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AIO * SSOUSNOIDSUED sMOLRO! 420, Pl ‘undxo 01 paxordap Ktopu sas pinoys ay 210 .23pops0uy om,Secularization Triumphant 51 gods, sipernausal beings who are similar to humans though Fre powerful. The theological stage can be subdivided into three ses, Fist, fishin, in which each individual object is dhought co be by an indveling spirit. Second, polytheism, in which the world is pened by sis operating in particular spheres ~ gods of the forest, of the jaf th waters and so on. Third, monotheism, the phase of the great, aon eligions ofthe world. nthe theological stage, society is organized ghiily with power shared between the priesthood and the military “in the meiaphysicat stage, phenomena are explained in relation to the ton of abstract entities and forces such as Nature. Religion as conven- ‘ndersood is gradually displaced, Society is governed by church- fe and lawyers. This stage is, as Comte said, ony a medication of the eal sige and thus merely transitional Inthe pose stage, explanations ate liberated from religion and meta- esto become tly scientific. Science resis on observation, and ams 10 th laws governing the operation ofthe natal and social worlds ae noc encumbered with religious or metaphysical baggage, and ress unanswecable questions about the purpose of creation oF the ig of life (Comste’s legacy 10 the logical positivist ofthe twentieth evident Ree), Society is ruled by experts, the latter-day equivae p ings, with sociologists atthe top ofthe scien- tierarchy. Their guiding principle is summed up in Comte's formula air pour prévoir et prévwir pour pouvoir ~ knowledge for foreknow- and forknosledge for action (Thompson 1976: 18) |Comie's scheme the positive stage i the end point of history. Although e2 will ofcourse develop, there will be no fous post-positive stage ~ Secularization Triumphant: the | Social Insignificance of Religion? ‘There is a strong case for saying that a concern with religion was a they heart of classical sociological theory (Wilson 1982: 9), What is problem is toassess the legacy of classical theorizing tothe contemporary soi ‘of religion. Here a Key issve is that the majority of the founders Of discipline of sociology were personally atheists and professionally pret cupied with the deetine of religion and its eventual replacemest by ay Social institutions and modes of though (Beckford 1989: 42), Thep laid the fovndation for the contemporary secularization thesis, ea below through the work of two of its oustanding exponents, Bryan Wik and Peter Berger. Cee “4 ‘The majority of classical theorists were also rationalists, nt singly the weaker sense that they held reason to take precedence over other of acquiring understanding, but in the strong sense that for them en lit cout sech a tage he other than a regression to ieraionality? the only path to knowledge. This meant denying that knowledge can me 's grand three-stage scheme of societal change also applies to the through divine revelation. It also tended © encourage a triumphal gelopment of scienitic disciplines. Each of the sciences undergoes a bration of westem scientific progress, together with a judgement western civilization is superior to all ethers. The value of the si legacy to contemporary sociology is therefore not unproblematic a a i. { metaphysical interude, to the positive scientific goal. Sciences up a diferent rates of growth, Those which have “simpler” subject ff, sch as mathematics, physics and chemistry, develop sooner than fe somplex sciences such as biology and sociology. Individuals aso yo gh the same thee stages, Comte asks us to examine oor own biogra- j Now does nor each one of us, wen he looks a his own history, recall the was successively a theologian in childhood, for his most important gs, a meiaplysician in his youth, and a physicist im his maturity? presi 1972; 20). The history of the individual replicates the history of species or, in seientific terms, ontogeay repeats phylogeny Auguste Comte and the Law of Three Stages In his monumental Cours de philosophie positive (A Course in Posie: Philosophy), published in six volumes between 1830 und 1842, Au Comte set out a grand theory of the evolution of society and human unig standing. Tt was formulated as the Law of Three Stages. which heatSecularization Triumphant For Comte, religion fais as a system for understanding the word ‘or social. However, the question remains, does eeligion perform ust tions in society’? Here the answer is ess clear-cut, Connte expreses ‘hic has been echoed by counless successors: that religion dsvat attention away from action in this world and reorients it towards ta ent onder o which this worl is supposedly subordinate. Appewin th existeat gods becomes more impertan’ than aliuistc action towat fellow humans, Religion threatens scientific progress and weskenstie fabric. tis perhaps worth noting that Comte is famous