TROY CITY, HOMER AND TURKEY

CITY
HOMER
TURKEY

CHIEF EDITORS
Jorrit Kelder, Günay Uslu, Ömer Faruk Şerifoğlu

EDITORIAL TEAM
René van Beek, Floris van den Eijnde,
Gert Jan van Wijngaarden

WITH CONTRIBUTIONS BY
Willem J. Aerts, Rüstem Aslan, Mithat Atabay,
Beşir Ayvazoğlu, Mathieu de Bakker, Pim den Boer,
Diederik Burgersdijk, Christiaan Caspers, Hein van Eekert,
Floris van den Eijnde, Laurien de Gelder, Rudolph Glitz,
Irene J.F. de Jong, Jorrit Kelder, Alwin Kloekhorst,
Jacqueline Klooster, Marco Poelwijk, Winfred van de Put,
Wendy Rigter, David Rijser, Ömer Faruk Şerifoğlu,
Ali Sönmez, Şükrü Tül, Günay Uslu, Herbert Verreth,
Willemijn Waal, Gert Jan van Wijngaarden

COORDINATION
Paulien Retèl
This joint publication by the Allard Pierson Museum and Sezer WITH SPECIAL THANKS TO
Tansuğ Sanat Vakfi in cooperation with the Zenobia Founda- Rüstem Aslan, Projekt Troia, Çanakkale
tion is published alongside the exhibition Troy. City, Homer Mustafa Küçük, Ottoman Archives of the Prime Ministry, Istanbul
and Turkey from 7 December 2012 to 5 May 2013 in the Allard Havva Koç, Library of the Archaeological Museum in Istanbul
Pierson Museum in Amsterdam. Mithat Atabay, University of Çanakkale

WORKS LOANED BY
Ministry of Culture and Tourism (Ankara), Çanakkale
Arkeoloji Müzesi (Çanakkale), Çorum Arkeoloji Müzesi
(Çorum), İstanbul Arkeoloji Müzeleri (Istanbul), Gülbün
Mesara Koleksiyonu (Istanbul), Special Collections of the
University of Amsterdam, EYE Film Institute the Nether-
lands, Hoogsteder & Hoogsteder (The Hague), Koninklijke
Musea voor Kunst en Geschiedenis (Brussels), Rijksmuseum van
Oudheden (Leiden), Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Vorder-
asiatisches Museum and Museum für Vor- und Frühgeschichte
ORGANISING COMMITTEE MINISTRY (Berlin), Turkish Consulate (Rotterdam), Cevdet Serbest
OF CULTURE AND TOURISM OF THE (Istanbul), Günay Uslu (Amsterdam), Ömer Faruk Şerifoğlu
REPUBLIC OF TURKEY (Istanbul), and private collections.
Ertuğrul Günay, Minister of Culture and Tourism
Özgür Özaslan, Undersecretary, Ministry of Culture and Tourism
O. Murat Süslü, Director General for Cultural Heritage and
Museums
Abdullah Kocapınar, Deputy Director General for
Cultural Heritage and Museums
Zülküf Yılmaz, Head of Museums Department,
Cultural Heritage and Museums
Nilüfer Ertan, Head of Cultural Activities Section,
Cultural Heritage and Museums
Hanife Çırak, Archaeologist, Cultural Heritage and Museums

BOARD OF RECOMMENDATION
Jan Paul Dirkse, Dutch Ambassador to Turkey
Eberhard van der Laan, Mayor of Amsterdam and honorary
chairman of the Association of Friends of the Allard Pierson Museum
Özgür Özaslan, States Secretary for Culture and Tourism
of the Republic of Turkey
Enis Tataroğlu, Director Turkish Tourist Office, The Hague

SPONSORS AND FUNDS

The exhibition, book and symposium received the generous
support of the Turkish Tourist Office as main sponsor, Turkey-
Netherlands 400 years, Corendon Touristic, Sezer Tansuğ San-
at Vakfı, Mondriaan Fonds, Prins Bernhard Cultuurfonds, SNS
REAAL Fonds, VSBfonds, Labrys Reizen, Stichting Charema –
Fonds voor Geschiedenis en Kunst, the research priority Herit-
age and digital culture of the University of Amsterdam, and the
Friends of the Allard Pierson Museum.

WITH THE SUPPORT OF

NWO Mosaic
 CONTENTS

FOREWORD 6 THE RENAISSANCE OF TROY

Ministry of Culture and Tourism of the Republic of Turkey – O. Murat Süslü 9 6.1 The second round: the battle for Troy in the Renaissance – David Rijser 105
Embassy of the Republic of Turkey to the Netherlands – Uğur Doğan 10 Mehmed II and Troy – Günay Uslu 106
Allard Pierson Museum and Sezer Tansuğ Sanat Vakfi – Wim Hupperetz, Ömer Taşdelen 10 6.2 Homer and Troy: from European to disputable lieux de mémoire – Pim den Boer 112
6.3 Shakespeare’s Troilus and Cressida – Rudolph Glitz 118
6.4 Troy in the opera – Hein van Eekert 121
1 THE STORY OF TROY
1.1 Homer: poet, poetry and the promise of eternal renown – Irene J.F. de Jong 13 7 SCHLIEMANN AND THE REDISCOVERY OF TROY
1.2 The origins of the Trojan cycle – Jorrit Kelder 16 7.1 Heinrich Schliemann, scientist and romantic? – Gert Jan van Wijngaarden 129
Iron in the Bronze Age – Jorrit Kelder 17 Schliemann’s excavations – Gert Jan van Wijngaarden 132
An Anatolian Iliad? – Willemijn Waal 18 7.2 Schliemann and the Ottoman Turks – Günay Uslu 133
1.3 A broader perspective: an overview of the East – Willemijn Waal 19 Schliemann’s excavation permit – Günay Uslu 134
7.3 The discovery and smuggling of ‘Priam’s Treasure’ – Rüstem Aslan and Ali Sönmez 137
2 THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF TROY Dating ‘Priam’s Treasure’ – Rüstem Aslan and Ali Sönmez 140
2.1 The archaeology of Troy in Prehistory – Gert Jan van Wijngaarden 23
2.2 Troy VI and VIIa in the Late Bronze Age – Wendy Rigter and Gert Jan van Wijngaarden 28 8 HOMER AND TROY IN MODERN TURKEY
The archaeology of everyday life: the pottery of Troy VI and VII – Wendy Rigter 34 8.1 Homer and Troy in 19th century Ottoman Turkish literature – Günay Uslu 143
2.3 From Achilles to Alexander – Floris van den Eijnde 37 8.2 Neo-Hellenism in Turkey – Beşir Ayvazoğlu 150
8.3 Atatürk in Troy – Rüstem Aslan and Mithat Atabay 155
3 TROY AND ITS NEIGHBOURS 8.4 The Blue Anatolians – Ömer Faruk Şerifoğlu 160
3.1 The Hittites – Willemijn Waal 43 8.5 Homer and Smyrna (Izmir) – Şükrü Tül 162
Alakšandu of Wiluša – Willemijn Waal 44
3.2 The language of Troy – Alwin Kloekhorst 46 9 ETERNAL TROY
3.3 The Mycenaean Greeks – Jorrit Kelder 51 9.1 The excavations in Troy from past to present: the discoveries,
Mycenaean Greek – Marco Poelwijk discussions and results – Rüstem Aslan 167
Is it Troia, Truva or Troy? – Rüstem Aslan 171
4 HOMER AND TROY 9.2 Troy as displayed in museums – Laurien de Gelder 172
4.1 Troy and the war: archaeology, documentary sources and epic – Jorrit Kelder 57 9.3 Troy as comic strip – Herbert Verreth 174
A war over Troy in the Tawagalawa letter? – Willemijn Waal 59 9.4 The Iliad in the 20th century – Jacqueline Klooster 175
4.2 The world of Homer – Floris van den Eijnde 64
Creation and transmission of the Homeric epic
– Mathieu de Bakker and Floris van den Eijnde 69 BIBLIOGRAPHY 180
4.3 Homer and the eternalising of transient Troy – Mathieu de Bakker 70
TEXT CREDITS 182
5 TROY IN THE GRAECO-ROMAN WORLD
5.1 ‘The very ruins have been destroyed’. Troy in Graeco-Roman literatur – Christiaan Caspers 77 ILLUSTRATION CREDITS 183
5.2 Troy in Greek art – more than illustrations to Homer – Winfred van de Put 83
5.3 The Troy Game: the Trojan heritage in the Julio-Claudian house – Diederik Burgersdijk 90 PRODUCTION CREDITS 184
5.4 Troy in Byzantium – Willem J. Aerts 98
FOREWORD

MINISTRY OF CULTURE
AND TOURISM OF THE REPUBLIC
OF TURKEY

To mark the occasion of 400 years of diplomatic relations between the Netherlands and
Turkey, the Allard Pierson Museum, the archaeological museum of the University of Amsterdam,
is organising the exhibition Troy. City, Homer and Turkey, which also displays artefacts from the
Archaeological Museum of Istanbul and from museums in Çanakkale and Çorum.
Troy lies in Turkey on the eastern shores of the Dardanelles, at the most important crossing
point linking north and south, east and west. With the start of excavations in the 1870s, Troy
became one of the world’s most important archaeological regions. All the remains and the finds
made there reflect the typically Anatolian characteristics of Trojan culture.
The story told in the 8th century bc by the great poet Homer, who originated from Western
Anatolia, in his Iliad about the Trojan War is of an artistic and literary worth that continues to
have an impact into our era in a wide range of artistic fields, including literature, film, theatre,
painting and sculpture. The war in the epic was between the Achaeans from the other side of
the Aegean and the indigenous Anatolian Trojans. For this reason Troy continued to live on
in the memory down the centuries, on account of the conflict between West and East and be-
tween Europe and Asia. The Persian King Xerxes visited Priam’s citadel during his campaign
against Greece, while the Macedonian Alexander the Great paid a visit to the tomb of Achilles
during his conquest of Asia. The region’s significance was underlined once more by the events and
occurrences following the conquests of the great Ottoman Sultan Mehmed II in 1462 and those
of the great leader Atatürk, founder of the Republic of Turkey, in the Battle of the Dardanelles.
For this reason it is significant that Troy, where the culture of the world has its roots, was declared
a ‘National Peace Park’ by the Republic of Turkey on 30 October 1996.
This exhibition includes important finds from the excavations conducted by Heinrich
Schliemann between 1870 and 1890 and by Carl Blegen between 1932 and 1939: from the Bronze
Age axes, a gold nugget and gold rod, pottery, weaving weights, drinking cups (depas), necklaces
and a stone idol; from the Hellenic Period heads of terracotta figurines; and from the Roman era
Ilion coins referring back to ancient Troy. Alongside all this, there are tablets on which the kings
of Ahhiyawa are referred to, as well as a treaty between Troy and Hattuša.
I am confident that the current close ties of friendship binding the Netherlands and Turkey will
be strengthened even further by this exhibition. I would like to take the opportunity to express
my thanks to all those who have contributed to making this exhibition possible.

O. Murat Süslü, director-General Cultural Heritage and Museums

Ministry of Culture and Tourism of the Republic of Turkey

9
TROY CITY, HOMER AND TURKEY

FOREWORD the ground-breaking research she conducted for her doctoral thesis at the European Cultural
History Department of the University of Amsterdam, provided powerful and essential stimulus
EMBASSY OF THE REPUBLIC OF for this project. Collaboration between the Allard Pierson Museum and Sezer Tansuğ Sanat Vakfı
was key to its success and finds expression in this publication, the exhibition and the symposia.
TURKEY TO THE NETHERLANDS The exceptional loans from Turkish collections were made possible only with the generous
agreement of the Ministry of Culture and Tourism in Ankara. We would in particular like to
express our heartfelt thanks to the Minister of Culture and Tourism of the Republic of Turkey,
The exhibition Troy. City, Homer and Turkey is being held in Amsterdam at a most propitious Ertuğrul Günay, the Secretary of State of the Ministry of Culture and Tourism, Özgür Özaslan,
time, as we are celebrating the 400th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations and to O. Murat Süslü, Director General for Cultural Heritage and Museums at the Ministry of
between Turkey and the Netherlands. As Troy connects our rich and diverse cultures hailing from Culture and Tourism, for the confidence that they have shown in us. We greatly appreciate their
almost 3,000 years back, the unique relationship between our two countries, based on mutual generous agreement and the efforts of their staff at the Ministry of Culture and Tourism, at the
respect and cooperation, has been reinforced by 400 years of unblemished history. İstanbul Arkeoloji Müzeleri (Istanbul Archaeology Museums), the Çanakkale Arkeoloji Müzesi
Now, the exhibition at the prestigious Allard Pearson Museum of Amsterdam will undoubtedly and at the Çorum Arkeoloji Müzesi (Çorum Archaeology Museum). The same applies to the sup-
act as an excellent conduit to project our deeply rooted common bonds into the future. port we have received through the Turkish Embassy in the person of Uğur Doğan, Turkish ambas-
The name “Troy” conjures up many different images to one’s mind – wars, fascinating histori- sador to the Netherlands, along with the members of his staff, Cem Utkan, M. Hakan Cengiz and
cal figures, the Trojan Horse, human tragedies and so on. While reminding us of the destructive Enis Tataroğlu, director of the Turkish Tourist Office in the Netherlands.
effects of rivalry, war and deception, it also inspires us to value human interactions and to respect The exhibition was put together by a team of curators comprising Günay Uslu, René van Beek
one another’s cultures and common historical heritage. I believe we should concentrate more on and Gert Jan van Wijngaarden. Marian Schilder was project leader, and the management group
this positive side, as we need understanding and tolerance to flourish more than ever today. was chaired by Steph Scholten, director of the Heritage Collections of the University of Amster-
It is my firm belief that this exhibition will further enhance recognition and tolerance dam. We would also like to thank others who loaned artefacts to the exhibition: Alix Hänsel of
between identities and cultures that are different but also very similar. Therefore, I owe an the Museum für Vor- und Frühgeschichte (Museum for Prehistory and Early History), Berlin,
immense amount of thanks and appreciation to all those distinguished scholars, curators and oth- Joachim Marzahn of the Vorderasiatisches Museum (Near East Museum), Berlin, Michel Draguet
ers who brought these truly unique works of art and relics together to the benefit of the discerning of the Koninklijke Musea voor Kunst en Geschiedenis (Royal Museums of Art and History),
public in the Netherlands. Brussels, Wim Weijland of the Rijksmuseum van Oudheden (National Museum of Antiquities),
Leiden, Garrelt Verhoeven of the Special Collections of the University of Amsterdam, John Hoog-
Uğur Doğan, ambassador to the Netherlands of the Republic of Turkey steder and Willem Jan Hoogsteder of Hoogsteder & Hoogsteder, The Hague, Cevdet Serbest,
Gunay Uslu, Ömer Faruk Şerifoğlu, and private collections.
A group of Turkish and Dutch specialists were asked to publish their most recent insights into
Troy for the purposes of this publication. We wish to express our gratitude to these authors and
the Zenobia Foundation. This publication was coordinated by Paulien Retèl, and the senior edi-
tors included Günay Uslu, Ömer Faruk Şerifoğlu and Jorrit Kelder, with an editing team consist-
ing of René van Beek, Floris van den Eijnde and Gert Jan van Wijngaarden. We would particu-
larly like to thank our translators Cem Yavuz, Kutse Altın, Rohan Minogue, Corinna Vermeulen
FOREWORD and Ilia Neudecker and everyone who contributed to creating this publication.
The project has been supported by J.P. Dirkse, the Dutch ambassador to Turkey, Filiz Güneş, the
ALLARD PIERSON MUSEUM AND cultural attaché in Ankara and Fokke Gerritsen of the Netherlands Institute in Istanbul, Turkey.

SEZER TANSUĞ SANAT VAKFI

The project could not have been realised without the generous support of many donors and
sponsors, including the Turkish Tourist Office as main sponsor, 400 years Netherlands Turkey,
Corendon International Travel, Sezer Tansuğ Sanat Vakfı Foundation, the Mondriaan Fund, the
Prince Bernhard Culture Fund, the SNS REAAL Fund, the VSB Fund, Stichting Charema –
Troy. City, Homer and Turkey is a collaborative project with many dimensions and perspectives. Fonds voor Geschiedenis en Kunst, the research priority Heritage and digital culture of the Uni-
It rounds off the celebrations marking 400 years of diplomatic relations between Turkey and the versity of Amsterdam and the Friends of the Allard Pierson Museum.
Netherlands in 2012 and provides a good launching pad and powerful impetus to a wide range Ilion, the immortal city of Homer, remains a nonpareil source of inspiration to all humanity for
of new initiatives between the two countries. New finds and recent research have provided fresh 3,000 years. We hope, through this project, once again it will be realised that European cultural
perspectives to Troy. City, Homer and Turkey - in cooperation with Sezer Tansuğ Sanat Vakfı- as history is inextricably bound up with Troy, the major heritage site in Turkey.
may be seen from this publication accompanying the exhibition of the same name in the Allard
Pierson Museum, the archaeology museum of the University of Amsterdam. Wim Hupperetz, director, Allard Pierson Museum
Those who think about Troy and Homer do not automatically think of Turkey. But this will Ömer Taşdelen, Sezer Tansuğ Sanat Vakfı
certainly change after reading this publication and seeing the accompanying exhibition. This is
thanks primarily to Günay Uslu, the initiator of the project. Her initial programme, along with

10 11
1 THE STORY HOMER: POET, POETRY AND
THE PROMISE OF ETERNAL RENOWN
OF TROY IRENE J.F. DE JONG

Whoever thinks of Troy thinks of Homer. In the Iliad this poet Phemius (a name suspiciously like that of the famous singer in
evokes the city of Troy and above all the fate of its inhabitants the Odyssey), is convinced one day by a certain Mentes (again
so vividly that European cultural history is unimaginable with- a protagonist in the Odyssey) to set out on a journey, during
out them. Troy lay in ruins after the 12th century bc and only which they call at Ithaca, among other places, etc. etc.
modest attempts at rebuilding were ever made, but in Homer’s Given these uncertainties, it is not surprising that it was sug-
poetry the city lives on in all its glory with its ‘strong walls’, gested in the 19th century – and again more recently – that
‘high gates’ and ‘wide streets’. A later Greek epigrammist puts Homer never existed. Singers performing the Iliad and the
the following words into the mouth of the city of Troy itself – Odyssey were said to have invented the legend of a mythical pre-
referred to here as Ilion: decessor ‘Homer’ in order to lend greater status to their poems.
This may perhaps go too far, but what is certain is that
Strangers, time’s ashes have completely devoured me, Homer stands in a long tradition of oral singing. This tradition
the renowned city, holy Ilion, arose in the Mycenaean era (1600-1200 bc), was taken to Asia
once famed for its walls with their strong bulwarks, but in Minor by singers following the fall of the Mycenaean palaces
Homer I still exist, protected by bronze gates. The spears of (1200 bc), and ultimately flourished along the border of Aeolia
the destroying Greeks shall not again dig me up, but I shall with Ionia. It is entirely possible that Homer was an excep-
be on the lips of all Greeks. tionally talented singer and that his epic poems were written
(Euenus Anthologia Palatina 9.62) down, or at least permanently fixed, on account of their excep-
tional quality, abetted perhaps by special circumstances. These
Who was this poet Homer, who created such influential works circumstances could have been the introduction of writing.
of art with his Iliad and Odyssey? Unfortunately here we are Another possible factor was the rise of the great Pan-Hellenic
groping about in the dark. The ancient Greeks themselves knew festivals in the 7th century bc. During a festival of this kind,
nothing with certainty about their greatest poet, and today we the public had the time to listen to long poems like the Iliad –
have not progressed much further. His identity, date of birth the roughly 15,000 lines need 24 hours to recite. Greek tragedy
and where he lived are shrouded in mist. His dates range from likewise later developed in the context of a festival, the Pana-
the 9th to the 7th century bc, and even in antiquity many thenaea.
cities laid claim to his place of birth. Linguistic indications The oral origins of the Iliad and the Odyssey in any event
point to Smyrna (currently Izmir), the island of Chios or to explain why Homer never says anything about himself in his
Cyme in the west of Asia Minor. These are regions where the poems. He does not even mention his own name, but is rather
territories of the Ionians and Aeolians overlapped, and the id- an anonymous ‘I’ that says at the beginning of the Odyssey:
iom of the Iliad and the Odyssey reveals a mixture of precisely ‘Muse, sing to me...’. The poet was simultaneously singer and
the dialects of these peoples. There are biographies from the composer of his own poems on the spot (although certainly af-
Roman era, but these lack all value as evidence. They are, as ter extended training). As the poet-singer appeared live in front
so often in antiquity, constructed from elements taken from of his public, he did not need to identify himself. They saw him
the poems themselves. For example, one such biography re- and knew precisely who he was.
lates how a certain Melesigenes (= Homer), who is taught by There is but a single small detail that the poet reveals about
himself: he lived much later than the events he is describing.
This is clear from his reference to ‘the people of today’ by con-
trast with the heroes of days gone by, whom he at one point
Homer, the poet-singer to whom the Iliad and the Odyssey
are attributed. Where and when he lived are not known with even calls ‘demigods’ (Iliad 12.23). He also once looks back on
certainty. Later biographies suggest that Homer was blind, the Trojan War from his own temporal vantage point, in an im-
and the staring gaze of this bust, a plaster cast from a 1st pressive passage. Once the war has been fought and won, Troy
century BC original, draws on this tradition. razed and the Greeks departed, the gods clear the Trojan plain

13
TROY CITY, HOMER AND TURKEY THE STORY OF TROY

and flush all remains of human activity into the sea, in particu- But Achilles, his heart filled with courage, gave his dread-
lar the walls that the Greeks had built around their ships. After ful war-cry and sprang among the Trojans. First he killed
the gods have done their work, there is nothing left on the plain a general, Iphition, mighty son of Otrynteus and a Naiad,
to recall the battle in which so many heroes had perished. This who, beneath snowy Tmolus in the fertile land of Hyde,
passage has been interpreted as a sign that the poet is erasing bore him to that sacker of cities. Noble Achilles struck the
the traces of his own poetic imagination (in his time there were man, who charged straight towards him, striking him
no walls to be seen on the plain) but it also well suits the tragic smack on the head with a cast of his spear, splitting his
undertone of the Iliad: the heroes’ efforts are in vain, certainly skull in two. He fell with a thud, and noble Achilles tri-
by contrast with those of the eternal gods. umphed: ‘Lie there, son of Otrynteus, most redoubtable of
Only one thing can make the life of a hero worthwhile: men. Though you were born by the Gygaean Lake, where
eternal renown. And this is where the art of poetry makes its your father holds the land, by Hyllus teeming with fish,
entrance. Because for the heroes’ fame to endure, it must be and the swirling eddies of Hermus, here is the place where
stored in poems. Heroes themselves utter words of triumph af- you must die.’ (Iliad 20.388-393)
ter they have slain an opponent:
But these are only ‘winged words’ that fade with time.
Heroes are also allowed to relate their own adventures. We see
Odysseus do this over four books in the Odyssey, but after his
death he is no longer able to proclaim his own renown. Only
poems sung by professional singers are able to keep alive the
The Trojan War is famous primarily for the Trojan Horse, even klea androon, the famous deeds of the heroes, down the genera-
if this tale is not mentioned in Homer’s Iliad. The horse is tions and even for all time. Homer would never say it out loud,
possibly a reference to a siege engine like a battering ram, but subtly he permits one of his heroes to reveal this truth:
but it could also be linked to the god Poseidon. This Greek
Achilles relates that he has the choice of returning home to live
god was associated with horses and earthquakes, and possi-
bly a devastating earthquake in Troy served as inspiration for out a long but inglorious life there, or of remaining in Troy to
the Trojan Horse in later epics, such as the Aeneid by Virgil. die young and to achieve kleos afthiton, everlasting fame (Iliad
Troy now 9.410-416). He remains in Troy and we, the audience and the
stands in Çanakkale in Turkey. readers, realise that it is the Iliad itself that makes the prophecy
of eternal renown come true. For good reason Alexander the
Great, arriving at Troy on his march eastward, expresses the
wish that he will have a Homer to immortalise his deeds.
The important role played by poetry also explains Odysseus’s Papyrus fragment (22 x 14 cm) from Egypt, dating from the Plaster copy of a Greek marble relief from around 125 BC.
deep emotion when washed up at the Phaiakians as a destitute beginning of the era, with text from the Iliad (4.340-365). The apotheosis of Homer is shown. At the bottom left Homer
castaway after wandering for 10 years, he hears the poet De- The epic probably had a long oral history, during which is seated, being crowned and receiving gifts. Other characters
generations of singers performed tales about Troy, altering on this relief, that is shaped as a mountain, are the god
modocus sing a poem about the Wooden Horse and the fall
and embellishing them. The Iliad was set down in writing only Apollo and the nine Muses and a poet, probably the maker
of Troy, containing a leading role for... Odysseus. He has lost subsequently. According to Greek historians, the story refers of this relief, Archelaus of Priene.
everything, his clothes, his comrades and the booty taken from to events in the 13th or 12th century BC.
Troy, but he still has his renown.
Singers are able not only to preserve the glorious past by fix-
ing it in poems, but also to guarantee a reliable picture of the
past through collaboration with the muses. As goddesses, the Pindar. One could opt for a statue but it would always remain plicitly saying something about the extended impact of his own
muses are immortal and witnesses to all of history (Iliad 2.485). on its pedestal, while poems will be sung throughout Greece. work. The idea that singers were able to ensure eternal renown
In a society lacking the written word, epic poets like Homer fill For the Greeks, literature always was more than just enter- is probably a traditional one, typical of all of Indo-European
the role played later by historians. tainment or art; it was an essential part of life. When Homer literature. For example, Sanskrit has the term srávas áksitam
Thus, singer and hero need each other: the singer is not him- reveals in his Odyssey that a poem about the fall of Troy has that expresses precisely what the Greek kleos aphthiton does. In
self able to perform the heroic deeds of Odysseus or Achilles within a decade become a hit with the Phaiakians (8.499-520), the case of Homer, however, this advertising slogan has become
and needs these heroes as material for his tale; while the he- people that live at the very edge of the civilised world, he is im- reality, as this book on Troy published in 2012 demonstrates!
roes may perform the bravest or most evil deeds, but without
the poet no one would know of them. In later times the poet
Pindar will tell his successful aristocratic clients that there is
no better way of spending their money than on an ode from

14 15
TROY CITY, HOMER AND TURKEY

THE ORIGINS OF THE TROJAN CYCLE

JORRIT KELDER

Homer’s Iliad is without doubt one of the most influential is not mentioned in the Iliad and there is only a brief reference
literary works in the history of Western civilisation. Homer de- to it in the Odyssey (Book VIII). We know of the wooden horse
scribes only a brief episode, a number of days in the 10th (and and many other episodes from the 10-year siege of the city from
last) year of the siege of Troy. His tale fits into a much broader a wide range of later compositions, such as the famous Aeneïd
cycle of stories about Troy and the Trojan war, which includes of the Roman poet Vergil (see 5.3), or the Posthomerica of the
another work that is attributed to Homer: the Odyssey – the 4th century poet Quintus of Smyrna. It is likely that many of
story of the arduous return voyage of one of the Greek heroes, these later authors based their work on earlier texts, such as the
Odysseus, after Troy has fallen to the Greeks. Since their com- Ilioupersis (The Sack of Troy) by Arctinus of Miletus, that are
position in (probably) the early 8th century bc, the Iliad and now lost, but there are also indications that new story lines and
the Odyssey have been read, sung, reworked, adapted and stud- elements were added – in the mediaeval period in particular –
ied by numerous scholars, poets and artists. Despite the early by both western and Byzantine authors (see 5.4).
fame of these Epics, however, much is uncertain about their The landscape around Pylos where Homer’s Iliad locates the
author, Homer. We believe that he probably lived in the early ORIGINS palace of Nestor, the mythological old king. The ruins of a IRON IN THE BRONZE AGE
8th century bc and created the Iliad at that time. But whether The Iliad enjoyed a special status as early as the classical period Mycenaean palace have in fact been found at Pylos.
The period following the ‘Bronze Age’ is generally known as
Homer truly created the Iliad, or whether he was the talented that may perhaps best be compared with the status of the Bible the ‘Iron Age’. These terms are slightly deceptive, for recent
heir to a long tradition of stories about the Trojan War, remains in later times. On account of this special position in Greek genius, the Iliad, that focused on ‘Achilles’ baneful wrath that research has shown that iron was already worked in the late
uncertain. His origins are also unknown. Various cities in the - and later Roman – culture, the Iliad was subjected to critical imposed infinite sorrows on the Greeks’. It is doubtful that the Bronze Age, even if only sporadically. The use of iron increased
world of the ancient Greeks have laid claim to being the birth- analysis at a relatively early stage. One of these early debates, Iliad was put down in writing as early as this stage. There are following the collapse of the ‘Bronze Age World System’, with
place of the great poet, including the city of Smyrna, now Izmir which already raged during the Classical period, concerned the indications that this took place only in the 6th century, on the all kinds of specialists, including smiths, tanners and writers
that were funded by the palaces, and the rise of a system
in western Turkey, and the island of Chios, which is Greek to exact date for the war for Troy. Most ancient Greek ‘scholars’ orders of the Athenian tyrant Peisistratus. It is extremely likely based on the oikos (household), in which each household
this day. Although various later ‘biographies’ of Homer – the argued for a date in the early 12th century bc. Regardless of the that the person responsible for ultimately committing the Iliad
so-called vitae indicate that all of these cities played a promi- exact date, the historicity of the War was never questioned. to the written word had motives of his own. A number of con- ore is relatively abundant, the step was soon taken to manu-
nent role in Homer’s life, it remains unclear where, exactly, the Recent research has demonstrated that the Iliad is the prod- spicuous references to Athens – the house of Erechteus, king of facture an increasing number of items from iron, in particular
great poet was born and where he composed his great works. uct of a long oral – that is to say spoken – tradition. Stories Athens – and to Ionian cities – with which Athens had close
Little is known of the broader story of Troy and the origins about the Trojan War must literally have been sung long before links as the ‘metropolis’ of the Ionian colonies – lend force to for everyday purposes, such as a large (22 cm) iron sickle
of the tale of ‘the’ war. The famous Trojan horse, for example, Homer’s time. It now seems that, as late as the 8th century the conjecture that the Iliad was in fact put down in writing in from 12th century BC Tiryns (in the Peloponnese), appear
fairly soon after the collapse of the Mycenaean palaces.
Odysseus’ ruse by means of which Troy was ultimately taken, bc, 5 these various stories were unified into a single work of Athens, or in a centre linked to this city.
The fact that the Iliad’s ultimate form owes more than a
little to relations within the Greek world of the day is scarcely
a surprise. The same may be assumed for earlier variations of The question is when the first stories about Troy and
the story. For example, it has been noted that the iron objects the Greek war against Troy began to appear. Linguistic re-
mentioned in the Iliad, such as the iron weight that Achilles search by, amongst others, the renowned Amsterdam scholar
puts up as prize in the games to commemorate the death of Cornelis Ruijgh (1930-2004) has shown that a significant part
his fallen comrade-in-arms, Patroclus, does not fit well into the of the vocabulary that was used by Homer does not belong to
Bronze Age context of the story (see box ‘Iron in the Bronze the 8th century, but rather to a much earlier period; that of
Fresco of a lyre player on the wall of the throne room in the Age’). References to alien peoples, such as the Phoenicians from the Mycenaean palaces (roughly 1400 to 1200 bc). Greek was
palace at Pylos, Greece. Although elements from the Iliad and north-west Syria, also betray Iron Age influence. It has also been already being spoken by then, but in a very early, Mycenaean,
the Odyssey originate from later periods, it is possible that form that differed considerably from later Greek dialects, such
suggested that Achilles’ famous shield, with its manifold elabo-
(early versions of) both epics were already known in the
Mycenaean period. Possibly an ‘ur-Iliad’ was being recited in
rate and realistic scenes from everyday life, is a reflection of as Ionic and Doric. For example, the Mycenaeans still used the
the Mycenaean courts to the accompaniment of a lyre. The precious Phoenician bowls of gold and silver that also showed digamma (also known as the ‘wau’ and nowadays often writ-
- scenes of this kind and would certainly have been known in the ten as a sort of ‘F’): this sound disappeared from the Greek
bellished with ducks heads. Greece of the 8th and 7th centuries bc. language during the Iron Age. Certain ‘gaps’ in the metrum

16 17
TROY CITY, HOMER AND TURKEY THE STORY OF TROY

of the Iliad are best explained by the disappearance of this

digamma. A well-known example of the disappearance of the
This could be the opening sentence of a Luwian epic about
Wilusa (= Troy), the more so as the line can be read as two A BROADER PERSPECTIVE:
digamma is the Homeric word anax for prince (or king), which
in Mycenaean is wanax (spelled wa-na-ka in Linear B).
verses of seven partially alliterative groups of letters:
AN OVERVIEW OF THE EAST
ahha=ta=tta alati
Archaeology also suggests that significant elements in the
awita wilusati
Iliad originate in the Mycenaean period. The geography of WILLEMIJN WAAL
Greece, for example, as described by Homer in Book II of the Unfortunately the meaning of the sentence is not entirely
Iliad (the famous Catalogue of Ships) corresponds relatively clear. The word ‘alati’ appears only in this text and the transla-
well to the situation in the Mycenaean period, but not to the tion ‘steep’ is tentative. In addition, only the opening verse has The story of how the Iliad and the Odyssey came into being is heroic exploits and style elements- are known from the ancient
Iron Age (when several of the important cities of the Iliad were been preserved. For this reason, some caution is certainly ad- long and complex. Although both epics are generally regarded Near East. The Epic of Gilgamesh, an epic that originates from
deserted). Moreover, a number of objects that are described vised. One line of course does not make an Anatolian Iliad, but as skilfully constructed, powerful poems, they are the result ancient Mesopotamia, is one of the more famous of these Near
who knows the second line may turn up one day.
in the Iliad, such as the ‘boar’s tusk helmet’, clearly indicate of centuries of oral tradition. In this, the Homeric epics are Eastern parallels.
Bronze Age origins. The picture of political unity between Willemijn Waal not alone, nor are they (as has often been posited) exclusively
the various Mycenaean kingdoms, with Agamemnon, king of ‘Greek’, for similar, but far older poems – with similar heroes, THE ILIAD AND THE EPIC OF GILGAMESH
Mycenae, as supreme leader does not fit well into either the Despite their ‘unique’ status, the Iliad and the Odyssey are cer-
Iron Age or the Classical Period, but it is an entirely plausible tainly not the first great epics to have been committed to writ-
reflection of the situation in the late Bronze Age. On the ba- ing. The Epic of Gilgamesh, a poem whose essence originated
sis of all these considerations, it seems reasonable to assume in late 3rd millennium bc Mesopotamia, in many ways can be
that the origins of the Iliad should be sought in the Mycenaean seen as a precursor to the works of Homer: with respect both
period. to its themes and style, and to the history of how it came into
Naturally this is not to say that actual events form the basis being.
of the stories in the Iliad, although this can certainly not be ex- The Epic of Gilgamesh – or ‘He who Saw the Deep’, as the
cluded. What is certain is that the Iliad – and all its precursors original title ran – tells of the journeys and misfortunes of Gil-
– were always in the first instance a work of art performed for gamesh, the legendary king of Uruk, and his friend Enkidu.
entertainment – and instruction. It can safely be assumed that The epic covers a total of 12 clay tablets with around 3,000 lines
this occurred as early as the Mycenaean period: the court cul- in cuneiform script.
ture of the great palaces of Mycenaean Greece does certainly of- It is impossible to outline the story in a few sentences with-
fer a perfect background for Mycenaean bards, reciting epic po- out doing a disservice to the enormous wealth, beauty and
ems during drinking bouts. An image on the wall of the throne multi-layered nature of this epic, that is often described as the
room of the palace at Pylos seems to show a Mycenaean bard first humanist document in the history of the world. The epic’s
like this, complete with ingeniously shaped lyre. It is by no overarching theme may perhaps best be described as ‘making
means surprising that the Mycenaean aristocracy liked heroic sense of life’, along with the perception and acceptance of the
stories. Elsewhere in the eastern Mediterranean region, such as limitations of the human condition.
with the Hittites of Anatolia or in pharaonic Egypt, feasts were There are a number of similarities between the Epic of Gil-
given added lustre by recitals from celebrated bards who sang gamesh and the Iliad. Consider, for example, the two main pro-
of heroic exploits in a legendary past. tagonists, Gilgamesh and Achilles. Both are sons of a mortal fa-
ther and a divine mother. They share a strong attachment to the
latter. The two men also have similar characters: strong, proud,
AN ANATOLIAN ILIAD? Greek vase from 480-470 BC with a scene from the Iliad: as impulsive and emotional. The friendship between Gilgamesh
his mother Thetis brings him a helmet, Achilles, shown with and Enkdiu, moreover, is comparable to that between Achil-
It is possible that there was not only a Greek, but also an
his brother Antilochus, mourns Patroclus. Achilles’ sorrow at les and Patroclus. The two heroes are inconsolable when their
Anatolian epic tradition centred on the Trojan War. A descrip-
the death of his best friend has a parallel in the Gilgamesh
tion of a ritual, recorded on a clay tablet that has been found respective friends die, and this event forms a significant turning
epic.
in the Hittite capital of Hattusa and which dates to the 13th point in both their lives. The passages in which the deaths of
century BC, cites the opening line of a Luwian (a Bronze Age their close friends are described reveal remarkable similarities:
Anatolian language) song to be performed at a libation to the
goddess Šuwašuna. The opening line runs as follows: A clay tablet from Hattuša with the opening line of perhaps an
Gilgamesh touched him on the heart,
Anatolian Iliad. The Iliad is frequently regarded as the starting
ahhatata alati awita wilusati point of Western literature, but many elements of its style and
But the heart beats no more.
When they came from steep(?) Troy. themes were known previously in the ancient Middle East. We Then he covered up his friend like a bride.
know of poems from Mesopotamia and Anatolia that reveal Like as a lion, Gilgamesh raised his voice,
similarities with the Iliad and the Odyssey. Like as a lioness, he roared out.

18 19
 THRACE BLACK SEA
TROY CITY, HOMER AND TURKEY
THRACE BOSPHORUS
BLACK SEA

İstanbul
BOSPHORUS

SEA OF MARMARA İstanbul

Gallipoli SEA OF MARMARA

DARDANELLES
Gallipoli
Çanakkale
DARDANELLES
Hattuša
Troy
Çanakkale
L E MN O S TENEDOS Hattuša
Troy Ankara
L EM N OS TENEDOS
Dimini Ankara
PHRYGIA
AEGEAN SEA
Dimini
LESBOS Pergamon PHRYGIA
AEGEAN SEA
L ES B O S Pergamon
AŠŠUWA/ARZAWA
Orchomenus
Gla AŠŠUWA/ARZAWA
Ithaca Orchomenus C HI OS
Thebes Smyrna (İzmir)
Cylinder seal made of lapis lazuli from Babylonia, 2200 BC, Gla
Ithaca C H IO S
Teichos Dymaion Thebes Smyrna (İzmir)
Salamis Athens Ephesus
a bull and a lion on this cylinder seal (depicted here with a Teichos Dymaion Mycenae Thorikos
Argos Salamis
Midea Athens Ephesus
modern impression). The Mesopotamian Epic of Gilgamesh may Olympia Tiryns Aegina
Mycenae Asine Thorikos
in many respects be seen as a precursor of Homer’s works. Argos
Nafplio
Midea Miletus
Olympia Tiryns
Pellana Asine Aegina
Nafplio Miletus
Menelaion
Pylos Pellana
Nichoria
He turns round to his friend, Menelaion
Pylos Nichoria
He tears his hair and strews it forth. . .
(Epic of Gilgamesh, tablet 8, v. 57- 61, translated Phylakopi
Ialysos
by William Ellery Leonard) Phylakopi
Ialysos
R HO D O S
Kastri

And the son of Peleus led them in their lament. He laid his mur- Kastri R HO D O S

derous hands upon the breast of his comrade, groaning again

and again as a bearded lion when a man who was chasing deer Chania
has robbed him of his young in some dense forest; when the lion C RE T E Knossos
Chania
comes back he is furious, and searches dingle and dell to track the C RE T E CY P R U S
Knossos
hunter if he can find him, for he is mad with rage.
CY P RU S
(Iliad 18.316-323, translated by Samuel Butler)
The world of Troy.

In both the Iliad and the Epic of Gilgamesh, the hero lays his
hand on the breast of his fallen comrade, and both heroes are
compared to a distraught lioness robbed of her cubs. ated their own, original and majestic epics in their own mould culation; for that they have been too carefully edited: they were It is certainly conceivable that the Iliad and the Odyssey had a
There are also various similarities between the Epic of and using their own imaginative powers. part of the school curriculum. A unified version of these exist- comparable history of origin and evolution, and are also the re-
Gilgamesh and the Odyssey: for example, the wanderings and ing traditional stories arose around 1800 bc, in which several sult of a longer tradition of stories based on historical facts and
adventures of Gilgamesh recall Odysseus’ journey as he re- GENESIS OF AN EPIC stories were combined. This compilation was not yet standard, persons. At a given point, a selection of these stories could have
turns home from the Trojan War. For this reason, the Epic of The origins of the Iliad remain shrouded in darkness. The par- since various versions of the epic, unfortunately poorly trans- been woven into a great epic that was set down in writing. How
Gilgamesh has been described as the ‘Odyssey of Achilles’. allel of the Epic of Gilgamesh may, however, shed some light on mitted, differ from one another. Finally the standard version of big a role Homer played in composing this ‘standard version’ of
How should we explain these similarities? They certainly do the processes that led to the creation of these famous epics. the epic was set down on 12 tablets presumably around 1200 bc. the Iliad is unclear, just as it is with Sîn-lēqi-unnini. Both epics
not indicate that the Epic of Gilgamesh (when it was set down in We are able to track the development of the Epic of Gilgamesh This standard version was subsequently attributed to the man stand rooted in oral tradition, but are simultaneously original
written form in the 2nd millennium bc) had a direct influence over around two millennia reasonably well. We know from the of letters Sîn-lēqi-unnini. However, we do not know how big literary creations revealing a thematic and dramatic unity.
on the Iliad. The thematic parallels and similarities in certain Sumerian King List (cuneiform inscriptions showing the names a role he really played in the composition of this final ‘canoni- This scenario corresponds with the fact that ‘Homeric soci-
metaphors and motifs suggest rather that both epics are rooted of the kings of Sumer) that a king of Uruk called Gilgamesh cal’ version of the epic. Possibly he was merely the final editor. ety’ in the Iliad contains elements from the Mycenaean period,
in the same oral tradition. During the late Bronze Age, Greece probably ruled halfway through the third millennium bc. It is This standard version was copied over the centuries up to the the subsequent so-called ‘Dark Age’ and the Iron Age (see also
was very much a part of the old Near East, and thus of an generally assumed that a number of legends arose surrounding 2nd century bc. Here it is important to keep in mind that in chapter 4). These inconsistencies support the notion of a dy-
extensive cultural continuum, which involved the exchange of this king and that these legends were orally transmitted through all probability a lively and much more extensive oral tradition namic oral tradition, in which certain original elements con-
ideas and stories. The authors of the Epic of Gilgamesh and the the ages. From around 2100 bc various stories about this hero centred on Gilgamesh, which has not survived, continued to tinue to exist, while others are adapted to reflect contemporary
Iliad and the Odyssey drew from the same reservoir of stories were set down in writing. These stories were not merely the exist alongside this written version. We have only these texts customs and practices.
and metaphors. Using these stories and metaphors, they cre- committing to written form of an oral tradition already in cir- that often represent merely the tip of the iceberg.

20
2 THE ARCHAEOLOGY THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF
TROY IN PREHISTORY
OF TROY GERT JAN VAN WIJNGAARDEN

The name of Troy is famous, and those visiting the site of LOCATION
Troy at Hıssarlik or the Trojan collections at the museums of Troy lies on the edge of a plateau to the east of the course of
Istanbul and Çanakkale have high expectations. But many feel the Scamander River. The hill rises around 30 metres above a
confused after their visit and wonder “Was that it?” There are fertile plain consisting of sediment from the Scamander and
highlights, of course, including a few sculptures and Priam’s Simoeis rivers that flow together here. Recent geological re-
Treasure, the gold smuggled out of Turkey by the archaeologist search has shown that the coast has changed dramatically
Heinrich Schliemann that ended up in Russia at the end of the through the ages, and that Troy lay at the edge of a deep bay
Second World War after being taken from Berlin (see chapter containing a number of good harbours. The coast is now far
7). But most of the finds consist of rather unspectacular pot- away, but the city once lay more or less on it.
tery and other mundane objects. There are many other archaeo- Geological research around the citadel of Troy has also
logical sites in Turkey that are more impressive, for example shown that the city was much larger than the part excavated by
Ephesus and Hattuša. By comparison with these, Troy appears Schliemann and his successors, and that there was more than
small and chaotic. Visitors are confronted with the remains of just a citadel. From the second phase of habitation onwards,
numerous walls; an archaeological maze in the midst of an ag- important parts of the city lay to the south and south-east of
ricultural landscape. It is difficult to imagine that these are the it. This lower city, which saw long and changing patterns of
remains of a city that was described so impressively by Homer, settlement, like the citadel itself, was fortified by a ditch and
and that has been the subject of films by several Hollywood in certain periods a wooden palisade. The lower city features
directors. prominently in the discussion over the historical veracity of
It is obvious that the myth of the Trojan War, and not the ar- the Trojan War. Troy looks much more like the city so impres-
chaeology, lend particular significance to the remains. The war sively described by Homer with a large and fortified lower city.
is said to have lasted 10 years, a long time for a war. However, However, it is debated whether all parts of the lower city were
the archaeological remains at Troy span a period of more than inhabited at the same time, and there is also no agreement on
4,000 years. And this helps to explain part of the confusion. its extent in the various periods. Following the abandonment of
The city has a particularly long history of settlement, and most Troy, the lower city became completely invisible, partly because
of the archaeological remains have nothing to do with the war its remains were used by the area’s later inhabitants. It has only
described by Homer. There is no one single Troy; there are at recently been possible to make the lower city visible with the
least 10, lying in layers on top of each other. aid of modern geophysical methods.
The sea, visible in the distance from the excavation site, also Troy’s current location in the landscape is thus deceptive. The
causes confusion. In the Iliad the heroes advance and retreat city’s size fluctuated through time, and the sea much was closer
between Troy and the Greek camp on the beach, and there are to the city than it is today. However, it is difficult to determine
even indications that the Greeks could be seen clearly from the the precise chronological evolution of the natural and urban
walls of Troy. But from the hill of the citadel the distance to landscapes, and there is no consensus among archaeologists and
the coast appears to be too great for frequent encounters of this other experts on the appearance of the city and the landscape in
kind between the Greeks and Trojans. the various periods.

LAYER ON LAYER
A reconstruction of Troy VI-VIIa: Homeric Troy? Recent Troy is a so-called tell (höyük in Turkish), an artificial mound
excavations under the direction of the German archaeologist
created by thousands of years of habitation. This is a normal
Manfred Korfmann have shown that there was human habita-
tion outside the walls of the citadel. On the basis of sporadic
phenomenon in south-eastern Europe and the Middle East,
where sun-dried mud bricks (blocks of clay mixed with finely
Lower City, as shown here. However, Korfmann’s reconstruc- chopped straw) were long the most important building ma-
tion of the Lower City remain extremely controversial. terial. Bricks of this kind are easy to make and plentiful, but

23
TROY CITY, HOMER AND TURKEY THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF TROY

they cannot readily be reused, and for this reason, a new city
was built on the ruins of the old every time that the city was
destroyed by earthquake or war. The same happened whenever
new inhabitants rebuilt the city following a period in which
the hill had been deserted. As a result of this continuous pro-
cess of destruction and rebuilding, desertion and renovation,
the Hıssarlik rises more than 15 metres, holding the remains of
more than 4,000 years of history.
Within this mound, archaeologists distinguish multiple lay-
ers, with the most recent construction phases uppermost, and
the bottom layers corresponding to the earliest traces of habi-
tation. Nine major phases of construction have been identi-
fied. These are numbered using Latin numerals as Troy I to
Troy X. The first seven construction phases (Troy I-VII) refer to
continuous prehistoric settlement from around 3000-900 bc.
Within these seven main construction phases, less significant
construction phases have subsequently been identified that are human habitation that may be roughly subdivided into 9
indicated by letters: Troy IIa, IIb, IIc etc. More than 50 differ-
The cross-section shown here provides an outline of the city’s
ent construction phases of prehistoric habitation can be identi-
citadel, comparable in its extent with, for example, Dam
fied in this way. The interpretation of the multiple layers is not Square in Amsterdam.
always straightforward, and archaeologists frequently differ on
ascribing complexes of finds to particular layers.
The remains of Greek and Roman periods of habitation, Troy TROY’S FLOWERING IN THE EARLY BRONZE A reconstruction of the topography around Troy in the Late
VIII and IX respectively, which existed from around 700 bc to AGE: TROY II AND III (CA. 2550-2200 BC) Bronze Age. Troy’s surroundings have changed a great deal
450 ad lie above the prehistoric settlements. Troy X (12th-14th least three gates. Outside the southern and largest gate stood a A clear break may be seen between Troy I and Troy II: Troy II over the course of time. The city now lies far from the sea.
The coastline previously took a completely different course,
century ad) consists solely of a Byzantine church. After it was monumental stone into which a face had been roughly hewn. It developed slowly from the previous phase. After being devastat-
and Troy lay on the edge of a deep bay.
abandoned, the site was uninhabited until Schliemann and his is impossible now to determine the precise significance of this ed by fire on a number of occasions, the city was considerably
companion Frank Calvert began their excavations at the end of stone. It was possibly a god to welcome visitors, or a protective enlarged and furnished with a massive defensive wall made of
An orthostat from Troy I. Stones of this kind, also referred to
the 19th century. The current tourist infrastructure erected at deity. Erecting carved stones of this kind (orthostates) at gates cut blocks of stone and rectangular clay bricks. The wall con-
as stelae, were erected at important gates in other parts of
the site could be seen as Troy XI. was to become a longstanding custom in the history of Troy. tained a number of towers, a monumental drive and ingenious Anatolia. It is possible that this stele, which was found at the
Apart from the long and layered history of habitation, it is Remains of houses from this period of Troy may only be seen gate structures that led visitors immediately into the city centre. citadel’s southern gate, represented a deity and that offerings
also significant that the site was deserted over three long peri- in the deep trench that Schliemann dug right through Troy. The first habitation immediately to the south of the citadel it- were made here on entering the citadel.
ods: in the Early Iron Age from around 900-700 bc, from the The foundations of a number of houses lying next to each other self began in this period. This lower city was surrounded by a
Roman period to the building of the Byzantine church (ca. 600 were found, each of which consists of a single elongated room. wooden palisade and had a cistern for storing water.
years) and from the Middle Ages to the arrival of Schliemann One house standing slightly apart is noteworthy. It has a large The kind of habitation can best be reconstructed on the
(ca. 500 years). Troy’s first period of abandonment is notewor- open forecourt, and traces of a hearth were found in the main basis of the houses in the citadel itself. There a large number
thy as it corresponds precisely to the time that the Homeric chamber. This is the earliest example of the megaron house; a of buildings are to be found of the megaron type mentioned
epics are given form and orally transmitted. At the same time type of building that played a significant role during the Bronze above: an elongated room with a hearth and an open forecourt.
that the verses were set down in writing, or shortly thereaf- Age in Greece and Turkey. It is possibly the precursor of Myce- It is worth mentioning that these megaron houses are larger and
ter, a Greek shrine was established in Troy around which a city naean palaces and ultimately Greek temples. more massively built than the other buildings in the citadel.
later developed. How the literary and physical construction of The finds from Troy I suggest a relatively simple society, in This is an indication of increased social difference in Trojan
Greek Troy were related to each other is an important but still which people engaged in agriculture, animal husbandry and society and of the expression of power. During the last building
unsolved question (see 2.3 and chapter 4). fishing. The pottery was simple and handmade. There is con- phase in Troy II, a large central building of the megaron type
siderable evidence for crafts like spinning and weaving. The was built in the middle of the citadel itself. The surrounding
ORIGINS: TROY I (CA. 2920-2550 BC) inhabitants of early Troy had, at the same time, contact with houses had several square rooms and communal walls of a type
The oldest settlement remains in Troy can be investigated only the world abroad. Finds, such as moulds for bronze knives and that occurs elsewhere in the Aegean, on the Cyclades, on Crete
with difficulty. They lie at the bottom of the tell, and archae- chisels, indicate that bronze-working (a relatively new technol- and on the Greek mainland.
ologists have reached this level in only a few places. The in- ogy at that time) was adopted early on in Troy’s existence. The increase in social differences, and the wealth of Troy’s
vestigations reveal a small city surrounded by a defensive wall ‘upper class’ are possibly reflected in ‘Priam’s Treasure’ (see 7.2).
of unworked stone. The wall included several towers and at According to Schliemann, this Treasure was found in a kind of

24 25
TROY CITY, HOMER AND TURKEY THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF TROY

innovation was the introduction of the potter’s wheel. Some and the lower city also continued to be used, but it is clear that
of the pottery was made using this new technique, especially a major change took place over the course of time. While Troy
plates and bowls for eating with. The attention paid to eating maintained important ties with the Aegean region in the Early
and drinking reflected in the range of pottery found in Troy II Bronze Age, the city appears to have oriented itself primarily
indicates that feasts played an important role in the social rela- towards the Anatolian interior in the Middle Bronze Age.
tions of the time. This Anatolian orientation is evident from the houses of the
Troy II was destroyed by a huge fire. The surviving inhabit- period among other things. Just as in the Early Bronze Age they
ants continued to live in the same location and made use of the are constructed completely of clay bricks, without stone foun-
same defensive walls. It is noticeable that the houses of Troy dations. These are noticeably long and narrow houses adjoining
III were much smaller, and that the finds are less opulent than each other and having walls in common. The houses all consist
those from the previous phase. Troy’s flowering in the Early of at least four adjoining rooms that may be divided into main
Bronze Age was clearly at an end. and subsidiary rooms. This type of building was also used in a
number of locations elsewhere in Turkey during this period.
TROY AS ANATOLIAN CITY: Apart from the building type, the fact that each building has its
TROY IV AND V (2200-1700 BC) own dome-shaped oven is another noticeable innovation, indi-
It seems that no new inhabitants went to live in the city fol- cating that new ways of preparing food had been introduced.
lowing the destruction of Troy III. The finds from the earliest The pottery range of Troy IV and V is largely a continuation
layers of Troy IV are a continuation of the Early Bronze Age of that from the previous periods. This emerges for example
culture. There are signs that new fortification walls were built, from the anthropomorphic pots and depas cups that are still

Depas cup. Cups of this sort have been found mainly in Troy II Minoan jug with spirals. Its strategic location meant that
and III, but they have also turned up at excavations elsewhere Troy was at a junction of trade routes from an early date.
along Turkey’s western littoral and on islands in the Aegean. This Minoan jug from Crete, found in the grave of a child in
The popularity of drinking cups of this kind indicates the pres- Troy V, is evidence of Troy’s contacts with the Aegean region.
ence of an aristocracy enjoying a lifestyle in which drinking

Part of ‘Priam’s Treasure’ – a golden diadem, a wine cup may be dated to the period around 2700 bc, long before any
and hair rings – copies from the originals in the Pushkin Trojan War. Schliemann himself acknowledged this shortly
Museum in Moscow. According to Schliemann the items before his death. There is now widespread scepticism whether
the objects were found together in the earth. Schliemann is
II. He regarded the opulence of the treasure as proof that
Troy II was Homer’s Troy: while the Greek soldiers were thought to have combined objects from various parts of the
slaughtering their way through his city, Priam, or one of his city, possibly supplementing these with finds from other digs
servants, was thought to have quickly hidden the valuables and perhaps even with forgeries. We will probably never know
before himself falling victim to the Greeks. It is now clear the precise details. Later excavators have, in any event, found
that Troy II was at least 1,000 years older than the Troy of gold objects at various points in the city that in style resemble
the Trojan War.
Schliemann’s finds. Taken with Priam’s Treasure, they provide
an impression of Troy’s wealth in the Early Bronze Age.
Troy’s increased wealth and social stratification in any event
finds expression in the other finds. Earthenware pots in the
chest that had been buried outside the south-eastern gate. Pri- shape of the human body or head are characteristic. These pos-
am’s Treasure, as Schliemann dubbed it, includes bronze chisels, sibly had a ritual function, although we know nothing of the
gold and silver goblets and gold jewellery. One of the items in religion of the time. Some of the pottery from Troy II is of a
the treasure was a two-handled cup, according to Schliemann type that was in use elsewhere as well, in the Aegean region
the depas cup mentioned by Homer (depas amphikypellon, Iliad in particular. This indicates that at this time Troy maintained
1.584; 6.220). This in particular was the find that convinced foreign contacts over a broad region. It is worth noting that a
Schliemann that Troy II was Homer’s Troy. Close examination large proportion of this pottery consists of drinking cups of a
of the finds reveals however that the cup and the other finds new two-handled type without a base, the depas cups. Another

26 27
TROY CITY, HOMER AND TURKEY THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF TROY

found at the beginning of this period. Many drinking cups and of a six-year-old child. On the skeleton lay a ceramic jug that As the dating of many parts of the lower city is exceptionally
dishes are still being turned on the potter’s wheel. Bowls deco- had been adorned with spirals. It is a Minoan libation jug of difficult (see also 2.1), this lower city has become part of the
rated with a red cross are characteristic of the period. In addi- Cretan origin. Similar vases have been found in Knossos and debate over whether the Trojan War actually took place. After
tion there were pottery shapes with clear signs of Anatolian ori- elsewhere on the island. The presence of this vase in a grave all, with an extensive lower city, Troy VI (or VIIa, for which the
gin, such as large decorated lids. Some of these were imported, dating from the end of Troy V indicates that contact with the same reasoning applies) resembles much more the impressive
but others appear to have been made locally. Aegean world continued. These contacts were to become much city described by Homer.
Several graves found on the edge of the citadel date from the stronger in Troy’s subsequent period of flowering: Late Bronze The remains of a few houses that belonged to Troy VI have
last phase of Troy V. One of these graves contained the body Age Troy VI. been found close to the walls of the citadel. Geophysical re-
search and archaeological excavation have revealed a ditch that
could have formed part of an impressive line of defence, along
with the wall remains and a wooden palisade. However, the

TROY VI AND VIIA IN problem is that the date of these defence works is extremely
uncertain. Parts of them could also belong to earlier or later

THE LATE BRONZE AGE phases of Troy. Certain experts, including the Germans Man-
fred Korfmann – head of excavations at Troy from 1988 until
his death in 2005 – and the historian and philologist Joachim
WENDY RIGTER AND GERT JAN VAN WIJNGAARDEN Latacz, consider the remains to be sufficient evidence for the
existence of a large lower city. Others, with the German his-
torian F. Kolb as the most outspoken critic, point out that the
evidence for a lower city of this kind is very scanty and may
Troy VI is without doubt the most monumental of the seven VI-late (VIf-h). Each of these main phases of Troy VI are char- primarily be the result of wishful thinking.
prehistoric cities found on the settlement hill of Hisarlık (the acterised by the construction of a city wall that grew constantly
current Turkish name for Troy). This phase of habitation dates in height and width. Parts of the bottom of the wall are still vis- BURIAL
to the Middle and Late Bronze Age, around 1700 to 1300 bc. ible, measuring four to five metres in width and eight metres in One of Troy’s greatest puzzles is locating where the dead were
This settlement surpasses all previous habitation at Hisarlık in height. These impressive walls were a significant argument for buried. No extensive burial ground is known from any one of
its extent and monumentality, and Troy VI is also larger than Wilhelm Dörpfeld, the German archaeologist who succeeded the phases of lasting habitation. The fact that the landscape has
other well-known excavation sites in North-Western Anatolia Heinrich Schliemann, to see Homeric Troy in Troy VI. been radically changed by shifts in the courses of the Scaman-
from the same period. There are three towers in the citadel wall and five entrances. der and Simoeis rivers perhaps plays a role here; some of the
The transition between Troy V, the previous settlement, and Among them are impressive gates in the eastern and southern graves could have been washed away by the rivers or covered
Troy VI is not undisputed. The American Carl Blegen, who walls. The citadel wall is reinforced at both gates. The most The defensive walls of Troy VI. The city walls were constructed over by sediment.
excavated here between 1932 and 1938, was of the opinon that important gate appears to be that in the southern wall. It is in an interesting way, at a slightly inclined angle, and with There is one exception. Burial sites for cremation urns from
there were large differences between Troy V and VI in archi- flanked by a tower, at the base of which a number of mono- various sections that end in distinctive offsets, the function the very last habitation phase of Troy VI have been found just
of which is unclear. During the course of the 13th century BC
tecture, in pottery and in other objects. According to him the lithic stones (two and possibly more) were erected, which, to the south of the presumed lower city, and traces of similar
the walls were reinforced several times. During the period of
break was complete and the result of a new people, who settled possibly, once were decorated. Erecting stelae of this kind is Troy VII the walls of Troy VI were partially restored and put to burial sites have been found here and there on the plateau. In
here and brought their own customs and traditions. There may characteristic of Troy and has its origins in Troy I more than use once more. total 182 urns have been found, but only 19 were lying in their
even have been a gap in habitation. The German archaeolo- a thousand years earlier (see 2.1). The precise function of these original position as a result of later disturbances of the area.
gist Kurt Bittel expressed a different opinion in his review of stelae is unknown, but they can probably be linked to the cult The urns had been placed in shallow holes, and the majority of
Blegen’s publication on Troy. According to him, changes did and worship of a deity. with several rooms, and a number of the houses probably had them contained the cremated remains of several people. Men,
take place, but not to the extent that Blegen believed. Recent A large section of Troy VI was destroyed as a result of build- a second floor. At least three houses had a megaron structure women and children have been identified among the dead.
excavations support Bittel’s view. The transition between the ing during the Hellenistic-Roman period (Troy VIII and IX). with a forecourt and a central room with a hearth. The largest The graves and urns revealed very few burial goods, usually not
two settlements is so smooth that we cannot always be certain In particular the highest part of the citadel in the northern sec- building was the double-storeyed so-called ‘Pillar House’ im- more than one or a few ceramic pots. For Blegen, who exposed
whether a particular find should be dated to Troy V or early tion was destroyed at the time, and habitation remains of Troy mediately behind the southern gate. No palace has been found the burial site, this lack of funeral gifts was reason to believe
Troy VI. VI were later found only on the southern edge of the hill, in in Troy VI. If a palace did in fact exist, which is by no means that this was where the city’s poorest inhabitants were buried.
the intervening zone between the city walls of Troy II and VI. certain, the destroyed northern and central part of the citadel However, another theory is that this was a mass burial site
THE ARCHITECTURE Nevertheless a typical type of urban planning may be de- would be the most logical site for it. laid out in great haste, perhaps following the destruction of
Blegen subdivided Troy VI into eight building phases on the duced from the limited remains of Troy VI. The houses were Troy VI.
basis of the architectural remains found: Troy VIa up to Troy built on three terraces around the highest point of the citadel. LOWER CITY OR NOT? Recent excavations at Beşik Tepe, which lies around eight
VIh. On the basis of changes to the defence works around the They did not have a parallel orientation, but were laid out along Just as in the previous phases, habitation in Troy VI appears kilometres south-west of Troy, indicate that cremation burial
citadel, these eight phases may be grouped into three main imaginary axes to the centre. The houses were completely dif- not to be restricted to the citadel, but there were also dwell- sites of this kind were intended not only for poor city dwellers.
phases; Troy VI-early (VIa-c), Troy VI-middle (VId-e) and Troy ferent to those of Troy V. They were freestanding and extensive ings to the south in an area that is referred to as the lower city. This spot is often seen as a harbour where seafarers waited for

28 29
TROY CITY, HOMER AND TURKEY THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF TROY

the Troy referred to as Wilusa in Hittite tablets (see chapter 3) found elsewhere in North-Western Anatolia. But only at Troy
during a phase when the city was extremely poor. and a number of other locations along the coast does this pot-
Troy VIIa was destroyed by war between 1230 and 1180 bc. tery class include pot shapes inspired by Greek ceramics from
This is evident from the skeletons, arrowheads and catapult the same period. This indicates that by the Middle Bronze Age
projectiles found. A good example is a skull found in a house there were contacts between the Greek mainland and Troy. In
just inside the southern gate. It belonged to someone who was addition there were also local pottery shapes in Anatolian Grey
never buried. The same applies to a skeleton found outside the Ware, such as a bead rim bowl.
fortifications. What is remarkable about skeleton remains like Pottery imported from other regions has also been found in
these is that human remains have not been found in any of the Troy VI and VIIa. Of interest are two Minoan pots indicating
previous devastations of the city. There was evidently no time contact with Crete. A Minoan stone lamp has also been found
for the survivors to bury all the victims when Troy VIIa was de- in an early phase of Troy VI. In the Middle phases of Troy VI,
stroyed. These clues suggesting the devastation of war formed so-called “matt-painted wares” occur, which are reminiscent of
the main reason for Carl Blegen to link the end of Troy VII to mainland Greece. Most remarkable is the Mycenaean pottery
the Trojan War in the Iliad. that has been found at Troy, as this is an indication of contact
with the Greek mainland. Mycenaean pottery was imported to
EXTERNAL CONTACTS Troy in later phases. Particularly noteworthy is that Mycenaean
Day-to-day life in Troy VI may best be studied through the pot- pottery was also made locally and influenced local pottery pro-
tery (see page 34-36). Ceramics are also important in revealing duction. This indicates close contact between Greek and Trojan
cultural links with other regions. Owing to Troy’s strategic loca- craftsmen.
tion on various routes by sea and by land, the city probably had
links at the least with other cultures to the east and west, which
The north-eastern towers of Troy VI. These large towers
is confirmed by the pottery that was imported into the city. dominated the plains in front of Troy and protected the ad-
The pottery of Troy VI initially showed hardly any differ- jacent north-eastern bastion. The towers contained a large
ences from that of the previous phases, although Anatolian cistern that provided the citadel with water during times of
Grey Ware was something new. This type of pottery is also emergency.

favourable winds. There are 102 graves that have been found for
men, women and children, of which 58 are pithos graves, com- history. The walls of Troy VI-VIIa are shown in red and green.
parable with the urn burials in Troy itself. One of the graves is
as Homeric Troy. The buildings from the Greek and Roman
that of a warrior who was buried with his sword, with a large
periods are marked in blue.
ceramic basin placed on the grave.

