Beethoven 1
Beethoven 1
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Widely regarded as the greatest composer who ever lived, Ludwig van Beethoven dominates a period of musical
history as no one else before or since. Rooted in the Classical traditions of Joseph Haydn and Mozart, his art
reaches out to encompass the new spirit of humanism and incipient nationalism expressed in the works of Goethe
and Friedrich von Schiller, his elder contemporaries in the world of literature; the stringently redefined moral
imperatives of Kant; and the ideals of the French Revolution, with its passionate concern for the freedom and
dignity of the individual. He revealed more vividly than any of his predecessors the power of music to convey a
philosophy of life without the aid of a spoken text; and in certain of his compositions is to be found the strongest
assertion of the human will in all music, if not in all art. Though not himself a Romantic, he became the
fountainhead of much that characterized the work of the Romantics who followed him, especially in his ideal of
program or illustrative music, which he defined in connection with his Sixth (Pastoral) Symphony as “more an
expression of emotion than painting.” In musical form he was a considerable innovator, widening the scope of
sonata, symphony, concerto, and quartet, while in the Ninth Symphony he combined the worlds of vocal and
instrumental music in a manner never before attempted. His personal life was marked by a heroic struggle against
encroaching deafness, and some of his most important works were composed during the last 10 years of his life
when he was quite unable to hear. In an age that saw the decline of court and church patronage, he not only
maintained himself from the sale and publication of his works but also was the first musician to receive a salary
with no duties other than to compose how and when he felt inclined.
Having observed in his eldest son the signs of a talent for the piano, Johann tried to make Ludwig a child prodigy
like Mozart but did not succeed. It was not until his adolescence that Beethoven began to attract mild attention.
When in 1780 Joseph II became sole ruler of the Holy Roman Empire, he appointed his brother Maximilian Francis
as adjutant and successor-designate to the archbishop-elector of Cologne. Under Maximilian’s rule, Bonn was
transformed from a minor provincial town into a thriving and cultured capital city. A liberal Roman Catholic, he
endowed Bonn with a university, limited the power of his own clergy, and opened the city to the full tide of the
German literary renaissance associated with Gotthold Ephraim Lessing, Friedrich Gottlieb Klopstock, and the
young Goethe and Schiller. A sign of the times was the nomination as court organist of Christian Gottlob Neefe, a
Protestant from Saxony, who became Beethoven’s teacher. Although somewhat limited as a musician, Neefe was
nonetheless a man of high ideals and wide culture, a man of letters as well as a composer of songs and light
theatrical pieces; and it was to be through Neefe that Beethoven in 1783 would have his first extant composition
(Nine Variations on a March by Dressler) published at Mannheim. By June 1782 Beethoven had become Neefe’s
assistant as court organist.
In 1783 he was also appointed continuo player to the Bonn opera. By 1787 he had made such progress that
Maximilian Francis, archbishop-elector since 1784, was persuaded to send him to Vienna to study with Mozart.
The visit was cut short when, after a short time, Beethoven received the news of his mother’s death. According to
tradition, Mozart was highly impressed with Beethoven’s powers of improvisation and told some friends that “this
young man will make a great name for himself in the world”; no reliable account of Beethoven’s first trip to Vienna
survives, however.
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For the next five years,https://academic-eb-com.easyaccess1.lib.cuhk.edu.hk/levels/collegiate/print/article/Ludwig-van-Beethoven/109398
7/10/2019 Beethoven remained at Bonn. To his other court duties was added that of playing viola in
the theatre orchestra; and, although the archbishop for the time being showed him no further mark of special
favour, he was beginning to make valuable acquaintances. Sometime previously he had come to know the widow
of the chancellor, Joseph von Breuning, and she engaged him as music teacher to two of her four children. From
then on, the Breunings’ house became for him a second home, far more congenial than his own. Through Mme von
Breuning, Beethoven acquired a number of wealthy pupils. His most useful social contact came in 1788 with the
arrival in Bonn of Ferdinand, Graf (count) von Waldstein, a member of the highest Viennese aristocracy and a
music lover. Waldstein became a member of the Breuning circle, where he heard Beethoven play and at once
became his devoted admirer. At a fancy dress ball given in 1790, the ballet music, according to the Almanach de
Gotha (a journal chronicling the social activities of the aristocracy), had been composed by the count, but it was
generally known that Beethoven had written it for him. The same year saw the death of the emperor Joseph II.