for havi i two words. One Was sociology, the other altruism ‘Comte ary that religicn &s conventionally understood woul be replaced by a positive religion with sociologists as is high pie need to love something greater than ourselves, and society needs spt Dower Religion meets these individual and social noeds, Hence G proposed religion of humanity, which drew heavily on medieval and situa, and celebrated collectivism and humanity in the a (Beckford 1989; 26~7). i To those wo read Comie today, his proposals forte ign oi seem sbsuid and the roe assigned to sociologists at worst vaingloroas best laughable. His vision is sometimes excused as the product ofthe illness which periodically assed him. Yet there may beat east ano its favour ~its universalism, Raymiond Aron, who was no disciple of Co defended mn against his terest critics (Aron 1968: 108) Comts cel {he best n humanity. He didnot select one particular tribal faith andi be imposed on everyone else. And at least he did not hold up any eusiga imaginary sovio-eeonomie onder asthe object of veneration, : ‘Assessing the enduring significance of Comtean sociology is ii ‘One way into it might be t contrast Comte’s Law of Three Stages wif another threfold scheme which has some similarities but one she Aiference, This other scheme has been virtually forgotten by conte sociologists, and is seldom referred to in textbooks. Tt was discussed Parsons, but only in order to distinguish his own thought from it. Wheth or not it deserves to be so utterly disregarded is one miter, but snap reasons for its neglect is one which may cast light on te develope the sociology of religion. The theory in question was advanced by Bi Sorokin (1937-41, 1947). 4 In Serokin’s theory, a society is defined by the values which dpi calture, There are three basi types of cultural system, which be lets ideational, the idealistic and the sensate, As with Come, they follow oy another in historical sequence, Each has its own eohercace ta system, lasting for hundreds of years before giving way to the nett Hegelian fashion, Sorokin believed that each of these cultural sysim 59 aS Secularization Trivamphant oped 10 high point from which no further progress could be made fa fundamental change in the system itself. The culture is played oat pe for renews ideaional pattea gives priority to other-worldly concerns. Ultimate yis beyond the reach of our senses. Life is to be lived in accordance tanscendent, which implies mystical other-worldly asceticism, as by members of religious orders, The ethical system commends dual ats of selFsacrifcing atuisic love esl pattern isnot, as Comte's second stage is, a mere phase of lio, For Sorokin iv is synthesis of elements drawn from the other ages. A high point of the idealistic symthesis was the Middle Ages ensue pattern, like Comte's postive phase, is empirical, There mate reality beyond sense perception; reality lies in the material elie hee and now. The ethical system is hedonistic, and concerned Wordly success and materialistic gratification (ine argued that tere is neither more nor fess evidence for Sorokin's vi tban there is for Comte’s. Based on scientific evidence alone there be le to choose between the two grand theories. Comte's own iis in many respects alion to contemporary sociology. As Nisbet J 228) says, iis often hard to remember that we are reading the 104 of a theologian but ofa self-proclaimed scientist. tral feature of Sorokin's theory may account for its neglect. The pattem isnot the final destiny of human society. On the contrary, ie in degencrate times. Sorokin denounces the excesses of sensite flue, which ae manifest inthe tide of pornography, obscenity and drug engulfing tre west. 1 isnot that sensate values are objectionable in unselves, For exemple, in the visual arts, in which Sorokin was keenly eeted, sensct2 culture is embodied in the great canvases of the Im- | pesionists, who rejected allegory and religious symbolism ang aimed to the obsecvable but fleeting moment (they Were, incidentally, inglue “faced by Comicon positivism), Sensate art is art for ants sake. 1 depicts a life, inching low lite ~ prostitutes and their clients, erie danc- panic spectators, drinkers of absinthe. Hence is capacity 1o degenes- into pornography, Cartied to excess, sensate values are self-defeating Senate culture unsustainable 7h key poin is that Sorokin Saw history as cyclical. The ideational~ istsensate sequence repeats itself over and over again. Each ofthese aystems can be judged only in terms of its own vilues. Whereas an postvits ae able to condemn the limitations of the theological id metaphysical stages, no such judgement can be passed by sensate ton is predecessors. In our own times, sensate cultures onthe point | flinploson, which willbe the dawn of a new idealist era60 Secularization Triumphant ‘The Judaeo-Christian world-view, like the Islamic, teats bistory 8) car. The dominant