Sanja Fritz

TAKING SIDES: CROATIAN AND SLAVONIAN

NOBILITY IN THE TRANSITION PERIOD FROM THE ÁRPÁD

TO THE ANJOU DYNASTY

MA Thesis in Medieval Studies

CEU eTD Collection

Central European University

Budapest

May 2011

i
 TAKING SIDES: CROATIAN AND SLAVONIAN
NOBILITY IN THE TRANSITION PERIOD FROM THE ÁRPÁD
TO THE ANJOU DYNASTY

Sanja Fritz

(Croatia)

Thesis submitted to the Department of Medieval Studies,

Central European University, Budapest, in partial fulfillment of the requirements

of the Master of Arts degree in Medieval Studies

Accepted in conformance with the standards of the CEU

____________________________________________
Chair, Examination Committee

____________________________________________
Thesis Supervisor

____________________________________________
Examiner
CEU eTD Collection

____________________________________________
Examiner

Budapest
May 2011

ii
 TAKING SIDES: CROATIAN AND SLAVONIAN
NOBILITY IN THE TRANSITION PERIOD FROM THE ÁRPÁD
TO THE ANJOU DYNASTY

Sanja Fritz

(Croatia)

Thesis submitted to the Department of Medieval Studies,

Central European University, Budapest, in partial fulfillment of the requirements

of the Master of Arts degree in Medieval Studies

Accepted in conformance with the standards of the CEU

____________________________________________

External Examiner
CEU eTD Collection

Budapest
May 2011

iii
 TAKING SIDES: CROATIAN AND SLAVONIAN
NOBILITY IN THE TRANSITION PERIOD FROM THE ÁRPÁD
TO THE ANJOU DYNASTY

Sanja Fritz

(Croatia)

Thesis submitted to the Department of Medieval Studies,

Central European University, Budapest, in partial fulfillment of the requirements

of the Master of Arts degree in Medieval Studies

Accepted in conformance with the standards of the CEU

________________________

Supervisor

____________________________________________

External Supervisor
CEU eTD Collection

Budapest
May 2011

iv
 I, the undersigned, Sanja Fritz, candidate for the MA degree in Medieval
Studies declare herewith that the present thesis is exclusively my own work, based on
my research and only such external information as properly credited in notes and
bibliography. I declare that no unidentified and illegitimate use was made of the work
of others, and no part of the thesis infringes on any person’s or institution’s copyright. I
also declare that no part of the thesis has been submitted in this form to any other
institution of higher education for an academic degree.

Budapest, 25 May 2011

_____________________
_____

Signature
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 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

First, I would like to thank my supervisors, Katalin Szende and Daniel Ziemann

without who have my utmost gratitude. In addition, I want to thank Judith Rasson who

helped my to improve my English skills and to Cristian Gaspar who helped me to

improve my Latin skills. Also, I want to express my gratitude to all those professors

whose classes I attended in this academic year. Last, but not the least, I want to thank

all the CEU staff and my fellow colleagues for their advices, and commentaries.
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 TABLE OF CONTENTS

1. Introduction: Choosing Power ..................................................................................... 1

2. The Development of the Nobility in Croatia and Slavonia ........................................ 10

2.1 The beginnings of the development of the social stratification in Croatia .......... 10

2.2 The noble kindred ................................................................................................ 12

2.3 Slavonia ................................................................................................................ 13

2.4 Croatia .................................................................................................................. 14

3. Political Relations among the Árpád and the Anjou Dynasties and the Croatian and

the Slavonian Noble Kindreds ....................................................................................... 17

3.1 Phase 1 – the Political Relations among the Árpád and the Anjou Dynasties and

the Croatian and the Slavonian noble kindreds up to the coronation of Andrew III and

Charles Martel (1260 – 1290) .................................................................................... 17

3.1.1 The situation in the Kingdom of Hungary .................................................... 17

3.1.2 The Slavonian nobility during the 1260s and the 1270s – The Example of the

Babonić and Kőszegi Kindreds .............................................................................. 18

3.1.3 Conclusion..................................................................................................... 22

3.2 Phase 2 – The political relations among the Árpád and the Anjou Dynasties and

the Croatian and the Slavonian noble kindreds before Charles Robert's arrival in the
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Kingdom of Hungary (1290–1301) ............................................................................ 23

3.2.1 The situation in the Kingdom of Hungary .................................................... 23

3.2.2 The relations among the Árpád and Anjou dynasties and the Croatian and the

Slavonian nobility until the death of Andrew III (1290–1301).................................. 25

A) The Babonić Kindred ........................................................................................ 25

B) The Kőszegi kindred ......................................................................................... 29

C) The Šubić Kindred ............................................................................................ 31

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 D) The Frankapan kindred ..................................................................................... 32

3.2.3 Conclusions ................................................................................................... 33

3.3.3 Phase 3 – The period before the conflict between Charles Robert and the

Croatian and Slavonian noble kindreds (1301 – 1322) .............................................. 35

3.3.1 The situation in the Kingdom of Hungary .................................................... 35

3.2.2. Weak communication with Charles Robert ................................................. 38

3.3.3 Alliance with the Habsburgs ......................................................................... 39

3.3.4 Charles Robert’s confrontations with the Hungarian nobility ...................... 41

3.3.5 The relations between Charles Robert and the Croatian and Slavonian noble

kindreds .................................................................................................................. 43

A) The Babonić kindred ......................................................................................... 43

B) The Kőszegi kindred ......................................................................................... 44

C) The Franakapan kindred .................................................................................... 44

D) The Šubić kindred ............................................................................................. 45

3.3.6 Conclusions ................................................................................................... 46

3.4. Phase 4 – Period of confrontation among Charles Robert and the Croatian and

Slavonian noble kindreds (1322 – 1342) ................................................................... 47

3.4.1 The situation in the Kingdom of Hungary .................................................... 47

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3.4.2 The relations between Charles Robert and the Croatian and Slavonian noble

kindreds until the end of his reign (1322 – 1342) .................................................. 48

A) The Šubić kindred ............................................................................................. 48

B) The Babonić Kindred ........................................................................................ 49

C) The Kőszegi Kindred ........................................................................................ 54

D) The Frankapan Kindred .................................................................................... 55

3.4.3 Conclusion..................................................................................................... 56

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 4. Conclusion.................................................................................................................. 58

5. Bibiography ................................................................................................................ 71

5. 1 Primary Sources: ................................................................................................. 71

5.2 Secondary Literature: ........................................................................................... 71

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 LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 1. Map of Slavonia and Croatia from the eleventh until the fourteenth

centuries

Figure 2. Genealogical tree of the Babonić kindred

Figure 3. Genealogical tree of the Šubić kindred

Figure 4.Genealogical tree of the Kőszegi kindred

Figure 5. Donations to the Babonić kindred

Figure 6. Donations to the Kőszegi kindred

Figure 7. Donations to the Šubić kindred

Figure 8. Donations to the Frankapan kindred

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 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

CD Codex diplomaticus regni Croatiae, Dalmatiae et Slavoniae

HAZU Hrvatska akademija znanosti i umjetnosti [Croatian Academy of Science and

Art]

MTA Magyar Tudományos Akadémia [Hungarian Academy of Sciences]

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 1. Introduction: Choosing Power

“And thus feudal aristocracy came about and was developed in Croatia. In the
second part of the thirteenth century those knightly kindreds strengthened on the level
that they could influence Hungarian history, and finally, from far south of Italy, could
bring a new king and a new dynasty, originally French, the Anjou-s.”1
Vjekoslav Klaić

In this work I will present the relations between the king and some of the Croatian

and Slavonian noble kindreds during the second half of the thirteenth and the first half of

the fourteenth century in the Kingdom of Hungary. This topic became the center of my

interest a few years ago while I was trying to understand the balance of power between

the king and his nobility. A king is traditionally seen as a monarch who holds all the

power in his domain and the nobility as his subjects who are beneath him in the

hierarchy. Could a nobleman ever be as powerful as a king?

The term “kindred” in medieval studies is applied to the nobility. A kindred is, a

group of relatives with patrilineal links that cross-cut generation and holds property in

common; in a relatively short period of time one kindred could rise above other kindreds
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under good circumstances and by using thoughtful political moves. The rise of noble

kindreds was mainly conditioned by the amount of landed property they owned and by

the offices they held. From a legal point of view, noble kindreds came into the possession

of these lands and offices by the donations from the royal authority; however, other ways,

1
Vjekoslav Klaić, Povijest Hrvata od najstarijih vremena do svršetka XIX stoljeća, vol 2 [History of the
Croats from the Oldest Period until the End of the Nineteenth Century] (Zagreb: Tisak i naklada L.
Hartmana, 1899), 4; Translation mine.

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 such as military confrontations with other noble families, were also a means of gaining

more landed property. The noble kindreds, by taking the land given to them by the king,

were obliged to stand by him. Because of that, the ruling dynasties were confronted with

a great loss of royal land. By granting landed properties and titles, royal dynasties gained

allies, but they lost direct control over much of their land and because of this they also

lost power to the nobility. That was the situation in which the Árpád dynasty found itself

during the thirteenth century.

After King Ladislas IV was murdered in 1290, a turbulent period began in the

Kingdom of Hungary. The alleged grandson of Andrew II was crowned king as Andrew

III; however, the Anjou dynasty of Naples also claimed the throne of Hungary. To gain

the throne they needed to find allies among the local noble kindreds and, therefore, they

started making contacts with the representatives of Croatian and the Slavonian noble

families. In order to draw them to their side, the Anjou dynasty them gave land and titles.

These donations were, of course, fictional, because the Anjou dynasty did not own these

lands, neither de facto nor de jure, and they were not authorized to grant the titles to the

members of the noble kindreds. However, the Árpád dynasty, afraid of loosing the

throne, responded to this by giving lands and titles – often the same ones as their

opponents – to the nobility.

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The primary goal of this research is to compare the actions, attitudes, and

behavior of different noble kindreds in this situation. I decided to use the examples of the

four most prominent noble kindreds from Slavonia and Croatia. From the area of

Slavonia I selected the Babonić and the Kőszegi kindreds and from Croatia the Šubić and

2
 Frankapan kindreds.2 I have selected these four kindreds not only because they were the

most powerful ones, but also because the sources that deal with these kindreds are the

most numerous. My central research question is why some of the noble families inclined

to Andrew III and some to the local protagonists of the Anjou family, Charles Martel, and

later, Charles Robert, and how they benefited from taking either side. Did they receive

lands, titles, trade contracts or protection? My working hypothesis is that geography

played an important role in their choices. With this in mind, I will try to investigate

whether there were any geographical differences on the basis, that is, did these Croatian

and Slavonian noble kindreds act similarly or differently in this situation. In addition to

the central research question, I will use a series of secondary questions to gain a better

view of the relations between the dynasties and the kindreds discussed here. These

questions are: Did the individual families have a uniform policy on this issue between the

members of one noble kindred? Did kindreds change sides between the dynasties over

time? Furthermore, did they communicate with both dynasties at the same time? In

addition to these questions that are related to the noble kindreds, I will also compare the

behavior of the royal dynasties towards each other. I plan to compare the actions of the

dynasties to determine how members of one dynasty reacted to the action of the other

one.
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The second part of my research includes the period after the death of Andrew III.

This part will concentrate on the relations between the noble kindreds in question and

Charles Robert after he ascended to the throne of Hungary. The central question of this

part of my research is: Did the relations between the noble kindreds and Charles Robert

2
In this paper I will use the plurals of the names of the kindreds in Croatian language – Babonići, Köszegi,
Šubići, Frankapani.

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 change in this period? Furthermore, did Charles Robert apply the same policy toward all

the noble kindreds, or did he treat them differently? If he did, why did he do so? The final

problem that I plan to address is the summary of all the questions listed above: Which

kindred gained the most from its alliance(s) and which gained the least? I hope that this

research will offer a better understanding of the relations between the noble kindreds and

royal power, and a clearer picture of how royal power influenced the position of the noble

kindreds.

The history of the nobility has been quite “popular” among academics and the

general public alike. Because of that, the history of the royal dynasties and the nobility is

an area on which a great amount of research has been done. This applies to the case of

Croatia and especially to the case of Hungary. In Hungary and Croatia, this trend began

as early as the end of the nineteenth century and it would not be an overestimate to claim

that this was the time when academic engagement with the history of the nobility in these

countries began.

As a new tendency for the late nineteenth century, Hungarian and Croatian

historians, such as Tadija Smičiklas and Gusztáv Wenzel, started to transcribe sources

that were then still unpublished and to write works based on those sources. Since most of

these sources were in one way or the other connected with royal dynasties and noble
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families, it is quite logical that the first scientific historical works were dedicated to those

families. This research was also connected with the spirit of that period when the birth of

the national idea was already strongly implanted in all the areas of life and the history

served as a medium to strengthening national pride. The kings, the noble families, and

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 their members were considered as national heroes and were regarded as embodiments of

the Hungarian and Croatian glorious pasts.

