Pop and the Nation-State: Towards a Theorisation

Author(s): Martin Cloonan

Source: Popular Music, Vol. 18, No. 2 (May, 1999), pp. 193-207
Published by: Cambridge University Press
Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/853601
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Popular Music (1999) Volume 18/2. Copyright (C) 1999 Cambridge University Press.

Printed in the United Kingdom

Pop and the Nation-State:

towards a theorisation

MARTIN CLOONAN

Recent years have seen two noticeable trends in Popular Music Studies. These have
been on the one hand a series of works which have tried to document the 'local'
music scene and, on the other, accounts of processes of globalisation.l While not
uninterested in the intermediate Nation-State level, both trends have tended to
regard it as an area of increasingly less importance. To state the matter more boldly,
both trends have underplayed the continually important role of the Nation-State.
At one level there seems to be a common-sense consensus about the import-
ance of the Nation-State in all political matters,2 but there has been no coherent
account of the way in which Nation-States deal with, and influence, popular music.
These processes are outlined in the first, and main, part of this paper. The second
part suggests models which might be used to describe the relationship between
popular music and the Nation-State. The conclusion outlines the importance of
these observations.
First it is necessary to say something about the role of the state. This has, of
course, been the subject of intense political debate. In recent years three models of
the state have tended to come to the fore: pluralist, elitist and Marxist (Marsh and
Stoker, 1995). For my purposes it is sufficient to note that the Nation-State is a body
which claims sole jurisdiction over a given territory and the right to implement
particular policies within that territory. In order to legitimise its rule the Nation-
State may use certain cultural artefacts and will seek to exercise both cultural and
political hegemony. Underpinning the state will be, in Weber's famous dictum, the
monopoly of legitimate violence over a given territory. However, for my purpose
it is enough to note that this monopoly acts as the ultimate guarantor of the policies
which will be focused upon here.
At this point it is useful to note how the Nation-State has been underplayed
in Popular Music studies in recent years. For example, Simon Frith (1993, p. 23) has
argued that the local and global are now so intertwined that 'the national level no
longer matters when every household has access to the global media flow'.
Although Frith talks here of the national level rather than of the Nation-State, the
implication is that the Nation-State is of diminishing importance in an increasingly
global world of communications. Ross Harley makes a similar point when he argues
that:

National boundaries matter little in the contemporary music world, where a Detroit producer
may have more in common with a London-based DJ or a Belgian remixer than anybody in
his or her immediate geographic environs. (1993, p. 225)

193

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194 Martin Cloonan

But while it is obviously possible that people in one location might share
musical influences with those thousands of miles away, rather than in their immedi-
ate environs, they are likely to be subject to different constraints upon how they
can indulge those tastes. As will become apparent, the main constraints may be the
particular Nation-State which they inhabit. The object of this paper is to argue
against the sorts of views expressed by Frith and Harley and to highlight the con-
tinually important role of the Nation-State in popular music.
Before continuing it is necessary to note that often the local and the national
are discussed as being the same thing - especially with regard to such places as
Luxembourg, Finland or New Zealand.3 But by local here is meant the sub-Nation-
State level. In other words, local relates to music scenes in regions, cities and so on.
Musics and musicians which relate to the Nation-State level will be referred to as
'domestic' rather than 'local'. The global begins at a level higher than the Nation-
State.
It also needs to be acknowledged that Nation-States often respond to processes
at the global level. I do not wish to argue that processes of globalisation are not
important, as they obviously are. What is often more important for popular music
is the way in which Nation-States vary in their responses to both globalisation
and popular music. The relative autonomy of many Nation-States also needs some
acknowledgement. Overall this paper aims to re-situate the Nation-State as a focus
for popular music studies. In order to do this, it is necessary to highlight some of
the roles Nation-States can play.

Part one: unsound effects?

There are a number of generalisations that one can make about the role of Nation-
States in popular music. Here the most important areas will be outlined, although
the list will not be exhaustive. This part concentrates upon various aspects of
Nation-State policy and how they impact upon popular music. In particular it exam-
ines policies around broadcasting, censorship, the law and culture. It also suggests
that the Nation-State is of continuing, and possibly increasing, importance in the
politics of identity.

Broadcasting

Within broadcasting, it is undoubtedly true to say that, at least in the West, the
Nation-State has retreated from some of its traditional roles in recent years. Deregu-
lation has swept across Europe and, although Malm and Wallis (1992, p. 217) have
suggested that this phase might have peaked already, the growth in satellite tele-
vision stations suggests that the process is by no means over. There has also been
debate over how far - if at all - Nation-States can prevent broadcasts they disap-
prove of from coming across their borders. The internet is the starkest example of
this.
Nevertheless, the Nation-States cannot simply relinquish their roles as control-
lers of broadcasting. As Malm and Wallis (ibid, p. 252) have noted, airwaves are
finite resources which need regulating. Nation-States remain the prime source of
such regulation, as even transnational agreements rely on Nation-States to police
them. Moreover, few Nation-States have decided that they would rather not have
a state broadcasting service. Even the United States, which has not got a state-run