TROY VIIA previous phase. The walls were repaired, which is clearly vis-
The reinforcing of the city wall of Troy VI indicates that the ible especially at the large north-eastern towers, which were re-
inhabitants were expecting an attack. Nevertheless, the city ap- stored. In general it may be said, however, that the city had lost
pears to have been destroyed by an earthquake at the beginning its monumental character. This is also clear from the houses on
of the 13th century bc. At least that is what large vertical cracks the citadel, which were extremely small and differed little from
in the city walls indicate. There are also some indications of fire, each other. Larger houses from Troy VI that were reused were
and slingstones in the destruction layer suggest the possibil- subdivided into smaller units. We see an increase in the storage
ity that there might have been some fighting. Nevertheless, an of goods from the large number of huge buried pithoi (storage
earthquake appears to have caused the worst damage. jars). This may be an indication that the inhabitants did not
After the destruction of Troy VI the population hastily erect- feel secure and laid in supplies. Remains of houses to the south
ed small houses on the rubble. The city was occupied by the of the citadel reveal that there were also houses in the area of
same population groups as before, as is made clear by the pot- the supposed lower city during the period of Troy VIIa. On the
tery used in Troy VIIa, which continued the traditions of the basis of the dates of Troy VIIa (ca. 1300-1180 bc) this is possibly

30 31
TROY CITY, HOMER AND TURKEY THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF TROY

The contacts between Troy and Mycenaean Greece were cer- The sole textual indication from prehistoric Troy is a bronze Troy VIIa was definitely destroyed by war, and this is the
tainly not brief, but extended over several centuries. The My- seal found in a layer of Troy VIIb (1190-900 bc). The seal prob- reason that Blegen surmised that this phase represented Ho-
cenaean contacts should not be seen in isolation from a much ably dates to the 13th century bc and was possibly the property meric Troy. The destruction here must be seen in the context
larger international network that Troy was part of. For example, of a Luwian married couple. It is not known when the seal of many other devastating events in the eastern Mediterranean.
shards of a total of 61 Cypriot pots have been found at Troy, and came to Troy; in the 13th century when it was made, in the 11th For example, the Mycenaean palaces and the centres of the Hit-
Anatolian Grey Ware has been found at various locations in the century to which the context it was found in belongs, or in the tite Kingdom were also razed. But this raises a problem in the
Mediterranean area, including Syria, Lebanon and Israel. Troy’s two intervening centuries. The seal plays an important role in chronology. The destruction of Troy VIIa took place around
international character also emerges from the burial ground at the debate on the language that was spoken in Troy (see 3.2 and 1190 bc. By this point the Mycenaean palaces had been ruined
Beşik Tepe mentioned above. Some of the 102 graves there con- chapter 4). But it is impossible to reach a verdict on this issue for several decades. Greece was a society with a low level of
tained expensive and exotic funeral gifts, such as bronze ankle on the basis of this seal, as we do not know when it came to organisation and scarcely any international focus. If Troy VIIa
rings, collars of costly carnelian and a Mycenaean seal with a Troy. is to be seen as Homeric Troy then the heroes of the Iliad lived
stylised face. Indications are that Troy VIIb was devastated by war on a after the collapse of the Mycenaean palaces. And if this is the
Influences from both the Anatolian and the Aegean regions number of occasions. The city was finally abandoned in around case, one of the devastations of Troy VIIb could just as well
are thus to be found in Troy VI and VIIa. At an architectural 900 bc following another period of destruction, although there have provided inspiration for Homer.
level, Troy as a settlement with a lower city, matches other loca- are indications of scattered habitation in the area. These include It is thus impossible to determine incontrovertibly which of
tions in Anatolia and the Middle East. The pottery also empha- a few imports from Greece in the Geometric Period, which con- the archaeological layers in Troy is to be linked to the Troy of
sises a clear Anatolian background: thousands of kilograms of stitute evidence that the inhabitants maintained international literature. Archaeology and poetry are in a difficult relation-
mainly Anatolian Grey Ware and Tan Ware have been found – contacts. But Troy would only begin to flourish again after the ship. The archaeology of Troy VI and VII provides no concrete
pots and above all fragments. In contrast there are only a couple founding of a Greek city around 200 years later. leads to life in Troy over several centuries in the Middle and
of hundred shards of Mycenaean pottery, a significant portion Late Bronze Age, while the poetry of the Iliad allows us a liter-
of which was made locally. HOMERIC TROY? ary glimpse into what might have occurred during a very brief
The significance of Mycenaean finds at Troy has been exag- Shortly before his death Heinrich Schliemann acknowledged episode within this timespan.
gerated somewhat over the years; firstly because of the impor- that his hypothesis that Troy II represented Homer’s city could
tant place in mythology and research that Troy occupies as a not be sustained. His colleague and successor Dörpfeld, who
matter of course, and secondly because Blegen has published had better knowledge of the Mycenaean world, proposed Troy
on the Mycenaean pottery extensively and in detail. However, VI as Homeric Troy. The impressive walls of the citadel that
he neglected to treat the local Trojan pottery with the same had been excavated bore comparison with the walls of Troy as
respect, even though it is much more numerous and diverse. described in the Iliad. In addition, the later phases of Troy VI
Moreover, Troy at this time was part of an extensive interna-
tional trading network made up of many regions. Despite the Imported Protogeometric pottery from Troy. Although Troy’s
contact with the Greek world during the period of Troy VI, the A so-called bead rim bowl. Although many new Mycenaean-
Mycenaeans did not play an important role in Troy’s material decline following the destruction of Troy VIIa, its inhabit-
like shapes were introduced into the Trojan pottery repertoire
ants continued to maintain contact with regions overseas,
culture. during the Late Bronze Age, there are also clear Anatolian
including Greece.

TROY VIIB (1190-900 BC)

Troy was not deserted following the devastation of Troy VIIa.
Parts of the city’s defences were even restored once more. What were contemporaneous with the flowering of Mycenaean cul-
is remarkable is that a new construction method was intro- ture in Greece (see 3.3). The pottery found is also evidence of
duced, with part of the city wall being reinforced with low walls contact with the Mycenaeans, and for this reason at the end of
of stone at the bottom. the 20th century the theory was again advanced that contacts
Much of the pottery from this period appears similar to that between the inhabitants of Troy VI and Mycenaen Greece pro-
from previous phases, although one difference is that, after the vided the basis for the myth of a Trojan war.
potter’s wheel had been used for a thousand years (see 2.1), But there are also finds that contradict the identification of
handmade ceramics, comparable with pottery in south-eastern Troy VI with Homeric Troy. For example the extent of the low-
Europe, re-emerged in Troy. A couple of bronze axes from this er city is extremely controversial, and the citadel of Troy VI is
period that were found by Schliemann are of types known from fairly small. In addition, relations with the Mycenaeans appear
Hungary. It is unclear whether the pottery and axes point to to have been of long duration and in general amicable, given
very close contact with the Balkans, or whether new inhabit- the possible exchange of craftsmen. The most significant objec-
ants arrived in Troy from this region. tion is however that Troy VI was destroyed by an earthquake
and there is in fact no evidence pointing to a war.

32 33
TROY CITY, HOMER AND TURKEY THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF TROY

THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF EVERYDAY LIFE:

THE POTTERY OF TROY VI AND VII Minoan stirrup jars similarly attest to contacts across the sea.
By far the most part of the pottery of Troy was produced local-
The name Troy conjures up images of Greek myths and Ho- ly, such as Tan Ware, a variant of Anatolian Grey Ware, which
meric heroes. But there are no texts extant that may be linked
directly to Troy’s archaeology, which consists of the remains resulting in an orange-brown colour. The earliest Tan Ware
of walls and more particularly a great deal of pottery for the consists typically of plates and small bowls.
periods in which some experts place the Trojan War – Troy VI Towards the end of Troy VI a large number of new pottery
and VII. Pottery is important for archaeologists, partly because styles arose. The various carinated cups, or cups on a raised
so much of it has survived. It is virtually indestructible and stem, slowly evolved into a shape comparable to a Mycenaean
may be regarded as the ‘plastic of antiquity’: it was used by kylix
all social groups in earlier societies. The study of pottery thus style repertoire. Decorations on the pottery include imitation
has a prominent position in the archaeology of Troy. rivets that recall metal examples. Metal pots occur only ex-
tremely rarely in Late Bronze Age Western Anatolia and are
probably only for use by the elite. The most important pottery
on the basis of the pottery found in them. Detailed study of shapes from the Troy VI layer are plates, drinking bowls and a
pottery provides us not only with greater insight into the na- large number of kraters (mixing vases). One special shape is
ture of household utensils and how they were used, but also
clear evidence of the function of an excavated building or to be found on the Greek mainland. Chemical analysis reveals
house. Ceramics are also useful for demonstrating important -
cultural links with other regions. Given Troy’s location not far Handle in the form of a horse’s hoof. In the Iliad ‘horse tamer’
from the Aegean it is clear that this contact occurred by sea is one of Hector’s many sobriquets. And there is in fact in- horse’s head attached to the pot as a handle or ornament.
as well.The pottery from Troy VI-early (ca. 1700-1300 BC) creasing evidence that Troy was an important ‘horse city’ These horse protomes are often associated with the arrival of
consists primarily of pots and bowls made on a potter’s during the Late Bronze Age, mainly because of the horse the domesticated horse at the start of the Troy VI period.
wheel (Red Coated Ware, Plain Ware and Anatolian Grey bones and chariot remains found. The pottery of Troy VIIa (ca. 1300-1180 BC) corresponds in
Ware). New pot shapes that appeared in this phase are mainly many aspects to that of the previous period, even if several
new shapes are introduced, such as the kylix without a rim.
has its origins on the Greek mainland, but, as we saw above, Tan Ware krater from Troy, inspired by Mycenaean pottery. The Mycenaean skyphos (two-handled drinking bowl) is often
a local style was also introduced in the form of Anatolian Grey A lion is to be seen above the spiral on the right, and to the found, as well as an Anatolian variant.
Ware – the so-called bead rim bowl (see page 32).

Tan Ware krater from Troy with decorations on the handle

that look like rivets. Undulating patterns applied with a comb
and red colouring may be seen.

The American archaeologist Carl Blegen holding a pilgrim’s

Troy and that Troy VI – thought by his predecessor Dörpfeld

to be the Troy Homer – had been destroyed by an earthquake,
rather than by human hand. A continuing discussion rages
over which habitation layer should be associated with

suggest that Troy VI was destroyed not only by an earthquake

but by other factors as well.

34 35
TROY CITY, HOMER AND TURKEY THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF TROY

FROM ACHILLES TO ALEXANDER

FLORIS VAN DEN EIJNDE

Who has not heard that Troy was uninhabited after of international trading relations caused a sharp decline in the
it was once razed to the ground by the Greeks population of the entire Aegean region. Troy VII, which de-
(Strabo, Lycurgus of Athens 13.1.41⁾ pended on its strategic location overlooking the Dardanelles
and the Aegean, was hit especially hard. There is, furthermore,
The history of Hisarlık knows many gaps: earthquakes, fires evidence that the area saw migrations during this period. Ar-
and wilful destruction by enemies have left their mark on the chaeological research has revealed that the material culture of
city’s history and archaeology. One such devastation, that of subsequent Troy VIIb was heavily influenced by foreign factors.
Troy VIIa around 1180 bc, is exceptionally important however, While pottery from Troy VIIa reveals a clear relationship with
as it meant the end of a golden era lasting centuries. This event other cities on the western littoral of Asia Minor, the later ma-
heralded in the end of the Bronze Age for northeastern Ana- terial is evidently linked to styles that had previously been seen
tolia, where the fall of this important citadel spelled the end only in the Balkans.
of dominance for the once all-powerful Hittite Kingdom. By Here we are able to pull together a number of interesting
contrast with the destruction of the earlier Troy VI, which ar- conclusions. If Troy VIIa was indeed destroyed by a Greek/My-
chaeologists attribute to an earthquake, Troy VIIa appears to cenaean coalition, as Homer suggests, this event did not lead
have been deliberately razed. The demise of Troy VIIa is thus the victors to occupy the citadel permanently. Insofar as Myce-
a logical candidate for scholars such as Latacz and Korfmann naean pottery has been found in Troy, it originates from the pe-
(see 2.2), who seek an historical core to the Iliad and the Odys- riod before the destruction, and thus from a time when Greeks
sey, epics that came into being much later than the destruction certainly did not control of the citadel. The pottery originating
of Bronze Age Troy. According to common – though not uni- from Greece therefore seems to have arrived at Troy through
Earthenware bull found in Troy’s Lower City near the defensive versally accepted understanding – these works were composed trade. No Mycenaean pottery dating from after the destruction
wall of Troy VI. Bulls played an important role in the Hittite it could also be a priest or a worshipper. The lack of extant in the second half of the 8th century bc, almost five centuries has been found on the site. Ironically, the Fall of Troy seems
pantheon, being associated with Tarhunt, the god of the sky texts from Troy means that we know little of the how its later. to have been precipitated by one of its main trading partners,
and storm. The Trojans possibly shared this god with their inhabitants perceived the world.
neighbours to the east.
What happened to the city during these crucial centuries in causing the end of Mycenaean-Trojan exchange.
which the story of the Trojan War literally acquired epic pro- The material culture that we encounter in Troy VIIb, after
portions? And what happened to the city in the centuries fol- the disastrous destruction of ca. 1180 bc may rather be com-
lowing Homer, when his works evolved into the touchstone of pared to ceramics from Europe, in particular from the region of
ancient – and indeed Western – literature? These questions are Thrace to the north of the Dardanelles and the Sea of Marmara.
This period also reveals that the Trojan population allowed
a house outside the citadel. The stylistic characteristics of
of major importance, as the ‘mythical’ Troy of Homer had al- Apart from the Anatolian Grey Ware that had been manufac-
pottery was increasingly ready in antiquity been identified with the Bronze Age ruins we tured in Troy for well over a millennium, handmade pottery
imitated locally. An example is a local Tan Ware krater with know today as “Troy”. At this spot, Greek Ilion, and later Ro- manufactured without using the pottery wheel, is attested dur-
found in the same house, possibly representing a deity. man Ilium, evolved into a major historical and religious monu- ing this period. Recent research has shown that this material,
Cypriot pottery found at Troy reveals contact with Cyprus and ment, a place of pilgrimage for the tourists of antiquity, which referred to as knobbed ware, was made locally, indicating that
the Levant. These contacts were not one-sided, as Anatolian and northern Syria. in turn had a marked influence on the Homeric tradition. The a new population, originating from the eastern Balkans, set-
Grey Ware from Troy has also been found on Cyprus and in Wendy Rigter city played a major role as a lieu de memoir in later antiquity, tled in Troy during this period, probably alongside the origi-
the Levant.
providing inspiration not only for Homer but also for genera- nal inhabitants. In this phase the population withdrew to the
tions of poets and artists to come. safety of the old citadel, and the much larger lower city was
abandoned. In the citadel itself, houses from the previous phase
THE EARLY IRON AGE were repaired and reoccupied.
Little is known of the first centuries after the Fall of Troy VIIa, Balkan influence has been associated with the influx of
but it is clear that with the demise of this Troy a period of de- the Phrygians, a civilization that reached its zenith in the
cline set in for this mighty fortress. The virtually simultaneous 8th century bc. They seem to have taken advantage of the
collapse of the Hittite power structures and the general decay power vacuum left by the Fall of Troy and the collapse of the

36 37
TROY CITY, HOMER AND TURKEY THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF TROY

not permanently occupy the city they had expended so much earliest attestation of the sanctuary. The stories about the theft
blood, sweat and tears on conquering. The story of the city’s of the palladion and the soldiers hidden in the Wooden Horse
destruction was evidently taken back to the Greek mainland derive from Vergil’s Aeneid (2.1-452), written at the end of the
along with the legendary treasure, where it was handed down 1st century bc, by when Troy had become a magnet for tour-
from generation to generation five centuries. The idiom of the ism and the shrine was enjoying international renown (see also
Homeric epic suggests that this tradition was transmitted with- chapter 7).
in the Aeolic-Greek speaking region in Northern Greece and Troy – or Ilion as it was now called – was a holy site for
on the Northern Aegean islands of Lesbos and Tenedos. Only the Aeolian Greeks in the Troad. It probably did not belong
after around 1000 bc did cautious colonisation of the north- to any one city but rather served as a cult site shared by the
eastern littoral of the Anatolian mainland by Aeolic speaking Aeolian colonists on the north-western littoral of Asia Minor.
Greeks get underway. This influx of Greeks into the Troad – The open-air museum that Troy had become,with its ruins and
the region surrounding Troy, between the Dardanelles and the shrines, enabled the Greeks to reflect on their own past and to
Mytilini Strait that separates Lesbos from the mainland – cor- create a common identity. Here they found legitimation for
responds with the virtual disappearance of proto-Phrygian in- their territorial claims in Asia Minor as they traced their com-
fluence in Hisarlık, and it is natural to assume that the entire plex genealogies back to the Greek heroes of the Iliad. The Tro-
region was occupied by Greeks. The Aeolians did not settle in jan cycle was thus born of an historic core and fleshed out by
Troy itself, however, but at points closer to the coast, such as mythological imagination, inspired by the city’s archaeological
Sigeion and Assos. remains.
The Greek colonists of the Troad also imported their memo-
ries of the legendary war for Troy. Seeing the proud ruins of Troy ILION AS PROPAGANDA
must have made an overwhelming impression on the Greeks, From the 6th century bc onwards the Greek poleis gradually
who had no cities of their own anywhere near this size. This un- lost their independence. Lydia, Persia, Athens, Macedonia,
doubtedly played a decisive role in the continued existence of Pergamon and Rome successively ruled the Aeolian cities in
the Trojan epic in its extended Homeric version. Although they Asia Minor, resulting in Ilion’s, international acclaim. Indepen-
did not settle in Troy itself, two important sanctuaries arose on dently, the Iliad and the Odyssey spread the city’s fame through-
top of the still clearly visible ruins from the end of the 8th cen- out Greece and even abroad, as is shown by this passage from
tury bc. On the western slopes of the citadel traces have been Herodotus:
Hittite Kingdom. These early Phrygians occupied a major part The settlement mound of Troy is comprised of the remains found of a sanctuary that, based on the type of votive offerings,
of North-Western Anatolia, including Gordion – well-known of innumerable phases of habitation. More than a century of appears to have been in use from the 8th century bc. Three
from the “Gordian Knot” episode in the Alexander legend – a archaeological research has turned the original sloping successive buildings offered visitors a space for ritual meals and Hand formed pottery with knob-decoration. Following the
mound into a crater landscape. The walls of the oldest phase severe destruction of Troy VIIa around 1180 BC, a number of
former Hittite citadel in Central Anatolia that the intruders are in the middle of the mound and at considerable depth.
sleeping quarters for those who came from afar. In the Archaic
chose as their capital. The European origin of the Phrygians is Period (700-500 bc) wild animals were kept in the sanctuary, new forms of earthenware turn up that are reminiscent of
Later phases may be found further towards the outside of the
supported by the fact that their language is closely related to mound. The maze of ruins resulting from more than three possibly dedicated to a mother goddess resembling Cybele.
of different peoples into the region at the time. However,
Greek (see Plato, Cratylus, 410a). millennia of habitation and construction remains just as con- A shrine to Athena was built on the former citadel. Accord- existing pottery traditions were continued.
The fact that Phrygia is referred to in the Iliad as among ing to post-Homeric tradition, Odysseus and Diomedes stole
Troy’s allies (Iliad 2.862-863) is put forward as a counter-argu- who excavated the site. the wooden statue (palladion) of Athena from her temple in
ment to this historical reconstruction. The area is usually asso- the hope of advancing a Greek victory. The same tradition re-
ciated with Ascania, a region that stretched along the Sangarios ports how the famous Trojan Horse, filled with Greek soldiers,
(Sakarya) River from the Black Sea to the Phrygian heartland turned everything he touched to gold. It is not improbable that was borne by the Trojans to the shrine of the goddess as a gift.
around Gordion. According to the Homeric epic, a young King Homer, or one of the bards that preceded him, did not want to Contrary to the prevailing opinion, the origins of the shrine
Priam marched at the head of an army to support the Phrygians omit this powerful state from the epic and included a Phrygian to Athena probably do not lie in the Bronze Age, but rather
to fight off an attack by the Amazons (Iliad 3.184-189) and even princess in his poem to bestow it with “historical accuracy”. in the 8th century bc, when shrines to Athena were erected on
took a Phrygian princess, Hecuba, as his wife (Iliad 16.715-719). Whatever the truth is, this proto-Phrygian phase of the set- many Bronze Age ruins, such as Athens and Mycenae. As pro-
How are we to explain this tradition if the Phrygians were not tlement at Troy also came to an end, around 950 bc. Over the tectress of citadels she is intimately associated with the impres-
even present in Anatolia at the time of the Trojan War? two subsequent centuries there is scarcely any evidence of hu- sive fortifications of the legendary past. The fact that Homer
In this regard it is important to remember that the Troy of man activity in and around the citadel. does not mention the shrine to Athena suggests as well that it
the Iliad is in the first instance a reinvention by Homer. In was not erected in Troy until the 8th century, when the first vo-
the 8th century bc Phrygia was a powerful state, ruled by a THE RETURN OF THE GREEKS tive remains appear. Unfortunately, the excavations of the 19th
king that we know as Mi-ta-a from Assyrian clay tablets, and One of the many paradoxes linked to the saga of the Greek century have largely destroyed the shrine itself, and a passage
from Greek historiography as the legendary King Midas who conquest of Troy, is the fact that the Mycenaean Greeks did from Herodotus (7.43.2) dating to the 5th century bc is our

38 39
TROY CITY, HOMER AND TURKEY THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF TROY

When the army had come to the river Scamander (...) Xerxes
ascended to the citadel of Priam, having a desire to see it.
After he saw it and asked about everything there, he sacrificed a
thousand cattle to Athena of Ilium, and the Magi offered
libations to the heroes.
(Herodotus, Histories 7.43.2)

In this passage the Persian King Xerxes halts to inspect the city
of Troy during his expedition to Greece (483-479 bc). Although
Herodotus does not relate why Xerxes sacrifices a thousand cat-
tle, or to which heroes (Greek or Trojan) the magi offer liba-
tions, it is not difficult to reconstruct the underlying motives.
As Herodotus writes earlier in his Histories (Book 1), the Trojan
War was regarded as part of a centuries-long struggle between
‘Asia’ and ‘Europe’. For Xerxes Troy was the ideal spot to bestow
symbolic significance on his invasion of Greece. By honouring
Athena and the heroes of Troy he underlined the expedition’s
aim: to avenge the Fall of Troy and to punish the Greeks.
One and a half centuries later Alexander the Great visited
Troy at the start of his great campaign through Asia. Just before
the first major battle (334 bc), which was fought at the River
Granicus (Biga), he halted his army to pay his respects to the
city. He swapped his armour for a suit that was kept in the
temple of Athena and that was said to originate from the time Alexander the Great (356-323 BC) is one of the greatest
of the Trojan War. He then organised a race for himself and conquerors in world history. He visited Troy at the start of his
his comrades at a spot which had been identified as the Grave campaign of conquest through Asia with the aim paying
tribute to the famous city and his great hero Achilles.
of Achilles on the coast, close to where the Greek army was Plaster, after an original from 1st century BC.
believed to have camped. The symbolism of Alexander’s actions
mirrors that of Xerxes’.
By honouring the Greek hero Achilles with games, Alexan-
der was undoubtedly recalling the funeral games of Patroclus A new temple to Athena was built, along with a theatre ac-
described in the Iliad. Analogous to the vengeance wreaked by commodating some 8,000 spectators. In addition a ‘Panathe-
Achilles for the death of his beloved brother-in-arms Patroclus, naic’ festival was established following the example of Athens.
Alexander, as avenger of Achilles, would accomplish the con- The newly built shrine became the centre of a newly formed
quest of the Persian Empire. political league in the Troad, a federation of around 10 Aeolian-
Although Alexander died before making good his promise Greek cities that celebrated their common festivals in Ilion and
to turn Troy into a prosperous city once more, his successors, held political meetings there.
the Diadochi, dedicated themselves to embellishing the city.

Greek vase from 530-520 BC with a depiction of Cassandra,

who has sought refuge from an approaching Greek hero un-
der the shield of a statue of the goddess Athena. Cassandra
was able to see into the future and had predicted Troy’s
demise, although she was not believed.

40 41
3 TROY AND ITS THE HITTITES

NEIGHBOURS
WILLEMIJN WAAL

The Late Bronze Age – the period between around 1600 and THE HITTITE KINGDOM
1180 bc – may be seen as the golden age of Troy. This may be The Hittite Kingdom (ca. 1650-1180 bc) was one of the great
deduced from archaeological finds and the monumental scale powers of the old Middle East in the Late Bronze Age, along
of the building during this period on the citadel, both fortifica- with Babylonia, Assyria, Egypt and others. Its capital, Hattuša,
tions and dwellings. Many details of what Troy looked like that lay on the central Anatolian plateau, around 150 kilometres to
are to be found in the Iliad seem to correspond closely with the east of Ankara, near modern-day Boghazköy or Boğazkale.
what archaeological work has exposed so far, although there are The borders of the kingdom fluctuated considerably over the
also considerable differences. The Homeric epics suggest the 500 years of its existence. At the peak of its power it occupied a
city was the centre of a large empire, able to call on allies from large part of modern Turkey and parts of northern Syria.
distant regions, but in reality it was one of a number of rela- The core of the kingdom, the region around the capital, was
tively important centres along the western Anatolian littoral. under direct Hittite control. The rest, referred to by the Hittites
The city was certainly not the centre of a large empire, and themselves as the ‘land of Hatti’, consisted primarily of a net-
for a large part of its history was subject to rule by other more work of vassal states under the rule of local kings. These vassals
powerful neighbours. were bound to the Hittite Great King through personal treaty
Troy was certainly an important centre for trade in north- and an oath of honour. They enjoyed a measure of freedom in
western Anatolia – the German director of the excavation running their internal affairs, but matters like foreign affairs
around Troy, Manfred Korfmann, has for example put forward were for the Hittite king to decide.
the idea that the city controlled trade through the Bosporus
towards the Black Sea – but it always had to pay close heed SOURCES
to its neighbours. The Hittites were without doubt the most A number of collections of clay tablets have been found in
important of these. Cuneiform texts from the Hittite capital Hattuša and in smaller Hittite cities. These tablets are inscribed
at Hattuša even indicate that the king of Wiluša – as Troy was in the Old Babylonian cuneiform that the Hittites had adopted
presumably called – was a vassal of the king of the Hittites. from Mesopotamia. This cuneiform script is mainly syllabic but
The neighbours to the west – the Mycenaean Greeks – were also uses logograms. Estimates put the number of clay tablets,
active in Troy, probably primarily for purposes of trade, but on and more particularly tablet fragments, dug up in the capital at
occasion also out for plunder or conquest. Then there were var- 25,000-30,000.
ious peoples on the western coast of Anatolia, who appear to Most of the compositions were in Hittite, the official lan-
have united from time to time to defend themselves against the guage of the empire, although texts written in Sumerian,
Hittites, if the Hittite texts are to be believed, but who usually Akkadian, Hurrian, Hattian and Luwian have also been found.
operated as independent statelets. Hittite is an Indo-European language and the oldest member
During the late Bronze Age, Troy was certainly a prosperous of this group that has survived in written form. Apart from
city, but it also lay in the border region between the Hittites cuneiform, an indigenous hieroglyphic script existed that was
and the Mycenaeans. The city’s rulers needed to be politically used for Luwian. Luwian was closely related to Hittite and
skilful in order to maintain a measure of autonomy. was presumably spoken in a large part of the empire (see 3.2).
This hieroglyphic script has survived primarily in stone rock
inscriptions and seals, but it was probably also used for wooden
documents that have not come down to us. Anatolian hiero-
A photographic overview of Hattuša, the capital of the Hittite glyphic script continued to be used after the fall of the Hittite
Kingdom until around 700 bc.
and thus formed a sound buffer against earthquake. The
upper structure of the walls, which no longer exists, was
made of unbaked clay brick.

43
TROY CITY, HOMER AND TURKEY TROY AND ITS NEIGHBOURS

with the name P(a)riyamuwas that occurs in Hittite texts. The

name Paris is also possibly Luwian.

The Treaty
The treaty between Alakšandu and Muwatalli indicates that
there had been contact between Hatti and Wiluša for some
time. The Hittite king refers to this in the opening lines:

Thus speaks my sun, Muwatalli, great king, king of Hatti,

beloved of the storm-god of lightning, son of Mursili, great
king, hero:
Once my forefather Labarna went to war with the Arzawa
lands [region in western Anatolia] and the land of Wiluša
and defeated them. Thereafter Arzawa began war, and
Wilusa defected, but because it is long past, I do not know
from which king of Hatti Wiluša defected. But even if
Wiluša was separated from Hattuša, they remained on
friendly terms with the kings of Hatti and regularly
sent envoys.

On the evidence of this fragment, relations had always been

good, even when Wiluša was separated from Hatti as a result
of war – it was so far in the past that Muwatalli no longer
knows which of his forefathers it took place under. It should
be noted here that the historical prologues of Hittite treaties
are not always completely reliable: they usually serve to justify
Anatolian hieroglyphic script in the capital Hattuša. This the treaty and may represent matters in a better light than The Alakšandu treaty: a treaty between Hittite Great King
script was probably used not only on stone but also on wood, was actually the case. The treaty with Alakšandu was moreo- Muwatalli II (1295 -1272 BC) and his vassal Alakšandu of
ALAKŠANDU OF WILUŠA
although nothing remains of the latter. This is also the case ver a standard vassal treaty, in which the Hittite king clearly Wiluša. The text of the treaty indicates that Wiluša was subor-
with Linear B: the shape of Linear B signs indicate that the In the 1920s a treaty between the Hittite King Muwatalli II
script was probably primarily designed for inscriptions on (1295-1272 BC) and a vassal king of Wiluša, called then the political situation in the treaty (showing Wiluša as a
materials other than clay. Alakšandu, was found in Hattuša, capital of the Hittite Furthermore, this tablet that I have drawn up for you, ‘regular’ Hittite dependency) diverges from the Homeric
Kingdom. Researchers immediately saw a remarkable resem- Alakšandu, will be read out to you three times a year, picture of Troy as a great and independent city with a large
blance between the names Alakšandu and Alexander. In the so that you, Alakšandu, shall know it. These words are number of allies.
Iliad, Alexander is the Greek name of Paris, the Trojan prince in no way
TEXT GENRES
who carried off the beautiful Helen from Sparta – the cause reciprocal: they issue from Hatti!
The surviving texts date to all phases of the empire, although of the Trojan War. The name Wiluša strongly recalls the city
the vast majority were written in the final period. All the tablets (W)Ilios (accusative case (W)Ilion). In the Homeric era, the In conclusion it is interesting to note that the god ‘A-ap-pa-li-u-
are state documents that were found in the tablet collections in name of this city began with the letter Wau, which was later na-aš’ is included among the gods of Wiluša in the list of gods
the storerooms of the temple and in the palace. No private Hit- that are invoked at the end of the treaty. This god may possibly Moreover, the Hittites are not mentioned in the Iliad, and in
tite texts have yet been found. The contents of these tablets are the Odyssey they play only a minor role that does not match
extremely varied; apart from religious themes like festival and mentioned in the annals of King Tudhaliya I (ca. 1400 BC), Iliad. Unfortunately there is a break in the clay tablet just be- their prominent position in the late Bronze Age.
was uncertain. Since then it has been established on the ba- fore this point, so that we cannot completely rule out the pos- It is clear that we should not read Homer as a reliable histori-
ritual protocols, oracle reports, cult inventories and prayers,
sis of subsequent evidence that the Hittite Wiluša lay in the sibility that there might have been another syllable in front of cal source. We should bear in mind that the Trojan War is actu-
there are also annals, legal texts, mythological and literary texts, Troad region, just as did Homeric Troy. Wiluša is also named the name. Iliad. The war serves as
treaties and letters. alongside Taruiša/Truiša (both readings are possible in cunei- a backdrop for conveying human emotions and motivations.
The last category includes international correspondence with Conclusions It is certainly not inconceivable, and is even plausible, that for
the other kings of the era with whom the Hittite king was on The feminine form of the name Alexander (a-re-ka-sa-da-ra) What conclusions may be drawn from the treaty? Is the the purposes of this background, use is made of one or more
an equal footing. There are for example letters to his peers in has been found on Mycenaean Linear B tablets from the late - historical events and/or personalities that the audience was
Babylonia, Assyria and Mitanni (the kingdom of the Hurri- Bronze Age, indicating that this Mycenaean name was in use der/Paris in the Iliad? The similarity in names is striking, but familiar with (see also 1.3). The underlying historical facts are
at the time. It is virtually certain that Alakšandu is the Hittite there are also elements that do not correspond with the Iliad.
ans) and to the pharaohs of Egypt. The Hittite king also cor-
masculine form of this name, and the fact that the prince of For example, the treaty between Muwatalli and Alakšandu is a and protagonists of the Iliad have taken on a life of their own,
responded with the king of Ahhiyawa, a kingdom to the west of standard vassal treaty: Alakšandu is clearly subject to the and the Alexander in the Iliad no longer has anything to do
Hatti that may be identified as Mycenaean Greece. between the Mycenaean Greeks and the inhabitants of Troy. Hittite king. This differs from Homer’s legendary Troy, where with the historical Alakšandu of Wiluša.
While Alakšandu may well be a Greek name, the name of Priam was king of a large and independent kingdom.

44 45
TROY CITY, HOMER AND TURKEY

THE LANGUAGE OF TROY

ALWIN KLOEKHORST

In the second millennium bc Troy was an extremely prosperous WILUŠA

city, a bustling trading centre where traders from all corners of The Hittite texts referring to Wiluša provide no convincing
the world gathered and where a multitude of languages was to evidence for the language was spoken in Troy, although we
be heard on the street. However, the question which language may make a number of assumptions on the basis of indirect
the inhabitants of Troy themselves spoke during this period is evidence.
not easy to answer. There is simply no conclusive evidence. No Firstly, a treaty between the Hittite and Wilušan kings that
texts have been dug up in Troy it self, apart from a single seal has been found in the Hittite archives at Boghazköy (see page
with a Luwian inscription (see page 59), nor do the historical 45), indicates that Wiluša was a vassal state under Hittite su-
sources on Troy provide a clear answer. We will thus have to zerainty. As the Hittite king corresponded with his vassals in
focus on indirect clues to the possible origins of the language Hittite (the relevant treaty was drawn up in Hittite), there must
of the Trojans. at the very least have been scribes working at the Wiluša court
who were competent in Hittite. We could even imagine that
WESTERN ANATOLIA IN THE SECOND there must have been Hittite diplomats living in Wiluša who
MILLENNIUM BC discussed affairs with the Wilušan court in Hittite.
In the second millennium bc, Anatolia was dominated by Secondly, we know the names of two Wilušan kings from the
the Hittite Kingdom (see 3.1). All the information we have Hittite texts. It has not been possible thus far to convincingly
available from this period about Troy and the rest of western link the name of one of these kings, Walmu, to any specific lan-
Anatolia is derived from the royal archives of the Hittites. On guage. The name of the other king, with whom the treaty men- OTHER WESTERN ANATOLIAN STATES A typical Aegean landscape: view from Keros towards
the basis of these texts we know that around the 13th century tioned above was concluded, is Alakšandu, which has a much AND THE LUWIAN HYPOTHESIS Koufonisi in the Cyclades. In the background the mountains
of Naxos are visible. On that island, there was an important
bc,western Anatolia consisted of various small kingdoms or more familiar ring to it. In the 1920s, when the tablet that The language or languages that were spoken in other west-
Mycenaean settlement. Naxos and other smaller islands in
statelets. The most important of these, from north to south, mentions it was dug up, Alakšandu was immediately linked ern Anatolian states cannot be determined conclusively from the Aegean formed a convenient springboard for shipping
were Māša, Wiluša, Šēha, Arzawa, Mirā and Lukkā. to the Greek Aleksandros, the name used in Homer’s Iliad for sources dating back to the second millennium bc. There is between Anatolia and the Greek mainland.
The area where Troy lies belongs to the region referred to by the Trojan prince Paris. The use of a Greek name by the royal certainly indirect evidence that some of these states must have
the Hittites as Wiluša, and it is now generally accepted that family of Wiluša indicates that the Wilušans must at the very used Luwian as their language. Luwian is an Indo-European
this name corresponds to the Greek name for Troy, Ilios. The least have had close links to the Greeks, and possibly even that language closely related to Hittite that we know from a number
Hittite name Wiluša may be analysed linguistically as wilw-ša, Greeks had married into the royal family (which could possibly of texts contained in the royal archive of Hattuša, and more es- ever, a recently found inscription includes several Luwian
in which -ša is a suffix used in many country names, while the be compared to the legend of the Greek Helen who fell in love pecially from later hieroglyphic inscriptions from south-eastern words, thus conclusively proving the use of Luwian. As may
-w- automatically becomes a -u- when placed between two con- with Paris and left Sparta for Troy, causing the Greeks to launch Anatolia and Syria that date to around 1100-700 bc. The most be seen on the language map, these inscriptions are found
sonants. And the Greek Ilios, with its older variant Wilios, may an attack on Troy to get her back). important indications that Luwian was used are the following: primarily in the region of Arzawa/Mirā and the southern
derive from the older *Wilwios. (The star indicates that we are We know from archaeological and Hittite sources that from 1. Old Hittite texts dating to around 1600 bc refer to a land part of Šēha.
dealing with a reconstructed form that has not been found as around 1400 bc, Greeks (that is to say Mycenaeans, referred called Luwiya that may possibly be located in western Ana- We may assume on the basis of these arguments that Luwian
such, but which may be assumed to have existed on linguistic to by the Hittites as the people of Ahhiyawa, or rather ‘Achae- tolia, and more specifically in the vicinity of the state Ar- was spoken in any event in Arzawa/Mirā and possibly also in
grounds.) Given that –ios is a well-known suffix in Greek for ans’), settled at certain points in western Anatolia, primarily in zawa/Mirā. If the language is called Luwian (luwili in Hit- part of Šēha in the second millennium bc. Some experts have
country names, *Wilwios may be analysed as wilw-ios. Clearly, Millawanda (Miletus) and on the island Lazpa (Lesbos). tite) after the land of Luwiya, it is also probable that Luwian for this reason argued that it is certainly possible that Troy also
both names have the same root wilw-. A great deal of Mycenaean pottery has also been found in Troy, was spoken in this region, in any event around 1600 bc. used Luwian as its language. One expert (Calvert Watkins)
A land called Trūiša also comes up a few times in the Hittite especially from phases of habitation in the 13th century bc, sug- 2. The names of various kings from western Anatolian states, has even attempted to identify Luwian etymologies for Trojan
texts. It lay close to Wiluša or was perhaps even part of Wiluša. gesting the presence of – or in any event acquaintance with in the form that we know them from Hittite texts, appear to names as they occur in Homer’s Iliad. For example, the name
It is now generally believed that this name corresponds to the – Greeks. This presence evidently left its mark on the Wilušan be of Luwian origin. of the Trojan king, Priam, is analysed as *priya-muwa-, which
Greek name Troiē. In Hittite -iša is a suffix, which means that royal family. Nevertheless it is unlikely that the Wilušans were 3. The only texts found in western Anatolia itself are a number in Luwian would mean something like ‘pre-eminent in power’.
Trūiša may be analysed as trū-iša, while the Greek word Troiē originally Greeks themselves. The Hittite texts reveal that of rock inscriptions written in Luwian hieroglyphs. Some The hypothesis that Luwian was spoken in Troy received
presumably derives from the older *Trōē, which we may ana- Wiluša was certainly under the influence of Ahhiyawa, but not of these inscriptions consist solely of the names of people, support in 1995, with the discovery at Troy of a second millen-
lyse as trō-ē. As Hittite did not have the ōsound, we may assume part of it. which do not really have to be ‘in a specific language’. How- nium bc seal, bearing the name of a scribe and his wife written
that the Hittite trū- and the Greek trō- are the same.
46 47
TROY CITY, HOMER AND TURKEY TROY AND ITS NEIGHBOURS

in Luwian hieroglyphs (see chapter 4). Unfortunately, this seal From around 800 bc, alphabetic script came into use in the
does not conclusively prove that Luwian was used in Troy. The western Anatolian region, and most of the small kingdoms re- Phrygian
seal itself dates to the 13th century bc, but it was found in a ferred to above used their own variant of the alphabet to com- Carian
layer of destruction from around a century and a half later. municate in the local language. Texts written on perishable ma- Lemnian
However, as many ‘foreign’ traders were present in second mil- terials have unfortunately been lost, but we certainly have many Lycian
lennium bc Troy, the possibility that this seal belonged to a rock inscriptions and inscriptions on stone monuments. On Daskyleion
Lemnos Troy Gordion Lydian
non-Trojan cannot be excluded. the basis of these texts we are able to draw up a language map of Mysian
The ‘Luwian analysis’ of names like Priam is also inconclu- western Anatolia in the first millennium bc (Greek and Roman Pisidic
sive, as it is simply impossible to prove that the Homeric names inscriptions have for the sake of convenience been ignored). Lesbos
Sidetic
did indeed originate in second millennium bc Troy. And even Each dot indicates the spot where one or more inscriptions
if the name is authentic and should be interpreted as Luwian, were found. On this basis we have a relatively good idea of the
this does not of itself say anything about the language situation languages of Lydia, Caria, Lycia and Phrygia. We have only
Smyrna Sardis
in Troy. Just as in the case of Alakšandu/Aleksandros, it does a single inscription from Mysia, and the inscriptions from
not necessarily suggest more than the fact that the Trojan royal Pisidia, in two differing languages, Pisidian and Sidetic, are also Ephesos
house had links with Luwian-speaking states (an extremely extremely scanty. We have no inscriptions at all from Bithynia.
Miletus
likely possibility given the proximity of Arzawa/Mirā, which
was as we have seen probably Luwian-speaking). POPULATION MOVEMENTS AROUND 1200 BC
Taking everything into account, we may conclude that it is Of course, one cannot simply project the language map of the Halicarnassus
Side
entirely possible that there were Luwian speakers in Troy, with first millennium bc backwards to the second millennium. The
the seal as evidence, but that it cannot be proven that the city crisis that took place in 1200 bc was so extensive that it is likely Xanthos
as a whole was Luwian-speaking. It should be borne in mind that various population movements took place at this time.
that Luwian-speaking Arzawa/Mirā and surroundings, despite This is also what the Greek authors tell us. According to these
its relative proximity still lies at the considerable distance from authors, the Mysians, Phrygians and Bithynians originated
Troy of around 200 kilometres to the south. Moreover, the lan- from Thrace, the region to the north of the Sea of Marmara.
guage situation in a single western Anatolian state cannot be From a linguistic point of view these tales may well be true. The other languages found in western Anatolia – Lydian, Linguistic map of Anatolia in the 1st millennium BC.
projected across the whole of western Anatolia without further The language of the Phrygians (of these three languages the Carian, Lycian, Pisidian and Sidetic – are also Indo European
evidence. As we will see below, other languages must have been one we know best) is certainly an Indo-European language, but languages but belong to the same branch as Hittite and Luwian.
spoken alongside Luwian in the western Anatolia of the second it does not belong to the same branch as Hittite and Luwian, They are so closely related to Luwian that we regard this group
millennium bc. the Indo-European languages spoken in Anatolia in the second of languages as a sub-branch, the Luwian branch. It is thus very Lydian. We have seen that the Phrygians and Mysians invaded
millennium. Phrygian appears rather to be closely related to probable that these languages are completely indigenous, and Anatolia only after the fall of the Hittite kingdom. Thus, nei-
AROUND 1200 BC: CRISIS Greek. Given that Phrygian could not have come from Greece it is generally assumed that they or their precursors were spo- ther Phrygian nor Mysian could have been the original lan-
Around 1200 bc, the entire eastern Mediterranean region de- itself, which was already Greek-speaking, it is extremely likely ken in western Anatolia as early as the second millennium bc. guage spoken in Troy. However, this does not apply to Lydian.
scended into crisis: Mycenaean civilisation collapsed and Troy that it was originally spoken to the north-east of Greece, for ex- However, this does not mean that at the time these languages This language, which belongs to the same linguistic branch as
VIIa was destroyed, while the Hittite Kingdom also disappeared ample in modern Bulgaria. The Phrygians must have migrated were spoken in precisely the same places as in the first millen- Hittite and Luwian, which was very probably spoken in Anato-
during this period. With the collapse of Hittite supremacy the to Anatolia at a certain point, as the Greek sources relate, tak- nium. As we have noted, the collapse of the Hittite kingdom lia in the second millennium bc, is the language found closest
cuneiform tradition disappears from Anatolia.We have no clear ing their language with them. The fact that a memory of this allowed various population groups to invade the region from to Troy during the first millennium (in the Lydian capital at
view of what happened in western Anatolia between ca. 1700 Phrygian invasion continued to exist suggests that it could not northern Anatolia, and it is entirely possible that groups within Daskyleion), and is thus a candidate for having been the lan-
and 800 bc. have taken place too far in the past. A date around 1200 bc Anatolia were also forced to move. For example a convincing guage of Troy. A number of experts advocate this view, includ-
Greek authors form an important source of information on could well fit with these facts. It appears safe to assume that the case has been made (by the Leiden language expert Beekes) that ing the eminent linguist Günter Neumann, but there is another
western Anatolia in the first millennium bc. Following the fall Phrygians invaded Anatolia via Thrace following the collapse the Lydians must have lived further to the north of Lydia in the – and in my view better – candidate.
of the Hittite Kingdom Greek peoples settled in this region of the Hittite Kingdom, or more probably after indications of second millennium bc, in the region called Māša during this
in increasing numbers, and halfway through the first millen- its pending collapse. The sole Mysian inscription that we know period. They would then have been forced to migrate further THE LANGUAGE OF TROY:
nium the largest part of the western Anatolian littoral had be- suggests an extremely close relationship with Phrygian, and we to the south following the invasion of the Phrygians, Mysians LEMNIAN/ETRUSCAN?
come Greek-speaking. On the basis of works by Greek authors may perhaps assume that the Mysians and Phrygians spoke dif- and Bithynians. Alongside Phrygian, Mysian and Lydian, there is yet another
originating from that area (for example Herodotus, who was ferent dialects of one and the same language. (Compare also language found in the vicinity of Troy, namely Lemnian. This
from Halicarnassus), we know a lot about the political situa- the alternative name for Mysia: Phrygia-on-the-Hellespont.) THE LANGUAGE OF TROY: LYDIAN? language is named for Lemnos, the Aegean island that lies im-
tion in the region. We are able to make out the following small We know nothing about Bithynian, but as the story about the Whenever we zoom in on Troy and view its immediate sur- mediately west of Troy. Two stelae and a few pottery shards
kingdoms: Mysia, Lydia, Caria, Lycia, Bithynia, Phrygia and Mysian and Phrygian invasion of Anatolia appears to be true, roundings, we observe the following situation. No inscriptions with inscriptions in Lemnian have been found on the island.
Pisidia. The city of Troy and its surroundings fell under Mysia, this may also apply to the Bithynians. from the first millennium bc have been found in the vicinity An interesting point is that Lemnian reveals extensive similari-
which is also known as Phrygia-on-the-Hellespont. of Troy itself. The closest languages are Phrygian, Mysian and ties with Etruscan. These similarities are so significant that we

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TROY CITY, HOMER AND TURKEY TROY AND ITS NEIGHBOURS

may regard the two languages as closely related dialects. How

are these facts to be interpreted historically?
Troy/Wiluša and the islands to the west as their core territory
with an offshoot to the southern coast of the Sea of Marmara. THE MYCENAEAN GREEKS
The origin of the Etruscans has long been one of history’s To the east this region overlaps the region where the Lydians
great unsolved puzzles. As already in antiquity the Etruscans lived in the second millennium bc, and that could very well JORRIT KELDER
were thought not to be native to Italy, but to have originated be the reason why in classical antiquity it was believed that the
elsewhere, namely in Lydia. This was long dismissed as a myth Etruscans originated in Lydia.
with little historical basis, but the realization that the Etrus- Apart from Beekes’ 24 arguments in favour of why the ori-
can language is closely related to the language of Lemnos has gins of the Etruscans must have lain in this region, two addi-
again sparked the debate. Professor Beekes of Leiden University tional arguments may be adduced to support the link between We know from Hittite texts that, from around 1400 to 1220 bc,
recently published a lengthy article in which he listed 24 argu- the Etruscans and Troy. Firstly, the root of the name Troy in the western coast of Anatolia was subject to incursions from
ments that provide strong evidence that the Etruscans did in Hittite, trū- (Trūiša), and in Greek, *trō- (Troíe), appears to be people from the land of Ahhiyawa. There has been almost a
fact come from Lydia. However, according to Beekes, this does identical to that in the name for the Etruscans, which is tru-. century of debate on whom precisely the Hittites had in mind,
not refer to classical Lydia (as per Herodotus), but rather to the (The e- in ‘Etrusc’ is a vowel prefixed to facilitate articulating but it is now clear that Ahhiyawa must have lain in Greece,
region the Lydians inhabited in the second millennium bc, that the initial consonant cluster tr-. Compare the e-less variant tur- although precisely where within Greece remains unclear.
is to say the region that was then called Māša. The Etruscans in the Greek word Tursenoi, and the Latin Tuscia derived from Consequently, Ahhiyawa must have been a reference to the
are thought to have left there by ship in response to the crisis of the earlier *Turskia.) Secondly, the myth that Aeneas, a Trojan Mycenaean Greeks.
1200 bc and ended up in Italy. prince, ends up in Italy by way of extended wandering after the The Mycenaean Greeks, or Mycenaeans, are named after the
I almost completely share Beekes’ conclusion that the Etrus- fall of Troy, and settles down after fighting a battle with the in- city of Mycenae: an important, and probably the most impor-
cans must have originated in western Anatolia. I propose to al- digenous people there, as described in Virgil’s Aeneid, may have tant, city in Greece during the late Bronze Age, located not far
ter his hypothesis in just one respect. Classical sources mention its origins in a migration from the region of Troy to central from modern Argos on the Peloponnese. Mycenae is mainly
various locations in western Anatolia and the northern Aegean Italy. Without doubt many names and events have been added known for the remains of the palace and the nearby royal tomb
region where Etruscans, referred to in Greek as Tursenoi, lived to this tale over the course of time, just as with the Iliad, but now known as the’Treasure of Atreus’. But remains of similar
at the time or had previously lived. In his article Beekes pro- the ‘core’ of this tale may well relate to real (Bronze Age) events. palaces and tombs have been found elsewhere in Greece, al-
vides a summary of these locations. We see that some of these All in all, it appears to me entirely possible that the original though these are more modest in scale. Mycenaean palaces have
locations do in fact lie in the region where Māša was situated, language of Troy was a precursor of Etruscan. It should be em- been found at Pylos (in the south-western Peloponnese), Tiryns The Lion Gate, the entrance to the citadel of Mycenae,
but the majority of them are in the region around Troy/Wiluša phasized, however, that in the absence of clear textual evidence and Midea (both, like Mycenae, on the Peloponnesian penin- dating from ca. 1250 BC. The design might have been
and on islands to the west. I would like to conclude on the from Late Bronze Age Troy itself, the language of Troy remains sula of Argolis),Athens, Thebes and Orchomenus (in Boeotia borrowed from Hittite precursors, such as the Lion Gate in
Hattuša. The two lionesses could have been the coat of arms
basis of this information that the Etruscans/Tursenoi inhabited subject of conjecture. in central Greece), Knossos and probably Chania (on Crete), of the ruling Mycenaean dynasty, while the pillar on the altar
and probably at Volos and Dimini (in Thessaly). Recent finds represents the palace of Mycenae. The heads of the lioness-
suggest that another palace lay on the southern Peloponnese, a es – now lost – were probably made of a different type of
A stele from the 6th century BC. This funerary monument was little to the south of modern Sparta, although the remains are stone and stared directly at the visitor.
found on Lemnos in 1885. The Lemnian language was possibly still very scanty and most of the site is yet unexplored. There
related to that of the Etruscans. After the conquest of Lemnos must also have been a very important centre to the north of
by Athens in 510 BC, it was replaced by Attic Greek and Lem-
Sparta, at the village of Pellana. states, among other aspects in language, script, customs and
nian died out.
pottery. The fact that the Hittites in the 13th century bc refer to
CULTURAL UNIFORMITY a great king of Ahhiyawa suggests that this cultural uniformity
How did these various palaces relate to each other? Were they, was paralleled by (and, indeed, may have been the result of ), a
as Homer suggests, part of a unified realm under the leadership certain degree of political unity. The problem when establish-
of the King of Mycenae? There are some indications that this ing political structures in Mycenaean Greece, however, is that
was, indeed, the case. there is very little evidence to go by. Various texts, inscribed on
The material culture of Greece in the 13th and 14th centu- clay tablets that were found in the palaces at Pylos, Knossos
ries bc is remarkably homogenous: throughout Greece, palaces and Thebes, are useful when it comes to reconstructing modes
were constructed in the same way, walls were painted in the of taxation, the use of land and the variety and scope of Myce-
same way, pottery (such as the famed Mycenaean stirrup jars, naean industries, but they say little about political structures.
that found a receptive market throughout the eastern Mediter- An additional problem is that the texts, known to us as ‘Linear
ranean) was used in the same way, and the same script was used B texts’, only refer to areas in the (more or less) immediate
on the same types of clay tablets. vicinity of the respective palaces. They inform us on things like
This cultural uniformity is remarkable and would not recur harvests, the distribution of goods and artisans, such as smiths
after the late Bronze Age. Even in the Classical Period, there and fullers, and occasionally the movements of small groups of
were major cultural differences between the different Greek soldiers in the immediate environs of the palaces: they scarcely

50 51
TROY CITY, HOMER AND TURKEY TROY AND ITS NEIGHBOURS

Michael Ventris, the British architect who deciphered Linear A Linear B tablet. The majority of the Linear B tablets extant A Mycenaean bridge at Kazarma, to the east of the plain of
B. This script was found on clay tablets in the ruined palace of date to the late 13th century, shortly before the destruction of Argos. Mycenaean road builders attained a high level of
Knossos on Crete. Ventris initially thought that it was related the Mycenaean palaces. There has been considerable debate
to Etruscan, but came to the conclusion in 1952 that it was on dating the tablets from Knossos: it has traditionally been as- inhospitable regions. These roads may have been built mainly
an extremely old variant of Greek. to allow the Mycenaean elite to travel from palace to palace
for this reason that the tablets from the palace also originated at with ease. Chariots, often depicted on frescos and vases,
the time. However, texts from other Mycenaean centres, which were used for this purpose.
refer to activities elsewhere in Greece. The rather ‘provincial’ are dated to around 1200 BC, appear sometimes to have been
scope of these Linear B archives caused many experts to believe composed by the same scribes. Picture of a chariot on a vase from 1300-1250 BC, made in
that the palaces controlled only their immediate surroundings Mycenae and found on Cyprus. Chariots were also used in
and had no control over other palaces. According to these spe- battle: according to a Hittite text from around 1400 BC the
cialists, the Mycenaean palaces were politically independent Since various Hittite texts refer to a “great king” (i.e. a king Mycenaean ruler Attariššija (possibly the Hittite way of writing
the Greek name Atreus) deployed 100 chariots against a
states; the remarkable cultural similarities were, according to that ruled over other kings) of Ahhiyawa, there is a clear indica- Hittite expeditionary force in Western Turkey.
these scholars, the result of trading and other contacts. I doubt tion of political unity within the Greek world. However, there
whether this is a correct interpretation. The Linear B archives is still discussion over the nature of this ‘Greek unity’. Most
were only a very small part of the day-to-day administration experts now tend to believe that there was ‘something bigger’
of the palaces, and were probably never meant to be preserved in Greece, and that the different Mycenaean palaces cooperated MYCENAEAN GREEK
(they were only baked accidentally in the fire that destroyed the in one way or another. For example, the American archaeolo- At the end of the 19th century, a number of extremely old
palaces).There are indications that other writing materials, such gist Eric Cline has recently put forward the idea that various sealstones revealing a script with hieroglyphic signs unknown
as wooden tablets, were also used, but these have not survived. Mycenaean palaces, and perhaps all, formed a kind of confed- at the time were acquired by the British archaeologist Sir
Arthur Evans. He was able to trace their origin to Crete. In
The picture presented by the Linear B texts is thus incomplete eration, which was possibly led by the king of Mycenae. A sce-
1900, Evans began excavating the site of Knossos in Central
by definition, and, as a consequence, it is problematic to make nario of this kind is certainly not inconceivable. Consider, for Crete, where remains of a palace had earlier been discovered,
any statement about political structures in the Mycenaean example, the Delian League in classical antiquity, the precursor with the expectation of uncovering further traces of a lettered
world on the sole basis of the Linear B evidence. of the Athenian empire. culture. A large number of clay tablets came to light in this

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TROY CITY, HOMER AND TURKEY TROY AND ITS NEIGHBOURS

Bronze Age palace, revealing texts in an unknown script that (in the case of Knossos, this may be in the 14th century BC, in
Evans had also encountered on a number of vases. It was
clear that two script variants from different periods were in- of the 13th century BC), and thus only present a picture of the
volved. Evans referred to variants A and B and termed both
scripts ‘linear’, as the symbols were made up of little lines (in are able to draw a few cautious conclusions regarding the
contrast with the hieroglyphs on the sealstones). In 1939, the economy and management system of the regions controlled
American archaeologist Carl Blegen also found large numbers by the palaces. Moreover, the items described can be com-
of tablets on the Greek mainland at Pylos. Evans had mean- pared with the archaeological evidence.
while been working for some time on deciphering the texts, Despite the somewhat rudimentary grammatical construction
but had made only limited progress. He did however make ex- of the texts, the Linear B texts offer a vast amount of material
for study, and major progress has been made since 1952 in
posthumously published in 1952 (Evans died in 1941). In that analysing the phonetics, phonology and morphology of ancient
same year, the English architect Michael Ventris managed to Greek. For example, we now know that Mycenaean still used
decipher Linear B. He further developed his thoughts on Line- the qu-phoneme (labiovelar) lost in later Greek, and that the h
ar B with a fellow-Englishman, the linguist John Chadwick, and was still used within the word. Mycenaean also shares a num-
together they published a landmark article in the Journal of ber of developments with some Greek dialects. This meant
Hellenic Studies. Linear B could now be read, although the that theories about mutual relationships between the histori-
older texts from Crete, referred to by the term Linear A (which cal dialects had to be revised.
are much fewer in number and have in general come down to Unfortunately, the syllabic nature of the script certainly does
us in more fragmented form) remain undeciphered to this day. not facilitate reading and interpreting the texts, since virtually
Many archaeologists and linguists, including Ventris himself, all the symbols represent either a vowel or a combination of
were amazed when the Linear B texts yielded a very old form consonant + vowel (a, pa, ta, na etc.). As Greek has a fair
of Greek. The texts now provided proof that the palaces of the number of consonant clusters (pt-, st-, tl- etc.), and many
Mycenaean era were inhabited by Greek-speaking people. In Greek syllables and words end on a consonant that cannot be
addition, it was now possible to draw all kinds of historical and enunciated directly, the script is only moderately suited to this
linguistic conclusions on the basis of the new material. The language. In addition, there is but a single symbol for the r-
texts date from the 14th and 13th centuries BC. The oldest and l- syllables and for the k-, g- and ch- syllables, and it is
Greek known until then was that of the Homeric epics, the also impossible to differentiate between short and long vow-
Iliad and the Odyssey, from the beginning of the 8th century els. As a result, not all the words that we are now able to read
BC. Although a whole new world thus opened up for philologi- are easy to understand. For example, the word ka-komay be
cal analysis, the contents of the texts turned out to be disap- read as kakos, ‘bad’, or as chalkos, ‘bronze’. Moreover, the
pointing. The material consists overwhelmingly of geographic case ending, which is important for understanding the func- MYCENAEANS IN ANATOLIA Grave circle A, on the citadel of Mycenae. In the mid-13th
and personal names and of numbers. The texts consist mostly tion of the word in the sentence, can in general not be ex- In view of the observations presented above, we may assume century BC, the defensive circuit of Mycenae was strengthe-
of palace inventories and other administrative records, such a significant measure of cooperation between the palaces un- ned and expanded, bringing a large piece of land with a num-
ber of elite graves from the 16th century BC within the walls
as lists of offerings to the gods, furniture, carts and wheels, case ends in -os, the third in –ooj and the fourth in -on, with der the leadership of the king of Mycenae. Consequently, it is
of the citadel. When Schliemann, following his success at
wool and agricultural yields. Only seldom do the texts include all three represented by -o. The situation is even more compli- entirely possible that Mycenaeans sailed eastwards at his com- Troy, tried his luck at Mycenae and discovered these graves,
complete sentences. In addition, it should be noted that the cated with proper nouns. mand, to found new cities on the western coast of Anatolia, he believed them to be the last resting place of Agamemnon
Marco Poelwijk and to raid or capture existing ones. Archaeological finds in and his associates. However, Schliemann was out by almost
the region around Miletus in particular appear to support the four centuries.
Hittite texts and suggest that Mycenaean Greeks settled there
from around 1400 bc. Although this may initially have involved to Mycenae. The high quality of the masonry of several bridges
The ruins of Gla in the Copais valley in Boeotia, Greece. This
huge fort, with walls running for almost three kilometres and fairly small groups, there are indications that more Mycenae- (some of these bridges are still standing) can still be appreciated.
ans soon settled on Anatolian soil. Wolf-Dietrich Niemeier, the There are even indications that this network of roads stretched
of an extensive drainage project, by means of which the larger German director of the excavations at Miletus, has even argued well beyond the Argolid: traces of Mycenaean roads have been
part of the valley was drained. The resulting agricultural land for a full-blown colonisation. Noting the quantity of Argive found in Arcadia, the region around Corinth, and in Mess-
provided for good harvests and greater prosperity. Traces of pottery at Miletus, Niemeier even suggested that this colonisa- enia. But the Mycenaeans were not only skilled in constructing
construction have been found in the earth just outside the
tion may have come from the region around Mycenae. roads: the 13th century BC also witnessed the completion of
walls of the fort, and it is possible that Gla had a ‘lower city’
just like Troy.
The 14th and more particularly the early 13th witnessed the several huge drainage and irrigation projects. The Nemea valley,
floruit of the Mycenaean world. The palaces on the Greek main- which had originally been a swamp, was drained with the aid of
land became ever grander and more monumental, whilst vari- dams and drainage channels. The same was done, but on a far
ous Mycenaean infrastructural works of immense scale further larger scale, at Lake Copais, in Boeotia in central Greece. It has
attest to the wealth and vigour of Mycenaean society. These been suggested that the necessary manpower for these grand
works included a network of roads stretching across the whole projects was obtained by recruiting, or enslaving, people from
of the plain of Argos, linking the villages and cities on the plain western Anatolia.