Some of the most distinguished historians of the nineteenth century were the

pioneers who dealt with this topic. Iván Nagy compiled a twelve-volume genealogical

gazetteer of the Hungarian noble families.3 Then, János Karácsonyi, historian and canon

of Oradea (Nagyvárad), wrote a work dealing with the genealogy of the “most ancient”

Hungarian clans and kindreds up to the fourteenth century.4 Mór Wertner also published

several works that are important handbooks of Hungarian genealogy and the history of

the Árpád dynasty.5 In 1893 Sándor Szentgyörgyi wrote a work that describes in detail

how the Anjou dynasty ascended to the throne of Hungary.6 Vjekoslav Klaić contributed

to the elaboration of this topic by publishing studies that were dedicated to two of the

most prominent Croatian noble kindreds, the Šubići7 and the Frankapani.8 He also wrote

a monumental overview series of the Croatian medieval period, a work that in my

opinion has still not been surpassed.9 The historian Lajos Thallóczy wrote in 1898 “Die

Geschichte der Grafen von Blagay” a work that presents the history of the Babonić

3
Iván Nagy, Magyarország családai czímerekkel és nemzékrendi táblákka 1–12 [The families of Hungary
with coats of armes and the geneological tables 1–12] (Pest, 1857-1868).
4
János Karácsonyi, A magyar nemzetségek a XIV. század közepéig [The Hungarian kindreds up to
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the middle of the fourteenth century] (Budapest: Magyar Tudományos Akadémia, 1900).
5
Mór Wertner, Geneaology und Geschichte (Vienna, 1884); Idem, A magyar nemzetségek a XIV. század
közepéig [The Hungarian kindreds up to the middle of the fourteenth century] 2 vols. (Temesvár, 1891);
Idem, Az Árpádok családi története [The family history of the Árpádians ] (Nagybecskerek, 1892).
6
Sándor Szentgyörgyi, Borba anžuvinaca za prijestolje ugarsko-hrvatsko do prve krunidbe Karla Roberta
[The struggle of the Anjou Dinasty for Hungarian-Croatian Throne until the First Coronation of Charles
Robert] (Zagreb: Knjigotiskarski i litografički zavod C. Albrechta, 1893).
7
Vjekoslav Klaić, Bribirski knezovi od plemena Šubić do god. 1347 [The Counts of Bribir: from the Tribe
of the Šubić until the Year 1347] (Zagreb: Naklada Matice hrvatske, 1897).
8
Vjekoslav Klaić, Krčki knezovi Frankapani [The Frankapans, Counts of Krk] (Zagreb: Matica hrvatska,
1901).
9
Vjekoslav Klaić, Povijest Hrvata od najstarijih vremena do svršetka XIX stoljeća, 5 vols. [History of the
Croats from the Oldest Period until the End of the Nineteenth Century] (Zagreb: Tisak i naklada L.
Hartmana, 1899).

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 kindred, from whom the Blagay family were descended.10 This was also the period when

the first editions of most of the known archival sources were published. In Croatia this

was the series Codex Diplomaticus regni Croatiae, Dalmatiae et Slavoniae,11 edited by

Tadija Smičiklas, consisting of eighteen volumes, and in Hungary the series

“Diplomataria” in Monumenta Hungariae Historica with over forty volumes. This made

the sources more accessible to historians. However, Croatian historiography after this

period turned its interest towards other historical topics and the history of the nobility was

neglected for more than half a century.

The next important historian to contribute to this branch of historiography was

Nada Klaić, who was active between the 1960s and the 1980s. She wrote a monumental

overview of Croatian medieval history that dealt in detail with the development of the

Croatian nobility and the history of Croatian noble kindreds.12 However, most of her

research was connected with the development of the towns and not the nobility. Her

approach towards the history of the nobility was quite different from the approach of the

nineteenth-century historians, since she not only assembled data and genealogies, but

analyzed the sources in detail and concluded that a large number of these sources were

actually forgeries. In her works the early-twentieth century nationalistic approach is

almost negligible since she wrote during the communist period and with the support and
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acknowledgement of the authorities. However, after the period of Nada Klaić, the history

of the nobility was ignored again in Croatia. In this period, the reason for the lack of the

literature that deals with the nobility is the ideological bias of the communist authorities,

10
Lajos Thallóczy, Die Geschichte der Grafen von Blagay. (Vienna: Selbstverlag, 1898)
11
Codex Diplomaticus regni Croatiae, Dalmatiae et Slavoniae 18 vols., ed. Tadija Smičiklas (Zagreb:
Jugoslavenska akademija znanosti i umjetnosti, 1904–1990).
12
Nada Klaić, Povijest Hrvata u razvijenom srednjem vijeku [History of the Croats in the High Middle
Ages] (Zagreb: Školska knjiga, 1965).

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 who considered this social stratum a remnant of the old regime and topics such as the

history of the nobility was more or less forbidden. In Hungary, this period was quite

fruitful, the 1970s and 1980s already brought increased interest in various strata of the

nobility, from the courtly aristocracy to the petty noblemen in the countryside. One of the

most important historians of Hungarian medieval period, Pál Engel, deals with this topic

from the viewpoint of political and social structures.13 Another renowned social historian,

Erik Fügedi, highlighted, among other things, the importance of castles and their estates

as centers of power.14 János Bak, a historian who worked overseas for several decades,

published studies on different topics related to medieval society and rulership as well as

customary law and coronations.15

The situation changed once more in Croatia in contemporary times, when the

history of the nobility has become again one of the most researched historical topics. One

of the most renowned contributors of this generation to the research of the Croatian

nobility is the historian Damir Karbić, who wrote his PhD disertation on the Šubić

kindred.16 Another young historian, Marija Karbić, dealt with the history of two noble

kindreds: the Gut-Keledi17 and the Kőszegi.18 The Babonić kindred is in the focus of
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13
Pál Engel, Társadalom és politikai struktúra az Anjou-kori Magyarországon [Society and political
structure of the Angevin-era Hungar]y, (Budapest: Magyar Tudományos Akadémia Történettudományi
Intézete, 1988); Idem, Királyi hatalom és arisztokrácia viszonya a Zsigmond-korban (1387-1437) [The
relationship of royal power and the aristocracy in the Sigsmund period (1387-1437)] (Budapest: Akadémiai
Kiadó, 1977); Idem, “The Political System of the Angevin Kingdom,” The New Hungarian Quarterly Nr.
90 (1983) 124 – 128.
14
Erik Fügedi, Castle and society in medieval Hungary (1000-1437) (Budapest : Akadémiai Kiadó, 1986).
15
Bak, János, Coronations: Medieval and Early Modern Monarchic Ritual (Berkeley: University of
California Press, 1990); see also the recently published volume of his collected studies: Studying Medieval
Rulers and their Subjects. Central Europe and Beyond (Farnham: Ashgate, 2010)
16
Damir Karbić, “The Šubići of Bribir: A Case Study of a Croatian Medieval Kindred” (Ph.D. diss.,
Central European University, 2000).
17
Marija Karbić, “Joakim Pektar, slavonski ban iz plemićkog roda Gut-Keled” [Joakim Pektar, Slavonian
Ban of Gut-Keled Noble Kindred], Godišnjak Njemačke narodnosne zajednice (2000): 19–24.

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 research by the historian Hrvoje Kekez, who has written two articles19 that are dealing

with their history and is currently working on a PhD dissertation that is going to be

dedicated exclusively to this kindred. The history of the Frankapan kindred is lacking

research, since no one has dealt with this topic since the time of Vjekoslav Klaić and, to

my knowledge, nobody is currently working on it, but hopefully this will change in the

future. Hungarian historiography has made significant breakthroughs in the area of

archontology with the work of Pál Engel20 and Attila Zsoldos.21

In addition to the research that deals with individual noble kindreds, recently

some significant overviews of Hungarian and Croatian medieval history have been

published, as well as works dealing with legal issues of the development of the nobility.

Two overviews of medieval Croatia and Hungary that deal with the history of the royal

dynasties and the noble kindreds are “The Realm of St Stephen. A History of Medieval

Hungary, 895–1526”22 by Pál Engel and “Hrvatska povijest srednjeg vijeka”23 by Neven

Budak and Tomislav Raukar. A legal standpoint on the development of the nobility in

medieval Hungary and Croatia has been discussed in the book “Nobility, Land and

Service in Medieval Hungary” by the British expert on medieval Hungarian history,

18
Marija Karbić, “Gisingovci – ugarsko – hrvatska velikaška obitelja njemačkog podrijetla” [The Kőszegi–
Hungarian-Croatian Noble Family of German Origin], Godišnjak Njemačke narodnosne zajednice (1999):
21–26.
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19
Hrvoje Kekez, “Između dva kralja: plemićki rod Babonića u vrijeme promjene na hrvatskom-ugarskom
prijestolju, od 1290. do 1309. godine” [Between Two Kings: The Noble Kindred Babonić in the Period of
Change on the Hungarian-Croatian Throne, from 1290 until 1309 Year], Povijesni prilozi 35 (2008): 61 -
89; Hrvoje Kekez, “Hinc transit fluvium Vrbaz: kada i kako je slavonski plemićki rod Babonića došao u
posjed Vrbasa?” [Hinc transit fluvium Vrbaz: When and how did the Slavonian Noble Kinderd Babonić
came to posses Vrbas?], Hrvatska misao 4 (2007): 76–93.
20
Pál Engel, Magyarország világi archontológiája, 1301-1457[ Hungarian secular arhontology 1301–1457]
(Budapest : Magyar Tudományos Akadémia Történettudományi Intézete, 1986)
21
Attila Zsoldos, Magyarország világi archontológiája, 1000-1301 [Hungarian secular arhontology 1000–
1301] (Budapest : História, 2011)
22
Pál Engel, The Realm of St Stephen. A History of Medieval Hungary, 895 - 1526 (London: I. B. Tauris,
2001.).
23
Neven Budak and Tomislav Raukar, Hrvatska povijest srednjeg vijeka [Croatian History of the Medieval
Period] (Zagreb: Školska knjiga: 2006).

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 Martyn Rady.24 The development of Croatian nobility is in the main focus of Damir

Karbić’s research, who has written two articles on this issue.25 I hope that my research

will contribute to the exploration of this topic and that it will introduce some of the issues

regarding the Croatian and the Slavonian noble kindreds to an Anglophone audience.
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24
Martyn Rady, Nobility, Land and Service in Medieval Hungary (London: Palgrave, 2000).
25
Damir Karbić, “Hrvatski plemićki rod i običajno pravo. Pokušaj analize” [Croatian Noble Kindred and
Common Law. An Attempt of Analysis], Zbornik Odsjeka za povijesne znanosti Zavoda za povijesne i
društvene znanosti Hrvatske akademije znanosti i umjetnosti 16 (1998): 73-117; Damir Karbić, “Plemstvo
– definicija, vrste, uloga” [Nobility – Definition, Types, Role], Povijesni prilozi 31 (2006): 11–21.

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 2. The Development of the Nobility in Croatia and Slavonia

2.1 The beginnings of the development of the social stratification in Croatia

This chapter is meant to provide a background to the social historical aspects of

the topic, but cannot do justice to the complexity of the development, which is not the

main focus of my present research. Because of its position on the crossroads of the

Mediterranean and the European continental region, Croatia was exposed to the

influences of different social formations. In the seventh century, the Slavs brought their

social organization, which was based on the tribal organization and on the free, equal

peasant-warriors in Croatia. This type of social organization enabled a fast and efficient

adaption of the Roman population that lived in this area.26

Recent historical research has shown that the basis of Croatian society in the early

medieval period was the village or village municipalities (villa) with free peasants

(villani). Villages in the early medieval period did not become exclusively territorial

municipalities, but formed the basis for social differentiation. With time, two distinct

strata emerged in the rural communities; those who became the king’s noblemen

(nobiles), and those who lost their personal freedom and became bound serfs (servi).
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Most of them lived gathered in tribes (parentela, genus, generatio, natio) until end of the

eleventh century.27 The larger territorial units were the counties (županije) headed by the

župans (iupani). Already during the end of the eleventh century, members of certain

26
Budak, Raukar, Hrvatska povijest,176.
27
Tomislav Raukar, Seljak i plemić hrvatskoga srednjovjekovlja [The Peasant and the Nobleman of the
Croatian Medieval Period] (Zagreb: Filozofski fakultet u Zagrebu 2002), 36.

10
 tribes aquired higher prestige and distinctions because of the large amount of land that

they held.28

The Croatian historian, Tomislav Raukar, has critically analyzed the data

concerning the Croatian tribes in the Árpádian period and the processes by which the

nobility emerged in the area of medieval Croatia. He came to the conclusion that the data

and the processes indicate that two major social strata existed. First, was the emergence

of noble kindreds who created their own principalities (the Croatian word is kneštvo); the

second one was the existence of the Croatian tribes and their members. Therefore, in this

period some individuals had risen above the others. They had accumulated landed

property, which they turned into their principalities. At the same time, the system of

tribes still existed in villages. These social strata served as a basis from which noble

kindreds and, later the lower nobility (nobiles i nobiles duodecim generationum regni

Croatiae), emerged. Therefore, the broader social stratum of “nobility in medieval

Croatia” from the twelfth until the fifteenth century was composed of two social levels.

