliticalritualis perceptible The day in Nievre, thus placed in perspectiveby its
in the actions and even in the looks of both parties. principalprotagonistand transferred to the context of
Public attentionis riveted on M. Mitterrandas if he the ongoingpolitical debate on the role of the President
were,in decoratingone of the guestsor in goinginto an of the Republic in the event of a victoryby the opposi-
apartment,performingsome mystic act. Like a priest tion in the legislative elections, takes on a special
performing his office,the presidentconcentrateson his significance.It is the irreducibilityofpresidentialpower
everymove, and no one would thinkof distractinghim that M. Mitterrandis reaffirming, in the face of public
fromthe task in hand. He himselfwalks amonghis fol- opinion. That at least is the sense of the image of the
lowers,sometimesslightlyin front,his eyes on thehori- ceremonial occasion as reflectedin the mirrorof the
zon, exceptforthe briefmomentswhen his gaze settles national dailies. As in many other societies, political
on an individualwho is receivinga decorationor whom ritualis eloquent here,simultaneouslyevokingthe rep-
a shortexchangeofwordsrescuesfora fewsecondsfrom resentativecharacterofthepresidentas thechoice ofthe
anonymity. people and the authorityhe exercisesas a head of state.
In a centralizedpolitical systemit is hardlysurprising But whereas the inaugurationof the Nevers stationand
thata presidentialact, even ifnot seen as an eventat the the subsequent celebrationsall serve to highlightthe
national level, nevertheless makes some impression firstterm-the relation between the elected one and
there.Even so, one may wonder to what extentan of- civil society-the second term becomes evident only
ficialday spentin a departmentis also intendedto affect when studied in the context of a speech act endowed
the global society. Does the symbolicefficacityof this with its strictrhetoricalsense of antiphrasis,pure and
kind of ritual exceed the boundariesof the territory to simple.
which it is devoted? A reading of the national daily The consistencyand polysemicrangeofthe ritualun-
newspapersenables one to gauge the effectofM. Mitter- doubtedlyderivein part fromthe multiplicityof regis-
rand's tour of Nievre on Frenchpolitics. I have quoted ters employed,in part from this insertionof the sa-
several newspapercommentswhich dwelt on the pros- cralizedact into a fieldof communicationsharedby the
pect of the elections.As faras the joumalists were con- global society.The president'sartconsistedin adhering
cemed, what seemed to be importantwas said in the scrupulouslyto a model belongingto the Republican
train beforethe beginningof the presidentialtour. It traditionwhile using its symbols,its actions, even its
would appear the ritual servedas a pretextwherebythe time to expresssomethingquite otherthan what would
presidentcould feedthe media with one or two carefully have come across in a speech or a pressinterview.Here
chosen phrases. thereis an instructiveparallel to be noted between the
On furtherexamination,it seems that an interpreta- practiceofM. Mitterrandand thatofGeneralde Gaulle.
tion distinguishingtwo kinds of messages accordingto It is well known that the latter,an expertin the matter

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396 1 CURRENT ANTHROPOLOGY Volume 29, Number 3, JuneI988

of communication,never showed much interestin the one of his hosts' daughters.Until I98I the ascent of
classical duties of a president(inauguration,commem- Solutrewas partofjust such an intimateritualas anyone
oration,etc.). Certainlythe generaldid not neglectpro- mightperformto commemoratea comparablysignifi-
vincial tours,as Viansson-Ponte(I963) has remindedus cantepisode in life.M. Mitterrandwould hererediscover
in a work devoted to Gaullist ritual: "[The provincial a familiarcountrysidein the companyof a fewintimate
visit] is consideredso importantthat despite its time- friends:"I like to spend a long time lookingat the view.
consuming and tiring character it is systematically There I understandbetterwhat is happening,what has
undergone,departmentby department,and so it will be been happening,and-above all-what is unchanging"
to the end" (P. 35). But thesejoumeys executedat break- (MitterrandI975:I84). A suitableoccasion forquiet
neck speed were ill-suitedto the communicativeardor thought,the pilgrimageto Solutre thus affordeda mo-
ofDe Gaulle, who had discoveredin televisionthe ideal ment of escape fromthe distractionsof public life.
medium to embody the relationshipunitinghim with Once become Presidentof the Republic, M. Mitter-
the nation. Viansson-Ponte has admirably described randremainedattachedto theritualhe had created.This
thosegrandmomentswhen thegeneralgave a presscon- indeed continued substantiallyunchanged,except that
ference:"It is a sung High Mass, a majorritualendowed journalistswere invitedto follow the presidentialprog-
withall the ceremonyofa sacredholiday" (P. 46). Forhis ress. The orderof the ritual comprisedthreesuccessive
part,M. Mitterrandhas shown littleinclinationto culti- stages:
vate this medium. Less at ease than his predecessor First,the ascent of SolutreRock accompaniedby the
when addressingthe Frenchdirectly,he has, contrari- "faithful":this was the opportunityfor the photogra-
wise, become master of the art of communicatinghis phers to bombard the illustrious walker with their
ideas, of lightlysuggestinghis intentions,in contexts cameras. The resultingpicturespresentedan image of
where a few words (conversational,reflective,confes- the president'sphysical condition. It was as if, every
sional) can be contained within a series of ritualized year,the latterwas obligedto bear witness,in action,to
acts-such as the tourof Nievre-so that theycome to the excellentstate of his health. M. Mitterrand'scloth-
signifymore than the words themselves.This mastery ing also providedcause forcomment.Trousersofribbed
was particularlyevidentin anotherritualthatappearsto velvet or of linen, sportshirt,linen hat or cap, walking
have been a true creationex nihilo. And here the con- stick, here was a statesman free of the constraintsof
straintsof protocol are relaxed to permita celebration protocoltakinghis ease late in the moming."The man
which was originallymore intimatebut afterI98I took who walks at its [the procession's]head, cane in hand,
on quite anothersignificance. wearinga kindofangler'slinenhat,has an appearanceof
serenity,as if momentarilyrelieved of his cares. The
weatheris fine" (Le Monde, May 24, I986).
The Pilgrimageto Solutre The presidentan angler?At all events,here the dress
makes the man: velvet and linen, beige or chestnutin
Since May IO, I98I, joumalists have grownaccustomed color,suggesta closeness to the earth,a rusticsimplicity
to travellingto Solutre on the Monday of Pentecost, thatrecall the attachmentof the occupantof the Elysee
thereto follow the pilgrimageperformedby M. Mitter- Palace to the values of the soil. One detail is illuminat-
rand. Here we have a case of a national political ritual ing in this respect.Whereas in previousyears the jour-
with the peculiarityof having been to some extentin- nalists had reportedthe presidentas wearingplimsoles,
ventedbyits principalprotagonist.The rockofSolutreis M. Mitterrandinformedthem duringthe I985 pilgrim-
a prehistoricsite5in the heartof Bourgognethat domi- age that his shoes were of another kind, "made at
nates the surrounding vineyardsofPouillyand the Saone Chateau-Chinonin a factorycalled Morvan-Chaussures,
Valley. A walker who takes the troubleto ascend this I think"(Le Monde, May 25, I985). The choice ofa local
highpointreaches,by rathera steep path,an altitudeof productmade not faraway, in the president'sold con-
495 m, fromwhich may be contemplatedthe peaceful stituency,is eloquent testimonyto the territorial mean-
and fertilecountryside,soaked in immemorial tradi- ing of the ritual.
tions. As a commemorationofthe welcome he receivedhere
Since I946 M. Mitterrandhas made an annual pilgrim- in a difficulttime and of the marriagehe made, here in
age to Solutreto relive in memorythe war yearswhen, Bourgogne,with a familyand with a place, the ascent
newly escaped from Germany, he went into hiding phase of the ritual has a double significance.Here, on
nearby.He was givenrefugeby the Gouze familyalong one side, is a man who has sworn never to forgetand
with othernotable membersof the Resistance such as who has come to steephimselfin the contemplationofa
Henri Frenayand BertieAlbrecht.It is common knowl- past bothsomberand glorious;at the summitoftherock
edge that soon afterwardsthe futurepresidentmarried M. Mitterrandcan also meditatein peace on the future
of the country.But at the same time the ascent of Solu-
treRock is not made by one man alone. Everything here
remindsus of alliance and loyalty:the presenceof the
5. At the footofthisrock,a pile ofhorses'bonesand lithictools president'sfamilyand of his friends'spouses and chil-
datingto theUpperPalaeolithicwerediscoveredin I864. Accord-
ing to legend,theseprehistorichorsesthrewthemselves,forun- dren,the atmosphereof a springouting,in all this the
knownreasons,fromthe top ofSolutreRock. ritual presentsthe image of a shared well-being.It is