54 55
4 HOMER TROY AND THE WAR: ARCHAEOLOGY,
DOCUMENTARY SOURCES AND EPIC
AND TROY JORRIT KELDER

The story of the Trojan War, best known through Homer’s and even probable, that the core of the Iliad really does have an
Iliad and Odyssey, is by no means of exclusively Greek pedigree. historical basis.
Many elements in Homer’s works betray a strong Near East-
ern influence, whilst (as has been discussed in 1.2) a Luwian MYCENAEANS IN ANATOLIA
text with a possible reference to ‘high (or steep) Wiluša’ could The Mycenaean Greeks are archaeologically ‘visible’ on the
point to an early Anatolian tradition based on a Trojan war. Western Anatolian littoral from at least 1400 bc onwards.
Whether Troy and the war were already the theme of an epic There are many indications for early Mycenaean (trade) activity
tradition in Greece during the Bronze Age remains uncertain. throughout that region, whilst at the site of the later (classi-
A number of elements in the Iliad suggest that as early as the cal Greek) city of Miletus, especially, there are strong indica-
Late Bronze Age there were songs in Greece about the war for tions of/suggesting Mycenaean colonisation. Large quantities
Troy. For example, the metre of certain parts of the Iliad seem of Mycenaean pottery (both imported from Mainland Greece
more compatible with early – Mycenaean – Greek than with and locally made), kilns and Mycenaean-style burials have been
later dialects of Homer’s own period. Moreover, the descrip- found at Miletus. A number of Hittite texts dating to the 14th
tion of the geography of the plain in front of Troy in the Iliad, and 13th century bc confirm the archaeological data and indi-
as well as Homer’s description of Greece itself, with references cate that ‘Millawanda’ (the Hittite rendering of Greek Miletus)
to numerous cities long deserted by Homer’s time, seem to in- served as a Mycenaean basis for activity in Anatolia.
dicate a Late Bronze origin for at least parts of the Trojan epic These Hittite texts further reveal that around 1400 bc the
(this is especially the case in Book II of the Iliad, the ‘Catalogue west of Anatolia, then part of the Hittite Kingdom, was subject
of Ships’, which lists the Greek contingents sailing for Troy). to incursions from a certain Attarissiya, referred to by the Hit-
On top of all this, a number of archaeological items that are tites as ‘the man [or king] of Ahhiya’. Although there has long
mentioned in the Iliad and Odyssey, such as weapons and suits been heated debate over the identity of Ahhiya (or Ahhiyawa,
of armour, including so-called ‘boar’s tusk helmets’ and bronze as it is called in later Hittite texts), in recent years it has become
cuirasses, also point to the Bronze Age origin. increasingly clear that this is the Hittite name for Mycenaean
This is not of course to say that the Iliad has been copied Greek territory, the home of the Achaeans – one of the names
verbatim from a Late Bronze Age story: there is clear evidence that Homer uses for the Greeks in the Iliad. There is some evi-
of later changes and additions in the Homeric epics, often on dence that Attarissiya and his group of Achaeans made a big
an extensive scale. And it certainly does not mean that a ‘Myce- impression on the Anatolian population: a decorated shard of
naean Iliad’, should it already have existed, was directly linked pottery found in Boghazköy (the current name of the Hittite
to actual events of the period. The Iliad was at all times a work capital Hattuša) appear to show a Mycenaean warrior, com-
of art, a tale intended to entertain. Nevertheless, at a number plete with body armour and boar’s tusk helmet.
of points the epic appears so realistic, and there are now so It is evident from Hittite texts that there were Mycenaeans in
many archaeological and textual data that fit remarkably well Western Anatolia and that their presence was not always of a
with the era Homer depicts in his works, that it is conceivable, peaceful nature: Attarissiya – possibly the Hittite pronunciation
of the heroic Greek name Atreus – is reported to have fielded
an unspecified number of foot soldiers and a hundred chariots
against a Hittite expeditionary army sent west to restore order.
Despite these upheavals, it appears that Troy initially experi-
This suit of armour from the late 15th century BC was found enced little trouble from Mycenaean incursions. The first con-
in a tholos tomb – a monumental beehive grave – in Dendra,
tacts between the inhabitants of Troy and the Mycenaeans were
a small village near the Mycenaean citadel Midea. The simi-
larity between this cuirass and the armour of the ‘bronze- probably of an amicable nature. It has been suggested that the
greaved Achaeans’ in Homer’s Iliad is remarkable. two came into contact through fishing, whereby the schools of
The boar’s tusk helmet is also described by Homer. mackerel and tuna in the Aegean could have served as ‘meeting

57
TROY CITY, HOMER AND TURKEY HOMER AND TROY

TROY AS CONFLICT ZONE BETWEEN at the palace at Pylos also refer to slaves from various parts Trojan war. According to the later, classical Greek tradition,
TWO MAJOR POWERS of western Anatolia (possibly including Troy). Homer’s war took place around 1183 (this date is calculated on
While there is no archaeological evidence for hostile relations the basis of other legendary events, such as the ‘Return of the
between the Mycenaean world and the Trojans, this does not Heracleidae’), although Herodotus proposed a date around
mean that there was never any conflict. Archaeology is particu- A WAR OVER TROY IN THE TAWAGALAWA LETTER? 1250 bc. As the chronology of Mycenaean Greece is anything
larly well suited to detecting broad outlines and developments: An important piece of evidence for contact between the but certain (new research regularly leads to small shifts) and
specific events, such as a war over Troy, do not necessarily have Mycenaeans and the Hittites is the Tawagalawa letter, a letter that of the Greek legends and traditions is in any case extremely
to be visible in the archaeological record. A number of Hittite from the Hittite king (presumably Hattušili III) to the great king problematic, there are good grounds for caution in identifying
texts reveal that the situation in Troy was not always peace- of Ahhiyawa. The name Tawagalawa, a brother of the great the conflict mentioned in the Tawagalawa letter as the Trojan
ful. One of these texts (dating to the early 13th century bc and king, is presumably the Hittite version of the Greek name War of the Iliad.
known to experts as the Manapa-Tarhunta letter) mentions in- Eteocles (shown in Linear B as e-te-wo-ke-le-we). The Greek
The lack of written sources from Troy itself presents us with
epsilon and omicron are usually reproduced as an ‘a’ in
ternal squabbles and the deposing of King Walmu of Wiluša Hittite; the city Miletus is transliterated as Millawa(n)da and
a major problem in determining the historicity of the Trojan
(almost certainly the Hittite name for Troy). It is not clear Lesbos as Lapza. In the case of Tawagalawa the ‘e’ at the War. There are sporadic references to the city in Hittite texts
precisely what led to Walmu’s deposing (the Wilušan King, beginning of the word has been dropped. and there is possibly a reference to women captured from Troy
it should be noted, was supported by the Hittite great king The Tawagalawa document deals primarily with the above- on a Linear B tablet from the Mycenaean palace of Pylos (PY
and could thus bank on military assistance), but a certain Piya- mentioned Piyamaradu, a troublemaker who caused the Ep 705.6). But no texts have thus far been found in Troy –
maradu, probably an Anatolian noble, appears to have played
a major role in the Walmu’s expulsion, claiming the throne of The letter is conciliatory in tone, and the Hittite king, probably
Hattušili III (1267-1237), clearly wants to form a united front
Wiluša himself. Although this is not made clear in the Manapa-
with his Ahhiyawan counterpart against this troublesome
Hittites. This is probably a depiction of a Mycenaean warrior, Tarhunta letter itself, we know from later texts that Piyamaradu
complete with boar’s tusk helmet and a long decorative plu-
Piyamaradu. The Hittite king asks the great king of Ahhiyawa
was supported in his actions by the king of Ahhiyawa – a king to make clear to Piyamaradu that they are indeed on the same
me. Hittite texts refer to Mycenaean incursions into Western
Anatolia from the early 14th century BC onwards. Millawanda
from Mycenaean Greece. Whilst the deposing of Walmu prob- side and requests him to deliver the following message to
– the later Miletus – on the western coast appears to have ably was the result of internal Trojan dissatisfaction, Troy’s geo- Piyamaradu:
been the most important Mycenaean centre in Anatolia. graphical position – sandwiched as it was between the Hittite
and Mycenaean spheres of influence – dictated that the city My brother, in any event write this to him [=Piyamaradu]
The king of Hatti has convinced me with respect to the
often was subject to power play between its two larger neigh-
Wi[lu]ša question, where we were enemies, and we
bours, Ahhiyawa and Hatti. have made peace. Animosity between us would [now]
That the Mycenaeans sometimes also had a direct influence not be right.
on political affairs in the region emerges from a later Hittite Arrowheads found at Troy VI. The German archaeologist
ground’ for Trojan and Mycenaean fishing fleets, although trade text that is part of an extensive correspondence (which has sur- Unfortunately the clay tablet is damaged to some extent, as a Wilhelm Dörpfeld believed that this must have been the
contacts probably also played a role. When the first contact was vived only in extremely fragmented form) between the Hittite result of which the word Wiluša (Wi-lu-ša) is not 100% certain, Troy of the Trojan War partly on account of these arrowheads.
although very plausible. Lower down in the letter there is an- However, weapons are not proof of a war, and the city’s
made is unclear. There is good evidence for Trojan trade links King Hattušili III and his counterpart in Greece, an unnamed
destruction is currently usually attributed to an earthquake.
with the Cyclades in the 3rd millennium bc. However, the first king of Ahhiyawa. This text, which is known as the Tawagalawa
which the Hittite king appears more or less to be offering his
large quantities of Mycenaean pottery found in Troy are to be letter and dates to around 1250 bc, refers not only to a conflict apologies, excuses his behaviour by saying that he was very
dated to the early 14th century bc on stylistic grounds, and between the Hittites and Ahhiyawa over Troy (possibly a refer-
it may thus be assumed that there was at least sporadic con- ence to the earlier affair centring on Piyamaradu; see box), but in which the Mycenaean Greeks played a role.
tact between Troy and the Mycenaean world. These contacts also refers to further Mycenaean activities on the western Ana- Willemijn Waal
increased during the 13th century bc: large quantities of Myce- tolian littoral, including continuing support for the rebel Piya-
naean pottery have been found in the Trojan habitation phases maradu and the ‘abduction’ of Anatolian people to the Greek
VI and VIIa, whereby it should be noted that a large part of this mainland. The well-known Hittitologist Trevor Bryce has sug-
‘Mycenaean’ pottery appears to have been made in Troy itself. gested that these Anatolians were taken to Greece to work on Although there is evidence of Mycenaean interference in
From a cultural point of view, the western Anatolian littoral, various huge building projects. For example, the famous Lion Trojan affairs (the Greek name of the Trojan king, Alakšandu,
and thus Troy as well, was a real contact zone between Anato- Gate at Mycenae shows some similarity with Anatolian sculp- already suggests this), the 10-year siege described by Homer
lian and Aegean (Mycenaean) civilisations in the 13th century. tures, and comparisons may also be made between the so-called seems to be more than a bit far-fetched. In addition to the un-
The British archaeologist Penelope Mountjoy aptly dubbed it, ‘galleries’ in Tiryns and underground passages in the Hittite likely length of the duration of Homer’s war, there are chrono-
The East Aegean – West Anatolian Interface: a period of unprec- capital Hattuša. Whether or not Bryce’s hypothesis is true, it logical difficulties when it comes to relating ‘historical events’
edentedly close relations and exchanges between the Greek and is certainly clear that the Mycenaeans did in fact put slaves of to Homer’s songs. The conflict over Troy referred to in the Ta- A seal from Troy. Although this seal was found in Troy VIIb,
Anatolian worlds. Although there is no definite proof, it is con- Anatolian origin to work in Greece: the Tawagalawa letter is wagalawa letter clearly takes place in the past – i.e. before 1250 it originates from the 13th century. It is the only artefact
ceivable that Mycenaeans lived in Troy during this period. not the only source to mention this fact; Linear B texts found bc. This does not agree with the traditional date of Homer’s showing ‘script’ that has been found in Troy to date.

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city following the devastation. Troy VIIa was in all respects a Mycenaean Greece itself descended into crisis around the same
prosperous city, although the nature of the citadel in particu- time, between 1200 and 1180 bc. Virtually all the palaces in
lar had changed: where previously the spacious, monumental Greece were destroyed or abandoned during this period. This
residences of the local elite stood, smaller, more densely packed was not an isolated event; there were major problems elsewhere
houses were now erected. For a long time it was assumed that in the eastern Mediterranean region. Flourishing ports like
this was a sign of ‘fear’ and that the Trojans sheltered in num- Ugarit in what is now Northern Syria were destroyed, and even
bers behind the restored high walls of the citadel. Results from the powerful Hittite Kingdom disappeared around this time.
the recent excavations by the University of Tübingen, however, This destruction has often been linked to the Sea Peoples, a
have challenged this view: traces of human activity have been term known from Egyptian texts and that appears to refer to a
found at various places on the plain around the citadel, and large group, or groups, of various dislocated and heavily armed
there are clear indications that the citadel was surrounded by peoples. These ‘Sea Peoples’ are also thought to be responsible
an extensive ‘lower city’ from the early 13th century (Troy VI) for a failed attack on Egypt. Who these peoples were remains
onwards. There has been a great deal of discussion regarding conjecture, although the Egyptians called one of these groups
the nature of this lower city. The Tübingen excavation leader, ‘Ekwesh’, a name that could be related to the Ahhiyawa. What-
Manfred Korfmann, argued for a densely populated area of ever the case, if Mycenaeans were involved in the fall of Troy
around 7,000 inhabitants over an area of 200,000 m2 on the VIIa, this did not take place in a ‘conventional’ war such as
whether in Mycenaean Greek, in Hittite or in another Anato- Homer describes in detail the armour of the Achaeans basis of the archaeological evidence. This area was surrounded those we know from the Late Bronze Age – two kings with their
lian language – that could provide greater clarity on the links (Greeks) laying siege to Troy. Some of the Greek heroes wear by a wall of unbaked mud bricks (to this day a construction armies drawn up opposite each other. Instead, we could think
between the city and the Greeks. The sole ‘evidence’ found to precious armour that was by that the time ancient, including material in frequent use in the Middle East) and possibly even of hit and run tactics, comparable with the Viking incursions
boar’s tusk helmets swords inlaid with gold. The huge shields
the effect that writing was not unknown in the city is a seal a moat for protection against attack by chariot for example. By into Early Mediaeval Europe.
shown on this dagger from Mycenae (a replica of an original
with a Luwian inscription that reveals the name and title of a from the 16th century BC ) are referred to by Homer. At the the standards of the Late Bronze Age, Troy would thus have In sum, both Troy VI and Troy VIIa are plausible candidates
scribe and his wife, but this seal has been found in a ‘late’ phase time of the Trojan War shields of this kind, which protected been a large and important city. Although many experts agree as backdrop for the war described in the Iliad, although none
of habitation (Troy VIIb), and it is not clear whether it was in the bearer virtually completely, were unusual. Smaller round with this reconstruction, others see Troy VIIa in a completely of these cities conforms exactly to the Homeric city. Perhaps it
use at Troy during the city’s heyday. It is entirely possible that shields were normally used. different light. The best known critic of Korfmann’s thesis is is not even necessary to choose between Troy VI and VIIa: ele-
the Trojans conducted their administration on wood or other Frank Kolb, his Tübingen colleague. Kolb finds no, or in any ments of both cities and their respective destructions could be
perishable materials – in all probability this was the case in the event inadequate, evidence for an extensive lower city and char- included in a single story. Moreover, Greek legends refer to at
rest of Anatolia and possibly also in Mycenaean Greece – that acterises Troy VIIa as merely a reinforced citadel with sporadic least two wars for Troy: the city was destroyed for the first time
have not withstood the ravages of time. Shaker’, the god of earthquakes. Carl Blegen, who led the ex- surrounding habitation. In his view, the wall did not exist and by the legendary hero Heracles and, more than a generation
cavations at Troy in the 1930s, has for this reason suggested that the ‘moat’ was part of a system of irrigation canals. It is true later, a second time by Agamemnon and his troops.
TROY: RAZED BY WAR OR BY EARTHQUAKE? the Trojan Horse could be a literary allusion to a natural dis- that the excavations have exposed only a tiny part of the lower The number of stories about Troy in the Greek tradition, the
No trace of the Trojan War is to be found in Troy itself. A layer aster. Another explanation could be that the Horse refers to a city, and a measure of caution is required. On the other hand references to Troy in the contemporaneous Hittite sources, and
of destruction that dates to around 1300-1250 bc and spelled the siege engine, such as a battering ram. Whether the Horse was there are good grounds, in my view, for at least considering the the ‘hybrid’ culture of Troy VI and VIIa emphasise the signifi-
end of ‘Troy VI’, was long seen as the smoking gun. A number in fact an earthquake or a battering ram, the fact remains that possibility of a line of defence of some kind (a wall or palisade), cance of Troy as cultural, economic, strategic and ideological
of arrowheads, found by the German archaeologist Wilhelm there is no evidence that the Mycenaean Greeks were respon- if only because of the structure of the citadel’s north-eastern centre. Whether or not the Trojan War actually occurred, the
Dörpfeld in the citadel and identified as Mycenaean, were im- sible for the final destruction of Troy VI. Moreover there are bastion, which has a kind of bulge that is best explained as a story of the Iliad is certainly a realistic characterisation of the
mediately linked to the war as described in the epic. But noth- problems with the chronology. Notwithstanding these ‘prob- link with the lower city’s wall. The exact nature of the habi- unstable situation around Troy in the Late Bronze Age, with
ing more has been found in this layer of the city that could be lems’, if it is assumed that an ‘historical’ war over Troy was tation certainly remains a point for discussion, as long as no the city tenuously wedged between the power of the Hittites
conclusively linked to a Mycenaean destruction. In the final fought at some point, and that this war was the inspiration for extensive parts of the lower town have been excavated. Those and that of the Mycenaeans.
analysis most experts are now convinced that the demise of the Iliad, then Troy VI seems a good candidate. parts of the lower town that have been investigated suggest that
Troy VI, which must have been a wealthy and thriving palace- a number of the buildings in this area were built to a consid-
city, was caused by an earthquake, like those that occur from WARS OVER TROY? erable, and almost monumental, scale. On the whole, the ar-
time to time in the Aegean. This earthquake must have been Although it is plausible to argue that Troy VI was the city de- chaeological evidence, to my mind, suggests that the lower city
extremely powerful, as an entire chunk of the Trojan citadel’s scribed in Homer, the problems in chronology and the lack of Troy VIIa was a prosperous settlement, although perhaps less
wall was shifted out of place. of conclusive evidence of man-made destruction have led vari- densely populated than has been suggested.
Although the Homeric Achaeans can thus not be held re- ous experts, in particular the archaeologist Blegen mentioned Troy VIIa, a prosperous and large city, was destroyed around
sponsible for this destruction of the city, there certainly appears above, to believe that Troy VIIa, the subsequent habitation 1180 bc. This time there is convincing evidence of violence: The plains around Sparta, see from the Menelaion. There
was an important centre here during the Mycenaean period,
to be a reference here to a well-known element in the story of phase, must have been the Troy of the Trojan War. From a human remains have been found at various locations within but it is not clear whether this was the regional capital. How-
Troy, the famous Trojan Horse. In ancient Greece the horse cultural viewpoint this city was in many respects similar to its the citadel, but here too it is not clear who was responsible for ever, this site was clearly linked to Helen and her husband
was a prestigious animal associated with the god Poseidon, predecessor, Troy VI. The inhabitants were almost certainly the the evidently violent demise of Troy VIIa. It could have been Menelaus in the 8th century BC: a shrine was erected on top
who ruled not only the seas but was also known as the ‘Earth same as those of Troy VI, or their descendants, and rebuilt their Mycenaeans, but the problem with that hypothesis is that of the Mycenaean ruins to honour them – the Menelaion.

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TROY CITY, HOMER AND TURKEY HOMER AND TROY

THE WORLD OF HOMER

FLORIS VAN DEN EIJNDE

Homer is often cited as an historical source for the Greek Early

Iron Age (ca. 1100-700 bc), although extreme caution is needed
in making use of Homer as a reference for this period. After
all Homer is not an historian such as Thucydides, who lived
some three centuries later. This causes problems that arise in the
historical interpretation of Homer’s poetry and which may be
subdivided into two categories.
The first is the question of dating the Iliad and the Odyssey.
This is important, as different dating of these two works means
that the historical conclusions that we draw from them poten-
tially refer to different periods. It is almost universally accepted
that Homer is describing the world of the 8th century bc. Re-
searchers locating the Homeric world in the 9th century bc,
such as the eminent Amsterdam professor of Greek linguistics,
Cees Ruijgh, or conversely in the 7th century bc, such as the
acknowledged Homer expert from Oxford, Martin West, have Bronze cauldron from 675-650 BC, found in an Etruscan Wooden throne from Salamis (Cyprus), inlaid with ivory,
thus far received little support from historians and archaeolo- grave in Cerveteri (Italy). From around 800 BC onwards 8th century BC. In Homer’s day the elite were seated on
gists. contact between Greece, Italy and the Middle East in- chairs of this kind during banquets.
creased. People liked to see themselves as part of an
What we understand by ‘the world of Homer’ thus does not ‘international world’: valuable utensils were decorated with
relate at all to the Late Bronze Age, the period that drew to a oriental elements. This large bronze cauldron, used for
close around 1200 bc. Of course the story of the Fall of Troy
took place in a mythical past that is often associated with this
period. But just as with the Medieval literary cycles – for ex-
ample the Arthurian legends, the legends of Alexander or the
Roman de Troie – the author of the Iliad and the Odyssey de- around seven centuries before the Homeric epics were created. lover. This leads to the following paradox: precisely those pas-
scribes a world that must above all be intelligible to his audi- However, these remains are often of a formulaic nature and in sages presented in the Iliad as ‘historical narrative’, or are at any
ence. And that audience had to be able to locate the bard’s tale general tell us little about the historical context of the poems. rate seen as such by the modern reading public, contain unreli-
within its own frame of reference. In the case of the description In other words, they contain few descriptive elements on the able information that has strayed well away from any possible
of Priam’s palace, we should think rather of the simple, hut- customs of the Homeric heroes and the objects they used. historical core as a result of poetic licence and oral transmission.
like structures characteristic of the Early Iron Age, and not of This brings us to the second major problem we run into The situation is different with those elements that the poet
the large stone palaces of the Late Bronze Age, simply because when studying the world of Homer: the poetic nature of the had perforce to introduce in a realistic way to be intelligible to
neither Homer nor his audience had a clear idea of what these language. Just as for example with the Arthurian cycle, we have his audience. Two fairly divergent aspects are at issue here: the
lost palaces looked like. to ask how we are to distinguish fact from fiction. Because if we normative aspects of the epic, and the material description of
It is certainly the case that the stories about Troy were handed decide that the Iliad and the Odyssey are no more than myth, the world in which the Homeric heroes operate. The customs
down by the bards orally for centuries, long before the Iliad and dreamed up by a bard intent solely on entertaining his audi- for example that govern religious gatherings, funeral rituals,
the Odyssey were set down in writing (see page 69). This means ence, then little concrete remains for any historian wishing to dealing with strangers and ceremonial gatherings fall into the
that certain verses in the epic are without doubt much older use the text as a primary source. The war over Troy itself offers first category. The behaviour that the Homeric heroes displayed
than the rest of the poem, the so-called “fossilised” verses that few grounds for optimism. There is certainly a shaky consen- is part of the same normative framework that Homer’s audi-
have been handed down unchanged over the generations. This sus that there was such a war – a war that Greeks did in fact ence also conformed to – or at least aimed to reflect. Only by
may be attributed to the strict dactylic hexameter that often participate in – but few today are convinced of the historical having his heroes function in the same normative framework
prevented bards from adapting these verses. Accordingly, we ‘facts’ provided by the author of the Iliad – that the war dragged as his audience, was the poet able to imbue his stories with the
are able to date the earliest rules for verse to around 1500 bc, Greek armour from Argos from the 8th century BC. on for 10 years and was waged over a woman abducted by her desired moral force. The description of the codes and customs

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that for example applied during a marriage ceremony had to be audience with an episode from the epic cycle. The most famous
intelligible to the audience, as these codes had to be recognis- example of a scene of this kind is the recitation by the blind
able. For example, King Menelaus reprimands one of his com- singer Demodocus, who entertains the guests of King Alcinous
rades in Book IV of the Odyssey because he proposes sending in his palace on the island of the Phaeacians by relating the fate
Telemachus, an uninvited guest at the wedding of his children, of the Greeks fighting at Troy, unwittingly causing Odysseus to
away to another host: weep. It is interesting to note that the scene with Demodocus
may be interpreted as a reflection of the poet himself, like a self-
‘Eteoneus, son of Boethous, you never used to be a fool, but now portrait, while simultaneously reflecting the context in which
you talk like a simpleton. Take their horses out, of course, and the Homeric poems were performed: at the ceremonial meals
show the strangers in that they may have supper; you and I have where the Homeric nobles meet.
stayed often enough at other people’s houses before we got back Although it is questionable whether the 8thcentury palaces
here, where heaven grant that we may rest in peace hencefor- (megara) as a rule contained such large quantities of gold, silver,
ward.’ slaves and other luxuries, we cannot escape the general impres-
(Odyssey 4.30-36, translated by Samuel Butler) sion of the poem, which in many cases is supported by archaeo-
logical finds. Conversely, when we accept the general resem-
Menelaus’ reprimand may be seen as a normative hint to the blance of the text to the material culture of the 8th century bc,
audience on how to treat uninvited guests at a party. our analysis of the Homeric megaron enables us to reconstruct
some of the ruined archaeological remains, such as a house on
MATERIAL OBJECTS IN HOMER the Athenian Agora, dated to the 7th century bc. This building
A second element historians use to reconstruct ‘the world of is of a suitable scale scale to compare it to the Homeric megara,
Homer’ are the material objects described in the Iliad and the and has been identified as a banqueting hall of a local clan.
Odyssey. Here too, the description of the buildings and objects From this building, we may add a couple of elements to the
may be expected to correspond to the world of Homer’s audi- picture drawn by Homer, such as the prominent burial ground
ence, or they would not be understood. next to the banqueting hall and the potters’ workshop.
We may take the throne rooms in the palaces of Priam and
Alcinous as examples. These great halls (megara), which formed SMYRNA: THE CITY OF HOMER
the backdrop for ceremonial events, were built with wooden The best indication of the urban context in which the Iliad and
doorposts and rafters, and a sharply inclined saddle roof prob- the Odyssey were composed, is ancient Smyrna, a city of Aeolian tion whether he had knowledge of the city’s topography. Given The so-called ‘House A’ excavated on the Athenian agora.
ably of thatch. In the descriptions of these megara we read of a origins on the western coast of Asia Minor. This city was con- the long period between the destruction of Troy VIIa and the This house was probably used by an eminent Athenian
swallow building its nest in the rafters, geese cackling around quered by the Ionian Greeks in the middle of the 8th century, period when Homer lived (around five centuries), it seems family for ceremonial occasions. The most prominent
members of the family were buried to the left of the house,
the building and the ever-present droppings of the animals and all indications are that the Homeric epics were largely cre- exceedingly unlikely that reliable information about the ap- and to the right there was a potter’s workshop.
brought in from the fields to be slaughtered. Weapons and ated within a generation or two of this event. Homer’s idiom pearance of the Bronze Age city should have survived during
suits of armour adorn the walls to emphasise the host’s mili- is largely based on Old Ionic Greek, but contains a relatively the long period of oral transmission. On the other hand, it
tary prowess. Iron spits, pokers, cauldrons and forks were kept large number of even older Aeolisms, indicating that the poet is not improbable that Homer possessed specific knowledge
close to the hearth for cooking and tending the fire. Guests are himself spoke Ionic Greek but was telling a tale originating in of ancient Troy, perhaps because he visited the ruins and saw
seated on raised chairs (thronoi or klismoi) with high backrests, an older Aeolic tradition. them at first hand, or else through an informant who reported
armrests and footstools. Expensive fabrics and animal pelts, The city of Smyrna is in a certain sense unique within the back to him in detail. According to the German archaeolo-
sometimes painted in purple, are used to decorate the chairs of Greek world, as it had a strong city wall (of a kind not found on gist of Troy, Manfred Korfmann, the archaeological context of
the heroes. The eating utensils consist of gold or silver kraters, the Greek mainland) and was large by 8th century standards. the city has been sufficiently well preserved to indicate that
bowls and cups, and may be placed on sideboards inlaid with The houses are mostly oval or have a semi-circular extension Homer knew the general topography of the city. The German
lapis lazuli. The meal is prepared and served by large numbers (apsis) and look more like the Homeric mud brick hut-palaces
of female slaves, who are not kept hidden from the visitor’s eyes than the large stone palaces of the late Bronze Age. Grain silos
in order to enhance the impression of wealth. Dogs lie sleeping have been found in the city that, in combination with the city
at the feet of their masters. Contemporaneous archaeological wall, create the impression of a well-defended town. The city of Smyrna (Izmir in modern Turkey) was one of the
show that such descriptions belong to the 8th century bc rather cities that laid claim to being Homer’s birthplace. In the 8th
than to the Bronze Age. HOMER AS TRAVEL GUIDE? century BC Smyrna possessed a strong defensive wall, a
harbour and houses with an apsis (semi-circular extension).
Although Smyrna may well have been a major source of in-
It was an important Greek centre in the Geometric Period
FEASTS IN HOMER spiration for what Troy once looked like, it is also important (1050 to 720 BC, so called for the decorations on the pottery
In Homer, a central component of a feast, apart from the copi- to take into consideration the ruins of Troy itself. Homer’s made at the time). The city was conquered by the king of
ous amounts to eat and drink, is the bard who entertains the description of Troy and its physical condition raises the ques- Lydia in the 6th century and subsequently abandoned.

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archaeologist cogently argues that the walls of Troy, reaching And finally there are the water sources, also clearly visible
up to eight metres high, must still have been clearly visible in from the walls of Troy, that are described in the passage where CREATION AND TRANSMISSION The lemma regarding the Athenian contingent is the only one
the 8th century and would have made a great impression on Achilles pursues Hector around Troy’s walls: OF THE HOMERIC EPIC
any visitor (see also 2.3). Korfmann even identified a large city
An important characteristic of oral tradition is its variability. ‘And they that held the strong city of Athens, the people of
gate as the most logical candidate for the departure of the Tro- ‘On they flew along the waggon-road that ran hard by Every bard is in a position to add elements and make changes great Erechtheus, who was born of the soil itself, but Jove’s
jan Prince Hector and Andromache in the Iliad. She begs her under the wall, past the lookout station, and past the at will in line with his own literary agenda and the demands of daughter, Minerva, fostered him, and established him at
husband to defend the city from there, rather than do battle weather-beaten wild fig-tree, till they came to two fair the audience. The process of transmission or alteration, adap- Athens in her own rich sanctuary. There, year by year, the
below on the plain: springs which feed the river Scamander. One of these two tation and change presumably took place for generations be-
springs is warm, and steam rises from it as smoke from a fore Homer’s time and ensured that the Trojan War, as de- rams. These were commanded by Menestheus, son of
‘as for the host, place them near the fig-tree, where the city burning fire, but the other even in summer is as cold as scribed by Homer, is far removed from anything that actually Peteos. No man living could equal him in the marshalling
took place at the time of Troy VIIa, as the archaeological layer of chariots and foot soldiers. Nestor could alone rival him,
can be best scaled, and the wall is weakest. Thrice have hail or snow, or the ice that forms on water. Here, hard by
generally associated with Homeric Troy is called (see chapter
the bravest of them come thither and assailed it, under the the springs, are the goodly washing-troughs of stone, where (Iliad 2.546-556, translated by Samuel Butler)
two Ajaxes, Idomeneus, the sons of Atreus, and the brave in the time of peace before the coming of the Achaeans the
son of Tydeus’ wives and fair daughters of the Trojans used to wash their as described by Homer, and historical reality. We know that Instead of the usual summary of subject cities, there follows a
(Iliad 6.433-436, translated by Samuel Butler) clothes. Past these did they fly, the one in front and the some kind of devastation took place in Troy at the end of the tale about the forefather of the Athenians, Erechtheus, the
other giving haste behind him’ Bronze Age and that this was possibly the consequence of goddess Athena herself and the votive offerings the Athenians
In Korfmann’s view, this spot is the most obvious candidate for (Iliad 22.143-157, translated by Samuel Butler) war. However, the question whether and to what extent a brought her. And instead of the usual list of the central hero’s
Greek alliance was responsible for its destruction cannot be comrades-in-arms, there follows in the Athenian lemma a song
an attack on the city, given that it is the natural approach to
answered with any certainty, not to mention the problematic of praise to the prowess of the Athenian hero Menestheus.
the city from the plain. Recognizing this fact, Homer may well Archaeologists believe they have found evidence of the exist- historicity of heroes like Achilles and Hector.
have had the gate in mind when he wrote these verses. The gate ence of beautifully adorned (possibly thermal) water sources For a long time there was no consensus on the authorship of general view is that we are dealing here with a later interpola-
offers a good view out over the plain right up to the Beşik Bay, close to the city’s western wall. These wells must have been vis- the Homeric epics. ‘Unitarians’ believing that the Iliad and the tion, possibly from the 6th century BC, when a group of Atheni-
believed in antiquity to have been the site of the Greek army’s ible throughout antiquity, indicated by the fact that they were Odyssey were written by the same author, Homer, argued with an editors worked on the Homeric texts to make them suitable
camp. The monumental city gate thus was a suitable place for still in use in the Roman period. ‘analysts’ who saw two or more authors working on the epics for performance during the Panathenaic Games.
King Priam and Helen to inspect the troops in Book III of the over several generations. There is currently a cautious The absence of the city of Athena and its hero Menestheus in
Iliad, as well as the place where the powerless Trojans watched consensus that main episodes of the two epics were compiled the Homeric narrative has often been noted. Recent research
by a single author in the second half of the 8th century BC, suggests that the toponym Athens arose late (8th/7th century
as Achilles dragged the lifeless body of Hector behind his char-
although some the elements may date as far back as BC), explaining why the city is not mentioned in the Iliad or the
iot back and forth in front of the city. The plain, with its flat 1500 BC. Odyssey and why the Athenians later felt the need to insert
salt surface, is, moreover, ideal for conducting the kind of war Considerable changes to the fabric of the Iliad and the their city into the central Greek epic. The divergent form of the
described in the Iliad: the heroes are driven to the front in their Odyssey were carried out not only in the period before Athenian lemma thus reveals that we are dealing with a later
chariots in order to engage in hand-to-hand combat there. -
It has frequently been noted that many geographic and cli- also made subsequently. An example of a ‘suspect’ passage raneous context of a religious festival for the goddess Athena
matological descriptions in the Iliad correspond well to the of this nature from the Iliad is the lemma in the catalogue of at the expense of the original Homeric formula.
ships about Athens (2.546-556), which contains a number of Mathieu de Bakker and Floris van den Eijnde
area around Troy. For example, Homer describes the terrible
anomalies that have led to the theory that it was not included
sea wind, the rivers Scamander and Simoeis, the islands Tene- into the epic until much later. The ‘normal’ formulation in the
dos and Lesbos, and also a tumulus (burial mound) near the catalogue of ships lists (1) the origins of a particular Greek
coast, believed in antiquity to be the grave of Achilles and regiment, (2) the areas subject to 1, (3) the most prominent
where none less than Alexander the Great came to pay homage hero, (4) his most important comrades-in-arms and (5) the
to the deceased hero. Also, Homer usually refers to the city in number of ships they provided. The lemma on the Argive con-
combination with an epitheton ornans (an honorary title), like tingent led by Diomedes may serve as example:
‘steep’, ‘deep-soiled’, ‘with high towers’ and ‘with wide roads’,
‘The men of Argos, again, and those who held the walls of
adjectives that correspond well to Troy’s archaeological context Tiryns, with Hermione, and Asine upon the gulf; Troezene,
(see also 4.3). Eionae, and the vineyard lands of Epidaurus; the Achaean
youths, moreover, who came from Aegina and Mases;
these were led by Diomed of the loud battle-cry, and
Sthenelus son of famed Capaneus. With them in command
was Euryalus, son of king Mecisteus, son of Talaus; but
Diomed was chief over them all. With these there came
eighty ships.
(Iliad 2.559-568, translated by Samuel Butler)

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TROY CITY, HOMER AND TURKEY HOMER AND TROY

HOMER AND THE ETERNALISING

OF TRANSIENT TROY
MATHIEU DE BAKKER

‘Ilios with its good horses’ (5.551), ‘deep-soiled Troy’ (e.g. 18.67), At the start of the Iliad the city is in the 10th year of a bitter
the ‘indestructible citadel’ (21.447) – generations of students struggle against an alliance of Greek states, in which the lives,
have marvelled at the evocative adjectives that Homer uses in liberty, honour and possessions of its inhabitants are at stake.
his Iliad (to which the verse numbers above refer) to describe The conflict originates from the brutal violation of the hospital-
the city. He calls the Trojans a ‘great-souled’ (e.g. 11.459), ‘proud’ ity of Menelaus, king of Sparta, by Paris, who stole his host’s
(10.299) and ‘horse-taming’ (e.g. 4.509 and 8.71) people. They wife Helen along with various treasures during a state visit. The
wear bronze armour (e.g. 17.485) and their ‘deep-bosomed’ Iliad reports a duel between the two rivals that could have end-
women wear trailing robes (e.g. 6.442 and 24.215). The de- ed the conflict, but when this duel is interrupted through di-
scriptions of individuals also reveal splendour and power. The vine intervention (3.340-448), settling the quarrel is no longer
Trojan King Priam is ‘furnished with a strong spear’ (e.g. 4.47), possible. Yielding to the implacable anger that the goddesses
his son Hector is ‘great’ (e.g. 8.160), ‘brilliant’ (e.g. 12.462) and Hera and Athena feel towards the Trojans, Zeus aims to de-
‘adorned with a fluttering helmet crest’ (e.g. 18.284), while his stroy the city (15.69-71). This punishment is disproportionate
brother Paris ‘equals the gods’ in beauty (e.g. 11.580). but ineluctable, and inherent in a war in which the human
proportion and moderation is increasingly left aside. The city
of splendour and power must fall, like Carthage, Magdeburg,
Dresden and Nagasaki in later centuries.
Troy as lieu de mémoire of war’s atrocities – this is the virtue
of the genius of Homer, who in his Iliad describes 50 days of the
10-year siege. As the omniscient narrator he remains impartial
and only rarely reflects explicitly on the actions of his heroes, Iliad Homer stages these two superheroes in a duel to the death. Reconstruction of the walls of Hattuša, built in typical
whom he depicts as people with ambitions, desires and fears, We experience this confrontation largely through the perspec- Anatolian stile. The walls of Troy may have had a similar
appearance.
with great virtues but also with fatal shortcomings. As a result tive of Hector, who initially believes he has a good chance of
of this story-telling device, we feel sympathy and admiration winning, only to discover later that the gods have deserted him
for both parties. We join Hector and Andromache in laughing and that his end is nigh. At that point he says to himself:
at their little boy Astyanax bursting into tears when he sees
his father’s glittering helmet (6.467-471),and we share in the ‘(D)eath is now indeed exceedingly near at hand and there many daily aspects of life in a world far away from the Trojan
intense sadness felt by the Greek warrior Achilles on hearing of is no way out of it- for so Jove and his son Apollo the far- War. Both heroes well know that they will never again take part
the death of his bosom friend Patroclus (18.22-35). darter have willed it, though heretofore they have been in that life. Then Achilles fells Hector with a thrust of his spear
Hector and Achilles are the greatest heroes of the Iliad, the ever ready to protect me. My doom has come upon me; let (22.312-327).
former a brave and dutiful defender of his native city, the latter me not then die ingloriously and without a struggle, but Hector’s death scene has rarely been equalled in literature.
an ambitious prince who knows he will not return alive and let me first do some great thing that shall be told among The lead-up to the duel, Hector’s recognition of his own short-
aims to make up for this by winning fame. At the end of the men hereafter.’ comings and the ultimate price that he pays as a result all serve
(Iliad 22.300-305, translated by Samuel Butler) to expose that the human will to survive is irreconcilable with
the heroic code that is focused on winning honour and shun-
Exactly at the moment when he realises that his demise is ning weakness. Precisely for this reason Plato calls Homer the
The access road to the Trojan citadel from the Early Bronze imminent, Homer elevates Hector to Achilles’ equal: both now first tragic poet in his Politeia (Plato, Politeia 595c1-3). Time and
Age (Troy II). Schliemann thought that this citadel, with its know that they will pay the ultimate price to Moira, goddess of time again heroes die in the Iliad because they go too far in pur-
monumental walls, gates and paved road, was Priam’s city. fate, with immortal fame as compensation. In the subsequent suing their ambitions in defiance of the counsel of their fellow-
Given the monumental execution of the gate shown here,
Schliemann believed he had found the Scaean Gate referred
duel Homer compares Hector to an eagle (22.308-311), demon- warriors or the gods. Hector gains immortal fame but also pays
to by Homer. Towards the end of his life Schliemann realised strating thereby that the Trojan’s heroism is in no way inferior the ultimate price, as he is unable to prevent the fall of Troy, the
he had made a mistake, and that Troy II was more than a to that of his opponent. Achilles is protected by a large shield enslavement of his wife Andromache and the cruel execution of
millennium older than the Troy of Homer’s war. made by Hephaestus, god of the forge, showing scenes from his father Priam and his defenceless son Astyanax.

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TROY CITY, HOMER AND TURKEY HOMER AND TROY

Homer turns Troy into the backdrop of a gripping war story, Elsewhere however, Homer depicts Troy as a primarily Greek
while emphasising the city’s wealth and the courage of its in- city with a citadel (4.508) and with shrines to gods from the
habitants. What else does he teach us about Troy? What are the Olympic Pantheon, such as Apollo (e.g. 7.83) and Athena (e.g.
specific traits that he attributes to the city and its inhabitants? 6.88). Troy is also characterised as a city with fine horses and its
And how do these relate to the historical background of the city inhabitants as horse tamers (see above). In the Archaic Period
as reconstructed on the basis of documentary and archaeologi- ownership of horses was seen as evidence of wealth and status.
cal sources? For example, the Greek king Agamemnon seeks to win over
Achilles by means of a gift including 12 horses that have proved
HOMER’S DESCRIPTION OF TROY AND THE themselves in the race. Possession of horses ties in with the pic-
TROJANS ture that Homer sketches of Troy as a wealthy city ruling over a
Homer’s topography of Troy and its environs corresponds in vast hinterland until the arrival of the Greeks (e.g. 24.543-546).
outline with the city’s historical location. This can be derived Homer’s decision to portray Troy as a Greek city can be ex-
from the adjectives that the poet uses to describe the city. These plained as a result of his impartial storytelling strategy, aimed
‘ornamental epithets’ were part of a treasury of fixed formulae at enhancing empathy for both sides on the part of his Greek
that the epic singers knew by heart and used to improvise when audience. In this way, he is able to indelibly impress upon them
composing their poetry. A distinction is made between generic the endless suffering caused by this drawn-out war. As an ad-
and Troy-specific epithets. The first group contains adjectives ditional advantage he is able to have Greeks and Trojans talk
like ‘well-built’ (e.g. 4.33 and 21.516), ‘with wide streets’ (e.g. to each other without the need for interpreters. No mention is
2.141), ‘lovely’ (5.210) and ‘holy’ (e.g. 20.216), that point to the ever made of differences in language in the many dialogues that
city’s beauty and the feelings it evokes in its inhabitants and take place on and around the battlefield. The Carians, allies of
gods. The above mentioned adjective ‘deep-soiled’ is another the Trojans, are described as ‘barbarous-tongued’ (2.867), but
member of this category, as it refers to the fertile plain around other than that, the use of a different language is never made
the city and not to the citadel itself. Troy is further described as explicit.
‘beetling’ (22.411), ‘high and steep’ (e.g. 13.625) and ‘exposed to Homer notes a small difference between Greeks and Trojans
the wind’ (e.g. 12.115), descriptions that match with the citadel in the way they approach the battlefield. The Trojans march
on a hill that Schliemann exposed. towards the Greeks making a deafening noise, and Homer
Troy-specific epithets primarily emphasise the city’s impres- compares them to a swarm of migrating cranes bringing down
sive walls and gate structures (e.g. 16.698), built according to doom on the Pygmies living at the edge of the world (3.2-7). By
Homer by Poseidon and Apollo (7.452-453), and razed after the contrast, the Greeks draw up in grim silence like a mist driven Hellenic – context and Paris as a local Trojan name. The pos- A drinking cup (kylix) from 575-550 BC, depicting two
war by the same gods, when they change the courses of the by the south wind down over the mountain tops (3.8-12). An- sibility that a Greek viceroy was appointed as a non-Trojan to soldiers (hoplites) in combat. In Homer’s Iliad duels of this
nature between two heavily armed warriors are repeatedly
rivers, undermine the walls and expunge all traces of the bat- other difference is that Priam had several wives, who bore him manage the affairs of the city has been offered as an histori-
recounted.
tle (12.17-35). It should be observed here that in Homer’s day 50 sons and 12 daughters (e.g. 24.493-497). It is not known cal explanation for the name Alexander, but a literary reason
Anatolian settlements could be distinguished from their Greek whether there is an historical kernel in this cultural difference, need not be excluded. Homer relates that Hector refuses to
counterparts by their imposing walls. The epithets that refer but it certainly suited Homer in drawing attention to the suf- call his little son Astyanax ‘master of the city’ but prefers the
to Troy’s particularly high or steep walls could thus point to fering caused by the war. Time and again he relates how Priam’s nickname Scamandrius – after the river nearby – because he,
an Anatolian element that had become an inherent part of the sons fall at the hands of the Greeks, and when the old king Hector, alone is able to protect the city. (6.402-403). Similarly, (see the catalogue of ships, 2.484-877) or of fallen warriors, or
formulaic language of the epic. beseeches Achilles at the end of the Iliad for Hector’s body, the Paris does his martial appellation Alexander (‘defender/protec- the detailed description of the course of the battle. The Iliad
Homer, however, gives the walls a function at various crucial poet describes with great pathos how he kisses the hands ‘that tor of men’) little justice when, splendidly attired in a panther also avoids the overly frivolous or incredible aspects of the
points in his story. Early in the Iliad Helen points out to Priam slew so many of his sons’ (24.477-479). skin on his first appearance on the battlefield (3.15-20), he runs Trojan myth, such as the Judgement of Paris and the story of
the Greek heroes from the walls, as Menelaus and Paris fight That Troy is also referred to as Ilios is less remarkable than away at the first sight of his rival Menelaus (3.33-37) and needs the Wooden Horse. He attributes all manner of human charac-
their duel (3.161-244). A much more emotional sample of such it seems. It should be observed that the poet had forms ready the assistance of Aphrodite in the subsequent duel to escape teristics and foibles to the gods and makes them resemble the
a teichoscopy (view from the wall) we meet in the duel between for every conceivable change of metre of long, short, open death (3.380-382). It is noteworthy that Hector never calls him Homeric heroes themselves. Another significant device is the
Hector and Achilles. Priam and his wife Hekabe (Hecuba) and closed syllables within the dactylic hexameter format. ‘Alexander’, but twice mocks him as Dysparis, ‘Ill-fated Paris’ manifold use of direct speech which he ascribes to his charac-
beseech Hector to come inside and then watch him fleeing In the same way he refers to the Greeks in turn as Achaeans, (3.39 and 13.769). ters, thereby allowing them to have their own voices and to be
around the city thrice before he dares to take on Achilles (22.25- Pelasgians, Argives or Danaans, and calls the Trojans also shown as individuals through their own choice of words and
247). His death is occasion for grief and panic. Andromache Dardanians. Possibly, Ilios was originally used as a toponym HOMER AND HISTORICAL TROY style.
faints when she, unaware of the duel, climbs the walls to see to refer to the city itself, and Troy to the city including its sur- With the aid of his omniscient and impartial narrator’s per- Centuries later Greek historians like Herodotus and Thucy-
her husband being dragged through the dust behind Achilles’ rounding territory. Paris’ alternative name of Alexander is also spective, Homer authenticates his Trojan war story and makes dides trod in the footsteps of Homer, adopting many of his
chariot (22.405-474). of interest. According to some experts, Homer distinguishes it seem historical. This is further enhanced by other storytell- narrative techniques and considering him the first historian.
between Alexander as a name in an international – and thus ing devices, such as including lists of the peoples participating Significant differences, however, remain. Whereas Herodotus

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and Thucydides as historiographers claim to rely on autopsy the city, its walls, houses and palaces, as a backdrop to illumine
and sources for their research, Homer derives his author- human mortality, the tragedy of the heroic life and the suf-
ity from the Muses and makes clear in his work that he is far ferings of war. Hector’s death and Homer’s description of the
removed from the time and place of the story that he is telling. Trojans’ reaction by means of a simile provide an outstanding
While a historian like Herodotus makes his historical charac- example:
ters resemble prominent contemporary politicians and narrates
his story as if he is an eyewitness, for example through the use (...)It was as though the whole of frowning Ilius was being
of the historic present – the stylistic device used to refer to the smirched with fire.
past using the present tense – Homer distances himself from (Iliad 22.410-411, translated by Samuel Butler)
the story he narrates. His heroes are stronger than the people
inhabiting his own world and are able to carry objects that This is the last in a series of similes in which the narrator makes
can only be lifted by three men of his own time (e.g. Achilles, use of besieged cities as image. The series begins with Achil-
24.453-456). The historic present is conspicuously absent from les’ return to the battlefield following the death of Patroclus
his epic. Homer contrasts this heroic past with a present that to relate the story of a besieged city that succumbs (see 18.207-
finds its way in his work in his similes, in which everyday scenes 214, 18.219-212 and 21.522-525). With Hector’s death Homer
from nature, agriculture and hunting are used to illustrate the anticipates Troy’s pending demise, and we know already that
actions on the field of battle. Similar scenes are displayed on the Poseidon and Apollo will expunge the traces. Homer is thereby
Shield of Achilles (18.468-608) and underscore the unbridge- expressing the transience of human existence, while at the same
able difference between the world of the narrator and that of time erecting an eternal monument to ensure that the deep-
Troy under siege. Homer, it appears, aims at authentication in soiled city with its beautiful horses will never be forgotten.
his storytelling, but, by contrast with later historiographers,
deliberately abstains from integrating his own, present world
within his narrative.
The success of Homer’s authenticating narrative technique
is revealed by the reception of his epic. The Iliad’s presumed
historical accuracy caused many later Greeks to derive their
origins from the Homeric heroes, and the Trojan past was not
in doubt, not even outside Greece. The Persian king Xerxes,
instance, sacrificed a thousand head of cattle at Priam’s citadel
at the start of his Greek campaign (Herodotus, Histories 7.43.2;
see 2.3), and the Romans saw themselves as descendants of the
fleeing Trojans. Such unconditional faith is reflected in the
names that Schliemann gave his excavated treasures, like the
Mask of Agamemnon in Mycenae and Priam’s Treasure – that
later turned out to be anachronistic – and in the name of the
Mycenaean ‘Palace of Nestor’ near Pylos excavated by Blegen.
These days the historicity of the Trojan War as narrated by
Homer is no longer unquestioningly accepted. There is a vi-
brant debate about the events that took place in Troy at the
end of the Bronze Age and the repercussions of those events on
Greek poetry several centuries later. Key to this is the realisation
that the Homeric epic is the culmination of a long tradition of
poetry that has been orally transmitted (see also the box in 4.2)
and had its roots in the Bronze Age. This poetry was not learnt
by heart, verse by verse, but improvised by bards who made use Zeus, the supreme god for the Greeks. In the Iliad Homer
of a store of ready-made formulaes that they could insert into has the gods play a crucial role during the course of the Trojan
War. Zeus remains neutral in the struggle between the pro-
their recitations during performance.
Greek and pro-Trojan gods. Nevertheless he is the one who
Although Homer as historical source confronts us with con- pays heed to the decree by the Fates that Troy must fall.
siderable problems, these may not detract us from the literary This marble head from the 2nd century BC was excavated
qualities of his masterpiece on the Trojan War. He made use of at Troy by Wilhelm Dörpfeld.

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5 TROY IN GRAECO- ‘THE VERY RUINS HAVE BEEN DESTROYED’
TROY IN GRAECO-ROMAN LITERATURE

ROMAN ANTIQUITY CHRISTIAAN CASPERS

“He walked round the memorable name of burnt-out Troy A WEALTH OF STORIES
and searched for the mighty remains of Apollo’s wall. Now Even when we take into account the fragmentary transmission
barren woods and rotting tree-trunks press down on the of ancient art and literature, we can state with certainty that
palace of Assaracus, tired roots strangle the temples of the the Trojan War always played a prominent role in the percep-
gods, and Pergama is covered over with thornbushes: the tions of both the Greeks and the Romans. Direct recollections
very ruins have been destroyed... Every stone has a name. of the war would have disappeared within a few generations,
Without knowing it, he crossed a stream trickling through through a natural process enhanced by the decline of palace
the dry dust, that was once the Xanthus. He stepped care- cultures on the Greek mainland at the end of the 12th century
lessly over the high grass: his Phrygian guide warned him BC. However, this lacuna was filled almost immediately with
not to walk over the shade of Hector. Scattered stones reconstructed recollections. The assumed continuity with
preserving no trace of sanctity lay before them: the guide the heroic past played a significant role in Dark Age ancestor
asked, “Don’t you see the altar of Zeus Herkeios?” worship, and the Trojan War itself readily found a place in the
(De bello civili 9.964-979) repertoire of professional performers of hexameter poetry.
Soon after the introduction of the Greek alphabet, this orally
This is how the Roman poet Lucan, writing in the first cen- transmitted poetry was given permanent form in a more or less
tury ce, imagines Julius Caesar visiting the city of his ancestors. coherent series of epic poems, the oldest of which, the Iliad
The poet contrasts the renown of ancient Troy with its present and the Odyssey, were attributed to a singer from Ionia: Homer.
humble condition: the ‘mighty remains’ of a wall that is ap- This epic ‘cycle’ influenced the lyric poetry of Sappho, Alcaeus
parently hard to recognise; the landmarks that Caesar passes and Stesichorus, as well as the choral songs of Pindar and Bac-
by, oblivious of their significance. Lucan’s perverse description chylides, without relinquishing its own centrality in the Greeks’
emphasises that this city has no physical presence whatsoever literary experience. From the 6th century BC onwards, the
beyond the memories that its name evokes. poems attributed to Homer in particular gained a key role in
Anyone who has visited the site of ancient Troy may well Greek education, and their canonical status in classical Athens
recognise something in the experience that Lucan ascribes to was assured by the establishment, in around 525 BC, of competi-
Caesar. At the same time, Lucan says something significant tive recitals during the Panathenaea festival. In the same period,
about Troy’s exceptional status as a symbolic locus of memory, the war was given permanent visual expression in monumental
or lieu de mémoire, in antiquity. As we shall see, the Trojan groups of sculpture, for example on the western pediment of
War bequeathed a literary heritage that enabled generations the temple of Aphaia on the island of Aegina.
of Greeks and Romans to define their collective identity; but Alongside Homer’s works, other narrative traditions about
a full-scale depiction of the city that formed the backdrop to the war achieved currency, whether derived from critical his-
these narrative traditions is lacking. torical research or from tales and songs that passed from par-
ent to child. We find traces of these alternative traditions in
classical-period art and literature, as well as in the mythological
handbooks of late Antiquity. One such tradition comprised the
well-known story in which the young Achilles spent time on
the island of Skyros. Alarmed by a prediction that their son
would die in battle at an early age, Peleus and Thetis placed him
in the care of Lycomedes, the king of Skyros, and told him to
In the ‘standard version’ of the Trojan myth, Menelaus
reclaims his abducted wife Helen after the fall of the city. On
pose as one of his daughters. Odysseus, dispatched to fetch the
being confronted with her great beauty once more, Menelaus truant hero, caused Achilles to drop his guise by unexpectedly
sounding a battle trumpet and so forced him to go off to war
Tondo attributed to the painter Lydos (560-540 BC).