The first level comprised the magnates (comes); the second included the lower nobility
29
(nobiles) and the “nobility of the twelve tribes of Croatia” (nobiles duodecim

generationum regni Croatiae).30

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28
Budak, Raukar, Hrvatska povijest, 177.
29
The term the “nobility of the twelve tribes of Croatia” comes from Pacta Conventa or Qualiter - a treaty
made between Hungarian King Coloman and the heads of twelve tribes of Croatia. This treaty was
allegedly made in 1102 after incorporation of Croatia into the Hungarian Kingdom. With this treaty,
Coloman promised all public and state rights to Croatia and confirmed some privileges to the Croatian
nobility. The members who signed the treaty are known in Croatian historiography as “the nobility of the
twelve tribes of Croatia” However, the date of this document is questionable; Raukar, Seljak i plemić, 22–
25.
30
Raukar, Seljak i plemić, 37.

11
 2.2 The noble kindred
According to Martyn Rady and Erik Fügedi, the kindred was a cluster of families

which shared the same ancestor. It was more than a biological links, because it also had a

legal and economic character.31 In the early medieval period, the military role was the

primary function of all the groups from which nobility later developed. Descent by blood

was the prerequisite for belonging to these groups. Their power and wealth were based on

their landed property and on their political role. The main residences of these groups

were in areas outside towns, that is, the rural areas.32 Damir Karbić argues that in most

parts of Europe, noble kindreds developed based on the principles of consorteria

(generationes or genera). This type of noble kindred is characterized by the division of

inheritance. Some of the other characteristics are the co-operation of a large number of

relatives and the preference of the relatives to stay in connection with each other instead

of forming independent families. This model allows for a longer durability of certain

kindreds, because a kindred with a large number of members cannot die out so easily.33

However, this resulted in the relative weakness of their economic foundation. With time

the kindred was divided into branches, with the formerly united property also being

(re)distributed among them after a few generations. This resulted in the emergence of

new kindreds.
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In Hungary, the lands of most of these kindreds were confined to one single

county and rested in a single line. Only a few kindreds held properties in more than one

county, a feature which might be taken as an indication of their longevity. From the

beginning of the thirteenth century, members of the most influential kindreds began to

31
Martyn Rady, Nobility, Land and Service, 22–23.
32
Damir Karbić, “Plemstvo–definicija, uloga, vrste,” 16–17
33
Damir Karbić, “Plemstvo – definicija, uloga, vrste,” 20.

12
 refer to themselves as de genere, after which followed the name of their putative

ancestor.34 Another way of identifying noble kindreds was through the possessions that

they owned. For example, the Babonići first called themselves after their premier

possession, Gorica. After they acquired the estate of Vodica, they started to refer to

themselves as de Vodiča.35

This form of organization of the nobility was typical for the areas of Poland,

Hungary, and Croatia. In Croatia, this model survived as the dominant form of the formal

organization of the nobility until the Ottoman invasion. From the thirteenth until the

fifteenth century, this kindred system was gradually replaced with by the system of the

territorial principle, which resulted in the emergence of noble municipalities and similar

territorial units. Older kindreds decomposed into smaller units (families) which became

the basic organizational principle of the nobility in later periods.36

2.3 Slavonia
During the eleventh century Slavonia was incorporated into the Kingdom of

Hungary,37 and at the beginning of the twelfth century Croatia shared the same fate.38

After the incorporation, the Árpádian kings formed counties in Slavonia modeled on the

Hungarian counties.39 Slavonia, in contrast to Croatia, was always closely connected to

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Hungary and the Hungarian kings due to its proximity. In this area, the royal power of the

Árpád and the Anjou dynasties had strong, direct influence on the development of the

34
Martyn Rady, Nobility, Land and Service, 23.
35
Martyn Rady, Nobility, Land and Service, 30.
36
Damir Karbić, “Plemstvo – definicija, uloga, vrste,” 20.
37
Some Hungarian historians such as György Györffy and Attila Zsoldos consider that Slavonia was
incorporated into Hungarian Kingdom as early as in the tenth century.
38
For a map of Slavonia and Croatia see the page 63.
39
Budak, Raukar, Hrvatska povijest, 184

13
 noble kindreds and the lower nobility.40 Already during the twelfth century, kings granted

entire counties or parts of them to noblemen or church officials. Due to this, the number

of royal estates decreased rapidly.41

The most influential noble kindreds that developed in Slavonia were the Babonići

and the Kőszegi. The Babonići quickly rose from one of the six kindreds of Gorica

County to be the leading kindred of that county.42 Their first possessions were in the area

between the present day towns of Sisak and Karlovac. Already in the twelfth century,

they expanded their properties into present day Slovenia. At the beginning of the

thirteenth century the large estate of Vodica was granted to the Babonić kindred. After

this donation they became one of the most prominent, if not the most prominent noble

kindreds in Slavonia.43 The Kőszegi kindred was one of the branches of the Héder

kindred had that had moved to the area of Hungarian Kingdom from Lower Styria in the

middle of the twelfth century. In the middle of the thirteenth century, the Héder kindred

divided into three branches: the Köcski, the Kőszegi and the Hédervári kindreds. The

lands of the Kőszegi kindred were located in southwestern Hungary, and between the

Sava and Drava rivers. At the peak of their power, they owned estates in seventeen

counties.44
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2.4 Croatia
The development of the nobility in Croatia followed a completely different path.

South of the Velebit Mountain neither the noble kindreds, nor the lower nobility

40
Raukar, Seljak i plemić, 6.
41
Budak, Raukar, Hrvatska povijest, 184.
42
Kekez, “Rod Babonića,” 64.
43
Budak, Raukar, Hrvatska povijest, 183.
44
Marija Karbić, “Rod Gisingovca,” 21.

14
 developed under the direct influence or stimulus of the royal authority and no privileges

were bestowed upon them by royal authority either. These noble kindreds were primarily

the result of the internal development of society. The royal power of the Árpád and the

Anjou dynasties could only monitor this process, and pursue different policies as to

whether they supported their progress or restricted it.45 The advanced concentration of

local power in the hands of individual kindreds, but mainly the fact that the control of the

Árpádian kings did not influence Croatia because of its distance, contributed to the rise of

certain kindreds which not just large landed properties, but also, which was more

characteristic for Croatia, royal rights. This granted them legal power and the power of

taxation, which they used to turn free peasants into their subjects.46

Two of the most prominent noble kindreds in Croatia were the Šubići and

the Frankapani.47 The Šubići held the area around the Krka River as their property. It is

possible that they had transformed the office of župan into a hereditary position as early

as the tenth century. However, they received the Bribir County as a royal grant from the

King Béla III (1172 – 1196) only after 1180. By this token, they became eligible for the

title of counts of Bribir. During the second decade of the thirteenth century, the Šubići

began to expand their properties in the hinterland of the Dalmatian cities and imposed

themselves as their protectors and counts. The Frankapani connected themselves with
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Venice through a contract of vassalage which allowed them to maintain the authority

over the entire island of Krk. Their power further increased in the time of Béla III, when

he granted them the county of Modruš. King Andrew II (1205 – 1235) granted them the

45
Raukar, Seljak i plemić, 6.
46
Budak, Raukar, Hrvatska povijest, 177.
47
The Frankapan kindred started to use that name in the fourteenth century< earlier they called themselves
the counts of Krk. However, Croatian historiography uses the name Frankapan and I will do the same here.

15
 county of Vinodol in 1225 and with that donation the Frankapans connected their island

properties with their landed properties into one large dominion.48

These differences in the development of the nobility in these two regions

need to be kept in mind when tracing and explaining the further history of their most

prominent representatives in the turbulent decades of dynastic change in the Kingdom of

Hungary.
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48
Budak, Raukar, Hrvatska povijest, 179.

16
 3. Political Relations among the Árpád and the Anjou Dynasties and the
Croatian and the Slavonian Noble Kindreds

3.1 Phase 1 – the Political Relations among the Árpád and the Anjou
Dynasties and the Croatian and the Slavonian noble kindreds up to the coronation
of Andrew III and Charles Martel (1260 – 1290)

3.1.1 The situation in the Kingdom of Hungary

During the reign of the last Árpádian kings, namely, Stephen V (1270–1272),

Ladislas IV (1272–1290) and Andrew III (1290–1301), the royal authority weakened, and

most of the power was in the hands of the noble kindreds. The most powerful magnate

families in Croatia were the Šubić family of Bribir, and the Frankapan family, the counts

of Krk. The Babonić, Kőszegi and Gut-Keled kindreds ruled Slavonia. The power of the

nobility rested upon the size of their estates and the offices that some members of those

families held. These families ruled almost like independent oligarchs and because of that,

they had contributed greatly to the shift in the dynastic power that had taken place in the

Kingdom of Hungary at the end of the thirteenth and the beginning of fourteenth century.

These noble kindreds were inclined to support the dynasty that had a greater chance to

take the Hungarian throne at a certain point.49 This part of the thesis provides a
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description of the political maneuvers of the Árpád and the Anjou dynasties and the

political tactics of the Šubić, Frankapan, Babonić, and Kőszegi kindreds during the end of

the thirteenth and in the first half of the fourteenth century.

Because of the weak royal power the last Árpádian kings did not interfere with the

situation in Croatia and Slavonia, which led to a strengthening of the nobility. Andrew III

49
Engel, The Realm, 107–111; Kekez, “Rod Babonića,” 61; Nada Klaić, Povijest Hrvata, 340–342.

17
 began his reign in 1290. Although he is considered the last king of the Árpád dynasty, he

was not the son of Ladislas IV, but the grandson of Andrew II (1205–1235)50 and his

claim to the Hungarian throne was quite weak. The Neapolitan dynasty of Anjou also

claimed the right to the Hungarian throne. Their candidate was Charles Martel, son of

Mary, the sister of Ladislas IV.51 My assumption is that the noble kindreds of Croatia and

Slavonia started to use different political tactics in communicating with these two

dynasties. By examining the conduct of the most prominent members of the Croatian and

the Slavonian noble kindreds, the Šubić, Frankapan, Babonić and Kőszegi kindred, I will

demonstrate their policy towards the Árpád and Anjou dynasties.

3.1.2 The Slavonian nobility during the 1260s and the 1270s – The Example
of the Babonić and Kőszegi Kindreds
Both in Croatian and Slavonia noble kindreds had most of the political and

economic power in their hands. The Croatian noble kindreds did not fight amongst

themselves and they acquired their lands mostly by purchase. The Slavonian noble

kindreds, on the other hand fought amongst themselves and acquired lands in that way.

This soon led to a situation that can almost be described as a civil war. The Anjou

dynasty made contacts with the Slavonian noble kindreds first and that is why I will
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discuss only Slavonian noble kindreds in this chapter. Contacts with the Croatian noble

kindreds and the Anoju dynasty were established later.

50
Andrew III was the son of Andrew II's son Stephen who was the half-brother of King Bela IV (1235–
1270)
51
Budak and Raukar, Hrvatska povijest, 176.

18
 During the1260s and the 1270s, the Babonić kindred52 found themselves in

conflict with the Slavonian Ban Joakim Pektar from the Gut-Keled kindred53 and his

siblings. The causes of this conflict were some forts and some lands which both families

claimed to own. The second reason was the political hegemony in Slavonia, which both

families wanted for themselves.54 In this conflict, Ban Joakim Pektar died at the hands of

Count Stephen Babonić. This weakened the Gut-Keled kindred, but their power did not

completely disappear. Nicholas Gut-Keled, brother of Joakim, became the leader of the

family and continued their fight with the Babonić kindred. The Kőszegi kindred55 became

their allies.56 The reason for the conflict between the Babonić and the Kőszegi kindreds

were the lands and the title of ban, which both families claimed for themselves. The

historian Nada Klaić assumes that the main battles were fought around Fort Steničnjak,

the strongest fortress in the Pokuplje region57 and the area around Gvozd Mountain.

These conflicts resulted in the devastation of the region. The damage was so severe that

even the king became involved and tried to reconcile the warring parties.

52
For the genealogical tree of the Babonić kindred see page 64, and for a list of donations given to the
Babonić kindred see page 67.
53
Joakim Pektar became the Slavonian ban in 1270 during the reign of Stephen V Árpád. In the summer of
1272 he came into conflict with the king and captured the prince, the future King Ladislas IV. It is possible
that Joakim planned the abduction with Queen Elizabeth, whose ally he was. King Stephen V soon died and
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the young prince was crowned. Instead of young Ladislas, his mother, Elizabeth, and Joakim Pektar, who
again became the ban of Slavonia, governed the realm. In 1274 Joakim joined the rebels, who captured the
king’s younger brother Andrew. It is possible that Joakim did this in agreement with Rudolf I of Habsburg
whose daughter was a fiancée of prince Andrew. After that incident Joakim was deprived of all his
honours, however, already in 1275 he made peace with the queen and became the master of treasury (1275)
and the ban of Slavonia (1276–1277); Marija Karbić, “Joakim Pektar, slavonski ban iz plemićkog roda Gut-
Keled” [Joakim Pektar, Slavonian Ban of the Gut-Keled Noble Kindred] Godišnjak Njemačke narodnosne
zajednice (2000): 22–23; Attila Zsoldos, archontológiája, 1000-1301, 317.
53
Kekez, “Rod Babonića,” 64.
54
Kekez, “Rod Babonića,” 64.
55
For the genealogical tree of the Kőszegi kindred see the page 66, and for a list of donations given to the
Donations to the Kőszegi kindred see the page 68.
56
Marija Karbić, “Joakim Pektar,” 23.
57
Nada Klaić, Povijest Hrvata, 347.