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 ABELES Modern Political Ritual | 397

thus describedby one of the joumalists present(Libera- pen in his case [Giscardwon the legislativeelections of
tion,Juneii, I984): I978]. Why do you want it to happen in mine?" (Le

GilbertMitterrandand the children,Mme. Hemu and

Monde,May 27, I985). One could well evoke other
statements by the president,other throw-awaylines
otherfriendsfromthe rue de Bievresun themselves
which delightedthe journalists.The inimitabletone of
at thesummit.TowardsI2:30 P.M. theadvanceguard the Solutre conversations,a mix of reflectionson the
arrives.The sunbumedRogerHanin, Mme. Lang and
solitaryexercise of power and very concrete observa-
herdaughter,GeorgesFillioud,JeanRiboud. For secu-
tions about the immediateconcems ofthe French,have
rityreasons,theyare not withouta following.The
made this pilgrimagea veritable"present-dayclassic."
partybreaksup to allow FrancoisMitterrandto arrive
This is a strangeevolutionofthis intimateritualthat
incognito.Riboud,sportingbig sunglasses,takes Fil-
after30-odd years has become an element in a com-
lioud by the arm,he wearingzip-fastenedslacks:
municativestrategy.Having become substantiallypolit-
"Georges,what has happenedto our things?"At
ical, this ritualmightseem in some way "denatured,"a
I2:30 P.M. the presidentis announced.FrancoisMit-
mere pretextforthe media operationsbeloved of pres-
terrandin the lead, thenHemu, Attali,Francheschi.
ent-daycommentators.But to dwell exclusivelyon this
... the presidenttells the children:"Be careful,don't
latteraspect of the presidentialday would be to go too
take risks!" To the joumalists who surroundhim:
far,reducingthe message ofthe ritualto what the presi-
"You are blockingmy view!"
dent says. While keepingtrackof the president,the an-
The second phase of the ritualbringsthe participants thropologistmust contest the type of approach that
togetherin a nearbyrestaurant,La Grangeau Bois. Here tends to impoverishthe significanceof the event as a
we again findthe good-naturedatmosphereof Solutre. whole. What we have seen is firstan ascent, and the
On the menu card is inscribed:"The Mitterrandfamily themeofverticalityhas its importancein Mitterrandian
relax over lunch in the wine country."Afterthis meal, symbolism.At the time ofhis installationin May I98I,
sharedby those describedby the press as "close friends thehead ofstatewentup, followedbymanyParisians,to
and neighbors"of the president,therecomes the great the top of the Montagne Sainte Genevieve to meditate
communicativemomentofthe day.Neitherformalcon- inside the Pantheon. The ascending characterof this
ferencenor anodynedialogue,the conversationbetween kind ofmovementpartlyreflectsthe protagonist'sposi-
M. Mitterrandand therepresentatives ofthepressseated tion in the political hierarchy.We have seen that the
aroundhim providesthe presidentwith an opportunity descent from Solutre provokes no comment, being
to expresshimselfon currentmattersof concem in an merely the necessary complement of the presidential
atmosphereof calm and, even, confidentiality. outing.The ascent gives evidence,as we have seen ear-
It will be seen that Solutreis also the occasion to de- lier, of the president'sstate of health. The ritual thus
livercertainanticipatorymessages about likelypolitical makes visible the man invested with supreme power,
developments.During the I986 pilgrimagethe head of exposing a president walking with his family and
stateindicatedhow he intendedto coexistwith the new friends.But it is also apparentthat the ascent not only
majority,and he let it be understoodthat the signingof tells us about the man but equally servesas the prelude
ordonnanceson denationalizationand the redrawingof to deeper reflection.As at the Pantheon, though in a
electoral boundaries would pose problems. Several verydifferent mode,thepresidenthas a rendezvouswith
monthslaterthe Frenchcould appreciatethe continuity historyat the summit: a veryancient historybeing ex-
ofpresidentialpolicyin thesematters.Otherstatements posed by the local archaeologistsand much morerecent
byM. Mitterrandin previousyearswere also predictive; eventsto do with the Resistance,but in both cases con-
thus,in I984, when asked about the head ofthe govem- ceming Franceand its greatness.
ment, the presidentreplied: "The prime ministerhas Here we come upon the authenticallyreligiousdimen-
plentyof qualities, much merit,much courageand sen- sion of the political ritual: exactlyas duringthe tourof
sitivity.He works a lot. It would not be easy to find Nievre,the sacredis hereinvoked.But at Solutrewe are
anotherwith such qualities. But such exist,I hope" (Le dealingwitha dialoguebetweenMitterrandtheman and
Monde, JuneI2, I984). A month later Laurent Fabius the transcendenthistoryof France, whereas the first
replaced PierreMauroy, who was certainlyaccumulat- ritual concemed the elected one and the Republican
ing a great many superlatives. The headlines of the tradition.While it is truethatthe tourofNievre and the
newspaper reportson the Solutre pilgrimageindicate Solutrepilgrimageparticipatealike in the construction
ratherclearlyhow these forecastsare understood:"Mit- ofthepresident'slegitimacy,the second ritualhas a par-
terrand:What I Know About Post-I986" (Liberation, ticularoriginality, introducinga new traditionmade en-
May 2, I985); "Mitterrandon His Rock: He Refusesto tirelyof symbolscreatedby M. Mitterrandhimself:the
Give Up AnyofHis Rights"(Le Quotidien de Paris,May place, thekindofmovement,the meditationat the sum-
27, I986). The year I985 providedthe presidentan op- mit,etc. By combiningthe registersofthe mundaneand
portunityto loose several shots at his political oppo- the sacred,theritualprovidesan arrestingsummationof
nents.ForM. Giscardd'Estaing,who would certainlysee the different facets of Mitterrand'spersonality,at the
the presidentof a futurecoexistence retiringto Ram- same time as it tendsto establishhim as a mythological
bouillet: "I believe he liked Rambouillet[an allusion to hero in an arrestingface-to-facewith the nation and
his predecessor'spassion forthe hunt].That didn'thap- withhistory.No pomp or fanfarehere,but the represen-