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TROY CITY, HOMER AND TURKEY TROY IN GRAECO-ROMAN ANTIQUITY

after all. In this tale, which is not part of the epic cycle, Achilles’ a comedy that mercilessly parodies Euripides’ “new-fangled
role is markedly at odds with his Homeric persona. Helen” (Thesmophoriazusae, line 850); while four years later, in
Themes from the Trojan cycle were presented in theatrical his Orestes, the tragedian responded by portraying Helen once
productions that were part of another Athenian festival, the more as the traditional femme fatale. “This is the Helen that we
Great Dionysia. The war features prominently in Ajax and know,” one of its characters knowingly confides (Orestes, line
Philoctetes by Sophocles and in Hecuba, Trojan Women and 129).
Iphigenia in Aulis by Euripides, as well as in the insecurely For the Greek poleis of the Archaic and Classical periods, the
attributed Rhesus. It provides the backdrop to Aeschylus’ Pan-Hellenic expedition against Troy set a benchmark against
Oresteia, to the Electra tragedies by Sophocles and Euripides, which military conflicts of the more recent past were measured.
and to Euripides’ Andromache, Iphigeneia in Tauris, Helen, Or- This applied in particular to the wars against Persia in the first
estes and Cyclops. And these are just the dramas that have come half of the 5th century BC, in which the Greek poleis once more
down to us intact: a mere fraction of the total number of plays formed an alliance to stand up against a great eastern power.
(tragedies, satyr dramas and comedies) that were produced for Measuring the enormity of Xerxes’ Persian forces, Herodotus
an audience of thousands between around 500 and 150 BC. cites ‘the legendary expedition by the sons of Atreus against Il-
These theatrical treatments of the Trojan myth attest to a liv- ios’ as well as the historical campaigns of Xerxes’ father Darius,
ing creative tradition, in which individual tragedians allowed only to conclude that the scope of Xerxes’ campaign surpassed
themselves considerable poetic licence. For example, the prem- them all (Histories 7.20). His colleague Thucydides concurs:
iss of Euripides’ Helen of 412 BC is that Helen, who is by most
accounts eminently responsible for the suffering of both Greeks
and Trojans, was not even in Troy for the war’s duration: she
stayed in Egypt, in chaste anticipation of the arrival of her hus- The story of the sojourn of the young Achilles on Skyros
was not part of the epic cycle, but was nevertheless a theme
band Menelaus. Euripides is not the inventor of this mytheme, frequently interpreted and depicted in Antiquity and subse-
but he was the first to carry it through to its ultimate dramatic quently. The Roman sarcophagus shown here shows the mo-
conclusion, and his treatment evidently caused a literary fu- ment that Achilles was discovered as a result of Odysseus’
rore. In the same year, the playwright Aristophanes presented ruse.
if the differences in scale between the Bronze Age palaces and The western pediment of the Temple of Aphaia on the island
modern poleis are taken into account, he notes, the Trojan cam- of Aigina (ca. 500 BC) depicts the Trojan War. The slightly
paign was at the time probably the largest ever in scope; but in more recent eastern pediment contained a group of statues
absolute numbers it does not match the Persian War (Pelopon-
under the leadership of Heracles. Plaster copy of a dying hero
nesian War, 1.10). on the western pediment.
The other famous conflict of the 5th century, the Pelopon-
nesian War between Sparta and Athens, also invites comparison
with the Trojan War. Such a comparison is implicit in Euripi-
des’ theatrical production for the Dionysia of 415 BC, a tetralogy
on Trojan themes that culminated in the only play still extant, an armed Achilles crouching in ambush for the Trojan prin-
Trojan Women. Even without an explanatory booklet, the audi- cess Polyxena and her brother Troilus may also relate to the
ence of the day would have had little difficulty in mapping the ephebeia, which stimulated individual military exploits rather
ruthless machinations of Euripides’ Greek military command- than adult hoplite warfare.
ers at the end of the war onto the actions of some of their own By the end of the 3rd century BC, the Greek poleis became
politicians, who in the months preceding the 415 Dionysia had dominated by the Macedonian kingdom. As Alexander the
convinced the Athenian Assembly to ratify the extermination Great swiftly extended the Greek world all the way to the In-
of the entire male population of the rebellious island of Melos. dus River, the role of the Trojan War in the Greek experience
While the Trojan War set a standard on the tragic stage and was altered. No longer a benchmark for the military prowess
in historiography, individual epic warriors like Achilles served of individual poleis, it became a paradigm for a unified Greek
as role models for the youth of Athens in everyday life. The identity vis à vis the indigenous populations of Egypt, Asia Mi-
story of Achilles’ sojourn on Skyros has the classic hallmarks nor and the Middle East. In the Museum of Alexandria, under
of a rite de passage – separation, role reversal and reintegration royal patronage, the Iliad and the Odyssey came to be objects of
– and it is conceivable that it had its origins in the ephebeia, scholarly study, inspiring the likes of Callimachus and Apol-
or ‘national service’, undergone by many Athenian youths at lonius of Rhodes to write their own poetry in support of the
the age of 15 to 16. The immense popularity of depictions of Greek heritage of the Ptolemaic empire.

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nowhere reports that he took the trouble to visit the city him- However, even in a play wholly dedicated to Troy like Euripi-
self – in spite of the fact that the Athenian colony Sigeion (the des’ Trojan Women, references to the physical Troy are subordi-
refuge of the deposed tyrant Hippias, himself one of Herodo- nated to the course of the dramatic action. The play dramatizes
tus’ subjects) lay just a few kilometres from Troy. a charged moment before the captured city is consigned to the
From the moment that Alexander the Great, visiting Troy flames. In a series of encounters, queen Hecuba hears of the fate
in 334 BC, swapped his armour for an ancient Trojan breast- of her daughters, each of whom has been allocated to one of the
plate and pledged several benefactions, the city (refounded by Greek conquerors, and that of her grandson Astyanax. Human
then as ‘Ilion’) commanded increasing attention. The Hellenis- suffering is portrayed in all its forms, but only a few words are
tic temple of Athena was furnished with a painting of the Fall devoted to the city itself. In Trojan Women, attention is directed
of Troy, and the 2nd-century temple of Apollo Smintheus in to the fortifications of Troy rather than to the city as a whole
neighbouring Chryse was adorned with a frieze showing scenes or even to its temples, the desecration of which eventually calls
from the Trojan War. In 188 BC, after the end of the Seleucid down the wrath of the gods on the Greeks:
War, Troy was officially recognised as the mother city of Rome
and consequently drew numerous visitors from the Roman ‘Farewell, once prosperous city! Farewell, stone ramparts!
elite. If Pallas, daughter of Zeus, had not engineered your de-
For Greeks of the Archaic and Classical periods, by contrast, struction, you would still be standing on your foundations.’
Troy existed above all in a world of their own imagination: (lines 45-47)
a world nourished primarily by Homer. It is all the more re-
markable, then, that Homer’s description of the city and its sur- This is how Poseidon takes his leave of the city whose fortifica-
roundings is extremely succinct: apart from a few conspicuous tions he himself helped to build. Halfway through the play, a
details (see 4.3), the Iliad and the Odyssey lack a self-contained choir of distraught Trojan women sings:
At around the same time, the idea was born that the nascent Achilles’ ambush of Troilus and Polyxena was a particularly depiction of Troy. Greek pictorial art follows the suit of epic:
Roman superpower owed its founding to the descendants of popular iconographic theme that is found not only in vase as a rule, vase paintings reveal no more than a few elements ‘Ah! Love, Love, when once you sought these Dardan halls,
Aeneas, a Trojan prince who only just escaped the destruction painting but also on coins. The version shown here, on a of the surroundings to help the viewer assign meaning to the deep-seated in the hearts of heavenly gods, how high did
lekythos (oil jug) from ca. 490 BC, shows Achilles crouching
of his city. Roman authors translated the Greek texts about the scene. The fountain house in the depiction of Achilles’ attack you make Troy tower in those days, when you married her
behind a fountain house. The fountain house differentiates
war into Latin, and created their own versions as well. Their the assault on Polyxene from the murder of her brother, on Polyxena, for example, is not a random piece of landscape with deities!... But all the love the gods once had for Troy is
Roman audiences would already have been well versed in the which is not shown, that took place at a shrine to Apollo, painting: for the many artists who depicted this theme, it was passed away.’
myths about Troy through the import and manufacture of according to the epic cycle. a means of distinguishing this scene from the subsequent epi- (lines 841-859)
painted pottery in Southern Italy and Etruria and of theatrical sode in which Achilles kills Troilus, of motivating the presence
performances in Greek. But again, the mythical significance of of Polyxena and of providing Achilles with something to hide These references to Troy’s walls come to a climax in Hecuba’s
the war changed: Roman generals like Flaminius and L. Cor- behind. Nor is this iconographic parsimony inspired merely by last speech, delivered after she hears of the death of Astyanax.
nelius Scipio expressly put themselves forward as the descend- pottery painted with Trojan scenes; that was surrounded by the limited format in which the vase painter worked. In Poly- A messenger brings her the body of her grandson, whom the
ants of Aeneas, stopping at Troy to bring sacrifices and votive statues of Trojan heroes: how did such an audience imagine gnotus’ famous murals of the Fall of Troy for the Cnidian club Greeks have hurled from the battlements ‘like a discus’ (line
offerings while on their way to battle against Alexander’s suc- the city for which their heroic ancestors had fought for 10 long house at Delphi, the architectural details, placed on vertically 1121). In Hecuba’s reaction to the news, Troy’s walls built for
cessors in the east. For Julius Caesar, this identification became years? arranged planes to suggest perspective, also serve primarily to eternity and the young life that will never reach maturity are
particularly important: his family reckoned itself to be in di- In a recent and rather controversial book on the composition make the depicted epic tales recognisable. poignantly contrasted:
rect descent from the Trojan royal house. The high point of of the Iliad, Martin West (see also 4.2) argues that Homer, writ- The role of epic verse and pictorial art in creating an imagi-
Rome’s celebration of Troy was the Aeneid, the epic that Virgil ing several centuries after the events he is recreating, must have nary Troy thus remains limited to supplying isolated landmarks ‘Poor child! How sad that the walls of your father, those
authored under the patronage of Augustus in order to furnish conceived parts of his Trojan epic in situ. “The city was in ruins around which the action takes place. Neither of the two genres towers that Loxias raised, have shorn from your head the
his imperial rule with an authoritative prehistory. Following in in his time, but the massive walls of the Bronze Age citadel still lent itself, as far as can be ascertained, for projecting a synoptic locks that your mother fondled and so often caressed …’
Virgil’s footsteps, Ovid devoted the 12th and 13th books of his towered up to a height of twenty feet above the ground: he or panoramic view of the city where the war took place. Even (lines 1173-77)
Metamorphoses to Troy’s demise and the flight of Aeneas. must have sat on that windy eminence, like the modern visi- more notable, perhaps, is the lack of a description of Troy in
tor, and admired the panorama”, West writes. If Homer in fact the surviving Greek dramas. The backdrop of a classical-period ‘BY ITS SMOKE …’
A CITY WITHOUT A FACE described the Iliad’s Troy on the basis of his own observations, tragic production was extremely sober: the stage floor was bor- It seems fair to say that, between the 7th and 4th centuries BC,
As the preceding section demonstrates, the Trojan War contin- then he was one of the few Greek authors to do so: up to the dered by a simple back wall with a gate in the middle and doors the Greeks showed a definite lack of interest in Troy’s physical
ued to fascinate the Greeks and the Romans down the centu- 3rd century BC, we find very few traces of anything like ‘Troy to either side; and apart from the central altar on the skene, no appearance. As we have seen, this lack of interest corresponds
ries. But what about Troy itself, the location where a significant tourism’. Herodotus recounts that the Persian king Xerxes, use was made of scenery. The audience gleaned information in part to generic characteristics of Greek literature and art:
part of these stories is played out? An audience that delight- marching on Greece with his army, stopped over at Troy to regarding the setting of the drama exclusively from cues in the in most classical genres, narration takes precedence over de-
ed year after year in recitals of Homeric verse and theatrical make a large sacrifice to Athena (Histories 7.43; see also 2.3); but play’s text and the dramatic action. scription. Historiography as practised by Herodotus and
reworking of the Trojan myths; that poured and drank from the historian, though by his own account a seasoned traveller,

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TROY IN GREEK ART – MORE THAN

ILLUSTRATIONS TO HOMER
WINFRED VAN DE PUT

Myths and sagas were an inexhaustible source of inspiration for painters and sculptors. Sometimes the illustrations correspond
Greek, Etruscan and Roman artists. Stories about Troy were to what we know from the literature, but more often they are
extremely popular in Antiquity, and it is no surprise that paint- references to stories that we know were related in heroic poems
ers and sculptors of the day often fell back on this city’s demise or tragedies and that have not survived. But just as today, the
Antique vase paintings of Trojan themes are not the only Settings in the classical Greek theatre were exceptionally and the stories related to it. The way they did this and the epi- material the artists used as source did not have to be limited
depictions to show nothing more than a few landscape austere. There was an altar on the stage, and the backdrop sodes the artists depicted changed markedly over the course of to the ‘official’ literature. Songs, orally transmitted fairy tales,
was formed by an undifferentiated façade containing three history. stories deriving from specific locations or cults, anything could
to recognisable landmarks. This was true of mural paintings doors. This reconstruction of a 5th century proskenion (stage
in the Cnidian lesche (association building) from 550 BC in setting) was drawn by the archaeologist Wilhelm Dörpfeld.
serve as raw material for their images. And then there was the
Delphi, as is clear from the comprehensive descriptions of HOMER’S OWN ERA artistic freedom that the artists themselves enjoyed, whether
the travel guide writer Pausanias in the 2th century AD. Re- At the time that Homer sang his epics, presumably in the 8th they were tragedians, epic or lyrical masters, or vase painters.
constructed drawing of the painting on the eastern wall by century BC, the Greeks began to make images of animals and They adapted the stories, dreamed up new details or gave a
Martin Stansbury-O’Donnell. people. They did so in stone and bronze (in the form of larger completely new twist to a well known theme. In Euripides’
and smaller statues), but especially on earthenware vases. In tragedy Helen for example, Zeus’ daughter turns out not even
this early (so-called Geometric) period, however, the depicted to have been in Troy: when Paris arrived in Egypt with Helen,
Thucydides is an exception, but these authors expressly set the From these words, we can derive the same insight as from Lu- scenes had to do with burial, mourning, the heroised life of a phantom took her place. There are innumerable examples of
Trojan War aside – perhaps in order to avoid competing with can’s description of Caesar’s visit to the city. What, for a Greek the deceased; pottery often served as grave-gift or monument., variations, in illustrations dealing with the Trojan War as well.
the poets. Generics apart, however, there is another reason for audience, gives meaning to ‘Troy’ is the contrast between, on There is a possible reference to mythology on a single example: Homer certainly towers above the rest, but was he also the
the lack of synoptic presentations of Troy: unlike other cities, the one hand, the lasting renown of the war waged over its an interesting vase shows a large ship with two rows of oars- most important source of inspiration for depictions of the
Troy was percieved by the Greeks to be synonymous with its territory, and its definitive erasure on the other. What lies con- men. A man, shown larger than the oarsmen, appears to be Trojan War? Only a small part can be traced back to the
own destruction, rather than with its founding or its acme. tained between these two extremes – a living city with infra- holding a woman by the arm and leading her to the ship . Is Iliad or the Odyssey. And this applies not only to illustrations:
This thought is expressed most memorably in the words that structure, markets, holy places, gymnasiums, etc. – has literally this the first depiction of the abduction of Helen by Paris? This
the tragedian Aeschylus ascribes to Agamemnon, the architect disappeared from view. is possible, but it could also be a parting gesture, and the figures
of Troy’s demise. In the Agamemnon, the king’s homecoming The Greek conception of Troy as a city that, paradoxically, are otherwise unrecognisable. Paris taking Helen to his ship? This painting on a krater
is the occasion for a long and triumphant review of the atone- derives its significance from its own demise persists in the Only in the 7th century BC do recognisable myths make their from Thebes from ca. 730 BC is frequently seen as an early
ment that the Trojan king Priam has had to make for Helen’s Roman literary tradition, where the Trojan myth gains a whole appearance in the art of vase painting. Homer’s influence may depiction from ‘The Story of Troy’, although nowhere is it
made clear that this is in fact the Trojan Prince Paris and
abduction. But what, ask the play’s Chorus, of the city itself new meaning, but the city itself remains invisible. Virgil’s epic readily be discerned: the gruesome blinding of Polyphemus
his Greek lover.
and its proverbial treasures? Answers Agamemnon: has space for a city under construction (Carthage: Aeneid 1.418- with a burning stake, an episode in the Odyssey, is depicted sev-
452) and for a city of the future (Rome: Aeneid 8.310-369), but eral times. Already in these early depictions, the vase-painter is
‘By its the smoke the captured city is even now eminently not for a description of Troy. Even after the city was granted at liberty to change the story considerably. Homer makes much
visible!’ a new name and a new lease of life in the Hellenistic period, of the sharpening of the tree branch that Odysseus will use
(Agamemnon, line 818) Ilium remained a lieu de mémoire without physical attributes. to blind the one-eyed cannibal in his story. In the depictions,
the weapon used seems to be a skewer This does not accord
with Homer’s version, because the poet goes to great lengths to
make the point that the Cyclops, as an utter brute, is wont to
swallow his food raw, including a few of Odysseus’ unfortunate
companions. And this is just one of the details that do not agree
with Homer.

ILLUSTRATION SOURCES
When we look at Greek illustrations of myths it is important to
bear in mind that the extant literary works reflect only a small
part of the stories in circulation at the time that inspired the

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in Antiquity Aristotle noticed that the tragedians rarely took

their material directly from Homer’s poems, because the treat-
ment – in particular in the Iliad – focused on only a small part
of the Trojan heroic saga; other heroic poems now lost, such
as the Little Iliad, the Ilioupersis and the Kypria, treated more
episodes and, according to the philosopher, lent themselves
much better as inspiration for tragedies (Poetics 1459a-b). The
situation is no different in the representative arts: inspiration
from lost works, including tragedies, is manifold, and it is by
no means always clear that literature forms the basis for an il-
lustration.

TROY: OTHER STORIES

The war was not the only thing Troy was famous for. The
Trojans’ beauty had also come to the attention of the gods. Zeus
fell in love with the Trojan prince Ganymede, taking the shape
of an eagle to abduct him. This is a popular theme in the first
quarter of the 5th century BC: the ruler of the gods takes human
form to pursue the youth who is depicted with a hoop and is
sometimes also holding a cockerel, a common gift from a ma-
ture man to an adored youth. Rembrandt painted a memorable
version of this story – an eagle seizing a crying and urinating The so-called François Vase, showing the marriage of the
toddler. Eos, the goddess of the dawn, is frequently depicted Greek hero Peleus to the nymph Thetis. Peleus and Thetis
pursuing the young huntsman Tithonus. Memnon, the king of were the parents of Achilles, the most important hero in the
Iliad. Positioned in front of an altar, Peleus (right) welcomes
the Ethiopians, who also played a role in the Trojan War, issued the invited guests to the wedding ceremony. Below him Zeus,
from this love. Aphrodite adored Anchises, the father of her the king of the gods, is shown with thunderbolt on the chariot
son Aeneas. In Attic vase painting nothing in these illustrations in the middle.
points to the exotic origins of these beautiful youths: they look
as if they could be strolling over the Agora every day.
A lekythos (oil jug) from the end of the 6th century BC.
Two warriors are attempting to attack each other with swords
ON THE WAY TO THE TROJAN WAR
drawn, but are kept apart by their comrades. This could be
The first Trojan theme after the blinding of Polyphemus to gain
popularity in Greek vase painting is the wedding of Peleus and Achilles, but there is no other evidence for this.
Thetis. In the extant versions of the story the sea goddess Thetis
marries the persistent prince Peleus. All the gods are invited to
the wedding apart from Eris, the goddess of strife. She takes re-
venge by tossing a golden apple, with ‘for the fairest’ inscribed Paris undergoes a metamorphosis. While one might expect
on it, into the midst of the wedding throng and so causes end- a young and attractive prince, he is depicted during the Archaic
less suffering. From the second quarter of the 6th century BC Period (600-480 BC) with a beard and wearing a stately cloak.
vase painters depicted the large and varied procession of promi- By the beginning of the 5th century BC Paris is being shown as
nent guests on large mixing vats for water and wine (kraters and a beardless young man. A century later we see him dressed in
dinoi). The painter Sophilos is the first to inscribe all the names colourfully adorned Phrygian dress, including his standard ac-
alongside the figures, something that takes on extravagant form cessory, the Phrygian cap. This is an important characteristic of
on the famous François vase (ca. 570 BC). The painter, Kleitias, Greek art: the aim is to reflect the character or role of the figure
even furnished horses and pieces of furniture with names. in the story as clearly as possible; the idea of a photographic,
Both the wedding and the conflict over Eris’ apple are dealt momentary image was unknown to them. In the older illustra-
with in the Kypria, a lost post-Homeric epic. The contest be- tions Paris’ status as prince is the most important, later it is his
tween the goddesses Athena, Hera and Aphrodite, submitting youthful attractions; the rich clothing of the late 5th century
themselves to the judgment of the Trojan prince-shepherd depictions point to the location of Phrygia and also to Paris’
Paris, is another popular theme in the arts. In these scenes predilection for beautiful things.

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too eager to interpret an image as a myth. Combat scenes are Troy. The gods are enraged at this desecration of a corpse and
IN FRONT OF TROY’S WALLS often shown, particularly in the Archaic Period. For example a he is instructed through his mother Thetis to cease his act of
Helen’s abduction would lead ultimately to a Greek siege of scene on a lekythos (oil jar) shows two warriors trying to attack vengeance. At the end of the 6th century BC this cruel theme is
Troy lasting 10 years. As stated above (see chapter 4) we find each other but being kept apart by their comrades. This could popular: on occasion Patroclus’ burial mound is depicted, with
no depictions of massed armies, huge fleets or tented encamp- be the argument between Odysseus and Ajax over Achilles’ or without his shade, on others the Trojan gate from where
ments in the art world of the ancients: the illustrations are in- weapons, but the warriors are depicted impersonally, meaning Priam and Hecuba, Hector’s parents, watch as their son’s body
stead strongly focused on individual heroes and their deeds, that the scene cannot be linked to any known episode. is dishonoured. These vases were made in Athens, but have
often in clearly recognisable scenes. But sometimes we may be The Iliad was probably set down in writing in Athens around been found predominantly in in Etruria, just as many others
530 BC. Illustrations of Trojan themes increase around this time, with mythological representations. We may ask whether they
but very often derived from other sources than Homer’s ep- were made with a view to Etruscan tastes.
An Athenian lekythos from ca. 490 BC: Achilles armed to ics.. The vase painter Exekias conceived an illustration of the Hector’s corpse is ransomed by his father Priam in exchange
the teeth lies in ambush at a well (see also the drawing on two greatest Greek heroes, Ajax and Achilles, around 540 BC. for a large number of precious items. Schliemann believed
page 80). They are apparently playing a game that looks like backgam- he had found this treasure during his excavations at Troy (see
mon. That Achilles is the more important can be discerned by chapter 2) – a nice piece of modern mythology. The ransom of
the fact that he is a little bigger and also scores higher with the Hector’s body is a fairly popular theme. There are examples in
die (the inscription reads 4, while Ajax throws only a 3). This both black-figure and red-figure pottery of the grey-haired king
playful image clearly does not refer to an episode in the Iliad or come to beg Achilles, reclining on a couch, for the body of his
the other epics: here the competition between the two heroes is beloved son. Hector’s corpse lies under the couch, in contra-
fought out in friendly fashion on the gaming board. diction to the literary tradition. Priam is accompanied by his
In the same way the episode where Achilles kills the Trojan servants carrying the gifts.
prince Troilos on the altar of Apollo, frequently depicted on Once Achilles re-joins the fight following the death of Patro-
Greek vases, does not derive from the Iliad. An oracle had pre- clus, Trojan heroes rapidly fall in battle. One of them is Mem-
dicted that Troy would not fall if Troilos reached the age of non, like Achilles the son of a goddess – Eos – but himself a Achilles and Ajax are engrossed in a game of backgammon.
20. When the Trojan prince accompanied his sister Polyxena mortal. He is king of the Ethiopians, and can be recognised This amphora, made in 530 BC by Exekias, one of the best
known Attic potters, was found in a grave in Etruria (Italy).
to the well, Achilles was lying in ambush for them. Both fled on this vase from the dark appearance of his companions. The
and Achilles butchered the young prince on the altar of Apollo, conflict between the two heroes is thus also a confrontation
where he had sought refuge – in vain. On a lekythos painted between the two goddesses, with Eos losing the argument.
around 490 BC by the so-called Athena Painter, however, Troi- A touching illustration is Eos bearing the body of her son off pass it on later to Neoptolemos, Achilles’ son. Ajax resents
los is not to be seen, but only his sister, who will later be sacri- the battlefield. Brave Queen Penthesileia of the Amazons also the loss and plots vengeance. Struck mad he takes a flock of
ficed on the grave of Achilles. This is a good example of the way falls victim to the unchained hero. But Achilles falls in love sheep for Greeks and hacks at them. He feels so much shame
in which Greek artists convey a story. Instead of in a snapshot, with the Amazon as she is on the point of death. This tragic- at what he has done that he sees suicide as his only option. His
the figures are shown in a way that illustrates their role in the romantic aspect of the story has made it a popular theme at tragic death is sometimes depicted in excruciating detail in the
story as aptly as possible: Achilles is lying in ambush, Polyxena various times, although it has been depicted in various ways. Archaic Period, but the most beautiful example is that of Ex-
take fright and flees. Certainly Troilos is shown on older vases The most famous version is undoubtedly that of Achilles look- ekias, showing the hero planting his sword in the ground in
depicted as a youth on horseback, sometimes riding quietly ing deep into the eyes of the dying Penthesileia, and we also see preparation for falling on it.
alongside his sister, sometimes at a gallop pursued by Achilles. him supporting the body of the dying queen or bearing her off
The bird depicted on the well in is a raven, the bird sacred to the battlefield over his shoulder. THE END OF THE CITY, AND SUBSEQUENTLY
Apollo, a reference to the fate of Troilos on his altar. But Achilles also dies. Although virtually invincible after his We know of the Wooden Horse holding the hidden Greek
It is interesting that certain personalities and episodes that mother Thetis had dipped him in the Styx, his heel remained warriors primarily from Virgil’s Aeneid. An unusual early re-
play a crucial role in the Iliad, are rarely depicted or not at vulnerable where she had held on while submerging him. Paris, lief pithos (storage container) from Mykonos, made around the
all. For example we scarcely ever find Achilles’ bosom friend guided by Apollo, a god strongly sympathetic to the Trojan middle of the 7the century BC, shows a horse on wheels with
Patroclus, apart from on the world famous Sosias cup on which cause, loosed an arrow that hit the hero in the ankle. A fierce peepholes through which the hidden Greek heroes can be seen.
Achilles is shown binding his comrade’s wounds. Later, after battle erupted over his body, before Ajax rescued it from the The myth was part of the lost epic Ilioupersis about the Fall of
Achilles has withdrawn in wrath from the conflict, Patroclus battlefield. The death of Achilles by an arrow from Paris is de- Troy (Ilion). However it was never to be a popular theme in
borrows his armour and joins the battle with the Trojans, to picted just once, while the rescue of his body is a much loved Greek art. Laocoön, the priest who saw through the trick and
be slain in the end by Hector, the greatest of the Trojan heroes. theme that occurs on the François vase (see above) and remains warned the Trojans against bringing the horse into the city, is
But few traces even of this dramatic episode are to be found in popular, particularly in the Archaic Period. seldom encountered. Poseidon sent two huge snakes to strangle
the arts. A conflict between the Greek heroes Ajax and Odysseus en- him and his two sons. The Trojans saw this as punishment for
Hector does not long survive Patroclus’ death. Achilles kills sues over Achilles’ armour, which was made by Hephaestus, rejecting the gift and hauled the ruse within the walls with even
him and drags him behind his chariot a number of times round god of the forge. Odysseus manages to secure the armour to greater zest. We search in vain for a depiction of this dramatic

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TROY CITY, HOMER AND TURKEY TROY IN GRAECO-ROMAN ANTIQUITY

episode during the Archaic and Classical periods, but in the

Hellenistic Period it is the subject of one of the most famous
statues of antiquity, Laocoön and His Sons. The dramatic con-
tent, composition and powerful expressiveness of this statue,
found in Rome in 1506, made a deep impact on Michelangelo
and Rubens, among others. The superlative quality initially
led to the assumption that the group was an original from the
height of the Hellenistic Period (ca. 150 BC), but as an Ital-
ian variety of stone (travertine) turned out to have been used,
it must have been carved after 50 BC. Besides this marvellous
statue, depictions are rare, also in Roman art.
Depictions of the Fall of Troy are more popular in Greek art.
Scores of atrocities are combined in these scenes. The two most
striking are Ajax the Lesser raping Cassandra, who seeks refuge
at the cult statue and altar of Athena, and the aged king Priam
bludgeoned to death along with his own grandson, Astyanax,
by the hand of Achilles’ son Neoptolemos. The independence
of the artists and the licence the Greeks took in retelling their
myths emerges anew: according to the literary sources Astyanax
is hurled from Troy’s ramparts. Insofar as they are not mur-
dered, the Trojans are taken as the spoils of war by the Greeks.
Polyxena is sacrificed on the grave of Achilles, cruelly depicted
on a Tyrrhenian amphora from around 550 BC and on a late
Archaic sarcophagus from around 500 BC found near Troy in
1994.
Only a few escape the slaughter. The most famous of these is
Aeneas, who is depicted fleeing the city with his father Anchises
on his back. This prince from the area around Troy was a son
of Aphrodite and was to become the forefather of the Romans
after a long period of wandering. Caesar, who claimed divine
ancestry through Aeneas, showed the hero on a coin.
their chitons and himatia (draped cloaks) appear like the Kore An exceptional early relief pithos (storage container) from
CONCLUSION sculptures of young women, dozens of which were consecrated Mykonos, made around the middle of the 7th century BC and
Greek art of course does not take us to Troy itself. By far the on the Athenian Acropolis. When Polyxena goes to fetch water showing the Trojan Horse. The horse is on wheels, and the
heads of the concealed Greek heroes may be seen through
most vases were painted in Athens. A large part of these ended she does it using an Athenian hydria (water vessel) at a well
the hatches.
up in Etruria, far from the walls of Troy. Recollections of Troy that could have been built by the Athenian tyrant Peisistra-
lived on in poems, stories and images. But the elements of these tus. The focus of the painters and sculptors was on the human
images derived from the daily lives of the Athenian producers form, and they lacked historical data concerning the Trojan
and of the Athenian and foreign buyers. Priam is killed on a world Consequently, the representative arts reveal nothing of
Greek, rather than a Trojan, altar. The Greeks, as well as the the way Athenians in the 6th and 5th centuries BC imagined
Trojans, wear armour that Athenian men knew from the bat- “Priam’s beautiful palace, adorned with polished colonnades”
tlefields of the Persian and Peloponnesian wars. The women in or “the wide camp of the Achaians”. Yet the heroes lived on in
the imagination of antiquity.

In the war for Troy the Trojans received assistance from

King Memnon of Ethiopia, son of the goddess Eos (Dawn).
He was slain by Achilles, as depicted on this large amphora.
The vase was made in Southern Italy around 320-310 BC.
As it was once in the possession of the Dutch Stadhouder
Willem IV (William IV Prince of Orange), it is known as the
Stadhoudersvaas (Stadhouder’s Vase).

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THE TROY GAME: THE TROJAN HERITAGE of which Augustus’ mother is a member. Tracing their family
name back to one of the crewmembers of Aeneas’ ship was a
stability was initiated, summarised by the term Pax Romana,
political order for all Romans. A temple to Apollo, for assis-
IN THE JULIO-CLAUDIAN HOUSE popular pastime among prominent Romans. For example Vir-
gil, poet in the service of Augustus, presented a family tableau
tance in the battle, on Rome’s Palatine Hill, where Romulus
once had his hut and where Augustus lived, was a permanent
in the form of the Troy Game dating back 12 centuries for the token of thanks for this divine intervention. Where Mark An-
DIEDERIK BURGERSDIJK eyes and ears of an imperial audience, when the Trojans were in tony had called on the alien god Dionysus, and had promoted
search of a new homeland to set up their household gods. This Hercules as his ancestor, the Apollo of Augustus had restored
would ultimately result, some 15 generations after their flight, order. A new era was dawning.
THE TROY GAME in the founding of Rome by the legendary twins Romulus and
None of the rulers from the Julio-Claudian house, the first im- Remus, the sons of Mars.
perial dynasty to rule Rome (27 BC-68 AD), could withstand From one point of view – that of Augustus – the city of
the temptation to participate either as actor or spectator in Rome, arising out of the city of Troy, has two divine ancestors:
the highly dangerous Game of Troy: after Julius Caesar, the the goddess of love, Venus – mother of Aeneas – and the god The Graeco-Roman theatre built on the ruins of ancient Troy.
founder of the dynasty, had instructed this game to be put on of war, Mars – progenitor of Romulus and Remus by Rhea Sil-
in imitation of his predecessor, the dictator Sulla, it appears to via, the female descendant of Ascanius, Aeneas and Anchises. It
have gained popularity and prestige among Rome’s aristocratic was for this reason that Julius Caesar had the temple of Venus
youth. The imperial biographer Suetonius, writing at the be- Genetrix, the divine mother of his family, built on his own Fo-
ginning of the 2nd century AD, records this activity in no less rum Caesaris adjacent to the Forum Romanum. After Caesar
than six of his biographies, beginning with his life of Caesar: had in his will adopted Octavian, the grandson of his sister
‘two troops of older and younger boys played the Troy Game’ Bronze coin from Smyrna, ca. 100 BC, showing a seated Julia, on his death in 44 BC and after his name was transferred
(Suetonius, Caesar 39.3). The aim was for different teams to line Homer holding a scroll. The head on the other side is that to his great-nephew, Roman history took a decisive turn: Oc-
up in two rows and compete with each other by racing through of the god Apollo wearing a laurel wreath. tavian laid claim, apart from Caesar’s name and possessions,
the Circus Maximus with horses, changing these during the to his power. This led to a power struggle with others from
race. The Emperor Augustus regarded the game as suited to Caesar’s circle that was ultimately decided in Octavian’s favour.
young men of noble ancestry. In the biography of his adopted Invested with the honorary title Augustus in 27 BC, Octavian
son and successor Tiberius we read that as a young man Tibe- had his own Forum Augusti laid out directly across from that
rius, scion of the prominent Claudian family, participated in buried, part of these games being given over to the Troy Game. of his adoptive father, with the temple of Mars Ultor, Mars the
the Troy Game as leader of the older group of youths during Aeneas urges his son to join the competition, and a large group Avenger, the god that had punished Caesar’s murderers at the
the city games (Suetonius, Tiberius 6.4). At one point there was of young Trojans gleaming in magnificent armour show their battle of Philippi in 42 BC, as the central sanctuary. In this way
an accident: a certain Nonius Asprenas was paralysed, and later skills before their watching parents on a playing field cleared the two divine ancestors of the Julii were united architectoni-
the grandson of the famous orator Asinius Pollio broke a leg for the occasion. There are three groups, each consisting of two cally, visible for all Romans. The right calf of the famous statue
(Suetonius, Augustus 43.2). This led to a temporary halt, as the wings of six, led in turn by Polites, the grandson of Troy’s King Augustus of Prima Porta reveals the same in sculptural terms:
game appeared again during the reign of the third emperor, Ca- Priam, Atys, a favourite of Ascanius, and Ascanius himself. Venus’ little son Cupid stands alongside this most famous scion
ligula, as Troiae decursio, ‘the Trojan parade march’ (Suetonius, Each of the troops has a leader, the one of Ascanius’ troop has of a victorious house.
Caligula 18.3), and again under Claudius, with whom it found the name Epytides. The manoeuvres carried out by the troops, Following the death of Caesar’s murderers another pretender
favour (Suetonius, Claudius 21.3). Nero was very keen on the comparable with the undulating sea or the labyrinth on Crete, to the throne offered even more stubborn opposition to Octa-
game from a young age (Suetonius, Nero 7.6), evidently to the must have been beautiful to watch, if Virgil’s extended descrip- vian. Mark Antony was, as Caesar’s supporter, the natural suc-
delight of the spectators, who loudly signalled their approval, as tion (Aeneid 5.545-603) is to be believed. cessor to his position in Rome, and this initially led Octavian
we read in Tacitus, a contemporary of Suetonius (Annals 11.11). to conclude an alliance with him, strengthening the bond by
Frequent reports of the Troy Game in histories of the emper- A MESSAGE TO THE ROMANS giving him his sister Octavia in marriage. The relationship de-
ors of the Julio-Claudian house during gladiatorial contests, of The Troy Game forms part of a message to the Roman people teriorated when Mark Antony established his base in Egypt. At
chariot races and other kinds of popular entertainment indicate propagated in all kinds of ways: the Trojan Aeneas – son of the the side of Queen Cleopatra, who had herself been installed by
their popularity. It is of particular note that the game appears goddess of love, Venus, and her mortal lover Anchises, fated Caesar, he began to behave increasingly as an independent lead-
to have been reserved for youths from the families of the elite. to survive flight from Troy’s destruction by the Greeks – is the er along Hellenistic lines: autocratic, exotic, decadent. Mark
The origins may also be described as distinguished: Ascanius, forefather of the Julian clan and in a wider sense of all Romans. Antony also envisaged expanding his power eastwards into Asia
the son of the forefather of the Roman nation, Aeneas, is said Note that two of the three leaders, alongside the grandson of in imitation of Alexander the Great. Octavian’s countermeas-
to have taught it to the Trojans during their flight from Troy King Priam of Troy, are Ascanius and Atys. Ascanius is renamed ures led to a civil war that ended with the sea battle at Actium
to their new fatherland. In the fifth book of the Aeneid, Virgil, Julus in the Aeneid, making him the putative ancestor of the on the north-western coast of Greece in 31 BC, and provided
court poet to Augustus, relates how funeral games were held Julii (the family of Julius Caesar), a name directly derived from the impulse for the most important Augustan theme: following
in honour of Aeneas’ father Anchises at the site where he lay Ilion, or Troy. And Atys is the ancestor of the Atii, the family victory over the degenerate east, an era of peace, prosperity and

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TROJANS IN LATIUM reception in the palace and the recounting of his vicissitudes,
Virgil’s Aeneid gives an important place to Aeneas’ sojourn in Aeneas is briefly bewitched by the charms of the Carthaginian
North Africa, specifically in Carthage, an episode that takes queen, but in the end Jupiter restrains him through his messen-
place in the chronology of the narrative following the stop in ger Mercury, who points out his appointed destiny and divine
Sicily and before the funeral games there. After being ship- duty. Pietas, ‘devotion to duty’, wins out over all too human
wrecked, Aeneas meets his mother Venus disguised as a hunt- amor, ‘love’. In a prophecy made by Jupiter (Virgil, Aeneid
ress, who shows him the way to the new city being built by 1.257-96) it had been predicted that a man would arise who
Queen Dido, who has fled from Phoenicia. This episode, not would rule over the nations: ‘From this glorious line a Trojan
long after the beginning of the first book, is a supreme example Caesar will be born, who will bound the empire with Ocean,
of storytelling: while Aeneas’ recollection of the collapse of the his fame with the stars, a Julius, his name descended from the
city of his youth, related to Dido in the second book, is still great Iulus.’ (Virgil, Aeneid 1.286-8). Aeneas is to be the human
fresh in his memory, he watches the diligent construction of agent of this line. The narrative fits with Octavian’s attitude
a new city from a hilltop. Following his entrance into the city, towards Cleopatra: where Mark Antony, in imitation of Oc-
tavian’s adoptive father Caesar, succumbs to human weakness
and luxuriates in the love of the alien Queen Cleopatra, Octa-
vian dismisses the decadence of the east that his empire is to
be spared.
Given the perceived link between luxury and decay, is it note-
worthy that an eastern prince from a once extremely prosperous
Troy is designated as ancestor of the Roman people? The fact
that Augustus did this is connected to the established tradition A silver denarius from North Africa struck during the rule of fear. He had previously written a eulogy on a similar theme, a
of a Trojan presence in the Latium region that gained accept- Julius Caesar, 47-46 BC. On one side there is a bust of Venus, campaign in Spain in 24 BC, in which the poet calls for public
ance from the 4th century. A large number of artefacts testify to goddess of love and the mother of Aeneas, and on the other and private expressions of thanks (Horace, Ode 3.14). In this
the popularity of stories about Troy in both Etruria and among way Augustus’ return is celebrated as a nostos that reflects with
left arm. The inscription reads: CAESAR. Caesar wanted to
Latin speaking peoples. For example, the shrine to Venus in the show through this depiction of Aeneas that he was of divine great ceremony the arrival of Aeneas in Latium, which after all
coastal city of Lavinium (6th century BC) established by Aeneas origin, thus justifying his position as dictator. recalls the lustre of a golden era resulting from the conquest of
according to the myth, various artefacts like a famous vase from hostile powers.
the Etruscan city of Vulci with a painting of Aeneas fleeing Troy Augustus decided to forego a triumph, instead requesting the
as it burns, with his wife, father and son (5th century BC) and erection of the so-called Ara Pacis, the ‘Altar of Peace’. On it the
votive images of Aeneas and his father from the Etrurian city new era is illustrated by extensive sculpted images of supera-
of Veii. A solution was furnished for unwished for links with founds Alba Longa, where Rhea Silvia’s father Numitor ulti- bundant plant motifs and panels rich with symbolism: on both
an eastern origin: the founder of Troy, Dardanus, was said to mately rules as king. His grandsons Romulus and Remus go on sides of the entrance and on the siding panels are friezes with
be originally from Latium, and to have moved to the west coast to found Rome, which is thus the continuation of Latin order senators, members of the imperial family and priests in grateful
of Asia to found Troy (see for example Virgil, Aeneid 3.167-8: by other means. procession; at the rear the goddess Roma and Mother Earth
‘here [i.e. Italy] Dardanus was born, / … from whom our peo- (Tellus or Italia); in front the god Mars, the twins Romulus and
ple first came’). Aeneas’ travels to Latium have thus become a ORDER THROUGH WAR Remus, and Aeneas sacrificing. The latter is just around the
kind of nostos, ‘return’, like that of Agamemnon to Mycenae Political order is obtained through military conquest. This is corner from where Augustus is proceeding with his family and
or Odysseus to Ithaca described in the Greek tragedies and ep- the message that Augustus disseminates in his historiographi- the priests. In this way Virgil’s heroic poem about Aeneas’ quest
ics. According to the myth, when Aeneas lands in Latium and cal testament, the Res Gestae (RG), ‘Deeds Accomplished’, in- for a new fatherland and Horace’s eulogies on the grateful and
enters into a coalition with Latin and Etrurian warriors to bat- scribed on bronze plaques displayed on his mausoleum after happy welcoming of Augustus’ return are given visual expres-
tle with the hostile Rutuli under the leadership of Turnus, he his death: parta victoriis pax, ‘order achieved through conquest’ sion on an altar celebrating the return of the golden era. The
re-established Trojan power in Latium and creates order anew (Suetonius, Augustus 101 RG 13). The military campaign that last words of Horace’s fourth book of Odes (‘we sing the praises
from chaos. Aeneas himself founds Lavinium, named for his he undertook in 16-13 BC in Gaul and Spain is significant for of Troy, Anchises and the offspring of all-nourishing Venus’,
wife, the daughter of the local King Latinus, and his son Julus promoting the development of an extensive programme of Ode 4.15.31-2) reveal a striking similarity with Virgil’s introduc-
art and literature. The lyric poet of Augustus’ court, Horace, tion to the Aeneid: ‘ I sing of arms and the man, he who, exiled
penned a eulogy in which he celebrates the longed-for return by fate, first came from the coast of Troy to Italy, and to La-
of the ruler as the start of a new golden era in Latium (Horace, vinian shores’ (Aeneid 1.1-2). The poets from the circle around
Ode 4.5). Although Horace does not say so explicitly, he uses Augustus – under the supervision of Maecenas, his patron of
father Anchises on his back. Aeneas’ wife Kreousa walks many motifs that conjure up the return of a paradisiacal exist- the arts – which included Horace and Virgil, sang along to the
in front of him. Greek vase from 510-500 BC ence: the presence of peace, law and work and the absence of greater honour and glory of their patrons.

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TROY AND THE TROJANS flames, are all derived from a sculpture group that must have Rome was founded by Trojans, but without going into details: Seleucus is intended. What is important here is that the blood
The received idea of Troy in the early imperial period, as pro- stood on the forum of Augustus. Divine origins must certainly ties to the Trojans are used to implement a political measure
moted by Augustan ideology, focuses more on the figure of Ae- have played a role in this manner, but Aeneas was represented ‘ The city of Rome, according to my understanding, was along with an appeal to a distant past, as though there had
neas and his Umwelt of men, countries and gods, than on the in his role of mortal hero as a ‘model Roman’. at the outset founded and inhabited by Trojans, who were never been any doubt that the Romans were descended from
city of Troy. The apogee of the idea of Troy as city is without wandering about in exile under the leadership of Aeneas the Trojans. In addition it is not insignificant that Claudius had
doubt the second book of Virgil’s Aeneid, even though the city TROY THE CITY and had no fixed abode.’ the temple of Venus of Eryx, or Venus Erycina, a city founded
as such does not play an important role, while providing the It should be clear that not so much Troy as the Trojans were (Sallust, Bellum Catilinae 6) by Aeneas, restored:
backdrop against which the flight of Aeneas is played out. The iconic in Augustan ideology. Nevertheless Troy at the time of
book’s theme is after all Aeneas’s flight from Troy as it falls, not Augustus was a living and inhabited city that was renowned All of this reveals that Roman Troy did not yet have the prestige ‘and had the temple of Venus Erycina in Sicily, which had
Troy itself, much as is the case with Homer’s Iliad. In it, Achil- for its honourable history. From the 2nd century BC onwards, it would later enjoy. fallen to ruin through age, restored at the expense of the
les’ anger in the midst of the war’s events, not the war itself, the point at which Rome began making military incursions There is a great deal of speculation on the precise attitude treasury of the Roman people.’
constitutes the theme, while the fall – which is not described into Asia, Troy became a destination for the purposes of pay- of Caesar and Augustus with respect to the city of Troy. Ac- (Suetonius, Claudius 25.4)
as such in the book – is merely foreshadowed. While in the ing homage to the shrine of Pallas Athena or to visit the grave cording to the geographer Strabo, Caesar made concessions to
first six books of the Aeneid the word Troia occurs significantly of Achilles, the Greek warrior who lay buried near Troy. This Troy, such as exempting it from taxation (Geographika 13.1.39). The worship of this cult associated with Aeneas had been intro-
more often than forms of Troianus (as adjective or substantive) was in imitation of the Macedonian conqueror Alexander the Whether he ever visited it is difficult to determine. The sole duced in Rome in 217 BC. At the age of 16, in 53 ad, Nero had
and Troes, the opposite – unsurprisingly – is the case in the six Great, who claimed to be of Greek and Trojan descent. The author to place Caesar in Troy is the poet Lucan, who has him called for exemption from tax for the inhabitants of the region
final books, in which the war in Latium is described. In general fact that Troy occupied a strategic position with respect to the visit the city overgrown with grass and weeds in the Pharsalia, around Troy in imitation of his adoptive father Claudius, an
the city of Troy, although doomed by fate, is shown as pow- sea and to the hinterland contributed to this special attention. his uncompleted epic about the civil war between Caesar and emperor given to historicizing:
erful and prosperous, as emerges from the description of the Following destruction by Fimbria in 85 BC – retribution for Pompey (Pharsalia 9.950-999). The epic is named after the
shipwreck, where the ships’ cargoes bob on the waves: ‘men’s its assistance to Mithridates, an enemy of Rome – Troy could Greek city of Pharsalus, where Caesar fought the decisive bat- ‘Anxious to distinguish himself by noble pursuits, and the
weapons, planking, Trojan treasure in the waves’ (Aeneid 1.119). bank on a politically favourable position when Sulla awarded tle against his political opponent Pompey in 48 BC. Lucan may reputation of an orator, he advocated the cause of the peo-
It is the Trojans led by Aeneas, fled from their city, who found political independence to the city, which was part of the Troad- have drawn his material from the last episodes written by the ple of Ilium, and having eloquently recounted how Rome
a new power in Latium, whereby attention is fixed not so much ic federation. Loyalty to Rome is reflected in a multitude of Augustan historian Livy, but it is entirely possible that Caesar’s was the offspring of Troy, and Aeneas the founder of the
on the perished city, as on those whose fate it is to found a new dedications to Roman figures, including Lucius Iulius Caesar, visit to Troy is poetic licence. In any event, Caesar’s interest Julian line, with other old traditions akin to myths, he
city: ‘we head for Latium , where the fates hold peaceful lives a member of the Julian family. It was possibly at this time that is a response to the rumours, as reported by Suetonius (Julius gained for his clients exemption from all public burdens.’
for us: there Troy’s kingdom can rise again’ (Aeneid 1.205-6). ‘Iulus’ began to be seen as an alternative to Ascanius as ancestor Caesar 79.3), that he intended to move with the state treasury (Tacitus, Annals 12.58)
Ultimately a new ruler will arise from the Trojan people, whose to the Julii. to Alexandria or Troy and leave Rome to the care of his friends.
fame will be limited only by the stars. During the same period, the last century of the republic, Troy It is certainly probable that Augustus visited Troy, presenting On being made emperor Nero gave further expression to
The question is to what extent the stories about the Roman was not yet advanced as the predecessor of Rome in literary himself as patron and supporter. His name is shown on the his powers of rhetoric through writing a poem entitled Troi-
and more particularly the Trojan origin of the Julians was con- works. The picture that Catullus provides in Carmen, in which architrave of the temple of Athena. ca, parts of which he recited in public (Suetonius Nero 10.2),
structed by Augustus and his circle themselves. As we have he weeps over the Trojan grave of his brother, is by no means also reported by the poet Juvenal (Satire 8.221) and a century
seen, the association of Romans with Trojans was far from new. an attractive one: THE NERONIAN RENAISSANCE later confirmed by the Greek historian Cassius Dio (Roman
If we may rely on Suetonius, the claim to divine origins existed It was during the Neronian renaissance that remembering Troy History 62.29.1). This was so well received that he was accorded a
as early as 69 BC, when Caesar made an oration at the funeral of ‘Troy (horror!), shared tomb of Asia and Europe, as a city was given full attention. Nero, as emperor a patron of thanksgiving – something reserved for generals returning in tri-
his aunt Julia: ‘the Julii are descended from Venus, the family of Troy, cruel funeral pyre of all men and virtues, which the arts, carried on the family tradition of Trojan descent un- umph – and an inscription of the recited passage was displayed
which ours is descended’ (Suetonius, Julius Caesar 6.1). Caesar has even brought a miserable death to my brother! checked. In 50 ad Nero’s predecessor, the Emperor Claudius, in gold letters on the temple to Jupiter on the Capitoline. Only
emphasises his assertion by issuing coins with sides showing Ve- (…) had taken up the Trojan cause: a few brief and disputed fragments of the Troica are extant,
nus and Aeneas, the reintroduction of the lusus Troiae and the A foreign land holds him deep under ground one of which has been transmitted by the already mentioned
consecration of the temple of Venus on Caesar’s forum. Others now, so far away, not among familiar tombs, and ‘He allowed the people of Ilium perpetual exemption from Lucan. In Suetonius’ biography of Lucan the poet, angry at
too, for example the dictator Sulla, claimed to be descended not placed tribute, on the ground that they were the founders of the Nero’s departure during one of his performances, while reliev-
from Venus, and the famous family of the Memmii flirted with beside the ashes of relatives, but buried unhappily Roman race, reading an ancient letter of the senate and ing himself in a public lavatory and to the amazement of those
its Trojan origins by stamping the image of Venus as patron of in Troy, loathsome Troy!’ people of Rome written in Greek to king Seleucus, in present, shouts out half a verse from Nero: sub terris tonuisse
the Trojans on coins – compare the famous introduction by the (Catullus, Carmen 68.89-100) which they promised him their friendship and alliance putes, ‘you would have thought that it thundered beneath the
philosopher poet Lucretius: Aeneadum genetrix, ‘Foremother only on condition that he should keep their kinsfolk of earth’ – one of a few scanty remains of what must once have
of the Aeneads’, dedicated to Gaius Memmius. By contrast a Three quarters of a century later a location like this would have Ilium free from every burden.’ been a great work.
novel approach was the Julians’ emphasis on Aeneas as forefa- been able to evoke only honour and sympathy. Troy occurs fre- (Suetonius, Claudius 25.3) Nero’s performances, extended to include tours to southern
ther, and the important role accorded his son Julus, previously quently in the writing of Cicero, but only in connection with Italy in order to train his voice according to Tacitus (Annals
Ascanius, as progenitor of the clan. It is generally accepted that the war; on only one occasion is there a reference to Trojans as The circumstances under which the proposal was made to Se- 15.33), had a sequel in 64 when Rome caught fire and the em-
the many illustrations in sculpture, coins and paintings of the kinsmen, when it is reported that Aeneas had founded the Sicil- leucus at the time – presumably in reaction to a request from peror gave voice to his composition Halosis Iliou, ‘The Fall of
‘triple A’ structure of Anchises-Aeneas-Ascanius, fleeing Troy in ian city of Segesta (Cicero, In Verrem 2.4.72). Sallust reports that him to Rome – cannot now be discovered, nor precisely which Troy’ from the Tower of Maecenas, dressed in his stage cos-

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 TROY IN GRAECO-ROMAN ANTIQUITY

tume and accompanied by a lyre. Flammae pulchritudine, ‘in Romanaque Pergama surgent, ‘and the Roman Troy will rise
the beauty of the flames’ Nero declaimed himself (Suetonius, again’, as predicted by Lucan (Pharsalia 9.999).
Nero 38.2). The report is confirmed by Cassius Dio (Roman His- Virgil has Aeneas setting duty above love in his departing
tory 62.18.1), who has him singing from the roof of the palace, speech to the disappointed Dido:
adding that eyewitnesses called the poem ‘The Fall of Rome’,
but only partly by Tacitus (Annals 15.39), who dismisses the per- ‘If the fates had allowed me to live my life under my own
formance of excidium Troiae, ‘the demise of Troy’, as specula- auspices, and attend to my own concerns as I wished,
tion, given that Nero was in residence at his country house I should first have cared for the city of Troy and the sweet
in Antium at the time of the fire. The aftermath of the fire relics
presented Nero with the opportunity to realise his dream of of my family, Priam’s high roofs would remain, and
a domus aurea, ‘golden house’: he had a large palace complex I’d have
built around the valley between the Oppius and Palatine hills recreated Pergama, with my own hands, for the defeated.’
that was intended literally to revive the golden era and that was (Virgil, Aeneid 4.340-4)
enlivened with brilliant frescoes recalling Troy in all its glory.
In his biography of Virgil, Suetonius notes the wish of the
THE IDEA OF TROY IN THE EARLY great poet that his epic should be burnt on his death, but this
IMPERIAL PERIOD plan was frustrated by his heirs to posterity’s good fortune,
Setting aside how the idea of Troy in the early imperial period upon which a certain Sulpicius of Carthage penned an epigram
was received, it is noticeable that republican Roman traditions with the closing lines: ‘unhappy Troy almost fell twice, / and
surrounding Trojan descent were strongly linked to a single clan Pergamon was almost burnt again on a pyre’. The citadel of
by Julius Caesar and his adoptive son Octavian Augustus: that Troy rose again in the Julio-Claudian house, starting with the
of the Julii. Just as the Trojans, mingled with the indigenous lusus Troiae, a game as popular with the spectators as it was
Latins and to a lesser extent the Etruscans, were ancestors of played in earnest – but all too perilous, as in Neronian times.
the Roman people, Aeneas was the ancestor of the Julian clan.
His mother was Venus, while Mars was the father of Romu-
lus, founder of Rome. The latter, previously the uncontested
leader in the foundation myths, was pushed into second place
by the rise of the Julian clan: there was now an earlier ances-
tor to hand. A certain evolution in the reception of the Troy
theme may be discerned: where Julius Caesar created a personal
family cult on the basis of Trojan origins, as common among
prominent families, Augustus continued this cult in an extend-
ed literary and artistic cultural programme with the abundant
means he had at his disposal. The last emperor from the clan,
Nero, continued the line all too faithfully by taking it in hand
himself through the composition of a Troica and the accompa-
nying destruction of Rome, seen as Troy risen from the ashes.

He and his adoptive father Julius Caesar traced their origins

to the Trojan hero Aeneas and his mother, the goddess Venus.

prince on Italian soil. At the behest of Augustus the myth of

Aeneid.
Plaster copy after a marble original from the 1st century AD.

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TROY CITY, HOMER AND TURKEY

TROY IN BYZANTIUM
WILLEM AERTS

The conflict between the Greeks and the Trojans over Troy ensured that commentaries on the Trojan War exist in all shapes
has been set down in verse by the greatest poet of Antiquity, and sizes in Byzantine literature.
Homer, in his epic the Iliad. The epic tells of just one period of An epic directly related to the Trojan War and written in
a few weeks centred on Achilles. This great hero feels himself Homeric style is attributed to Quintus Smyrnaeus, who in the
insulted by his commander-in-chief Agamemnon and refuses 4th century ad set down the events following Hector’s death –
to continue the battle, but then takes revenge for the death of which marks the end of the Iliad – in 8,772 verses spread over
his friend Patroclus on Troy’s greatest warrior Hector, who had 14 books. In the 12th book the seer Calchas announces that
slain Patroclus. Troy will be taken not by violence but by cunning. Odysseus
The story of Troy’s destruction was told centuries later in the proposes building a wooden horse with warriors hidden inside,
second book of the Aeneid, an epic by the Roman poet Virgil. while the burning of the camp and setting sail with the ships
The hero of the title, Aeneas, escapes from the ruined city with suggest the departure of the Greeks. The ruse works, and when
his father, small son and a group of trusted friends, manages to in the 14th book the Trojans have drunk themselves into a
reach Italy, seizes land along the Tiber and becomes the mythi- coma, Odysseus and his men emerge to sow death and destruc-
cal founder of the Roman Empire. The empire is afflicted by tion. In book 13 Calchas warns the Greeks to spare Aeneas, the
civil wars in the 4th century ad. Constantine the Great, who son of Aphrodite, as the gods have decided that he will found a
emerges as winner of this conflict, decides to abandon Rome as ‘holy city’ on the Tiber.
capital and to found a new capital at a safer and more central John Malalas, a chronicler from the time of the Emperor Jus-
spot in the empire. What could be more obvious than to return tinian (527-565) devotes an entire book (chapter), the fifth, of
to the place where it all began – Troy? Alas the spot where that his Chronographia to ‘the period of Troy’. He starts his story as
famed Troy once lay was not to be found, and ‘in desperation’ follows:
the choice fell on Byzantium, a small city on the Bosporus that
would develop into the metropolis Constantinople. ‘At the time of (king) David there ruled over Ilion, that is
to say the land of the Phrygians, Priam, son of Laomedon.
THE CITY AND THE WAR IN BYZANTINE And during his rule both Ilion and Dardanon, Troy and
LITERATURE all of Phrygia were destroyed by the Achaeans (Greeks),
The Byzantines knew nothing of the site of this famous city among them, by report, Agamemnon, Achilles, Menelaus
that had been immortalised in the epic. Nevertheless, resulting and all the others with the ruddy Neoptolemus, who went
from Homer’s creation, there is quite a bit to say about Troy to war against Ilion because of the abduction of Helen by
in relation to Byzantine society, even if it centres on literature Paris, also called Alexander. He had fallen madly in love
rather than topography. In Antiquity and during the early Byz- with her. No wonder: she was perfect: well-bred, bountiful
antine period, great epics in Homeric jargon were composed, bosom, white as snow, beautiful eyebrows, beautiful nose,
such as the Argonautica by Apollonios of Rhodes (3rd century beautiful face, curly light blonde hair, big eyes, charm-
bc) and the Dionysiaca by Nonnus of Panopolis (5th century ing, mellifluous voice, in short a fantastic woman to see,
ad). For the Byzantines the Iliad and the Odyssey were the 26 years old. The first of the catastrophes that led to the
greatest poetic creations conceivable, and were studied, com- demise of Troy and the land of the Phrygians and its royal
mented upon and read in schools down the generations. The house occurred for the following reasons.’
Byzantine historian Anna Komnene (1083-after 1147), daughter (John Malalas, Chronographia Chapter 5⁾
of (Alexius I Comnenus), emperor from 1081 to 1118, relates in
the introduction to her work, the Alexiad, that she has stud-
ied Homer’s poems thoroughly – an achievement on its own Constantinople was the capital of the Eastern Roman (Byzan-
given that Homeric idiom is far removed from the Byzantine tine) Empire from 330 AD to its conquest by the Ottoman
of the 11th/12th century. The renown of the Homeric epics has Turks in 1453. Map of Constantinople from the 15th century.