19
 Peace between the Babonić and Kőszegi kindreds was concluded on 20 April

1278 in Dubica. It was determined that the Kőszegi kindred must renounce their

hostilities. The leader of the Kőszegi kindred, Nicholas Kőszegi, had to give up his

claims to Fort Steničnjak, which was probably already in the possession of the Babonić

kindred. His brother, John Kőszegi, had to give certain properties to the Babonić kindred,

and he had to allow Stephen Babonić the peaceful and unhindered use of the Fort Ozalj.58

In addition, John Kőszegi had to give up both of the Pset counties,59 Gorica, Gaj, Drežnik

and Novigrad counties, and the town of Petrinja. The penalty for the breach of contract

was 2000 marks, and as a further guarantee that this contract would be respected, both

sides had to surrender hostages. These hostages were surrendered to a captain from

Naples, who was an arbiter in the name of Charles II, king of Naples.60 Each kindred in

the conflict had to surrender one hostage.61 Primary source evidence does not say who

invited Charles II’s arbiters, however, the fact that they were present in Slavonia shows

that the local noble kindreds respected the authority of the Anjou dynasty.

The peace between the Babonić and Gut-Keled kindreds was concluded on 6

November 1278. The members of the Babonić kindred met in Zagreb with Ban Nicholas,

and Paul, and royal judge Stephen Gut-Keled. The Babonić kindred returned the village
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58
...similiter sine precio remittemus preter obsides magistri Nicholai fratris dicti J[oachini] bani et preter
castrum suum Stenichnak vocatum..., ....vt ad faciem castri Ozol contra nos se nullatenus et iuxta naturam
intromittet et neminem adiuuabitt…; CD VI, doc. 207, 240–242; Kekez, “Rod Babonića,” 64–65.
59
There were two of them.
60
... duos comitatus de Pezeth, item comitatus de Guerce, de Gay, de Dressnik et de Nouo castro ac villam
Pet(ri)ne ...., ...ad adbitrium proborum virorum et honestorum videlicet capitanei et marescalci milicie
domini regis Karoli, ac fratris G[irardi]…, CD. VI, doc. 207, 240–242; Nada Klaić, Povijest Hrvata, 347.
61
…Insuper ut pax sic ordinata inuiolabiliter im perpetuum perseueret, nos et Farcasius de societate
nostra dedimus filios nostros et dictus magister J[ohannes] de parte sua dedit filium suum ad manus dicti
capitanei..., CD VI, doc. 207, 241; Kekez, “Rod Babonića,” 65; Hrvoje Kekez assumes that Radoslav
Babonić was the hostage that the Babonić kindred gave to the captain from Naples.

20
 and estate of Zlat that they had taken from the Gut-Keled kindred during the conflict.62 It

was also agreed that in case of a violation of the peace, the Babonić kindred and their

supporters needed to respond only if the bishop of Zagreb invited them.63 As the fighting

continued, Lodomir, bishop of Várad issued a document on 1 April 1279 in which he

stated that the Gut-Keled and Babonić kindreds would be excommunicated if they did not

agree to keep the peace.64

The conflicts between the Babonić and Kőszegi kindreds continued and the peace

was only re-established in Ozalj on 30 October 1280. It was decided that the Babonić

kindred would be allowed to keep all the possessions that were the royal donations,

namely, the estates of Podgorje, Gorica, Drežnik, Gaj with Kladusa, Novigrad, both of

the Pset regions, and Petrinja.65 Vrbas and Sana remained the property of the Kőszegi

family. This presented an obstacle to the extension of the possessions of the Babonić

kindred.66 Soon after, the Kőszegi kindred entered into a conflict with Timothy, the

bishop of Zagreb, and the Babonić kindred was free to consolidate their domination south

of the Sava River. As early as 1285, Count Radoslav Babonić had secured the area

between Vrbas and Sana as his possession.67

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62
...terram et possessionem Zlat vocatam…, CD. VI, doc. 224, 261–266; Marija Karbić, “Joakim Pektar,”
23.; Zsoldos, Archontológiája.
63
Kekez, “Rod Babonića,” 65.
64
CD VI, doc. 252, 302–304.; Marija Karbić, “Joakim Pektar,” 23.
65
....Promittimus eciam bona fide, quod St[ephanum] banum, R[aduzlaum] comitem et filios Baboneg
fratres ipsorum ac comitem G[ardinum] in suis possessionibus et comitatibus secundum relacionem
ipsorum ex donacione regia aquisitis, scilicet in Podgoria in Gerce, Dresnik, Gay cum Cladosa, Nouo
castro nec non in utoque Pzet et in villa Petrina…, CD VI, doc. 306, 362–363; Kekez, “Rod Babonića,”
65–66.
66
Kekez, “Rod Babonića,” 66. Nada Klaić, Povijest Hrvata, 349; Lajos Thallóczy, “Historička istraživanja
o plemenu goričkih i vodičkih knezova” [Historical Research of the Tribe of the Dukes of Gorica and
Vodica] Glasnik Zemaljskog muzeja u Bosni i Hercegovini 9 (1897), 364.
67
... Nos Radizlaus comes de Glaas, Vrbaz et Zana..., CD VI, doc. 461, 544; Kekez, “Rod Babonića,” 66.

21
 During the 1280s and the1290s the Babonić and Kőszegi kindreds did not collide

with each other or other noble families. Their attention was turning to the Hungarian

throne that was being subjected to dynastic shifts.68

The policies of the Babonić and Kőszegi kindreds were based the desire to expand

their properties. Conflicts between them and with other noble families were the means by

which they acquired new lands. These numerous conflicts were fostered by the

atmosphere that prevailed in the kingdom of Hungary during this period and because of

the weak central government of the last members of the Árpád dynasty.

3.1.3 Conclusion
The Anjou dynasty in its later advance capitalized on the situation in the Kingdom

of Hungary during the 1260s and the 1270s. In Croatia, the Šubić and Frankapan noble

kindreds held the most of the power in their hands. The nobility of this region was

traditionally less dependent on the power of the Hungarian king than in other areas and

because of this more likely to become allies of the Anjou dynasty. However, the greater

challenge for the Anjou dynasty was to find and/or create allies in Slavonia, where the

nobility was traditionally more dependent on the power of the Hungarian king. To gain

allies in Slavonia, the Anjou dynasty made contacts with the Babonić and Kőszegi
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kindred, the most powerful noble kindreds in this region, by sending their legates to act

as arbiters during the peace negotiations. By interfering in the peace treaty between these

two noble kindreds the Anjou dynasty asserted its power in this region for the first time.

They were demonstrating that they had become a relevant political factor in Slavonia.

68
Kekez, “Rod Babonića,” 68.

22
 3.2 Phase 2 – The political relations among the Árpád and the Anjou
Dynasties and the Croatian and the Slavonian noble kindreds before Charles
Robert's arrival in the Kingdom of Hungary (1290–1301)

3.2.1 The situation in the Kingdom of Hungary

The Cumans suddenly murdered King Ladislas IV, their ally, on 10 July 1290; the

nobles had to find a successor because Ladislas died without an heir. The right of

inheritance passed to Prince Anderw Árpád, who was supposedly the grandsonson of

Andrew II. His father, Prince Stephen, the son of Andrew III, was born to hist third wife

after Stephen’s death. This suspicion weakened Andrew’s position as heir to the throne.

Prince Andrew was raised in Venice by his mother Tomasina Morosini, although not with

clear-cut claims to the throne of Hungary. At first, the legitimacy of Andrew’s descent

was questioned; but later the majority of the magnates accepted Andrew as the rightful

heir and had him crowned on 23 July 1290.69

At the same time, the Anjou dynasty also wanted to profit from the death of

Ladislas IV to gain the throne of the Kingdom of Hungary. Queen Mary of Naples, sister

of Ladislas IV and wife of Charles II of Naples of the Anjou dynasty, had her son,

Charles Martel, proclamed as king of Hungary on 8 September 1290, less than two
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months after the coronation of Andrew III.70 During this period, the political situation

oscillated for both the Anjou and the Árpád dynasties. Charles Martel was on 6 January

1292 again proclaimed king of Hungary by his mother Mary, queen of Naples.71 At the

69
Engel, The Realm, 110.
70
Kekez, “Rod Babonića,” 72;Vjekoslav Klaić, Povijest Hrvata, Vol 1, 270; Szentgyörgyi, Borba, 12.
71
CD VI, doc. 59, 67–68; Kekez, “Rod Babonića,” 71; Vjekoslav Klaić, Povijest Hrvata, 270;
Szentgyörgyi, Borba, 19.

23
 beginning of 1293 Charles II of Naples was planning to bring Charles Martel to

Hungary.72 At that time, however, the situation worsened for the Anjou dynasty for

several reasons. John, bishop of Zagreb, an ally of the Anjou dynasty, died in April

129273 and was replaced by Bishop Michael, who was an ally of Andrew III.74 Also, the

Kingdom of Naples was in the conflict with Sicily75 and Pope Nicholas IV, ally of the

Anjou dynasty, died.76 Another event that shook the Anjou dynasty was the death of

Charles Martel, who died of plague in August 1295.77 The new Pope, Celestine V, was

hostile to the Anjou dynasty but he soon died and was replaced by Boniface VIII, who

was an ally of the Anjou dynasty.78 He declared Charles Robert, son of late Charles

Martel, as the king of Hungary on 25 January 1297.79 Boniface VIII helped the Anjou

dynasty to increase its strength and influence; he named a Franciscan, Peter, who was a

royal chaplain of Queen Mary, as the new archbishop of Split instead of Jacob, an ally of

Andrew III who had been elected previously to that office.80

During this period, the Anjou dynasty started to draw Croatian and Slavonian

noble kindreds over to their side by granting them lands and titles. Andrew III started to

compete with the Anjou dynasty by granting to Croatian and Slavonian noble kindreds

the same kinds of assets as the Anjou dynasty did – lands and titles. Although, all the four

noble kindreds in question shifted sides during this period and at the end they all became
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the allies of the Anjou dynasty, but they had quite different reasons for doing that.

72
Kekez, “Rod Babonića,” 73.
73
CD VII, doc. 190, 211; Szentgyörgyi, Borba, 28.
74
CD VII, doc. 198, 217–218; Szentgyörgyi, Borba, 28.
75
Kekez, “Rod Babonića,” 73; Vjekoslav Klaić, Povijest Hrvata, Vol 1, 272.
76
Richard P. McBrien, The Pocket Guide to the Popes (HarperCollins e-books, 2006).
77
Szentgyörgy, Borba, 28.
78
Szentgyörgyi, Borba, 26.
79
Vjekoslav Klaić, Povijest Hrvata, Vol 1, 308.
80
CD VII, doc. 239, 277–278; Vjekoslav Klaić, Povijest Hrvata, Vol 1, 309; Szentgyörgyi, Borba, 30.

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 3.2.2 The relations among the Árpád and Anjou dynasties and the Croatian
and the Slavonian nobility until the death of Andrew III (1290–1301)

A) The Babonić Kindred

During the 1280s, a conflict between the brothers Stephen and Radoslav Babonić

broke out. The enmity probably started in the early 1280s. My assumption is based on

the fact that although earlier the brothers always acted together, the last time they were

mentioned together was during the signing of the peace treaty with the Kőszegi kindred

in Dubica in 1280.81 This conflict ended with the brothers signing a peace treaty between

them in Zagreb on 21 August 1294. One can presume that the cause of their discord was

the control over some unidentified forts, because this is mentioned in the peace treaty.82

Hrvoje Kekez contends that the reason for this conflict were estates near the Vrbas River,

near which both brothers had their own estates.83 Another possible cause of the conflict

between the brothers was a question of the leadership of the family policy. Both brothers

wanted the office of ban for themselves.84 This is attested by the fact that in the text of

the peace treaty both brothers are called ban.85 It was also agreed that the brothers would

not occupy each other’s towns and would not help their enemies. The third possible cause

of the conflict was the brothers' different political commitments. Stephen stood firmly

with the Árpád dynasty, whereas Radoslav was an ally of the Anjou dynasty.86 After
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81
Kekez, “Rod Babonića,” 68.
82
CD VII, doc. 163, 181–182; Kekez, “Rod Babonića,” 68, Nada Klaić, Povijest Hrvata, 349.
83
Hrvoje Kekez, “Vrbas, ” 82.
84
Kekez, “Rod Babonića,” 68–69., Nada Klaić, Povijest Hrvata, 349.
85
...magnifici viri Stephanus banus ab una parte, et Radozlaus banus frater eiusdem ab altera..., CD VII,
doc. 163, 181; Kekez, “Rod Babonića,” 68.
86
Kekez, “Rod Babonića,” 69; Nada Klaić, Povijest Hrvata, 369.

