Anthropology

Anthropology is the scientific study of humans, human behavior

and societies in the past and present.[1][2][3] Social anthropology
studies patterns of behaviour and cultural anthropology[1][2][3]
studies cultural meaning, including norms and values. Linguistic
anthropology studies how language influences social life. Biological
or physical anthropology[1][2][3] studies the biological development
of humans. Visual anthropology, which is usually considered to be a
part of social anthropology, can mean both ethnographic film (where
photography, film, and new media are used for study) as well as the
An anthropologist with indigenous
study of "visuals", including art, visual images, cinema etc. Oxford
American people
Bibliographies describes visual anthropology as "the anthropological
study of the visual and the visual study of the anthropological".[4]

Archaeology, which studies human activity through investigation of physical evidence, is thought of as a
branch of anthropology in the United States and Canada, while in Europe, it is viewed as a discipline in its
own right or grouped under other related disciplines, such as history.

Contents
Origin and development of the term
Through the 19th century
20th and 21st centuries
Fields
Sociocultural
Biological
Archaeological
Linguistic
Key topics by field: sociocultural
Art, media, music, dance and film
Art
Media
Music
Visual
Economic, political economic, applied and development
Economic
Political economy
Applied
Development
Kinship, feminism, gender and sexuality
Kinship
Feminist
 Medical, nutritional, psychological, cognitive and transpersonal
Medical
Nutritional
Psychological
Cognitive
Transpersonal
Political and legal
Political
Legal
Public
Nature, science, and technology
Cyborg
Digital
Ecological
Historical
Religion
Urban
Key topics by field: archaeological and biological
Anthrozoology
Biocultural
Evolutionary
Forensic
Palaeoanthropology
Synopsis of discoveries made in the field and elsewhere
Organizations
List of major organizations
Ethics
Cultural relativism
Military involvement
Post–World War II developments
Basic trends
Commonalities between fields
See also
Notes
References
Further reading
Dictionaries and encyclopedias
Fieldnotes and memoirs
Histories
Textbooks and key theoretical works
External links
Origin and development of the term
The abstract noun anthropology is first attested in reference to
history.[6][n 1] Its present use first appeared in Renaissance Germany in
the works of Magnus Hundt and Otto Casmann.[7] Their New Latin
anthropologia derived from the combining forms of the Greek words
ánthrōpos (ἄνθρωπος, "human") and lógos (λόγος, "study").[6] (Its
adjectival form appeared in the works of Aristotle.)[6] It began to be
used in English, possibly via French Anthropologie, by the early 18th
century.[6][n 2]

Through the 19th century

In 1647, the Bartholins, founders of the University of Copenhagen,

defined l'anthropologie as follows:[8]

Anthropology, that is to say the science that treats of man,

is divided ordinarily and with reason into Anatomy, which
considers the body and the parts, and Psychology, which
speaks of the soul.[n 3]
Bernardino de Sahagún is
considered to be the founder of
modern anthropology.[5] Sporadic use of the term for some of the subject matter occurred
subsequently, such as the use by Étienne Serres in 1839 to describe the
natural history, or paleontology, of man, based on comparative anatomy,
and the creation of a chair in anthropology and ethnography in 1850 at the French National Museum of
Natural History by Jean Louis Armand de Quatrefages de Bréau. Various short-lived organizations of
anthropologists had already been formed. The Société Ethnologique de Paris, the first to use Ethnology, was
formed in 1839. Its members were primarily anti-slavery activists. When slavery was abolished in France in
1848 the Société was abandoned.

Meanwhile, the Ethnological Society of New York, currently the American Ethnological Society, was
founded on its model in 1842, as well as the Ethnological Society of London in 1843, a break-away group of
the Aborigines' Protection Society.[9] These anthropologists of the times were liberal, anti-slavery, and pro-
human-rights activists. They maintained international connections.

Anthropology and many other current fields are the intellectual results of the comparative methods
developed in the earlier 19th century. Theorists in such diverse fields as anatomy, linguistics, and
Ethnology, making feature-by-feature comparisons of their subject matters, were beginning to suspect that
similarities between animals, languages, and folkways were the result of processes or laws unknown to them
then.[10] For them, the publication of Charles Darwin's On the Origin of Species was the epiphany of
everything they had begun to suspect. Darwin himself arrived at his conclusions through comparison of
species he had seen in agronomy and in the wild.

Darwin and Wallace unveiled evolution in the late 1850s. There was an immediate rush to bring it into the
social sciences. Paul Broca in Paris was in the process of breaking away from the Société de biologie to
form the first of the explicitly anthropological societies, the Société d'Anthropologie de Paris, meeting for
the first time in Paris in 1859.[11][n 4] When he read Darwin, he became an immediate convert to
Transformisme, as the French called evolutionism.[12] His definition now became "the study of the human
group, considered as a whole, in its details, and in relation to the rest of nature".[13]
Broca, being what today would be called a neurosurgeon, had taken an interest in the pathology of speech.
He wanted to localize the difference between man and the other animals, which appeared to reside in speech.
He discovered the speech center of the human brain, today called Broca's area after him. His interest was
mainly in Biological anthropology, but a German philosopher specializing in psychology, Theodor Waitz,
took up the theme of general and social anthropology in his six-volume work, entitled Die Anthropologie
der Naturvölker, 1859–1864. The title was soon translated as "The Anthropology of Primitive Peoples". The
last two volumes were published posthumously.

Waitz defined anthropology as "the science of the nature of man". Following Broca's lead, Waitz points out
that anthropology is a new field, which would gather material from other fields, but would differ from them
in the use of comparative anatomy, physiology, and psychology to differentiate man from "the animals
nearest to him". He stresses that the data of comparison must be empirical, gathered by experimentation.[14]
The history of civilization, as well as ethnology, are to be brought into the comparison. It is to be presumed
fundamentally that the species, man, is a unity, and that "the same laws of thought are applicable to all
men".[15]

Waitz was influential among the British ethnologists. In 1863 the explorer Richard Francis Burton and the
speech therapist James Hunt broke away from the Ethnological Society of London to form the
Anthropological Society of London, which henceforward would follow the path of the new anthropology
rather than just ethnology. It was the 2nd society dedicated to general anthropology in existence.
Representatives from the French Société were present, though not Broca. In his keynote address, printed in
the first volume of its new publication, The Anthropological Review, Hunt stressed the work of Waitz,
adopting his definitions as a standard.[16][n 5] Among the first associates were the young Edward Burnett
Tylor, inventor of cultural anthropology, and his brother Alfred Tylor, a geologist. Previously Edward had
referred to himself as an ethnologist; subsequently, an anthropologist.