Through Waldstein again, Beethoven was invited to compose a funeral ode for soloists, chorus, and orchestra, but
the scheduled performance was canceled because the wind players found certain passages too difficult. He then
added to it a complementary piece celebrating the accession of Joseph’s brother Leopold II. There is no record that
either was ever performed until the end of the 19th century, when the manuscripts were rediscovered in Vienna and
pronounced authentic by Johannes Brahms. But in 1790 another great composer had seen and admired them: that
year Haydn, passing through Bonn on his way to London, was feted by the elector and his musical establishment;
when shown Beethoven’s score, he was sufficiently impressed by it to offer to take Beethoven as a pupil when he
returned from London. Beethoven accepted Haydn’s offer and in the autumn of 1792, while the armies of the
French Revolution were storming into the Rhineland provinces, Beethoven left Bonn, never to return. The album
that he took with him (preserved in the Beethoven-Haus in Bonn) indicates the wide circle of his acquaintances and
friends in Bonn. The most prophetic of the entries, written shortly after Mozart’s death, runs:
The spirit of Mozart is mourning and weeping over the death of her beloved. With the inexhaustible Haydn she
found repose but no occupation. With the help of unremitting labour you shall receive Mozart’s spirit from Haydn’s
hands. (Waldstein)
The compositions belonging to the years at Bonn—excluding those probably begun at Bonn but revised and
completed in Vienna—are of more interest to the Beethoven student than to the ordinary music lover. They show
the influences in which his art was rooted as well as the natural difficulties that he had to overcome and that his
early training was inadequate to remedy. Three piano sonatas written in 1783 demonstrate that, musically, Bonn
was an outpost of Mannheim, the cradle of the modern orchestra in Germany, and the nursery of a musical style
that was to make a vital contribution to the classical symphony. But, at the time of Beethoven’s childhood, the
Mannheim school was already in decline. The once famous orchestra was, in effect, dissolved after the war of 1778
between Austria and Prussia. The Mannheim style had degenerated into mannerism; this particular influence is
reflected in a preoccupation with extremes of piano (soft) and forte (loud), often deployed in contradiction to the
musical phrasing, that may be found in Beethoven’s early sonatas and in much else written by him at that time—
which is not surprising, since the symphonies of later Mannheim composers formed the staple fare of the Bonn
court orchestra. But what was only an occasional effect for Mozart and others influenced by the Mannheim
composers was to remain a fundamental element for Beethoven. The sudden pianos, the unexpected outbursts, the
wide leaping arpeggio figures with concluding explosive effects (known as “Mannheim rockets”)—all these are
central to Beethoven’s musical personality and were to help him toward the liberation of instrumental music from
its dependence on vocal style. Beethoven may indeed be described as the last and finest flower on the Mannheim
tree.
Early influences
Like other composers of his generation, Beethoven was subject to the influence of popular music and of folk
music, influences particularly strong in the Waldstein ballet music of 1790 and in several of his early songs and
unison choruses. Heavy Rhineland dance rhythms can be found in many of his mature compositions; but he could
assimilate other local idioms as well—Italian, French, Slavic, and even Celtic. Although never a nationalist or folk
composer in the 20th-century sense, he often allowed the unusual contours of folk melody to lead him away from
traditional harmonic procedure; moreover, that he resorts to a folklike idiom in setting Schiller’s covertly
nationalist text in the Ninth Symphony accords well with nationalist practices of the later 19th century.
French music impinged on him from two main directions: from Mannheim, whose artistic links with Paris had
always been strong, and from the Bonn Nationaltheater, which relied for its repertory mainly on comic operas
translated from the French. In fashionable Bonn society, sympathy with the French Revolution was very strong,
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and the flavour of the French
7/10/2019 Revolutionary march is present in many of Beethoven’s symphonic allegros. The
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jigging rhythms to be found in several of his scherzos are also clearly of French provenance.
Like all pianists of the late 18th century, Beethoven was raised on the sonatas and teachings of Carl Philipp
Emanuel Bach, the chief exponent of “expressive” music at a time when music was regarded as the art of pleasing
sounds. These sonatas, with their quirks of rhythms and harmony and their occasional wordless recitative, were
equally familiar to Haydn and Mozart; but in Beethoven they evoked a much readier response, not only for reasons
of temperament but also because of the intellectual climate in which he himself was reared. The favourite literary
fare of the Breunings and their friends was associated with the Sturm und Drang, a reaction against the rationalism
of the early 18th century, an exaltation of feeling and instinct over reason. Its gospel was enshrined in Goethe’s
early novel The Sorrows of Young Werther (1774), the language of which finds an echo in certain of Beethoven’s
letters and especially in the “Heiligenstadt Testament” (see below).