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 Pop and the Nation-State 195

broadcasting service, still seeks to control the output of the commercial stations via
the Federal Communications Commission (FCC).
With regard to the provision of broadcasting services, debate has generally
centred upon what mixture of public and private provision is appropriate and few
advocate total deregulation. In this debate popular music has seldom featured as
the major focus of attention, but Nation-States do have to take policy decisions about
popular music and broadcasting.
For example, in February 1994 the Iranian government banned all non-Iranian
music from its airwaves (Guardian 14 February 1994) and in July 1996 it was
reported that Afghanistan was about to make a similar move (Guardian 16 July
1996). Censorship is dealt with in greater detail below, but at one level debates
about censorship are concerned with what might be the appropriate sort of music
to allow on a Nation-State's airwaves.
It is Nation-States which determine the ratio between private and commercial
broadcasting within their borders. In 1996 this took a somewhat bizarre turn in
Britain when the band Status Quo took out a court case against the state broadcast-
ing company, the BBC, for the failure of its Radio 1 station to play their single 'Fun,
Fun, Fun'. The court action failed, but what was at stake in the case was the role
that a publicly owned broadcasting station should play. The debate was partly one
about how a public service should be fulfilled. For Status Quo and their lawyers
the role of Radio 1 was to play the most popular records. As 'Fun, Fun, Fun' had
entered the charts it should, they held, have been played on the nation's most
popular radio station. In their defence Radio 1 claimed that their job was to promote
new music, not just simply to reflect the charts. The judge accepted Radio l's argu-
ments and dismissed those of Status Quo. The band faced a £50,000 bill for costs
and were told by the judge: 'Maybe Radio 1 don't like your records - they don't
have to' (NME 13 July 1996).
This case was not of only parochial interest for Radio 1. As a radio station
which is under public-ownership and part of a state broadcasting service, Radio 1
nevertheless plays a very important international role. For example, its role in pro-
moting 'Britpop' has been widely recognised.4 The implication of this is that had
important changes not taken place at Radio 1, then its audience - and implicitly the
international audience - would have been fed a daily diet of Status Quo and Phil
Collins rather than of Blur and Oasis. Instead Radio 1 chose to stress its cultural
worth. It committed itself to up and coming bands and to live music. This helped
to differentiate it further from the commercial stations which are more chart-based
and play a much narrower range of music.
Looking beyond the narrow confines of Britain, perhaps the most interesting
debates on broadcasting and pop have concerned the desirability or otherwise of
imposing quotas to ensure the presence of domestic music on the airwaves. Putting
aside the problems of defining exactly what music counts as belonging to which
Nation-State,5 there can be little doubt about the importance of such quotas,
especially for those musicians working within smaller, less powerful, Nation-States.
In terms of New Zealand, Pickering and Shuker (1993, p. 21) have gone so far
as to suggest that the issue of quotas is the most important issue for Nation-States
facing a large amount of imported music. Pointing out that often the only way that
New Zealand artists could get airplay was to leave the country (Shuker and Picker-
ing 1994, p. 274),6 they have argued that quotas are necessary for New Zealand
music (as they define it7) to survive. The French government has also taken the

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196 Martin Cloonan

decision to back quotas (Laing 1992, p. 135; Sage 1996) which have again been
implemented in Australia and Canada (Grenier 1993; Turner 1993) with, argue
Shuker and Pickering (1994, p. 270), beneficial results for domestic musicians.
But the quota debate is one which goes well beyond Western Nation-States.
Tanzania, Israel and Jamaica are amongst those Nation-States which have also used
quotas (ibid, p. 277). Malm and Wallis (1992, p. 98) note that Kenya implemented
quotas in 1980 and 1988, and they credit Radio Tanzania's 100 per cent quota from
the 1970s onwards with helping Tanzanian music survive (ibid, p. 122). They also
note that the use of quotas was successful in raising the amount of domestic popular
music that was played in Trinidad and Jamaica (ibid, p. 254). The overall impact of
quotas may be ambiguous, but they are certainly an example of the continuing
importance of the Nation-State in popular music. In instances such as that of Radio
1, Nation-State broadcasting policies might have an international importance; in
others, such as Tanzania, the impact might be primarily domestic. But all show the
continuing importance of Nation-State policies.
Radio broadcasting has been concentrated upon here as it is still arguably the
most important promoter of popular music.8 Nevertheless, it is obviously the case
that the advent of video and, in particular, of MTV, has had an important impact
on popular music. But here too the Nation-State has intervened. At least one state
has sought to counter the influence of MTV. In Turkey in 1994 Kral TV ousted MTV
as the most popular music television. Kral TV was broadcast in Turkish and was
set up following a ban on MTV using Turkey's terrestrial stations. The Turkish
government feared that if MTV was beamed into Turkey, then Kurdish broadcasts
might follow (Guardian 24 August 1994).
Meanwhile in Sweden, Malm and Wallis (1992, p. 168) note that a decision to
produce a weekly Swedish-only pop video show, Listan, on the state-run Swedish
TV, had an important impact on domestic musicians. So MTV has not had it all its
own way. Some Nation-States have been standing in its way.
Thus it is necessary to be more cautious about the impact of MTV than some
have been. It might be pioneering global tastes, but its impact is still mediated by
the Nation-State. More recently MTV itself has recognised the need to reflect
national and regional youth cultures, as well as seeking to be global. Meanwhile, it
is important to remember that satellite is still a minority pursuit in Western Europe,
while in remote parts of Africa even radio signals are hard to pick up. It is thus a
little premature, to say the least, to start talking of anything like a transglobal cul-
ture, especially in terms of broadcasting pop.