Similar organizations in other countries followed: The Anthropological Society of Madrid (1865), the
American Anthropological Association in 1902, the Anthropological Society of Vienna (1870), the Italian
Society of Anthropology and Ethnology (1871), and many others subsequently. The majority of these were
evolutionist. One notable exception was the Berlin Society for Anthropology, Ethnology, and Prehistory
(1869) founded by Rudolph Virchow, known for his vituperative attacks on the evolutionists. Not religious
himself, he insisted that Darwin's conclusions lacked empirical foundation.

During the last three decades of the 19th century, a proliferation of anthropological societies and
associations occurred, most independent, most publishing their own journals, and all international in
membership and association. The major theorists belonged to these organizations. They supported the
gradual osmosis of anthropology curricula into the major institutions of higher learning. By 1898 the
American Association for the Advancement of Science was able to report that 48 educational institutions in
13 countries had some curriculum in anthropology. None of the 75 faculty members were under a
department named anthropology.[17]

20th and 21st centuries

This meager statistic expanded in the 20th century to comprise anthropology departments in the majority of
the world's higher educational institutions, many thousands in number. Anthropology has diversified from a
few major subdivisions to dozens more. Practical anthropology, the use of anthropological knowledge and
technique to solve specific problems, has arrived; for example, the presence of buried victims might
stimulate the use of a forensic archaeologist to recreate the final scene. The organization has reached global
level. For example, the World Council of Anthropological Associations (WCAA), "a network of national,
regional and international associations that aims to promote worldwide communication and cooperation in
anthropology", currently contains members from about three dozen nations.[18]
Since the work of Franz Boas and Bronisław Malinowski in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, social
anthropology in Great Britain and cultural anthropology in the US have been distinguished from other social
sciences by their emphasis on cross-cultural comparisons, long-term in-depth examination of context, and
the importance they place on participant-observation or experiential immersion in the area of research.
Cultural anthropology, in particular, has emphasized cultural relativism, holism, and the use of findings to
frame cultural critiques.[19] This has been particularly prominent in the United States, from Boas' arguments
against 19th-century racial ideology, through Margaret Mead's advocacy for gender equality and sexual
liberation, to current criticisms of post-colonial oppression and promotion of multiculturalism. Ethnography
is one of its primary research designs as well as the text that is generated from anthropological
fieldwork.[20][21][22]

In Great Britain and the Commonwealth countries, the British tradition of social anthropology tends to
dominate. In the United States, anthropology has traditionally been divided into the four field approach
developed by Franz Boas in the early 20th century: biological or physical anthropology; social, cultural, or
sociocultural anthropology; and archaeology; plus anthropological linguistics. These fields frequently
overlap but tend to use different methodologies and techniques.

European countries with overseas colonies tended to practice more ethnology (a term coined and defined by
Adam F. Kollár in 1783). It is sometimes referred to as sociocultural anthropology in the parts of the world
that were influenced by the European tradition.[23]

Fields
Anthropology is a global discipline involving humanities, social sciences and natural sciences.
Anthropology builds upon knowledge from natural sciences, including the discoveries about the origin and
evolution of Homo sapiens, human physical traits, human behavior, the variations among different groups of
humans, how the evolutionary past of Homo sapiens has influenced its social organization and culture, and
from social sciences, including the organization of human social and cultural relations, institutions, social
conflicts, etc.[24][25] Early anthropology originated in Classical Greece and Persia and studied and tried to
understand observable cultural diversity, such as by Al-Biruni of the Islamic Golden Age.[26][27] As such,
anthropology has been central in the development of several new (late 20th century) interdisciplinary fields
such as cognitive science,[28] global studies, and various ethnic studies.

According to Clifford Geertz,

"anthropology is perhaps the last of the great nineteenth-century conglomerate disciplines still
for the most part organizationally intact. Long after natural history, moral philosophy,
philology, and political economy have dissolved into their specialized successors, it has
remained a diffuse assemblage of ethnology, human biology, comparative linguistics, and
prehistory, held together mainly by the vested interests, sunk costs, and administrative habits of
academia, and by a romantic image of comprehensive scholarship."[29]

Sociocultural anthropology has been heavily influenced by structuralist and postmodern theories, as well as
a shift toward the analysis of modern societies. During the 1970s and 1990s, there was an epistemological
shift away from the positivist traditions that had largely informed the discipline.[30] During this shift,
enduring questions about the nature and production of knowledge came to occupy a central place in cultural
and social anthropology. In contrast, archaeology and biological anthropology remained largely positivist.
Due to this difference in epistemology, the four sub-fields of anthropology have lacked cohesion over the
last several decades.
Sociocultural

Sociocultural anthropology draws together the principle axes of cultural anthropology and social
anthropology. Cultural anthropology is the comparative study of the manifold ways in which people make
sense of the world around them, while social anthropology is the study of the relationships among
individuals and groups.[31] Cultural anthropology is more related to philosophy, literature and the arts (how
one's culture affects the experience for self and group, contributing to a more complete understanding of the
people's knowledge, customs, and institutions), while social anthropology is more related to sociology and
history.[31] In that, it helps develop an understanding of social structures, typically of others and other
populations (such as minorities, subgroups, dissidents, etc.). There is no hard-and-fast distinction between
them, and these categories overlap to a considerable degree.

Inquiry in sociocultural anthropology is guided in part by cultural relativism, the attempt to understand other
societies in terms of their own cultural symbols and values.[20] Accepting other cultures in their own terms
moderates reductionism in cross-cultural comparison.[32] This project is often accommodated in the field of
ethnography. Ethnography can refer to both a methodology and the product of ethnographic research, i.e. an
ethnographic monograph. As a methodology, ethnography is based upon long-term fieldwork within a
community or other research site. Participant observation is one of the foundational methods of social and
cultural anthropology.[33] Ethnology involves the systematic comparison of different cultures. The process
of participant-observation can be especially helpful to understanding a culture from an emic (conceptual, vs.
etic, or technical) point of view.