25
 1290, Radoslav Babonić established more contacts with the Anjou dynasty. In 1291, he

traveled to Naples, but it is not certain what he did there.87

Andrew III donated the estate of Drežnik to Stephen Babonić.88 The reason for

this was probably the general strengthening of the position of the Anjou dynasty in

Slavonia and Andrew’s the desire to keep Stephen as an ally against them. From more

than one source one can see that the Anjou dynasty relied on Radoslav Babonić for

support. On 23 July 1290 Pope Nicholas IV recommended Radoslav Babonić and some

other supporters of the Anjou dynasty to his legate who was sent to Bosnia.89 In 1292,

when Charles II, king of Naples confirmed the possession of a great part of Slavonia to

Stephen Vladislas, the son of the Serbian king, Stephen Dragutin, he emphasized that this

did not apply to the lands which were property of Radoslav Babonić and his brothers.90 In

1293, Radoslav established some contacts with Andrew III as well; he saved a person

who was sent to the Dalmatian coast for Andrew III’s mother, Tomasina Morosini.

Because of this, Andrew III awarded Radoslav with the estate and the town of Želin in

Zagreb County.91 Andrew III donated the estates of Vrbas, Glaž, Petrinja, Vinodol, Želin,

Okić, Podgorje, and Samobor to Radoslav Babonić on 27 October 1293.92 The reason for

this action was probably the situation in which the Anjou dynasty found itself in that
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87
Kekez, “Rod Babonića,” 72; Szentgyörgyi, Borba, 18.
88
... terram Dresnek vocatam ..., CD VII, doc. 64, 74–77.; Kekez, “Rod Babonića,” 70.; Thallóczy, Die
Geschichte, 75.
89
CD VII, doc. 1, 1–2;Kekez, “Rod Babonića,” 72.
90
....quas possedit Radislaus banus cum fratribus suis… CD VII, doc. 85, 103–104; Kekez, “Rod
Babonića,” 73; Thallóczy, Die Geschichte, 75.
91
... ut quandam terram seu possessionem castri seu comitatus Zagrabiensis Selyn vocatam..., CD VII, doc.
128, 146–147; Kekez, “Rod Babonića,” 72; Nada Klaić, Povijest Hrvata, 350; Vjekoslav Klaić, Povijest
Hrvata Vol 1, 268; Thallóczy, Die Geschichte, 74.
92
...possessiones seu terras Vrbas, Galas, Petrina, Vynodol, Selen, Oclich, Podgoria et Zamobor
nuncupatas cum castris ..., CD VII, doc. 133, 151–152; Mladen Ančić, Putanja klatna: Ugarsko-hrvatsko
kraljevstvo i Bosna u XIV stoljeću [Trajectory of the Pendulum: The Hungarian-Croatian Kingdom and
Bosnia in the fourteenth century] (Zadar: Zavod za povijesne znanosti HAZU; Mostar: Ziral, 1997), 84;
Kekez, “Rod Babonića,” 73; Nada Klaić, Povijest Hrvata, 349.

26
 period – adjusting to repercussions from the death of the Pope Nicholas IV. Andrew III

used the situation in which the members of the Anjou dynasty found themselves to try to

gain the support of Radoslav Babonić. However, he apparently did not manage to retain

Radoslav’s support in the long run, because on 1 September 1295 Radoslav’s emissaries

were in Naples.93 The same year Tomasina Morosini took the Vrbas fort from Radoslav

Babonić because he was unfaithful to Andrew III.94 The reason for this was probably a

continued relationship between Radoslav Babonić and the Anjou dynasty.

When a Neapolitan captain was sent to act as an arbiter during the peace

negotiations between the Babonić and the Kőszegi kindreds, he took two hoostages to

Naples, one from each family.95 Hrvoje Kekez and I presume that this hostage was

probably Radoslav Babonić, who was then of a young age.96 This could have affected his

later support for the Anjou dynasty. In Naples, he would have been aquaintanted with the

policy of the Anjou dynasty and it is logical that later he became their ally. Based on this

presumption, I have developed another presumption about the conflict between Stephen

and Radoslav Babonić. There is only one source that speaks about the conflict between

these two brothers and that is the peace treaty.97 The peace treaty tells only that the

brothers would not attack each others’ towns. Thus, one can presume that the conflict was

not connected with their different policies. During this alleged conflict, Radoslav was
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98
traveling to Naples, so one can presume that in Naples they would know about the

conflict. However, when Charles II was confirming lands to the Serbian prince, Stephen

93
... Pontius sacerdos et Ladislaus de Ossel nuncii Radislai bani de Sclauonia ...; CD VII, doc. 167, 186;
Ančić, Putanja, 84; Kekez, “Rod Babonića,” 74.
94
CD VII, doc. 195, 214–215; Ančić, Putanja, 84–85; Kekez, “Rod Babonića,” 74.
95
CD VI, doc. 207, 240 – 242
96
Kekez, “Rod Babonića,” 64 – 65.
97
CD VII, doc. 163, 181 – 182; Kekez, “Rod Babonića,”.
98
Kekez, “Rod Babonića,” 72.

27
 Vladislas, he said that this did not include the lands owned by Radoslav Babonić and his

brothers.99 Radoslav and Stepehen had one more brother, Otto, who died young, thus, one

can conclude that when Charles II said “Radoslav and his brothers” he considered

Radoslav and Stephen.

In my opinion, if the conflict was of a political nature, the Anjou dynasty would

have given the land just to Radolsav, and not also to Stephen. The Anjous would not give

land to someone who stood firmly with Andrew III. I presume that the conflict between

the brothers was not very significant. My conclusion is that the brothers may have played

a “double game;” one brother stood by one dynasty, and the other brother by other

dynasty, because they wanted to preserve the power of the kindred regardless of which of

the dynasty took the throne.

Both Stephen and Radoslav died soon after 1295 and a new generation of the

Babonić kindred took over the political decisions.100 These were Stephen, John,

Radoslav, and Otto, cousins of the former protagonists of their kindred’s politics, Stephen

and John.101 After the death of their cousin Radoslav Babonić, the Babonić brothers came

into conflict with Andrew III because he did not want to give them the lands of the late

Radoslav Babonić. Andrew III was probably afraid to grant these lands to a kindred that

had been disloyal to him in the past. However, in 1299, he did grant them all the lands of
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the late Radoslav Babonić except for the castles of Susedgrad, Vrbas and Glaž. He also

granted to the oldest of the brothers, Stephen, the office of Slavonian ban.102 His actions

99
....quas possedit Radislaus banus cum fratribus suis… CD VII, doc. 85, 103 – 104;
100
Kekez, “Rod Babonića,” 74–75.
101
Kekez, “Rod Babonića,” 76–77.
102
... tria castra nostra Zumzed, Vrbas, et Galas vocata..., omnes possessiones Raduzlai condam bani,
patrui eorum, castra, villas, terras cum ceteris utilitatibus et attinentiis ..., nobiles viri Stephanus nunc
banus totius Sclavonie ..., CD VII, doc. 305, 351–353; Kekez, “Rod Babonića,” 78.

28
 are probably the result of careful considerations. He granted them lands so that the

Babonić brothers would not become allies of the Anjou dynasty, and he retained for

himself Susedgrad, Vrbas and Glaž, the estates that bordered on the estates of Count

Hrvatin Stjepanić, an ally of the Anjou dynasty.103 At the same time, the Anjou dynasty

granted the Babonić brothers all the rights and estates that they had possessed before. In a

document dated 7 September 1299, the Anjou dynasty confirmed to them “all the

possessions and goods that to hold them in the same way that they have done before.”104

In addition, he granted them the office of Slavonian ban just as Andrew III had.105

Moreover, on 26 November 1299, the Anjou dynasty confirmed the donation of all the

possessions of the late Radoslav Babonić.106 The Babonić brothers probably expected that

the Anjou dynasty to confirm to them the forts of Vrbas, Glaž and Susedgrad, which

Andrew III had taken from them, and the Anjou dynasty confirmed them just those

estates which they said that were rightfully theirs.107

B) The Kőszegi kindred

The Kőszegi kindred was weakened in the conflicts with the Babonić kindred but

its members kept most of their political influence in the last decades of the thirteenth

century. The brothers, Nicholas, John, and Henry Kőszegi, were actively engaged in the
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dynastic struggles between the Árpád and Anjou dynasties.108 At first they were allies of

Andrew III because they hoped that this would help them to restore the towns that they

103
Kekez, “Rod Babonića,” 78; Vjekoslav Klaić, “Bribirski knezovi,” 70; Szentgyörgyi, Borba, 35–36.
104
.... possessiones et bona, cum iuribus, iuridictionibus et pertinenciis suis, que tenent et possident, sicut
pretenuit et possedit ..., CD VII, doc. 308, 355–356; Kekez, “Rod Babonića,” 78.
105
CD VII, doc. 305, 355–356; Kekez, “Rod Babonića,” 78.
106
CD VII, doc. 311, 357–358.
107
CD VII, doc. 311, 357–358; Kekez, “Rod Babonića,” 79.
108
Vjekoslav Klaić, Povijest Hrvata vol 1, 268.

29
 had lost during the reign of Ladislas IV. In 1291 there was a war between Ladislas IV and

the Austrian Duke Albert I. Albert was defeated and he was forced to return the occupied

Hungarian towns. However, these conclusions proved to be highly unfavorable and

unacceptable for the Kőszegi kindred because it was determined in the peace treaty that

all the castles that did not belong directly to the king should be destroyed. This paragraph

refers to castles that belonged to the Kőszegi kindred because they often attacked the

duchy of Austria from these locations. Because of this, the dissatisfied Kőszegi kindred

turned to the Anjou dynasty and became allies of Naples.109 The king of Naples, Charles

II, and his wife, Mary, gave the Kőszegi kindred the “right of the sword and war” against

Andrew III of the Árpád dynasty, that is, they gave them the official right to enter into

open conflict with Andrew III.110 In addition, John Kőszegi and his son, George, received

Vas and Sopron counties from the Neapolitan court as a fief.111 From this example one

can se that the donations of the Anjou dynasty were actually fictive. The counties were

administrative units and they could not have been given as a fief. That same year the

Kőszegi clashed with Andrew III and John Kőszegi even managed to capture him. The

Kőszegi kindred did not use any sophisticated tactics in dealing with the Árpád and

Anjou dynasties beside brute force; one can conclude this from the capture of Andrew III.

Had their policy been focused on “dancing” between the two dynasties, the Kőszeg
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kindred certainly would not have decided on such a drastic move as capturing the king.

Andrew III was released from this captivity only after he paid a large ransom, and given

109
Marija Karbić, “Rod Gisingovaca,” 24.
110
... liberum belli ius et ferri licentiam ..., CD VII, doc. 58, 66–67; Kekez, “Rod Babonića,” 70; Marija
Karbić, “Rod Gisingovaca,” 24.; Vjekoslav Klaić, Povijest Hrvata vol. 1, 270; Szentgyörgyi, Borba, 19.
111
...nobili viro magistro Johanni filio Henrici bani … in perpetuum in pheudum nobile de comitatibus
Soprunii et Castri ferrei…, CD VII, doc. 67, 80; Marija Karbić, “Rod Gisingovaca,” 24; Vjekoslav Klaić,
Povijest Hrvata vol. 1, 270; Szentgyörgyi, Borba, 19.

30
 hostages. However, the Kőszegi kindred rebelled against Andrew in 1296 and again in

1298.112 Their conduct was logical, since they realized that they would not benefit from

agreeing with Andrew III. It can be concluded that the main reason why that the Kőszegi

kindred became allies of the Anjou dynasty was territorial. They wanted to recover the

estates that they had lost because of the measures taken by the Árpád dynasty.

C) The Šubić Kindred

In the late thirteenth century, Ban Paul Šubić and his brothers ruled almost the

entire Croatian coastline and ports that included Split, Trogir, Šibenik, and Omiš.113 In

August 1292, King Charles II of Naples and Queen Mary are confirmed almost the entire

territory of the Croatian Kingdom to the Šubić kindred as a hereditary possession with all

the “barons, vassals, cities, forts and villages,” with the exception of the territories that

the Frankapan kindred possessed.114 In addition, the Anjou dynasty protected the subjects

of the Šubić kindred in the Kingdom of Naples and allowed the export of 200 salms of

wheat and 100 salms of oats from Sicily without paying the usual taxes.115 Another

similar certificate was issued to the Šubić kindred two days later.116 The Šubić kindred

used tactical maneuvers while communicating with the Árpád and Anjou dynasties. In

1293, King Andrew III donated the hereditary office of maritime ban to Paul and his
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112
Marija Karbić, “Rod Gisingovaca,” 24.
113
Damir Karbić, “Šubići Bribirski do gubitka nasljedne banske časti (1322)” [The Šubići of Bribir until
the Loss of the Hereditery Office of Ban (1322)], Zbornik Odsjeka za povijesne znanosti Zavoda za
povijesne i društvene znanosti Hrvatske akademije znanosti i umjetnosti 22 (2004): 14.
114
...tenimento seu territorio, quod Dyesnich vugariter [appel]latur, nec non progeniem seu generationem,
que vocatur Suczunuy et Pset, que est iuxta territorium predictum, et ab inde usque ad confinia provincie,
que dicitur Bosna...cum omnibus baronibus, vasallis, civitatibus, castris et villis..., CD VII, doc. 86, 104–
105; Damir Karbić, “Šubići Bribirski,” 14; Nada Klaić, Povijest Hrvata, 417–418; For the genealogical tree
of the Šubić kindred see page 65, and for a donation given to the Šubić kindred see page 69.
115
CD VII, doc. 47, 57; Damir Karbić, “Šubići Bribirski,” 14–15; Nada Klaić, Povijest Hrvata, 417.
116
CD VI, doc. 48, 57; Kekez, “Rod Babonića,” 70.