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398 1 CURRENT ANTHROPOLOGY Volume 29, Number 3, tune I988

tation of an unswervingloyaltyto a land and a people Observingthis interweavingof a religiousmotifand

among whom the presidenthas fought. profaneintentionalityallows us thebetterto understand
In the Solutreritualthe public man is fusedwith the the true complexityof the political ritual.It is evident
private,the mundane mergeswith the sacred to enrich that this ritual comportsa relationto the sacred.In de-
the personageof the presidentwith a more authentic creeing the separation of church and state, secular
dimension. In this sense the ritual constructsa richer France has not effaceda religious dimension which is
and morecompleximage ofits protagonistthanemerges one with the Republicanproject.6The visits of M. Mit-
fromthe customaryeulogies ofthepresidentin the news terrandto Nievre and Solutre affordthe opportunityto
media. These media obscure the passion, and where evoke those transcendentvalues called Nation, Re-
Generalde Gaulle managedthroughhis televised"High public, Land, Family,History.There is thus no differ-
Mass" to evoke a trulyspiritualrelationwith the coun- ence in kind between the political ritualsof traditional
try,M. Mitterrandremains one seen initiallyas just a societies and those contemporaneous with us. Like
major politician. During the Solutrepilgrimage,on the otherleading statesmen,the Presidentof the Republic
contrary,the political "message" simply prolongs a conformsto a logic of representationswhich preexists
moreloftykindofthought.Admittedly,theritual'sinvi- him: thatlogic ordersthe relationsofthe centralgovem-
tation to a conversationwith joumalists mightappear mentwith the different territorialsegmentsand decides
somewhat artificial,destroyingin some sort the har- theformofrepresentativity ofthe Republicanelect. The
monyofthis "familyouting,"or to reintroducethe con- rituallabor engendersthe insigniaof legitimacywithin
tingencyof the presentimmediatelyaftera momentof this framework.
withdrawal.In other words, what makes this day of Ifwe findagain in modem political ritualsthe formal
Pentecost propitious for the public display of the procedureswhich anthropologistshave describedin so-
thoughtsof the head of state? cieties fardistantin space and occasionallyin time,two
To answerthis question,it is necessaryto referto the characteristicscan be said to specifythose procedures:
meaning of Pentecost in the Christian tradition.We first,we have seen that conformity to values and forms
know that this festival commemorates,50 days after does not exclude the inventionof new rituals. In this
Easter,the effusionofthe Holy Spiritupon the Apostles respect the Solutre example is significant:here the
and the disciples of Christ.Accordingto the Acts of the public celebrationoriginatesin a strictlyprivateact and
Apostles (2:I-4I), the disciples who had scatteredafter participatesin the constructionof the presidentialper-
the arrestofJesusreturnedto Jerusalemand passed their sonalityand in his mythology.Secondly,the generation
days in prayerin a high room. The fiftieth day afterthe of signs in the ritual can eithertake the formof a mes-
Resurrectionof Christ,being assembled to the number sage, as in the case of the tourof Nievre as summarized
of i2o and praying,theywere suddenlyfilledwith the in the statement"the Presidentwill not insist on inau-
Holy Spiritand began speakingin foreigntonguesthey guratingthe chrysanthemums," or determinethe condi-
had neverlearned.At thattime therewere at Jerusalem tions of enunciation of a message, conferring a special
Jewswho had come fromall overthe worldto be present characteron it: thus the conversationwith the joumal-
at the festivalsand who were astonishedby this strange ists at Solutreappearsas a naturalprolongation,in both
phenomenonand accused the disciples of drunkenness. its tone and its content,of that of the precedingascent.
Peterthen spoke in replyto this accusation, and 3,000 These two aspects-invention and message-appear
people were instantlyconvertedbyhis words.The mira- to me to be peculiar to modem political ritual, even
cle ofPentecostthusmarkedthe beginningofa new era: allowing that ritual can vary greatlyin formin other
tongueswereunleashed,and prophecyexplodedthrough societies. Returningto the close relationbetweenmes-
those who had adopted the new faith. sage and ritual,the lattershould not be conceivedin an
Withoutmakingany pretenceof findingin this refer- instrumentalist fashion,such thatpolitical ritualserves
ence to the Acts of the Apostles any sort of key to the merelyas one ingredientamongotherswithinan overall
understandingof the Solutreritual,one point should be strategyofcommunication,forwe have seen thatrituals
notednonetheless:the descentof the Holy Spiritshows generatemany othermeanings than those expectedby
itself in the immediate ability to understandand be theirprotagonists.That thesepracticesparticipatein the
understood.Whetheror not the choice of this day for constructionofpolitical representativity does not make
frankdiscussion with the representativesof the infor- ofthema simple,ifsomewhatarchaic,instrumentofthe
mation media was intentional,it still takes on a partic- political spectacle. It means, on the contrary, thatritual
ular significancein this eminentlyreligious context. constructsa historicformoflegitimacy,an image ofthe
Whereas the interviewwith the journalistsappears at electedpersonwhich is reflected,in inevitablydistorted
firstsightas a profaneinterludecontrastingwitha ritual form,in the mirrorsofthe mass media. Farfrombeinga
that sets up a relation between the man and tran- mere survival,political ritual,whetherit appearsin the
scendence,the referenceto the miracle of Pentecostin- simple nudity of a formalvisitation or invents an al-
troduces a true continuitybetween the differentmo-
ments of the presidential day. More, it generates a
contextof enunciationpropitiousto the mode of com- 6. The factthattheintimaterelationbetweenthetheologicaland
thepoliticalwas thenceforthabolished(Leforti986:299) in no way
munication adopted by the head of state: confidential impliesa separationofthe politicaland the religious.Rather,we
and at times,ifnot prophetic,at least inclinedto predic- see a sacralizationof the Republicand of the representationsit
tion. bears.