The study of kinship and social organization is a central focus of sociocultural anthropology, as kinship is a
human universal. Sociocultural anthropology also covers economic and political organization, law and
conflict resolution, patterns of consumption and exchange, material culture, technology, infrastructure,
gender relations, ethnicity, childrearing and socialization, religion, myth, symbols, values, etiquette,
worldview, sports, music, nutrition, recreation, games, food, festivals, and language (which is also the object
of study in linguistic anthropology).

Comparison across cultures is a key element of method in sociocultural anthropology, including the
industrialized (and de-industrialized) West. The Standard Cross-Cultural Sample (SCCS) includes 186 such
cultures.[34] of world societies are.

Biological

Biological anthropology and physical anthropology are synonymous

terms to describe anthropological research focused on the study of
humans and non-human primates in their biological, evolutionary,
and demographic dimensions. It examines the biological and social
factors that have affected the evolution of humans and other
primates, and that generate, maintain or change contemporary
genetic and physiological variation.[35]

Forensic anthropologists can help

identify skeletonized human remains,
Archaeological
such as these found lying in scrub in
Western Australia, c. 1900–1910.
Archaeology is the study of the human past through its material
remains. Artifacts, faunal remains, and human altered landscapes are
evidence of the cultural and material lives of past societies.
Archaeologists examine this material remains in order to deduce patterns of past human behavior and
cultural practices. Ethnoarchaeology is a type of archaeology that studies the practices and material remain
of living human groups in order to gain a better understanding of the evidence left behind by past human
groups, who are presumed to have lived in similar ways.[36]

Linguistic

Linguistic anthropology (not to be confused with anthropological

linguistics) seeks to understand the processes of human
communications, verbal and non-verbal, variation in language across
time and space, the social uses of language, and the relationship
between language and culture.[37] It is the branch of anthropology
that brings linguistic methods to bear on anthropological problems,
linking the analysis of linguistic forms and processes to the
interpretation of sociocultural processes. Linguistic anthropologists
often draw on related fields including sociolinguistics, pragmatics,
cognitive linguistics, semiotics, discourse analysis, and narrative The Rosetta Stone was an example
analysis.[38] of ancient communication.

Key topics by field: sociocultural

Art, media, music, dance and film

Art

One of the central problems in the anthropology of art concerns the universality of 'art' as a cultural
phenomenon. Several anthropologists have noted that the Western categories of 'painting', 'sculpture', or
'literature', conceived as independent artistic activities, do not exist, or exist in a significantly different form,
in most non-Western contexts.[39] To surmount this difficulty, anthropologists of art have focused on formal
features in objects which, without exclusively being 'artistic', have certain evident 'aesthetic' qualities. Boas'
Primitive Art, Claude Lévi-Strauss' The Way of the Masks (1982) or Geertz's 'Art as Cultural System' (1983)
are some examples in this trend to transform the anthropology of 'art' into an anthropology of culturally
specific 'aesthetics'.

Media

Media anthropology (also known as the anthropology of media or mass media) emphasizes ethnographic
studies as a means of understanding producers, audiences, and other cultural and social aspects of mass
media. The types of ethnographic contexts explored range from contexts of media production (e.g.,
ethnographies of newsrooms in newspapers, journalists in the field, film production) to contexts of media
reception, following audiences in their everyday responses to media. Other types include cyber
anthropology, a relatively new area of internet research, as well as ethnographies of other areas of research
which happen to involve media, such as development work, social movements, or health education. This is
in addition to many classic ethnographic contexts, where media such as radio, the press, new media, and
television have started to make their presences felt since the early 1990s.[40][41]

Music
 Ethnomusicology is an academic field encompassing various approaches to
the study of music (broadly defined), that emphasize its cultural, social,
material, cognitive, biological, and other dimensions or contexts instead of
or in addition to its isolated sound component or any particular repertoire.

Ethnomusicology can be used in a wide variety of fields, such as teaching,

politics, cultural anthropology etc. While the origins of ethnomusicology
date back to the 18th and 19th centuries, it was formally introduced as
“ethnomusicology” by dutch scholar Jaap Kunst around 1950. Later, the
influence of study in this area spawned the creation of the periodical
Ethnomusicology and the Society of Ethnomusicology.[42]

Visual

Visual anthropology is concerned, in part, with the study and production of

A Punu tribe mask, Gabon, ethnographic photography, film and, since the mid-1990s, new media. While
Central Africa the term is sometimes used interchangeably with ethnographic film, visual
anthropology also encompasses the anthropological study of visual
representation, including areas such as performance, museums, art, and the
production and reception of mass media. Visual representations from all cultures, such as sandpaintings,
tattoos, sculptures and reliefs, cave paintings, scrimshaw, jewelry, hieroglyphics, paintings, and photographs
are included in the focus of visual anthropology.

Economic, political economic, applied and development

Economic

Economic anthropology attempts to explain human economic behavior in its widest historic, geographic and
cultural scope. It has a complex relationship with the discipline of economics, of which it is highly critical.
Its origins as a sub-field of anthropology begin with the Polish-British founder of anthropology, Bronisław
Malinowski, and his French compatriot, Marcel Mauss, on the nature of gift-giving exchange (or
reciprocity) as an alternative to market exchange. Economic Anthropology remains, for the most part,
focused upon exchange. The school of thought derived from Marx and known as Political Economy focuses
on production, in contrast.[43] Economic anthropologists have abandoned the primitivist niche they were
relegated to by economists, and have now turned to examine corporations, banks, and the global financial
system from an anthropological perspective.

Political economy

Political economy in anthropology is the application of the theories and methods of Historical Materialism
to the traditional concerns of anthropology, including, but not limited to, non-capitalist societies. Political
economy introduced questions of history and colonialism to ahistorical anthropological theories of social
structure and culture. Three main areas of interest rapidly developed. The first of these areas was concerned
with the "pre-capitalist" societies that were subject to evolutionary "tribal" stereotypes. Sahlin's work on
hunter-gatherers as the "original affluent society" did much to dissipate that image. The second area was
concerned with the vast majority of the world's population at the time, the peasantry, many of whom were
involved in complex revolutionary wars such as in Vietnam. The third area was on colonialism, imperialism,
and the creation of the capitalist world-system.[44] More recently, these political economists have more
directly addressed issues of industrial (and post-industrial) capitalism around the world.
Applied

Applied anthropology refers to the application of the method and theory of anthropology to the analysis and
solution of practical problems. It is a "complex of related, research-based, instrumental methods which
produce change or stability in specific cultural systems through the provision of data, initiation of direct
action, and/or the formulation of policy".[45] More simply, applied anthropology is the practical side of
anthropological research; it includes researcher involvement and activism within the participating
community. It is closely related to development anthropology (distinct from the more critical anthropology
of development).

