India’s Foreign Policy

in a globalizing world
(Test)
Name: Verbina Bora
Roll no. : 17527001
Class: Political science hons. 3rd year
Q. Analyze the nature of India’s diplomatic Engagements with China?
India and China were tremendous powers in Asia before the inception of Western
imperialism. China had substantial impact and influence on the boundary of its
borders based on its unusual tributary system. At various times in China’s long
history of dynastic rule, Mongolia, Korea, parts of Indo-China, and Tibet accepted
China’s authority. Several kingdoms and empires in India also broadened their
influence beyond their borders. In both cases this effect was political, economic
and cultural. However, the regions where India and China exercised influence
hardly ever overlapped. Therefore, there was restricted political and cultural
intercourse between the two. The outcome was that neither nation was very
familiar with the other. In the twentieth century, when both nations confronted
each other, they had some complication formulating a foreign policy to handle
with each other. After India got back its independence from Britain, and China
deported the foreign powers, there was urge that both would come together to
form the future of the developing world and of Asia particularly. For a brief
period, the slogan of ‘Hindi-Chini bhai- bhai’ was prominent. However, military
confrontation over a border dispute between the two countries damaged that
hope. Soon after independence, both states were involved in disparities arising
from the Chinese takeover of Tibet in 1950 and the final settlement of the Sino-
Indian border. China and India were involved in a border conflict in 1962 over
contending territorial claims primarily in Arunachal Pradesh and in the Aksai Chin
region of Ladakh. The war of 1962, in which India suffered military setbacks, had
long-term implications for India–China relations. Diplomatic connections between
the two countries were weakened until 1976. Afterward, relations between the
two nations began to strengthen slowly. After the change in China’s political
leadership from the mid to late 1970s, China’s policy became more realistic and
less idealistic. So it was prepared to put off the settlement of controversial issues
while improving relations with India. A series of talks to settle the border
question were also initiated in 1981. Since the end of the Cold War, there have
been crucial changes in India– China relations. Their relations now have a
strategic as well as an economic dimension. Both view themselves as rising
powers in global politics, and both would like to play a major role in the Asian
economy and politics. Rajiv Gandhi’s visit to China in December 1988 gave the
catalyst for a development in India–China relations. Since then both nations have
taken measures to contain war and retain ‘peace and tranquility’ on the border.
They have also signed treaties on cultural exchanges and cooperation in science
and technology, and opened four border posts for trade. With India– China trade
rising at 30 per cent per year since 1999, a more favorable perspective on
relations with China has developed. Bilateral trade between India and China has
increased from $338 million in 1992 to more than $18 billion in 2006. More
recently, both countries have conceded to collaborate with each other in areas
that could otherwise create conflict between the two, such as bidding for energy
deals abroad. At the global level, India and China have adopted similar strategies
in international economic organizations like the World Trade Organisation. India’s
nuclear tests in 1998, sometimes justified on the grounds of a threat from China,
did not stop greater interaction. It is true that China was seen as contributing to
the build up of Pakistan’s nuclear programme. China’s military relations with
Bangladesh and Myanmar were viewed as adverse to Indian interests in South
Asia. Nonetheless, none of these issues is likely to lead to conflict between the
two. One indication of this is that the talks to settle the boundary issue have
proceeded without interruption and military-to-military cooperation is enhancing.
Indian and Chinese leaders and officials visit Beijing and New Delhi with
considerable frequency, and both sides are now coming to be more familiar with
each other. Enhancing transportation and communication links, common
economic interests and global interests should help establish a more optimistic
and sound relationship between the two most populous countries of the world.
Q. How does a South Asia region feature in Indian foreign policy?
India and SAARC
India's relations within the subcontinent are administered through the South
Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC). Other than India, its
members are Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Bhutan, Maldives, Nepal, Pakistan and Sri
Lanka. Established in 1985, SAARC facilitates co-operation in agriculture, rural
development, science and technology, culture, health, population control, drugs
control and anti-terrorism. SAARC has deliberately emphasized these "core
issues" and avoided more divisive political issues, although political discussion is
frequently conducted on the margins of SAARC meetings. In 1993, India and its
SAARC partners marked an agreement to deliberately lower tariffs within the
region. Forward movement in SAARC has come to a standstill because of the
uncertainty between India and Pakistan, and the SAARC Summit initially
scheduled for, but not held in, November 1999 has not been rescheduled. The
Fourteenth SAARC Summit was held during 3–4 April 2007 in New Delhi.Since the
formation, India played a crucial function in making SAARC evolve a major
regional international organization in the world. Security and economic
development are the twin components contributed the South Asian Countries to
join hands together. It was established in the year 1985 with its headquarters at
Kathmandu. India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Nepal, Bhutan,Bangladesh, Maldives and
Afghanistan are the member nations in SAARC. India’s Contribution for the
growth of SAARC can be pin point as
• India contributed USD 189.9 million to SAARC Development Fund.
• The infrastructure for the SAARC Terrorist Monitoring Offences Desk and SAARC
Drug Offences Monitoring Desk being consolidated with the economic Assistance
from India.
• Two primary projects are implementing by the SAARC with the technical
assistance of India- a Woman Empowerment and Maternal and Child Health
Care,Bio Mass Cooking Stoves and Solar Lanterns
• South Asian University is situated at New Delhi. This is established with total
cost of USD 308.91 million. Out of these India contributed 229.11 million. It
means 75 Per cent of the total cost of SAU was meet by India security in South
Asia is essential for the development of India.
Bilateral issues among member countries pertaining to Cross boarder terrorism,
illegal migration, sharing of Water etc. and thriving influence of China in the
region are the major challenges encountering by SAARC in general and India in
particular. South Asia consists of SAARC ( South Asian Association for Regional
Cooperation) and BIMSTEC (Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi Sectoral Technical
and Economic Cooperation). Of the leading and dominant nation that contributes
to both the group is India. The foreign policy of India towards both this group is
based on bilateral cooperation and chemistry. India has been magnanimous in
many of its dealing both in special trading status and technological transfers. The
recent addition to the team Myanmar and Thailand are expected to have very
optimistic results in BIMSTEC. The river waterway development and numerous
common ventures are set to take off in a huge scale with NE India, Bangladesh,
Myanmar and Thailand to boost hugely. Retaining regional supremacy and
stability and withholding extra-regional actors a military foothold in South Asia
have long been important objectives of India's regional policy. In pursuance of
these objectives, India exhibited an eagerness to undertake coercive action
against it’s smaller South Asian neighbours. Indication of this is seen in the
military intervention in Sri Lanka (1987–1990) and a virtual economic blockade of
Nepal (1989–1990). However, during the past decade, India happened to draw
away from such overt interventionist policies and even accepted outside actors
like Norway and the United Nations being involved in the peace process in Sri
Lanka (2002–2006) and Nepal (2006–2011), respectively. Notwithstanding India's
noticeable change in behavior, these actions do not represent a vital change in
the country's conventional policy towards the region.