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TROY CITY, HOMER AND TURKEY TROY IN GRAECO-ROMAN ANTIQUITY

There follows an exposition on Paris, the Judgement of Paris, also a work of history, thus historicising the Trojan War (verses of plague in the Greek camp, as described in the Iliad). He re- forth with his cousin Patroclus (who warns him against the ar-
his choosing of Aphrodite over the other goddesses Hera and 1107-1476). Manasses also locates the war during the time of joins the battle only after Patroclus has been slain, kills Hector, rows of Eros!) against a hostile king. By chance he catches sight
Athena in the beauty contest, the abduction of Helen from King David and states expressly that he will place the facts is seduced by an offer to marry the Trojan Polyxena to conclude of his outstandingly beautiful daughter, more beautiful than
Sparta while her husband Menelaus is away, Helen’s reception as they actually occurred in the forefront, all admiration for peace (a ruse thought up by Paris) and is himself killed by the Aphrodite herself. The invincible hero is of course won over by
in Troy, equipping the expedition against Troy by Agamemnon Homer’s political licence aside. In turn, Manasses toys with brothers Paris and Deiphobus in the temple where the mar- Eros – love. He writes letters to the girl who wants nothing to
and Menelaus, the catalogue of warriors on both the Trojan all kinds of mythical traditions that have been dealt with else- riage was to have been concluded. Brief mention is then made do with Eros. But victory is to the persistent, and when Achilles
and the Greek sides, and so on up to the taking of Troy and where. When Hecuba, King Priam’s wife, is pregnant with Paris of the construction of the Wooden Horse, the Fall of Troy and prays to Eros, the girl is also struck by his arrows. A rendezvous
developments thereafter, with the murder of Agamemnon by she has a dream in which she sees a flaming torch that shoots the slaughter of Priam and his family on the grave of Achilles. follows in a beautiful park and a marriage is ultimately con-
his wife Clytemnestra and Odysseus’ long voyage home. from her lap and reduces Troy to ashes. The soothsayers urge The Byzantine Iliad differs also in the fact that there are no cluded. But even stronger than Eros is Thanatos – death: the
One way and another it is evident that Malalas wanted to that the child should be offered up to wild animals or fire at descriptions of Troy, although the poem does provide a decryp- girl dies after six years of marriage. Achilles is in deep mourning
hold up both the pre-history and the aftermath of the Trojan birth. The child is abandoned, found by shepherds and brought tion of Priam’s palace, namely in the passage where Priam sum- when he hears of the Trojan War. In Troy Paris (!) is king. The
War to his audience. But not only that: to him the Trojan War up by them – compare the tale of the Persian King Cyrus and mons prominent Trojans to discuss the dream: Greeks with Achilles among them ravage the Trojans, and Paris
was not so much the subject of an heroic epic as an histori- the story of Oedipus. Paris returns to Troy, and it is believed offers his sister (the name Polyxena is not mentioned) in mar-
cal event which the criteria of historiography applied to, as is that the web of fate has been evaded, but its strands prove in- ‘The furnishings of the palace, how am I to describe them? riage to Achilles. Achilles is murdered by Paris and Deiphobus
shown by setting the period by reference to the Biblical King eluctable. He commits murder and is forced to flee, turning The entire floor a mosaic made of Sardinian marble, during the exchange of vows. After six years of war the Greeks
David. The passport-like description of Helen is also interest- up in Sparta where he is welcomed with open arms by Mene- With chairs, ostentatiously inlaid with sapphires, take Troy. The end also provides a moral: beauty, love, courage,
ing. There are three differing types of personal description in laus and Helen. Her beauty seduces him and he abducts her, is And side doors all of gold with silver decorations. luck, wealth, whatever – all end with the grave. The Trojan War
Byzantine literature: a romantic type derived from Achilles Ta- shipwrecked in Egypt, is seized and banished by the Egyptian The beautiful great throne of Priam the king is merely a brief appendage. The birth, upbringing, military
tius, a passport-like description as used primarily by Malalas, ruler Proteus, who keeps Helen with the intention of returning Stood higher than the others, inlaid with onyx. campaign, correspondence, marriage, sickness and death of the
and a combination of the two in the Iliad by Hermoniakos her to Menelaus. The reunification takes place 10 years later Five birds, above the throne, could be seen flying about, girl, and the grief of Achilles take up 1,758 verses, while the bat-
(see below) and in novels. Malalas made use of passport-like after the Greeks, seeking vengeance on Paris had attacked Troy Precisely where King Priam was seated on his throne, tle at Troy, including the moral ending, are dealt with in 162.
description in other parts of the Chronographia, for example in and ultimately taken and razed it with the aid of the ruse of And you could say with certainty that they were alive! The Trojan War is definitely the main theme of another ver-
the presentation of the heroes fighting in the Trojan War and the Wooden Horse. Here Manasses follows Herodotus (Histo- Streams of water spouted from the beaks of the birds nacular poem: the work attributed to Constantine Hermo-
of Roman emperors. ries Book 2, Chapter 112 ff). Manasses also goes to work with The jets flowing into silvered embossed basins. niakos, who composed 8,799 octosyllabic verses in 24 ‘songs’
gay abandon on the deeds of Achilles and Odysseus in front of And around the palace stood beautifully carved statues, commissioned by the despot of Epirus, John II Komnenos
TROY AS PSEUDO-HISTORY Troy. There is much agreement with Malalas, for example in One playing an instrument, another the lyre (Comnenus) Angelos-Ducas (1323-1355), and his wife Anna Pal-
Malalas is not the first to see the Trojan War as historical fact. how Helen and the heroes are portrayed. And yet another playing plaintively on a reed pipe, aeologina. As the title shows, it is conceived as a ‘translation’ of
It is clear that he took his views and material to a significant One gave voice to song, so that it seemed a human voice. Homer’s Iliad. The author’s intention is to convert Homer’s dif-
extent from two anonymous authors that have become known A BYZANTINE ILIAD In the middle there was the king seated on a high throne ficult language into contemporary language in order to render
by the names of Dares Phrygius and Diktys Cretensis. Dares is Manasses and/or similar sources provide the material for the And around him the rulers showing their respect.’ Homer’s work more accessible, but in fact the works of Tzetzes
said to have written the history from a Trojan standpoint, Dik- so-called Byzantine Iliad. This is a poem of 1,166 political vers- (Byzantine Iliad, verse 50 ff) and Manasses were the paradigms. The fact that Hermoniakos
tys is reported to have kept Ephemeriden, ‘diaries’ of events that es, in an extremely modern Byzantine vernacular. Three loosely added a life of Homer is unusual. But for the rest the pattern to
took place around Troy. A few Greek fragments have survived, connected parts tell the story with a strong moral undertone. No further argument is needed to state that Byzantine court be seen in Malalas is followed in principle: the pre-history, the
but the stories they tell are known from reworked translations The main part simultaneously exudes the atmosphere of the ceremony and the magnificence of its palace has been trans- Judgement of Paris, the abduction of Helen, the war and the
into Latin from the 5th and 4th centuries ad respectively. Byzantine love novels. The romance encapsulates the love affair posed to Troy. The source for this magnificence is the interior conquest of Troy. To this Hermoniakos adds the vengeance tak-
It is probable that the Byzantine man of letters Johannes between Paris and Helen. As with Manasses, a repeated dream of the great palace of the Emperor Theophilos (829-842), with en by Hecuba on her youngest son Polydoros, who had killed
Tzetzes (1110-na 1180) still had access to the Greek texts just as predicts Troy’s demise, with this time Priam seeing the burning its lifelike images of birds and other animals, derived from the his sister Polyxena, a motif taken from the 5th century bc Greek
Malalas had, although Malalas probably understood Latin. He torch emerging from Hecuba’s lap. The child has to die, but opulence of the Arab court of Harun al-Rashid and intended to tragedian Euripides. The personal description as with Malalas
also worked extensively on Homer’s epics and dealt at length is entrusted to the waves in a watertight box (compare Mo- be its equal. Romantic descriptions of palaces, forts and bath- and Tzetzes are characteristic. His description of the beautiful
with events before, during and after the Trojan War in his po- ses), found by shepherds on the shore at the city of Tarsus and houses also occurred in the Byzantine popular novels of the Helen occupies at least 120 verses, based on Malalas, but with a
ems Antehomerica, Homerica and Posthomerica written in hex- brought up by them. He commits a crime, is forced to flee and 14th and 15th centuries. combination of the passport-like and the romantic types of de-
ameter. But he also provides a commentary on the Iliad, as well ends up in Sparta at Menelaus’ court. There the love between scription. Not just the fair skin, radiant glance, flush on the fair
as an allegorical interpretation of the world of the gods and the Paris and Helen erupts. Paris even gives Helen lessons in music. TROY AS ROMANCE cheeks, neck of crystal and beautiful breasts like apples are de-
events. In this there is also a certain degree of rationalisation, The ardour cannot wait: Helen falls pregnant. Flight is the sole Romantic descriptions also found their way into the Achilleid, scribed, but even her toenails. No one who looked on her could
whereby the gods are seen as natural phenomena (Zeus is the option, but where? Back to Troy after all, where the prediction a novel that has scarcely anything to do with the Trojan War or escape the spell of her beauty. And thus Paris fell for her allure!
air, Aphrodite is pleasant weather) or mental qualities (Zeus is has been forgotten and where Helena is happily accepted into Troy, even though it takes its name from the admired hero of The works above in which the Trojan War is a theme for dis-
common sense, Ares is anger). Trojan society on account of her beauty. The poet then refers the Iliad. The Achilleid is a the romance novel par excellence. cussion are completely overshadowed by the Polemos tis Troad-
The Trojan War is also comprehensively dealt with in the to Homer and goes over to Achilles, his love for the Trojan The central character is the son of a royal couple that had been os, a huge work of 14,401 verses in late Byzantine / early modern
Chronicle by Constantine Manasses (c. 1130-1187), in 6,733 typi- Briseis (his war spoils), and his refusal to continue fighting if childless for 12 years. The boy is exceptionally handsome, grows Greek, probably from the 14th century, the author of which is
cally Byzantine “political verse” (verse of 15 syllables). This is he has to return her to her parents (as a result of an outbreak up strong and healthy, is trained in the arts of war, and sallies unknown. This is not an originally Greek version but an edited

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TROY CITY, HOMER AND TURKEY TROY IN GRAECO-ROMAN ANTIQUITY

translation of the Roman de Troie by the 12th century French to the immortal goddesses to look upon,’ he says tersely that the
poet Benoît de Sainte-Maure. It is extremely broad in scope and Muses provided Homer with the simile. He could not know
presents a surprising version of events – for classicists at any rate this from his own experience, as little as the converse, that the
– when for example it has Troy being destroyed by the Greeks goddesses were similar to Helen. No, Euripides, the tragedian
not once but twice. The first occasion was the result of offensive with his ‘the most beautiful woman lit up by the gold-rayed
treatment by Trojan King Laomedon of the Greeks Iasous (Ja- sun’ (Hecuba 636) was more realistic. Eustathius also refers to
son) and Herkoulios (sic, Heracles) who rest at Troy while on the view that Helen was merely a figment of the imagination
their way to Colchis to retrieve the Golden Fleece. Following in Troy and the war a shadow conflict, and he cites Herodotus
the success of their expedition with the aid of the witch Medea, with some approval:
the Greeks with Heracles among them and also the old King
Nestor take vengeance on the Trojans, seize the city, plunder ‘Surely the Trojans were not so “crazy” that they would
it and leave with the spoils. Priam, son of Laomedon, rebuilds have taken the risk of not returning Helen, with or with-
the city. A retaliatory expedition is planned against Greece, and out the agreement of Paris?’
Paris abducts Helen during a religious festival, bringing her to
Troy. A delegation led by Odysseus to secure Helen’s return fails CONCLUSION
as a result of his ‘boorish’ behaviour. The war is described from For the Byzantines, Troy existed purely as a literature. The loca-
many aspects, with Hector being more sympathetically por- tion of the action had literally perished. The language of Hom-
trayed and as a better warrior than Achilles. Hector is seriously er had certainly become inaccessible – radically changed pro-
wounded after being struck by a projectile from an unknown nunciation and more importantly the shift from ‘sung’ verse to
source and dies. His funeral is attended by the Greeks as well, stressed verse rendered correct recitation of Homeric metre, the
where Achilles sees and falls in love with Polyxena. He avoids hexameter, impossible. Nevertheless they continued to cher-
battle, disadvantaging the Greeks. Polyxena’s mother backs the ish, copy, study and comment upon the epics as ‘landmarks’
marriage, although Priam is furious. Achilles takes up the fight of their literary past. In addition the trend evolved of bring-
again. Paris now lures Achilles into a trap with the false promise ing the epic tales up to date, whether by embedding them in
of marriage and kills him. Finally the Wooden Horse emerges history or reworking them in the contemporary vernacular. In
with the Fall of Troy and the aftermath, including the mur- this regard the romantic historicisation (Diktys and Dares) and
der of Agamemnon by Clytemnestra (predicted by Cassandra), the Frankish contribution through Benoît de Sainte-Maure are
Menelaus arriving on Crete with Helen, and Odysseus reaching significant. ‘La Troie est morte, vive la Troie!’
Ithaca after long wandering, before being killed by the son that
he fathered by Circe...!
Benoît expanded his work to huge proportions, but the core
rests on the version as presented in the Latin translation of the
work attributed to Dares Phrygius. This probably lent credence
to the work in Byzantine eyes, as is shown by the fact that it has
been transmitted in at least five complete and two incomplete
manuscripts.
Hagia Sophia (Ayasofya), built in the 6th century on the was turned into a mosque following the fall of Constantinople, Another work of a completely different nature should not go
orders of the Roman Emperor Justinian. The architects, with minarets being added. The building was secularised in unmentioned. This is in the form of commentaries that Arch-
Isidore of Miletus en Anthemius of Tralles, were ordered to 1934 under Turkish President Kemal Mustafa Atatürk. It has bishop Eustathius of Thessalonica (1115-1197), the great Byzan-
build the largest church in Christendom. To this day it is one been a museum since and one of the most frequently visited
of Istanbul’s architectural landmarks. Hagia Sophia was the tourist attractions of the city. Watercolour by William Turner
tine scholar, made on the Iliad and the Odyssey. These com-
centre of the Byzantine Empire until 1453, when the church (1775-1851). mentaries form a huge work, comprising virtually everything
that was extant at the time on the Homeric epics. Eustathius
gives space not only to the many mythological traditions, but
also to comparisons with his own era, defines Homeric words
using ‘modern’ (Byzantine) terminology, provides etymolo-
gies, and details geographic directions, often using as source
the Greek historian Strabo, sometimes taking an ironic tone.
Referring to the Iliad (3, 158) when the Trojan notables remark:
‘Small blame that Trojans and well-greaved Achaeans should
for such a woman long time suffer woes; wondrously like is she

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6 THE RENAISSANCE THE SECOND ROUND: THE BATTLE
FOR TROY IN THE RENAISSANCE
OF TROY DAVID RIJSER

Ottoman Sultan Mehmed II may in 1453 not have had the cul- territory following his conquest of Constantinople, he passed
tural legitimacy in Western eyes that would have been able to by Troy:
buttress his claim to the Eastern Roman Empire, but he cer-
tainly had something that his Byzantine opponents urgently ‘And after he had arrived at Troy, he admired the ruins
lacked: money. It was this money that made it possible for him and the traces of the old city, the surroundings, the position
to buy a huge Hungarian cannon that the Byzantine emperors and other details of the area that were located at a par-
were unable to afford. This cannon was to play a key role in ticularly favourable intersection of sea and land. Moreover
the fall of Constantinople that year. In the end it was cash that he inspected the graves of the heroes on site, in particular
finally brought down the Roman Empire. But Mehmed was those of Achilles, Ajax and others, saying they were fortu-
not satisfied. He had perceived the significance of cultural capi- nate not only in their immortality and their deeds but also
tal and had a keen awareness of the importance of continuity in having the poet Homer as panegyrist. Shaking his head
with the classical past. In his case that meant Troy. Both his- slightly he remarked: “God has appointed me following the
torical precedent and the site of ancient Troy were there for passage of so many years as the avenger of this city and its
Mehmed’s taking. inhabitants. I have defeated their enemies indeed. I have
razed their cities and made use of their possessions as ‘booty
AVENGER OF TROY of the Mysians’. Because it was Greeks, Macedonians,
Mehmed was a cosmopolitan with a great interest in cultural Thessalians and Peloponnesians that once pillaged Troy. I
matters. He commissioned the Venetian master Gentile Bellini have now finally punished their descendants after so long
to paint his portrait, which now hangs in London’s National a time for their arrogance towards us Asians at the time,
Gallery, collected classical manuscripts, and had Italian hu- and so often since.”
manists read to him the works of Diogenes Laertius, Herodo- (Critobulus, Historiae 4.4 ff)
tus, Livy, Curtius Rufus and from papal history – according
to his Venetian doctor Jacomo Langusto. He also maintained Mehmed had obviously paid attention to the readings from
a Byzantine historian who had defected and who politely im- Herodotus, who had after all in his Histories (1.1-4) placed the
mortalised Mehmed’s heroic deeds in the ornate Attic of the Trojan War in the context of a series of campaigns of mutual
ancient Greeks. This Michael Critobulus, who changed his revenge between East and West. Alexander the Great, whose
name to make it resemble a character from one of Plato’s dia- conquests in the East had been placed in the same context by
logues, relates a fascinating anecdote in the Historiae, a hagiog- the 2nd century historian Arrian, had also visited Troy, paid
raphy dedicated to Mehmed. During one of the many military ritual homage to the grave of Achilles and remarked: “Thou
campaigns conducted by Mehmed to pacify the surrounding youth favoured by fate whose lot it is to have found Homer as
herald of your courage!” (Anabasis 1.12.1). Critobulus’ account
of Mehmed’s contemplation is directly linked to these words.
Mehmed’s visit to Troy also should be seen in the context of his
Sultan Mehmed II smelling a rose, ca. 1480, attributed to the identification with Alexander, whose reincarnation he wanted
to be seen as. Alexander slept with the Iliad under his pillow,
Bey. The painter has been inspired by the portrait of the sul- and Mehmed acquired a valuable edition of Homer that can
tan by Gentile Bellini (see page 106), although the small still be admired in the library of the Topkapı Palace.
scale and seated position are also in the oriental tradition of Mehmed’s publicity campaign thus envisaged identifying the
dynastic portraits. The roses could perhaps refer to his intel-
Turks with the Trojans: in this way he could obtain the desired
the three roses could point to Mehmed’s royal power in Asia, historical legitimacy while at the same time delivering a sensi-
Greece and Trebizond, and the archer’s ring on his thumb to tive blow beneath the belt to Western Christian identity. The
his military achievements and his skill as a huntsman. latter after all had been shaped by Troy to as large an extent:

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TROY CITY, HOMER AND TURKEY THE RENAISSANCE OF TROY

through the myth of the most important of the survivors of AENEAS AS PRECURSOR OF CHRISTIANITY
Troy, Aeneas, who after his peregrinations was to become the Virgil took up the tale of Aeneas in his Aeneid in order to give
legendary founder of Rome. shape to his myth of the founding of Rome, in which the trag-
ic fate of Troy and its inhabitants is presented as a so-called
“founding sacrifice” necessary for the creation of a greater good,
MEHMED II AND TROY namely Rome. In particular in the second book that deals with
Like other famous rulers, such as Xerxes I, Alexander the the Fall of Troy, Virgil subjects his paradigm, the Homeric epic,
Great and Caesar, Ottoman Sultan Mehmed II the Conqueror to significant revision. Whereas Homer treats the warring sides
(1432-1481) also paid homage to the Trojans. Sultan Mehmed objectively by and large, without definitively turning either of
II was highly interested in the heroes of classical antiquity. the two into the scapegoat for all the suffering, Virgil has this
Byzantine and Latin advisers surrounded him, and his person- objective reading make way for a radically subjective presenta-
tion: Aeneas, victim of Greek violence and stratagem, himself
Iliad. He commissioned, in all probability, also copies of medi-
eval Arabic manuscripts dealing with the story of the Trojan
relates the story of the city’s fall to Dido. He does not hold back
horse. from making clear repeatedly how blameless the Trojans and
The Troad and the Dardanelles – controlled by the Trojans in how ruthless, treacherous and godless the Greeks were.
ancient times – became a place of major importance during Although in Virgil’s epic this subjective version is subse-
the reign of Mehmed II. After the conquest of Constantinople quently overshadowed by a more objective account, in which
in 1453, he ordered the construction of strong fortresses for the Trojans turn out to be as morally ambiguous as their
the defence of the Dardanelles. Evidently Mehmed II attached
great importance to the strategic waterway, but Troy must
Greek edition of the Iliad by Homer from the library of History of Mehmed the Conqueror, by Michael Critobulus (c.
Europe favoured the Trojans, famed as the glorious warriors.
Mehmed II. Sultan Mehmed II was inspired by Homer’s work 1410-c. 1470), dedicated to Mehmed II. Critobulus described
European countries traced their founders to the Trojans to pro-
and regarded his conquest of Constantinople in 1453 as the rise of the Ottoman Empire between 1465 and 1467 and
vide themselves with honourable ancestors. Mehmed II joined
ultimate revenge for the sack of Troy. its conquest under Sultan Mehmed II of the Byzantine Empire.
-
The work contains a report on the sultan’s visit to Troy in
self with the legendary warriors of Troy.
1462. According to Critobulus, Mehmed II declared at the time
According to Michael Critobulus from the island of Imbros, a
Mehmed II (1432-1481), sultan from 1444 to 1446 and from
chronicler in Ottoman service, Mehmed II visited the site of
1451 to 1481, was the founder of the Ottoman Empire, secur- avenged the destruction of Troy by the Greeks, and the
Troy in 1462. He praised Homer during his stay and declared
Fâtih (Turkish for conqueror). In injustice done to ‘us Asians’.
-
to the conquest of Constantinople, Mehmed II celebrated the
ting an end to the Byzantine Empire. In Turkey sultan Mehmed
victory of ‘us’ Asians over the descendants of the ‘Greeks,
II is seen as a national hero. Portrait by Gentile Bellini in
Macedonians, Thessalians and Peloponnesians’. According to 1480.
the chronicler, the sultan said that these nations had ‘ravaged
this place in the past, and their descendants have now
through my efforts paid the right penalty, after a long period of
years, for their injustice to us Asians at that time and so often
in subsequent times’.
erstwhile opponents, the poetic persuasion and rhetorical bril- first half of the 12th century in his Historia Regum Brittaniae
Sultan Mehmed II’s declaration of vengeance for the injustice liance by means of which in Book II the Trojans are presented (1.2-18). This has the British descending from Ascanius’ grand-
to ‘us’ Asians, in fact, corresponds with the classical idea of as ‘good’ and the Greeks as ‘bad’ have had as result that this son Brutus, to whom Geoffrey dedicates a fascinating and
the contrast between East and West, the orient and the occi- very bias came to dominate the way the Aeneid and its concep- highly original novel at the beginning of his work. Mediaeval
dent, Asia and Europe. Actually, Homer was an important tual contents were perceived. Church Father Augustine already allegory could even have Aeneas standing for the Sainte Église,
source for this notion. In the history of Greek ideology, the war presented the Roman Empire as the typological precursor and the Holy Mother Church. Anyone able to take Troy away from
worldly counterpart to the Kingdom of Christ. The patriarch Christianity, as Mehmed intended, was thus striking a mortal
the East. From a political point of view, it was crucial for the
of the Romans, pius Aeneas, could subsquently be seen as a pre- blow.
Trojan War to be interpreted as a battle of East against West,
Europe against Asia. The very epic model was recalled by cursor of Christianity, and his ‘innocent’ Trojan character was
many nations in war. well suited to this, however much this character was based on A ROMAN TROY
Günay Uslu a misrepresentation of what Virgil had intended. The locus clas- Initially Mehmed did not in any way appear to have been bent
sicus here is Dante’s Inferno (2.10 ff). The idea of a Trojan origin on polarisation. There is even evidence that he sought rap-
thus went to make up part of Europe’s identity: not merely prochement with Europe through the Trojan-Turkish link. In
the abstract idea of ‘Rome’ as the Christian Promised Land of the West itself, the identification of Trojan with Turk seems at
the Middle Ages in Dante, but also for example in the highly any rate to have been unobjectionable in the 15th century. The
entertaining confabulations of Geoffrey of Monmouth of the Trojans had after all long ruled over the region now controlled

106 107
TROY CITY, HOMER AND TURKEY

by the Turks. Moreover Virgil referred mostly to the Trojans ‘I am amazed that the Italians are allied against me, given
as Teucri (after their ancestor Teucer), and what could be the fact that we have common origins in the Trojans and
clearer than to associate the name with the Turchi or Turcae? they have as much interest as I in avenging the blood of
The dubious reputation the Greeks had gained in the West after Hector on the Greeks, whose blood they nevertheless prefer
Virgil not infrequently lent support to the view that they had over mine.’
finally got what they deserved with the fall of Constantinople. (Montaigne, Essais 2.36)
Mehmed himself appears to have wished to to exploit ideas
of this kind. Montaigne, probably based on the Chronicles However it is clear even without the letter that the identifica-
of Enguerrand de Monstrelet, cites an apocryphal letter from tion Turcae=Teucri was not particularly welcome in the Vati-
Mehmed to Pope Pius II (in reality it should have been Nicho- can. Pius II stated his explicit opposition in his Europa of 1458:
las V), in which he stated:
‘I note that many authors, not only poets but even histo-
rians, have fallen under the spell of referring to the Turks
as Teucri, perhaps as a result of the fact that the Turks are
now in possession of Troy, which was once inhabited by the
Teucri.’
This detail from Fire in the Borgo, a fresco by Raphael in (Enea Silvio Piccolomini (= Pius II), Opera Omnia, p. 394)
the Apostolic Palace in the Vatican, is a reference to Aeneas’
This is the background that needs to be taken into account
with perhaps the most famous appearance of Troy from the Re-
naissance: the decor of the papal apartments of Julius II (1503-
1513) and his successor Leo X (1513-1521) in the Apostolic Palace
in the Vatican by Raphael and his workshop in the first two
decades of the 16th century. Troy plays an extremely important
role in the decorations, even if this is not noticeable at first
sight and has not always been fully acknowledged by critics.
The scene on the left of the fresco of the Fire in the Borgo in
the Sala del Incendio, the hall that concludes the enfilade and
the last to be completed by Raphael and his workshop, is the
one that stands out most of all. The group is perhaps related to
an ancient prototype that has been lost but is known from a
16th century engraving by Giovanni Jacopo Caragli: a sculpture
group of Aeneas with his father Anchises on his back and Asca-
nius holding his hand. But even if so, this concerns more than
the borrowing of a motif from Antiquity tout court. The hall,
dedicated to the works of the popes Leo III (795-816) and Leo
IV (847-55), contains portraits of Leo X, the pope that com-
missioned them, who is presented in this way as a typologi-
cal complement to his earlier namesakes. The Fire in the Borgo
illustrates how Leo IV miraculously extinguishes a large fire
threatening St Peter’s by making the sign of the cross. Raphael’s

Laocoön is a Trojan priest from a later version not by Homer

who issued a warning about the Wooden Horse that the
Greeks had left in front of the walls of Troy. He is said to have
been strangled along with his sons by snakes sent from the
sea by Poseidon. This statue, the famous Laocoön Group from
the end of the 1st century BC, shown here in copy, was found
in 1506 and bought by Pope Julius II for his art collection that
would later become the Vatican Museums.

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TROY CITY, HOMER AND TURKEY THE RENAISSANCE OF TROY

his court poets as Julius’ marmoreos Lares (household gods of converted to Catholicism shortly after producing Gijsbrecht,
marble). Here too the intertextual network of visual references nevertheless used the parallels to suggest only too clearly that
pointed at the Trojan heritage that the Pope laid claim to, with just as Troy had risen again from the ashes as Rome, Amster-
Virgil’s Aeneid as its Holy Writ. It is clear that, just as Pius II dam had now risen from humble and troubled beginnings to
before them, Julius and Leo used these means to contest the become a metropolis, and thus had Rome as its model.
Turkish appropriation of the Teucri and claimed emphatically
that the papacy was the legitimate heir of the Trojan tradition. THE DEATH OF THE OLD TROY
This ‘reconquest’ of Troy from the Turks by the Pope in But the fair appearance of a virtuous Troy did not fool every-
Rome has had a long aftermath. The ‘Roman Troy’ tradition one. It is interesting that precisely Troy as scene of the action
forms the basis for example of one of the few ‘classical’ works inspired Shakespeare, who never wrote for the squeamish, to
from the Low Countries in the shape of Vondel’s Gijsbrecht van write his most cynical play, Troilus and Cressida (1603). Instead
Aemstel (1637). The author repeatedly drives home the point of transporting Trojan-Roman concepts to Haarlem and Laren,
in his dedication to Hugo de Groot and in his ‘Prologue’ like Vondel, Shakespeare uses the play to project ‘modern’ con-
that Troy is symbolically linked to Amsterdam, Gijsbrecht to tradictions between chivalry and pragmatism, courtly love and
Aeneas, Gozewijn to Priam, Vosmaer de Spie to Sinon, de raw sex, onto the conflict between the Greeks and the Trojans.
‘Schuit ’t Zeepaardje’ to the Trojan Horse and so on, and by im- He does this in a now highly postmodern-seeming potpourri
plication, unsurprisingly, Vondel to Virgil. This schoolmasterly using medieval (in particular Chaucer’s Troilus and Criseyde)
emphasis should perhaps be attributed less to Vondel’s some- and ancient sources (primarily Chapman’s translation of the
what deficient poetic and dramatic skills – something the play Iliad), replete with glaring anachronism (Hector cites Aristotle)
bears ample witness to – than to the intention to push Rome that must have been intended as a deliberate provocation of
into the background precisely in order to make room for Troy scholars and classicists. The end result is an exceptionally bit-
in the foreground. The play’s premiere was in fact postponed as ter satire on all forms of pretention, whether in politics, war
a result of Protestant objection to ‘the portrayal of superstitions or love. The structural principle that informs this deconstruc-
of popery like the mass and other ceremonies’. Vondel, who tion, is opposition: between Greeks and Trojans, battlefield
and bedroom, rhetoric and debunking. Shakespeare ruthlessly
juxtaposes scenes in Troy with those in the Greek camp- the
Achilles slays Hector. This sketch in oil painted by Pieter Paul most poignant at the start of the second act which turns on the
Rubens for a wall hanging is part of the series The Life of debate in Troy over whether Helen should be kept or handed
Achilles (1630-1632). Hector is forced onto his knees as the back. This debate, which includes an extremely subtle analy-
-
sis of the concept of ‘value’, in absolute or relative terms, is
batants, and to the right one of Troy’s gates may be seen. framed by the appearance of the scurrilous Thersites, Agamem-
non’s boils, Odysseus’ cynicism, Patroclus’ effeminacy and the
arrogant indolence of Achilles. The Trojans are courtly, intel-
lectual and honest. They hesitate and philosophise as though
pictorial citation from the Aeneid (Virgil describes the scene in Alexander the Great visits the grave of Achilles, 1649, Aert within the impenetrable walls of a mediaeval abbey. But reality
2.721-729) suggests a comparison between Leo IV’s miraculous Jansz Marienhof (ca. 1626-na 1651). Alexander the Great awaits outside in the form of the Greeks. Nevertheless Shake-
quenching (and his campaigns against the Saracens), and Leo visited Troy on the eve of his campaign through Asia. He made speare does not allow himself to idealise the Trojans. Hector is
X’s intention of bringing peace to Christendom by embarking brought down by vanity, Cressida forgets her vows to Troilus
of Achilles, whom he idolised. He regarded himself as ‘aveng-
on a crusade against the Turks – as he had been motivated to do er of the Greeks’ and the story is told that he kept a copy as soon as she ends up in the Greek camp and falls for the ad-
after almost being taken prisoner by Muslim pirates in 1516. The made by Aristotle of Homer’s Iliad. vances of Diomedes. Shakespeare appears to have seen through
fire that consumed Troy – this is the suggestion – rages once the traditional ideological casting of the Trojans as naïve, honest
more, has even reached the gates, but the legitimate successor and courtly, and of the Greeks as cunning and ruthless, and
of Aeneas (who is also presented as the typological precursor of which Alexander the Great visits the grave of Achilles near Troy simultaneously through the pretentions of politicians who tried
Leo), the Pope, will once again bring the penates (household in grisaille. The window framed by the fresco of Mount Parnas- to present themselves in a good light on the basis of contradic-
gods) to safety. sus moreover looked towards the Cortile delle Statue, the court- tions of this kind. In the brave new world that Shakespeare
The symbolism of this pictorial language was not new. Leo’s yard where Julius had commissioned a cycle of Trojan antique conjures up for us no virtue exists. The old Troy, romantic
predecessor Julius II in his central state chamber, the Stanza statues to be erected. These statues all referred unambiguously fatherland, was dead.
della Segnatura, had referred pointedly to Homer and Vir- to the Aeneid – including the Laocoön, the Apollo Belvedère and
gil, the two poets immediately next to Apollo, the god of the the Venus Felix, alongside a statue that his advisers regarded
Muses, on Mount Parnassus, and had also included the scene in as an Aeneas with Ascanius – statues that were described by

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TROY CITY, HOMER AND TURKEY

HOMER AND TROY: FROM EUROPEAN

TO DISPUTABLE LIEUX DE MÉMOIRE
PIM DEN BOER

Homer and Troy are the ancient Greeks’ first lieux de mémoire – ism, the successful hunt for ancient Greek manuscripts began
concrete or abstract places to which identity-defining memories in Latin Christendom.
attach and on which e.g. national recollections are anchored.
Although Homer’s personal details could never be established HOMER AND TROY AS EUROPEAN
with any certainty, for centuries there have been no doubts LIEUX DE MÉMOIRE
about his existence as a person. For the historians of Classical By the second half of the 16th century Homer was being re-
Antiquity, like Herodotus (ca. 485-425/420 bc) and Thucydides ferred to as the first among the most exceptional figures in
(ca. 460-400 bc), it was evident that Homer had existed, even history. In his Essais Montaigne wrote that no one was better
if they did not know when he lived. They did believe that he known than Homer. Who does not know of Troy, Helen, Hec-
could not have witnessed the Trojan War in person. tor and Achilles? We even name our children using the names
Homer’s great significance was that he was the first poet to found in Homer. According to Montaigne, not only families,
describe the many gods of the Greeks with their various traits but also most of the world’s nations tried to find evidence in
and characteristics. Much of the knowledge we have of the gods Homer for their Trojan origins. Naturally he could not omit
derives from Homer, according to Herodotus. Homer was hon- mentioning that even Mehmed II had written to the pope to
oured but was not accorded divine status. His words were not the effect that they had the same fraternal Trojan origins and
divine words which could not be subject to doubt. His verses that he, Mehmed, had aimed to avenge the blood of Hector.
were not a holy revelation of the sole almighty God, but the Montaigne regarded this as a noble farce, but nevertheless as
first hymns on the many Greek gods with all their human fail- clear proof of Homer’s renown throughout the world.
ings. In fact, for centuries it was the Roman poet Virgil who was
From the beginnings of the Greek educational system in Ath- the most highly esteemed, not Homer. This was not merely
ens in the 5th century bc up to the capture of Constantinople a question of applying the rules of poetica, but also of moral
by the Ottomans in the 15th century – for 2,000 years – Homer principles. Homer’s world had been too young to have learnt
retained a permanent place in this system. The same education the principles of true honesty, in the arrogant assessment of the
in Greek was provided to the elite of the Roman Empire, where era of Enlightenment.
Latin usually was the lingua franca. The Greek gods merged For as long as courtly society dominated the patterns of be-
with the Roman ones. The founding of the city of Rome itself haviour in the highest European circles, there was revulsion at
was traced back to the destruction of Troy. Virgil wrote a Latin the vulgar behaviour depicted by Homer. The heroes roasting
epic about the Trojan prince Aeneas who had made his escape whole lambs, the princesses washing the dishes and their own
from Troy as it burned and finally settled in Italy. Powerful clothes – all this was considered ridiculous. There could not
Roman families traced their family trees back to Trojan heroes. have been a greater difference than with Virgil, in whose epic
After the rise of Christianity, Homer’s texts were spared de- we recognise the civilised world of a nation with taste, high
spite the harsh repression of heathen polytheism. Following the art, sculptors, painters and architects. With the rise of pre-
collapse of the Roman Empire in the West, Homer’s writings Romanticism, this predominant view was increasingly disput-
continued to be studied in the centres of Greek knowledge in ed. The simplicity of manners in Homer became an argument The Burning of Troy, 1631, Simon de Vlieger. After the son Ascanius carrying his father Anchises on his back, along
the East. A contemporary compared the seizing of Constan- used against courtly culture. Greeks had successfully implemented their plan with the with two soldiers. This story from the Trojan War is not in
tinople by Sultan Mehmed II in 1453 with that of Troy and saw Wooden Horse, they plundered Troy and set it alight. In the Homer but is told in Virgil’s Aeneid.
Ottoman expansion as punishment for the destruction of Troy THE SITE OF TROY
(see 6.1). In the second half of the 18th century Homer’s geographical
In the West in the centuries before that, Homer had been context was discovered and archaeological interest awakened.
no more than the name of a great poet without his own voice. In 1767, an important step was taken by the British amateur
Only in the 14th century did the Iliad and the Odyssey return to Robert Wood. To him Homer was not only the most original
Western Europe. Under the influence of burgeoning human- of all poets, but also a meticulous observer of nature. Wood

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TROY CITY, HOMER AND TURKEY THE RENAISSANCE OF TROY

Synoptic depictions of well known lieux de mémoire came he enjoyed at English boarding schools and German gymna- and Olympian revelations.’ In fact Gladstone aimed to recon-
into vogue in the early modern period. The fantasy depiction sia. In the period 1880-1900, when the French Third Republic cile the Old Testament and Homer.
shown here by Crispijn van de Passe is taken from Speculum had established itself, teachers gave preference to Greek texts How to comprehend the fundamental significance of Homer
heroicum principis omnium temporum poëtarum, the 24
from the period of the Greek poleis (city states). Not Troy, but for 19th-century British liberals in general and Gladstone in
books of Homer published in 1613 by J Hilaire Larivière.
The plate shows a battle scene in front of the gates of Troy. Athens was the favourite lieu de mémoire. In France philosophy particular? What turned reading Homer from a language exer-
The ‘modern’ armour is worthy of note, as is the similarity and tragedy took pride of place, the earliest poetry contenting cise to a moral lesson? Gladstone had expounded clearly for a
of Troy to contemporaneous European cities. itself with a more modest rank. Homer continued to be part broad public on why Homer offered perfect lessons in life for a
of the past of an aristocratic society. French Republican teach- liberal, while remaining an ideal source of inspiration for iden-
ing retained a preference for Athenian democrats and Roman tification with Homeric heroes. Homer, according to Glad-
Republicans. True democrats were anti-Homer, was the motto. stone, is replete with moral choice and devotion to duty. The
Iliad incorporates great national consciousness and embodies
body were the educational ideals thought to be found in their HOMER AS LIBERAL LIEU DE MÉMOIRE the Greek idea of a state. Achilles excels in martial prowess and
highest form in Classical Greece. Translating Homer was seen as an extremely useful activity is at the same time the paradigm of the liberal and courteous
But it was Plato rather than Homer who was installed in from the middle of the 19th century in particular, given that he gentleman. The Odyssey is focused on family life and the resto-
prime position by Arnold and other teachers, and he provided represented a European lieu de mémoire of a liberal world view. ration of his rights to Odysseus. Odysseus possesses the highest
the best-loved exam material. Nevertheless, Homer also be- It was mostly implicitly that Homer’s texts as foundational qualities of the statesman; not only does he excel in racing,
came increasingly important in classical education in and out- texts for the classical tradition started to function alongside the boxing and wrestling, but he is also prepared to set his hand to
drew authority from the fact that he was one of the first to base side the classroom, in Britain, in German-speaking regions and Bible. Homer was thus promoted to a position as one of the the plough and work the earth as a farmer.
his judgements on a visit to the places described in the Iliad in other European countries. For a later generation of peda- cornerstones of contemporary liberal European culture. Reading Homer is inspiring not only for men but for women
and the Odyssey during a Grand Tour through Greece and Asia gogues – the generation of Thomas’ son Matthew for example In England, where the liberal tradition developed furthest, as well. With respect to the position of women, comparison
Minor. Wood was an early forerunner of Heinrich Schliemann, – reading Homer in the formative years even became crucial. the great appeal and huge interest in Homer had a clear po- with female figures in the Old Testament comes out in Homer’s
who in turn a century later was to take seriously Homer’s tale They laid greater emphasis on mythology and aesthetics than litical and moral dimension. Homer became the first historical favour, in Gladstone’s view. Homer describes female characters
with respect to location and thus create the basis for Homeric the previous generation, being less interested in politics and point of reference for 19th-century European liberalism. It was such as Penelope, the ‘queenly matron’, and Nausicaa with her
archaeology. strongly influenced by German idealism. For Matthew Arnold in this context that the influential liberal British statesman Wil- ‘maiden freshness and her great intellect of an Elizabeth’. Even
cum suis Greek poetry and tragedy, rather than Greek philoso- liam Gladstone developed a fascination for Homer. In the midst the beautiful Helen shows deep humility and turns out to be
HOMER IN EDUCATION phy, constituted the most precious classical heritage. To them of his onerous political duties he published many articles and capable of a self-condemnation that closely approaches Chris-
Homer made his entry into the European classroom in the 19th Greek literature was a primer for life itself and true beauty. For books on the Greek bard. Alongside his Christian convictions, tian repentance. In Homer Gladstone finds a great sense of
century. On the introduction of ancient Greek into the curric- this reason Homer deserved pride of place. Homer for Gladstone meant nothing less than the historic in- virtue. Divorce is unknown and incest is abhorred. Moreover,
ulum of the Latin schools of Europe, studying Homer became Across the whole of Europe an idealised image of Hellas as troduction to modern humanity. This is also the background to Homer points to the moral fellowship of man and woman.
obligatory. Germany and Britain led the way; other European a fundamental pedagogical place of recollection arose. The in- his famous statement to the effect that two things remained for Given the accustomed European feelings of superiority,
countries followed. According to the standard view, the Ger- troduction of Greek authors into classical education was seen him to do: ‘One is to carry Home Rule [for Ireland] and the the Trojan for Gladstone represents the alien, Asian element.
mans were the first to rediscover Classical Greece. Following as essential for the creation of an elite to provide leadership other is to prove the intimate connection between the Hebrew He contrasts the strict monogamy of the Greeks with Priam’s
the Napoleonic occupation of German territory, the Roman for the country. In the analysis of the elitist education system
past was identified with the French Empire and for that rea- the role of the classical languages is often limited to the exclu-
son vigorously rejected. Ancient Greece was now regarded as sion of other social strata. That may be correct in the broad
the embodiment of the ideals of freedom, beauty and true social sense, but the question remains why it was Greek that A so-called jeton (a coin used for bookkeeping calculations
on a counting table) from Middelburg in the Netherlands from
knowledge. was introduced. Within the elitist educational system deliber- Priam (Priamos Basileus) on a bronze plaquette by Alessandro 1608. On the front is a crowned coat of arms from Zeeland
Undoubtedly, many Germans were fond of Greece – the ate choices were made with a view to the desired identification Cesati (ca. 1550). On the reverse a walled city is shown, Province and seven escutcheons of cities linked together with
level and intensity of academic study of the Greek classics at of the pupils. The 19th-century German Bildungsbürger and a 16th century interpretation of Troy, with a number of ships a ribbon. On the reverse of the silver jeton the Wooden Horse
German schools and universities had no equal – but they were British Utilitarians were fascinated by Plato. In the heyday of in the foreground that resemble Venetian gondolas. is being dragged into Troy.
certainly not alone in their ardent philhellenism. All well-edu- European colonial expansion around 1900 it was not only ar-
cated Europeans shared it. That the Germans were not all that dent classicists, but also British and German imperialists who
exceptional in this regard is shown by the example of Britain, promoted the necessity of reading Homer. Social Darwinists in
where the famous schoolmaster Thomas Arnold played a key particular cherished Homer as a pedagogical frame of reference.
role in introducing Greek authors into the classroom. Arnold Of course there were politico-cultural differences depend-
aimed to take education to a higher level in a moral sense and ing on the country concerned. In France in the 19th century
believed that reading the classical Greek authors was the best Homer was not by any means as venerated as he was in Germa-
route. At the same time he introduced contemporary history ny and Britain. Greek was introduced into the French grammar
and gymnastics into the educational programme. High moral schools, but Latin continued to predominate. Homer did not
standards, knowledge of affairs, skill in speaking and a healthy achieve the outstanding position in the French tradition that

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TROY CITY, HOMER AND TURKEY THE RENAISSANCE OF TROY

the magnificent palaces of the ruling aristocracy. The texts may HOMER AND TROY AS DISPUTABLE
have reflected primitive times, but certainly not ancient popu- LIEUX DE MÉMOIRE
lar wisdom nor the earliest expressions of humanism and lib- The popularity of the Iliad coincided with the creation of
eralism. Homer sang of an aristocratic elite, not of a bourgeois modern educational systems in Europe. In previous centuries
middle class. Homer had been studied in Greek by only a handful of devo-
This change of outlook did not mean that Homer was tees. In the 19th and the first half of the 20th century Homer
regarded as less suitable reading; quite the contrary. There was was required reading for innumerous boys and later girls at
simultaneously a sea change in the cultural climate in fin-de- schools throughout Europe.
siècle Europe. Liberalism was increasingly confronted by pop- Homeric society is today no longer seen as a far-off mirror of
ular vitalist, racist and elitist ideologies. Did the future elite, the contemporary world. As the distance in history grows and
especially that of the British Empire, not need to be drilled identification in every respect is absent, it becomes difficult to
through arduous schooling for the global imperial mission? In defend Homer as required reading. But Homer’s tales remain
the heyday of European expansion the duty to excel had to be fantastic popular entertainment. For example the 2004 film
impressed on education as never before. An aristocratic-imperi- Troy directed by Wolfgang Petersen, with Brad Pitt as Achilles,
alist, Mycenaean Homer was even better suited to this end than was a great success. From oral poetry at the dawn of history,
a bourgeois liberal, Hellenic Homer. The desire to stand out through written text, illustrated, reprinted innumerable times,
through merit, not only in intellectual achievement, but also treated in film and the new media, Homer is now reaching a
in sport and games, was more important than ever. This was larger audience than ever before – even without the support of
true in particular of the British boarding schools, but also of the classical school system.
the elite educational institutions in other countries during the We now know for certain that Troy was where the ships lay
highest phase of European expansion and imperialism. waiting for favourable southern winds to sail through the Dar-
This elitist vision of education reinforced Homer’s position danelles, which at the time were the only link with the set-
in the classical curriculum. National differences aside, Euro- tlements around the Black Sea. Europe’s customary claim of
pean society and education became intensely competitive from ownership is up for debate. The question may legitimately be
the end of the 19th century. Social Darwinism, with its touch- asked whose lieu de mémoire Troy really is. According to recent
polygamy. Gladstone believes that Homer is already drawing a The Greek gods Jupiter, Hera and Poseidon are to be seen stone of survival of the fittest and theories on the essential role archaeological research, Troy was an Anatolian fortress fall-
distinction between European Greeks and Asian Trojans. He of the elites gained ground and the moral code of the Iliad was ing within the Hittite sphere of influence. This is something
confusion of the battle around Troy. From Speculum heroicum
even perceives a European trait here: ‘a finer sense, a higher subsumed under the motto: always excel. After the discovery to get used to. Trojan origins would then mean Asian origins.
principis omnium temporum poëtarum, published in 1613
intelligence, a firmer and more masculine tissue of character by J Hilaire Larivière. by cultural philosophers of Homer as the expression of Greek Advancing knowledge is dismantling trusted certainties and the
(...) have since, through long ages of history been in no small Volksgeist, after Homer was made middle-class, the aristocrati- identifications of centuries are becoming disputable.
measure European and Asiatic respectively.’ sation of Homer by imperialists schooled in the classics took
Political life in Homer is also surprisingly familiar for a 19th- over. They appropriated the heroes of the Iliad in a particular
century liberal. The form of government is not the divine or also did service in proclaiming a modern European civilising way. Schoolboys were able to identify with warriors engaged in
despotic dominion of the Oriental empires. Public affairs are mission and expansion overseas. hazardous enterprises overseas. Homer offered a whole series
discussed in an assembly and decisions usually taken on the of heroes as paradigms for schoolboys in the age of colonial
basis of rational powers of persuasion. For Gladstone, Homer HOMER FOR EDUCATING AND CREATING expansion.
reveals the origins of the modern English monarchy, tempered IMPERIALISTS All Homeric ideals appeared to end in the squalid European
by parliament’s influence. In the area of religious observance, Liberal European idealisation of Homer was interrupted by the war of 1914–1918. Nevertheless, following the war Homer re-
Homer also provides the earliest example of a liberal state: excavations at Troy in Ottoman-Turkish territory by Heinrich mained required reading in the classical education systems of
without theocracy, without an omnipotent church, without an Schliemann and subsequent archaeological research from the both the old and the new nation-states of Europe during the
infallible Pope. In Homer, the individual speaks to the gods end of the 19th century onwards. A great deal of attention was 1920s and 1930s. But with the crumbling of liberal predomi-
directly and not through a caste of priests. paid to these excavations by the press. The Homeric world was nance in the political regimes of Europe, the Greek bard also
In England and Germany in particular, but also in other suddenly revealed to a wide public through photographs and lost his unique political position as a liberal lieu de mémoire.
countries, Homer in the second half of the 19th century be- drawings in popular magazines. Troy turned out to lie within The old Homer did not have the least significance for either the
gan to be seen as the earliest and unsurpassed lieu de mémoire the Ottoman Empire, outside Europe, and to be rather differ- right or the left of the political spectrum, and he failed to evoke
of the European liberal classical tradition. Reading the epics ent from the dreamy ideas of virtuous middle-class Hellenism. even a trace of recollection. This was down to the fact not so
in ancient Greek came to be seen as superbly suited to form- Homer’s image needed serious retouching: he had in fact been much that ‘democrats dislike Homer’, as that the classical tra-
ing the bourgeois middle classes and the future social elite. In the court poet of an old and violent society. The epics were dition as such was no longer able to fill its previous dominant
this regard Homer was interpreted as the earliest poetic expres- not composed for peaceful Hellenic burghers but for warlike inspirational role in modern education.
sion of middle-class humanism and liberalism. Homer’s verses Mycenaean nobles. The Homeric verses had resounded through

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TROY CITY, HOMER AND TURKEY THE RENAISSANCE OF TROY

SHAKESPEARE’S TROILUS AND CRESSIDA

RUDOLPH GLITZ

To Shakespeare’s contemporaries, the legend of Troy felt much

closer and more familiar than it does to us. The educated
among them first learnt about it in the classrooms of their local
grammar schools, where they encountered it through Homer’s
Iliad itself, Roman re-workings of that classic, and numer-
ous exercises and summaries in the humanist textbooks of the
day. Yet even outside the schools and universities, many of the
stories surrounding the fall of Troy formed part of common
knowledge. They were widely disseminated by the first transla-
tions of Homer into English fresh from the recently imported
printing press, by imaginative adaptations and additions to the
legend as can be found for instance in the tales of Boccaccio
and the poetry of Chaucer, simply by word of mouth, and last
but not least by theatrical dramatizations. What made Troy and
the Trojans in particular a matter of public interest in England Ajax. It also reflects, at least to a certain extent, the British sym- The Dutch actors Coen Flink and Ellen Vogel in
was their historical connection with the British people: accord- pathy with the Trojans. On the one hand, it presents Hector, Shakespeare’s Troilus and Cressida, performed
ing to medieval and early modern history books, the Roman Troilus, Aeneas, and Paris as pompous and silly but still occa- during the Holland Festival in 1959.
founder and name-giver of Britain, Brutus of Troy, descended sionally glamorous idealists who abide by the chivalric code of
directly from the Trojan hero Aeneas. honour. On the other hand, it has Thersites, the jester of the Troilus and
It was against this background of widespread popularity, Greeks, denounce his own master Ajax as an ‘idiot’, ‘camel’, Cressida, 1609.
close familiarity, and even presumed kinship with the Trojans and ‘peacock’, his general Agamemnon as someone who ‘loves
that Shakespeare wrote Troilus and Cressida (1602) – a play quails’ (i.e. prostitutes) and ‘has not so much brains as earwax’,
critics count among his darkest, most difficult, but also most Menelaus as ‘both ass and ox’ because of the horns of cuckoldry Greek merely for the pretty armour he is wearing, and finally,
prophetically modern works. It largely revolves around the that Paris has put on him, Diomedes as a ‘false-hearted rogue’, while preparing to change into his newly acquired trophy, gets
doomed love between one of the sons of King Priam and the Nestor as a ‘stale old mouse-eaten dry cheese’, Ulysses as a ‘dog- brutally butchered in a surprise attack by Achilles’ Myrmidons.
daughter of the Trojan priest Calchas. Shakespeare’s version of fox’, and Patroclus as Achilles’ ‘masculine whore’. The petty and dishonourable reality of war as Shakespeare pre-
their story can be summarized as follows: the beautiful Cressida As Shakespeare’s irreverence towards both Trojans and Greeks sents it here was clearly meant to clash with his audience’s ex-
loves and is courted by Troilus, who has already proven himself Portrait of William Shakespeare (1564-1616), attributed to makes clear, his play is a far cry from Homer’s frequent celebra- pectations. It exposes as unreliable not only poetic accounts of
as a warrior and distinguishes himself politically by success- John Taylor, ca. 1610. Shakespeare’s plays comprise 38 tions of their grandeur and heroic exploits. The foul-mouthed war such as Homer’s but also, quite generally, what Shakespeare
fully dissuading his brother Hector from returning Helen to tragedies, histories and comedies centring on universal and Thersites is himself denounced by Ulysses as ‘a slave whose gall elsewhere calls ‘the bubble reputation’.
eternal themes that continue to be drawn on today for theatri-
the Greeks. The couple is united by Cressida’s uncle Pandarus, coins slanders as a mint’, yet Shakespeare’s play as a whole ac- To the play’s thoroughly disillusioning view of warfare, hero-
but just after their first night together, Cressida is handed over tually seems to share the jester’s cynical perspective on events. ism, and fame – a view, by the way, which made it especially
to the Greeks to re-join her father, who has defected, in an Perhaps the most striking example of this is the confrontation popular in the years after World War I – Shakespeare adds an
exchange of hostages to which Troilus agrees out of patriotism. between Hector and Achilles near the end of the play. Even almost equally sobering demolition of the myths of chivalric
Once among the Greeks – to the lasting distress and anger of the maker of the anti-war movie Das Boot, Wolfgang Petersen, love. While Troilus and Cressida’s relationship is clearly based
the proverbially ‘true’ Troilus – the proverbially ‘false’ Cressida scenes, speeches, and public events in Shakespeare’s play are felt obliged, in his 2004 production of Troy, to present their on mutual attraction and passionately declared by both of them,
gives in to the suit of her assigned protector Diomedes. clearly informed by Homer’s classic, albeit not always straight- encounter as a thrilling duel between two paragons of stalwart it is also shown to be governed by male interests and vanities.
Although loosely based on characters mentioned by Homer, forwardly and sometimes through the mediation of other texts. masculinity. Not so William Shakespeare! In his account of the From the beginning, Troilus speaks of Cressida in commercial
the story of Troilus and Cressida does not appear in the Iliad. Switching back and forth between Troy and the Greek camp struggle he has the two warriors meet in the midst of a thor- terms that, for all their implicit praise, mark her out as little
It was added to the Troy-related folklore by a medieval French before finally taking us to the battlefield before the city walls, oughly chaotic and undignified to-and-fro on the battle field, more than a prized possession: ‘Her bed is India; there she lies,
poet and popularized in England by Chaucer’s celebrated Shakespeare’s play shows us such memorable Homeric scenes where Hector first has the upper hand and foolishly grants a pearl, […] Ourself the merchant’. In his subsequent speech in
Troilus and Criseyde (ca. 1385). However, the setting, battle as the Greeks’ war council and the fight between Hector and Achilles a break from fighting, then chases and kills a random favour of keeping Helen, the young prince tellingly compares

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With both love and war stripped of their heroic aura and own day. Once a community loses its respect for ‘degree’,
exposed as different expressions of male competitiveness and Ulysses warns, once it loses its respect, in other words, for the
greed, the ending of Troilus and Cressida on the battlefield values and distinctions that structure it and are guaranteed by
leaves us with the aftertaste of a world in which nothing is more than merely the fluctuations of the market,
worth ‘aught but as ‘tis valued’, a past world whose reality fails
to live up to its future reputation – even though strictly speak- Then everything includes itself in power,
ing Troilus ends up true, Cressida false, Achilles triumphant, Power into will, will into appetite;
and Hector fallen in battle. In its bleakness, this world resem- And appetite, an universal wolf,
bles that which Ulysses warns his fellow Greeks against in Act So doubly seconded with will and power,
1, but which equally threatens the more glamorous-seeming Must make perforce an universal prey
Trojans, and hence perhaps also the British of Shakespeare’s And last eat up himself.