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 brothers.117 The Šubić kindred was an ally of the Anjou family, but they maintained

relations with the Árpád dynasty at the same time. In 1298, Pope Boniface VIII was

persuaded by Queen Mary of Naples to found a new bishopric in Šibenik, a town that was

in possession of the Šubić kindred.118 At the end of August 1299, Charles II of Naples

confirmed the grant that he had given to the Šubić kindred in 1292.119 In this period, the

contacts between George Šubić and the Anjou dynasty intensified. Charles II confirmed

all his possessions again in January 1300.120 After that, George traveled to Naples with

the goal of bringing Charles Robert to the Kingdom of Hungary. Because of this, Charles

II asked the doge of Venice not to interfere in George's actions because he was under

Charles’ protection.121 In July 1300, the twelve-year-old Charles Robert arrived in

Manfredonia in the company of George Šubić; they went to Split where he was handed

over to Paul Šubić, who took him to Zagreb.122

D) The Frankapan kindred

The Frankapan kindred123 was also involved in the dynastic struggle between the

Árpád and Anjou dynasties. Pope Nicholas IV, a supporter of the Anjou dynasty,

recommended counts John and Leonard Frankapan to his legates on 23 July 1290. In

addition, Count Dujam Frankapan visited King Charles II in Naples in June 1291 together
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117
... Pauli bani maritimi ..., CD VII, doc 144, 163-164; Damir Karbić, “Šubići Bribirski,” 15; Kekez, “Rod
Babonića,” 75.
118
CD VII, doc. 263, 304–305; Vjekoslav Klaić, Povijest Hrvata Vol 1, 309; Szentgyörgyi, Borba, 31.
119
CD VII, doc. 271, 313; Damir Karbić, “Šubići Bribirski,” 15.
120
CD VII, doc. 314, 361; Damir Karbić: “The Šubići of Bribir,” 63.
121
CD VII, doc. 316, 361–362; Damir Karbić, “The Šubići of Bribir,” 63.
122
Damir Karbić, “Šubići Bribirski,” 16; Vjekoslav Klaić, Šubići Bribirski, 74–75; Szentgyörgyi, Borba,
39.
123
For a list of donation to the Frankapan kindred see the page 70. Due to the lack of research dedicated to
the Frankapan kindred I was not able to make a geneological tree of the Frnkapan kindred.

32
 with Radoslav Babonić.124 In the document mentioned above, issued on 19 August 1292,

in which King Charles II confirmed the properties of the Šubić kindred, he lists as

exceptions those estates owned by the Babonić kindred and those owned by John and

Dujam Frankapan, counts of Krk, Modruš and Vinodol.125 After the death of John

Frankapan, the heads of the Frankapan family were Dujam and Leonard.126 Just before

Charles Robert came to Croatia, King Charles II praised Count Dujam for helping his

grandson to come to the Hungarian throne127 and promised him that if he came to Naples

and took his grandson, Charles Robert, to Hungary he would receive confirmation of the

properties of Vinodol, Modruš, Gacka and other possessions.128 King Charles II also

praised Count Leonard because he fought against Andrew III and as a reward, he allowed

to export 500 salms of grain.129 In addition, he emphasized that Count Leonard “is

resisting to Andrew III, an insolent invader of the Hungarian throne, in any way

possible.”130

3.2.3 Conclusions
The actions of the noble families in Croatia, the Šubić and Frankapan kindreds

showed some similarities and some differences when compared with the noble kindreds
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124
Vjekoslav Klaić, Knezovi Frankapani, 116.
125
CD VII, doc. 85, 103–104; Kekez, “Rod Babonića,” 73; Vjekoslav Klaić, Knezovi Frankapani, 116.
126
Vjekoslav Klaić, Knezovi Frankapani, 116.
127
... comitis Duymi de Veglia..., CD VII, doc. 320, 367; Nada Klaić, Povijest Hrvata, 385.
128
...comitatum Medurse (!) et Vinodoli, ac comitatum Gezecge (!), quem tunc tenet, vt dicitur, videlicet
terras Odozez, Obriz, Doyanum et Tincz de Lafrazi, ac duas partes Exagonnie, Segiem et potestariam
ipsus..., CD VII, doc. 340, 386–387; Vjekoslav Klaić transcribes tha last part as ..et terram Delazmiziz (de
Lastrizi) ac duas partes Stagovine, Segnie et potestariam… Vjekoslav Klaić, Knezovi Frankapain, 315;
Nada Klaić, Povijest Hrvata, 385
129
...salmas frumenti quingentas pro munitione castrorum ipsius..., CD VII, doc. 351, 395; Nada Klaić,
Povijest Hrvata, 385-386;Vjekoslav Klaić, Knezovi Frankapani, 117.
130
… contra Andreacium, regni Ungarie illicitum invasorem, exercere ac expendere satagit quicquid potest
resistentie ac rigoris…Vjekoslav Klaić, Knezovi Franapani, 117.; Vjekoslav Klaić takes this quote from
Radovi Jugoslavenske Akademije vol. 18, 224, which was not available to me.

33
 in Slavonia in their relations with the Árpáds and Anjous. The Anjou dynasty promised

lands and the export of a certain amount of wheat without paying taxes if they helped the

Neapolitan dynasty. The Šubić family was granted a huge territory as a hereditary

possession. The noble kindreds of Croatia were more determined in their support of the

Anjou dynasty than their Slavonian counterparts. Like the noble kindreds in Slavonia, the

Šubić and Frankapan kindreds connected with the Anjou dynasty in order to gain more

property, especially lands. However, the Croatian noble families were also trading with

the Anjou dynasty. The possessions of the Šubić and Frankapan kindreds were located

closer to the lands of the Anjou dynasty and could trade with them because they owned

ports on the Adriatic Sea. In contrast, the Slavonian noble kindreds, the Babonići and the

Kőszegi, owned land inland and therefore were not in a position to establish trade

relations with the Anjou dynasty. In my opinion, profitable trade was, in addition to land,

another reason why the noble families of Croatia were so eager to make an alliance with

Anjou dynasty. There was one more reason for close connections between the Croatian

noble kindreds and the Anjou dynasty. Venice also influenced their actions because it

threatened the power of the Croatian noble kindreds and had the intention to control the

whole Dalmatian coast. The Croatian noble kindreds counted on the fact that the stronger

the Anjou dynasty was the weaker the Serenissima will be.
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While the Croatian noble kindreds, the Šubići and the Frankapani, both had the

same reasons for becoming allies of the Anjou dynasty, the reasons why the Slavonian

noble kindreds took sides with the Anjou party were different. The Kőszegi kindred allied

with the Anjou dynasty for territorial reasons; they wanted to regain the lands that they

had lost because of Andrew III. The Babonić kindred was a special case because there

34
 was no unique family policy concerning the choice between the two competing dynasties

at the beginning. The political tactics of the Árpád and the Anjou dynasties are most

visible on the example of Babonić kindred. The reason why the Babonić kindred chose

the Anjou side at the end is almost surely because the Anjou side was winning. The

different political stances of Stephen and Radoslav Babonić could have been the result of

their individual opinions, but they could have also been the result of political moves that

were planned in detail. One may also speculate that the Babonić brothers chose both sides

so that the kindred would keep their power no matter which side won the battle for

throne.

3.3.3 Phase 3 – The period before the conflict between Charles Robert and
the Croatian and Slavonian noble kindreds (1301 – 1322)

3.3.1 The situation in the Hungarian Kingdom

A change of the dynasties in Hungarian Kingdom happened in a period in which

royal power was in deep crisis. During the reign of the last Árpádian kings, central power

was very weak and certain noble kindreds came into possession of vast areas where they

formed semi-independent territories. Most noble kindreds nominally accepted Andrew III
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as a king; after his death central power practically ceased to exist. It was even a realistic

threat that the Hungarian Kingdom would be divided into several independent

provinces.131

When Charles Robert arrived to the Hungarian Kingdom, in addition to the

problem of semi-independent noble kindreds, he was confronted with another threat – the

131
Engel, The Realm, 128.

35
 other candidates for the Hungarian throne. Coronation of a king of Hungary is valid only

if the king was crowned in the church of the Holly Virgin collegiate chapter in

Székesfehérvár with the Holy Crown.132 Since in 1301 Charles Robert was crowned in

Esztergom and the Holy Crown was not used, a great number of noblemen did not accept

him as a king. Some of them insisted that a new king whom they would have selected

should fill the vacant throne. They suggested Václav (Wenceslas), son and heir of the

Bohemian King Václav II, who was a descendant of Anna, the daughter of Béla IV and a

fiancé of Andrew III’s daughter. Václav was crowned under the name of Ladislas with

the Holy Crown in Székesfehérvár. Soon a war between Charles Robert and Václav

began. The Kőszegi kindred, who had supported Charles Robert before 1301, now

changed sides and started to support Václav. In addition, they conquered almost the entire

Transdanubia. Matthew Csák, an oligarch from the northwestern counties, convinced

Václav to give him Trenčin and Nitra counties as permanent possessions, and soon

afterwards Matthew also conquered Hont, Bars and Komárno counties. Charles, with the

help of the pope, bishops, and his uncles Albert and Rudolf Habsburg, gained dominance

in this war and by the beginning of 1304 a great number of noblemen stood on the his

side. Václav abandoned his claims for the Hungarian throne.133 These rights were then

conceded to his cousin, Otto, Duke of Bavaria. On Otto’s side stood the Kőszegi noble
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kindred and the Transilvanian Saxons. In the spring of 1307 the nobleman Ladislav Kán

arrested Otto, returned him to Bavaria and took possession of the Holy Crown.134 Aftere

these events, Charles Robert could dedicate himself to crushing the power of those

132
Engel, The Realm, 128.
133
Engel, The Realm, 128–129, Vjekoslav Klaić, Povijest Hrvata Vol 2, 8–10.
134
Engel, The Realm, 129 – 130.

36
 noblemen who did not accept him as a lawful ruler. As early as 1306, Charles Robert

conquered Esztergom, and a year later, he captured Buda. At a diet in 1307, magnates

Amdeus Aba, Jacob Borsa and Ugrin Csák accepted Charles Robert as their lawful king

and the next year the Kőszegi kindred and Matthew Csák with the help of the papal

legates, followed suit. Charles Robert was crowned (for the third time) as Charles I on 27

August1310.135

After Charles Robert came to the Kingdom of Hungary, a great number of

magnates rebelled against him and they started to support other candidates for the throne.

In this period the Hungarian noble kindreds were in the same situation as their Croatian

and Slavonian counterparts had been a decade before, that is, they found themselves

between more than one candidate for the Hungarian throne. A decade earlier the Anjou

dynasty had been in contact with the Croatian and Slavonian noble kindreds, but not that

much with the Hungarian ones. In my opinion one of the reasons for this was the great

distances between the estates of the Anjou dynasty and those of the Hungarian nobility.

Inland Hungary always gravitated geographically towards the Árpád dynasty. After 1301,

when new candidates for the Hungarian throne emerged, Václav and Otto of Bavaria,

Hungarian noblemen gained new allies whose estates were located in their vicinity. Like

the Croatian and Slavonian noble kindreds a decade earlier, they chose sides depending
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on their personal profit. Charles Robert, Charles Robert, with calculated political

maneuvers and military confrontations, managed to defeat other candidates for the

Hungarian throne and gain the support of most Hungarian noble kindreds.

135
Engels, The Realm, 130; the second coronation of Charles Robert took place in 1309 in Buda with a
crown consecrated by some cardinals, however, this coronation was not legal because the Holy Crown was
not used.

37
 3.2.2. Weak communication with Charles Robert
During the first decade of the fourteenth century, when Charles Robert was

fighting for the throne and trying to deal with the rebellious Hungarian nobility, the

Croatian and Slavonian noble kindreds, except for the Kőszegi kindred, which had an

extensive properties in other parts of the Kingdom as well, had almost no communication

with Charles Robert. It seems to me that the reason for this was that these conflicts took

place far from the estates of Slavonian and Croatian noble kindreds. Charles Robert did

not need their service or help at that particular time.136

Nada Klaić has argued that the Babonić kindred was dissatisfied with the politics

of Charles Robert because he did not leave the office of ban in their hands. She

demonstrates this with a document issued in Naples on 6 July 1306 in which free passage

is given to Count Dujam of Krk and Radoslav Babonić.137 However, I think that this

document was dated incorrectly when it was published in CD 8. A document dated 6 July

1291, which mentions the same situation and the same persons is published in CD 6.138

Historian Hrvoje Kekez and I propose that the compilers of the CD made a mistake and

that the original document is the one dated to 1291 because it is not logical that Dujam of

Krk and Radoslav Babonić would have been traveling to Naples in 1306 because at that

time Charles Robert was already in Kingdom of Hungary and not in Naples.139 In that
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time, Count Dujam was quite old and Radoslav Babonić had already died. Disappointed

by Charles Robert’s lack of interest in them, some of Croatian and Slavonian noble

136
In addition, according to an old law Croatian and Slavonian nobility had to help the king by sending him
military forces at their own expence but only if a military forces were needed in Croatia and Slavonia. If
the military forces were needed north of the Drava River, the nobility was still required to send an army,
but in that case all the expenses were to be paid by the king
137
CD 8, doc. 109, 123; Nada Klaić, Povijest Hrvata, 352.
138
CD 6, doc. 28, 34.
139
Kekez, “Rod Babonića,” 81.