Development

Anthropology of development tends to view development from a critical perspective. The kind of issues
addressed and implications for the approach simply involve pondering why, if a key development goal is to
alleviate poverty, is poverty increasing? Why is there such a gap between plans and outcomes? Why are
those working in development so willing to disregard history and the lessons it might offer? Why is
development so externally driven rather than having an internal basis? In short, why does so much planned
development fail?

Kinship, feminism, gender and sexuality

Kinship

Kinship can refer both to the study of the patterns of social relationships in one or more human cultures, or it
can refer to the patterns of social relationships themselves. Over its history, anthropology has developed a
number of related concepts and terms, such as "descent", "descent groups", "lineages", "affines", "cognates",
and even "fictive kinship". Broadly, kinship patterns may be considered to include people related both by
descent (one's social relations during development), and also relatives by marriage. Within kinship you have
two different families. People have their biological families and it is the people they share DNA with. This
is called consanguineal relations or "blood ties"[1] (http://content.inflibnet.ac.in/data-server/eacharya-docum
ents/5717528c8ae36ce69422587d_INFIEP_304/66/ET/304-66-ET-V1-S1__file1.pdf). People can also have
a chosen family Finding Connection Through "Chosen Family" (https://www.psychologytoday.com/us/blog/
being-unlonely/201906/finding-connection-through-chosen-family) in which they chose who they want to
be a part of their family. In some cases people are closer with their chosen family more than with their
biological families. [46]

Feminist

Feminist anthropology is a four field approach to anthropology (archeological, biological, cultural,

linguistic) that seeks to reduce male bias in research findings, anthropological hiring practices, and the
scholarly production of knowledge. Anthropology engages often with feminists from non-Western
traditions, whose perspectives and experiences can differ from those of white European and American
feminists. Historically, such 'peripheral' perspectives have sometimes been marginalized and regarded as less
valid or important than knowledge from the western world. Feminist anthropologists have claimed that their
research helps to correct this systematic bias in mainstream feminist theory. Feminist anthropologists are
centrally concerned with the construction of gender across societies. Feminist anthropology is inclusive of
birth anthropology[47] as a specialization.
The first African-American female anthropologist and Caribbeanist is said to be Vera Mae Green who
studied ethnic and family relations in the Caribbean as well as the United States, and thereby tried to
improve the way black life, experiences, and culture were studied.[48]

Medical, nutritional, psychological, cognitive and transpersonal

Medical

Medical anthropology is an interdisciplinary field which studies "human health and disease, health care
systems, and biocultural adaptation".[49] It is believed that William Caudell was the first to discover the field
of medical anthropology. Currently, research in medical anthropology is one of the main growth areas in the
field of anthropology as a whole. It focuses on the following six basic fields:[50]

the development of systems of medical knowledge and medical care

the patient-physician relationship
the integration of alternative medical systems in culturally diverse environments
the interaction of social, environmental and biological factors which influence
health and illness both in the individual and the community as a whole
the critical analysis of interaction between psychiatric services and migrant
populations ("critical ethnopsychiatry": Beneduce 2004, 2007)
the impact of biomedicine and biomedical technologies in non-Western settings

Other subjects that have become central to medical anthropology worldwide are violence and social
suffering (Farmer, 1999, 2003; Beneduce, 2010) as well as other issues that involve physical and
psychological harm and suffering that are not a result of illness. On the other hand, there are fields that
intersect with medical anthropology in terms of research methodology and theoretical production, such as
cultural psychiatry and transcultural psychiatry or ethnopsychiatry.

Nutritional

Nutritional anthropology is a synthetic concept that deals with the interplay between economic systems,
nutritional status and food security, and how changes in the former affect the latter. If economic and
environmental changes in a community affect access to food, food security, and dietary health, then this
interplay between culture and biology is in turn connected to broader historical and economic trends
associated with globalization. Nutritional status affects overall health status, work performance potential,
and the overall potential for economic development (either in terms of human development or traditional
western models) for any given group of people.

Psychological

Psychological anthropology is an interdisciplinary subfield of anthropology that studies the interaction of

cultural and mental processes. This subfield tends to focus on ways in which humans' development and
enculturation within a particular cultural group – with its own history, language, practices, and conceptual
categories – shape processes of human cognition, emotion, perception, motivation, and mental health.[51] It
also examines how the understanding of cognition, emotion, motivation, and similar psychological
processes inform or constrain our models of cultural and social processes.[52][53]

Cognitive
Cognitive anthropology seeks to explain patterns of shared knowledge, cultural innovation, and transmission
over time and space using the methods and theories of the cognitive sciences (especially experimental
psychology and evolutionary biology) often through close collaboration with historians, ethnographers,
archaeologists, linguists, musicologists and other specialists engaged in the description and interpretation of
cultural forms. Cognitive anthropology is concerned with what people from different groups know and how
that implicit knowledge changes the way people perceive and relate to the world around them.[52]

Transpersonal

Transpersonal anthropology studies the relationship between altered states of consciousness and culture. As
with transpersonal psychology, the field is much concerned with altered states of consciousness (ASC) and
transpersonal experience. However, the field differs from mainstream transpersonal psychology in taking
more cognizance of cross-cultural issues – for instance, the roles of myth, ritual, diet, and texts in evoking
and interpreting extraordinary experiences.[54][55]

Political and legal

Political

Political anthropology concerns the structure of political systems, looked at from the basis of the structure of
societies. Political anthropology developed as a discipline concerned primarily with politics in stateless
societies, a new development started from the 1960s, and is still unfolding: anthropologists started
increasingly to study more "complex" social settings in which the presence of states, bureaucracies and
markets entered both ethnographic accounts and analysis of local phenomena. The turn towards complex
societies meant that political themes were taken up at two main levels. Firstly, anthropologists continued to
study political organization and political phenomena that lay outside the state-regulated sphere (as in patron-
client relations or tribal political organization). Secondly, anthropologists slowly started to develop a
disciplinary concern with states and their institutions (and on the relationship between formal and informal
political institutions). An anthropology of the state developed, and it is a most thriving field today. Geertz'
comparative work on "Negara", the Balinese state, is an early, famous example.