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 ABELES Modern Political Ritual | 399

togethernew costumeforitself,constitutesa most effec- ply a question, perhaps to remain unanswered,rather

tive "snare forthought." than a criticism.

MAURICE BLOCH
Comments DepartmentofAnthropology, London School of
Economics,HoughtonSt., London WC2A 2AE,
England. 5 x 87
GEORGES AUGUSTINS
Laboratoired'Ethnologieet de Sociologie The comparison made by Abeles between the largely
Comparative,Universitede Paris x, 9200I Nanterre, unformulatedritualofMitterrand'sannual ascent ofthe
France.7 x 87 Solutreanrock,the inaugurationsofthe provincialvisit,
and Africanroyal rituals is most thought-provoking. It
One must certainlybe gratefulto Abeles forhavingtack- raises questions about the nature of the sacred and
led what he calls "modem political rituals" with the whether this folk concept from our religio/academic
rigourand considerationattachedto the studyof tradi- culture has any analytical value. It also makes us ask
tional societies. He seems perfectlyconvincingwhen he whether there really is a fundamentaldifferencebe-
concludes thatthe political "ritual" ofmodem societies tween "traditional"and modem society. To get fuller
is stagedin a contextin which secularizationis probably answersto these centralquestionsit would be necessary
not absolute and thatit is not a survivalbut a necessary to follow up similaritiesand differences in more detail
elementof the definitionof an individuallegitimacy. than is possible in an article,but we can be gratefulto
His contentionis that two featuresare necessaryto Abeles forhavingformulatedtheproblemso engagingly.
characterizepolitical "ritual": a dependencybetween I was particularlystruckby the crucial importanceof
formalizationand emotion and a necessaryrelationbe- the familiarthemes of aging,death, and continuityin
tweenthe "rite" itselfand its incorporationinto a wider the two examples,and I wonderifit is perhapsthis con-
political context. His analysis conceming this second tent,ratherthan the formalaspects by which ritual is
point is particularlyilluminatingand constitutesan es- usually defined,that makes us so readilyconcur with
sential intellectualtool forhis successors.The relation Abeles in his feelingthatthereis somethingin common
betweenformalizationand emotion seems to me more betweenthese acts ofMitterrandand ritualssuch as the
complexthanhe presentsit: manyrituals,includingre- Swazi Ncwala and the celebration of Pentecost. The
ligious ones, put up with disbelief;theymay or may not Ncwala is a ritual of renewal, and at its heart lies
generateemotionin a particularparticipant,but to what the symbolicdeath ofthe king,who is thenable to com-
extentthis emotion is relatedto beliefis a particularly mune withhis timelessancestorsand so regainpolitical
difficultquestion. and militarystrength.Similarly,Pentecostis the cele-
This bringsus to the centralissue thatAbeles's article bration of retumed vitality to the church after the
most judiciouslyraises: obviouslyit is deliberatelythat earthlydeathofChrist.Mitterrandtoo,byretumingto a
he uses the word "ritual" and not the word "ceremo- point of departureand so symbolicallycompletinga
nial." The use of the word "ritual" is justifiedby the joumey,is willinglyforthe momentacceptingagingand
referenceto an alleged "symbolicefficacy";one way of dying,aligninghimselfwith the old and the dead. But
understandingthis expressionmightbe as a particular this is only the beginningof the ritual.Mitterrandthen
impact of certainformalizedgesturesor words on the declaresthatthe death ofhis predecessorswas not truly
unconsciousofthe participant,who sees themas action final,and so by implicationneitheris his; like themhe
upon the world. I do not know if Abeles would agree will continuerevitalizedand purifiedbyhis shortperiod
withthisdefinition,but ifwhat is describedis actuallya in anotherworld on the summitof the rock halfwayto
ritualone mightexpect a descriptionof the mentalpro- heaven, in a place where beginningsand endingsmeet.
cess by which it becomes a "snare for thought."The He therebypowerfullylegitimiseshis promisedpolitical
whole problemofritualsis to make explicitthisconcept return as a strengthenedrejuvenatorof himself and
of"symbolicefficacy,"to elucidatetherelationbetween others.
ritualact and emotion. What Abeles describesare cere- There is something repulsively facile about such
monials, which in and of themselvesare discoursesin familiarperformances, but perhapsone of the most in-
action about legitimacy;he explains,convincingly,that terestingpoints made by Abeles is his referenceto the
they are something more than ordinarydiscourses, participants'simultaneousrecognitionof thisfacileele-
somethingin whichlegitimacyis reassertedbymeans of ment and theirapparentinabilityto escape a sentimen-
symbolic evocations, but the emotional involvement tality that, in more discursive contexts, they would
and involuntaryadherence of the individual spectator despise. The possibilityof having such apparentlycon-
are probablyfarless importantthan in the case of a be- tradictoryattitudesto a ritual and the feelingof being
liever attendinga religious rite. In other words, is it trappedby the performanceis not exceptionalbut typi-
sufficientto say thatthereis symbolicefficacybecause a cal not just of rituals in the West but of all rituals. I
conjunctionbetween formalizationand emotion possi- thereforedo not believe that thereis any fundamental
blyoccurs?How are we, in thisparticularcase, to under- differencebetween what Abeles describes and more
stand symbolicefficacy?This must be consideredsim- familiaranthropologicalcases.