Censorship

The issue of censorship is clearly closely aligned to that of broadcasting and general
control of the media. There is a long history of records and videos being banned
from the airwaves within various Nation-States for various reasons and it seems
unlikely that this process will end, as the decision by Radio 1 to ban The Prodigy's
'Smack My Bitch Up' in 1997 shows. But censorship takes place at various levels
and under various Nation-State regulations and statutes. What is defined as being
'obscene' varies from Nation-State to Nation-State. Some constitutional edicts may
change the entire nature of the censorship debate. For example, the First Amend-
ment in the American Constitution which guarantees the right to free speech can
be invoked in a way which is impossible in other Nation-States. Laws on censor-

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 Pop and the Nation-State 197

ship - and the ability and willingness of Nation-States to implement those laws -
have an important impact on the type of pop which is permissible within Nation-
State boundaries.
Perhaps most important of all is the fact that Nation-States are still concerned
with controlling immigration. Border control has been used to regulate the type of
popular music - particularly live popular music - that enters a Nation-State. For
example, Michael Jackson was banned from performing in South Korea in 1993
because his flamboyant stage show was thought to be unsuitable at a time when
the government was bringing in an austerity package (Daily Post 14 August 1993).
Iron Maiden found themselves banned from Chile in 1992 (NME 1 August 1992)
after the Catholic Church had described them as Satanists, and they were banned
also from the Lebanon in 1995 (Observer 24 September 1995). This followed a spate
of teenage suicides after which the police raided record shops and seized various
rock records. The Interior Ministry then decided to ban heavy metal groups from
touring the country (ibid).
Steve Jones (1993) has documented how immigration control was used in the
United States as an effective part of cultural policy. By restricting the amount of
foreign bands that could play, the Americans effectively adopted a protectionist
policy on behalf of domestic musicians. Elsewhere more overt censorship has con-
tinued. In New Zealand in 1992 there were attempts by the police to prevent Ice T
from playing in Auckland (Sluka 1994, p. 62) and an unsuccessful attempt to pros-
ecute the track 'Cop Killer' under the country's Indecent Publications Act. In 1997
a crackdown on heavy metal fans in Egypt by SSI, the State security service, was
reported (di Giovanni 1997) and it was also disclosed that Britain's internal security
service, MI5, had kept tabs on musicians such as John Lennon, Crass, The Sex Pistols
and UB40 (Norton-Taylor 1997).
Even when allowed to perform, some artists have had their acts censored. In
1995 when Roxette played Beijing they were forbidden from including the lines 'I
see you comb your hair/I like the way you undress now' from their hit 'How Do
You Do!'. The words 'rock-n-roll' were also vetoed (Guardian, 21 February 1995).
Back in the West, censorship in Germany has involved such things as the song
'Helmut Kohl', which the band Die Artze were forbidden to play live (Denselow
1989, p. 273), and banning records by Kiss and Cancer (NME 10 November 1990).
In 1996 the two members of the French rap band Nique Ta Mere (NTM - Fuck Your
Mother) were jailed for three months and banned from performing for six months
after a private prosecution was brought against them for their 'Je Nique Le Police'
(I Fuck the Police) which advocated pissing 'on the brainless police machine' (NME
23 November 1996). The band later appealed and remained out of jail. Although
the prosecution was private, it is the Nation-State which regulates censorship and
the conditions under which such actions take place.
While censorship of pop has occurred in a number of democratic capitalist
Nation-States, it was also widespread in more undemocratic capitalist Nation-States
such as South Africa, Turkey (Stokes 1992, p. 215) and Argentina. In the latter case
the military dictatorship which ruled the country often took drastic steps to sup-
press Rock Nacional gigs which took place between 1977 and 1983. Tactics used
here included using tear-gas on fans; rounding them up; and 'advising' halls not to
book such gigs (Vila 1992, p. 214).
But it is the Nation-States of the former Communist bloc which perhaps show
the most overt forms of state censorship. Sabrina Ramet's book Rockin' The State

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198 Martin Cloonan

(1994), documents a number of forms of censorship in the former eastern bloc.