Legal

Legal anthropology or anthropology of law specializes in "the cross-cultural study of social ordering".[56]
Earlier legal anthropological research often focused more narrowly on conflict management, crime,
sanctions, or formal regulation. More recent applications include issues such as human rights, legal
pluralism,[57] and political uprisings.

Public

Public anthropology was created by Robert Borofsky, a professor at Hawaii Pacific University, to
"demonstrate the ability of anthropology and anthropologists to effectively address problems beyond the
discipline – illuminating larger social issues of our times as well as encouraging broad, public conversations
about them with the explicit goal of fostering social change".[58]

Nature, science, and technology

Cyborg

Cyborg anthropology originated as a sub-focus group within the American Anthropological Association's
annual meeting in 1993. The sub-group was very closely related to STS and the Society for the Social
Studies of Science.[59] Donna Haraway's 1985 Cyborg Manifesto could be considered the founding
document of cyborg anthropology by first exploring the philosophical and sociological ramifications of the
term. Cyborg anthropology studies humankind and its relations with the technological systems it has built,
specifically modern technological systems that have reflexively shaped notions of what it means to be
human beings.

Digital

Digital anthropology is the study of the relationship between humans and digital-era technology, and extends
to various areas where anthropology and technology intersect. It is sometimes grouped with sociocultural
anthropology, and sometimes considered part of material culture. The field is new, and thus has a variety of
names with a variety of emphases. These include techno-anthropology,[60] digital ethnography,
cyberanthropology,[61] and virtual anthropology.[62]

Ecological

Ecological anthropology is defined as the "study of cultural adaptations to environments".[63] The sub-field
is also defined as, "the study of relationships between a population of humans and their biophysical
environment".[64] The focus of its research concerns "how cultural beliefs and practices helped human
populations adapt to their environments, and how their environments change across space and time.[65] The
contemporary perspective of environmental anthropology, and arguably at least the backdrop, if not the
focus of most of the ethnographies and cultural fieldworks of today, is political ecology. Many characterize
this new perspective as more informed with culture, politics and power, globalization, localized issues,
century anthropology and more.[66] The focus and data interpretation is often used for arguments for/against
or creation of policy, and to prevent corporate exploitation and damage of land. Often, the observer has
become an active part of the struggle either directly (organizing, participation) or indirectly (articles,
documentaries, books, ethnographies). Such is the case with environmental justice advocate Melissa
Checker and her relationship with the people of Hyde Park.[67]

Historical

Ethnohistory is the study of ethnographic cultures and indigenous customs by examining historical records.
It is also the study of the history of various ethnic groups that may or may not exist today. Ethnohistory uses
both historical and ethnographic data as its foundation. Its historical methods and materials go beyond the
standard use of documents and manuscripts. Practitioners recognize the utility of such source material as
maps, music, paintings, photography, folklore, oral tradition, site exploration, archaeological materials,
museum collections, enduring customs, language, and place names.[68]

Religion

The anthropology of religion involves the study of religious institutions in relation to other social
institutions, and the comparison of religious beliefs and practices across cultures. Modern anthropology
assumes that there is complete continuity between magical thinking and religion,[69][n 6] and that every
religion is a cultural product, created by the human community that worships it.[70]
Urban

Urban anthropology is concerned with issues of urbanization, poverty, and neoliberalism. Ulf Hannerz
quotes a 1960s remark that traditional anthropologists were "a notoriously agoraphobic lot, anti-urban by
definition". Various social processes in the Western World as well as in the "Third World" (the latter being
the habitual focus of attention of anthropologists) brought the attention of "specialists in 'other cultures'"
closer to their homes.[71] There are two main approaches to urban anthropology: examining the types of
cities or examining the social issues within the cities. These two methods are overlapping and dependent of
each other. By defining different types of cities, one would use social factors as well as economic and
political factors to categorize the cities. By directly looking at the different social issues, one would also be
studying how they affect the dynamic of the city.[72]

Key topics by field: archaeological and biological

Anthrozoology

Anthrozoology (also known as "human–animal studies") is the study of interaction between living things. It
is an interdisciplinary field that overlaps with a number of other disciplines, including anthropology,
ethology, medicine, psychology, veterinary medicine and zoology. A major focus of anthrozoologic research
is the quantifying of the positive effects of human-animal relationships on either party and the study of their
interactions.[73] It includes scholars from a diverse range of fields, including anthropology, sociology,
biology, and philosophy.[74][75][n 7]

Biocultural

Biocultural anthropology is the scientific exploration of the relationships between human biology and
culture. Physical anthropologists throughout the first half of the 20th century viewed this relationship from a
racial perspective; that is, from the assumption that typological human biological differences lead to cultural
differences.[76] After World War II the emphasis began to shift toward an effort to explore the role culture
plays in shaping human biology.

Evolutionary

Evolutionary anthropology is the interdisciplinary study of the evolution of human physiology and human
behaviour and the relation between hominins and non-hominin primates. Evolutionary anthropology is
based in natural science and social science, combining the human development with socioeconomic factors.
Evolutionary anthropology is concerned with both biological and cultural evolution of humans, past and
present. It is based on a scientific approach, and brings together fields such as archaeology, behavioral
ecology, psychology, primatology, and genetics. It is a dynamic and interdisciplinary field, drawing on
many lines of evidence to understand the human experience, past and present.