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400 1 CURRENT ANTHROPOLOGY Volume 29, Number 3, tune I988

Nonetheless, there is a difference,and it lies in the small literaturein anthropologywhich might enable
degree to which the participantsbelieve that they are this task to be begun (e.g.,the work of Lane [I98I] and
creatingor inventingwhat theyare doing.In traditional Binns [I979]on the Soviet Union or thatofMass Obser-
African societies the participantssee themselves as vation on England[JenningsI937]).
merelyfollowingthe "custom of the ancestors,"but of Finally,I wonder if Abeles underestimatesthe con-
course theyare also, to a degree,reinventingthe ritual scious way in which contemporary politiciansand their
theyperform.They therebydelude themselvesin mini- advisers-possibly since the late fifties-have increas-
mizing the significanceof their intentionality.In the ingly set out to create images and effectsfor the
French case the participantsdelude themselvesin be- "media," e.g., forconsumptionon the eveningnews on
lievingthattheyare creatinganew, ex nihilo,whereasin TV. In Britainwe know that in the I983 election Mrs.
fact,as we have seen, they are followingfamiliarpat- Thatcher's itinerarywas planned months in advance,
tems. They,by contrast,are overestimatingtheirinten- with camera shots and "photo opportunities"worked
tionality.Perhapsthe familiarcontrastbetweenindivid- out in detail-something which all partieswere doing
ualism and holism, oftenlinked to a contrastbetween by I987.
"traditional"and "modem" societies, is nothingmore There is always a dangerthatethnography ofthiskind
than this-differentmisleadingfolk evaluations of the will be seen as little more than good joumalism. That
natureof actions which are in themselvesverysimilar. would be unfair,as the paperhas in an unobtrusiveway
much to say ofanalyticaland theoreticalinterest.There
are gaps,and in various respectsit is deficient,but I am
RALPH GRILLO glad to have seen it published.
School ofAfricanand Asian Studies, Universityof
Sussex, Falmer,Brighton,Sussex BNi 9QN, England.
I4X87 JAMES LETT
DepartmentofAnthropology, Indian River
This paper addresses in an interestingand thought- CommunityCollege, 3209 VirginiaAve., Ft. Pierce,
provokingway some importantquestions.The natureof Fla. 33454, U.S.A. 5 ix 87
ritualin contemporary Westem society,especiallypolit-
ical ritual of the kind Abeles examines,is a neglected Abeles's descriptionofpolitical ritualin the Mitterrand
subjectin anthropology, thoughperhapsnot as neglected presidencyis ethnographicallyrich and interesting.He
as he suggests.The ethnographicdetail is valuable, and offersa compellingdemonstrationof the importantrole
the commentaryon the two ritualsmakes a numberof that symbols and ritual play in the political organiza-
interestingpoints which illuminate,forme, certainas- tions of contemporary industrializedsocieties. I believe
pects of French political life (e.g., the importanceof he errs,however,when he arguesagainst"the notionof
place and roots). Some suggestionsforways in which total secularizationof political life" in France.I do not
this work could be extendedare in order. think,as Abeles does, that we are "dealing with rela-
First,the two rituals which Abeles discusses are of tionsofabidingcomplexity... betweenthepoliticaland
similar types and a particularkind. Without a wider the religious" (emphasis added). The Mitterrandrituals
rangeofdata,analysisofthe significanceoftheserituals that he describes are essentially devoid of any super-
can be only partialand suggestive.Both are minorlocal natural allusion or symbolism. Perhaps I am simply
ceremonies,albeit ones gracedby an importantperson- quibblingover semantics,but I thinknot. Most anthro-
age. A broadreviewofa wide rangeofcomparative,con- pologistsaccept the notionthatthe "supematural"(i.e.,
temporary and historical,Frenchmaterial(whichmayor the nonempirical)lies at the heart of any definitionof
may not be available) is necessary to allow their full "religion." The Mitterrandperformancesare assuredly
significanceto emerge.Forexample,I would like to see a symbolic and inescapably ritualistic, as Abeles ably
similar (contemporary)analysis of the great (Parisian) demonstrates,but they are not religious-and that is
occasions of state,followedby an examinationof con- preciselywhat is interestingabout them.
tinuityand changein FrenchstateritualfromLouis XIV Abeles correctlyobserves that magico-religioussup-
throughthe Revolutionand Napoleon to De Gaulle and port of political institutionsis ubiquitous in "tradi-
Mitterrand.The extensive sociohistoricalliteratureon tional" societies. Certainlycontemporary industrialized
political ritualin I7th- and i8th-centuryFranceshould state societies do claim supernaturalsupportfortheir
provide plenty of source material. The paper hints at politicalinstitutions,but,froman evolutionaryperspec-
some interestingdifferencesas well as similaritiesbe- tive, theyare doing so less and less. Political organiza-
tween the ritualsof De Gaulle and Mitterrandbut does tions in state societies continue to rely heavily upon
littleabout it. (A Frenchfriendobserved,"We are always highlychargedsymbolsand powerfulrituals,but those
tryingto resurrectthe kingwhose head we cut off!") symbols and rituals are quickly becoming secularized.
Secondly,the paper also hints at a comparativetask, This is what Wallace (I966) realized yearsago when he
but brieflyin its referenceto Swaziland. Equally if not wroteabout the preeminenceof ritualoverbelief.Con-
more illuminatingwould be a comparisonwith other temporaryindustrializedsocieties continueto have rit-
European and North American state systems (forex- uals of technology,therapy,ideology, salvation, and
ample, a comparisonon a line taken fromWashington revitalizationjust like band,tribal,chiefdom,and nonin-
throughLincoln to Kennedy and Reagan). There is a dustrialstate societies, but all five formsof ritual are