In such a movement music took on a new importance as an art of feeling. The sharp conflicts of mood that
characterize the sonatas of C.P.E. Bach appear much more powerfully again in Beethoven; to Beethoven, “feeling”
was as important in practice as it was in theory to his master Neefe, who proclaimed it the only condition of artistic
value (moreover, for those who claim Beethoven as a Romantic, this emphasis on feeling is paramount). His
literary world—he read widely and voraciously despite a formal education that in arithmetic had not carried him as
far as the multiplication table—was rooted in the German classics, above all Goethe and Schiller.
The Bonn compositions of most enduring interest date, as might be expected, from the last years: a Rondino and an
Octet, for wind instruments, composed in 1792, probably for the elector’s harmonie (wind band); a Trio in G Major
for Flute, Bassoon, and Piano (1791); and the two cantatas. The songs, which were doubtless written under Neefe’s
inspiration, show no great feeling for the solo voice. This is strange in one whose father and grandfather both had
been singers, but it remained a limitation that pursued Beethoven throughout his career. Of particular interest are 24
variations on a theme by Vincenzo Righini, an Italian composer, which, like the String Trio in E-flat Major, Opus 3,
Beethoven revised and then published at a much later date. These variations, representing a compendium of
Beethoven’s piano technique, for a long time were to serve as the mainstay of his repertory in the salons of Vienna.
Vienna
Before Beethoven left Bonn, he had acquired a very considerable reputation in northwest Germany as a piano
virtuoso, with a particular talent for extemporization. Mozart had been one of the finest improvisers of his age; by
all accounts Beethoven surpassed him. In the age of sensibility he could move an audience to tears more easily than
any other pianist of the time. For this reason especially he was taken up by the Viennese aristocracy almost from
the moment he set foot in Vienna. Waldstein had, of course, prepared the way with his talk of a successor to
Mozart; and it is significant that Beethoven’s earliest patrons in Vienna were Gottfried, Baron van Swieten and
Karl, Fürst (prince) von Lichnowsky, who alone among the aristocracy had remained Mozart’s supporters until his
death. Perhaps, as well, Beethoven traded on the “van” in his name—which was widely if wrongly understood to
denote noble lineage—to gain easier access to aristocratic circles. In the Vienna of the 1790s, music had become
more and more the favourite pastime of a cultured aristocracy, for whom politics under the reactionary emperor
Francis II were now discreditable and dangerous and who had, moreover, never shown a like appreciation of any of
the other fine arts. Many played instruments themselves well enough to be able to take their place beside
professionals. Probably at no other time and in no other city was there such a high standard of amateur and
semiprofessional music-making as in the Vienna of Beethoven’s day.
As a composer, however, Beethoven still had many technical problems to overcome, and it soon became clear that
Haydn was not the best person to help him. Outwardly their relations remained cordial; but Beethoven soon began
taking extra lessons in secret. One of his teachers was the organist of St. Stephen’s Cathedral, Johann Georg
Albrechtsberger, a learned contrapuntist of the old school who equipped him with the comprehensive technique
that he needed. He also studied vocal composition with Antonio Salieri, the imperial Kappellmeister. By 1794,
when Haydn had left for his second visit to London, there was no longer any question of Beethoven’s returning to
Bonn, which was then in French hands. The elector himself had left, and consequently Beethoven’s subsidy came
to an end. But he had no need to worry for, apart from what he was able to earn by teaching and playing, he
received free board and lodgings from Prince Lichnowsky. The year 1795 marked Beethoven’s first public
appearance as a pianist in Vienna. He played a concerto (No. 2, Opus 19) of his own and one by Mozart and also
took part in a benefit concert for Haydn. More important still, his Three Trios for Piano, Violin, and Cello, Opus 1,
were published with a long list of aristocratic subscribers. In the next three years he undertook concert tours in
Berlin and Prague and might have traveled more widely still had the international situation permitted. In 1800 he
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launched
7/10/2019 a public concert on the grand scale, in which one of his own piano concerti, the Septet (Opus 20), and the
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First Symphony were given, together with works by Haydn and Mozart. The event contributed a great deal to the
spread of Beethoven’s fame abroad.
The turn of the century concluded what is generally referred to as Beethoven’s first period, although some usefully
extend it to the summer of 1802, when he wrote the “Heilgenstadt Testament” (see below); during this period his
art stayed mainly within the bounds of 18th-century technique and ideas. Most of his published works during that
time are for the piano, alone or with other instruments, important exceptions being the String Trio in E-flat Major,
Opus 3; the Three String Trios, Opus 9; the Six String Quartets, Opus 18; and the First Symphony. Beethoven
extended his range slowly and methodically, but he was still a piano composer par excellence.