38
 kindreds kindreds, the Frankapan and Babonić kindreds, were trying to find new allies.

They started turning to their western neighbors, the powerful Habsburgs.

3.3.3 Alliance with the Habsburgs

The absence of communication with Charles Robert forced the Frankapan and

Babonić kindreds to seek out for new powerful allies. However, these two families had

different reasons for searching for new protectors. The Frankapan kindred was constantly

endangered by the Republic of Venice. They were obliged to pay taxes and tolls to them,

and the Serenissima even forced them to go to Venice to swear them an oath of

fidelity.140 Without Charles Robert on their side, who was in conflict with other

candidates for Hungarian throne at the time, they felt unprotected. Because of this, they

decided to find protectors powerful enough to defend them from the Venetian threat.

According to Nada Klaić, the Babonić kindred decided to make an alliance with

the Habsburgs because they felt betrayed by Charles Robert who did not give them the

office of Ban of Slavonia. The connection between the Babonić kindred and the

Habsburgs was also backed by marital connections. These can be traced back to

Meinhard IV, count of Gorica and Tirol, who gained in 1278 the Duchy of Carinthia, and

Carniola with the Windic March in lease from Holy Roman Emperor Rudolf of
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Habsburg.141 In that way the counts of Gorica and Tyrol became neighbors of some

Croatian and Slavonian noble kindreds and it is logical that they developed direct

140
Vjekoslav Klaić, Knezovi Frankapani, 118–119.
141
Kekez, “Rod Babonića”, 82; Meinhard IV, the founder of the Meinhard branch of the counts of Gorica
and the Tyrol recieved these estates as a sign of gratitude because he helped Emperor Rudolf of Habsburg
in his battles with Otto II, the Bohemian king

39
 connections with them.142 They created marital bonds with the Babonić kindred. John

Babonić married Clara Eufemia, sister of Henry II, count of Gorica.143 Direct connections

between him and the Habsburgs were created when Frederick I of Habsburg (Frederick

the Fair) needed to find allies from the area of the eastern Alps.144

Frederick entered into alliance with the Count Henry II of Gorica, on 5 March

1308 and after that he proceeded to Maribor, where he met with his new allies, brothers

Stephen, John and Radoslav Babonić and Dujam Frankapan.145 This event is confirmed in

Ottokar’s Styrian Rhyming Chronicle.146 The document was issued in Maribor on 6

March 1308 and it testifies that the Babonić brothers gave Frederick II a loan of 300

Viennese silver marks in exchange for which he handed them over a tower in Gradčan,

one half of the taxes from Kostanjevica and the whole amount from Žumberak, the

village of Oberleitenberg, the market incomes from Krmavo and the unfree knights in

Orehovica.147 It is also stated that this loan will be returned to the Babonić brothera after

142
Kekez, “Rod Babonića,” 82.
143
Milko Kos, “Odnošaji medju goričkim grofovima i hrvatskim plemstvom u srednjem vijeku,”[Relations
between Counts of Gorica and Croatian Nobility in Medieval Period] Vjesnik zemaljskog arhiva 19 (1917):
4; Peter Štih, “Goriški grofovje in Devinski gospodje,”[The Counts of Gorica and the Lords of Devin]
Zgodovinski časopis 3 (1992): 312.
144
Kekez, “Rod Babonića,” 82.
145
Milko Kos, “Odnošaji, ” 4 - 5
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146
... mit im der furste univerzeit
gegen Marchpurge reit.
dar kom ouch ze im
der herzog von Agrim
und sîn bruoder grâf 1Radizlâ,
die Wabanic nant man si dâ;
mit den kom ouch in daz lant
der grâve Doym genant....
See in: “Ottokars Österreichische Reimchronik,” vol. 2, Monumenta Germaniae Historica. Scriptores. VIII.
: Deutsche Chroniken, ed. Joseph Seemüller (Hannover, 1893), 1213–1214, lines 93473–93480
(http://www.dmgh.de/) (last accessed 25 November 2010.)
147
... turrim in Grezchin, mediam vrboram in Landstrost, vrboram integram in Sicherberg, villam in
Oberleitenberg, forum in Cromau, et nobiles seu clientes in Orchiniz..., CD VIII, doc. 141, 153; Kekez,
“Rod Babonića, ” 83.

40
 Frederick II returns the debt of 300 Viennese silver marks.148 A few days later, on 15

March 1308, Frederick again confirmed the same document, probably wanting to confirm

that he will pay back the money given to him.149 In addition to financial support, the

Babonić kindred gave also military support to the Habsburgs. In the same year, they were

fighting on Frederick’s side for the crown and they conquered the town Slovenj-Gradec

for him.150

3.3.4 Charles Robert’s confrontations with the Hungarian nobility

Charles Robert did acquire the throne of the Árpád kings, but he did not want to

inherit their way of ruling. Therefore, he decided to change the balance of power in the

Hungarian Kingdom. He made efforts to suppress the power of the noble kindreds and in

so doing to increase the power of the king. After the confrontations with other candidates

for the Hungarian throne, Charles Robert tried to govern the kingdom with the

cooperation of the magnates of the realm. He gave them offices and titles, but from the

beginning of his reign he was determined to use his royal rights. He insisted that all the

estates and revenues that had been illegally expropriated from royal estates and the

Church have to be returned to their former state. His actions led to a long war against the

Hungarian nobility that lasted until 1322.151

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Charles Robert first came conflict with Matthew Csák, who early on accepted his

authority nominally, however, later he refused to perform his orders. In 1311 Charles

148
CD VIII, doc. 141, 153; in this document the Babonić brothers Stephen, John and Ladislas are
mentioned (Nos Stephanus, Johannes et Ladislaus...) One can presume that the scribe mistakenly wrote
Ladislas instead of Radoslav. Ottokar's Styrian Chronicle mentions the brothers Stephen, John and
Radoslav.
149
Kos, “Odnošaji,” 5.
150
Kekez, “Rod Babonića,” 83–84; Kos, “Odnošaji,” 5–6.
151
Engel, The Realm, 130–131.

41
 Robert took the office of magister tavernicorum away from him, ordered that he should

be excommunicated, and then Charles started a military conflict. Magnate Amadeus Aba

who in the past did not accept Charles Robert as his lawful ruler, died in the same year.

Charles Robert wanted to use this moment to take Aba’s lands; however, the sons of

Amadeus Aba united their armies with that of Matthew Csák and fought a decisive battle

against the king in 1312 at the village of Rozhanovce (Rozgony), where Charles Robert

defeated their troops. Charles Robert realized that he could not gain sufficient support

from the nobility for his plan of reducing the power of the magnates so he intended to

surround the estates of his enemies with those of his allies. Charles Robert renewed his

alliance with Frederick I of Habsburg and with the new Bohemian king John of

Luxemburg. At a regional diet in 1314, the magnates directly rejected support for Charles

Robert. Because of that, he declared them rebels and removed them from the offices that

he had given them earlier. In addition, he created a new government whose members

were his personal retainers. Almost all the magnates united against Charles Robert, the

only areas that he held were Srem, part of Slavonija, Bačka, and the estates of his only

supporter, the late Ugrinus Csák, who died in 1311 and left underage son. Fortunately for

the king, the rebelling magnates did not unite their armies, Charles Robert fought against

one army at the time, and because of that he managed to defeat them in a series of battles
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that lasted until 1322.152

152
Engel, The Realm, 131.

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 3.3.5 The relations between Charles Robert and the Croatian and Slavonian
noble kindreds

A) The Babonić kindred

After 1309, Charles Robert renewed his contacts with the Babonić kindred. The

former ban Henry Kőszegi, who did not accept Charles as a king died that same year.

Charles feared that the sons of Henry Kőszegi, Peter and John, would also be unfaithful

to him and therefore he decided to give the office of ban to the oldest of the Babonić

brothers, Stephen. He probably selected Stephen Babonić for this position because of his

wealth and his large estates but also because of the connections that the Babonić kindred

had with the Habsburgs. By taking them into his favor, Charles Robert weakened the

connections of the Babonić kindred with their western neighbors.153 He did not give

important missions to Stephen Babonić. However, Babonić Kindred remained in contact

with the Habsburgs. A document dated to 18 February 1316 declares that Frederick I of

Habsburg release some kind of debt to Babonić kindred because of the favors that they

did for him.154 Charles Robert later transferred the office of ban to John Babonić, the

brother of Stephen. John fought against the rebellious Hungarian magnates including the

Kőszegi Kindred. After John defeated the Kőszegi kindred, he asked Charles Robert for

the castles of Moslavina, Bršljanovo with Upper and Lower Garešnica, the castle and
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estate Položnica and the castle and estate of Međurječje, which Charles Robert then

granted to him.155 One can see that the king entrusted John with more important missions

153
Kekez, “Rod Babonića,” 85–86.
154
CD VIII, doc. 342, 418.
155
... primo videlicet portionem possessionum Petri de Monozlou cum castrum similiter vocato, castrum
Borsonouch cum possessionibus et pertinentiis suis et cum villis Superiori et Inferiori Gersunche; item
possessiones Polosnycha vocatas cum castro similiter vocato, in comitatu de Garyg existentes; item
possessiones Megeryuchye vocatas cum castro similiter vocato ..., CD VIII, doc. 361, 439–440; Nada
Klaić, Povijest Hrvata, 354.

43
 than the ones that he entrusted to Stephen Babonić. The reason for this is probably that

Stephen held the office of ban when Charles was engaged in war against those Hungarian

magnates whose estates were far away from the estates of the Babonić kindred. When

John held the office, Charles Robert was fighting with magnates whose estates were

closer to the estates of Babonić kindred which accounts for John’s stronger engagement.

B) The Kőszegi kindred

The Kőszegi Kindred was the one of the rebellious families. When Charles Robert

started to put his plan to reduce the power of the magnates into action he started with

noble kindreds in Hungary. Kőszegi kindred was one of them because they owned lands

also in Hungary. He sent Ban John Babonić to confront them.156 He conquered Baranya,

Somogy and Tolna counties. Further inroads into their lands were stopped because of the

rebellion of other magnate kindreds and because the Serbian king, Uroš II Milutin,

attacked Srem. The Kőszegi kindred continued with resistance towards Charles Robert

until a temporary peace was made in 1321.157

C) The Franakapan kindred

The Frankapan kindred, as mentioned above, were great supporters of the Anjou
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dynasty in general and Charles Robert in particular. However, in the first decade of the

fourteenth century they did not have any contacts with Charles Robert. Because of this,

they started making contacts with the Habsburgs. This is confirmed in a document that

says that Count Dujam, together with the Babonić brothers met Frederick I of Habsburg.

156
Nada Klaić, Povijest Hrvata, 354.
157
Marija Karbić, “Rod Gisingovaca,” 25.

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 It is not sure that they have made any kind of alliance, but Charles Robert, probably

scared of this alliance, donated Požega County to Count Dujam. In doing this, he

probably wanted to weaken the connections between the Frankapan kindred and the

Habsburgs.158 In addition, in 1316 he again confirmed Gacka County, the estates of

Doljani and Lazinčići, the castle of Otočac and the estate of Obriž to the Frankapan

kindred.159

D) The Šubić kindred

Šubić kindred, led by Count Paul, helped Charles Robert to gain the throne of the

Kingdom of Hungary however, but in the first decade of the fourteenth century he was

not in contact with them. During this period the politics of the Šubić kindred had two

goals: to dominate Bosnia and to take the city of Zadar from Venice. Count Paul

conquered Bosnia, and in 1308 Charles Robert confirmed him in the office of Bosnian

ban as a hereditary position.160 In 1311, the Šubić kindred achieved their second goal;

Paul’s son, Mladen II, became the count of Zadar.161 However, just two years later, Zadar

was again under Venetian rule. Count Paul died the following year and Mladen II

succeeded him. In the 1320s a rebellion started in the towns of Trogir and Šibenik, which

were under rule of Mladen II. He stopped these rebellions very violently. The rebellions
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were resumed during the winter of 1321/1322 with the support of the Republic of Venice.

Mladen II stopped the rebellions again but this time even more violently. That motivated

158
Nada Klaić, Povijest Hrvata, 386.
159
.... db donacionem nostram de comitatu Gechke, (terra Dolano, item) de terra Laznychich, castro
Othochacio ac terra Obriz uocata ..., CD VIII, doc. 355, 432–433; The document is heavily damaged, but
Charles Robert confirmed his donation again in 1323 (CD IX, doc 122, 142–143); Nada Klaić, Povijest
Hrvata, 386; Vjekoslav Klaić, Knezovi Frankapani, 130.
160
Damir Karbić, “Šubići Bribirski,” 17.
161
CD VIII, doc. 95, 105–106; Damir Karbić, “Šubići Bribirski,” 18.