macro-sociotogicel theories of social change a bby westem sociologists share the Judeo-Christian perspective. Thus {ean positivism, Parsonian evolutionism and Marxian dialectical ni ism all incorporate a linear philosophy of history. History marches of to a goal, and we are expected to march optimistically with i. The: ‘whether the Kingdom of God or the various secular visions ofthe & soviety — is a glorious end state of which we are usually told veiy except that it will neither be overthrown nor evolve into something ‘Arguably, then. the appeal of these sociological theories is that they fate with the Jewish and Christian faiths, of which they are-s reworkings. They are convineing because they conform to a repli down over the centuries. Although they relocate the Kingdom of God heaven to earth, we can still recognize it as the Kingdom. Karl Marx and the opium of the people Karl Marx (1818-83) was bom in Trier into a Jewish family living i Catholic region of Germany. Although both his parents’ families tad) strong rabbizical tradition, his father Heschel was a cosmopolitan int ‘wal influenced by Voltaire, Rousseau and other rationalist Enlichien Philosophers. Heschel converted somewhat reluctantly to Pretestan ‘order 10 be able to continue practising as a lawyer, changing is name Heinrich in the process (McLellan 1973: 1-8) « ‘Throughout his adult life Kar} Marx was an unswerving atheist. Ne i 4 socialist who consistently rejected Christian socialism. Thus, sen Hep died in 1831, Marg aligned withthe radical Young Hegelians in opos to the politically and religiously conservative Old Hegelins. Mell (1973: 1) begins his study of Marxism and religion with an ionic acy of the experiences of a delegation of Young Hegetians, inching Mam who went to Pass in 1843 o join forees with French socialist, The Glegates thought that. since they were now in the land of the Fi Revolution, they would be mingling with the avant-garde of prog atheism. They were soon to be disillusioned. Their French count shared Robespierre's hatred for godlessness. To them, Christianity simply socialism in practice, with Jesus the frst communis. s Marx believed that religion had been fully explained once and for Ludwig Feuerbach’s influential book, The Essence of Christianity, wh was first published in German in 1841 and translated into English in ISSA Marian Evans (the novelist George Fliot). Feuerbach argued tht God i projection of humanity, and Christianity a form of wish-fulfilmont Ae eps Secularization Triumphant 6 i perfection ~ perfection of knowledge, power and love ~ is pro plside this world on toa fictive being, God. The properties of ommi- eae, rmnipotcnce and benevolence are attributed to this being. Religion | delsion no just of the human intellect but of the homan will and the mania, and is therefore something far deeper than an intellectual error esl frau. Tn projecting our human qualities outward we impoverish pele, eating a God who proceeds to coerce us with his imperious Feuerbach held that religious faith encourages dogmatism intol arrogunce and liberality, and thereby legitimizes the persecution of fevers and heretics. His atheism presents itself as a liberation from this “Ahununiting bondage. Humanism implies atheism, since atheism restores a8 04 toe cnity as humans. Atheism will transform us from “religious political lackeys of the heavenly and earthly monarchy and aristocracy fe set confident citizens ofthe world” "Teas the greatest wentieth-century exponent of a projection theory of © feligion was Sigmund Freud (1856-1939), to whom God was a projected HforbiddingTather-figure. The God postulated by theologians and phi- pers isan inslevance; the God who is truly operative in the human eles elos oppressive fates, Relgos fat Elon herforet> anil stage of personality development. In adults it persists omy as an “fhesina wears elgon has no panto pln fe of « mate adult 9¢an advanced civilization. It is worth noting that this was one of the Key issues on which Freud’s former pupil, Carl Gustav Jung (1875-1961), sted from Prenctian orthodoxy. In Jang’s perspective, Freud overem- “plasited the pathological side of life, generalizing from neurotic states of | Fino ie sine of human experience. This ithe case wih Fes © dlagnoss of reigion as obsessional neurosis. Jong, in contrast, attaches a mate valsoalligius tains, He aj that among al is patent ies half of their lives ~ by which he means everyone over thisty- © five there his not been one whose problem in the last resort was not that finding a eligi outlook on life” lung 1961: 264). ‘Mars regarded Feuerbach’s critique of religion as philosophically de- and therefore wasted no time in elaborating it. He compared -Fevebach's analysis to the Copemican revolution: ‘Religion is only the lisory sun which revolves around maa so long as he does not revolve “wound himself’ Macx would reject inclusive approaches to religion which 0 a9 core