TROY IN THE OPERA

HEIN VAN EEKERT

Ominous low chords in the strings. A soprano sings almost his fatherland to the accompaniment of the guitar – Homer
monotonously: ‘Dark, hideous night, deathly without end, the after all describes him as playing the lute. He sends Patroclus
terrible night of Ilion.’ The beautiful Helen is speaking, de- into battle and receives Priam to negotiate over Hector’s body.
scribing the demise of the great city of Troy from the banks of While Tippett does base his work on events in the Iliad, his
the Peneios in the opera Mefistofele (1868) by Arrigo Boito. As opera is not a musical version of the epic. This is true in the first
the music starts to rise and a female choir urges the queen to instance because so much more happens in King Priam. We see
compose herself, Helen speaks of clouds of ashes, the looming the birth of Paris, the Judgement of Paris, in which the singers
shadow of the Greeks and the licking flames. Then the orches- playing Hecuba, Andromache and Helen double up as Athena,
tra suddenly falls silent. ‘Immediately there is only total silence Hera and Aphrodite, and the death of Achilles and Priam. The
where once Troy stood.’ This one of the few musical retellings composer is more interested in what in Homer´s epic seems
of the city’s demise, come down to us via Goethe’s Faust re- to serv as an intermezzo: the sadness, frustration and fear in
worked by Boito, who was his own librettist. those involved in the war. Martial music in the brass section
and shouts from the choir in the background provide reports
Troilus and Cressida presented by theatre company Cheek THE WAR FOR TROY AS SEEN BY TIPPETT from the battlefield in musical form. Tippett’s Achilles is like
by Jowl in London, 2008. In terms of opera, cantata and song, the story of the war for the character drawn by the Greek poet – a man full of rage –
Troy is in the first instance a history of the period before and but as soon as this hero joins the battle, we hear him only from
the period afterwards. Composers are less interested in Homer’s a distance, through his enraged battle cry that is heard by Priam
the taking of a wife to the buying of clothes, which ‘honour’ Cressida later reproaches herself for her stereotypically female lengthy recounts of who struck which enemy in what part of and his sons on the walls of Troy. The cry found its way into the
and the rules of ownership, rather than love, keep one from inconstancy, but when the same Troilus whose eloquence and the chest with a spear or a stone. When the battle or the down- three Songs for Achilles for tenor and guitar, in which Tippett
returning: ‘We turn not back the silks upon the merchant / machismo manage to keep Helen in Troy accepts with little fall is turned to music it is primarily, as with Sir Michael Tip- combines Achilles’ song accompanied by the guitar in the tent,
When we have soiled them’. In such a crudely misogynist con- protest her handing over to the Greeks and keeps doubting her pett’s masterful King Priam (1961), given from the viewpoint of as we hear it sung in the opera, with two others. Achilles’ battle
text it is hardly surprising that Cressida sees even her own love faithfulness at the moment of their parting, the spectator is giv- those witnessing it from a distance. Tippett takes us above all to cry sounds in the second song, once Patroclus has gone on to
for Troilus as a threat to her personal autonomy: en good reason to sympathise with her betrayal – even without the chambers of various Trojans to hear their reactions to what the field of battle, while in the third he speaks to his mother
considering her vulnerable position among the preying lechers is going on outside the city walls – Andromache’s despair, Hel- Thetis about his comrade’s death.
I have a kind of self resides with you in the Greek camp, where the blunt but honest Diomedes does en’s inapproachability or Hecuba’s doggedness alternate with Tippett’s opera is one of the most moving musical evocations
But an unkind self that itself will leave not seem the worst choice of partner. Paris or Hector arriving to report what is happening in battle. of the Troy story: ageing Priam becomes a sorrowful, occasion-
To be another’s fool. In the other camp, Achilles is sitting in his tent, singing about ally emotional and even aggressive King Lear, and the three

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major female figures are beautifully contrasted. The music em- has led to there being a direct line between classical poet and
phasises the significance of the libretto, does not skirt round composer: in Les Troyens Berlioz translates Virgil’s lines to the
the violence of the story, but also radiates incredible intimacy opera stage. He is able to do this, by his own account, only with
in a number of scenes. After Achilles has promised Priam the the help of a great playwright: Shakespeare. Berlioz, who is
body of his son Hector, they meditate together on death: Achil- both composer and librettist of Les Troyens, learns something
les will die at the hands of Priam’s son and Priam will be killed of stagecraft from Shakespeare. Moreover Shakespeare, and not
by Achilles’ son Neoptolemus. Virgil, is the source for the words Dido and Aeneas sing to each
other at night on the coast of Carthage: a dialogue taken from
THE FALL OF THE CITY AS SEEN BY BERLIOZ The Merchant of Venice serves as model for a great love duet,
Hector Berlioz, like Tippett and Boito his own librettist, also to ensure that the two actually have something to say to each
shows us the fall of the city: and once again not the final bat- other at this joyful moment, before the appearance of Mercury
tle itself but mainly the run-up to it, as seen through the eyes with the simple word, ‘Italy!’ puts an end to their bliss.
of Cassandra. In the first two acts of Les Troyens (1858) she is
the focus of attention. As the woman who foresees and under- CAVALLI AND OTHERS ON QUEEN DIDO
stands everything, but who is not believed by those around her, The role of Aeneas in Berlioz’ opera is a difficult one, and tenors
she knows as much as the audience but is equally powerless to will say that four voices are in fact needed to interpret it prop-
do anything about it. She bears witness to the report on the erly. Nevertheless he does not come into his own in Les Troyens
death of the priest Laocoön and his sons, and she looks on with to the extent of the leading ladies of this opera, Cassandra and
horror at the entrance of the Wooden Horse. She is powerless Dido. In La Didone (1641) by Francesco Cavalli (1602-1671),
against Sinon, who was cut by the composer from the final which makes use of roughly the same narrative material as Les
version of his work. Berlioz has his opera begin at the scene Troyens, somewhat more attention is given to his lot. We see
depicted by the following verses from Virgil: him in conversation with his father Anchises, his mother Venus
and, following her death, with the shade of his wife Creusa.
So all the Trojan land was free of its long sorrow. Woven through all of this is the ill-starred love between Cas-
The gates were opened: it was a joy to go and see sandra and the warrior Coroebus, and there is an opportunity
the Greek camp, for a moving lament by Hecuba. Sinon, here a booming bass
the deserted site and the abandoned shore. part – and not as in Berlioz a guileful tenor – lumbers across
Here the Dolopians stayed, here cruel Achilles... the stage in unsubtle and boorish triumph. In the background
(Virgil, Aeneid 2.26-29, translated by A.S. Kline) we hear voices calling to arms.
In La Didone Cavalli and librettist Gian Francesco Busenello
When the Trojans at the start of Berlioz’ masterpiece walk stick closely to the Aeneid, although they allow Dido to live,
about freely outside the walls for the first time again, driven following a moving lament, in order to marry her former arch-
on in restless ecstasy by the orchestra’s rapidly resounding qua- enemy, the African King Iarbas, who moves through the sec-
vers, they find lances, spears, helmets and a huge shield on the ond part of the opera as a besotted dreamer. Nevertheless we
plain. The Greeks appear to have fled in panic. ‘Quel potrons get much more of Virgil from this work that from Dido and
que ces grecs!’ (What cowards, these Greeks!) Berlioz has them Aeneas by Henry Purcell, which enjoys the greatest popularity
sing, but then a Trojan soldier says: ‘Do you know whose tent as a result of its beautiful melodies and its moving, if somewhat
stood here? That of Achilles!’ The mere name of this Greek hero one-sided, image of Dido. There is not much in the way of
causes the people to flinch. ‘Remain here! Achilles is dead,’ says Aeneid elements to be found in this short opera, in which
the soldier. ‘Look, here is his grave.’ Only then everyone recalls witches – possibly stand-ins for nasty anti-English Catholics –
once more that Paris has slain the superhero. decide on the fate of Carthage’s queen.
Berlioz turns a few verses from Virgil’s Aeneid into a beauti- For the rest, Dido comes out strongly in the opera repertoire.
ful dramatic scene: before the Trojans rush off to the Wooden Pietro Metastasio (1698-1782), who had translated the Iliad into
Horse standing on the banks of the Scamander, to make way Italian verse by the age of 12, had a hit with his first libretto,
for a deeply dismayed Cassandra, this scene reminds the audi-
ence of the fear that the Trojans have lived through. Achilles
stands symbol for this fear: even after his death, the mere idea
of his former presence fills everyone with dread. The Wooden Horse of Troy on the stage of the opera
The fact that Berlioz is an admirer of Virgil – or rather Les Troyens (The Trojans) by Hector Berlioz, during a
became one after hating the complicated verses as a teenager – production by the Royal Opera House in London, 2012.

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Didone abbandonata (Dido Abandoned) in 1724. Metastasio’s Peleus, with Discordia who tosses the notorious golden apple, Popular among composers of the 17th and 18th centuries is the more advanced than boys at an emotional level. Here we hear
libretto does not follow Virgil slavishly but includes a generous as the sole contralto among the leading roles. With Il Rapi- post-Homeric story – chronicled in the Achilleid by Statius – a foreshadowing of the 10 years older sorrow-wracked Deida-
role for Iarbas, who wanders through Dido’s palace in disguise mento d’Helen (The abduction of Helen, also known simply as of Achilles’ youth spent on the island of Scyros, where his mia from the epic The Fall of Troy by Quintus Smyrnaeus. In a
and under the pseudonym Arbace. Dido’s sister is renamed Elena) from 1659, La Deidamia (a lost work from 1644 about mother Thetis has hidden him, aware that participating in the moving central section the girl explodes at the hero, with more
Selene. The libretto was initially set to music by Domenico the successful attempt to have an unwilling Achilles participate Trojan War would spell his death. King Lycomedes has him than a little insight into his future, that he should be cast into
Scarro, but it proved popular and was re-used frequently. Scar- in the Trojan War) and La Didone, Cavalli runs through the running around dressed as a girl; although the dress does not eternal night by a severe storm when within sight of his safe
ro’s interpreters of the roles of Dido and Aeneas themselves ap- most important events around the war, without turning to mu- prevent Princess Deidamia from falling head over heels in love harbour. Odysseus, sung originally by a castrato, is not unfeel-
peared in a further two versions of Metastasio’s Didone – by sic anything related to Homer’s Iliad. with the young hero. Things become complicated once Odys- ing towards Deidamia’s situation, which after all resembles
the composers Tommaso Albinoni and Nicola Porpora respec- The Iliad leaves most composers cold. They prefer to concen- seus turns up on the island, with a prediction of his own as that of his wife Penelope. He, and not Achilles, turns out to
tively. Around 50 composers, including Niccolò Jomelli and trate on subsequent events, as related by Virgil in his Aeneid motivation: without Achilles the Greeks will never be able to be her true counterpart, with whom she sings the opera’s only
Baldesarre Galuppi, were ultimately to compose Dido operas and in Homer’s Odyssey, or in the various wanderings, home- take Troy. duet, although she is in reality pledged to Achilles. Handel’s
using Metastasio’s libretto, occasionally having it adapted it to ward voyages and homecomings of other Greek and Trojan he- The story has at first view a comic slant: a young man in a Deidamia is an opera full of youthful effervescence, overshad-
their own needs. Thus, the encounter between the Trojan hero roes, or also on the departure for Troy. dress is always good for a laugh, but the story gets even better owed constantly by a veil of doom and grief.
Aeneas and Dido, Queen of Carthage, became one of the most Le Nozze di Teti e di Peleo by Rossini, The Judgement of Paris when the Greek envoys start paying court to the ladies on Scy- Achilles soon find another love in Iphigenia. In Iphigénie en
popular themes in the repertoire, probably surpassed only by by John Eccles, Paride ed Elena by Gluck and La belle Hélène by ros, including Achilles dressed up as Pyrrha. It is an outstand- Aulide (1774) by Gluck (with a libretto by François Gand-Leb-
that between the Saracen sorceress Armida and the crusader Jacques Offenbach are the best known works dealing with the ing story for a large-scale ceremonial occasion, such as the very lanc du Roullet based on Euripides via Racine) he is not merely
Rinaldo in Gerusalemme liberata by Tarquato Tasso, and causes of the war. The operas telling of departure or homecom- first production of an opera outside court: in 1640 the Teatro the bait that is to lure Iphigenia to Aulis to be sacrificed; but
perhaps by Jason and Medea. ing are much more numerous. Various versions of Ifigenia and Novissimo in Venice opened its doors with a production of La he also gains her as his wife through divine intervention, as the
On the long list of Metastasio composers we find the Ger- Iphigénie being sacrificed by her father in the city of Aulis bear finta pazza (The Feigned Madwoman) by Francesco Sacrati. In operatic conventions of the time demanded a happy ending.
man composer Johann Adolf Hasse, who came up with a ver- witness to this, as well as Campra’s Idomenée and Mozart’s Ido- it Deidamia pretends to be mad, in order to keep her beloved On the field of battle at Troy there is at first just one genuine
sion in 1742 that he reworked a year later. Earlier in his career meneo, or Die ägyptische Helena by Richard Strauss; Odysseus Achilles on Scyros by this means. The audience is played to operatic heroine: the slave Briseis. She is far from home, her
he had focused, along with librettist Luigi Maria Stampiglia, on musical dramas like Monteverdi’s Il ritorno d’Ulisse in patria, when a eunuch asks whether there is a doctor in the house. love for Achilles is thwarted by the commander of the Greeks,
an earlier part of the Aeneid: Aeneas’ visit to the island of Chao- Ulisse, the tragédie lyrique by Jean Féry Rebel (in which the en- At the same time the gods appearing in the story point the Agamemnon, and she thus suddenly has to cope with two
nia, where he meets the Trojan Helenus who has meanwhile chantress Circe follows Odysseus to Ithaca), Gluck’s Telemaco, spectators to the fact that there is a direct link between the Fall lovers, only one of whom she desires. What is more: once re-
married Andromache, the widow of his fallen brother Hector Gabriel Fauré’s Penelope (in which her beloved son Telemachus of Troy and the rise of Venice. The role of Achilles is sung by a turned by Agamemnon to Achilles, she provides for a (tempo-
(Aenea in Caonia from 1727). Giuseppe Sarti, who also has two is quite notably absent) and Luigi Dallapicola’s Ulisse; a large castrato: while 17th and 18th century audiences associated this rary) happy end because Achilles then returns to join the battle
versions of Didone to his name, followed Aeneas to Italy in number of operas dedicated to Andromache, some of which voice type with the young lover, it is also useful for a convincing against the Trojans once more. Her fate lies at the centre of La
Enea nel Lazio (1799), which was written for Saint Petersburg. were inspired by the Andromaque by Jean Racine, like the op- disguise as a girl. Briseïda (1768) by Antonio Rodríguez de Hita (1724-1787): a
There is a long list of cantatas with a role for Dido, some with, era of the same name by André Grétry of Rossini’s magnificent The story works well as libretto, and versions of Deidamia by zarzuela (Spanish opera with spoken dialogue) in Italian style
but more often without, Aeneas. She is an evocative figure. In Ermione. other composers follow in the years after La finta pazza. In 1736 in which Achilles and Briseis are both played by sopranos and
the early Renaissance, her welcoming of death in ‘Dulces exu- Pietro Metastasio – who wrote Didone abbandonata – writes an Agamemnon and Patroclus also have high-pitched voices. The
viae, dum fata deusque sinebat’ (Aeneid 4.651-660) was set to ACHILLES Achille in Sciro in 18 days, a libretto that is passed from hand story is told again in Achille (1801) by Ferdinando Paer, draw-
music by various composers, including Josquin Desprez and This is bad news for Achilles, whose finest hour strikes just at to hand. Composers largely unknown to the wider public, like ing the hero into the Italian bel canto style. As supple tenor
Roland de Lassus. Her suffering continued to resound into the the moment of the battle for Troy and who thus gets a raw deal Caldara, Chiarini, Corselli and Sarro, set the words to music he takes on the baritone of Agamemnon, sending his comrade
19th century in operas, lieder and other music, usually centring as operatic hero. Little of the serious, but awe-inspiring hero in with a high-voiced Achilles as the hero. For his Deidamia Han- Patroclus into battle after a duet in which they call on the help
on her suicide. Tippett’s King Priam or the terrifying, even if no longer living, del makes use of a libretto by Paolo Antonio Rolli that focuses of the gods in a musically exciting way. As Patroclus is a part
warrior in Les Troyens by Berlioz, whose name alone sows panic, primarily on the feelings of the girl and her interaction with for a bass voice, he cuts almost an elder brother or fatherly fig-
THEMES ON THE TROJAN WAR is found in the majority of operas about Achilles. For example, Ulisse/Odysseus. Achilles, sung at the premiere by a 20-year- ure alongside Achilles. Giuseppe Nicolini and a young Gaetano
A summary of the operas and musical pieces on the Troy theme listen to the countertenor Philippe Jaroussky on his cd Caldara old woman, storms through the opera with youthful exuber- Donizetti also transform the narrative material into bel canto in
thus becomes a poor version of the second book of Homer’s in Vienna sing a lovely aria as concluding piece. All ear-teasing ance. When he finally exchanges his dress for armour, he sings L’ira d’Achille dating to 1815 and 1817 respectively.
Iliad: names, number of versions and specific characteristics, pizzicati from the violins and a melting song line, repeated in that he will raze Troy to the ground in an aria full of pubertal
running the danger that its author, by contrast with the Greek whispered tones by a choir: ‘If you are able to chain a heart and arrogance, emphasised with magnificently boastful musical he- SCENES FROM THE ILIAD
genius, can never aim for completeness, because libretti – in inflame a soul, what can you not do, tyrannous love?’ This is roics: ‘That kingdom’s fate depends purely on my hatred. By Scenes taken from the Iliad that are not directly linked to the
particular in the 17th and 18th centuries – are often re-used and the hero too: a still-young Achilles who sounds as though he my deeds the pilgrim will say, Troy once stood here.’ Deidamia conflict are usually too brief for a full opera. Schiller tries to
it is by and large impossible to provide a complete and correct could not hurt a fly through the libretto of Pietro Metasta- is the one that holds our sympathy, thanks partly to the col- make something of the scene between Hector, Andromache and
summary without ending up with something that has all the sio and music of composer Antonio Caldara, With his high- ourful and sensitive musical portrait that Handel draws of her. their little son Astyanax on the walls of Troy, but he overplays
attractions of long groceries list. pitched, and, to our 21st century ear, feminine sounding voice, She accuses Odysseus of destroying her future in the delicate his hand by shifting them to the point just before the fight be-
The extensive way in which Francesco Cavalli dealt with he sings a song during a meal presented to Odysseus. Odysseus aria ‘M’hai resa infelice’ – ‘You have made me unhappy. How tween Achilles and Hector. In addition he leaves out Astyanax
the narrative material serves as example: his first opera is Le comes to fetch him but is forced to realise that the girl standing can you be proud of that?’ Her sorrow sounds so sensitive and in his ‘Hector’s Abschied’ as a result of which the scene loses its
Nozze di Teti e di Peleo (1639) about the wedding of Thetis and singing in front of him is in fact Achilles in women’s dress. adult that it is clear Handel perceives that girls are always a bit tenderness. In 1815 Schubert turns it into a duet as though part

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of an Italian operatic scene: a beautiful opportunity for male AN INCOMPLETE LIST

and female singing parts to show their dramatic musical talents. And there we have it. What was intended not to be a dry sum-
Antonio Contis writes a solo scene for Cassandra in which the mary of the works has become precisely that, whereby the au-
fight between Hector and Achilles is reported. Johann Chris- thor regrets that he has been unable to find space in this list
toph Friedrich Bach set the words to music around 1769, while for Walton’s Troilus and Cressida, Kreutzer’s Astyanax, Kraus’
Benedetto Marcello did the same 40 years previously. Aeneas i Carthago and Trojahn’s Orest (in which Menelaus and
The youthful Nicola Manfroce (1791-1813) in his Ecuba from Helen have significant roles) and has been unable to do any-
1812 links the hero Achilles to yet another woman: Priam’s thing about Schubert’s other Troy lied ‘Memnon’, or Jarrell’s
daughter Polyxena. Jean-Baptiste Lully, who designated himself melodrama Cassandre.
the inventor of French opera, had attempted this much earlier, As the war continues to rage – the son of Achilles is slain in
but died before completing his work. Ecuba had its premiere in operas by Rossini and Grétry by the son of Agamemnon, so
Naples: Manuel Garcia, father of the singing prodigies Maria that Hector’s widow is released and is able to marry her broth-
Malibran and Pauline Viardot, sang the tenor part of Achilles, er-in-law – so the list of Troy-based operas will continue to
which he had also sung a couple of months earlier in Gluck’s grow over the years ahead: not so much because new works are
Iphigénie. As Neapolitan audiences were crazy about tenors, being written apace, but rather as older works are dusted off. It
Priam was also given a high male voice. The story turns on He- is time now to vanish singing into the night of the kingdom of
cuba: she is unable to forget Hector’s death and sees in a peace- fables along with Helen from Boito’s Mefistofele.
making marriage between her daughter and the Greek hero a
chance to kill the latter. In the nature of things this makes for
enormous internal conflict in Polyxena, who is truly in love
with the Greek. This kind of situation provides plentiful scope
for arias and fiery ensembles, with the death of Achilles and the
subsequent razing of Troy as climax.
This should have rounded off Achilles’ musical biography if
Othmar Schoeck had not come up with an exceptionally taut
opera in 1927 in which Achilles takes on the Amazons. Penthe-
sileia is based on a play by Heinrich von Kleist (1771-1811) in
which the heroine of the title is to blame for Achilles’ death,
by contrast with the version in the first book of Quintus Smyr-
naeus The Fall of Troy, after which she also dies from inconsol-
able grief. The scenes between Achilles, a low baritone part, and
the Amazon burn with mutual eroticism and the music gives
full rein to depicting the raw tumult of battle.
Is it coincidental that this war story is taken up again by
composers in the war-ridden 20th century? Troades by Arib-
ert Reimann, which begins with the prologue between Athena
and Poseidon declaimed over crushing hard organ tones, de-
picts the fate of Hecuba, Cassandra and Andromache in the
words of Franz Werfel’s translation of Euripides. Cassandra
gives voice to her madness as a modern Lucia di Lammermoor
and Andromache’s farewell to her little son Astyanax inspires
Reimann to extremely dramatic music. The same scene, this
time translated into English, forms the basis of Samuel Barber’s
Andromache’s Farewell.

Poster for the opera Deidamia by George Frideric

Handel (1685-1759), performed by De Nederlandse
Opera (The Dutch Opera) in 2012.

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7 SCHLIEMANN AND HEINRICH SCHLIEMANN,
SCIENTIST AND ROMANTIC?
THE REDISCOVERY GERT JAN VAN WIJNGAARDEN

OF TROY Heinrich Schliemann is probably the most famous archaeolo-

gist of all time. The numerous biographies and television docu-
Johann Ludwig Heinrich Julius Schliemann was born on
6 January 1822 in Neubukow, a small German town near the
mentaries about him, along with the more than 600,000 hits Baltic. He was the son of a Lutheran pastor, who was trans-
when his name is googled, demonstrate this. But Schliemann’s ferred two years after Heinrich’s birth to the village of Ankers-
fame emerges more particularly from the way the mention of hagen, where there is now a museum in the house of the the
his name evokes reaction from a wide public: admiration on Schliemann family. The family was poor and suffered setbacks.
occasion, but also ridicule and a certain degree of contempt. Heinrich’s mother died when he was 10, and his father had to
Admiration predominated in the years immediately after his give up his career after being accused of fraud. Schliemann had
death in 1890. Colleagues lauded Schliemann on the grounds to abandon his ambition of a university education, finding
of his services to archaeology and the significance of his dis- work instead with a shipping company.
coveries. E Ludwig’s 1931 biography may best be described as After recovering from an illness, Schliemann decided in
hagiographic. But after the Second World War increasing at- 1841 to try his luck elsewhere and he boarded a ship bound for
tention was paid to the contradictions in Schliemann’s life and Venezuela. The vessel was shipwrecked, and he ended up in
to the ways in which his archaeological results were achieved. Amsterdam. He soon showed a talent for learning languages,
A 1995 biography by DA Traill (1995) goes so far as to call him and by the end of his life he had mastered English, French,
a pathological liar and a fraud. In recent years a more nuanced Dutch, Italian, Spanish, Portuguese, Swedish, Polish, Greek,
picture of Heinrich Schliemann has emerged, for example in Latin, Russian, Arabic and Turkish, along with his native Ger-
the catalogue of the 2002 German exhibition Troia. Traum und man. He knew most of these languages well enough to be able
Wirklichkeit (Troy. Dream and Reality), in which he is portrayed to publish and correspond in them.
as a romantic who generated his own myth. Schliemann’s knowledge of Russian led to his being sent to St
It is evident that the man who, in his own words, chased the Petersburg as an agent in 1846. A few years later he left for the
dream of his youth and went on to discover ancient Troy is an United States where he amassed a fortune during the Califor-
evocative figure. But who in fact was this man? And why does nian Gold Rush. In 1850 he became a US citizen, but returned
he continue to cause controversy? to Russia where he engaged in various kinds of trading. He was
particularly successful in the sale of saltpetre, sulphur and lead
PERSONAL LIFE – components needed for munitions – to the Russian govern-
A great deal is known about Heinrich Schliemann as he kept ment during the Crimean War 1854-1856. After 1858 Schliemann
a diary and was a copious letter writer. And he kept a careful was rich enough to retire and to pursue his dreams.
record of what he wrote. This information trove has led to a The love of Schliemann’s youth had been Minna Meincke,
number of biographies. These supplement the autobiographi- whom he had hoped to marry after his time in the United
cal forewords that he himself wrote to various archaeological States, but she did not wait for him and married someone
publications. An autobiography edited by his wife Sophia was else. Schliemann continued to correspond with her for the
published following his death. rest of his life, and he never again fell truly in love. In Russia
he married Katherina Lyschin, who bore him three children:
Sergei, Natalia and Nadeshda. Katherina was accustomed to
a luxury lifestyle and could not understand why her husband
chose to lead the life of an intellectual and archaeologist. She
Drawing from Heinrich Schliemann’s book Troja (1884) left him, and Schliemann used his US citizenship to divorce
showing Schliemann sketching seated on a wall in Troy.
Schliemann is often accused of having destroyed a great deal
her. He subsequently commissioned a friend to find him a
as a result of his extensive excavations. But his publications young and subservient Greek wife, who was required to love
were good and richly furnished with illustrations of artefacts Homer. In 1869 he married Sophia Engastromenos, who was 17
and architecture. at the time and 30 years his junior. Sophia had everything that

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TROY CITY, HOMER AND TURKEY SCHLIEMANN AND THE REDISCOVERY OF TROY

the Dutch island of Texel. However, archival sources indicate

that the ship ran aground on the island and that those aboard
were able to disembark easily. Schliemann ended up in Am-
sterdam, finding work as a messenger with the Hoyak & Co
trading company. He subsequently became bookkeeper with
the trading company Schröder & Co., which was based at 71
Keizersgracht. He lived in Amsterdam for almost five years,
from 1841 to 1846.
Schliemann lived in a house on the corner of Bloemgracht
and Tweede Leliedwarsstraat, a ‘miserable, unheated garret’
in his own words. It was in this room that he began his tire-
less study of languages, beginning with English, French and
Russian and using a method consisting of reading out loud
every day. This did not endear him to his co-residents in the
thin-walled house, and Schliemann was compelled to move
during his Russian studies. On account of his knowledge of
this language he was given the opportunity in 1846 to open a
branch of Schröder & Co. in St Petersburg.
In Amsterdam Schliemann discovered his trading talent and
his facility with languages. He continued to correspond with
friends in the Netherlands all his life, in particular with the
Prussian consul W Hepner. Schliemann returned just once
to the Netherlands. In 1875, and by then famous, he visited
Queen Sophia at Huis ten Bosch in The Hague. He presented
her with six Greek terracotta figurines, two of which were fakes
as it was subsequently discovered. A letter has been found in
Schliemann’s correspondence in which he asks his wife to buy
Portrait of Heinrich Schliemann (1822-1890), painted in a number of figurines for the queen at an antiquary in Athens.
1877 by Sidney Hodges. The famous archaeologist was evidently not able to excavate
everything himself.

Schliemann desired: she was pretty and she was interested in SCHLIEMANN AND TROY Schliemann was initially disappointed by the finds, which Schliemann and his wife Sophie during excavations at
Antiquity. She accompanied him on his expeditions and stands According to his own version of events, Schliemann’s fascina- scarcely seemed to correspond to the picture of the wealthy Mycenae, shown on Schliemann’s mausoleum in Athens.
immortalised in the photograph showing her wearing jewels tion with Troy began in childhood when his father read the Troy of Homer. But on 31 May 1873, just after he had decided The mausoleum was designed by the Austrian architect
Ernst Ziller using as model the Temple of Athena Nike on the
from Priam’s Treasure. The marriage produced two children: Iliad to him and gave him a copy of L. Jerrer’s Illustrated history to halt the excavations, he discovered a group of golden, sil-
Athens Acropolis. The frieze depicts scenes from the Iliad and
Andromache and Agamemnon. But Sophia was a weak person- of the world (1829). However, it is more likely that he became ver and other metal objects, that has become known as Priam’s
ality and Schliemann was jealous of her youth. In the end they interested in Homer during one of his trips in his middle years. Treasure. Aside from the jewels that Schliemann allowed his from Troy are depicted.
lived separately. He finally found the opportunity in 1868 to undertake the trip wife Sophia to pose wearing, the treasure contained a gold cup
On his return from Germany to Athens, Schliemann stopped of his dreams, arriving on the plains of Troy after first visiting with two ears that he compared with the depas amphikypellon
over in Naples in 1890. After a visit to Pompeii on Christmas Ithaca, Mycenae, Athens and Istanbul. mentioned in the Iliad (Iliad 1.584; 6.220).
Day he collapsed on the street, dying later in hospital. His Schliemann, like others, initially believed a mound near For Schliemann this was proof that he had found the re- the Aegean region. Many of them are now known as centres
friends carried his body to Athens where his grave may still be Pinarbaşi was the site of ancient Troy. However, a number mains of Homeric Troy. Rapid publication of details of the ex- of the Mycenaean culture (ca. 1600-1100 bc), which probably
seen. of trial excavations there yielded nothing. Following a meet- cavations and the treasure in the book Trojanische Altertümer served as inspiration for the Homeric and other Greek myths.
ing with the British diplomat and commercial representative (Trojan Antiquities) (Leipzig 1874), made him world famous Schliemann was not always able to excavate where he wanted.
SCHLIEMANN AND THE NETHERLANDS Frank Calvert he became convinced by Calvert’s theory that as the excavator of Troy – and gave rise to his first detractors. For example he was unable on account of political tensions to
On 1 December 1841 Schliemann sailed from Hamburg as a Troy must have lain at the mound of Hisarlik. In 1870 he car- excavate at Knossos on Crete, where the British archaeologist
cabin boy with the brig Dorothea bound for Venezuela. Ac- ried out an exploratory excavation there without the permis- DISCOVERER OF THE AEGEAN BRONZE AGE Sir Arthur Evans later discovered the Minoan palace. At Pylos
cording to Schliemann’s autobiography, a severe storm arose, sion of the authorities or the owners of the land. The follow- The discovery of Troy spurred investigation into other locations Schliemann looked for the palace of Nestor, but it was found
and passengers and crew had to abandon ship, after which they ing year he started the systematic excavations that would, with mentioned in Homer’s epics. Between excavation campaigns in by the US archaeologist C Blegen only in 1939 and at a com-
floated for hours before being washed ashore on the beach of interruptions, continue until shortly before his death in 1890. Troy, Schliemann also conducted excavations at various sites in pletely different site from where Schliemann had looked. The

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TROY CITY, HOMER AND TURKEY SCHLIEMANN AND THE REDISCOVERY OF TROY

site of the palace of Odysseus on Ithaca remains undiscovered.

The excavations at Mycenae, the city of the Greek leader
their contracted workers were having lunch. It is evident that
this is not true, as Sophia was in any event not in Troy on the SCHLIEMANN AND THE OTTOMAN TURKS
Agamemnon in the Iliad, and the publication of the findings appointed day. Schliemann smuggled the treasure out of the
in 1878 confirmed Schliemann’s renown as an archaeologist of country in an act that caused him a great deal of difficulty with GÜNAY USLU
genius. He had shown that Greek culture had flourished during the Ottoman authorities (see 7.2). Following a court case, he
periods before Classical Antiquity, and that archaeology was a was obliged to pay the Ottoman Empire a large sum of money.
suitable method to research these early times. Schliemann’s re- The treasure itself has also become the subject of doubt. Were
ception at the British Archaeological Association in London in the artefacts really all found together? Some even believe that
1877 and his membership of many scientific institutes all over Schliemann had the treasure made or simply bought it, or parts The excavations of Heinrich Schliemann (1822-1890) at Hisarlık
the world turned him into a scientist with a status well beyond of it. Although it will never be possible to disprove the latter, in the second half of the 19th century are definitely among the
his education and training. subsequent finds of gold in Troy have shown that several items most imposing archaeological activities that took place in the
in the treasure have good archaeological parallels. Ottoman territories. With Homer as a significant source of in-
The most significant controversy is in fact the issue whether spiration in 19th century Europe, Schliemann’s first campaign
SCHLIEMANN’S EXCAVATIONS this ‘most famous archaeologist’ really was a good archaeologist of excavations in search of the historicity of the Iliad between
1867 Ithaca – trial excavations or not. He had had scarcely any archaeological training, but 1870-1874 was impressive and received global acclaim. It result-
was ultimately awarded an honorary doctorate at the Univer- ed in his discovery of what he believed to be Homeric Troy, and
1870 Troy – (illegal) trial excavations sity of Rostock. His archaeological interpretations were, to put the finding of what has been termed Priam’s Treasure, which he
1871-1873 Troy it mildly, somewhat one-sided: all the material evidence was illegally removed from the Empire.
1874 Mycenae – (illegal) trial excavations interpreted in the light of the Iliad and the Odyssey. Many, if There has been a great deal of valuable historical research
1875 Orchomenos – Treasury of Minyas into Schliemann’s archaeological activities in the Troad. Most
not most of, Schliemann’s conclusions turned out later to be
1876 Mycenae
1878 Ithaca
incorrect. The most remarkable revision certainly is that Priam’s research, however, relies largely on Western sources. Hardly
1878-1879 Troy Treasure did not originate from the time of the Trojan War, as any attention has been paid to the archaeological concerns and
1880-1881 Orchomenos Schliemann believed, but must be dated at least 1,000 years ear- interests of the Ottomans themselves. In fact, what was the
1882-1883 Troy lier. Although he paid attention to archaeological stratigraphy, Ottoman attitude towards Heinrich Schliemann’s first cam-
1884 Marathon, Tiryns; Nauplia Schliemann failed for a long time to realise that he was digging paign of excavations and the illegal transportation of Priam’s
1888 Cythera, Sphacteria right through Troy’s most important layers. But in 1890, the Treasure? Ottoman official correspondence sheds more light on
1890 Troy – International Troy Conference year of his death, he acknowledged that he had been wrong. the role of the Ottoman Empire regarding the archaeological Letter from Ottoman Education Minister Safvet Pasha (1814-
In contrast to his shortcomings as an archaeologist it is note- research on their territory in the 19th century and their involve- 1883) to Grand Vizier Mehmed Emin Âli Pasha (1815-1871)
worthy that Schliemann described his archaeological finds and ment and interest in the Trojan heritage. on Schliemann’s request for permission to excavate at
THE CONTROVERSIES their location extremely precisely. His publications are full of without the permission of the Ottoman authorities and his at-
Schliemann’s archaeological work was surrounded by contro- detailed sketches, many of them of unappealing pottery items SCHLIEMANN’S EXPERIMENTAL tempts to buy the site from the local owners had not escaped
versy from the start. One of his sharpest critics in the initial or of small objects like spindle whorls. His books on Troy pro- EXCAVATIONS AND OTTOMAN REACTIONS the minister’s attention. Safvet Pasha makes clear in the let-
years was the amateur archaeologist Ernst Bötticher, who insist- vide a good overview of the material culture. And modern ar- Schliemann’s enthusiasm to start excavations on the hill of ter that he has instructed the governor of the Dardanelles to
ed that Schliemann’s finds at Hisarlik could not possibly have chaeologists could take Schliemann as an example with regard Hisarlık was born during his first visit to the Troad in 1868, in -
anything to do with ancient Troy. There are still many, includ- to the speed and comprehensiveness with which he published. which he conducted experimental excavations and met Frank
ing scholars like Frank Kolb, who openly doubt that the site of Heinrich Schliemann was clearly a controversial man. He Calvert (1828-1908), who believed that Hisarlık was the site of
ancient Troy is at Hisarlik. The background to this discussion is was by no means always honest. From his initial campaigns in Troy. After this meeting, Schliemann asked Calvert, as an in-
of course the question whether archaeology is in any sense able 1870 on he smuggled finds out of the country, and there are de- fluential inhabitant of the Dardanelles, to arrange a permit for Mehmed Emin Âli Pasha was one of the most prominent
to reveal ancient myths. monstrable errors in his publications, diaries and letters. At the him to excavate at Hisarlık. However, Calvert’s attempts were reforming politicians of the late Ottoman Empire. Apart from
Less theoretical is the issue of who really discovered Troy. Al- same time his energy and decisiveness changed the archaeology not successful. From 9to 19April 1870, Schliemann actually being a politician, he was also a linguist and scientist of
note. He represented the Ottoman sultan at the Conference
though Schliemann acknowledged that he was spurred on by of the Greek world for good. Schliemann has himself become conducted excavations on the north-western corner of the hill
of Paris in 1856 that brought the Crimean War to an end.
Frank Calvert’s idea that Troy must have lain at Hisarlik, he part of the Trojan myth. without a formal permit and without approval from the two
unambiguously put himself forward as the finder. More signifi- Turkish owners.
cantly, he openly obstructed Calvert in his attempts to do his In his aim to control the site, Schliemann asked Calvert, in
own research. Nevertheless, it is absolutely clear that the idea several letters, to buy the land from the Turkish owners for him the arbitrary way he had proceeded and having acted without
came from Calvert. At the same time, it was Schliemann’s capi- as soon and as cheaply as possible. However, the two owners authorization. As a result of this, he was obliged to tender his
tal and energy that were needed to substantiate the idea and to refused to sell the field at any price. Schliemann was not able regrets to the Minister of Public Instruction, Safvet Paşa, on 31
make the discovery known to the world in spectacular fashion. to continue his excavations. In fact, his unauthorized excava- August 1870. Nevertheless, there was little chance of obtaining
Controversy surrounds Priam’s Treasure, which was, accord- tions caused irritation on the Ottoman side. He was faced a permit to excavate since the government was opposed to it.
ing to Schliemann, excavated by himself and Sophia while with formidable obstacles. Besides, Schliemann had boasted of As a matter of fact, the Ottoman Turks themselves were also

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TROY CITY, HOMER AND TURKEY SCHLIEMANN AND THE REDISCOVERY OF TROY

and literature, and a vast appreciation of Graeco-Roman ar- permit that allowed him to realize his dream of uncovering
SCHLIEMANN’S tefacts. As a result of these developments, the emerging new Homeric Troy. According to the Imperial decree of 29 June 1871,
EXCAVATION PERMIT institutions during the Tanzimat, such as ministries of trade Schliemann’s excavations were at his own expense, including
and commerce, health, education and public works, also in- the costs of an Ottoman overseer. Furthermore, the decree re-
cluded a museum. Although Hagia Irene, a former Eastern quired an equitable division of the discovered antiquities, half
Orthodox church located in the outer courtyard of Topkapı for the Imperial Museum and the other half for Schliemann.
Palace in Istanbul, had served as a depot for the sultan’s collec- Actually, this was until the enactment of the Ottoman Anti-
tion of military equipment and as a place where valuables were quities Law in 1874 and 1884, common practice when granting
kept since 1723, the formal collection of antique objects began foreigners permission to excavate. Finally, the Imperial decree
approximately in 1846. This collection was initially entitled The included the requirements concerning the preservation and
Depository of Antiquities, but in 1869 the name was changed public display of the city walls, mentioned above.
to the Imperial Museum (Müze-i Hümayun). Having arrived at the Dardanelles on 27 September and de-
Together with this transformation, efforts to collect antiqui- spite his permit, Schliemann yet again encountered difficul-
ties increased and formal acquisition of ancient works of arts ties caused by Ottoman officials. This time the local governor,
intensified. In 1869 and 1870, Safvet Paşa, the Minister of Pub- Ahmed Paşa, refused permission to dig, as according to him the
lic Instruction and a prominent representative of the Tanzimat, official permit did not indicate the excavation area accurate-
instructed governors of different provinces, to collect antiqui- ly enough. The governor required more detailed instructions
ties and to transfer these to the museum in Istanbul. The lat- from the Grand Vizier. Once again owing to diplomatic sup-
ter decree in particular received acclaim: the Imperial collec- port and the change of ministry, Schliemann finally began his
Letter from Grand Vizier Mehmed Emin Âli Pasha to the tion increased with artefacts sent by the governors of several first season of excavations on the 11 October 1871. The campaign
palace secretary of Sultan Abdülaziz (1830-1876) about provinces, such as Salonica, Crete and Aydın. The Ottoman continued until 24 November 1871. The second full season ran
newspaper Terakki covered these shipments, which indicates a from 1 April to 14 August 1872 and his final season covered the
- public interest in the formal efforts to collect antiquities. Report dated 29 March 1874 from the Education Ministry to period between 2 February and 14 June 1873. It is quite clear
cance of the quest for Troy. He sees major advantages for Heinrich Schliemann’s experimental excavations at Hisarlık the Sublime Porte (the administration of the Ottoman Empire) that Schliemann smuggled the majority of the artefacts that he
science and for the understanding of human development on the investigation into the illegal export by Schliemann of
in the excavations and possible discovery of the city walls
took place in this climate, in which the appreciation of clas- found between 1871 and 1873 out of the Empire, since the pho-
gold artefacts from Troy. This investigation was conducted
and artefacts. He subsequently lays down conditions for sical heritage by the Muslim cultural elite of the 19th century at the behest of the Education Ministry and focused on the
tographs taken of the antiquities between the seasons of 1872
- Ottoman Empire had already become apparent. As we have modus operandi of Schliemann who is reported to have and 1873 show he had a rich Trojan collection in Athens during
retary through royal decree (text below left on the photo- seen, Schliemann’s efforts to buy the field at Hisarlık were ‘stolen the antiquities’. The investigation’s outcome had this period. Smuggling out Priam’s Treasure, however – a large
graph). The conditions stipulated that Schliemann had to not successful. His requests to obtain immediate permission negative consequences for several Ottoman bureaucrats, cache of gold and copper bowls and vessels, spectacular jewel-
to conduct excavations at Hisarlık were not productive either. who were accused of negligence and lack of interest. lery and other valuables – was the apex.
Ottoman supervisor. The decree also laid down equal All the more interesting is the fact that during this period, in
division of the antiquities discovered between the Imperial
which Schliemann was trying to obtain an official permit, the OTTOMANS CLAIMING TROJAN ARTEFACTS
Museum and Schliemann. This was the normal course
taken whenever foreigners received permission to exca- Ottoman government acquired the land from the two Turkish Schliemann owned the field at Hisarlık. And yet, Schliemann, The publication of Schliemann’s report on the discovery of
vate up until the Ottoman Antiquities Act took effect in owners on behalf of the Imperial Museum. The government in a letter to Calvert, expresses his frustration at the fact that Priam’s Treasure in the Augsburger Allgemeine Zeitung on
1874 and 1884. In conclusion the decree also promulgat- realized the transaction to ensure that the Imperial Museum Safvet Paşa mentioned to the American ambassador Wayne 5 August 1873, received acclaim all over the world and im-
ed conditions regarding the conservation of the city walls would be a beneficiary of the excavations at Hisarlık. Schlie- MacVeagh that ‘he could not let’ Schliemann ‘have the land’. pressed scholars as well as the general public. On the Ottoman
and opening them to the public. mann was enraged at the Ottoman transaction. Schliemann’s At any rate, it is obvious that the Ottoman government had side, however, it created a feeling of loss. The government held
letter to Calvert on 12 March 1871 is illustrative at this point: not disregarded the test excavations at Hisarlık. In fact, the an internal inquiry into the smuggling of the Treasure, ques-
‘…but the field must be my property and as long as this is not incorporation of the land demonstrates a great interest in the tioning the method of the ‘robbery’, in particular ‘by whom,
the case I will never think of commencing the excavations, for if search for Troy. In the same correspondence the Grand Vizier from which quay, with whose vessel, how often and on which
I dig on Government ground I would be exposed to everlasting calls Troy ‘the eminent city of Troy from ancient times’ and date’. The keeper of the archives of the province of the Dar-
collecting ancient works of art for their recently established vexations and trouble…’. emphasizes that the discovery of objects during the excava- danelles was recognized for his ‘excellent’ services on behalf of
Imperial Museum in the capital. The Ottoman official correspondence concerning Schlie- tions would improve knowledge. Furthermore, in the case of the investigation into the ‘robbery of the antiquities’. The out-
Indeed, by the time Schliemann conducted his test excava- mann’s request for permission to excavate at Hisarlık is also the discovery of the city walls, both Safvet Paşa and Mehmed come of the investigation had negative consequences for several
tions at Hisarlık in 1870, Ottoman interest in antiquities was clear on this point. In his letter to the Grand Vizier, Mehmed Emin Âli Paşa insist that their preservation as a whole and their Ottoman administrators, who were accused of negligence and a
already increasing and official archaeology notably expanding. Emin Âli Paşa, on 20 June 1871, Safvet Paşa states that prelimi- public display are of utmost significance. careless attitude towards the illegal handing over.
In the 19th century, due to the reformations of the Tanzimat nary research uncovered Schliemann’s attempts to buy the land The Ottoman government clearly had no intention of throw-
(1839-1876), known as the ‘Ottoman Enlightenment’, a new at Hisarlık. In consequence, the governor of the Dardanelles SCHLIEMANN’S LEGAL EXCAVATIONS ing in the towel. The Ottomans claimed their share of Priam’s
intellectual group had been established, consisting mainly of was instructed to buy the field for the Imperial Museum. The Thanks to the mediation of John P. Brown, diplomatic agent Treasure and took legal steps to acquire it. The correspondence
bureaucrats, with a significant interest in European culture Ottoman government did not appreciate the possibility that of the United States in Istanbul, Schliemann received the of the Ministry of Public Instruction addressed to the Bab-ı

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TROY CITY, HOMER AND TURKEY SCHLIEMANN AND THE REDISCOVERY OF TROY

instructed to be watchful regarding possible secret or public would receive a permit to recommence excavations at Hisarlık
excavations at Hisarlık. after his illegal deeds and the following clash with the Ottoman
The remaining Trojan artefacts were added to the collection government seemed to be very small. Nevertheless, he achieved
of the Imperial Museum by an order of the Ministry of Public his goal with diplomatic pressure on the Ottoman government,
Instruction in 1874. Moreover, this directive also demonstrates and in 1876 received a permit to resume excavations for a period
that there were plans for continuing excavations at Hisarlık, of two years.
albeit on behalf of the Imperial Museum. The same order is The permission was granted, indeed, although in fits and
even more explicit concerning the Ottoman attitude towards starts. The Ottomans turned out to be extremely uncooperative
Schliemann. It is clear that Schliemann was no longer wanted, this time. In fact, because of the opposition of the authorities
since the Council of the Ministry of Public Instruction had the venture was foredoomed to failure: the permit was inoper-
decided that ‘from now on there is no need and no possibility able. For all that he tried, Schliemann did not succeed in exca-
for Schliemann to do excavations and research’. He was ‘only vating at Troy. In fact, he had to wait until 1878. In that year he
allowed to obtain pictures of future findings at the Imperial received a permit for two years and was at last able to carry out
Museum’. his much-desired excavations at Hisarlık.
However, Ottoman excavations at the Troad did not take It is obvious that the loss of Trojan artefacts increased
place. Being faced with a major financial collapse, an anti- Ottoman appreciation of Troy. Indeed, a number of Ottoman
Ottoman revolt in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro and sources regarding the excavations at Troy between 1870-1875
Ali, the Ottoman Sublime Porte, clearly highlights the key mo- Serbia in 1875 and the following Bulgarian April uprising of show a significant Ottoman interest and involvement. The
tives of the lawsuit. Since Schliemann was not willing to hand 1876, it is hardly surprising that excavating for Troy was not Ottoman Turks were obviously much more interested in the
over the Ottoman share of the artefacts in Athens and the ob- the main concern of the Ottoman authorities. Schliemann, on classical heritage than the historiography of archaeology has
jects were put up for sale, the director of the Imperial Museum Letter from the Education Ministry to the Sublime Porte of the other hand, was determined to resume the excavations in previously acknowledged.
had to be sent to Athens to initiate legal action. In fact, the 9 June 1874, about the items that Schliemann had illegally the Troad. All things considered, the chances that Schliemann
Ottomans were correct in their perception of Schliemann’s in- taken to Athens. After the Athens court had declared that it
was not competent in the case, and the Ottomans had
tentions to sell his Trojan artefacts. Schliemann did try to sell
the complete Trojan collection, including Priam’s Treasure, to Trojan artefacts. However, the collection could not be found,
both the British Museum and the Louvre in September and as Schliemann had transferred the items to a secret location.
October 1873 respectively.
The legal conflict between the Ottoman Empire and Schlie-
The letter reveals that the Ottoman authorities were con-
cerned about ‘the possible sale by Schliemann of the collec-
THE DISCOVERY AND SMUGGLING
mann in the courts of Athens started in April 1874 and ended tion in its entirety or in part’. A decision was taken to publish
a letter of protest in order to avoid this.
OF PRIAM’S TREASURE
in an agreement in April 1875. In response to the incompetence
of the Greek court and the subsequent Ottoman appeal, the Draft of the letter of protest of 6 June 1874 that was
appeal court ordered the confiscation of the Trojan collection. published in prominent newspapers and magazines in the RÜSTEM ASLAN – ALI SÖNMEZ
However, since Schliemann had transferred the objects to a se- Ottoman Empire and in Vienna, Berlin, Paris and London.
cret location, it was untraceable. The Ottoman government, This public protest – in French – against the donation or sale
furious about this development and concerned about ‘a pos- of the treasures reveals how determined the Ottoman authori- Heinrich Schliemann’s excavations at Hisarlık can arguably of Schliemann’s record on the Treasure have, over the years,
ties were in their claim to the items that Schliemann had
sible sale of the entire collection or in parts, by Schliemann’, be seen as a landmark in Anatolian and Homeric archaeology. increased. Various studies, carried out especially after 1930s,
taken from Troy.
decided to publish a protest letter in prominent newspapers The excavations shaped the future of archaeological research proved that Schliemann had substantially manipulated his dia-
and periodicals within the Empire, as well as in Vienna, Ber- at Hisarlık and Schliemann’s status in the academic world. ries and reports. In view of the doubts regarding the credibility
lin, Paris and London. This course of action in the form of a “Priam’s Treasure” in particular, has been the subject of debate of Schliemann’s records, the value and credibility of Ottoman
published protest, in French, against a donation or sale of the TROY: PROTECTED AREA ever since its discovery on the 31 May, 1873. In view of the nu- sources have become more important.
Trojan treasuries, demonstrates a determined Ottoman claim After Schliemann’s illegal transportation of the Treasure, the merous discussions in both academic and more popular media, While it is clear that Schliemann frequently presented ‘his
on Trojan artefacts. Ottoman government declared the site of Troy a protected it hardly seems necessary to dedicate yet another paper to this own truth’ about certain situations and events (possibly be-
The Empire finally gave up its Trojan claims and settled for area, in which excavations were no longer permitted. When the spectacular hoard. cause of personal ambitions and to improve his reputation as an
an agreement that included financial compensation of 50,000 Ottoman army started to construct military buildings at the Yet, there are two reasons to do so nonetheless. Firstly, all academic) this is not the case with numerous Ottoman records.
francs, which was used to fund the construction of the new hill of Dardanos in 1875, they had received a note from the studies that have dealt with Schliemann and Priam’s Treasure Indeed, these – often rather dry and bureaucratic – accounts
building for the Archaeological Museum in Istanbul. Since the Ministry of Public Instruction to stay away from Troy. Fur- have, so far, taken Schliemann’s own records – his diary and are of great help in reconstructing certain important events and
Ottoman government had to deal with a financial collapse in thermore, if any antique objects were found during the con- publications- as the starting point of the discussion; other in correcting some of Schliemann’s assertions. The discovery of
1875, the motive for giving up the legal struggle was, in fact, the struction at Dardanos, notification to the Ministry would be sources have been largely ignored. One of the aims of this ar- Priam’s Treasure is an important case where Ottoman sources
considerable expense involved. required, upon which the Ministry would send an official to ticle is to rectify this omission. The second reason to write yet correct the picture presented by Schliemann.
investigate. In addition, the governor of the Dardanelles was again about Priam’s Treasure is that doubts about the veracity

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TROY CITY, HOMER AND TURKEY SCHLIEMANN AND THE REDISCOVERY OF TROY

Cartoon published by Hayâl, an Ottoman satirical magazine (Hayal, 9th of September 1874) published in Istanbul. Legal arrest Kostandi and Alexander from the Kalkanlı village
(12 September 1874): procedures lasted a long time but the issue was finally amicably and the jeweller Yanniki from Erenköy concerning an issue
Mrs Schliemann: ‘You have promised these to the Ottomans, settled. In view of the swift reaction of the Ottoman authorities regarding four kilograms of gold[….]. The relics that fell
and these to the Greeks. And now you say you have promised
these to the American ambassador. What’s left for us?’
after the discovery of Priam’s Treasure became known, includ- into the workers’ hands during excavations but were seized
Schliemann: ‘Everything!!!’ ing two official enquiries, it is clear that the Ottoman govern- afterwards have been sent to the Imperial Museum in a
ment was acutely aware of Troy and the value of its treasures. box. It is decreed to refer the case to Court of Appeals if the
However, the serious political and economic crisis with which matters described above are deemed appropriate.
the Ottoman State was grappling forced the authorities to
sions had already arisen, and makes the whole affair even more focus mainly on a financial settlement – resulting in a (from Let us try to sum up the situation and comment upon it:
interesting. Schliemann writes as follows: a cultural perspective) rather unsatisfying settlement with Schliemann smuggled the treasure finds on two occasions; once
Schliemann. in the middle of April and once at the end of May. In addition
“Dear Director, Regardless of the outcome of the juridical procedure, the to this, while he was leaving Troy, Schliemann himself and his
I am honoured to inform you that I discovered the Great report of İzzeddin Efendi (dated July 24, 1874) offers various companions hid various antique objects in their clothing, thus
Tower of Ilion, the double door of Skaia, the altar of Ilion interesting details: smuggling parts of the Treasure for a third time. The first and
Minerva, Priam’s palace and treasure, the grand bound- the second smuggling incidents were carried out from Karanlık
ary wall of Neptune and Apollo, and a large number of “From the Ministry of Education to the Prime Ministry Port by a Greek ship. At the third occasion, finds were taken to
Trojan houses. I believe that my mission here is over and Çanakkale from Kumkale Port by Schliemann and then smug-
Schliemann’s article “Priam’s Treasure” which was published leave the region forever... I have excavated more than two The artefacts dug out during the charge of Emin Efendi
in the Augsburger Allgemeine Zeitung on 5 August 1873, initiated thirds of the hill after three years of hard work. I wrote a have been smuggled by Schliemann twice in the same year:
a number of legal and archaeological discussions, of which the long article on this subject for the Augsburger Allgemeine once at the beginning of April, 1289 (1873) and once at
following questions appear to be the most relevant: Zeitung that I want to bring to your attention. I intend the end of May, by placing the artefacts into a ship which smuggled from Troy. He describes in detail Schliemann’s
1) The date of the discovery: when exactly was Priam’s Treasure to write another article about the small treasure I have belongs to a Greek shipper called Andrea, who came to methods and stratagems. According to the report
Schliemann put ‘the gold jewellery in a box and the smaller
found? discovered lately. I had to put Priam’s Treasure out of sight Karanlık Port located in Kumkale to load timber. Schlie- items into his own and his family’s pockets’ and ‘smuggled’
2) The context of the finds: where was the Treasure found, and hastily to protect it from greedy workers; therefore I even mann put the gold jewellery in a box, and small part in the artefacts to Athens on the boat of his collaborator
at what ‘depth’ (which stratigraphic layer) was it found? do not know what it comprises, but I am sure of the fol- his and his family’s pockets, and brought it from Kumkale ‘Abdullah Reis’.
3) Who assisted Schliemann during his discovery of Priam’s lowing: bowls among others, a big depas amphikypellon Port to the customs office in Kale-i Sultaniye on the boat of
Treasure and how was it subsequently smuggled from (cup used to drink wine) made of pure gold, four or six Abdullah Reis, and later smuggled the jewellery to Athens.
Ottoman lands? silver hatchet-like objects which – I suppose – are the “tal- For that reason, a criminal process was initiated against
4) Why does Schliemann’s description of the archaeological ents” mentioned by Homer (metals used instead of money the director of Kumkale, Rüstem Ağa, customs officer Em-
artefacts in his diaries differ from his reports? in the Iliad), furthermore a raft of pots and pans, a few rullah Efendi and the other customs officers in Çanakkale
5) Is Priam’s Treasure complete set of a great treasure, or a group dozens of spearheads etc. In my opinion, it is impossible to that had heard of the case; but no legal action was taken
of finds thrown together later? share the treasure with the Ottoman State since I found it on Halil Efendi, the customs manager of Çanakkale and
Most likely it will be impossible to answer any of these ques- by working for three years with 150 labourers and spending his subordinate officers. In fact, it is understood that they
tions with absolute certainty, and most of the observations 200.000 francs.” were interrogated not properly but superficially. There-
and conclusions that are presented here are should be consid- upon the case was assigned to the Assembly of Education
ered as preliminary results. Noting these caveats, we will now This letter (remarkably offensive from an Ottoman point of in order to be investigated again and Emrullah Efendi,
try to analyse Ottoman sources. This article is organized in a view) reveals Schliemann’s point of view about the issue clearly. Abdullah Reis and İsmail (a member of the crew) insisted
roughly chronological order, starting with documents dating While it is not clear when, exactly, the Ottoman State initiated that the aforementioned box and the objects were taken
to the time of the Treasure’s discovery. The debate surrounding an investigation in the wake of the letter, the available data sug- to the Çanakkale customs office across the bazaar around
Priam’s Treasure started with Schliemann’s article Priam’s Treas- gests that the state reacted rather swiftly, at least immediately 14-15 pm by the Schliemann family; they were kept in the
ure, which was published on 5 August 1873 in the Augsburger after the official publication of the news. Because the first of- port for nearly half an hour and allowed to pass without a
Allgemeine Zeitung (though the article was dated 17 July). By ficial enquiry (which, according to a later document, was initi- search or any inspection. Whilst there is no doubt that the
making his discoveries at Troy known to the public, Schlie- ated as early as 20 September 1873) into the matter did not sat- director of Çanakkale customs office and the officers should
mann immediately became world-renowned. However, his isfy the Ottoman officials, a second enquiry, under de direction have known about the transfer, it is unacceptable for
successes at Troy also aroused the interest of Ottoman officials of İzzeddin Efendi, was launched in order to establish what them to say the exact opposite in the inquiry. That’s why
and around the time of the publication in the Augsburger Allge- had been found, and how and by whom these objects had been it would be appropriate to interrogate the director and
meine Zeitung, the Ottoman State launched an investigation smuggled out of the country. Meanwhile, the case was brought the officers objectively and act upon the result; likewise to
into the matter and took the first legal steps. Schliemann’s letter to court in April 1874 in Athens. Schliemann, understanding penalize Emrullah Efendi and Rüstem Ağa, who neglected
dated 19 June, 1873 to Anton Dethier, the director of the Istan- the seriousness of the situation, tried to sell the findings to dif- their duty during the transfer of the relics, in accordance
bul Archaeological Museum, seems to indicate that some ten- ferent museums. The incident is even caricatured in a magazine with criminal code. In the meanwhile, it is decreed to

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TROY CITY, HOMER AND TURKEY SCHLIEMANN AND THE REDISCOVERY OF TROY

gled to Athens. We understand from the records that the offic- DISCOVERING THE TREASURE organized the smuggling of Helios Metopes in 1872. Yet he may
ers in Çanakkale customs either took bribes or neglected their We enumerated the problems relating to Priam’s Treasure at the have done more for Schliemann than just that, for even af-
duties. The officers listed in İzzeddin Efendi’s letter were pun- beginning of this article. One of these problems was the day of ter Yannikis’ death in 1883 (he drowned in the Karamenderes
ished as a result of these transgressions, while various objects its discovery. Various dates between 27 May and 17 June have River), Schliemann regularly sent money to his family.
were recovered from Schliemann’s workers. (Those objects, now been put forward so far. In İzzeddin Efendi’s report, the end It remains unclear what the conflict of Yannikis with two
known as the “Worker’s Treasure”, are now exhibited in the of May is mentioned as the period during which the Treasure Rums (the local, Greek speaking population) concerning four
Archaeological Museum at Istanbul). Towards the end of the was discovered, yet no specific date is stated. This information kilograms of gold was about. Perhaps these two were workmen
report, İzzeddin Efendi indicates that the litigation concerning does, however, not contradict the date which is now by many in Troy. Had Yannikis been buying the gold which they found
four kilograms of gold between Kostandi and Alexander from specialists considered to be the most probable candidate: 31 in Troy or somewhere else, on behalf of Schliemann? Why did
the Kalkanlı village and the jeweller Yanniki from Erenköy, May of 1873. they fail to agree? Why did Schliemann stay in Troy for ten
ought to be resolved. Moreover, İzzeddin Efendi notes that all days after smuggling the Treasure to Athens on 6 June 1873?
the excavations in the area were the Treasure was supposedly Many questions remain unanswered. From Schliemann’s letter
found had now completely ceased. DATING ‘PRIAM'S TREASURE’ to Anton Dethier, we learn that he had to stay in Troy to finish
Another problem concerns the chronology: to which period of some small jobs; but we do not know what this entailed. We do
Troy does the Treasure belong? Calvert and Dörpfeld had al- know that workers in Troy stole finds during the excavations, as
Schliemann touched upon this in his diaries many times. The
least 1,000 years older than he had supposed, and hence that finds comprising the “Workers’ Treasure” in the Archaeological
Museum in Istanbul are an example of this practice. Interest-
Heinrich Schliemann in 1874. Shown among other items Troy’s legendary King Priam. It is still being discussed whether ingly, these finds were seized by the authorities in Yenişehir, a
are the ‘Jewels of Helen’ along with gold and silver eating
true or not. The latest archaeological analysis on the matter
Rum village. There are tantalizing clues about what might have
utensils. The treasure was surrounded by controversy from
the start, because of inaccuracies in Schliemann’s report was performed by Manfred Korfmann. Korfmann asserted happened, but in the end we simply do not know anything for
on their discovery. sure. We also do not know whether the four kilograms of gold
listed in İzzeddin Efendi’s report represented treasure that had
Priam’s Treasure dates to ca. 2500 bc. not been mentioned in Schliemann’s first report, or whether
Schliemann included a number of additional finds in the report
after buying these objects through Yannikis. When we analyse
While it can thus be reasonably argued that the Treasure most all the available evidence, including the important report of
likely belongs to Troy II, much remains unclear about the way İzzeddin Efendi, however, we may reconstruct the events that
in which the Treasure was found, and by whom it was found. In occurred in 1873, as follows:
contrast to what is written in Schliemann’s excavation report, From 1872 onwards, small items had been discovered in layers
we know from previous studies of Schliemann’s documents that of the Troy II excavations by Schliemann. At this time, Schlie-
his wife Sophia was not in Troy when the Treasure was found. mann, in his desire to show the world that Hisarlık was the site
This is also evident from the writings of William Copeland of Homeric Troy, was digging on a massive scale; employing
Borlase (1848-1899), an English Antiquarian and Liberal politi- some 120 workers whom he could not possibly control. As a re-
cian who visited Troy and published his impressions in Frasers sult, workers were hiding finds from him. Schliemann himself Schliemann’s wife Sophia draped in the golden jewellery from
Magazine in January 1878. Borlase talked with Yannikis from smuggled plenty of valuable objects, which he discovered until Priam’s Treasure. At the end of the Second World War the
treasure was shipped by the Soviets from Berlin to Moscow,
Erenköy, who had been Schliemann’s most trusted employee, April 1873, via Karanlık Port. At this time Yannikis was making
where it was kept in secret for decades.
on how the Treasure was found. Yannikis stated that he was an effort to buy some items found by workers, most likely on
the only one with Schliemann when the Treasure was found. behalf of Schliemann. Schliemann himself, with the help of
(According to Yannikis it included copper and some golden ob- Yannikis, found more valuable objects on 31 May 1873. As he
jects.) Although some academics still argue for the presence of a was anxious about Amin Efendi’s inspection, he sent these ob- Augsburger Allgemeine Zeitung as a single coherent set of finds;
third person when the Treasure was found, this seems unlikely jects, stacked in six baskets, to Frank Calvert’s farm near Troy. as a great treasure – as Priam’s Treasure. Soon after, the “Treas-
on the basis of Borlase’s account. From there, they were smuggled to Greece via Karanlık Port, ury Case” commenced in the Athens court, the first of a long
We know that Yannikis from Erenköy was important to again under the supervision of Yannikis and Spiridon Deme- series of conflicts over the ownership of Priam’s Treasure.
Schliemann, which adds to the credentials of Borlase’s account. trios. At that point, Yannikis probably bought back some gold
The name Yannikis frequently occurs in Schliemann’s diaries. from the workers for Schliemann. After a payment problem oc-
He made payments, scheduled and settled financial affairs on curred, the incident was submitted to court. Schliemann then
Schliemann’s behalf and seems to have been a trusted lieuten- smuggled the last of the Treasure past the Çanakkale customs
ant, who was on occasion sent to the Ottoman authorities to office to Athens by hiding the objects in his (and his com-
arrange the allocation of Trojan finds. It was Yannikis who panions’) clothes. On 5 August, he presented his finds in the

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8 HOMER AND HOMER AND TROY IN 19TH CENTURY
OTTOMAN TURKISH LITERATURE
TROY IN MODERN GÜNAY USLU

TURKEY Although repeatedly translated into European languages,

the fact that these two famous, valuable and old works
For all the interest and enthusiasm, however – even in the
new literary era – translations of the epics into Ottoman Turk-
[the Iliad and the Odyssey] have still not been translated ish were not numerous. In fact, not one complete Turkish ver-
into the Ottoman language is a reason for grief. Therefore, sion of Homeric literature had been produced in the Ottoman
I started at once to translate, print and publish, step by Empire. Obviously, the translators pioneered and undoubt-
step, the aforementioned work from its original language. edly experienced the complexities involved. To get a better un-
(Na’im Fraşeri, Istanbul 1885/86 (1303)) derstanding of the role of Homer in Ottoman literature and
to position the rising interest of the Ottoman intellectual in
As far as we know, there is no Ottoman-Turkish version of the Homeric epics in the 19thcentury, it might be useful to take
poems of Homer until 1885. Na’im Fraşeri’s abovementioned a quick look at the early Ottoman interest in Homer and the
words in his preface to his translation of the first song of the literary developments within the late Ottoman Empire.
Iliad (Ilyada. Eser-i Homer) confirm this view. Although Otto-
man Turks knew Troy and Homer long before, they obviously HOMER IN EARLY OTTOMAN LITERATURE
did not feel an urgent need to translate Homeric poems into Ottoman Turks were no strangers to Troy, Homer and Homeric
Ottoman Turkish until the 19th century. In fact, literary atten- subjects and figures. In fact, as has already been mentioned in
tion given to Homeric epics, such as translation attempts of the the special issue dealing with Sultan Mehmed II, the conqueror
Iliad into Ottoman Turkish, biographical notes on the poet, of Constantinople (1432-1481) was highly interested in Homer
informative articles on Homeric literature and the topographi- and Troy. It might be illuminating to mention that the epic
cal characteristics of Homeric locations, occurred in an era stories of the heroic age of the Turkish tribe of the Oğuz, that
that was characterized by an increasing penetration of Western make up the Book of Dede Korkut, include narratives which are
works and ancient Greek and Roman authors into Ottoman analogous to the Homeric poems. These mythic narratives of
literature. the Turkic people had been orally transmitted for centuries
Heinrich Schliemann’s archaeological activities in Troy from before they were recorded, probably in the 15th century. The
the 1870s onwards, obviously stimulated Ottoman interest in episode in which the Oğuz hero Basat kills the Cyclops-like
Homeric literature. Yet, also the 19thcentury intellectual mod- figure Tepegöz shows a strong similarity to Odysseus’ struggle
ernizations, the progress in public education, the rise of print- with Polyphemus. Also the epic Alpamysh (Alpamış), which
ing and publishing, and the innovations within the Ottoman most probably existed during the period of the Turkic Kaghan-
literature created suitable conditions and the appropriate at- ate as early as the 6th to 8th century in Central Asia, includes
mosphere in which Homer and mythology could enter Otto- Homeric aspects.
man art, culture and literature. Early Ottoman works, such as the comprehensive 17thcen-
tury history Camiu’d – düvel (The Compendium of Nations) in
Arabic and its Ottoman-Turkish version Sahaif-ül Ahbar (The
pages of the Chronicle), by the Ottoman astronomer, astrolo-
ger and historian Ahmed Dede Müneccimbasi (1631-1702), as
well as the 18thcentury publication of Cihannüma by Mustafa
ibn Abdullah, better known as the prominent Ottoman scholar
Ilyada. Eser-i Homer, Istanbul Katib Çelebi (1609-1657), dealt with Troy and Homer as well.
Iliad Moreover, in Tarih-i Iskender bin Filipos (History of Alexan-
modern Albania, was a civil servant with the Ottoman Ministry
der the son of Philip), published in 1838, which is an Otto-
of Education. His prose translation of the First Book of the Ili- man Turkish translation of Flavius Arrianus’ Anabasis Alexan-
ad – in all a booklet of 43 pages – has a 15-page foreword in drou, Troy and Homeric characters were again included in the
which he introduces the Iliad, Homer and Troy in some detail. subject matter.