Approaching deafness
A change in direction occurred with Beethoven’s gradual realization that he was becoming deaf. The first
symptoms had appeared even before 1800, yet for a few years his life continued unchanged: he still played in the
houses of the nobility, in rivalry with other pianists, and performed in public with such visiting virtuosos as
violinist George Bridgetower (to whom the Kreutzer Sonata was originally dedicated). But by 1802 he could no
longer be in doubt that his malady was both permanent and progressive. During a summer spent at the (then)
country village of Heiligenstadt he wrote the “Heiligenstadt Testament.” Ostensibly intended for his two brothers,
the document begins:
O ye men who think or say that I am malevolent, stubborn or misanthropic, how greatly do you wrong me. You do
not know the cause of my seeming so. From childhood my heart and mind was disposed to the gentle feeling of
good will. I was ever eager to accomplish great deeds, but reflect now that for six years I have been in a hopeless
case, made worse by ignorant doctors, yearly betrayed in the hope of getting better, finally forced to face the
prospect of a permanent malady whose cure will take years or even prove impossible.
But only Art held back; for, ah, it seemed unthinkable for me to leave the world forever before I had produced all
that I felt called upon to produce.…
As the leaves of autumn wither and fall, so has my own life become barren: almost as I came, so I go hence. Even
that high courage that inspired me in the fair days of summer has now vanished.
More significant, perhaps, are his words in a letter to his friend Franz Wegeler: “I will seize fate by the throat.…”
Elsewhere he remarks, “If only I were rid of my affliction I would embrace the whole world.” He was to do both,
though the condition he hoped for was not fulfilled.
From then on his days as a virtuoso were numbered. Although it was not until about 1819 that his deafness became
total, making necessary the use of those conversation books in which friends wrote down their questions while he
replied orally, his playing degenerated as he became able to hear less and less. He continued to appear in public
from time to time, but most of his energies were absorbed in composing. He would spend the months from May to
October in one or another of the little villages near Vienna. Many of his musical ideas came to him on long country
walks and were noted in sketchbooks.
These sketchbooks, many of which have been preserved, reveal much about Beethoven’s working methods. The
man who could improvise the most intricate fantasies on the spur of the moment took infinite pains in the shaping
of a considered composition. In the sketchbooks such famous melodies as the adagio of the Emperor Concerto or
the andante of the Kreutzer Sonata can be seen emerging from trivial and characterless beginnings into their final
forms. It seems, too, that Beethoven worked on more than one composition at a time and that he was rarely in a
hurry to finish anything that he had on hand. Early sketches for the Fifth Symphony, for instance, date originally
from 1804, although the finished work did not appear until 1808. Sometimes the sketches are accompanied by
verbal comments as a kind of aide-mémoire. Sometimes, as in the sketching of the Third Symphony (Eroica), he
would leave several bars blank, making it clear that the rhythmic scheme had preceded the melodic in his mind.
Many of the sketches consist merely of a melody line and a bass—enough, in fact, to establish a continuity. But in
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many works, especiallyhttps://academic-eb-com.easyaccess1.lib.cuhk.edu.hk/levels/collegiate/print/article/Ludwig-van-Beethoven/109398
7/10/2019 the later ones, the sketching process is very elaborate indeed, with revisions and alterations
continuing up to the date of publication. If, in general, it is only the primitive sketches and jottings that have
survived, this is because Beethoven kept them beside him as potential sources of material for later compositions.
The year 1804 was to see the completion of the Third Symphony, regarded by most biographers as a landmark in
Beethoven’s development. It is the answer to the “Heiligenstadt Testament”: a symphony on an unprecedented
scale and at the same time a prodigious assertion of the human will. The work was to have been dedicated to
Napoleon, intermittently one of Beethoven’s heroes, but Beethoven struck out the dedication on hearing that
Napoleon had taken the title of emperor. Outraged in his republican principles, he changed the title to Eroica and
added the words “for the memory of a great man.” From then on the masterworks followed hard on one another’s
heels: the Waldstein Piano Sonata, Opus 53; Piano Sonata in F Minor, Opus 57, known as the Appassionata; the
Piano Concerto No. 4 in G Major, Opus 58; the three Razumovsky Quartets, Opus 59; the Fourth Symphony, Opus
60; the Violin Concerto, Opus 61.