component of culture and even of human nature, However, “Reseach aklessod a public of bourgeois individuals, making an appeal ‘simply to their powers of reason. This was not the way to change the world. ‘Mare wrote in 1848 in his Theses on Feuerbach: “The philoscphers ‘aye ony inspected the world in various ways, the point however is «© | hangs it! Captsicm caries within ical che seeds of i own dastructionthey would have no further need of religion, Pere etee Religion is, then, a distraction from effect ideological apparatas of the state. ales Emile Durkheim and the social functions of religion Emile Durkheim (1858-1917) was born in Epinal in the Vosges. Li Mars. isn had arabe tation, Alsthe Mart heen ee atheist throughout his adult life. His approach was likewise rationalists He soteleved hat religion asasognivesston ike mnlena erence the th doug he nat soci scence. Dee tne nae thacretgon cannot bo ten of satus oon sees balnaton, Thre ee aly an etd isos tone he not what the faithful imagine it to be. The reality is not God, but Society. Reign fais inporam soil snd pschologe fstons. Nase te Comte eer hi, Dakin san ie ted ir wel aes hee ‘oul ithe le acne by elon Durston elon was rns above shape 2, For I | Secularization Trtwnphant 8 him a religion is ‘a unified system of beliefs and practices relative to sacred things, that i to Say, things set apart and forbidden — beliefs and practices ‘which unite into one single moral community called a Church, all those ‘who adhere to them’ (Durkheim 1915: 47). Durkheim saw teligion as essentially social in character. Retigion inte~ {grates individuals into ‘one single moral community”. An individual's teli- tious faith is ultimately desived from the faith of the community. Religion cetres on the sacred, and this sa social construct. The power of religion is generated within the community, as men and women signal to each other through symbols and ritual activity that they hold the same things sacred Lukes 1973) Lukes (1973: 462-77) distinguishes three aspects of Durkheim's theory of religion. First, there i the causal aspect. Durkheim argued that religious commitment is generated in social situations characterized by ‘collective eilfervescence’, when emotions are bubbling over. Symbolically charged acts of collective worship are the settings in which religious beliefs and nagery are produced, reinforced and made vibrant for the believer Dorkheim’s thinking here may have been influenced by contemporary sheories'of crowd psychology, though without the implication that erowd behaviour is inherently pathological or disruptive. Durkheim's causal approach extended to examining the veays in which social structure shapes the content of religious beliefs and practices. He Sought to show that even the fundamentsl categories of thought ~ such as ‘ur ideas of time, space and causation ~ are socially determined. It was 2 sociological rendering of Kant, a bold attempt to give an empirical socio logical answer to key problems in philosophy. Second, Durkheim's theory of religion has an interpretative aspoct, of fering an explanation of the meaning of religious beliefs and practices Religion is a kind of mythologized sociology. According to Durkbeim it provides us with categories of thought through which we understand and imerpret social life. Religion expresses, symbolizes and dramatizes soci] relationships, Here then is the heart of religion: through it, society is repre~ sented o itself, As Parkin (1992: 47) points out, this meant for Durkheim that if a society lacked religion it would also lack u proper consciousness of itself. A society without religion would be profoundly pathologie! Darkheim typically ignores the potentially dystunctional consequences of religion. Surely religion can involve misrepresentation of one’s own, society and its relationship with others? What else is the terrible history of Chistian anti-Semitism? Or consider the European explorers who ‘discov. ‘ered? the native peoples of the Americas. Europeans had a pressing need to cexplain who these people were, how they got there, and how ‘we’ should relate to them. Among the resources the explorers andthe church drew on cris i64 Secularization Trismphont \was the Bible. The answers tothe questions were diverse but, as Leach says (3982: 74th al ned he superior ofthe ChestanEaropcosts tative, who were categorized as “sub-hiin animals, monsers, degener ate men, damned souls, oF the product of a separate creation". Religious ‘categories provided a worrant for ther elimination of subjugation. Third, Durkheim's theory has a functional aspect. Religion promotes social integration by strengthening the bonds betveea the individual and the society of which he or she isa mienber. Religion also performs positive functions for the psyche; quite simply, it is good for us ~ a point diameu- cally opposed fo Marx’s view. 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