Forensic

Forensic anthropology is the application of the science of physical anthropology and human osteology in a
legal setting, most often in criminal cases where the victim's remains are in the advanced stages of
decomposition. A forensic anthropologist can assist in the identification of deceased individuals whose
remains are decomposed, burned, mutilated or otherwise unrecognizable. The adjective "forensic" refers to
the application of this subfield of science to a court of law.
Palaeoanthropology

Paleoanthropology combines the disciplines of paleontology and

physical anthropology. It is the study of ancient humans, as found in
fossil hominid evidence such as petrifacted bones and footprints.
Genetics and morphology of specimens are crucially important to
this field.[77] Markers on specimens, such as enamel fractures and
dental decay on teeth, can also give insight into the behaviour and
diet of past populations.[78] Five of the seven known fossil teeth
of Homo luzonensis found in Callao
Synopsis of discoveries made in the field Cave.

and elsewhere

Organizations
Contemporary anthropology is an established science with academic departments at most universities and
colleges. The single largest organization of anthropologists is the American Anthropological Association
(AAA), which was founded in 1903.[79] Its members are anthropologists from around the globe.[80]

In 1989, a group of European and American scholars in the field of anthropology established the European
Association of Social Anthropologists (EASA) which serves as a major professional organization for
anthropologists working in Europe. The EASA seeks to advance the status of anthropology in Europe and to
increase visibility of marginalized anthropological traditions and thereby contribute to the project of a global
anthropology or world anthropology.

Hundreds of other organizations exist in the various sub-fields of anthropology, sometimes divided up by
nation or region, and many anthropologists work with collaborators in other disciplines, such as geology,
physics, zoology, paleontology, anatomy, music theory, art history, sociology and so on, belonging to
professional societies in those disciplines as well.[81][82]

List of major organizations

American Anthropological Association
American Ethnological Society
Asociación de Antropólogos Iberoamericanos en Red, AIBR
Moving Anthropology Student Network
Anthropological Society of London
Center for World Indigenous Studies
Ethnological Society of London
Institute of Anthropology and Ethnography
Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology
Network of Concerned Anthropologists
N.N. Miklukho-Maklai Institute of Ethnology and Anthropology
Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland
Society for anthropological sciences
Society for Applied Anthropology
USC Center for Visual Anthropology
Ethics
As the field has matured it has debated and arrived at ethical principles aimed at protecting both the subjects
of anthropological research as well as the researchers themselves, and professional societies have generated
codes of ethics.[83]

Anthropologists, like other researchers (especially historians and scientists engaged in field research), have
over time assisted state policies and projects, especially colonialism.[84][85]

Some commentators have contended:

That the discipline grew out of colonialism, perhaps was in league with it, and derives some of
its key notions from it, consciously or not. (See, for example, Gough, Pels and Salemink, but
cf. Lewis 2004).[86]
That ethnographic work is often ahistorical, writing about people as if they were "out of time" in
an "ethnographic present" (Johannes Fabian, Time and Its Other).

Cultural relativism

As part of their quest for scientific objectivity, present-day anthropologists typically urge cultural relativism,
which has an influence on all the sub-fields of anthropology.[20] This is the notion that cultures should not
be judged by another's values or viewpoints, but be examined dispassionately on their own terms. There
should be no notions, in good anthropology, of one culture being better or worse than another culture.[87][88]

Ethical commitments in anthropology include noticing and documenting genocide, infanticide, racism,
mutilation (including circumcision and subincision), and torture. Topics like racism, slavery, and human
sacrifice attract anthropological attention and theories ranging from nutritional deficiencies[89] to genes[90]
to acculturation have been proposed, not to mention theories of colonialism and many others as root causes
of Man's inhumanity to man. To illustrate the depth of an anthropological approach, one can take just one of
these topics, such as "racism" and find thousands of anthropological references, stretching across all the
major and minor sub-fields.[91][92][93][94]

Military involvement

Anthropologists' involvement with the U.S. government, in particular, has caused bitter controversy within
the discipline. Franz Boas publicly objected to US participation in World War I, and after the war he
published a brief expose and condemnation of the participation of several American archaeologists in
espionage in Mexico under their cover as scientists.[95]

But by the 1940s, many of Boas' anthropologist contemporaries were active in the allied war effort against
the Axis Powers (Nazi Germany, Fascist Italy, and Imperial Japan). Many served in the armed forces, while
others worked in intelligence (for example, Office of Strategic Services and the Office of War Information).
At the same time, David H. Price's work on American anthropology during the Cold War provides detailed
accounts of the pursuit and dismissal of several anthropologists from their jobs for communist
sympathies.[96]

Attempts to accuse anthropologists of complicity with the CIA and government intelligence activities during
the Vietnam War years have turned up surprisingly little. Many anthropologists (students and teachers) were
active in the antiwar movement. Numerous resolutions condemning the war in all its aspects were passed
overwhelmingly at the annual meetings of the American Anthropological Association (AAA).
Professional anthropological bodies often object to the use of anthropology for the benefit of the state. Their
codes of ethics or statements may proscribe anthropologists from giving secret briefings. The Association of
Social Anthropologists of the UK and Commonwealth (ASA) has called certain scholarship ethically
dangerous. The "Principles of Professional Responsibility" issued by the American Anthropological
Association and amended through November 1986 stated that "in relation with their own government and
with host governments ... no secret research, no secret reports or debriefings of any kind should be agreed to
or given."[97] The current "Principles of Professional Responsibility" does not make explicit mention of
ethics surrounding state interactions.[98]

Anthropologists, along with other social scientists, are working with the US military as part of the US
Army's strategy in Afghanistan.[99] The Christian Science Monitor reports that "Counterinsurgency efforts
focus on better grasping and meeting local needs" in Afghanistan, under the Human Terrain System (HTS)
program; in addition, HTS teams are working with the US military in Iraq.[100] In 2009, the American
Anthropological Association's Commission on the Engagement of Anthropology with the US Security and
Intelligence Communities released its final report concluding, in part, that, "When ethnographic
investigation is determined by military missions, not subject to external review, where data collection occurs
in the context of war, integrated into the goals of counterinsurgency, and in a potentially coercive
environment – all characteristic factors of the HTS concept and its application – it can no longer be
considered a legitimate professional exercise of anthropology. In summary, while we stress that constructive
engagement between anthropology and the military is possible, CEAUSSIC suggests that the AAA
emphasize the incompatibility of HTS with disciplinary ethics and practice for job seekers and that it further
recognize the problem of allowing HTS to define the meaning of "anthropology" within DoD."[101]

Post–World War II developments

Before WWII British 'social anthropology' and American 'cultural anthropology' were still distinct
traditions. After the war, enough British and American anthropologists borrowed ideas and methodological
approaches from one another that some began to speak of them collectively as 'sociocultural' anthropology.