To this period also belongs his one opera, Fidelio, commissioned for the winter season of 1805. The play concerns
a wife who disguises herself as a boy in order to rescue her husband, imprisoned for political reasons; in setting this
to music, Beethoven was influenced by Ferdinando Paer and by Luigi Cherubini, composer of similar “rescue”
operas and a musician whom he greatly admired. Fidelio enjoyed no great success at first, partly because the
presence of French troops, who had occupied Vienna after the Battle of Austerlitz, kept most of the Viennese away.
With great difficulty Beethoven was persuaded to make certain changes for a revival in the following spring, with
modified libretto. This time the opera survived two performances and would have run longer but for a quarrel
between Beethoven and the management, after which the composer in a fury withdrew his score. It was not until
eight years later that Fidelio, heavily revised by Beethoven himself and a new librettist, returned to the Vienna
stage, to become one of the classics of the German theatre. Beethoven later turned over many other operatic
projects in his mind but without bringing any to fruition.
A curious item, however, was found among his effects, locked away in a drawer, at the time of his death: three
letters, written but apparently never sent (they may have been sent but returned to him), to the “Immortal Beloved.”
The content, which varies from high-flown poetic sentiments to banal complaints about his health and discomfort,
makes it clear that this is no literary exercise but was intended for a real person. The month and day of the week are
given, but not the year. The periods 1801–02, 1806–07, and 1811–12 have been proposed, but the last is the most
probable. The most cogent arguments regarding the identity of the person addressed, those by Maynard Solomon,
point to Antonie Brentano, a native Viennese, who was the wife of a Frankfurt merchant and sister-in-law to
Beethoven familiar Bettina Brentano (see below).
Wider recognition
In 1810 E.T.A. Hoffmann in Berlin produced an appreciation of the Fifth Symphony, which undoubtedly did much
to launch that work on its triumphant career throughout the world and, above all, to interest the Romantics in its
composer. The same year, Beethoven made the acquaintance of the writer Bettina Brentano, the sister of the
German poet and novelist Clemens Brentano and, later, wife of Achim von Arnim, the two compilers of the famous
collection of German folk poetry, Des Knaben Wunderhorn. Of the letters that Bettina gave out as having been
written to her by Beethoven, only one can be accepted as genuine; at least one of the others, in which the composer
is made to philosophize on music in the most uncharacteristically romantic terms, must be dismissed as spurious.
Bettina also performed the questionable service of bringing together Beethoven and Goethe at Teplitz in 1812
(coincidentally, the likely setting for the “Immortal Beloved” letters as well). The admiration had been all on
Beethoven’s side; to Goethe, Beethoven was little more than a famous name. The meeting was not a success.
“Goethe is too fond of the atmosphere of the courts,” Beethoven wrote to Breitkopf and Härtel, the music
publishers, “more so than is becoming to a poet.” Goethe considered Beethoven to be “an utterly untamed
personality, who is not altogether in the wrong in holding the world to be detestable, but surely does not make it
any the more enjoyable either for himself or for others by his attitude.” He showed a certain interest in the
incidental music written in 1810 for Egmont “out of pure love for the subject.”
The chief compositions of 1811–12 were the Seventh and Eighth symphonies, the first of which had its premiere in
1813. Another novelty at the same concert was the so-called Battle Symphony, written to celebrate the decisive
victory of Arthur Wellesley (later duke of Wellington) over Joseph Bonaparte at Vitoria. Composed originally for a
mechanical musical instrument, the Panharmonicon, invented by J.N. Maelzel, Beethoven later scored the work for
orchestra. He frankly admitted it was program music of the worst kind, vastly different from the ideals of “mehr
Ausdruck der Empfindung als Malerei” (“more as an expression of feeling than painting”) expressed in his own
Pastoral Symphony; but in view of its success he was ready enough to score it for orchestra and even to send a
copy of the score to the English prince regent, who, much to Beethoven’s annoyance, made no acknowledgment.
The concert, profitable as it was for the composer, led to a bitter quarrel with Maelzel, from which Beethoven
emerged with little credit.
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Despite
7/10/2019the difficultieshttps://academic-eb-com.easyaccess1.lib.cuhk.edu.hk/levels/collegiate/print/article/Ludwig-van-Beethoven/109398
over the annuity caused by the devaluation of 1811, the years 1813–14 were profitable ones
for Beethoven, although nearly bereft of significant new works, for Beethoven’s creativity had fallen precipitously
after the romantic crisis of 1812. The first performance of the Seventh Symphony was a huge success, and the
audience insisted on the funereal allegretto being repeated. When the Congress of Vienna assembled in 1814,
Beethoven’s music was universally known, and he himself was courted by the crowned heads of Europe. Fidelio
was revived with tumultuous success, and Beethoven celebrated the fall of France with a grand patriotic cantata,
Der glorreiche Augenblick (The Glorious Moment). In 1814, after years of war, Vienna was to enjoy a brief hour of
glory before the Austrian economy collapsed and the city sank into a state of dowdy provincialism that lasted for
nearly 40 years.