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 ABELE S Modern Political Ritual 140 I

losingtheirsupematuralideology.The formremainsthe amongphilosophers.At the same time,symbolicvalues

same, but the contenthas changeddramatically. have acquired greaterimportancein the understanding
Abeles's interestingarticledoes nothingifnot demon- of power and legitimacy.The functionof ritual is, as I
stratethis.The evocativesymbolsmanipulatedbyPresi- have explainedelsewhere(I987), to establishconsensus
dent Mitterrandat the inaugurationin Nevers are all withregardto legitimacy,and therefore it is as necessary
secular:thelayingofthememorialwreath,the awarding today as it was when the kings of France had to be
of the Legion of Honor, the reverentialallusion to "the crowned at Rheims and annointed with oil fromthe
land of Morvan," the affectionateembrace of a little Holy Phial to be legitimized.The riteshave changed;the
girl-these are all symbols of group identification,of need forthem remains.
nationalismand culturalheritage,and as such theydo Abeles's meticulous ethnographicdescriptionof the
notdependupon anysupematuralassociations.They are symbolicactivitiesof PresidentMitterrandcomes, after
powerfulsymbolsand theyare expressedin a ritualcon- various studies of ritualin industryand ludic ritessuch
text-and theirformand functionare identical to reli- as footballmatches (cf.Abeles I987), to reinforcethese
gious symbols expressedin religiousrituals-but they tendencies,lookingforthe hiddenmeaningsbehindthe
are not religioussymbols,nor is the inaugurationa reli- explicit justificationsof our collective practices.Thus
gious ritual.The same is true of Mitterrand's"pilgrim- he opens the road to a redefinitionof "ritual" and per-
age" to Solutre.Here, as Abeles observes,what Mitter- haps also of "the sacred," which covers much more to-
randsymbolicallyaffirms is his "unswervingloyaltyto a day than religiousceremonies.The distinctionbetween
land and a people," not to a god or a transcendentforce. politics and religion,taintedwith ethnocentrismat the
What I find most interestingabout Abeles's article, best of times, becomes untenable for anthropologists
though,is the paradigmaticissues that it suggests.His once God is no longerthe unique referentof sacrality.
analysisfollowsfairlyclosely the pointofview takenby PresidentMitterrand'ssuccess did not depend upon
symbolicanthropologists(Geertz I973, I983), with ad- any firm doctrinal commitment. He denies being a
ditional inspiration drawn from structuralists(Levi- Marxist(whateverthat means these days),and he came
Strauss I963, I976). Both of these paradigmsare cen- to socialism late in life. Nor was it due merelyto his
trally concemed with the role that symbols play in abilityin political manoeuvre (thoughthis has always
human life, and both recognize that the most power- been masterly)or his charisma(forhe is a secretiveand
ful symbols often find expression in ritual behavior. mysteriousfigure[see thefilmabout him "Certainsl'ap-
Abeles's article is furthervalidation of the utility of pellent'Francois' "]). In largeparthe owes his popularity
symbolicanthropology-theparadigmdoes in factlead as chiefof state to his handlingof symbolicvalues and
us to interesting insightsabout theworld.He has offered (forwant of a betterphrase)his "sense of the ritualsig-
us one more illustrationof how symbolicanthropology nificance"of his actions and words.Abeles's subject is
can be put to use, in effectperformingwhat Kuhn certainlywell chosen forsuch a theoreticaldemonstra-
(I970:25-28) calls "normal science"-examining the tion.
factsat hand,comparingthemwithhis paradigm'stheo-
retical predictions,and demonstratingthe paradigm's
theoreticalprinciples.As I have arguedelsewhere(Lett PETER H. STEPHENSON
I987), however,symbolic anthropologyand structural- DepartmentofAnthropology,Universityof Victoria,
ism do not,at the presenttime,need further demonstra- P.O. Box 1700, Victoria,B.C., Canada V8W2Y2.
tionsoftheirapplication.Instead,bothparadigmsneed a 20 X 87
more rigorousformulationof their theoreticalprinci-
ples. I do not faultAbeles forfailingto addressthisissue Abeles's thought-provoking descriptionand interpreta-
(I do not expect him to be interestedin the issues that tion of modem political ritualin Franceunderthe wan-
interestme). On the whole, however,myreactionto his ing presidency of Mitterrandposes many lines for
article is yes, that is intriguing;yes, I generallyagree; furthercommentary.I shall restrictmyselfto his essen-
but thereis otherwork to be done. tially"monistic" pointofview and the conceptuallimi-
tationsimposedon his interpretation byFrance'sbeinga
republic.These two issues are related,in my view, be-
JULIAN PITT-RIVERS cause both yield the same blind spot.
3, rue de l'Universite, 75007 Paris,France,I7 X 87 If one takes "monism" to mean that the universeof
explanationis sharedby analystand subject and conse-
During the last decade we have witnessedan expansion quently that anthropologicalresearch methods are as
in the definitionofritualto include actions and institu- useful in one's own society as elsewhere,then this is
tionsnotformerly recognizedas such. This development indeeda "monistic" work(see Leaf I979). As it happens,
is connectedwith an increase in the numberof ethno- I agree with this position, but it is not clear whether
graphicstudiesofcivilised,supposedlyrationalsocieties Abeles's conclusion that "thereis thus no difference in
and the breakdown of the conceptual distinctionbe- kindbetweenthepolitical ritualsoftraditionalsocieties
tween themand those of supposedlymagical mentality. and of those contemporaneouswith us" derives from
The old opposition,datingfromTylor,between ritual adherenceto a monisticpoint of view or inheresin the
and rationalityhas (at last!) been dissipated.The whole mannerin which he mounts his description.I suspect
notion of rationalityhas, in fact,taken a knock, even thatit is partlythe latter,because it is ratherdifficultto