Basic trends

There are several characteristics that tend to unite anthropological work. One of the central characteristics is
that anthropology tends to provide a comparatively more holistic account of phenomena and tends to be
highly empirical.[19] The quest for holism leads most anthropologists to study a particular place, problem or
phenomenon in detail, using a variety of methods, over a more extensive period than normal in many parts
of academia.

In the 1990s and 2000s, calls for clarification of what constitutes a culture, of how an observer knows where
his or her own culture ends and another begins, and other crucial topics in writing anthropology were heard.
These dynamic relationships, between what can be observed on the ground, as opposed to what can be
observed by compiling many local observations remain fundamental in any kind of anthropology, whether
cultural, biological, linguistic or archaeological.[102][103]

Biological anthropologists are interested in both human variation[104][105] and in the possibility of human
universals (behaviors, ideas or concepts shared by virtually all human cultures).[106][107] They use many
different methods of study, but modern population genetics, participant observation and other techniques
often take anthropologists "into the field," which means traveling to a community in its own setting, to do
something called "fieldwork." On the biological or physical side, human measurements, genetic samples,
nutritional data may be gathered and published as articles or monographs.
Along with dividing up their project by theoretical emphasis, anthropologists typically divide the world up
into relevant time periods and geographic regions. Human time on Earth is divided up into relevant cultural
traditions based on material, such as the Paleolithic and the Neolithic, of particular use in archaeology.
Further cultural subdivisions according to tool types, such as Olduwan or Mousterian or Levalloisian help
archaeologists and other anthropologists in understanding major trends in the human past. Anthropologists
and geographers share approaches to culture regions as well, since mapping cultures is central to both
sciences. By making comparisons across cultural traditions (time-based) and cultural regions (space-based),
anthropologists have developed various kinds of comparative method, a central part of their science.

Commonalities between fields

Because anthropology developed from so many different enterprises (see History of anthropology),
including but not limited to fossil-hunting, exploring, documentary film-making, paleontology, primatology,
antiquity dealings and curatorship, philology, etymology, genetics, regional analysis, ethnology, history,
philosophy, and religious studies,[108][109] it is difficult to characterize the entire field in a brief article,
although attempts to write histories of the entire field have been made.[110]

Some authors argue that anthropology originated and developed as the study of "other cultures", both in
terms of time (past societies) and space (non-European/non-Western societies).[111] For example, the classic
of urban anthropology, Ulf Hannerz in the introduction to his seminal Exploring the City: Inquiries Toward
an Urban Anthropology mentions that the "Third World" had habitually received most of attention;
anthropologists who traditionally specialized in "other cultures" looked for them far away and started to look
"across the tracks" only in late 1960s.[71]

Now there exist many works focusing on peoples and topics very close to the author's "home".[112] It is also
argued that other fields of study, like History and Sociology, on the contrary focus disproportionately on the
West.[113]

In France, the study of Western societies has been traditionally left to sociologists, but this is increasingly
changing,[114] starting in the 1970s from scholars like Isac Chiva and journals like Terrain ("fieldwork"),
and developing with the center founded by Marc Augé (Le Centre d'anthropologie des mondes
contemporains, the Anthropological Research Center of Contemporary Societies).

Since the 1980s it has become common for social and cultural anthropologists to set ethnographic research
in the North Atlantic region, frequently examining the connections between locations rather than limiting
research to a single locale. There has also been a related shift toward broadening the focus beyond the daily
life of ordinary people; increasingly, research is set in settings such as scientific laboratories, social
movements, governmental and nongovernmental organizations and businesses.[115]

See also
Outline of anthropology List of anthropologists
List of indigenous peoples

Anthropological science fiction Human ethology

Christian anthropology, a sub-field of Human Relations Area Files
theology Intangible cultural heritage
Engaged theory Memetics
Ethnobiology Origins of society
 Philosophical anthropology, a sub-field of Prehistoric medicine
philosophy Qualitative research

Notes
1. Richard Harvey's 1593 Philadelphus, a defense of the legend of Brutus in British history,
includes the passage "Genealogy or issue which they had, Artes which they studied, Actes
which they did. This part of History is named Anthropology."
2. John Kersey's 1706 edition of The New World of English Words includes the definition
"Anthropology, a Discourse or Description of Man, or of a Man's Body."
3. In French: L'Anthropologie, c'est à dire la science qui traite de l'homme, est divisée
ordinairment & avec raison en l'Anatomie, qui considere le corps & les parties, et en la
Psychologie, qui parle de l'Ame.[8]
4. As Fletcher points out, the French society was by no means the first to include anthropology or
parts of it as its topic. Previous organizations used other names. The German Anthropological
Association of St. Petersburg, however, in fact met first in 1861, but due to the death of its
founder never met again.[11]
5. Hunt's choice of theorists does not exclude the numerous other theorists that were beginning
to publish a large volume of anthropological studies.[16]
6. "It seems to be one of the postulates of modern anthropology that there is complete continuity
between magic and religion. [note 35: See, for instance, RR Marett, Faith, Hope, and Charity
in Primitive Religion, the Gifford Lectures (Macmillan, 1932), Lecture II, pp. 21 ff.] ... We have
no empirical evidence at all that there ever was an age of magic that has been followed and
superseded by an age of religion."[69]
7. Note that anthrozoology should not be confused with "animal studies", which often refers to
animal testing.

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its Empires, Edinburgh University Press, 2008
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s://www.jstor.org/stable/682051) American Anthropologist "100:" 716–731
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University Press.

Further reading

Dictionaries and encyclopedias

Barnard, Alan; Spencer, Jonathan, eds. Levinson, David; Ember, Melvin, eds.
(2010). The Routledge Encyclopedia of (1996). Encyclopedia of Cultural
Social and Cultural Anthropology. London: Anthropology. Volumes 1–4. New York:
Routledge. Henry Holt.
Barfield, Thomas (1997). The Dictionary of Rapport, Nigel; Overing, Joanna (2007).
Anthropology. Hoboken: Wiley-Blackwell Social and Cultural Anthropology: The Key
Publishing. Concepts. New York: Routledge.
Jackson, John L. (2013). Oxford
Bibliographies: Anthropology. Oxford:
Oxford University Press.