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TROY CITY, HOMER AND TURKEY HOMER AND TROY IN MODERN TURKEY

The Ottoman Turks knew the ancient Greek and Roman production from the 1850s onwards is called above all the New was reprinted more than once. Yet, it was Yusuf Kamil Paşa’s
world also through the medieval Arabic studies of ancient Turkish Literature. Inflamed and nourished by the Tanzimat Terceme-i Telemak that stirred up a lively interest for ancient
Greek literature. Ancient philosophy was a major part of the reforms and the process of Westernization, the Ottoman litera- Greek history and mythology and triggered translations of
Ottoman political and cultural world. Classical figures such as ture of the period became interwoven with Western literature. works on ancient history into Ottoman Turkish. Actually, Ter-
Plato, Aristotle, Hippocrates and Galen happened to be the The translation activities were at the basis of the new literary ceme-i Telemak was an introduction to classical mythology and
basic classics of the Islamic and Ottoman culture. Within this movement. The growing reception of European culture into to Homer in Ottoman-Turkish. Ottoman readers considered
context, classical figures, such as Alexander the Great, Plato, Ottoman literature was strongly related to the establishment the work as the continuation of Homer’s Odyssey.
Aristotle and Socrates were considered to be important reli- of various translation institutions such as the Terüme Odası We may say that the penetration of Homeric poems into the
gious characters within Islam. Their historical position was (Translation Chamber) (1832), the Encümen-i Daniş (1851) and Ottoman literature was closely connected with translations of
disregarded and they were seen as legendary characters of an the Cemiyet-i İlmiye-i Osmaniye (1860). On the other hand, in- European literature that was highly inspired by the art and cul-
Islamic era. From this point of view, Plato, for instance, was tellectuals – whether connected to these institutions or not – ture of ancient Rome and Greek. By the 1880s Ottoman inter-
considered to be a prophet by several Islamic scholars and some also translated Western works on their own initiative. In fact, est in Homer, the Iliad and the Odyssey increased and Homer
scholars were even accused of preferring Aristotle to the Koran translating was a way to learn a foreign language or to practise became more and more a point of reference for Ottoman intel-
in the 9th century. that particular language. In their selections, Ottoman intellec- lectuals.
Homer was known as the ‘wandering poet’ in the Muslim tuals primarily preferred the important literary figures of the
world. Although Greek poetry was not the main focus of the French neoclassical period, like the dramatists and tragedians HOMER AND TROY IN NEW OTTOMAN
Arabic studies, Arabic translations of ancient works included Racine, Molière, Corneille and the fabulist La Fontaine. A dis- TURKISH LITERATURE
fragments and quotes of Homer. His biographies, moreover, tinct preference for philosophical works was also noticeable. As noted above, the first Ottoman Turkish attempt to trans-
were incorporated in dictionaries and encyclopaedias. Still, Given the dominant position of the culture of Ancient late the Iliad into Ottoman Turkish is the translation of Na’im
Ottoman intellectuals were circumspect about Homer’s pagan Greece and Rome within neoclassical works, Ottoman pref- Fraşeri (1846-1900) in 1885 or 1886 (1303). Fraşeri served as a
gods. Reservations towards mythology were closely connected erence for these works resulted in increasing influence of the member and chairman of the Committee of Inspection and Ex-
to religion. Therefore, the long-term absence of particular at- ancients and mythology in the Ottoman literature and arts. amination (Encümeni Teftiş ve Muayene) affiliated to the Min-
tention to Greek literature – contrary to antique philosophy Correspondingly, intellectuals at the basis of the new literary istry of Public Instruction and responsible for checking and
– was essentially a result of the incongruity of mythology with movement frequently referred to Greek antiquity in their essays censoring books and magazines before printing.
Islam. In this context, Na’im Fraşeri emphasizes that Muslims and prefaces to their publications. The incorporation of signifi- In the 15 -page preface to his prose translation, altogether a
had their own Homer and Virgil, namely Firdevsi and Nizami cant neoclassical Western works in their literature, moreover, booklet of 43 pages, Na’im Fraşeri emphasizes his pioneering
from Iran: ‘During the civilization of the Arabs, the Islamic gave Ottoman Turks the opportunity to enrich their hitherto position (see his quote above). However, the former Minister
community adopted some scientific writings from the Greeks, dominant Islamic view on classical authors. In fact it inspired of Education and leading figure of the humanist politics of the
yet they did not favour Greek literature. This is why Islamic them to compare their existing Islamic view with the newly 1930s and 1940s in Turkey, Hasan Ali Yücel (1897-1961), main-
poets formed a separate caravan, in which the poets of Iran acquired Western perception. By doing so, Ottomans were able tains that it is the Ottoman diplomat Sadullah Paşa (1839-1890)
obtained a superior position’. to see ancient works in a different light and revaluate the an- who actually deserves to be called the first translator of the Iliad
cients from their recently acquired Western point of view. into Turkish. Sadullah Paşa’s translation contained 10 couplets
NEW OTTOMAN TURKISH LITERATURE: One of the most popular translations of the era was that of of two rhyming verses and a part in prose. Yücel incorporated
NEW PERSPECTIVES Fénelon’s novel Les Aventures de Télémaque. In fact, the travels the 10 couplets in his publication. Sadullah Paşa’s translation Iliad, Otto-
The 19th century was a most turbulent period for the Otto- of Telemachus, the son of Odysseus, was reading material in had not been published, however, which makes a correct state- man Turkish readers were able to extend their knowledge of
mans. The period was characterized by emerging domestic Ottoman schools and was used in high schools to teach prose ment on this subject impossible. Na’im Fraşeri’s printed work is Homer through magazines. Three extensive articles appeared
for example between December 1884 and March 1885 in the
movements to separate particular regions from the Empire re- composition. The first translation of Télémaque into Ottoman for this reason regarded as the first translation of Homer’s Iliad.
magazine Kevkebü’l Ulum, including a biography of Homer, an
sulting in enormous territorial losses. It was a time of weak- Turkish (Terceme-i Telemak), made by the prominent statesman An essay published on 2 February 1885 in the periodical introduction to his works and a summary of the Iliad.
ness and disintegration par excellence. Leading figures of the and Grand Vizier (in 1863) Yusuf Kamil Paşa (1808-1876), was Kevkebü’l Ulum confirms this. The anonymous author states Kevkebü’l Ulum 3 January 1885, page 93.
Ottoman society tried to save the Empire by far-reaching exceptionally popular and influential in the intellectual scene. that hopefully soon the Iliad and the Odyssey ‘will be translated
modernization. During the Tanzimat (reforms) era (1839-1876) This first translation was completed in 1859, but printed three into Turkish, so that we will not have to go without Homer’s
the government explicitly accepted European values, the ba- years later in 1862. In the period between its manuscript form work any longer’. Before publication of the first translation Rüya Oyunu, published in 1876/1877, was about a dream of Bey
sic principles of the French Revolution, and moreover, it made and its publication, however, Terceme-i Telemak was an integral of the Iliad, Ottoman Turkish readers had the opportunity to (Lord) about the nymph Calypso. Bey believed himself to be
Westernization a state programme. We may say that with the part of the reading material of the capital’s artistic and intel- broaden their knowledge of Homer through essays in periodi- in love with Calypso. The nymph, on the other hand, deeply
Tanzimat edict in 1839, the Empire and its society left a circle of lectual scene and circulated in manuscript form in Ottoman cals. Between December 1884 and March 1885, for instance, in love with Odysseus, was waiting for his return. She told Bey
civilization in which it had lived for centuries and declared its salons. Because of its success the work was reprinted only six three extensive articles, including a biography of Homer, an that Odysseus had sailed away with Mentes and Telemachus.
entrance into another civilization, the Western European one, months after its first publication as well as in 1867 and 1870. introduction to his poems and a summary of the books of the Although she was in a position to stop Odysseus, her love pre-
which it had been in conflict with for centuries. These reforms The second translation, made by another distinguished Iliad, appeared in the periodical Kevkebü’l Ulum. vented her from doing so. At the end of the play, Bey awakes
and changes in social, economic and political life triggered the figure in the political and cultural arena, Ahmed Vefik Paşa Almost a decade earlier a play inspired by the Odyssey was and writes down the contents of his dream to send to an inter-
search for change in Ottoman literature. Therefore, the literary (1823-1891), in 1869, yet printed in 1880, was also popular and produced by Ali Haydar (1836-1914). The verse comedy, preter.

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TROY CITY, HOMER AND TURKEY HOMER AND TROY IN MODERN TURKEY

Homer and the Iliad also received appropriate attention in The Ottoman intellectuals evidently recognized the importance only for ancient Greeks, but also for Romans and subsequent
a treatise on Troy that appeared in the third volume of Kamus of Homer and, above all, they were aware of the extraordinary European writers and poets as well. ‘Famous poets such as
ül-Alâm (1891), or Dictionnaire Universel d’Histoire et de Géogra- position of the Iliad and the Odyssey in the history of literature. Hesiod, Aeschylus, Euripides, Sophocles and the writer of com-
phie, written by Na’im Fraşeri’s brother Şemseddin Sami Fraşeri With this in mind, Fraşeri, in his preface to his translation, edies Aristophanes’, he continues, ‘were all guided by Homer
(1850-1904). The massive six-volume encyclopaedia, published emphasizes Homer’s exceptional influence on later literary fig- and tragedians in particular quoted the Iliad and the Odyssey
between 1889 and 1899, dealing with important Ottoman and ures of various backgrounds. He informs his Ottoman Turkish intensively’. With respect to the Romans, he states that they
Islamic subjects, figures and countries and, at the same time, readers that the works of Homer were a ‘breeding ground’ not ‘followed the Greeks in all fields, and therefore in literature as
with Western history and geography, is a work of exceptional well’. ‘Virgil deserves to be called the Homer of the Romans.
calibre. Kamus ül-Alâm brought western and eastern history His work the Aeneid is like a continuation of the Iliad and the
and geography together. The essay dealing with Troy outlined Frontispiece of Selanikli Hilmi, Odyssey,’ Fraşeri says. Subsequently, he draws attention to liter-
the contemporary knowledge of Troy in the Ottoman Empire. (The Iliad, or the celebrated poet Homer), Istanbul 1898 or ary figures such as ‘Horace, Tasso, Dante, Milton and the rest
A history of Troy, a chronological list of Trojan rulers, the Tro- 1899. Hilmi did the second Ottoman Turkish translation of of old and new European poets forming a caravan by follow-
Iliad. Little is known about the translator,
jan War, and the archaeological developments in the region ing the preceding.’ And according to Fraşeri, ‘the leader of the
but according to the frontispiece he was a civil servant at the
were included in the article. Special attention was given to the - caravan is Homer’.
location of the site on Ottoman soil: ‘Truva or Troya, situated tion runs to 61 pages and includes an introduction of 15 Selanikli Hilmi’s account of Homeric reception is even
in the north-western part of Asia Minor, nowadays within the pages and the First Book of the Iliad in two chapters. more sumptuous. He pays glowing tribute to Homer as a poet
Province of Biga’, ‘at the western foot of Mount Ida (that is to ‘who nourished the creation of art’ and praises the Iliad as a
say Kaz) and along the river Xanti (that is to say Menderes)’. source of inspiration ‘for poets with the most venerable minds’.
A second translation of the first song of the Iliad into To emphasize the respect of esteemed literary figures for the
Ottoman Turkish from the Greek, written by Selanikli Hilmi, Iliad, he quotes Shakespeare and Rousseau but he also pays at-
appeared in 1898 or 1899: İlyas yahud şâir-i şehîr Omiros (The tention to the vast Homeric appreciation of ancient philoso-
Iliad or the celebrated poet Homer). Little is known about the phers, such as Aristotle.
author; yet, according to the text on the title page, the transla- Both Fraşeri and Selanikli Hilmi draw explicit attention
tor was a member of the Committee of Inspection and Ex- to the high regard of Alexander the Great for Homer. The
amination (Encümeni Teftiş ve Muayene), and consequently like Alexander or Iskender Legends are well-known in the Muslim
Na’im Fraşeri an Ottoman bureaucrat. Hilmi’s translation of 61 World, and, moreover, Alexander the Great had an exceptional
pages includes an introduction of 15 pages (in the Ottoman al- position in Ottoman culture as well. Presumably as a result of
phabet) and the first book of the Iliad in two chapters. The first the Ottoman appropriation of Alexander, Fraşeri underlines
chapter (26 pages) is called ‘Wrath! Violence!’ and the second explicitly that Alexander the Great was not a Greek, ‘but a for-
(20 pages) ‘Departure!’. eigner’ to the Greeks. Subsequently, stressing the attraction of
Hilmi’s translation had a great effect on significant literary the Iliad for the great ruler, he states that although he was ‘not
figures. The leading intellectual of the time, Yahya Kemal a Greek national, he committed the Iliad to memory from be-
Beyatlı (1884-1958), who, together with his contemporary Homer and the Iliad were accorded their appropriate place ginning to end’.
Yakub Kadri Karaosmanoglu (1889-1974), initiated the neo- in the third part of Kamus ül-Alâm (1891). This encyclopaedia After discussing Alexander’s devotion to Homer at length,
Hellenist movement in the early 20th century, expressed his in six substantial parts, published between 1889 and 1899, both translators pay due attention to The Adventures of
high appreciation of Selanikli Hilmi’s translation by saying that themes, personalities and countries, and in addition on West-
Telemachus. In view of the popularity of the story among the
he had been tremendously touched by this work. ern history and geography. The essay on Troy provides a sum- Ottoman Turks, however, this is not surprising. Fraşeri points
mary of contemporary knowledge of Troy in the Ottoman Em- out that ‘Fenelon’s book the Adventures of Telemachus is an
ADMIRATION FOR ‘THE PRINCE OF POETS’ pire: a history of Troy, a chronological list of rulers, the Trojan addendum to the Odyssey’. Selanikli Hilmi praises Homer and
War and archaeological developments in the region. Special suggests that his Ottoman Turkish readers compare ‘the cel-
The aforementioned writer [Homer] and the great works attention is paid to the location of Troy on Ottoman soil. ebrated story “Telemachus” of Fenelon with the Iliad’. He em-
the Iliad and the Odyssey are most excessively recited by phasizes that Homer’s poems are the reference against which the
respectful learned literary figures. This is why Homer is contents of Telemachus could be tested. The relation between
correctly remembered by his nickname the Prince of Poets. the Odyssey and the Adventures of Telemachus was also strongly
(Kevkebü’l Ulum, 19th December 1884 (1 Rebi’ül-evvel 1302)) I am translating a poem in verse renowned as the Iliad, emphasized in the periodical Kevkebü’l Ulum. Assuming that
a literary work written by Homer, a powerful genius Ottoman Turks were acquainted with Telemachus, readers were
The two writings in verse, the Iliad and the Odyssey whose knowledge has been a guide and who is given the informed that many of the episodes of Telemachus had their
are the oldest and most respected, and the most famous honour of being the originator of poetry in ancient Greek origins in the Odyssey.
and well-received works of the old Greeks. literature. According to Fraşeri, ‘until now no other poet in the world
(Na’im Fraşeri, 1885/1886 (1303)) (Selanikli Hilmi, 1898/99 (1316)) has reached the level of Homer. He will always be the father

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TROY CITY, HOMER AND TURKEY HOMER AND TROY IN MODERN TURKEY

of the poetry and the leader of the poets and the Iliad and the IZMIR, HOMER’S HOMETOWN remarks that he had a pleasant life in Chios and that eventually
Odyssey will always be distinguished among the rest of the he was much loved everywhere in Greece. Finally Homer fell
verses’. And what’s more, according to Kevkebü’l Ulum, no poet ‘Like many famous figures of antiquity, Homer, too, was ill during a journey from Samos to Athens near Ios, where he
has ever been able to match him. an illegitimate child. Because Cretheis the daughter of stayed a while and finally died.
Melanopus gave birth to him on the banks of the river Fraşeri then again emphasizes that, although the life story and
PREFERENCE FOR THE ILIAD Meles in the vicinity of Izmir, she named him Melesigenes, the conditions of the poet of the Iliad and the Odyssey may be
which means child of the river Meles’. veiled, his existence could never be denied. Moreover, he con-
Troy was situated near Çanakkale. Although in the past (Kevkebü’l Ulum, 19th December 1884 (1 Rebi’ül-evvel 1302)) cludes that ‘it is not the name of Homer that gave the above-
Troy and both its siege and the war were considered to mentioned famous works their reputation and fame; quite the
exist only in the imagination, the excavations in the ‘Although his nationality, his time and his life story are reverse, the works made the author famous. Therefore, Homer
surroundings have confirmed and strengthened the veiled in mystery and ambiguity, there is a strong possibil- is the Iliad and the Odyssey’.
contents of the Iliad. ity that he was born ten centuries before Christ and two Although the existence of an interest in Homer and apprecia-
(Na’im Fraşeri, Istanbul 1885/86 (1303)) centuries after the Trojan war. His birthplace is the city of tion of Homeric literature at the end of the 19th century is ob-
Izmir, his mother’s name is Cretheis and his father is un- vious, Homeric translations into Ottoman Turkish, conversely,
The city of Troy or Ilion, with strong and solid city walls, known. He got his nickname Son of Meles because he was were clearly not numerous. In fact, Homeric literary produc-
strengthened with many citadels on the Asian shore (must born on the banks of the river Meles, which at that time tion consisted of no more than a few attempts. Not one com-
be in the direction of the province of Izmir. Although his- ran near Izmir’. plete Turkish version of Homeric literature was produced in the
tory has not yet settled this issue, the natural requirements (Na’im Fraşeri, Istanbul 1885/1886 (1303)) Ottoman Empire. As a result of the clash between mythology
of the region have confirmed our idea). and Ottoman norms, Muslim intellectuals of the late Ottoman
(Selanikli Hilmi, Istanbul 1898/99 (1316)) The location of Homer’s birthplace is much disputed. Seven Empire were inexperienced with mythology and hesitated to
cities claim to be his place of birth: Smyrna, Chios, Colophon, utilize it as a source. Although very ambitious and enthusiastic
The first Ottoman translation activities of Homeric literature Salamis, Rhodes, Argos and Athens. The outcomes of 19th cen- at the start, neither Fraşeri nor Selanikli Hilmi finished their
concentrated on the Iliad. The excavations in Troy and the pub- tury archaeological research, however, strengthened the possi- work. In fact, both walked on untrodden ground. While Fraşeri
lic attention drawn to these activities must have strengthened bility of Smyrna (Modern Izmir) as Homer’s birthplace. The Portrait of Sultan Mehmed II (1432-1481), in miniature chose to fill the gap and introduced, discussed and explained
this preference. Hence, both Fraşeri and Hilmi pay attention biographical information in Kevkebü’l Ulum and Fraşeri’s pref- against a background of gold leaf, painted by Professor in detail the pagan gods, their actions and characteristics and
A. Süheyl Ünver (1898-1986) in 1943. Süheyl Ünver, doctor,
to geographical locations of Troy. Fraşeri, moreover, gives brief ace both explicitly emphasize this possibility by referring to the their role in Homeric literature, Hilmi decided to ignore or veil
historian, scientist and artist, is one of the most prominent
information on the results of the archaeological research at the legend that Homer’s name was Melesigenes. In fact, they seem mythological figures and events.
site. From the 1890s onwards, newspapers and periodicals paid quite convinced that their eminent city of Izmir is the place is inspired by the medallions of the medallist and painter
increasing attention to the archaeological activities at Troy that, where Homer came into the world. In all probability, the writ- Costanzo da Ferrara (1450-1524), who went to Istanbul to The fall of the Ottoman Empire in 1922 and the institution of
according to an article published on 8 March 1893 in the peri- ers based their knowledge on various Homeric biographies, in produce medallions at Mehmed’s invitation. the Turkish republic in 1923 would change this course of events.
odical İkdam, ‘had become famous thanks to Homer’s epic’. particular on the Life of Homer of Pseudo-Herodotus, which The following political, social and cultural reforms of Atatürk
As is noticeable in articles, for instance in periodicals such declares Smyrna to be the birthplace of Homer and places and his circle of Kemalists, were based on Wwestern principles
as İkdam and Servet-i Fünun, the Ottoman reading public had Homer’s birth date as 168 years after the Trojan War. of governance. The creation of a new Turkish identity, a fusion
been informed about the history of the excavations at Troy, yet The biography of Homer given in the essay in the Kevkebü’l of various linguistic, religious and ethnic identities, were domi-
also about issues such as the dispute between scholars about Ulum is quite detailed and pays comprehensive attention to renowned in the city. The senate was advised to take care of the nant in the intensive programme of remodelling the nation.
the correct site (Ballıdağ or Hisarlık), the prominent role of geographical aspects. On the other hand, it is generally known blind poet, because he could bring great fame to the city with Actually, the Kemalist nationalist reinterpretation of history,
Frank Calvert and the most current archaeological research and that Ottoman intellectuals knew antique Greek geography very his songs. Yet, one of the administrators objected and said ac- the ‘Turkish Historical thesis’, transformed Asia Minor into a
results of the time. Next to these informative texts, the press well. In their translations of ancient works and other literary cording to the article : ‘If we are going to give every blind man Turkish region from earliest antiquity. According to this nar-
also reported on visitors at the site and their origins. This shows productions, they usually marked the antique places within the we meet a salary, soon we will carry a convoy of blind men on rative, the Turkish subjects of the new republic were descend-
a close involvement with and interest in the actual site of Troy Ottoman Empire. our shoulders’. ‘From then on,’ the author resumes, ‘the name ants of all the civilizations of Anatolia. From this point of view,
in this era. The author of the essay in the Kevkebü’l Ulum tells his readers Melesigenes disappeared and Homer, which means blind, re- Trojans became proto-Turks. Furthermore, Trojan heritage and
Besides a preference for the Iliad and a deep admiration for about Homer’s childhood, his teacher’s prediction of a bright placed it.Subsequently, the blind poet cursed Cyme and left for Homeric texts were absorbed into history textbooks, the Ion-
Homer, biographical notes on Homer were also incorporated future, Mentes’ (chief of the Taphians in the Odyssey) invita- Phocaea (Foça, north-west Turkey). There, too, he was dogged ians were given a Turkish background, Homer received a regu-
in literary texts, with a distinct connection between the famous tion to travel along with him on the sea, his long journeys and by misfortune’. lar Turkish name Omer, and Troy was called Turova. After the
poet and the city of Izmir within the territories of the Empire. visits to various places (locations in the Odyssey), how he did The article then goes on to discuss Homer’s struggle with foundational period of the secular young republic, the cultural
research during his journey and composed poems based on his Thestorides, who recorded Homer’s poems in exchange for bed policy from 1938 until 1950 was characterized by humanist ideas.
observations, how he went blind in Colophon, Mentor’s care and board and left for Chios. He made people believe that the During this period and also after 1950, when the instrumental
for him and how he got the name Homer in Cyme (north-west poems were his own and became famous on the island. Hom- use of Homeric heritage for identity claims by the Turkish gov-
Turkey). On this point the author states that the blind Melesi- er followed the ‘thief ’ to Chios, but Thestorides ‘ran off’. On ernment became less intense and constructed, various complete
genes went to Cyme to work as a bard and after a while became Homer’s last years the author of the article in Kevkebü’l Ulum translations of the Iliad and the Odyssey were produced.

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TROY CITY, HOMER AND TURKEY HOMER AND TROY IN MODERN TURKEY

NEO-HELLENISM IN TURKEY
BEŞIR AYVAZOĞLU

‘Neo-Hellenism’ is a term that is often chiefly associated with been for Şahabeddin, Havza would almost certainly have been
Western, European thinkers and artists. However, and perhaps launched.
paradoxically, the movement also made an impact in Turkey. Having failed with Havza, Yahya Kemal and Yakup Kadri
This brief contribution presents a number of important Turkish published their ideas in the newspaper Peyam in November
poets, writers and politicians, all of whom borrowed signifi- 1913. Yahya Kemal’s “Reflections under the Pinewood” articles,
cantly from the Homeric heroic past. which were published in the literary supplement of Peyam, are
One of the more prominent of these was Yahya Kemal (1884- a further testimony to the author’s central position in Turkish
1958), a leading Turkish poet, author and politician. He was Neo-Hellenism. His review article entitled “A Book of Myth”
deeply influenced by Jean Moréas (1856-1910), a poet, essayist of Esâtîr-i Yunaniyan (The Greek Myths) (1909-1913) by Mehmed
and art critic of Greek origin, whom he probably met in Café Tevfik Pasha (1855-1915), in particular, can be regarded as the
Vachette in Paris where he lived for ten years. After about two manifesto of Neo-Hellenism. Mehmed Tevfik Pasha had given
years, he returned to Istanbul as a Neo-Hellenist and a member his book to Yahya Kemal himself. The Ottoman politician Me-
of the École Romane (a literary genre founded by Moréas that hmed Tevfik Pasha had, like many retired officers, politicians This cartoon of Yahya Kemal (1884-1958) in ancient
forsook symbolism and reverted to classical forms as of 1890). and philosophers in Europe, devoted himself to the study of costume, drawn by Sedat Nuri, appeared in the literary
The idea of the “Greek Miracle” was prominently in his mind, Classical mythology after his retirement. His book clearly made supplement of the newspaper Peyam on 26
January 1914. Two acknowledged intellectuals, Yahya Kemal
and Homeric lines bringing Neo-Hellenistic breath to Turkish an impression on Yahya Kemal, for upon receiving the tome, and Yakup Kadri (1889-1974), launched the Turkish neo-
poetry enriched his vocabulary. Yahya Kemal highlighted the he is said to have exclaimed: “I wonder whether, while the light Hellenist movement in 1912. The movement’s members
beauty of the Turkish language by comparing it favourably to of barbarians in the East goes out, the Gods will awake from published articles on their great admiration for Classical An-
the “immaculate and pure” Greek art of those days, and by their slumbers in the mountains of Lydia, as Yakup Kadri has tiquity in a range of newspapers and magazines and regarded
adopting and even embracing European culture. In some re- foreseen?” For Yahya Kemal, Mehmed Tevfik Pasha’s book was the classics as providing an example for Turkish literature and
spects, the tendency to appreciate European culture had already the starting point of an era of Anatolian rebirth (like the Re- culture. There was also criticism of neo-Hellenist ideas,
spurred on in particular by the Balkan Wars of 1912 and
been prevalent in the Ottoman realm since after the so-called naissance had been in Italy ).
1913. According to the critical text accompanying the cartoon,
Tanzimat Period, a period of reformation and modernisation Considering the times (with especially the negative impact of Yakup Kadri is ‘a neo-Hellenist poet, his work is unpublished,
between 1839 and 1876. Yahya Kemal went even further; for the Balkan Wars on Turkish popular sentiment), it was almost just like Homer he declaims...’.
him, learning more about Ancient Greek culture was the only inevitable that both Yahya Kemal and Yakup Kadri clashed
way of understanding European culture. with Turkish nationalists. Both Yahya Kemal and Yakup Kadri (Greek Mythology
Yakup Kadri (1889-1974) was a young author who became were especially critical of the work of Celal Sâhir (1883-1935), (1855-1915), published in 1913. Greek mythology is treated
very extensively in this book. Publication of this book of 762
interested in Ancient Greek and Latin literature after Yahya Ke- an important nationalist thinker of the period. However, they
pages belongs to the zeitgeist of the progressive late Ottoman
mal, shortly after his arrival in Istanbul, introduced him to Sur themselves were in turn also attacked in various publications – period in which Homer and Greek mythology gained an
la Pierre Blanche by Anatole France. Despite their differences, especially because of their seemingly positive approach towards increasing place in the Ottoman-Turkish intellectual world.
the two men soon became close friends. Impressed with the things ‘Greek’. In fact, Ömer Seyfeddin made fun of the Neo-
sonnets, especially in Les Trophées by Hérédia, Yahya Kemal re- Hellenism movement and symbolically characterized Yahya
positioned himself within the École Romane movement, focus- Kemal and Yakup Kadri as traitors working for the Greeks in
ing on the “transition from Persian culture to Greek”. This was his story “The Enemy of Boycott” published in the newspaper
fresh subject matter for Turkish intelligentsia in those days, but Tanin.
he heavily influenced Yakup Kadri with his new interests. They Such criticism, as well as the closing of Peyam in those tur-
attempted to spread their ideas of a ‘Mediterranean Civiliza- bulent days, seems to have caused Yahya Kemal to relapse into Emre (1876-1961): “While I am writing for the first translation
tion Basin’ by founding a new journal, Havza (Basin) However, silence and revert to a more traditional stance. After a gap in of Homeric work into our beautiful language, my hands keep
this attempt faltered. Kadri’s and Kemal’s failure was especially his writings of three years, Yahya Kemal reappeared as a “tradi- trembling and I am unable to pick up the pen. I simply feel
the result of opposition by Cenab Şahabeddin (1870-1934), a tional” Ottomanist. Unlike his old friend, Yakup Kadri defend- myself close to the first source of unique truth and I tingle as
major poet of the Servet-i Fünun literary school. Indeed, the ed his ideas of Neo-Hellenism till the end, as is evident from if a unique wisdom, called beauty, and freshness sprung from a
protagonist Tevfik Fikret (1867-1915) later stated that, had it not his preface to the translation of the Odyssey by Ahmet Cevat divine fountain runs through my veins.”

150 151
 includes maps showing
ancient civilisations.

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TROY CITY, HOMER AND TURKEY HOMER AND TROY IN MODERN TURKEY

INTEREST IN MYTHOLOGY
Although Neo-Hellenism never became a mainstream move-
Greek and Latin sources, advice that was heeded by Abdullah
Cevdet (1869-1932) and Ziya Gökalp (1876-1924). According to ATATÜRK IN TROY
ment in Turkey, its presence in Turkish cultural life did not Ziya Gökalp “all classics started with Homer and Virgil”. He
go unnoticed. This is evident in an interview by the Turk- argued that Turkish literature should not focus on romanticism RÜSTEM ASLAN – MITHAT ATABAY
ish diplomat Ruşen Eşref (1892-1959) of the influential poet or other literary genres before adopting all aesthetic aspects of
Ahmet Haşim (1884-1933). Especially Haşim’s description of these Greek and Roman Classics, especially in view of the need
Yahya Kemal is remarkable: to create a national literature praising and encouraging ideals
and heroism.
“Yahya Kemal is watching the blueness of the Mediter- Limited though it was, Hellenism gradually gained some in- From Antiquity onwards the Trojan War has been regarded as in 1912 for almost six months. This notable absence demon-
ranean from between ruined white marble columns, lying fluence on the development of Turkish literature and nation- a clash between the West and the East, as the archetypical con- strates the lack of general interest in Troy in this early period.
under the shadow of an olive tree with silver leaves on alist thought. Although Ömer Seyfettin (1864-1920) seriously flict between Asia and Europe. Indeed, virtually all the impor- This, however, was about to change.
the Lesbos beaches. It is as if this poet has wrestled with attacked Yahya Kemal’s and Yakup Kadri’s Neo-Hellenism in tant figures in European and Near Eastern history interpreted Although Mustafa Kemal was stationed in Tripoli (in Cyre-
centaurs near the Meander River and talked and made his “The Enemy of Boycott”, he did advise the youth to read the war in this manner. For instance, while Persian king Xerxes naica) when the Balkan War broke out, he left that city on 24
fun with the echo fairies in the bulrushes. He has the same Homer as a lesson; as a sacred book. In his article entitled “Eu- was crossing the Hellespont with his strong army to invade the October 1912 and arrived in Istanbul via Egypt, Trieste and Ro-
role in our literature as an old hero scattering the clouds ropean Literature and Greek Classics”, which was published in Greek lands in 480 bc, he visited the fortress of Priam and mania. At this point, virtually all of Rumelia had been invaded,
of Birds in the Stymphalian swamps. His arrows dispersed Turkish Women Journal of 9 January 1919, he again argued for sacrificed 1,000 head of cattle to Athena of Ilion. Vice versa, while the Bulgarian army now approached Çatalca (Chataldja).
the birds that are hindering our poetry, and he killed the the importance of Homer, and summed up and translated the when Alexander the Great invaded the Persian Empire in 334 Upon arriving at Istanbul, Mustafa Kemal was posted to the
Nemean lion of our literature.” İliad (from a French version by Lecomte de Lisle: Iliad, The bc, he sacrificed an animal on the tomb of Achilles and com- Ministry of War on 21 November. During his short-lived com-
Epic of the Oldest Greek Poet Homer). He was not alone in this. plained that there was nobody like Homer with him to sing of mission at the Ministry, Kemal stressed the importance of the
The slight irony in his words means that Ahmet Haşim did Ali Cânib, another early nationalist, published a book entitled his exploits. His successor Lysimachus (361-281 bc) rebuilt Ilion Bolayır isthmus, arguing that it “is the entrance to the region
not take Neo-Hellenist ideas too seriously, although this does Epopée (1927) in which he mentioned the Iliad, the Odyssey and and erected the magnificent Temple of Athena, of which the and controls all traffic from the Black Sea to the Mediterra-
not necessarily indicate that he had no interest in Greek civili- Kalevala frequently. Some went even further and appropriated remains are visible to this day. Even after Antiquity, the Trojan nean.” Moreover, any army stationed in this region could coun-
zation and mythology whatsoever. In effect, it was impossible the past: Rıza Nur (1879-1942) claimed that Greek mythology War was considered as the origin of conflict between Europe terattack the Bulgarian army near Çatalca. Subsequently, the
not to be influenced by prevalent ideas about the Greek Miracle derived from Turkish mythology; a thesis that was adopted by and Anatolia and, potentially, as a casus belli. After Mehmed Ottoman War Ministry established a reorganized army corps at
and the origins of Western civilisation, and not to develop an Nurettin Mustafa in Egypt and Yusuf Ziya Bey in Turkey in his the Conqueror took control of Istanbul, he visited Troy in 1462 the Bolayır isthmus. Command of these “Reorganized Forces
interest in mythology when dealing with contemporary French book Turkish History (in the chapter on Turkish mythology). and said, “We avenged the Trojans by conquering Istanbul.” for the Mediterranean Strait” (as they were called) was given
literature. And so there are indications that Ahmet Haşim, Similarly, Yusuf Ziya (Özer) Bey in his book Turkish Civili- Mehmed’s visit to Troy represents the first Ottoman interest in to Fahri Pasha, with Major Ali Fethi (Okyar) as his Chief of
despite his apparent scepticism, also took an active interest in zation Before Ancient Greece (1928) stated that names of non- that site and the first attempt to appropriate Trojan history. Af- Staff and Mustafa Kemal as Chief of Staff Operations. He was
mythology. Like Yahya Kemal, he was clearly inspired by es- Greek pedigree in the history and geography of Ancient Greece ter Mehmed, however, the site remained deserted and Ottoman appointed to this position on 25 November 1912 with the objec-
pecially French thought on the importance of the Greek past must be Turkish. He followed up on this assertion by argu- interest in Troy seems to have waned. Following Schliemann’s tive of defending the Dardanelles and Gallipoli against enemy
and culture, even preferring French pronunciations for Greek ing that Turkish communities came to Greece in ancient times excavations and particularly after “Priam’s Treasure” had been attack, be it sea-borne or overland (from Bolayır).
proper names. One of his students at the Academy of Fine Arts and founded a great civilization. The traces of Turkish language on display in Athens in 1874-1875, certain Ottoman intellectu- The trenches of Gallipoli were, in a way, the foundation of
asserted that Ahmet Haşim knew the ancient Greek and Ro- in the modern Greek language, he argued, were the result of als in Istanbul started to show a renewed interest in Troy. The the later Turkish state, for it united Ali Fethi and Mustafa Ke-
man gods like he knew the members of his own family and that later, Greek, migrations to a hitherto highly civilized ‘Turkish’ revival of interest in the site and its history, limited though it mal, and Dr Tevfik Rüştü (Aras), a friend of Mustafa Kemal’s
it was mythology that empowered his imagination. Greece. In a similar vein, Yusuf Ziya Bey analysed numerous was to a small group of intellectuals, probably had much to and a leading member of the Party of Union and Progress in Is-
Salih Zeki (1864-1921), an admirer and close friend of Ah- words of Turkish origin in almost all fields of study (ranging do with the appointment of Osman Hamdi Bey as director of tanbul. Before taking up his new position at Gallipoli, Mustafa
met Haşim, is the first Turkish poet totally inspired by Greek from law to philosophy, from agriculture to art and ancient the Imperial Museum. Although public interest in Troy dwin- Kemal met with Rüştü in Istanbul and offered him a position
mythology. All the poems in his books Persefon (1930), Asya Greek mythology). dled after the publication of W. Dörpfeld’s excavation results in at Çanakkale (on the Dardanelles). Rüştü, as a member of the
Şarkıları (1933), Pınar (1936), Rüzgâr (1939), Titan (1966) and In sum, Ancient Greek and Latin culture did not attract 1893, Troy gained a wider importance with the visit of Mustafa Association of Schools of Medicine and General Health, was
Laton trilogy (1964-67-68) are either about mythology or in- much attention during the first years of the republic (during Kemal (later to be known as Atatürk) to the region during the nominated as chief physician of the Red Crescent Hospital at
spired by mythology. His passion became the subject of hu- the “Single-Party Period”). However, later on in Turkish politi- Balkan Wars. Çanakkale. It was the beginning of a Turkish ‘triumvirate’ that
mour, even attracting severe criticism from Ahmet Haşim him- cal history, especially between 1939 and 1945, the classics were at lasted into the Republican period: Mustafa Kemal became the
self. the centre of Turkish cultural policies, with Turkish intellectu- MUSTAFA KEMAL’S DEPARTURE FOR first president of Turkish Republic and remained in that posi-
The influence of the interest in Greek mythology – that start- als falling in love with Homer and classical mythology. One MILITARY INVESTIGATIONS AND HIS VISIT tion until his death, whilst Ali Fethi became the first president
ed in the Tanzimat Period- on Turkish literature was limited. It of the results of this renewed interest was the so-called Mavi TO TROY ON THE TRAIL OF ALEXANDER of the assembly after the proclamation of the republic and then
did, however, motivate Turkish nationalists to revive Turkish Anadolucular (Blue Anatolians) movement, and a distinct turn THE GREAT served as prime minister. Dr Tevfik Rüştü acted as head of the
mythology and epics belonging to the times when the Turks of interest towards the Mediterranean. Although Troy’s ruins had been identified and widely discussed population exchange commission at first, and served as the
had not yet adopted Islam. Yet even nationalists did not entire- at the beginning of the 20th century, the name of Troy is not minister of foreign affairs from 1925 to 1938.
ly ignore Greek mythology. Hüseyinzâde Ali (1864-1940), who recorded even once in the memories of Captain Selahattin, who When Mustafa Kemal was appointed to Gallipoli, Istanbul
was among the first Turkish nationalists, advocated focusing on stayed in a Turkish village named Çıplak near the ruins of Troy was being shelled by Bulgarian artillery around Lake Terkos.

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TROY CITY, HOMER AND TURKEY

Presidential decree to despatch the 512 coins found during Presidential decree granting the archaeologist Carl Blegen
excavations at Troy in 1932 to the United States through the permission to conduct excavations at Troy in 1934.
American embassy in Turkey, under condition that they would The decree is signed by Gazi Mustafa Kemal (Atatürk),
be returned the following excavation season. The coins were
sent to the US for cleaning and research. The request for commission responsible on 5 November 1933.
temporary despatch originated with the Education Ministry.
The decree was signed by the president of the Republic of
Turkey, Gazi Mustafa Kemal (Atatürk), and the commission
responsible on 19 July 1932.

Large crowds of immigrants from Balkans fled to the City, while a lunch at Bigalı Castle he went to Kilia Bay and Maydos, sur- THE PERCEPTION OF TROY ON THE TURKISH
the Ottoman lines crumbled. In politics, too, the realm had veying Kilitbahir Castle, the condition of the Namazgâh and FRONT DURING THE DARDANELLES BATTLE Campaign, also known as the Dardanelles Campaign in 1915.
become dangerously instable. On 3 December 1912, the Otto- Hamidiye bastions, and then progressed towards Krithia, where AND MUSTAFA KEMAL
the Dardanelles. It cannot be seen from the photograph,
man Empire signed the Çatalca (Chataldja) Armistice with the he spent the night. As we have seen, the Ottoman Empire had already been sig-
but ironically one of the British warships was called HMS
Balkan states excluding Greece, followed by peace negotiations The following day, Mustafa Kemal went to Seddülbahir Cas- nificantly weakened by the Balkan wars in particular. While the Agamemnon.
in London on 13 December. Meanwhile, the war with Greece tle and crossed to the Anatolian side by boat. Following the Ottoman alliance with the German Empire in the First World
lingered on. The situation from an Ottoman perspective was path of Alexander the Great, he visited the Orhaniye Bastion. War resulted in even more problems, and the acute threat of an
rather depressing. While the historical capital Edirne had been He later arrived in Yenişehir and examined the geographical invasion in Western Anatolia, it also meant an influx of Ger-
regained, virtually all of Thrace was now under Bulgarian sway. situation at this point of the Dardanelles at the site known as man military expertise into the Ottoman army. At the same met by a resolute Ottoman defence.. Despite the notorious
Faced with this situation, Mustafa Kemal initiated a military the Tomb of Achilles. He strolled about the ruins of Troy and time, the strategic importance of the Troad also resulted in a re- conditions at Gallipoli, entries in the diaries of soldiers indicate
investigation on 26 March, reviewing the threat of potential drew some sketches in his notebook. As a result of these in- newed interest in Troy and, amongst soldiers of both the Allied an awareness of the Troad’s heroic history and of the symbol-
enemy attacks on Gallipoli. Kemal and his adjutant departed vestigations Mustafa Kemal made a historical evaluation and and Ottoman-German side, a sense of treading in the footsteps ism of this new “Trojan War”. Paul Schweider’s book entitled
from Bolayır, arriving in Karainbeyli, Kumköy, Yalova, Akbaş decided that the defence of the Anatolian coast should not be of Homer’s heroes. In the General Headquarters of the Turks during the Dardanelles
and Sestor via Ortaköy and Tayfur. En route he visited the problematic; the main defensive lines had to be deployed along The threat of an Allied invasion of the Troad (with the ulti- Battle is an example of these sentiments. Schweider made nu-
Sestos-Abydos region where the Persian King Xerxes shipped the European coast. mate aim of capturing Istanbul and opening the sea routes to merous comparisons between the present and the heroic past in
his army to Anatolia using 674 pontoons, taking notes. After the Black Sea) became a reality on 25 April 1915, when Allied his dairy, and many of these comparisons, such as this passage,
troops landed on Trojan shores. To their surprise, they were were later used for his book:

156 157
 HOMER AND TROY IN MODERN TURKEY

And Mount Ida, divine residence of the Father of the The German politician Ernst Jackh, who visited Mustafa
Gods, just behind Troy is rising to the sky. In the coming Kemal twice during the war, recalls Kemal’s memories from the
days, while standing on the castle of Priam I will longingly Dardanelles Campaign:
and curiously look at the two great hills where Achilles and
Patroclus were buried. I understand from one of the mili- The report I sent to Zeki Pasha, the head adjutant of
tary escorts that these two hills had not only historical but Sultan, at the end of September 1915 consisted of these sub-
also particularly strategic importance during the Darda- jects: When I was welcomed by Liman Von Sanders (the
nelles bombardment. More than 3,000 years after Achilles German officer in charge of the coastal defence), I mostly
dragged Hector’s dead body around Troy before he himself spent time with Fevzi and Mustafa Kemal. They saw me
died through an arrow in his heel, naval officers were now investigating defence fronts in the front line stretching
standing on the hills where the two Homeric heroes were towards the Karamenderes Valley and Troy on the Darda-
buried, and watching through artillery glasses a war of nelles Strait, and from the northern corner of the Anafarta
nations which was much bigger than those that had Group to the end of the Gallipoli peninsula. Once we were
previously been waged for Ilion. watching the British warships over the hills where Achil-
les and Patroclus were buried. I cannot imagine a victory
Schweider was certainly not alone in comparing Gallipoli of greater historical value than that won by the soldiers
with the Trojan War as various of his fellow German officers on the Dardanelles Strait. On the one hand there was
made similar remarks in their dairies. The same applies to the artillery – a symbol of the enormous progress of Western
Allied side. technology in the 20th century – while there were carts on
Troy’s more recent archaeological past also played a part in the other hand – the most primitive transportation vehicles
the war at Gallipoli, for the farmhouse of Frank Calvert, situat- drawn by oxen, carrying modern ammunition to Turkish
ed nearly four kilometres southeast of Troy, was used as military soldiers.
quarters by German and Turkish soldiers. Haydar Mehmed Al-
ganer, the Chief of Staff in the Anafartalar region, who had These impressions suggest that Mustafa Kemal talked with
taken the famous picture of Mustafa Kemal at the Arıburnu German officers about the Trojan War and historical compari-
Front, stayed in the farmhouse for a while. Whilst Alganer sons with contemporary events. Mustafa Kemal’s remark after
mentions the ruins of Troy and the Calvert family, he does not the Dumlupınar Victory, “Now we have taken revenge for Hec-
make any historical comment on the matter. There was, how- tor,” attributed to him by Sabahattin Eyüboğlu, should perhaps
ever, a library in the farmhouse as Major Alganer described: be seen in that light.
“I stay on my own during spare time. I regret not bringing a The interest of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk in Troy continued
sofa from Istanbul. I got a German book on Troy but I can- after the foundation of the Republican regime. Atatürk found-
not find time to read. It is not of much interestto me anyway. ed the Turkish Historical Society and, in 1931, this Society
Now I look forward to receiving letters from home.” Evidently, published a history in four volumes for secondary schools: the
Alganer was not particularly interested in Troy from a cultural Trojan War was included in the first volume. In the same year
perspective. On the other hand, Mustafa Kemal does speak of the cabinet gathered under the presidency of Mustafa Kemal
Troy and the Trojan War when referring to the hard-fought for the purpose of granting an excavation permit in Troy to the
battles in Gallipoli. In his memoires touching upon the Battle American archaeologist Carl Blegen. Troy thus returned to the
of the Dardanelles, he mentions Troy and his visits to the site hands of archaeologists.
quite frequently.

Lieutenant-Colonel Mustafa Kemal Atatürk (left) during

the Gallipoli Campaign in 1915. Atatürk is here standing
on the Dardanelles in the vicinity of Troy in a photograph
taken by Major Haydar Alganer. The photograph is part of the
collection of the Çanakkale Deniz Museum and the camera
used is in the Çimenlik Kalesi Museum.

159
TROY CITY, HOMER AND TURKEY HOMER AND TROY IN MODERN TURKEY

THE BLUE ANATOLIANS

ÖMER FARUK ŞERIFOĞLU

One of the last champions of the Blue Anatolians

was probably Turgut Özal, the eighth president
The interest in Hellenic (Ancient Greek) and Latin cultures, of the Republic of Turkey and author of the book
which had gradually increased during the late Ottoman and La Turquie en Europe (published in French in 1988
early Republican period, gained further momentum in Turkey and in English in 1991).
in the period 1939 to 1945, when İsmet İnönü served as Turkey’s
second President. The most notable result of this interest in Turkish translation of Turgut Özal’s well known
European culture was a large number of translations of West- book La Turquie en Europe, a romanticised
ern classics, produced under the supervision of Hasan Âlî Yücel history of Anatolian culture drawing together
(1897-1961), as Minister of Education best known because of his several historical periods.
reformation of the Turkish educational system. The Translation
Bureau was established, with the specific intent of Westernizing
Turkey and promoting humanism.

HUMANIST CULTURAL POLITICS

This bureau in many ways served as the headquarters of a hu- this position, focusing both on Anatolia, and on Aegean cul- is our country not due to the fact that we conquered it, but
manist movement, promoting its mission through its journal ture (i.e. the blue colour of the Aegean Sea). because we are an inseparable part of it. Even if there were
Tercüme (Translation). While the drive towards humanism and For one of the first of these Blue Anatolians, Cevat Şakir a majority of other peoples in the land, all of these will
Western culture was – in part, at least – politically motivated, an Kabaağaçlı (1890-1973), the Greek Miracle (the rise of Classical unite. It is us, the conqueror as well as the conquered, the
interest in Western and, specifically, classical culture, was now the Blue Anatolians, during one of their many ‘Blue Cruises’. Greek culture in the 8th to 5th centuries bc) was not so much a melting of peoples and cultures... The East and the West
The circle embraced humanist ideas and its members were
something that was shared by a wider segment of the country’s Greek thing, but rather an Aegean or Ionian miracle – and thus band together... We are another kind of Turk, another
well versed in the classics. They aimed at an Anatolian alter-
(intellectual) elite. Various leading thinkers of the Republican native to Greek culture in their writings. The ‘blue’ in the of Anatolian pedigree. Embracing the ancient name of Bod- kind of Muslim. The dominant essence of our being is
period, such as Nurullah Ataç (1898-1957), Sabahattin Eyüboğlu name refers to the Aegean Sea that links Anatolia to rum (where he lived in exile) and using the pseudonym The Anatolia, the cradle of civilization.
(1908-1973), Sabahattin Ali (1907-1948), Bedrettin Tuncel (1910- Aegean culture. The ‘Greek Miracle’ (the rise of classical Fisherman of Halicarnassus, Kabaağaçlı considered Anatolian
1980) and Nusret Hızır (1899-1980) were linked to the journal. Greek culture between the 8th and 5th centuries BC) was culture to be superior to Hellenistic culture. This also affected Though the Blue Anatolians’ discourse was distinct from con-
Tercüme’s mission was to create a new culture based on his view on the origins of perhaps the greatest classical author temporary official (state) ideology in its attitude to “others” (by
Ionian miracle – and thus of Anatolian origin. Homer is seen
Hellenistic-Latin culture, as opposed to a Turkish culture with of them all, for Kabaağaçlı argued that Homer, too, was an way of adopting the multi-cultural heritage of Anatolia), the
as an Anatolian and the Iliad as an Anatolian epic.
Islamic values. This is evident in various contributions to the Anatolian rather than a Greek. As a consequence, he considered movement’s overall ideology was clearly fervently nationalist.
journal. In his foreword to a special edition of Tercüme, which the Iliad to be an Anatolian epic. By combining humanist ideas As such, it has been criticized by various intellectuals, most no-
focused on Hellenistic culture, Hasan Âlî Yücel noted that ‘we and theories from the early days of the Turkish Republic with tably Murat Belge, a well-known left-liberal thinker, academic
need to recognize the Ancient Greeks with their grammar, aspects of the Turkish humanism of the 1940s, the ideas of The and civil rights activist.
social lives and all their works in order to know ourselves’. It is 1933) are prime examples of this new movement. Both authors Fisherman of Halicarnassus clearly indicate the future course of One of the last protagonists of Blue Anatolianism was ar-
at this time that some humanist men of letters, like Nurullah frequently alluded to mythology in their articles and novels. Blue Anatolianism. In his writings, Kabaağaçlı’s initial interest guably Turgut Özal (1927-1993), the eighth president of Turk-
Ataç and Suat Yakup Baydur (1912-1953), while defending the In his poem entitled İnsanlar Arasında (Among Humankind) for in Classical Greek culture and mythology became something ish Republic and author (though it is rumoured to have been
purity of the Turkish language, argued that Greek and Latin instance, Tanpınar likens Zeus to a human being. much more, and developed into a real passion for the Classics penned by someone else) of the book “La Turquie en Europe”
languages should become part of the Turkish curriculum. And – albeit in an Anatolian-Aegean setting. (published in French in 1988 and in English in 1991). It is a
indeed, Istanbul University opened its Greek and Latin Lan- AN ANATOLIAN ALTERNATIVE Sabahattin Eyüboğlu (1908-1973), the second major figure of fictionalized account of Anatolian culture, bringing different
guage and Literature Departments in 1942-1943, while Latin Governmental policies to further humanism and interest in the Blue Anatolians, had more or less the same opinions. In his historical ages under the same roof through the recurrent use
was taught in some high schools in Istanbul and Ankara from European classics had other side effects. The circle of the Blue article “The Iliad and Anatolia”, he argues with an unbelievable of the word “we”. With its moderate approach to Islam and
that same year on. Anatolians (Mavi Anadolucular) is perhaps the most interest- naivety that the Iliad is a way to liberation. The Iliad (available strong humanistic emphasis above nationalist feelings, this
Soon the impact of Humanist cultural policies and the relat- ing of these. While the members of this circle (or movement) in Turkish translations by A. Kadir (1917-1985) and Azra Erhat Anatolian way of thinking reappears in every corner of history
ed translation activities became evident, as many poets and au- embraced humanistic thought and were well-read in European (1915-1982)), he suggests, can lead the reader to a Mediterranean when Turkish identity is made to be combined with the West.
thors included or referred to classical mythology in their works. Classics, they focused on an Anatolian alternative to Hellenistic morning full of hope, verging on a veritable Renaissance. He
Ahmet Hamdi Tanpınar (1901-1962) and Ahmet Haşim (1884- culture in their writings. The name of their movement refers to continues by asserting that Turkey:

160 161
TROY CITY, HOMER AND TURKEY

HOMER AND ISMIR

ŞÜKRÜ TÜL

It suffices to look at the image on a pot found in Thebes (see any rate, seems to have been important to all ancient authors:
page 83 and 164) in order to understand the effect of Homer Colophon, Smyrna and Chios were all situated relatively close
on his period. According to Joachim Latacz, Homer wrote the to that river, and consequently were considered to be plausible
Iliad around the 750s bc and the Odyssey in 725 bc. The The- candidates. Despite this (or perhaps because of it), consensus
ban pot, which shows the abduction of Helen by Paris is dated was never reached, and the question remains hotly debated to
around 730 bc (although some have argued for an alternative this day. Nowadays, the poet’s very existence is sometimes ques-
interpretation). Homer’s poems clearly had a major impact on tioned. with some arguing that Homer was not a single person,
Greek society, but little is known about the man. Who was but rather a group of poets, following the same poetic tradition.
Homer? Where did he come from? These questions were al- This group is then referred to as the Homeridai.
ready hotly debated in ancient times. In a way, Homer’s language (with strong Ionian links, and minted a type of bronze coin that they called Homereion. On Homer Monument in Izmir, erected in 2002 by the Turkish
A range of Roman texts indicate that Smyrna (modern Izmir) various – older- Aeolian influences) suggest that there was, these coins, the poet was displayed. In this, the Smyrnaeans
was – in Roman times – considered to be the birthplace of indeed, a link with Smyrna. Both archaeology and ancient were not alone, for the city of Colophon issued similar coins. Iliad.
The legend is a quote attributed to Homer in which he says:
Homer. Yet another text, describing the contest of Hesiod and sources (Herodotus, Historiae, I, 150; Strabo, Geographica, The competition between the cities of Smyrna and Colophon
‘I was born in the lap of Izmir, where the Meles joins the sea.’
Homer, indicates that many cities wanted to embrace Homer. XIV 4-634) indicate that Aeolian Greeks had settled the region over the Homeric past was expressed in more ways than one. In By means of this monument, Izmir aims to show that Homer
A reference to “Melesigenes” (born of Meles), Homer’s name at around Smyrna during the so-called Dark Age, around 1000 addition to Smyrna’s Homeric coins, the city included a build- came from the city.
birth, suggests that he was born in Smyrna, which was indeed bc. At a somewhat later point, Ionian Greeks settled in the re- ing known as the Homereion, which was surrounded by stoas
one of the cities that later claimed to be his city of birth. Meles gion and Smyrna quickly became a major centre of the Ionian (tetrastoon). Inside the Homereion stood a wooden statue of
was the river that flowed through Smyrna, and in some legends, Greek world. Homer. A somewhat similar situation could be found at Cla-
Homer is reported to have been the child of the Meles River Through archaeology, much is known about the Smyrna of rus, a major sanctuary of Apollo some 13 km from Colophon
and the nymph Cretheis. Alternatively, Pseudo-Herodotus re- Homer’s time. The site of Homer’s Smyrna today is known (which controlled the temple), where a large sculpture of a poet
ports that a young girl named Cretheis was sent to Smyrna as Tepekule. Archaeologically speaking, Homer’s time corre- (quite possibly Homer) was erected. The sculpture was discov-
from her hometown Cyme, because she had become pregnant. sponds to the Early and Middle Geometrical period (875-750 ered in 1952 by Louis Robert, who was head of Turkish-French
At Smyrna, she gave birth to a baby to be called Melesigenes bc) and Late Geometrical period (750-700 bc), and settlement excavations in the 1950s. The archaeological finds at Clarus
on the banks of the river Meles. Pseudo-Plutarch writes several remains belonging to these periods have been found at Smyrna may tally with the numismatic evidence (where Homer is of-
times that Cretheis was descended from Cyme and was forced during excavations headed by Professor Ekrem Akurgal. Dur- ten shown on one side of the coin, with Apollo on the other
to marry a teacher from Smyrna named Phemius in order to ing these excavation, city walls made of mud brick (with an av- side) and a reference by Pseudo-Plutarch to an inscription at
hide her pregnancy. She then delivered a baby on the banks erage width of 3.5 meters and dating to ca. 850 bc), houses and the bottom of a statue (Pseudo-Plutarch, De vita poesi Homeri,
of river Meles. Pindar (referred to in the Vita Scorialensis II), a wheat silo (tholos) were uncovered, indicating that Smyrna 1, 4.5) which reads: “Homer, the son of Meles, you enlivened
notes that both Smyrna and Chios could have been Homer’s had been a well-fortified and important city during Homer’s your hometown Colophon and the whole of Hellas (Greece)!”.
birthplace. Proclus has a similar approach, evaluating the lifetime. In strata dating to the Late Geometric period (ca. 725 With this inscription, the inhabitants of Colophon asserted
claims that Homer was born in Colophon, Chios and Smyrna. bc), remains of a temple and a processional road have been their claim to Homer. Yet even the inscription indicates that
He also states that Homer first saw light on the banks of river found. Amongst the finds was vase with a representation of a the river Meles was the birthplace of Homer. Since this river, as
Meles. Hesychios of Miletus also discussed the origins of the seven stringed lyre, which may indicate the poetic way of life at Strabo asserts, ran right beside the city walls of Smyrna (Geo-
great poet and, pointing especially to the name Melesigenes, the site. Yet another image of a lyre on a chimney pot is dated graphica, Book XIV, 646-37), Smyrna seemed to have the better
considered Smyrna to be the most likely candidate. Hesy- slightly later, about 670 bc. cards. However, Strabo also pointed out that neither Smyrna
chios was not alone in preferring Smyrna as Homer’s birth- Although these early pictorial references to poetic activity at nor the river Meles are mentioned in Homer’s epics (Geograph-
place: in the Vita Romana by Stesimbrotos of Thasos, Smyrna Smyrna do not explicitly refer to Homer, it is clear that the in- ica, XII, 554-27).
is named as the poet’s hometown. Smyrna is again mentioned habitants of classical Smyrna considered the great poet a fellow There is an additional problem, for the identity of the river
in the “Vita Scorialensis”, although other sites, such as Colo- Smyrnaean. Strabo (Geographica, XIV, 37-646) writes that the Meles was lost. Since the 17th century various attempts have
phon and Chios are included as plausible candidates. This text inhabitants of Pagos – the Hellenistic settlement overlooking been made to identify one of the smaller streams near Izmir
again dwells on Homer’s parentage: his father was the river god the old town of Smyrna, and known today as Kadifekale – con- as the old Meles. The most likely candidate now appears to be A bust of Homer erected in 2003 in the garden of the
Meles. The relation between Homer and the River Meles, at sidered the poet as such. To stress their Homeric heritage, they the Halkapınar lagoon and the small stream running into it. Faculty of Letters of the Dokuz Eylül University in Izmir.