Apart from banning records and performances by Western performers, these
Nation-States sought to control domestic musicians. Often this was done by issuing
licences for live performances and only allowing those with such licences to be able
to perform. Such a system was used, for example, in Czechoslovakia.9
Ramet's book also documents that in Bulgaria the band Signal were banned
from performing in 1982 because they caused 'excessive excitement' (Ramet 1994b,
p. 7). The Bulgarian live scene was also hampered in 1987 when a 9 p.m. curfew
was placed on under l9-year olds (Ashley 1994, p. 151).
In the German Democratic Republic in 1975 there was a purge of rock
musicians including the Leipzig band the Klaus Renft Combo, who were forced to
disband because their continued existence was thought to be a threat to the working
class (Leitner 1994, p. 30). Censorship of songs often occurred on the basis of one
word or phrase such as 'assembly line' (Wicke 1992, p. 84).
In Hungary the band the Spions were forced to disband in the 1970s (Kurti
1994, p. 77), and a survey of Budapest pop musicians carried out in 1986 found that
all the musicians questioned had suffered some sort of censorship during their
careers (Szemere 1992, pp. 9S7). One result of such censorship was a plethora of
songs with double-meanings (ibid, p. 97). In Poland in 1983 the pro-Solidarity band
Prefect were banned from performing in the larger cities (Kan and Hayes 1994, p.
51).
Recorded music also suffered. For example, in the Soviet Union only pro-
fessional bands singing in Russian were recorded (Survilla 1994, p. 227). In addition
there were bans on records by such artists as The Who, The Sex Pistols and Kiss
(Index on Censorship No.6, 1985). However, according to Ramet (1994b, p. 7), only
Albania was successful in instituting a total ban on foreign popular music.
Anna Szemere (1992, p. 96) argues that overall the debate in Eastern Europe
was more often over whether a song should be recorded at all, rather than, as is
more often the case in the West, a battle over something that is already available in
the market place. But it is obviously the case that the regimes of Eastern Europe
had a profound effect on popular music there. Censorship was almost routinely
applied. As Peter Wicke has noted (Garofalo 1992, p. 10), one effect of this was to
make popular music 'Political' in Eastern Europe in a way that was inconceivable
in the West.
The bans referred to immediately above come from a past era in Eastern
Europe, but at a minimum they show the censorial potential of the Nation-State.
Even if various media are now able to flout international boundaries, control and
regulation of live music is likely to remain the domain of the Nation-State. More-
over, it is too often assumed that the de-regulation of broadcasting is here to stay,
but it is at least possible that this will not be the case. The logic of globalisation is
that of capitalism and the history of capitalism is that for every era of liberalisation
of trade, there is another one of closed borders and protectionism.
In sum, censorship - in one form or another - by Nation-States seems bound to
continue. But this is only one area where the state is still required to be a policeman.

Law and Copyright

A Nation-State's legal system will impact upon its popular music. For example,
Malm and Wallis (1992, p. 29) have noted that laws set parameters to music business

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 Pop and the Nation-State 199

activities, which suggests that the Nation-State has a continuing impact via its legal
system on the treatment of cultural artefacts such as popular music. An example is
how raves in Britain have suffered greatly since the 1994 Criminal Justice Act, sec-
tions of which were aimed specifically at outlawing certain types of rave.
Paul Rutten (1993, p. 43) suggests that a government's most important role
with regard to popular music is in the regulation of economic and cultural processes
and that copyright is a key area here. He has pointed out that lack of sufficient
copyright laws will, and has, hit the amount of investment that has been made in
the former Soviet bloc (ibid, p. 44). The problem is even more exaggerated in the
Third World (Sreberny-Mohammedi 1991, p. 10; Laing 1992, p. 132). Copyright is
also hard to enforce in Nation-States which have traditions of music being seen as
a collective - as opposed to individual - expression (Malm and Wallis 1992, p. 29).
For example, Japan has no tradition of claiming rights (Harker 1995, p. 43)
and its current copyright legislation dates back to only 1971. Music recorded before
this time can be sold without royalties being paid. In May 1996 the EU filed an
official complaint to the World Trade Organisation about the slow rate of reform of
Japanese copyright legislation (Reuters 30 May 1996).
It is clearly much harder for smaller Nation-States to enforce copyright
(Harker 1995, p. 68) and some national organisations are simply not able to. Thus
Bob Marley was unable to enforce copyright within Jamaica and had to rely upon
the American BMI organisation to do so for him (Malm and Wallis 1992, p. 56). In
1983 Kenya introduced a new copyright law, but this apparently had little effect as
the state was unable to enforce it (ibid, p. 89).
Copyright is one area that the music business is particularly concerned about
in the late 1990s as potential profits are denied in Nation-States which cannot, or
will not, either prevent the manufacture of pirate CDs and tapes, or introduce copy-
right legislation which suits the major entertainment industries. Thus in February
1995 PolyGram attacked the EU for not protecting its markets from imported Chi-
nese-manufactured CDs as that the United States had done (Guardian 22 February
1995). In July 1996 the International Federation of Phonogram Industry (ISPI) called
for joint European and American action against Chinese and Bulgarian pirate CDs
(Reuters 12 July 1996). Bulgaria was the centre of much industry anger, with Rick
Dobis, President of Polygram Continental Europe, accusing its pirates of 'open theft'
(Wroe 1996).
Meanwhile the issue of Chinese CD manufacturing plants took centre stage in
long-running trade talks between the United States and China. China is seen as the
next big market for the international music business, but that business is wary of
the lack of copyright there (Long 1995; Spencer 1996). However, China has made
some moves towards recognising Western concepts of copyright by, for example,
allowing IFPI agents to work within its borders (Harker 1995, pp. 44-5).
In the West, Dave Laing (1992, p. 134) has pointed out that while EC laws on
copyright have been harmonised to some extent, the copyright collecting agencies
are still organised on national, Nation-State lines. He argues that these are likely to
stay so because:

1. Most campaigners on copyright issues are concerned with the music of their own count-
ries.

2. British music is regarded within the EC as part of an Anglo-Saxon onslaught which is

driving French and German music off the airwaves.

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200 Martin Cloonan

Thus again the Nation-State retains importance even when there are inter-
national agreements in place. Although copyright is in the process of being harmon-
ised in the West, many parts of the rest of the world have trouble enforcing any
copyright laws. The willingness and/or capability of Nation-States to take on this
task is of crucial importance to investment decisions of foreign firms. In many ways
copyright sees Nation-States acting in the interests of international capital, but the
relative autonomy of the state in deciding how, or even whether, to police copyright
shows that the Nation-State is of continued importance within the business of popu-
lar music.

Cultural policy

Cultural policy is often a matter of how much Nation-States wish to intervene in

the market. Certainly a number have felt the need to promote domestic cultural
goods. For example, Australia has a national Music Day (Breen 1993, p. 76), the
Sandanista government in Nicaragua saw music as something of a national asset
(Denselow 1989, p. 164) and Britain launched a National Music Day which has
taken place from 1992 onwards - albeit with marginal impact. It should also be
noted that various national awards and competitions can also affect the amount
and type of popular music produced within a Nation-State.
Many Nation-States, such as Britain, have had a tradition of conservative cul-
tural policies which have favoured the so-called high arts over the low. For
example, in Britain government funding for the arts goes to art forms which 85 per
cent of the population never go to and only 3 per cent of the population visit regu-
larly (Guardian 9 February 1994). In this respect it is important to note, as Annabelle
Sreberny-Mohammedi (1991, p. 135) does, that a Nation-State's cultural policies can
define culture within its borders. If pop is not defined as culture it is unlikely to get
state help. Indeed, Roy Shuker (1994, p. 71) has suggested that debates about cul-
tural policy are part of the battle over the very meaning of pop. Britain is just one
place where pop has been regarded as the domain of the market rather than of the
state, although Simon Frith (1993, p. 14) has noted how pop in Britain has benefitted
from a great deal of indirect support such as Radio 1. But such indirect support has
often proved inadequate.
In Britain in 1994 the Main Music Agenda was set up to represent the range
and diversity of British music and to protest about the fact that: 'from the current
debate we might conclude that not much is going on except for symphony orches-
tras and London opera companies' (Guardian 20 January 1994). This protest had
little impact but by 1998 the new Labour government announced that a new com-
mittee was to be set up by the Department of Culture, Media and Sport to examine
issues of concern to the music industry (Guardian 7 January 1998). Again the Nation-
State was seeking to influence the fate of popular music.
This had previously been apparent in other Nation-States with cultural poli-
cies that had been designed to stimulate domestic music-making. For example, in
Holland 15 per cent of a levy which was raised on blank tapes went to Dutch music
and the Dutch Rock Federation obtained arts grants from central government from
1975 onwards (Rutten 1993, pp. 39, 48). Levies on blank tapes remain an area where
the Nation-State can raise revenue for developing domestic talent. Often moves to
develop such talent are attempts to prevent the home country from being swamped
by mainly American culture (Bennett et al. 1993, p. 10; Breen 1993; Straw 1993).

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 Pop and the Nation-State 201

Nation-States have obviously varied greatly in their cultural policies and how
they have responded to international conditions. Some have set out to use music to
build the nation,l° while others have almost ignored culture altogether and had no
policy as such. In the former Soviet states the other side of the censorship coin was
that some regimes tried to promote certain types of popular music, as is also shown
by Ramet (1994, p. 7).11 Although Keith Negus (1993, p. 311) has argued that, in the
age of the multi-national corporations, it is hard to associate any cultural artefact
purely with one Nation-State, it seems clear that Nation-States have to adopt some
attitude towards musicians who come from their particular patch and attach
importance to this. Here policy becomes vital.
It is also important to acknowledge that Nation-State policies outside the cul-
tural can also impact on popular music. To again cite British examples, the decline
of art schools, which produced many musicians in the 1960s, and the decline of the
college live circuit in the wake of increasing student poverty, can also be seen as
having important effects on up-and-coming bands.
Taxation policy is also important. This has had various effects on pop. For
example, in New Zealand records were taxed but books were not on the grounds
that the former were not culture (Shuker 1994, p. 55). In 1996 Michael Jackson said
that he would not be playing any more gigs in Germany because of high taxes in
the country (Reuters 8 May 1996). Political situations in a Nation-State can also affect
the output of popular music. Here Edward Larkey (1992, p. 175) notes that Austria
was too affluent to engender an active punk scene, while Tony Mitchell (1992, p.
195) argues that the onset of punk in Poland can be seen as commencing with the
introduction of martial law in 1983. Thus various Nation-State policies continually
impact upon popular music.