At about this time he was brought in touch with the Philharmonic Society of London. Earlier, in 1803, he had been
approached by the Edinburgh publisher George Thomson with a proposal that he should write sonatas based on
Scottish folk tunes. Although nothing came of this, Thomson somewhat later succeeded in contracting him to
arrange national folk melodies for voice, violin, cello, and piano, each with an introduction and coda. These
remained an easy and profitable source of income to Beethoven for many years. It was in 1815, however, when
Beethoven’s pupil Ferdinand Ries settled in London and became one of the founder-members of the Philharmonic
Society, that English music lovers began to take an active interest in the promotion of Beethoven’s works. Another
society member, Charles Neate, visited Beethoven in Vienna and later brought about the commission of three new
overtures to be performed by the society. The overtures König Stephan (“King Stephan”), Namensfeier (“Name
Day”), and Die Ruinen von Athen (“The Ruins of Athens”) were, however, late in arriving, and the discovery that
they were not new after all caused considerable bad feeling; for a time, relations became strained on both sides.
Ries did much to effect a reconciliation, but a visit to London, planned as early as 1813, never materialized, though
Beethoven continued to hope that it would. The Philharmonic Society never ceased to interest itself in Beethoven’s
music and it undoubtedly played an important part in the genesis of the Ninth Symphony, which in a sense it
commissioned. The society’s archives contain an autograph of the first movement with a dedication by the
composer. The first performance of the work, however, was given not in London but in Vienna, and the printed
edition was dedicated to Frederick William III, king of Prussia. Beethoven, on his deathbed, received from the
society a gift of £100, which moved him profoundly.
In 1815 all prospects of foreign travel were cut short for Beethoven by the death of his brother Caspar Anton Carl,
who left a widow, Johanna, and a son, Karl, aged nine. The will, which appointed Beethoven and the widow as
joint guardians, was contested by Beethoven on the grounds of the widow’s immorality; and after three years of
litigation he won his case. But, for all the affection that he lavished on young Karl, Beethoven was far from being
an ideal guardian. Quarrels between uncle and nephew were frequent and bitter and came to a head in 1826 when,
just before sitting for his university examination, Karl attempted suicide. He recovered in a hospital, and
Beethoven, on the advice of friends, agreed reluctantly that the boy should be launched on an army career. Once
away from his uncle, Karl seems to have led a successful, law-abiding life. But the events of 1826 upset Beethoven
profoundly and almost certainly hastened his death.
The important compositions of the final period begin with the modest but groundbreaking song cycle An die ferne
Geliebte (“To the Distant Beloved”; this work may have been intended to commemorate his failed romance with
the “Immortal Beloved”), the Two Sonatas for Piano and Cello, Opus 102, the Piano Sonata in A Major, Opus 101,
and the Piano Sonata in B-flat Major, Opus 106, the latter known as the Hammerklavier. Beethoven then reverted
to sketches he had begun for the Ninth Symphony. This was broken off when the news came that the archduke
Rudolf was to be appointed archbishop of Olmütz, and Beethoven decided to write a large-scale solemn mass for
the installation ceremony. Work on this progressed slowly, and, like the early cantata for Joseph II, it was not
completed in time for the intended occasion. Not until 1823, three years after the enthronement, was Beethoven
able to send to the new archbishop the completed manuscript of the Missa Solemnis.
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the meantime, Beethoven had written the three final piano sonatas (1820–22) and had worked desultorily on the
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symphonic sketches. The mass was followed by his last important piano work (completed 1823), variations on a
theme that the publisher and composer Anton Diabelli had sent to a number of composers, Beethoven among them.
Most of them, including Schubert and the archduke Rudolf himself, obliged; Beethoven at first declined, then
changed his mind and decided to write a complete set of 33 variations himself.
The Ninth Symphony had begun to take shape; by the following year (1824) it was finished and was performed,
together with movements from the Missa Solemnis and the overture from Opus 124, with great success at the
Kärntnertor Theatre. The composer, who ostensibly supervised the symphony’s premiere, remained unaware of the
applause until one of the soloists made him turn to face the audience. The Ninth Symphony was Beethoven’s last
work for large-scale forces.