Fieldnotes and memoirs

Barley, Nigel (1983). The innocent Geertz, Clifford (1995). After the fact: two
anthropologist: notes from a mud hut. countries, four decades, one anthropologist.
London: British Museum Publications. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
 Lévi-Strauss, Claude (1967). Tristes Mead, Margaret (1972). Blackberry winter:
tropiques. Translated from the French by my earlier years. New York: William Marrow.
John Russell. New York: Atheneum. —— (1977). Letters from the field, 1925–
Malinowski, Bronisław (1967). A diary in the 1975. New York: Harper & Row.
strict sense of the term. Translated by Rabinow, Paul (1977). Reflections on
Norbert Guterman. New York: Harcourt, fieldwork in Morocco. Quantum Books.
Brace & World. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Histories
Asad, Talal, ed. (1973). Anthropology & the —— (2004). "Imagining Anthropology's
Colonial Encounter. Atlantic Highlands, NJ: History". Reviews in Anthropology. 33 (3):
Humanities k. 243–261. doi:10.1080/00938150490486418
Barth, Fredrik; Gingrich, Andre; Parkin, (https://doi.org/10.1080%2F0093815049048
Robert (2005). One Discipline, Four Ways: 6418).
British, German, French, and American —— (2005). "Anthropology, the Cold War,
anthropology. Chicago: University of and Intellectual History". In Darnell, R.;
Chicago Press. Gleach, F.W. (eds.). Histories of
Darnell, Regna. (2001). Invisible Anthropology Annual, Vol. I.
Genealogies: A History of Americanist Pels, Peter; Salemink, Oscar, eds. (2000).
Anthropology. Lincoln, NE: University of Colonial Subjects: Essays on the Practical
Nebraska Press. History of Anthropology. Ann Arbor:
Gisi, Lucas Marco (2007). Einbildungskraft University of Michigan Press.
und Mythologie. Die Verschränkung von Price, David (2004). Threatening
Anthropologie und Geschichte im 18. Anthropology: McCarthyism and the FBI's
Jahrhundert. Berlin; New York: de Gruyter. Surveillance of Activist Anthropologists.
Harris, Marvin. (2001) [1968]. The rise of Durham: Duke University Press..
anthropological theory: a history of theories Sera-Shriar, Efram (2013). The Making of
of culture. Walnut Creek, CA: AltaMira British Anthropology, 1813–1871. Science
Press. and Culture in the Nineteenth Century, 18.
Hunt, James (1863). "Introductory Address London; Vermont: Pickering and Chatto.
on the Study of Anthropology" (https://book Schiller, Francis (1979). Paul Broca,
s.google.com/books?id=pzYpAQAAIAAJ). Founder of French Anthropology, Explorer
The Anthropological Review. I. of the Brain (https://books.google.com/book
Kehoe, Alice B. (1998). The Land of s?id=C5dtJxYrkDYC). Berkeley: University
Prehistory: A Critical History of American of California Press.
Archaeology. New York; London: Routledge. Stocking, George, Jr. (1968). Race, Culture
Lewis, H.S. (1998). "The Misrepresentation and Evolution. New York: Free Press.
of Anthropology and Its Consequences" (htt Trencher, Susan (2000). Mirrored Images:
ps://www.academia.edu/248344). American American Anthropology and American
Anthropologist. 100 (3): 716–731. Culture, 1960–1980. Westport, Conn.:
doi:10.1525/aa.1998.100.3.716 (https://doi.o Bergin & Garvey.
rg/10.1525%2Faa.1998.100.3.716). Wolf, Eric (1982). Europe and the People
Without History. Berkeley; Los Angeles:
California University Press.

Textbooks and key theoretical works

Carneiro's circumscription theory Clifford, James; Marcus, George E. (1986).
Writing culture: the poetics and politics of
ethnography. Berkeley: University of
California Press.
 Geertz, Clifford (1973). The Interpretation of Shweder, Richard A.; LeVine, Robert A.,
Cultures. New York: Basic Books. eds. (1984). Culture Theory: essays on
Harris, Marvin (1997). Culture, People, mind, self, and emotion. Cambridge, UK:
Nature: An Introduction to General Cambridge University Press.
Anthropology (7th ed.). Boston: Allyn & Waitz, Theodor (1863). Introduction to
Bacon. Anthropology (https://books.google.com/boo
Salzmann, Zdeněk (1993). Language, ks?id=G4FQAAAAcAAJ). Translated by J.
culture, and society: an introduction to Frederick Collingwood for the
linguistic anthropology. Boulder, CO: Anthropological Society of London. London:
Westview Press. Longman, Green, Longman, and Roberts.

External links
Haller, Dieter. "Interviews with German Anthropologists: Video Portal for the History of German
Anthropology post 1945" (http://www.germananthropology.com/). Ruhr-Universität Bochum.
Retrieved 22 March 2015.
"AAANet Home" (http://www.aaanet.org/). American Anthropological Association. 2010.
"Home" (http://www.easaonline.org/). European Association of Social Anthropologists. 2015.
Hagen, Ed (2015). "AAPA" (http://www.physanth.org/). American Association of Physical
Anthropologists.
"Home" (http://www.aas.asn.au/). Australian Anthropological Society. Retrieved 23 March
2015.
"AIBR, Revista de Antropología Iberoamericana" (http://www.aibr.org/) (in Spanish).
Antropólogos Iberoamericanos en Red. Retrieved 24 March 2015.
"Home" (http://hraf.yale.edu). Human Relations Area Files. Retrieved 24 March 2015.
"Home" (http://www.practicinganthropology.org/). National Association for the Practice of
Anthropology. Retrieved 24 March 2015.
"About" (http://radicalanthropologygroup.org/about). Radical Anthropology Group. Retrieved
24 March 2015.
"Home" (http://www.therai.org.uk/). Royal Anthropological Institute. Retrieved 24 March 2015.
"Home" (http://www.sfaa.net/). The Society for Applied Anthropology. Retrieved 24 March
2015.
"Anthropology" (http://anthro.amnh.org/). American Museum of Natural History. Retrieved
25 March 2015.
"Department of Anthropology" (http://anthropology.si.edu/). Smithsonian National Museum of
Natural History. Retrieved 25 March 2015.
"Anthropological Index Online" (https://aio.therai.org.uk/aio.php). Royal Anthropological
Institute. (AIO)

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