Identity

It is important to note that nationalism is the most successful ideology ever.l2 As

Anthony Smith (1991, p. vii) has noted, it is the most enduring identity myth in the
world. The desire to build and rebuild Nation-States continues unabated, as recent
events in Eastern Europe continue to show. It is often argued that it is increasingly
hard to locate a particular musical form within a particular nation, but historically
music has often played an important role in constructing national identity. Gener-
ally it has been classical and folk music that have been used in such constructions,
but it is also often claimed that pop has the capacity to say something about the
particular Nation-State from which it allegedly sprung.
As I have argued elsewhere (Cloonan 1997), it is interesting to note again how
the term 'Britpop' came to prominence in Britain from 1994 onwards. At one level
this was just a marketing term or an attempt by a journalist to create a scene which
did not actually exist. Nevertheless, the debate around 'Britpop' shows how popu-
lar music is still used as a means to identify Nation-States. In the case of 'Brit-pop'
the nation seemed to be represented by white, male, heterosexual artists working
in the pop-rock idiom. Often it was claimed that certain acts represented the British
nation or Nation-State in some way or another. Numerous examples could be
quoted and the following give a taste of them.
A 1992 Sunday Times article claimed that:

a study of The Smiths, XTC, The Jam, Madness, Magazine or many other 'English' pop group
could tell us a great deal about the national landscape in the last 20 years. (Taylor 1992)

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202 Martin Cloonan

There have been other claims about how pop reflects Englishness.l3 Suede's
first album was described as 'an instant English classic, all decaying council blocks
and weird sex' (Spencer 1993). Morrisey was described as having an 'English view
of the world' (Evans 1994, p. 6) and his Vauxhall and I album was said to have the
spirituality of 'a dirty British dawn and a savage British dusk' (ibid, p. 11). His
previous band, The Smiths, have also been linked with a particular type of English-
ness (Stringer 1992).
At one point it was almost impossible to pick up an article on Blur without
the word 'English' leaping out. Thus they were said to have songs 'boasting a very
Englishness' (Hibbert 1995), to make 'quintessential, modern English pop' (Shelley
1995, p. 12) and, in particular, to have an 'Orton-esque Englishness' (ibid, p. 15).14
It also seems impossible, in Britain at least, to read about U2 without them
being described as Irish, or, more particularly, to read about The Manic Street Pre-
achers without the fact that they are Welsh being mentioned. Somehow it seems to
matter to the writers and readers of these articles that those artists come from par-
ticular Nations or Nation-States. Following on from this are claims that these artists
can tell us something about the countries from which they come.l5 In the case of
'Brit- pop', the bands who attracted this epithet were all English, implying that
while Welsh and Scots acts might be able to speak on behalf of their nations they
did not articulate what it meant to belong to a larger Nation-State. (The situation
in Northern Ireland is subsumed in its political situation. It is suffice to note here
that Northern Irish bands were not included by the press as being within Britpop's
ambit.)
By December 1995 it was alleged that 'Britpop' was dead (Sweeting 1995). But
this was not to prevent some politicians from trying to use 'Britpop' for political
purposes. In March 1996 the former Secretary of State for Wales, erstwhile chal-
lenger for the leadership of the Conservative party and leading New Right thinker,
John Redwood, made a somewhat farcical attempt to appropriate Britpop for his
Euro-sceptic cause. He claimed that, amongst other things, the band the Lightning
Seeds showed the English that they had a distinct culture (Redwood 1996). Again
an ill-defined, but apparently close, relationship between pop and the nation was
proposed.
There have been numerous other examples of this outside Britain. Sabrina
Ramet has shown a similar pattern in the former Yugoslavia where punk rock and
the nation were equated (Ramet 1992, p. 103). It is also a sobering thought to see
how pop was used in the wars in that country. One report described the music
cassettes produced by Serbs and Croats which eulogised their respective nations
and, unsurprisingly, vilified their opponents. This was described as a 'war of music'
(Lukovic 1993, p. 9). The symbolic height of the link between pop music and the
war was the marriage of the 'Queen of turbo folk', Ceac, to the alleged Serbian war
criminal, Commander Arkan, in February 1995 (Guardian 20 February 1995).
In somewhat less traumatic circumstances, in Australia the trade unions have
called for intervention in the pop industry in order to help forge national identity
(Breen 1993, p. 70). In France supporters of the quota system said that it helped to
preserve national identity (Sage 1996). In Germany Hans Giessen (1995, p. 124) has
argued that pop texts provide the best means for showing the rise of Nazi sentiment
in the 1990s, partly because there were no other sources available. In Austria Larkey
(1992, p. 187) has argued that support for Austropop is part of a struggle over what
parts of the international market will be used to delineate cultural and national