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402 1 CURRENT ANTHROPOLOGY Volume 29, Number 3, June 988

assume the privilegedposition of an outsiderwith spe- is my strongimpression,given the recentevents in the

cial knowledge when one works at home, where the presidentialselection process in the United States (the
elitism so opaque (and acceptable) in the cross-cultural retreatfromthe frayof several candidatesin "personal"
situationbecomes transparent(and intolerable).My sus- disgrace)that the lives of politicians tend farmore to-
picion arises fromthe simple fact that Abeles only as- ward crucial symbolicinterpretation in a republicthan
serts his conclusion-he does not marshal any direct in a parliamentarydemocracywith a monarchsuch as
evidence for it here. A briefreadinglist of others' re- Britain,Holland, or Canada. Several Canadian prime
search does not really sufficeas evidence forwhat he ministershave had verydifficult personallives thatwere
describesonly as "traditional"society.By "traditional" well known to the public but had little if any conse-
one suspectshe means a monarchyofsome sortand not quence fortheirpolitical lives.
a republic,and preferably a non-European,nonconstitu- Justa week ago, Queen ElizabethvisitedVictoria,Brit-
tional monarchy.To draw the conclusion Abeles does, ish Columbia, where I live. She only stayedan hour at
ratherthan merelypresupposingit, would necessitatea the airport,and her visit was describedby the press as
careful comparison with other societies and would "shortbut sweet." Since Victoriawas herpointofentry
emerge fromthe data ratherthan overwhelmit with into the country,the presence of both the governor
assertionssupportedwith a mere handfulof references general (her appointee) and the prime minister (her
to otherworks by otherwritersabout othertimes and "servant")was required.The press went into the usual
places. rhapsodiesabout her attireand quoted snippetsof con-
I suspect that the case Abeles puts forwardcan be versationwithold soldiersand children,totallyignoring
made, but it also entails utilizing a differentset of the prime minister,whose political interestsseemed
categoriesthan "traditional" and "contemporaneous," submergedin the wake of the travellingmonarch. In
which simplyreducehistoryto criticallydimensionless fact,he had everyreason to be over 3,000 miles away in
cultural stereotypesno more satisfactorythan "primi- Ottawa,wherehis governmentwas at a criticaljuncture
tive" and "modem." These categoriesmustbe historical in Canadian-Americantrade talks, but "pomp and cir-
in nature: postmonarchic republic, constitutional cumstance"requiredhis presenceand his formalsilence
monarchy(parliamentary), etc. For example,Franceis a on VancouverIsland.
republicthat has experienceda historicallywrenching My pointis simplythatwherepoliticalpowermust be
division between sacred power and profanepolitical gained and subsequentlyreaffirmed by a solitaryleader
power. Consequently,the symbols and political ritual (whetherpresidentor king)in a ritualizedperformance,
that brushthe touchstonesto legitimatecurrentoffice- the personal stake of the leader is such that he must
holdersmust do so ratherdifferently than forpolitical continue to invoke sacred powers and trustsin ways
leaders still encumbered with monarchs whose sole which personifythe condition of the people. Where a
functionis to personifythe state. monarchycontinues but can no longer be gained by
Mitterrandhas his Solutre,Americanpresidentstheir political leadersotherthan througha regicidewhich the
folksytrips to the ranch or firesidechats. In both in- politicalimpotenceofthe monarchcould neverwarrant,
stances the "personalizedrituals" seem to have become the onlyexpressiona primeministercan make is one of
extremelyimportantto the public, the media, and the loyaltyof varyingdegrees.The symbolicpotencyof the
presidents themselves. Perhaps this is because the monarchand the political power of the primeminister
deepervalues held by all in a republiccan onlybe effec- are to be kept separate,and infringement by eitheris
tivelycommunicatedin the absence of the regal pomp regardedby the pressand the people as dangerous.Impe-
and fanfarethey have replaced. There may have been rial presidentsmay edge cautiously in the directionof
timesand places in whichkingsand queens were obliged "l'etat c'est moi" in the absence of a monarchin ways
to do somethingsimilarin orderto earn the privilegeof thatparliamentaryrepresentativesin a monarchycould
asserting their power, but in today's constitutional nevereven attempt.Ironically,then,if thereis littleto
monarchies that time has long past. Today's mon- separate imperial presidents from earlier kings-as
archs-one has onlyto thinkofElizabeth and Beatrix- Abeles suggests-there is still plentyto separateleaders
may representboth the state and historyin theirvery in today's constitutionalmonarchiesfromboth.
persons.Perhapsthis explains in partthe public obses-
sion with what they wear ratherthan what they say.
PrinceCharles,forexample,may give an addresson re-
buildingBritain'sinnercities with a greatdeal of scope Reply'
forpolitical interpretationby the media, but the latter
will describeat lengthwhat his wifewore forthe occa-
sion and not reporta word he uttered.Mitterrand'sand MARC ABELES
Reagan's attiregains symbolic value during"personal Paris,France. 24 xi 87
ritual moments" as well because in the absence of a
monarchtheytoo may personifythe state,but this can The comments on this analysis of modem political
be taken only so farwithoutoffending democraticsen- ritualtie in with questions thatI myselfhave been pon-
sibilities.The primeministerin a constitutionalmonar-
chy can never representthe state withoutusurpingthe
onlyremainingfunctionofthemonarch.Furthermore, it I. Translatedby MaryTurton.

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 ABELES Modern Political Ritual | 403

deringand am farfromhavingresolved.ThereforeI shall Augustinsobserves correctlythat I deliberatelyused