162 163
TROY CITY, HOMER AND TURKEY

A marble tablet with an inscription referring to the Meles from Drawing of an illustration on a krater (mixing vase for wine
Halkapınar (but now at the Bornova Merkez mosque), seems and water) from ca. 730 BC (see also page 83), perhaps
to strengthen this identification. showing the moment at which the Trojan Prince Paris leads
Helen, the wife of King Menelaus, aboard his ship to sail away
From at least the 18th century onwards, Smyrna figured
to Troy. There is no clear evidence for this kind of mythological
prominently in the European collective mind as the birthplace interpretation of this scene. The way he ‘takes her by the arm’
of Homer. Various sites in and near the city (such as a grotto could also be a leaving gesture.
which was identified as ‘Homer’s cavern’) were readily associ-
ated with the great poet, although there really was very little to
no evidence whatsoever to support these associations. It did,
however, further tourism. district of the city in 1881. Even more recently, in 2002, a monu-
Meanwhile, the inhabitants of Izmir remembered the poet ment to Homer (by the sculptor Professor Ferit Özşen) was
by means of a journal called Omiros, which is published by erected in the Yeşildere delta (which is often – but mistakenly –
the “United Education Association”, a Rum (Greek) society seen as the river Meles). Lastly, a bust of Homer was erected
between the years 1873 and 1878. In addition to this, the name in the courtyard of the Faculty of Science and Letters of the
Omirion was given to one of the girls’ schools in the French Dokuz Eylül University in May 2003.

Before Homer set down the orally transmitted stories about

the Trojan War, the stories were recited by rhapsodes
accompanying themselves on a lyre. Rhapsodes were bards
of a kind, except that they did not extemporise, but rather
stuck fairly closely to their script. A lyre – appropriately – is
shown on this shard found in Smyrna (Izmir), perhaps from
the time that Homer lived there.

This statue of Homer, presumably from the 4th century, is in

the Izmir Museum for History and the Arts. The lower part was
excavated in Clarus near Colophon, one of the 12 Ionian cities
in Western Turkey, in 1950, and subsequently taken to the
Archaeological Museum in Izmir. The top of the same statue
was found 30 years later at the same site and added to the
collection of the Archaeological Museum in Selçuk (Ephesus).
The two museums competed for the complete statue over the
years between 1992 and 2004, Izmir demanding the head and

a claim to being Homer’s birthplace.

164
9 ETERNAL TROY THE EXCAVATIONS IN TROY FROM
PAST TO PRESENT: THE DISCOVERIES,
DISCUSSIONS AND RESULTS
RÜSTEM ASLAN

The ruins of Troy are located at the western edge of Anato-

lia, near the southern entrance to the Dardanelles Strait. The
region was known as the Troas during the classical period
(which is often anglicised as ‘the Troad’ in scholarly litera-
ture), but is known as the Biga Peninsula today. Situated be-
tween the Aegean and the Sea of Marmara, between Asia and
Europe, Troy lies on the outskirts of a limestone plateau be-
tween the rivers Karamenderes (Scamander in the Iliad) and
Dümrek (Semois). Today it lies six kilometres from the Aegean
coast and 4.5 kilometres from the Dardanelles Strait. Because of
its geographical position, it always had a strategic importance
to whomever ruled the area.
Troy and its surroundings stand at the centre of the Iliad, a Map of Troy and the Troad drawn by Jean-Baptiste Lechevalier
work which is believed to have been written down by Homer in in 1786. Between 1785 and 1787 he conducted an extensive
the 730s BC The poet, or those who informed him, must have investigation along the southern edge of the plain where he
believed Troy had lain. In 1791 he published his theory that
carefully surveyed the Karamenderes Valley, the now-lost port
on the Aegean coast, and Tenedos, Imbros, Samothrace and His ideas were to dominate the debate over Troy for almost
Mount Ida – all of which can clearly be seen from Troy today, a century.
since many geographic details in the Iliad match the region’s
geography.
In the 19th and the beginning of the 20th centuries, numer- TRAVELLERS IN PURSUIT OF TROY
ous classical philologists carried out critical studies suggest- During the Middle Ages, those travellers that visited the region
ing that the content of the epic is no more than fiction and with the aim of locating Homer’s Troy, usually presumed that
not based on true events. In fact, some researchers doubted settlements such as Alexandria Troas or Siegon – the remains
whether Homer and Troy had existed at all.. But despite these of which could still be seen along the Aegean coasts – were
views, Homer was increasingly read and admired and, from the the site of the legendary Troy. But by the 17th century, such
17th century onwards, numerous travellers visited the region in assumptions were increasingly criticised. George Sandys (1610)
pursuit of Homer. and George Wheeler (1675) were among the first to critically
The Dardanelles Strait, islands, mountains and even some examine the possible location of Troy. These two travellers ar-
streams mentioned in the epic can be easily discovered. Most of gued that Troy should not be sought along the coast, but more
the travellers who visited the region, expressed opinions about inland. The precise location of the ancient city remained, how-
the location of Priam’s Citadel. Though the region was always ever a matter of conjecture. Various possibilities were put for-
known as Troy/Ilios in Greek and Roman times, the city’s pre- ward by travellers such as Richard Pococke (in 1740), but in the
cise location within the Troad appears to have been forgotten absence of any maps, we cannot be sure where exactly these ear-
during (at the latest) the 11th century. ly travellers thought to have located Troy. The first to pinpoint
Troy was Alexander Pope, who attached an imaginary map to
Aerial photograph of the ruins of Troy. In the background his 1716 translation of the Iliad. Although the map showed no
the plains of Troy, the Dardanelles, Gallipoli and the clear reference to the contemporary geography of the Troad, it
islands of the Aegean. proved an incentive for Robert Wood, a British explorer who is

167
TROY CITY, HOMER AND TURKEY ETERNAL TROY

especially since Lechevalier’s finds so clearly fit Homer’s de- BACKGROUND TO THE EXCAVATION
scription of Troy. That classical Troy did not stand on the spot Maclaren’s 1863 book drew the attention of Frank Calvert, a
of Homer’s city was also apparent in Strabo, who described British citizen living in Çanakkale. He started two small scale
these sites as different settlements in his famous book (XIII). excavations on his own land at Hisarlık in 1863 and 1865. Al-
Despite all that, the identification of Pınarbaşı-Ballıdağ as though Calvert was soon convinced that he had uncovered the
Troy gradually became less attractive – especially since no more remains of Troy, the small scale of his excavations and his mod-
data confirming the site as Homer’s Troy were forthcoming. est means to pursue his interest further meant that he drew
In addition, it was increasingly felt that the site’s considerable only limited attention.
distance to the sea, and the fact that its springs were cold (and Heinrich Schliemann was not aware of Maclaren’s Hisarlık/
not hot as in Homer), made this site less compelling as Homer’s Troy identification when he first visited the region. He dug
city. at Pınarbaşı-Ballıdağ for a few weeks, where the results of
The turning point in the search for Troy was the article pub- his excavation did not convince him that the site was indeed
lished in the Edinburgh Magazine in April 1820, on the topogra- Troy. When he missed the ship for Athens, he was obliged to
phy of Troy by Charles MacLaren (who, incidentally, had before stay for another two days at Çanakkale. This is how he met
publication never visited the region). Two years later MacLaren Calvert. Calvert told Schliemann about Hisarlık and his ex-
expanded this article into a book of 270 pages. After visiting cavations, referring to Maclaren’s thesis on Troy. Although
Hisarlık in 1863, he revised and published the book again in the Schliemann neither visited the site at that point, nor both-
same year. Maclaren scrutinized all former publications about ered to read Maclaren’s thesis, he was convinced by Calvert’s
the topography of Troy and determined that Lechevalier had identification of Troy at Hisarlık. He presented the report on
mistakenly identified two rivers. In the Iliad, the Scamander is his journey through Greece and Troy as a doctoral thesis to
the largest river of the region, converging with the River Semois Rostock University in Germany in 1869, claiming that he him-
in front of Troy, and then flowing into Hellespont. This is not self had discovered Troy at Hisarlık. The thesis was approved.
the case at Pınarbaşı: as MacLaren pointed out, only Hisarlık A year after his trip to Troy, Schliemann came back as a doc-
possibly matches the Homeric description. He concluded tor of history and archaeology, with the aim of excavating the
mostly known through his publications of his visits to Baalbek that the river Karamenderes was the ancient Scamander, and site. This, however, was easier said than done, and official per-
and Palmyra, to look for the famous city in the Troad on behalf W. Gell, 1801. The hill looks out over the Trojan plain Dümrek the ancient river Semois. mission was not forthcoming. (Complaints about Schliemann
of the Society of Dilettanti in 1750. and the Karamenderes (Scamander) River. Lechevalier
discovered a defensive wall and several tumuli. This
Wood suggested a mountainous place in the inner region for lent great credibility to his theory that Troy might have In 1803 Franz Kauffer put forward the theory for the
the site of Troy, but most contemporary researchers did not lain here.
think much of this suggestion. Various surveys in the region
conducted by Comte de Choiseul-Gouffier, the ambassador of
France in Istanbul, provide basic geographical data for the site
of Troy for the first time. His surveys, which were conducted various springs... It all seemed to add up. Lechevalier published
within the framework of a wider effort to map and document his discovery and theories in 1791. His ideas dominated the
the North-Eastern Aegean, started in 1784, when Comte de debate on Troy for almost a century.
Choiseul-Gouffier was appointed ambassador, and continued Lechevalier’s work is interesting for more than one reason. For
partly until 1820, when de Choiseul-Gouffier was removed around the same time, Hisarlık – the site that is now accepted
from his position. Jean-Baptiste Lechevalier, the personal assis- as Troy- was mentioned as a possible contender for the first
tant of the Comte de Choiseul-Gouffier, examined the south- time by Franz Kauffer, another assistant of Comte de Choiseul-
ern edge of the Troy valley intensively between the years 1785 Gouffier. Kauffer visited the Troas region in order to test and
and 1787 and claimed that he had found the location of Troy approve Lechevalier’s thesis. In1803, however, Kauffer suggested
at the hill known as Pınarbaşı Ballıdağ. This site was in many that Hisarlık might have been Ilion, the site once considered as
ways an interesting option. A defensive circuit could be ob- a new capital city by the Roman Emperor Constantine. This
served on this hill, it overlooked the valley of Troy, and it was claim soon turned into a more concrete theory. Edward Daniel
situated next to the River Menderes. Moreover, there were four Clarke visited the Troad in 1801 and noted several classical coins
tumuli in its vicinity. Apart from the defensive circuit, various from Ilion, leading him to point to Hisarlık as the site of Greek
remains suggested the existence of a lower city. A vast number and Roman Ilion. At the site he found various inscriptions that
of springs were present at the site which made the identification confirmed his hunch. However, the identification of Hisarlık
of the site all the more plausible. A citadel, a lower city, burial as the site of classical Ilion did not necessarily conflict with
mounds of heroes, the nearby rivers Scamander and Semois and the identification of Pınarbaşı-Ballıdağ as pre-classical Troy,

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by a local landowner did not help.) He finally obtained permis- out in terms quality and thoroughness. After a 50-year break,
sion in 1871 and started his excavations in that same year. He new excavations started under the supervision of Manfred
would continue, with interruptions, until 1890 (1871-73; 1878- Osman Korfmann of Tübingen University. He was director of
79; 1882; 1890), uncovering in 1873 Priam’s Treasure; the hoard these excavations until his death in 2005. The excavations of
that brought Schliemann instant fame. He smuggled the treas- Korfmann resulted in numerous new insights. One of these was
ure first to Athens and later to Germany. Following the Second that Troy during the late Bronze Age had been a characteristically
World War, most of the Treasure was taken to Russia as spoils Anatolian town and that it possessed a fortified lower city.
of war, where it is now exhibited in the Pushkin Museum in The results of over a century of excavations at Troy are, in
Moscow. Schliemann’s excavations caused tremendous damage part, reviewed in chapter 2. Through the work of numerous
to the site; his ambition led him to ruthlessly dig through vari- archaeologists and other specialists at Hisarlık, we can now
ous architectural remains (some of these turned out to be from distinguish nine major settlement layers at Troy, and we know
the Late Bronze Age) in order to find the city of Homer’s Iliad. more of Troy’s place in the Troad and its position on the inter-
After Schliemann’s death, excavations at Troy were continued national stage.
by his friend, the German architect Wilhelm Dörpfeld (1853-
1940), who dug at the site between 1893 and 1894. Dörpfeld
identified various additional layers of Trojan settlement, and
corrected many mistakes made by his old friend. After a long
break, the American archaeologist Carl W. Blegen (1887-1917)
reinitiated excavations at Troy in the years 1893-1894. Blegen’s Excavations at Troy by the German archaeologist Wilhelm
excavations at Troy laid the foundation of modern Mediter-
ranean (Aegean) archaeology; his later publications still stand settlement in Troy, correcting many of Schliemann’s errors.

The excavations at Troy under the direction of Manfred Osman

Korfmann yielded a large number of fresh insights. One of
IS IT TROIA, TRUVA OR TROY?
these was that Late Bronze Age Troy had been a typical
The toponym Troy is written and pronounced differently in
various languages: “Troie” in French, “Troy” in English, “Troje” reconstruction diagram.
in Dutch, “Troia” in Italian and “Troja” in German. As for Turk-
ish, it is pronounced and written in at least seven different
ways: Troya, Truva, Torova, Turova, Turoya, Toruya, Toruva. In (which includes, as noted above, no less than seven variants).
international (especially German) academic circles, “Troia” is In fact, the variations in writing and pronunciation are based
usually preferred, since it comes closest to the Homeric spell- on the efforts of intellectuals in Istanbul, seeking a Turkish
ing of the placename. equivalent to French words and concepts which were very
The origins of and variations in the toponym have been dis- popular in the 19th century. For that reason, the French word
cussed in various scholarly works, most notably by the emi- “Troie” pronounced as “Truva” became common from that
nent scholar Joachim Latacz, in his book Homer – The First time on. After the alphabet revolution and with the use of
Poet of the West (Homer Der erste Dichter des Abendlands). Latin letters instead of Arabic, many different versions of Truva
The preference for “Troia” (rather than any of the other options appeared in the course of time.
mentioned above) in academic circles is a relatively recent de- As has been argued above, “Troia” is nowadays preferred in
- international academic circles. In Turkey, “Troya” (Troy in Eng-
gen excavation reports (starting in 1988), where “Troia” is lish) is also frequently used in popular editions because there
used almost exclusively. Korfmann and his colleagues were, is no difference in the pronunciation of Troya and Troia. In ad-
dition to that, it accords to Turkish grammar rules to use the
several world-known Turkish archaeologists (such as Prof. letter “y” instead of “i” as in Troya too. As noted, academics

word “Troia” already many years earlier. Likewise, the Çanak- -

kale Archaeological Museum also preferred the name Troia portance of Anatolian heritage, preferred the name “Troya”.
before the Tübingen excavations started in 1988. While aca- This can also be observed in the works of contemporary Turk-
demia nowadays seems relatively united in referring to the Ho- ish men of letters such as (Death in Troy)
meric site as “Troia”, one wonders why the name of this specif- by Bilge Karasu and the translation of The Trojan Women
ic North-Western Anatolian site has so many variations, in so ( ) by Euripides.
many different languages – although especially in Turkish

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TROY CITY, HOMER AND TURKEY ETERNAL TROY

TROY AS DISPLAYED IN MUSEUMS This exhibition had as theme the culture of Troy in the Early
and Late Bronze Age, which would have been identical to that
of the Thracians of the same period, displaying next to each
LAURIEN DE GELDER other comparable artefacts from the two regions.
Before the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989, it was difficult to
organise an exhibition containing artefacts from both East and
West Berlin. German reunification ensured that the Schlie-
mann collection in Berlin was united once more. There are at
From the time that the ancient remains of the city of Troy least 11,886 artefacts involved. The exhibition Schliemann’s Troia
were exposed by archaeologists artefacts were despatched to be was organised in 1991 to mark this reunification, opening in the
exhibited in many different locations all over the world. We Ruhrlandmuseum, now the Ruhr Museum, in Essen and mov-
are able to see the points of view about ancient Troy in these ing subsequently to Krefeld and Munich. This exhibition was
exhibitions. on show in the Rijksmuseum van Oudheden (National Mu-
Following an intensive excavation campaign that took place seum of Antiquities) in Leiden at the end of 1991.
between 1871 and 1873 under the direction of the German The museum world was hit by a bombshell when the Russian
archaeologist Heinrich Schliemann (see 7.1), the finds were authorities finally acknowledged in September 1993 that Pri-
initially displayed in the South Kensington Museum (now the am’s Treasure had been lying hidden all those years in Moscow’
Victoria and Albert Museum). Schliemann expected to become Pushkin Museum. East and West confronted each other in the The toponym Troy is written and pronounced differently in vari-
famous for his excavations at Troy, the city where East and West battle for Schliemann’s gold. Both Germany and Turkey laid ous languages. This Turkish postage stamp with the Wooden
had battled each other, but once in Europe he did not receive claim to the treasure, but the Russians justified their possession Horse of Troy was printed in Vienna in 1956. The German
translation is shown under the Turkish name of the city.
the enthusiastic reception he had hoped for. of the treasure by describing it as restitution for the suffering
While the larger museums of Western Europe showed only caused by the Germans during the Second World War. The
limited interest in the collection, the finds were on display to Pushkin Museum has since 1996 put on display 259 artefacts
the public in London in 23 glass display cases and cabinets for a from the treasure excavated by Schliemann. In 2006 the successful and notable exhibition Mythos Troja
period of two years. In 1880 Schliemann decided to transfer the Perhaps the largest and most talked-about exhibition on Troy was held in the Antikensammlungen (Antiquities Collections)
collection to the Museum für Völkerkunde in Berlin and – in to date was Troia -Traum und Wirklichkeit (Troy – Dream and and the Glyptothek in Munich, comprising artefacts from both
1881 – to donate it to the German people. The collection, which Reality) that drew almost a million visitors in 2001 and 2002. collections. The exhibition centred on the myth surrounding
included Priam’s Treasure, fell under the control of the Prussian The exhibition travelled throughout Germany from Stutt- Troy. The same year the Museum für Vor- und Frühgeschichte
authorities and remained in Berlin, where they were initially gart via Braunschweig to the former West German capital of in Berlin organised a Troy exhibition focusing on Schliemann
exhibited temporarily in the Kunstgewerbemuseum, the cur- Bonn. One half of the exhibition, Traum, translated Homer’s together with the archaeological museum in Warsaw. Another
rent Martin-Gropius-Bau. In around 1885 the collection was Iliad into representative art, while the other half, Wirklichkeit, angle of approach to the subject was illuminated in 2008 with
moved to the Neues Museum. In 1921 the collection, by then showed the results of more than 20 years of excavation at Troy the exhibition Homer – Der Mythos von Troia in Dichtung und
supplemented by artefacts from Schliemann’s estate and with under the direction of the German archaeologist Manfred Ko- Kunst (Homer – The Myth of Troy in Poetry and Art) in Basel,
new finds from Troy uncovered by his successor Dörpfeld, was rfmann. His findings caused controversy in both the media and which was primarily about the poet.
housed in the Staatliche Museum für Vor- und Frühgeschichte the academic world. Korfmann and his colleague Frank Kolb The exhibition Troje. Stad, Homerus en Turkije (Troy. City,
(State Museum for Pre-History and Early History). Here items found themselves on diametrically opposite sides and con- Homer and Turkey) in Amsterdam’s Allard Pierson Museum in
from Priam’s Treasure are currently to be seen in the permanent ducted a scientific feud in public. In the exhibition, Korfmann 2012-2013 is displaying many of the artefacts seen in the Turk-
exhibition in the Schliemann Room, although as copies. strove again – after a long interval – to make a link between ish exhibition of 2002-2003. It delves in greater depth into the
During the Second World War a large part of the collection Homer’s Iliad and the archaeological site of Troy. Kolb accused way in which Troy has been appropriated down the years than
of the Museum für Vor- und Frühgeschichte was taken for ‘safe’ him of a lack of scientific thoroughness in making the link and previous exhibitions. For the Greeks the story was part of their
storage to a bunker near the Berlin Zoo, although at the end of Heinrich Schliemann is shown in this 1877 illustration from compared Korfmann unfavourably to the famous Schliemann. culture; Rome laid claim to Troy with the story of Aeneas, and
the war many of the artefacts turned out to have disappeared. The Illustrated London News giving a lecture to The Society Another important exhibition was put on in 2002-2003 in Turkey is the country where the history was played out. The
of Antiquarians in London.
During the post-war years an increasing amount of pottery was the Yapı Kredi Vedat Nedim Tör Museum in Istanbul: Troya: key figures are Homer, as progenitor of the story, the Roman
restored to Berlin by the Soviet Union, where the archaeologi- Efsane ile Gerçek Arası Bir Kente Yolculuk (Troy: journey to a city Emperor Augustus, who used his cultural policy to disseminate
cal collection was now divided between East and West. Priam’s between legend and reality). This exhibition focused much more the idea that the Romans were descended from the Trojans,
Treasure remained missing. Het goud der Thraciërs. Troje-Thracië exhibiting archaeological on the archaeology of Troy, bringing together artefacts from Heinrich Schliemann, who linked the Iliad to the site of Troy,
treasures from museums in East Germany and Bulgaria. It went various Turkish collections, primarily from Istanbul and Çan- and Atatürk, who compared the Battle of Gallipoli in the First
EXHIBITIONS on display in the Boijmans van Beuningen Museum in Rot- akkale. The exhibition made a huge contribution to the aware- World War – where the Ottoman Empire held off an attempt
One of the first exhibitions following the subdivision of the terdam in 1984. This was the first exhibition on Troy in West- ness of Troy among the Turkish public. by the British and French to take Istanbul – to the Trojan War.
archaeological collection between East and West Berlin was ern Europe that put artefacts from East Germany on display.

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TROY AS COMIC STRIP Troy also often turns up in the many Odyssey comics as the
city where Odysseus started out on his 10-year voyage. Con-
apparently been an enormous increase in the number of French
comics on Antiquity, including many on the Trojan cycle, but
sider for example the slightly erotic album Ulysse by Pichard most remain untranslated as yet.
HERBERT VERRETH (1974-1975), The Wanderings of Odysseus (1975) or the children’s References to Troy also occur in dozens of comics about the
comic Goofy, 6. Odysseus (1981). The adventures of the hero Ae- late Greek and the Roman worlds, revealing how significant
neas also start out in this city, as related by the Aeneid in the Homer’s tales continued to be throughout Antiquity. Alexan-
series Illustrated classics (1963) and the Latin comic book Illa res der the Great’s fascination with the Greek hero Achilles, whose
Troiana by Blandford and Hill (1968). grave he visited at Troy, is well known – a detail that is fre-
The Trojan War, along with its previous history and aftermath, Homer’s Iliad has been turned into a comic strip several On occasion cartoonists let their own imaginations rip on quently referred to in comics.
is dealt with by many authors of Antiquity, sometimes exten- times before, but rarely in such convincing manner. Within the the traditional stories. For example in Deux contre Troie (Two Each cartoonist creates their own Troy. Some try to stick to
sively and sometimes in the form of passing reference. Small Illustrated Classics series, which seeks to offer a kind of Reader’s against Troy, 1962), two children end up at the time of the Tro- the ancient sources as closely as possible, while others make
wonder that these dozens of authors, who attempted to recount Digest overview of comics of world literature masterpieces, we jan War with ‘the history guide’, a story in which there is no use of the well known stories to create a point of departure
the story in both Greek and Latin over a period of more than a find The Iliad (1950) and The Rage of Achilles (1975). The short lack of amusing anachronism. In Thor. The Trojan War (1981) for their own ideas. Some attempt to reconstruct the arms and
thousand years, each created their own Troy. It is thus far from story The Iliad (1956) by Cuvelier appeared in the magzine Tin- the Norse god takes sides with some Trojans and goes a round architecture of the Late Bronze Age as accurately as possible,
easy to rework all these versions and variations into an inter- tin, and the black-and-white The Iliad in the magazine Ohee with his Greek counterparts. In an episode in Les grandes while others are content to portray an anachronistic city filled
nally coherent whole. Nevertheless this is precisely what Eric (1966) by Sels and Renaerts. Follet and Stoquart wrote their amours contrariées (Famous Unhappy Couples, 1982), King Me- with ‘classical’ Greek temples. There is also the problem of how
Shanower has been attempting to do since 1998 with his series own Iliad in two parts in 1974; the drawings are good, but the nelaus fights a war against the Trojans precisely to get rid of to visually distinguish the Trojans from the Greeks, especially
of comics entitled Age of Bronze, that now runs to 32 issues, story is unfortunately poorly reworked. The beautifully illus- his irritating wife Helen. In the extremely successful Le dernier because there is so little archaeological material available on the
or more than 750 extremely detailed pages in black-and-white. trated book The Iliad and the Odyssey (1996) by Marcia Williams Troyen. Le cheval de Troie (The Last Trojan. The Trojan Horse, Trojan civilisation. As in the film Troy (2004) directed by Wolf-
Literally all the variations of the narrative material are accorded is on the borderline between comic and children’s book. There 2004), the story of the Fall of Troy is transported to an in- gang Petersen, Troy is often presented in comics as a city with
their rightful historical and psychological place in his magis- are also numerous other comic book versions of the Iliad. tergalactic war in the distant future. The new series Questor. Minoan, Hittite or loosely ‘oriental’ characteristics. This deci-
terial epic, as Shanower strives to draw as many objects and Ménage à Troie (Questor. Trouble in Troy, 2011), and Troie. sion may be justified to a certain extent, but it remains a purely
buildings as accurate copies of real archaeological examples. Le peuple de la mer (Troy. The People from the Sea, 2012) are hypothetical reconstruction.
The drawings are beautiful and the story is gripping. In his ver- more fantasy than history. Over the last few years, there has
sion, the Greeks have just landed at Troy, and so it is impossible
Many comic book artists have interpreted the Trojan War
to estimate the hundreds, or even thousands, of pages he will
in their own way. Questor by Jean-Luc Sala drawn by
need to complete the story. Saviori & Bassini is a recent example. The main character
says in this drawing: ‘A primitive wooden vehicle spelled the
demise of a city hewn from granite, marble and porphyry.’
THE ILIAD IN THE 20TH CENTURY
JACQUELINE KLOOSTER

Where does Troy lie? The question that has exercised the Troy’s significance lies within the Iliad, and is thus present
minds of archaeologists and historians since Calvert and wherever this epic is read. Is there still good reason to read a
Schliemann is the following: is Hisarlik in fact the steep holy poem about a lost city that is almost 3,000 years old? Yes; for it
Troy of Homer? And what remains of Troy? Regardless of what remains a masterful, wise and ambivalent poem about war, the
the archaeologists may think-- for many others Troy is more eternal theme par excellence.
than a location: it is a symbol, as for instance the words of The Iliad depicts war as a ghastly yet splendid affair. At times
the Bulgarian-French-American author Rachel Bespaloff in her the epic is a eulogy to the heroic martial code, the bloody in-
1940 essay on the Iliad illustrate: toxication of war and the immortal renown (kleos) that battle
bestows on the youthful warrior. But it is also a lament on the
The city may have been burned to the ground, no stone left appalling, senseless loss of the young lives of those warriors, the
on top of another, but it lives on in the epic as living wit- prospect of inevitable collateral damage: death, rape and slavery.
ness to the real or imaginary conflict of which it was the Remarkably the conflict between Greeks and Trojans is never
object. presented as a conflict of ‘our heroes’ versus ‘the barbarians’.
(Rachel Bespaloff, de l’Iliade) If one did not know any better, one could easily think that

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Homer was a Trojan, as the French philosopher Simone Weil Often he wonders why on earth he went
remarked in her essay on the Iliad, also published in 1940. Troyward, or why poor Paris ever came.
Even the immortal gods, by turns amused and tormented, (...)
observing the spectacle from the Olympian heights of their (Rupert Brooke, Helen and Menelaus)
own perpetual invulnerability, ultimately do not have a decisive
say in the course of events. Moira, Fate – a higher and faceless SARPEDON IN THE TRENCHES
power – has decreed that Troy will fall. The heroes on the bat- It is scarcely surprising that the Iliad resonated especially and
tlefield can only play out their roles, gain their eternal glory, in various ways in a 20th century plagued by world wars of
and die their horrible deaths. There is no reason. unrivalled ferocity. The famous noblesse oblige speech spoken by
This fact was grasped by the Alexandrian poet Cavafy, who, Sarpedon, fighting on the side of the Trojans, to his comrade
in his poem Trojans published in 1905, turned the eternal losers in arms Glaucus proved particularly to inculcate a yearning for
into a metaphor for all useless human striving, without how- honour and glory in schoolboys:
ever providing any clue what that striving could be for or why
it is doomed: “Glaucus, why in Lycia do we receive especial honour as
regards our place at table? Why are the choicest portions
Our efforts are those of the unfortunate; served us and our cups kept brimming, and why do men
our efforts are like those of the Trojans look up to us as though we were gods? Moreover we hold
a large estate by the banks of the river Xanthus, fair with
(...) orchard lawns and wheat-growing land; it becomes us,
Nevertheless, our fall is certain. Above, therefore, to take our stand at the head of all the Lycians
on the walls, the mourning has already begun. and bear the brunt of the fight, that one may say to anoth-
The memories and the sentiments of our days weep. er, Our princes in Lycia eat the fat of the land and drink
Bitterly Priam and Hecuba weep for us. best of wine, but they are fine fellows; they fight well and
(In: C.P. Cavafy, Poems) are ever at the front in battle.’ My good friend, if, when
we were once out of this fight, we could escape old age and
That a fickle and indescribably beautiful woman is the cause death thenceforward and for ever, I should neither press
of this war dovetails superbly with the notion of war as the forward myself nor bid you do so, but death in ten thou-
capricious will of the Fates. Moreover, Helen is of course the sand shapes hangs ever over our heads, and no man can
‘obscure object of desire’ par excellence. Little wonder then that elude him; therefore let us go forward and either win glory
later versions of the myth locate Helen as a dream figment in for ourselves, or yield it to another.”
Troy, while in reality she remains behind in Egypt, as in Euripi- (Iliad, 12.310-328, translated by Samuel Butler)
des’ Helen. She is ultimately, as perhaps every war objective,
a mirage as desirable as it is intangible, a fata morgana. In his The nine million largely anonymous deaths on the battle- My friend, you would not tell with such high zest The Wooden Horse at the visitors’ entrance to the excavations
poem Helen and Menelaus published in 1908, the English poet fields of the First World War – the result of gas attack, machine to children ardent for some desperate glory, at Troy. The Wooden Horse is not mentioned in the Iliad.
gun, landmine, bombing or simply the ghastly bayonet charge The old Lie; Dulce et Decorum est Nevertheless, it has become the key icon of Homer’s story
Rupert Brooke sees in Helen – almost prophetically – both the
of the city’s fall.
poetic symbol of a beauty to die for and the banal reality, the through the muddy trenches – rapidly made clear that this Pro patria mori.
slipperiness of martial ideology: military code of heroic man-to-man combat, with its eternal (Wilfred Owen, Dulce et decorum est)
glory set down in verse, had come to an end once and for all.
(...) And with it ended a period in Western civilisation in which Lewis Milestone’s 1930 film about the First World War, SIMONE WEIL AND RACHEL BESPALOFF
I Sarpedon’s exhortation, along with Hector’s celebrated words All Quiet on the Western Front – based on Erich Maria Re- The heroic code might have disappeared, then, but certainly
High sat white Helen, lonely and serene. that whoever fell in battle for his country and died a hero’s marque’s novel, Im Westen nichts neues – provides another ex- not the urge to make war. In 1940, at the start of Europa’s sec-
He [Menelaus] had not remembered that she was so fair, death (Iliad 15.494-499; Dulce et decorum pro patria mori in the cellent illustration of this. In it a classics teacher deploys his ond great ‘cataclysm’, Simone Weil’s impressive essay L’ Iliade,
And that her neck curved down in such a way (...) notorious version of Horace’s Ode 3.2), could be held up as an pedantic stupidity to despatch an entire class of 18-year-olds to ou le poème de la force was published. Weil, a brilliant young
II example to young men. See for example Wilfred Owen’s 1917 futile death at the front using misconstrued quotes torn from philosopher, teacher and socialist of Jewish origin, wrote this
So far the poet. How should he behold poem describing in gruesome detail the agony of a comrade their classical contexts, among them Sarpedon’s lines. While anguished reflection on the Iliad as France was falling. Her
That journey home, the long connubial years? following a gas attack and concluding with the lines: the lines themselves are not in the novel, the film version has central thesis is contained in the opening sentence of her argu-
He does not tell you how white Helen bears the teacher quoting Sarpedon and Horace. ment: ‘The real hero, the real theme, the core of the Iliad is
Child upon legitimate child, becomes a scold force.’ Weil then defines ‘force’ as ‘the x that turns anyone sub-
(...) jected to it into a thing’. Not only those made to suffer force are
turned into objects, but those who make use of force are turned

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to stone, dehumanised. For Weil the Iliad is consequently ‘le er’s hymn to Troy, even if is an open question whether this of-
plus beau, le plus pur des miroirs’ – the purest and most beauti- fers them any consolation. The last sad parallel between these
ful mirror – in the light of the fact that she continues to see the two keen-eyed readers of Homer is their decision to end their
effects of force manifesting themselves everywhere around her. own war-ravaged lives.
The nations of Europe trampled underfoot are the new Troy.
Weil admires the Iliad for the boundless compassion with ETERNAL TROY
which it depicts this ineluctable dynamic of human suffering, We have in the meantime left innumerable wars behind us.
and for the wisdom of the poet, who perceives that the victors Images and stories turn up in the news that cause anyone who
could at any moment find themselves the vanquished. It is pre- knows the Iliad to shudder with recognition, for example the
cisely this dynamic that ensures that in war we will always want filming of the bodies of the US soldiers as they were dragged
to continue the fight – to rebalance the scales, to avenge the in delirious triumph behind jeeps through the streets of
suffering caused us. It is for Patroclus that Achilles ultimately Mogadishu:
kills again, not for Helen or for Agamemnon.
Weil’s interpretation a desperate one; however much love she The dust rose from Hector as he was being dragged along,
may see in the Iliad – between Andromache and Hector, Thetis his dark hair flew all abroad, and his head once so comely
and Achilles, Achilles and Patroclus – it is always a doomed was laid low on earth, for Jove had now delivered him
love, a love that makes us yearn for an end to force, for the peace into the hands of his foes to do him outrage in his own
that is occasionally mentioned in passing, as in the description land.
of the springs ‘where in the time of peace before the coming of (Iliad 22.401-4, translated by Samuel Butler)
the Achaeans the wives and fair daughters of the Trojans used to
wash their clothes’ (Iliad 22.147-156). These are the springs that Or take the hooded Iraqis humiliated and tortured by US
Achilles and Hector run past in deadly pursuit. soldiers seeking revenge for their slain comrades on anyone
Despite the great subtlety of her interpretation, Weil loses who comes to hand. Like Achilles slitting the throats of a dozen
sight of one significant detail: the Iliad also takes a grim pleas- youths on Patroclus’ grave ‘like another would cut a bunch of
ure in war. And Weil also appears to be unable or unwilling to flowers’, to quote Weil.
accord full value to the brilliant end, the temporary breathing Troy fell, long ago, possibly somewhere in Asia Minor, at
space in this world of force, the compassion that Achilles shows a spot now called Hisarlik. The Iliad merely predicts that
the father of the slain Hector in returning his son to him. fall, symbolically and implicitly, with the death of Hector, the
Interestingly enough, another essay on the Iliad by another city’s hero and protector. But Troy is laid siege to daily with
French philosopher of Jewish origin, Rachel Bespaloff, appeared the same grisly joy, for the same immortal Helen, and with the
at virtually the same time. She appears to have been setting her same inconsolable women and children left behind. The Iliad
thoughts down on the significance of the Iliad during times of is everywhere.
war when Weil’s ground-breaking essay appeared. Bespaloff’s
nuanced essay pays greater attention to the ambivalence of war
in Homer’s work, but somehow lacks the monolithic power of
Weil’s essay. Bespaloff realises that Homer and Tolstoy, with
whose War and Peace she compares the Iliad, share a ‘virile love
for war and a virile abhorrence of it’. It is impossible to separate
these two sides of war in Homer’s poetry. In the Iliad war is
above all an ineluctable given that holds up a mirror to hu-
man fate with its changing fortunes, suffering and glory, friend-
ship and treachery, cruelty and compassion. Bespaloff does not
allow pacifist preoccupations to condition her interpretation
of Homer to the extent that Weil does. Her true hero is thus
Hector, because he fights for a reason, for Troy, his threatened
country: ‘As Apollo’s protégé, Ilion’s protector, defender of a
city, a wife, a child, Hector is the protector of transient joys.’ the city was once more in the frontline when Allied troops
Taken together these two essays form a penetrating illustra- landed on the nearly shores. Many of these soldiers were well
tion of what the Iliad has to say to readers in times of duress: aware of the historical aspect of this landing, and some of
both recognise elements of their own merciless reality in Hom- them wrote poems about it that were at times fatalist.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY

INTRODUCTIONS East: The Royal Correspondence of the Late Bronze Age (London 2003). Byzantium (and Medieval Europe). For literary descriptions in the found in the Ottoman Archives of the Prime Minister in Istanbul.
Numerous books have been written about Troy, the Trojan War, Together with Eric Cline en Gary Beckman, Bryce has translated all Byzantine era see W.J. Aerts, ‘Das literarische Porträt in der byzanti- For the Ottoman-Turkish perspective of the excavations by Schlie-
and about the question whether the works of Homer have a basis in Hittite texts on Ahhiyawa with a commentary in The Ahhiyawa Texts nischen literatur’ in: Groningen Colloquia on the Novel VII (Gronin- mann see R. Aslan, A. Sönmez and R. Körpe, ‘Heinrich Schliemanns
history. One of the best introductory publications is Troia und Homer; (Atlanta 2011). In recent years a number of handbooks have been gen 1997), 151-195. Ausgrabung in Troia nach Osmanischen Quellen’ in Studia Troica,
Der Weg zur Lösung eines alten Rätsels (2001) by the great scholar on published on the Mycenaean world. A thorough, albeit somewhat 18 (2009), 237-248, R. Aslan and A. Sönmez, ‘Die Entdeckung und
Homer, Joachim Latacz. This book was updated and translated into conservative, overview can be found in L. Schofield, The Mycenaeans 6. The best-known biography of sultan Mehmed II was written by der Schmuggel des ›Priamos-Schatzes‹ von Hisarlık (Troia) nach
English in 2004: Troy and Homer; Towards a Solution of an old Mystery (Los Angeles 2007). The political structures of Greece (and the ques- Franz Babinger, Mehmed der Eroberer und seine Zeit (München 1953). Athen anhand osmanischer Quellen’ in Studia Troica, 19 (to be pub-
(Oxford 2004). Latacz has also written about Homer and his World, for tion whether there was a united Mycenaean Greece) are dealt with The history of Mehmed II by Michael Critobulus was translated into lished in 2012), G. Uslu, ‘Ottoman Appreciation of Trojan Herit-
example Homer. His Art and His World (1996). Michael Wood’s In Search by J. Kelder, The Kingdom of Mycenae; a Great Kingdom in the Late English by C.T. Riggs, History of Mehmed the Conqueror (Princeton age, 1870–1875’ in Tijdschrift voor Mediterrane Archeologie, 41 (2009),
of the Trojan War (London 1985) is still a good introduction on the histo- Bronze Age Aegean (Bethesda 2010). For Lineair B and the fascinat- 1954). Cemal Kafadar, in his book Between Two Worlds. The Construc- 4-10, U. Esin, ‘19. Yüzyıl Sonlarında Heinrich Schliemann’ın Troya
ricity and the history of research about Troy and the Trojan War. Short ing story of the deciphering of this ancient script, see Andrew Rob- tion of the Ottoman State (Berkeley-Los Angeles-London 1995), writes Kazıları ve Osmanlılar’la İlişkileri’ in Z. Rona (ed.), Osman Ham-
introductions on Homer, the archaeology of Troy the Trojan legends son, The Man who Deciphered Linear B; The story of Michael Ventris about Mehmed II’s visit to Troy. Klaus Kreiser writes on Homer in di Bey ve Dönemi Sempozyumu 1992 (Istanbul 1993), 179-191, D. A.
can be found in the exhibition catalogue Troia. Traum und Wirklich- (London/New York 2002). Turkey in his article ‘Troia und die Homerischen Epen. Von Mehmet Günay, ‘İstanbul Arkeoloji Muzeleri Arşivinden Schliemann’nın Bir
keit (2001), edited by Barbara Theune-Grosskopf. The latest research on II. bis İsmet İnönü’ in the above mentioned Troia. Traum und Wirk- Mektubu’ in Light on Top of the Black Hill, Studies Presented to Halet
Troy’s archaeological site are published in the series Studia Troica. 4. An introduction to the controversy about Troy’s lower city can lichkeit, 282-290. For Vondel, Troy and the Aeneid, see R. Th. van Çambel – Karatepe’deki Işık, Halet Çambel’e Sunulan Yazılar (Istanbul
be found in D.F. Easton, J. D. Hawkins, A. G. Sherratt en E. S. der Paardt, ‘Vondels Gijsbreght en de Aeneis’ in Hermeneus 59 (1987), 1998), 57-69. A recently published handbook on archeology in the
1. For ancient ideas on Homer, see B. Graziosi, Inventing Homer. Sherratt, ‘Troy in Recent Perspective’, in Anatolian Studies 52 (2002), 244-250. Troy and the Trojan heroes in Shakespeare’s plays come into Ottoman Empire, including research of Ottoman sources is
The Early Reception of Epic (Cambridge 2002). For an overview of the 75-109. The literature on Homer and the world he has described in view in Ch. Martindale & M. Martindale, Shakespeare and the Uses Z. Bahrani, Z. Çelik en E. Eldem (ed.), Scramble for the Past:
debate on the oral origin of the Homeric epics, see S. Reece, ‘Homer’s his epics is vast and generally good. Readers of this book are especially of Antiquity (London 1990) and K. Palmer (ed.), Troilus & Cressida A Story of Archaeology in the Ottoman Empire 1753-1914 (Istanbul 2011).
Iliad and Odyssey: From Oral Performance to Written Text’ in M.C. referred to J.N. Coldstream, Geometric Greece. 900-700 BC (London (London 1981). The concept lieux de mémoire is treated by P. Nora, For developments in Ottoman-Turkish museums, see W.M.K. Shaw,
Amodio (ed.), New Directions in Oral Theory (Tempe 2005), 43-89. en New York 2003), as well as the above mentioned Troia. Traum und Les Lieux de mémoire (Paris 1984-1992), and further by Pim den Boer Possessors and Possessed. Museums, Archaeology, and the Visualization of
Defending the thesis that Homer has never existed is M. West, ‘The Wirklichkeit. For the literary quality of the epics, see Homer on Life in, among others, ‘Loci memoriae-Lieux de mémoire’ in A. Erll & A. History in the Late Ottoman Empire (Berkeley & Los Angeles 2003).
Invention of Homer’ in The Classical Quarterly 49 (1999), 346-382. and Death by Jasper Griffin (Oxford 1980). The Dutch scholar Irene Nünning (ed.), Cultural memory studies: an international and inter-
The art of poetry in Homer is described by A. Ford, Homer. The de Jong has given great impetus to the study of Homer by her many disciplinary handbook (Media and cultural memory, 8) (Berlin-New 8. The first Ottoman-Turkish translations of the Iliad book I were made
Poetry of the Past (Ithaca, New York and London 2002), and I.J.F. publications on Homer’s narrative techniques, for example Narrators York 2008), 19-25. For the history of the epics of Homer in Europe see by Na’im Fraşeri, Ilyada. Eser-i Homer (Istanbul 1303/1885 or 1886)
de Jong, ‘The Homeric Narrator and his own kleos’, Mnemosyne 59 and Focalizers. The Presentation of the Story in the Iliad (Bristol 2004). W. Helbig, Das homerische Epos aus den Denkmälern erläutert (Leipzig and Selanikli Hilmi, İlyas yahud şâir-i şehîr Omiros (Istanbul 1316/1898
(2006), 188-207. Invaluable is the Homer Encyclopedia in three vol- De Jong and Latacz also contribute to the Gesamtkommentar on the 1987), R. M. Ogilvie, Latin and Greek. A History of the Influence of the or 1899). 19th-century Ottoman magazines that published on Homer
umes, edited by M. Finkelberg. On the relationship between the oral Ilias, that has seen several volumes published since 2000. Classics on English Life from 1600-1918 (London 1964) and N. Hepp, are, among others, Kevkebü’l Ulum (between December 1884 and
and epic traditions in the Near East and the Greek world, see W.F.M. Homère en France au XVIIe siècle (Paris 1968). February 1885), Ikdam (8 March 1893 and 15 December 1897), Servet-i
Henkelman, Iter ad Paradisum. Terug naar Gilgameš, en verder, Lam- 5. A well-documented overview of the theme of the Trojan War in Fünun (7 April 1904). For history books in Turkish secondary schools
pas 42 (2009), 31-55, and H. Vanstiphout, Het epos van Gilgamesh the archaic and classical Greek literature is given by H. Pallantza, 7. Recently publised, on Schliemann’s life in the Netherlands: in the 1930s, see Tarih I-IV. Kemalist eĝitimin tarih dersleri (1931-1941)
(Nijmegen 2002). Der troische Krieg in der nachhomerischen Literatur (2005). Suzan W. Arentze, Schliemann en Nederland. Een leven vol verhalen (Istanbul 2003), III-XIII. Cemal Kafadar writes about the classical
Woodford, The Trojan War in Ancient Art (Londen 1993) documents (Leiden 2012). Biographies of Schliemann include S. Schliemann sources for political ideas in the Ottoman Empre in ‘Osmanlı Siyasal
2. Hundreds of books have been published on the archaeology of Troy. the images around the subject of the Trojan War. Anthony Snodgrass, (ed.), Heinrich Schliemann Selbstbiographie bis zum Tode vervollstän- Düşüncesinin Kaynakları Üzerine Gözlemler’ in Modern Türkiye’de
As a rule, especially the recent publications by Korfmann and mem- Homer and the Artists (Cambridge 1998) is a thorough publication digt (Leipzig 1936), L. E. Brodhaus, Schliemann of Troy. The story Siyasi Düşünce. Cumhuriyet’e Devreden Düşünce Mirası. Tanzimat
bers of his team (including Joachim Latacz) give the best introduc- on the early images relating to Homer. John Boardman published of a gold seeker (London 1931) en D.A. Traill, Schliemann of Troy. ve Meşrutiyet’in Birikimi, vol. 1 (Istanbul 2002), 23-37. An very im-
tions and refer to older publications that are still relevant to this field. The Archaeology of Nostalgia, how the Greeks re-created their mythical Treasure and deceit (London 1995). The role of Frank Calvert during portant handbook on modern Turkish literature is I. Enginün, Yeni
The series Studia Troica has to be singled out especially. In this series, past (Londen 2002) on the Greeks of later ages and their use of their the excavations in Troy and his relation to Schliemann is treated by Türk Edebiyatı (1839-1923) (Istanbul 2010). The publication by O.
Korfmann and his team have published the latest research and views mythical past. For Troy and the epics of Homer in Roman times, S. Heuck Allen, Finding the Walls of Troy. Frank Calvert and Heinrich Koçak, ‘1920’lerden 1970’lere Kültür Politikaları’ in Modern Türkiye’de
on this historic city. A good introduction is M. Korfmann (ed.), see, among others, F. Castagnoli, ‘Troiani nel Lazio’ in Enciclopedia Schliemann at Hisarlık (Berkeley & Los Angeles 1999). The letters of Siyasi Düşünce: Kemalizm, vol. 2 (Istanbul 2002), 370-419, describes
Troia. Archäologie eines Siedlunghügels und seiner Landschaft (Mainz Virgiliana (Rome 1990), 289-90, P. Schrijvers (on Julius Caesar in Schliemann were published by E. Meyer (ed.), Briefe von Heinrich Turkish cultural politics and the role of humanism. S. Yüksel writes
am Rhein 2006). A slightly more popular book, with many beautiful Troy) and H. Smolenaars (on Troy in Vergil’s Aeneid) in Hermeneus Schliemann, gesammelt und mit einer Einleitung in Auswahl (Berlin- about the role of Antiquity in Turkish literature in Türk Edebiyatında
illustrations, was published by N. Fields, D. Spedaliere en S. Sulem- 74.4 (2002). For the Game of Troy see K.-W. Weeber, ‘Troiae lusus: Leipzig 1936), and E. Meyer (ed.), Heinrich Schliemann. Briefwech- Yunan Antikitesi (1860-1908) (Sivas 2010). For neohellenism, see
sohn: Troy. 1700-1250 BC (Oxford 2004). Alter und Entstehung eines Reiterspiels’ in Ancient Society 5 (1974), sel (Berlin 1953 en 1958). Schliemann published his own excavation B. Ayvazoğlu, Yahya Kemal, Eve Dönen Adam in Kapı Yayınları
171-96. The Nachleben of Troy in the Byzantine era comes to life in reports in, among others, H. Schliemann, Bericht über die Ausgrabun- (Istanbul 2008), Y.K. Karaosmanoğlu, Gençlik ve Edebiyat Hatıraları
3. The best handbook on the history of the Hittites is written by Polemos tis Troados, an edition of the Greek text with a lengthy intro- gen in Troja im Jahre 1890 (Leipzig 1891) and H. Schliemann, Troja, (Ankara 1969), M. Tevfik, Esâtir-i Yunâniyan (Kostantiniyye
Trevor Bryce, Kingdom of the Hittites (Oxford 2005). Bryce has also duction by M. Papathomopoulos and E.M. Jeffreys (Athens 1996). Ergebnisse meiner neusten Ausgrabungen auf der Baustelle von Troja, in 1329) and S. Şemseddin, Esatir-Dünya Mitolojisinden Örnekler
published an excellent book about the contacts between the Great Katherine Callen King, Achilles. Paradigms of the War Hero from den Heldengräbern, Bunarbaschi und andern Orten der Troas im Jahre (Istanbul 2004). For more information on the Blue Anatolians see
Kings in the ancient Near East, including the relations between the Homer to the Middle Ages (Berkeley-Los Angeles-Oxford 1987) has 1882 (Leipzig 1884, Dortmund 1984/1987). The correspondences of S. Eyüboğlu, Mavi ve Kara (Istanbul 1967), M. Belge, Genesis, Büyük
Hittites and Ahhiyawa: Letters of the Great Kings of the Ancient Near a broad overview and describes how the story of Troy was treated in the Ottoman government concerning Troy and Schliemann can be Ulusal Anlatı ve Türklerin Kökeni (Istanbul 2008), S. Deren, ‘Türk

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TROY CITY, HOMER AND TURKEY

ILLUSTRATION CREDITS

Siyasal Düşüncesinde Anadolu İmgesi’ in T. Bora en M. Gültekingil 9. The publication 101 Soruda Troia (Çanakkale 2011) by Rüstem Aslan Amsterdam, Allard Pierson Museum/Stephan van der Linden: Leiden, Rijksmuseum van Oudheden: p. 15 (right), 38, 60, 84, 92
(ed.) Modern Türkiye’de Siyasi Düşünce 4: Milliyetçilik (Istanbul 2002), is a very informative book on the various aspects of Troy, as well p. 12, 15 (left), 18 (donated by dr. Bierens de Haan), 27 (left), London, Bridgeman Art Liberary/Getty Images: p. 64
533-540. Modern political varieties of Blue Anatolism are described by as the travel guide Troia/Wilusa written by Manfred O. Korfmann 41, 53 (below), 69, 73, 79, 80, 85, 86, 96, 108 London, Tristram Kenton: p. 120
Turgut Özal in Turkey in Europe and Europe in Turkey (1991). For (2005). Information on comic strips and Antiquity can be found at Amsterdam, Bijzondere Collecties van de Universiteit van Londen, The British Library: p. 119 (right)
Izmir and Homer see H. Malay, ‘Smyrna, Meles ve Halkapınar’ in http://bib.arts.kuleuven.be/bibliotheek/oudheidfilmstrip.cfm. Amsterdam/Stephan van der Linden: p. 114, 116, 119 (left), London, The National Portrait Gallery: p. 118
Eren Akçiçek’e Armağan (Izmir 2010), M. Akurgal, ‘Hellenic Architec- Rachel Bespaloffs de l’Iliade (1940) was translated in 1945 by Mary 128, 172, 174 London, The Royal Opera House/Bill Cooper: p. 125
ture in Smyrna 650-546 bc’ in Milesische Forschungen Band 5, Frühes McCarthy as On the Iliad. Simone Weil’s essay l’Iliade, ou le poème Amsterdam, Tom Blau/Camera Press/Hollandse Hoogte: London, The Trustees of the British Museum: p. 83
Ionien: Eine Bestandaufnahme, Panionion Symposion Güzelçamlı (26 de la force (1940) was published in English by P. Holoka in 2006: p. 52 (left) Munich, Christoph Haußner: p. 22, 24, 25 (above)
September-1 October 1999), 123-136. Simone Weil’s The Iliad or Poem of Force: A Critical Edition. The Amsterdam, Hollandse Hoogte: cover illustration New York, Herbert F. Johnson Museum of Art, Cornell
collected poems of C.P. Cavafy were published with parallel Greek Amsterdam, De Nederlandse Opera: 126 University: p. 76
text by C.P. Cavafy, Anthony Hirst, Peter Mackridge and Evangelos Amsterdam, Peter F. van den Eijnde: p. 67 (above) Paris, RMN-Grand Palais (Musée du Louvre)/René-Gabriel
Sachperoglou in 2007. Amsterdam, Laurien de Gelder: p. 14, 27 Ojéda: p. 78
Amsterdam, Günay Uslu: p. 145, 146, 147 Private collection: p. 90, 93, 115
Amsterdam, Willemijn Waal: p. 44 Rotterdam, Museum Boijmans Van Beuningen/Studio Tromp,
Argos, Archaeological Museum: p. 56 Rotterdam: p. 111
Athens, Thomas Loughlin: p. 17, 47, 57, 62-63, 131 Tilburg, Wim Hupperetz: p. 61 (right)
Athene, Jonathan Tomlinson: p. 51 Troy, Projekt Troia, Dünya Kültür Mirası-World Heritage,
Belgium, Jean Housen: p. 53 (above) (Rüstem Aslan/ Murat Kıray): p. 5, 27 (rechts), 29, 30, 31, 32,
Berlin, Deutsches archäologisches Institut 33, 34, 35, 36, 39, 61, 91, 138, 139, 140, 141, 166 (Hakan Öge),
(www.hattuscha.de): p. 42 167, 168, 169, 170, 171, 177, 179
Berlin, Museum für Vor- und Frühgeschichte, Staatliche Vatican City, Museo Gregorio Etrusco, Musei Vaticani: p. 65 (left)
Museen zu Berlin-Stiftung Preußischer Kulturbesitz: p. 26, 130 Zoetermeer, Avision: p. 21, 49
Berlin, Vorderasiatisches Museum, Staatliche Museen zu
TEXT CREDITS Berlin-Stiftung Preußischer Kulturbesitz: p. 20
Brussels, Koninklijke Musea voor Kunst en Geschiedenis: p. 8
Çanakkale, Çimenlik Kalesi Museum: p. 158
TEXTS DOCUMENTS Carlisle, PA, Dickinson College: p. 54
6.2 ‘Homer and Troy: from European to disputable lieux de mémoire’ is For this publication the following documents have been consulted: Dreamstime Stock Photography (www.dreamstime.com): p. 71
an adaptation of Boer, P. den, ‘Homer und Troja’, in P. den Boer, H. 7.2 Istanbul, Başbakanlık Osmanlı Arşivi The Hague, Hoogsteder & Hoogsteder: p. 110, 113
Duchhardt, G. Kreis, W. Schmale (eds.), Europäische Erinneringsorte i.hr. 250/14863: 10 Rebiülahir 1288 (29/06/1871) Heemstede, René van Beek: p. 25 (below), 38, 70, 180
Volume 2 (Munich 2012), p. 189-200. mf.mkt. 17/98: 23 Muharrem 1291 (12/03/1874) Florence, DeAgostini Picture Library/Scala: p. 89
mf.mkt. 17/188: 11 Safer 1291 (30/03/1874) Florence, Namur Archive/Scala: p. 102
7.2 ‘Schliemann and the Ottoman Turks’is an adaptation of: Uslu, G., mf.mkt. 18/94: 19 Rebiülahir 1291 (05/06/1874) Florence, Scala: p. 87, 108
‘Ottoman Appreciation of Trojan Heritage 1870–1875’, Tijdschrift mf.mkt. 18/97: 23 Rebiülahir 1291 (09/06/1874) Istanbul, Mithat Atabay Koleksiyon: p. 156
voor Mediterrane Archeologie 41 (2009), 4-10. Istanbul, Eyüboğlu Familiearchief: p. 160
mf.mkt. 18/147: 09 Cemaziyelahir 1291 (24/07/1874)
Istanbul, Istanbul Arkeoloji Müzeleri: p. 2, 45, 75
mf.mkt.. 26/153: 26 Safer 1292 (03/04/1875)
Istanbul, Gülbün Mesara Koleksiyon: p. 149
7.3 boa mf.mkt., 18/147, 24 Temmuz 1874
Istanbul, Ottoman Archives of the Prime Ministry:
8.3 Başbakanlık Cumhuriyet Arşivi (BCA), 030.0.18.01.02.40.78.019.
p. 127 (above) (i.hr. 250/14863-1), 134 (i.hr. 250/14863-2),
(05/02/1933).
135 (mf.mkt. 17/188), 136 (left) (mf.mkt. 18/97-1),
136 (right) (mf.mkt. 18/97-2)
Istanbul, Sevdet Serbest: p. 142
Istanbul, Ömer Faruk Şerifoğlu Koleksiyon: p. 151, 152-153, 160
Istanbul, Topkapı Sarayı Müzesi; p. 104, 107
Istanbul, Şükrü Tül: p. 163 (below), 164, 165
Izmir, Saffet Gözlükaya: p. 163 (above)

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PRODUCTION CREDITS

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Cem Yavuz and Kutse Altın (English-Turkish) isbn 978 90 400 0750 7 (Dutch edition)
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Illustration
Cover Henri Paul Motte, engraving after The Trojan Horse.
Page 2 One of Troy’s more spectacular finds, these pieces are
part of the the gold headdress found by Heinrich Schliemann
in the layers Troy II/III. They are dated to the Early Bronze
Age, 2600-300 bc.
pagina 5 The site of Troy today.
pagina 8 Pyxis (jewellery box) depicting the judgement
of Paris, 575-525 bc.