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 Pop and the Nation-State 203

identity, and in December 1995 a battle for the soul of Irish music was reported
(MacRory 1995).
Further examples of the continued importance of the Nation-State as a source
of identity can be seen in the Eurovision song contest. At one level this contest is
the height of kitsch, but it has also caused international incidents. In 1995 Norway
won the contest, but the Swedish judges awarded the Norwegian entry no points.
In Sweden the Norwegian victory was followed by xenophobic coverage in parts
of the Swedish press. Eventually this led to an apology from the Swedish ambassa-
dor to Norway (Culf 1996). Again popular music was held to be bound up with
national identity and lack of respect for this caused a minor diplomatic incident.
In 1996 the Euro '96 football tournament took place. In Britain this resulted in
a minor row after Beethoven's 'Ode to Joy' was chosen by the BBC to go along with
its coverage of the tournament. Education Secretary Gillian Shepherd and Con-
servative Party chairman Brian Malwhinney criticised the use of music by a German
rather than British composer (Observer 2 June 1996). Meanwhile in Germany the
national ZDF television station chose Oasis' 'Look Back In Anger' to go with its
coverage because, in the words of a spokesman, 'we wanted to find a suitable theme
that was especially British' (NME 16 June 1996). A number of songs were recorded
to tie in with the tournament and England's went to the top of the domestic charts.
Again the link between popular music and national identity was shown, albeit
somewhat crudely.
Simon Frith (1996, pp. 110-111) has rightly argued that identity is not so much
an object as a process and that it is imposed from the outside rather than coming
from the inside (ibid, p. 122). In the case of pop it is clear that some commentators
have sought to impose national identities upon popular musicians, while others have
suggested that such musicians have an important role to play in defining national
identity.
At a minimum it seems that popular music has a continuing role to play in
constructing national identity. At one level this is mere marketing or scene-making,
but at another popular musicians have been said to encapsulate something about
the nation. Nation-States need to foster allegiances and pop has been one of the
sites where such allegiances have been sought and articulated.
To sum up the argument thus far: it has been shown that the Nation-State is
of continuing importance in popular music. Two levels of this - policy and ident-
ity - have been suggested. At one level this is something of a tautology. But, as
noted in the introduction, the Nation-State has been somewhat underplayed in
Popular Music Studies recently. Having redressed the balance a little, I now want
to lay out some ideal types of Nation-State-popular music relationships.

Part two: a framework of relationships

It is apparent that there are three types of Nation-State-popular music relationship

which I shall call authoritarian, benign and promotional.
The authoritarian. Such Nation-States might most usefully be exemplified by
those of the former Soviet bloc. In these Nation-States there was generally strict
control of recording, a licensing system for live musicians and strict control of
imports. Authoritarian regimes are sensitive to all cultural artefacts.
In some ways authoritarian states might be seen as something from the past,
but Nation-States such as Algeria, China, Egypt, Iran and Afghanistan still strictly

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204 Martin Cloonan

control cultural artefacts. Whether such control can be maintained in the future
might be a moot point, but in the immediate future a decline in attempts to control
seems unlikely. In all the celebrations that followed the collapse of Communism in
Eastern Europe, the fact that free, uncensorial Nation-States would follow seemed
to be almost taken for granted. But events such as the rise of Islam in Nation-States
such as Algeria and Afghanistan and the war in the former Yugoslavia suggest that
censorial Nation-States are just as likely.
The benign state. Britain might be seen as the paradigmatic example of this.
Benign Nation-States control live music, but generally leave popular music to the
market, indirect subsidies not withstanding. They have censorship and broadcast-
ing laws, but tend to regard the state's role as being to referee between competing
business interests rather than controlling or promoting popular music. Popular
music is not high on the cultural agendas of such Nation-States. They will react to
events in the popular music field, such as raves and 'obscene' records, but are
generally content to let the music industry go about its daily business uninterrupted
and to reap the taxes that industry success brings.
Promotional. In such Nation-States popular music is regarded as something of
a national asset. Nation-States in this category are likely to be concerned about
being dominated by Anglo-American music and will try to devise policies, such as
radio quotas and promotion of domestic music, to combat this. Examples of these
sorts of states would include, at various times, Canada, France and Holland.
It should be noted that there is some overlap between these ideal Nation-State-
types. Most especially authoritarian states will also often be promotional. Ramet
(1994, p. 9) gives examples of states which assisted various types of domestic music
in order to combat Anglo-American music.
One unifying factor with regard to Nation-States is that they often react to
events at the global level, but they differ in that some have tried to be pro-active.
Perhaps the best Nation-States as far as popular musicians are concerned are pro-
motional ones, but there are lots of problems with this proposal.l6