His final commission came in 1823 from Knyaz (prince) Nikolas Golitsyn, who offered 50 ducats each for three
string quartets. Beethoven accepted with alacrity, though only in 1825 was the first of the three, the String Quartet
in E-flat Major, Opus 127, completed. Not two but four more followed, including an extra movement, which was
substituted for the original fugal finale (Grosse Fuge) of the String Quartet in B-flat Major, Opus 130. The last of
these quartets, the String Quartet in C-sharp Minor, was finished in 1826, about the time of Karl’s attempted
suicide; the greatest of these, Opus 131, was dedicated to Joseph, Freiherr (baron) von Stutterheim, the military
officer who had, in a sense, taken Karl under his wing in the aftermath of that sad event.
Beethoven spent that summer on the estate belonging to his surviving brother, Nikolaus Johann. On his return to
Vienna he contracted pneumonia, from which he never fully recovered. He remained bedridden and died from
cirrhosis of the liver in Vienna on March 26, 1827. The funeral three days later was attended by 20,000 people.
Pallbearers included the famous pianist Johann Nepomuk Hummel; Schubert was among the torchbearers; Franz
Grillparzer, Austria’s greatest living dramatist, wrote the sometimes nationalistic funeral oration.
After Beethoven it was no longer possible to speak of music merely as “the art of pleasing sounds.” His
instrumental works combine a forceful intensity of feeling with a hitherto unimagined perfection of design. He
carried to a further point of development than his predecessors all the inherited forms of music (with the exception
of opera and song), but particularly the symphony and the quartet. In this he was the heir of Haydn rather than of
Mozart, whose most striking achievements lie more in opera and concerto.
First period
The works of the first period, apart from the first two piano concerti, the Creatures of Prometheus, and the First
Symphony (some accountings include the Second Symphony as a first-period work as well), consist almost entirely
of chamber music, most of it based on Beethoven’s own instrument, the piano. All show a preoccupation with
craftsmanship in the 18th-century manner. The material, for the most part, has a family likeness to that of Haydn
and Mozart but, in keeping with the contemporary style, is slightly coarser and more blunt. Beethoven’s treatment
of the forms in current use is usually expansive, schematically somewhat closer to Mozart than to Haydn; thus, the
expositions are long and polythematic, while the developments are relatively short. Slow movements are long and
lyrical with copious decoration. The third movement, though sometimes called a scherzo, remains true to its minuet
origins, though its surface is often disturbed by un-minuet-like accents and its tempo is at times quite brisk. Finales
are at once high-spirited and elegant. Two characteristics, however, mark Beethoven out strongly from other
composers of the time: one is an individual use of contrasted dynamics and especially the device of crescendo
leading to a sudden piano; the other, most noticeable in the piano sonatas, is the gradual infiltration of techniques
derived from improvisation—unexpected accents, rhythmic ambiguities designed to keep the audience guessing,
and especially the use of apparently trivial, almost senseless material from which to generate a cogent musical
argument.
Second period
The second period may be said to begin in the piano music with two sonatas “quasi una fantasia,” Opus 27, of
1801, but in the symphony and concerto it is not fully apparent before the Eroica (1804) and the Fourth Piano
Concerto (1806). Here the use of improvisatory material is more and more marked; but, whereas in the earlier
period Beethoven was more concerned to show how it could fit naturally into a traditional 18th-century framework,
here he explores in greater detail the logical implication of every departure from the norm. His harmony remains
basically simple—much simpler, for instance, than much of Mozart’s. What is new is the way it is used in relation
to the basic pulse. From this Beethoven creates in his main themes an infinite variety of stress and accent, out of
which the form of each movement is generated. The result is that, of all composers, Beethoven is the least inclined
to repeat himself; all his works, but especially those of the middle and late period, inhabit their own individual
formal world. Other characteristics of the middle period include shorter expositions and longer developments and
codas; slow movements too become much shorter, sometimes vanishing altogether. The third movement is now
always a scherzo (although not always so named), not a minuet, with frequent use of unexpected accents and
syncopation. Finales tend to take on much more weight than before and in certain cases become the principal
movement. Decoration begins to disappear as each note becomes more functional, melodically and harmonically.
Another feature of these works is their immediacy. Here Beethoven’s power is most evident; and the majority of
the repertory works belong to this period.