not pretendto solve the oftenverycomplex problems the word "ritual" and not "ceremonial." It is truethatI
thatmy colleagues so kindlyhelp me to formulate. particularlystressedthe relationshipbetweena riteand
It may seem somewhat "thought-provoking" to treat its political context. Augustins's remarks concerning
the excursionsofthe Presidentofthe Republicas exotic the symboliceffectivenessof ritual give full value to a
rituals,but thereis no legitimateobjectionto this kind point of view that I underestimatedin my analysis: the
of comparison. On the contrary,it seems to me that point of view of those who are presentat the ritualbut
when we are studyingour own societies it is important play no directpartin it. To explainhow operationssuch
to distance ourselves somewhat fromevents that seem as I describedcan arouse a formofemotionin thepublic,
all the morenaturalto us because we are accustomedto I insisted on the multiplicityof the registersmanipu-
observingthem every day. This is one of the major lated by PresidentMitterrand.But we must also bear in
difficultiesencounteredin the anthropologyof modern mindthepsychologicalmechanismsdetermining the re-
societies: not to become ensnaredby the image of itself actions of the individual spectators.It is here that we
that our society projects. To overcome the obstacle feelthe need forconvincingexplanatory"paradigms,"to
raised by this overfamiliarity with our subject, a reso- use Lett's expression.
lutely comparativeapproach is essential. It was with This awareness of somethinglackingin anthropology
this in mind that I referredto the Swazi ritual so well does not,however,seem to me to invalidatethe develop-
analyzed by Hilda Kuper. ment of researchinto the symbolicbases of legitimacy,
Grillo observescorrectlythat I mightprofitablyhave which is as much the prerogativeof historiansas of an-
comparedthe ritualsof FrancoisMitterrandwith those thropologists.One may marvelat the povertyofthe an-
of American presidentsand, more generally,used his- thropologyof modem societies in this matter,whereas
toricdocumentsrelatingto ritespractisedby the kings the historianshave ceaselesslyprobedthe question (see,
of France and by Napoleon. It seems to me that with forexample, Kantorowicz [I957] on the symbolismof
such an encyclopaedicapproachone would be in danger theroyalbodyand Duby [I 978] on thetheoryofordersin
oflosing sightof the real object of the work-namely, a the Middle Ages). May we use the word "sacred" about
betterunderstandingof the functionof political rituals these ritualspracticedby politicians and echoed in the
in our societies-in a welterofhistoricalreferences. It is media? My criticstake different positionson thispoint.
here,as I understandit, that the difference betweenthe Lett,in his otherwisestimulatingcomment,assertsthat
journalistand the anthropologistcomes into play: the modem rituals "are essentially devoid of any super-
former describes the phenomenon, sometimes very natural allusion or symbolism."But I cannot see how
shrewdly;the lattertriesto understandits sociological thetransformation ofsymboliccontent,the substitution
and symbolicimplications. of notions such as the Republic or the Nation forthe
One of the problematicalaspects of this paper is the notion of divinity,should automaticallyimplythe dis-
contrastbetweenthe modem and the traditional.Here I appearanceofbeliefas an expressionofreligion.Francois
have retumed to a distinctionnot always explicit but Mitterrandis obviouslyno priest,and the pilgrimageto
always present in anthropology-one that has devel- Solutredoes not figurein an ecclesiasticalcontext.But it
oped, incidentally,froma dichotomybetween "other" is obvious too that an explanationthat retainsnothing
("primitive,""exotic," "holistic") societies and our own but the "mechanical" aspects of the ritual distortsits
so-called "complex," "modem," "individualistic,"etc., real import.It is not by chance thathistoriansspeak of
ones. Now, this dichotomyis clearly ratherarbitrary: "secular worship" in connection with the ceremonies
Stephenson seems to think that I could not adopt it performedat war memorials: "It is secular worship
withoutbeingpreparedto accept "culturalstereotypes." without god or priest.Or ratherthe priestand the be-
He criticizesmy "monistic point of view": am I really liever mergetogether,"writesProst (in Nora i984:221)
blindedby the nearnessof my subject?But in thatcase, on the subject of the commemorationsof the armistice
is an anthropologyof our societies conceivable at all? of I9I8. In anothercontext,we may note the significant
When I write that "there is thus no difference in kind remarkof Ramsay Macdonald, a leadernot suspectedof
betweenthe political ritualsof traditionalsocieties and any particularreligiosity,on the occasion of the jubilee
ofthose contemporaneouswith us," I am onlychalleng- of George V: "We all went away feelingthat we had
ing a dichotomythat is merelypedagogicalat best. Let taken part in somethingverymuch like a Holy Com-
us say thatwe must be preparedto complicateproblems munion" (quoted by Cannadine in Hobsbawm and
ifit leads, given a littlepatience,to a bettersolution. RangerI983: I 52).
Besides,I thinkStephensonis well aware ofthis,since Pitt-Rivers,a pioneer in the anthropologyof modern
he complicatesmy puzzle by introducinga stimulating societies, pleads fora redefinitionof ritual and the sa-
comparisonbetweenpresidentialsystemsand constitu- cred.This seems to me to be all the moresensibleas the
tional monarchies.This seems to me a veryimportant intricationbetween the political and the religious,an
question, and I have tackled it in a paper to appear example ofwhich I have analyzed,forcesus back to pre-
shortlyon the symbolismoffiliationin the presidential conceived definitionsthat are not untainted by eth-
traditionof the FifthRepublic and in the functioningof nocentrism.It is no doubt one of the contributionsof
the Britishmonarchy.The role of leaders in a constitu- anthropologicalproceduresthat theycall into question
tional monarchyis worthyof studyon its own because artificialdivisions(politics,religion,etc.) thatin no way
of the eminentand ambiguousposition theyenjoy. correspondto the realityof social practices.

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404 1 CURRENT ANTHROPOLOGY Volume 29, Number 3, June1988

Francois Mitterrand'sexceptional political success our societies withoutfallingvictimto the fascinationof

since at last he took up the chargeof Presidentof the the institutional-state model and the languageofwhich
Republic can be explained largely by the skill with it is a vehicle. That is why, at a time when the social
which he manages to harnessthese diffuseformsof be- sciences appear to have their vision clouded by their
liefin values whose persistencehas been demonstrated own history,it seems to me a veryhealthythingthatan
in a recentbook (Nora I984). Whereasthe purelypracti- extensionof the fieldof political anthropologyinto the
cal actions of the Frenchpresidenthave nevereliciteda modem age should fumishmaterialfora debate richin
real consensus, the remarkablesymbolicwork he per- stakes of an epistemologicalnature.
formsnot only in his speeches but in the way he "con-
textualizes" them has made him a rallying point,
whence the greatpopularityhe enjoys at the end of his
second term.
Bloch's commentsstrengthenme in the idea thatref- ReferencesCited
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impossibleto escape froma confrontation with what is ABELES, M. I986. L'anthropologue et le politique.L'Homme26
different. Bloch sees in the pilgrimageto Solutrea ritual (1-2):I91-212.
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