Conclusion: bringing it all home

One reason why the continuing importance of the Nation-State in popular music
should be acknowledged is that fans, musicians, academics and other grassroots
supporters of popular music can often feel powerless in the face of globalisation
and multi-national corporations, but Nation-States retain the potential for inter-
vention. The Nation-State has always acted somewhat ambiguously in its role as
protector of culture and different parts of capital, but many Nation-States retain the
power to intervene in the global market and to help local musicians reach a wider
audience than they otherwise would. The results may be contradictory but it is hard
to see what other mechanisms to promote domestic talent might be available, other
than major changes of heart from the major record companies. The important point
to bear in mind is, as Pickering and Shuker (1993, p. 21) have noted, that the desire
to express allegiance to domestic products and artists is not necessarily a reactionary
one. To admit that some forms of popular music need Nation-State assistance can
be to defy the market rather than to promote xenophobia.
It was noted earlier that the role of Radio 1 in promoting Britpop has now
been recognised. This followed structural changes within this publicly owned
national radio station. In other words, a semi-autonomous part of a Nation-State's

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 Pop and the Nation-State 205

broadcasting network helped to promote music that was held in some way to rep-
resent certain characteristics of that Nation-State. The rise of 'Britpop' was tied into
the broadcasting policies of a particular Nation-State, but its impact was inter-
national.
In examples such as this the Nation-State can step in to help some forms of
popular music in a way that the market may not. It might even be the case that it
is the Nation-State, rather than the market, which is the guarantor of diversity in
pop. British radio is one example of this. Deregulation has tended to bring more of
the same, such as a proliferation in oldies and MOR stations, rather than diversity.l7
In this case Radio 1 has shown that the Nation-State, rather than the market, can
be the most successful provider of diversity. Although less regulated systems, such
as those within the United States, have led to more stations, it is arguable that none
of these stations covers the breadth of popular music that Radio 1 does. Rather,
they cater for niche markets. Meanwhile Nation-States' subsidies for the arts have
also helped to encourage diversity, such as those distributed via the Arts Councils
in Britain and the National Endowment for The Arts in the United States.
Malm and Wallis (1992, p. 256) have rightly argued that the main point is to
get the widest possible range of musical activity. It is doubtful that this can be
achieved without some input from Nation-States. Nation-States vary enormously
in the amount of power they have, but they remain vitally important in the areas
of policy and identification. It is still the case that the location and regulatory
strength of one's Nation-State will determine in large part the popular music
environment one lives in. The point is that fans, academics and musicians should
be trying to get as much input as possible into Nation-State policies, however con-
tradictory some of the results might be.
This paper has suggested that far from being of little importance, the Nation-
State continues to be of major importance in pop. I agree with Annabelle Sreberny-
Mohammedi (1991, p. 135) that:

we require a third-term between the two terms of 'global' and 'local', that recognizes the
separate level of 'state' structures and national policy-making.

This paper has attempted to interpret the role of the Nation-State in popular
music. The point remains, as Marx would tell us, to change it.

Endnotes

1. For the 'local' see Cohen (1991a, 1991b, 1995), reason I prefer to use the term 'domestic'
Frith (1995) and Street (1995). For globalisation music for national music and 'local' for sub-
see Bennett et al. (1993, pp. 10-12; 21-24), national. See also Regev (1992).
Longhurst (1995, pp. 49-53), Negus (1993) and 4. See, for example, Spencer (1996).
Robertson (1992). But also note that Cohen 5. As far as popular music is concerned there
(1991b, p. 343) says that pop is getting more seems to be a consensus that national music
both more international and more local at the is generally a form of Anglo-American music
same time. which has been given a particular local twist.
2. See, for example, Political Studies (1994). This idea comes from Simon Frith and is noted
3. This can cause some confusion. For example, by Malm and Wallis (1992, p. 212).
Mitchell's 1996 book Popular Music and Local 6. It is interesting to note that while New Zea-
Identity deals with music in four Nation-States. land academics are interested in ending a situ-
But his section on New Zealand includes dis- ation where domestic musicians have to leave
cussion of the XDunedin sound' - a local sound the country to get a market, Cohen (1991b) has
associated with the sub-national level. For this noted that in Britain supporters of Liverpool's

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206 Martin Cloonan

music scene have been concerned to prevent 12. See Smith (1991, p. vii) and Pryke (1993, p. 3).
local musicians from leaving the city. 13. See Fisher (1993) and Sinker (1987).
7. See Shuker and Pickering (1994, p. 272). 14. The references here are to England, which is a
8. There is evidence from Britain to back up this nation but not a Nation-State. It is, however,
claim as a March 1990 survey found that more the dominant nation within the Nation-State of
people bought records after hearing them on Britain, the Nation-State which gave its name
the radio than through any other medium toXBritpop'.
(NME 31 March 1990). 15. This is actually nothing new. For example,
9. See Mitchell (1992) for more on censorship in Laing (1972) made an attempt to outline types
Czechoslovakia. of Englishness in pop.
10. As, for example, in Tanzania under the regime 16. See Malm and Wallis (1992, pp. 188-189) for
of Nyerere (Malm and Wallis 1992, p. 114). some of the pros and cons of subsidies.
11. See also Wicke and Shepherd (1993). 17. See Barnard (1989).

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