Third period
The third period is marked by a growing concentration of musical thought combined with an increasingly wider
range of harmony and texture. Beethoven’s enthusiasm for the work of George Frideric Handel began to bear fruit
in a much more-thoroughgoing use of counterpoint, especially notable in his frequent recourse to fugue and fugal
passages. But he never lost touch with the simplicity of his earliest manner, so that the range of expression and
mood in these last works is something that has never been surpassed. Indeed, an interest in folklike material seems,
as in the Ninth Symphony, to offer redemption to the growing complexities of his art, much as his beloved Schiller
found an incipient nationalistic redemption in Arcadia. A form to which he gave increasingly more attention at this
time was that of the variation. As an improviser, he had always found it congenial, and, though some of the sets he
had published in earlier years are merely decorative, he had created such outstanding examples of the genre as the
finale of the Eroica and the Prometheus variations, both on the same theme. It is this type of variation that
Beethoven began to pursue in his final period. A unique feature of the sets that occur in his last string quartets and
sonatas is the sense of cumulative growth, not merely from variation to variation but within each variation itself. In
the quartets, everything in the composer’s musical equipment is deployed—fugue, variation, dance, sonata
movement, march, even modal and pentatonic (five-tone) melody.
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Structural
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Beethoven remains the supreme exponent of what may be called the architectonic use of tonality. In his greatest
sonata movements, such as the first allegro of the Eroica, the listener’s subconscious mind remains oriented to E-
flat major even in the most distant keys, so that when, long before the recapitulation, the music touches on the
dominant (B-flat), this is immediately recognizable as being the dominant. Of his innovations in the symphony and
quartet, the most notable is the replacement of the minuet by the more dynamic scherzo; he enriched both the
orchestra and the quartet with a new range of sonority and variety of texture, and their forms are often greatly
expanded. The same is true of the concerto, in which he introduced formal innovations that, though relatively few
in number, would prove equally influential. In particular, the entry of a solo instrument before an orchestral
ritornello in the Fourth and Fifth piano concerti (a device anticipated by Mozart but to quite different effect)
reinforces the sense of the soloist as a protagonist, even a romantic hero, an effect later composers would struggle
to reproduce.
Although, in the finale of the Ninth Symphony and the Missa Solemnis, Beethoven shows himself a master of
choral effects, the solo human voice gave him difficulty to the end. His many songs form perhaps the least
important part of his output, although his song cycle An die ferne Geliebte would prove an important influence on
later composers, especially Robert Schumann. His one opera, Fidelio, owes its preeminence to the excellence of the
music rather than to any real understanding of the operatic medium. But even this lack of vocal sense could be
made to bear fruit, in that it set his mind free in other directions. A composer such as Mozart or Haydn, whose
conception of melody remained rooted in what could be sung, could never have written anything like the opening
of the Fifth Symphony, in which the melody takes shape from three instrumental strands each giving way to the
other. Richard Wagner was not far wrong when he hailed Beethoven as the discoverer of instrumental melody, even
if his claim was based more narrowly on Beethoven’s avoidance of cadential formulas.
Beethoven holds an important place in the history of the piano. In his day, the piano sonata was the most intimate
form of chamber music that existed—far more so than the string quartet, which was often performed in public. For
Beethoven, the piano sonata was the vehicle for his boldest and most-inward thoughts. He did not anticipate the
technical devices of such later composers as Frédéric Chopin and Franz Liszt, which were designed to counteract
the percussiveness of the piano, partly because he himself had a pianistic ability that could make the most simply
laid-out melody sing; partly, too, because the piano itself was still in a fairly early stage of development; and partly
because he himself valued its percussive quality and could turn it to good account. Piano tone, caused by a
hammer’s striking a string, cannot move forward, as can the sustained, bowed tone of the violin, although careful
phrasing on the player’s part can make it seem to do so. Beethoven, however, is almost alone in writing melodies
that accept this limitation, melodies of utter stillness in which each chord is like a stone dropped into a calm pool.
And it is above all in the piano sonata that the most striking use of improvisatory techniques as an element of
construction is found. Among composers of the next generation, it was chiefly Liszt who extended Beethoven’s
principle of transferring structural weight from the first movement to the finale, making it the basis of his
symphonic poems as well as of his two concerti. Nearly all later composers of concerti had to reckon with the
innovations of Beethoven’s Fourth and Fifth concerti.
The works of Beethoven that undoubtedly had the most influence over succeeding generations were the Fifth and
Ninth symphonies, with their progression from storm and stress to triumph; the Sixth Symphony, too, greatly
influenced composers with a programmatic bent. Hector Berlioz’s Symphonie fantastique, Brahms’s Symphony
No. 1 in C Minor, Tchaikovsky’s Fourth and Fifth symphonies, César Franck’s Symphony in D Minor, and all of
Mahler’s first four symphonies are striking examples of Beethoven’s spiritual progeny, though few will grant that
they equal, let alone surpass, their model.
Major Works
Additional Reading
Works
Letters and conversation books
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