45
 some Croatian noble families, the Nelipčić family, the Mihovilović family, and the

Kurjaković family, and Paul II, Mladen II’s brother, to turn against Mladen II.162

3.3.6 Conclusions
At the beginning of this period, Charles Robert did not communicate with the

noble kindreds of Slavonia and Croatia because he ws occupied with confrontations with

other candidates for the throne of Hungary. This lack of communications clearly bothered

the Frankapan and Babonić kindreds since they started to communicate with the

Habsburgs. The fact that the Frankapans turned to the Habsburgs is quite logical because

they needed the protection against Venice. However, the reason why the Babonić kindred

turned to the Habsburgs is not known. It is possible that they wanted to secure themselves

if Charles Robert did not win in the confrontation between the candidates for the

Hungarian throne. Charles Robert starts to put his plan for reducing the power into action.

The first noblemen that he attacked were the ones who owned lands in Hungary. The

Kőszegi Kindred owned land both in Hungary and in Slavonia and they were affected by

Charles’s plan of regaining power since they have lost their lands in Hungary. This

period was quite fruitful for the Šubić kindred, whose power had significantly grown

during this period. They were becoming too powerful and because of that Charles Robert
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started to implement his plan in Croatia and Slavonia.

162
Damir Karbić, “Šubići Bribirski,” 21–23.

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 3.4. Phase 4 – Period of confrontation among Charles Robert and the
Croatian and Slavonian noble kindreds (1322 – 1342)

3.4.1 The situation in the Kingdom of Hungary

In first decade of the thirteenth century Charles Robert fought against the other

candidates for the throne of the Kingdom of Hungary. After he had secured the throne,

Charles Robert began to implement his plan of reducing the power of the noble kindreds.

In the second decade of the thirteenth century, he confronted with the powerful noble

kindreds in Hungary, north of the Sava River. After he had succeeded in implementing

his plan on the Hungarian noble kindreds, Charles Robert wanted to achieve the same

results in Slavonia and Croatia.

In Slavonia his main obstacles were the Babonić kindred, until then his most loyal

allies in Slavonia, and the Kőszegi kindred, which had already lost their possessions in

Hungary in the second part of the thirteenth century. In Croatia, the main goal for Charles

Robert was to crush the power of the more and more powerful Šubić kindred. The

Frankapans also represented a danger for Charles Robert, but he did not go against them

for the reasons that I will list later. Although it would have been more logical

geographically to attack the Slavonian noble kindreds first, Charles Robert decided to

confront with the Šubić kindred first, probably due to their immense power.
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 3.4.2 The relations between Charles Robert and the Croatian and Slavonian
noble kindreds until the end of his reign (1322 – 1342)

A) The Šubić kindred

After having consolidated his rule over most of Hungary, Charles Robert

continued with his plan of reducing the power of the noble kindreds. After he stabilized

the situation with Hungarian noble kindreds, Charles Robert intended to set limits on the

power of the Croatian the noble kindreds. His primary goal was to reduce the power of

the Šubić-s. The Šubić kindred had become more and more powerful with time. Its

members became the lords of Bosnia and the counts of Zadar. Mladen II Šubić found

himself in a difficult situation when the Nelipčić, Mihovilović, and Kurjaković kindreds

and his brother Paul II turned against him because of the violently suppressed rebellions

in the towns of Šibenik and Trogir mentioned above. Charles Robert intended to turn

Mladen’s situation into his own benefit and by doing this supress the power of the Šubić

kindred and improve his position in Croatia and Dalmatia.163 According to Vjekoslav

Klaić, Ban John Babonić confronted Mladen II in 1316, sent by the order of the king

Charles Robert.164 Charles Robert sent Ban John Babonić to confront Mladen II in 1322.

The army of Ban John Babonić joined with the armies of the Nelipčić, Mihovilović, and

Kurjaković kindreds and with the militia of the towns of Šibenik and Trogir. These united
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troops confronted the army of Mladen II in the battle at Bliska near the town of Knin in

the summer of 1322. The army of Charles Robert and his allies won the battle and

163
Nada Klaić, Povijest Hrvata, 355.
164
Klaić does not quote the primary source from which he extracted this information; Vjekoslav Klaić,
Hrvatski hercezi i bani za Karla Roberta I Ljudevita I. : (1301-1382) [Croatian princes and bans in the time
of Charles Robert and Louis I] (Zagreb: Naklada Matice hrvatske, 1900), 165.

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 Mladen II was imprisoned and taken to Hungary, where he soon died under unknown

circumstances.165

After Mladen II Šubić was defeated, the situation in Croatia, to quote

Damir Karbić “went from bad to worse.” Almost all of the Croatian noble kindreds,

except the Frankapans, rebelled against Charles Robert. Parts of the Šubić’s former

dominion entered a period of disintegration and internal struggles as other noble families

seized some of the counties.166 Because of the defeat of Mladen II, the Šubić kindred lost

the legal foundation on which they had achieved their reign in Croatia and this led to a

significant weakening of their power and the reduction of their properties.

Although the Šubić kindred was considerably weakened by these events and their

members were no longer bans of Croatia, they remained the most significant noble

kindred in Croatia, especially under George II (1322–1328) and his son Mladen III

(1329–1348).167 Charles Robert achieved his goal of suppressing the power of the Šubić-

s. He did not want to annihilate the Šubić kindred totally, but to subject them to his rule.

B) The Babonić Kindred

In a document issued in 16 October 1322, Charles Robert called John Babonić,

who was already ban of Slavonia, a ban of all Slavonia, Croatia, and Dalmatia. One can
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presume that this title was given to John Babonić after Mladen II Šubić was removed

from power.168 It is possible that John got this title because he helped the king in the

battle against the Šubić kindred. The Croatian noble kindreds did not accept John

165
Damir Karbić, “Šubići Bribirski,” 24.
166
Damir Karbić, “The Šubić kindred,” 92.
167
Damir Karbić, “Šubići Bribirski,” 25.
168
...Johannem banum tocius Sclavonie, Croacie et Dalmacie ..., CD IX, doc. 76, 90; Vjekoslav Klaić,
Hercezi i bani, 166.

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 Babonić as ban and they rebelled against him and the king. After these events, Charles

Robert removed John Babonić from the office of ban of Slavonia, and Croatia and

Dalmatia.169

Nada Klaić suggests that the Croatian noble kindreds did not want to accept John

because he was a “foreigner” in Croatia, because he did not own any lands in Croatia. In

addition, she considers that John’s advanced age was also one of the reasons for

removing him from the office of ban. Nada Klaić claims that support in favor of her

theory is Charles Robert’s confirmation of all the Babonić possessions to Nicholas and

Dujam, the nephews of John Babonić, sons of his brother Radoslav, on 27 January 1322.

She claims that the confirmation happened because of the assistance that John Babonić

gave the king.170 In addition, one day later, Charles Robert confirmed the castles of

Samobor and Želin to John Babonić, the nephew of the former ban John Babonić, son of

his brother Stephen.171 Nada Klaić also states that the reason for removing John Babonić

from the office of ban was the fact that he was disturbing Charles Robert in the

implementation of his future plans.172

In my opinion, Nada Klaić gave contradictory reasons for removing John Babonić

from the office of ban. One of her main arguments is Charles Robert’s confirmation of

the possessions to the younger generation of the Babonić kindred. However, these
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possessions were confirmed in January, before the fall of Mladen II Šubić in summer of

1322. I presume that Charles Robert confirmed these possessions not because he was

grateful to John Babonić, but because the situation in Croatia was still not resolved; the

169
Nada Klaić, Povijest Hrvata, 355.
170
CD IX., doc. 38, 48–49; Nada Klaić, Povijest Hrvata, 355–356.
171
... possessiones et castra, Zamabur et Selyn vocata ..., CD IX, doc. 39, 49–50; Nada Klaić, Povijest
Hrvata, 356.
172
Nada Klaić, Povijest Hrvata, 514.

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 Croatian noble kindreds were rebelling against Charles Robert and the fall of Mladen II

Šubić was not yet certain. My presumption is that Charles Robert wanted to keep the

Babonić-s on his side until he deals with the rebellion of the Croatian noble kindreds and

with the Šubić-s. This assumption can be supported by examining the events that

happened soon after the fall of Mladen II Šubić, when Charles Robert turned against the

Babonić kindred itself. In addition, Nada Klaić claims that John was removed from the

office of ban because he was too old; however, John Babonić lived until 1334.173 In

addition, he was later granted estates in northeastern Hungary, namely, the estate of

Sárospatak and the castle of Újhely.174

Charles Robert ordered the new ban, Nicholas Gut-Keled, to defeat the rebelling

Croatian noble kindreds. However, as Ban Nicholas was entering Croatia, he was

attacked by the former ban John Babonić and his nephews, whom he defeated.175 The

Babonić-s were defeated in this battle, but there were no repercussions for them. Ban

Nicholas could not defeat the rebelling Croatian noble kindreds and therefore Charles

Robert appointed a new ban, Mikcs Ákos. Charles Robert had sent Ban Mikcs to confront

the rebelling Croatian nobility, but he was also defeated. The king then changed his

strategy. He probably realized that he could not defeat Croatian nobility until he reduced

the power of the Slavonian noble kindreds. He decided to confront the Babonići.176
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In 1327 the Babonić kindred joined forces with the Kőszegi kindred and together

they fought the army led by Ban Mikcs.177 The king’s army won in that conflict and Ban

173
Nada Klaić, Povijest Hrvata, 356.
174
.Anjou-kori oklevéltár: Documenta res Hungaricas tempore Regum Andegavensium illustrantia vol.
3, ed. Kristó Gyula, )Szeged: Szegedi Középkorász Műhely, 1990), 92.
175
Vjekoslav Klaić, Hercezi i bani, 168; Nada Klaić, Povijest Hrvata, 514–515.
176
Nada Klaić, Povijest Hrvata, 517.
177
Marija Karbić, “Rod Gisingovaca,” 25.

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 Mikcs took the main fort of the Babonić kindred, Steničnjak, on 16 September 1327.

According to Nada Klaić, other noble kindreds suggested to Ban Mikcs that he donate the

estate of Moslavina to George, John, Dionysius, and Paul Babonić, sons of Stephen

Babonić, to replace the lost fort Steničnjak. The Babonić brothers still had many estates

in their possession that Ban Mikcs confirmed to them in the name of the king. These

were the Lipovec castle with all its belongings, Dvorjan, Belčić, Slavetić, Reka, Krško,

Debrovec, the lands that formerly belonged to the castle and the warriors in Podgorje,

Gradec on the Kupa River, as well as Brezovica and Petrovina in Turopolje.178 The next

year Charles Robert confirmed the document from 16 September 1327 and emphasized

that his enemies had persuaded the Babonić kindred to be unfaithful to him.179 By

enemies, Charles Robert probably meant the Kőszegi kindred.

Nada Klaić presumes that Ban Mikcs confronted with the Babonić kindred

without the king’s knowledge because the ban states that the confrontation with the

Babonić kindred was a reaction to Babonić’s outbursts against the king and that the ban

needed to retaliate that. She also states that the document issued on 16 September 1327

does not indicate that Ban Mikcs was operating on Charles Robert’s orders. Her opinion

is that if the Babonići had truly rebelled against the king, the ban would have had the

authority to take all of their estates, which he did not do.180 In my opinion, Ban Mikcs did
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not operate without the king’s order. Similarly to the situation with the Šubić kindred, the

king did not want to fully destroy the power of the Babonić kindred, but just to reduce it

178
... castrum Lypowch cum tenutis, possessionibus et partinentiis suis universis specialiter Duorian,
Belchych, Sclauetiz, Reka, Gurcham, Debrouch, videlicet castrensibus de comitatu Podkoria eisdem
relinquimus, que ad ipsum castrum primitus pertinenbat; insuper possessionem Grech vocatam iuxta
Culpam existentem ... nec non possessiones – Brezouicha et sancti Petri in campo Zagrabiensi..., CD IX,
doc. 296., 358–360; Nada Klaić, Povijest Hrvata, 517 - 518.
179
CD IX, doc. 318, 386–388; Nada Klaić, Povijest Hrvata, 518.
180
Nada Klaić, Povijest Hrvata, 517–518.

52
 and that was the reason why he took their main fort from them and not all their

properties. Another point that supports this is the donation of the estates in northeastern

Hungary mentioned above, to the former ban, John Babonić.181

Unsatisfied with the politics of Charles Robert, the Babonić.s once again turned to

the Habsburgs. On 7 January 1336 the sons of Stephen Babonić, George, Dionysius, and

Paul, entered into the service of the Austrian dukes Albert and Otto of Habsburg. They

stated that they would not make contracts or peace treaties with Charles Robert or his

successors and allies or with the opponents of the Habsburgs without the knowledge,

orders or approval of their masters i.e., the Habsburgs. However, the sons of Radoslav

Babonić, Nicholas and Dujam, stayed on Charles Robert’s side. He confirmed all their

previous titles to properties and estates and allowed them to buy the estate of Dobrenica

and the castle of Ostrožac. In addition, he confirmed to them the possession of the castle

of Ostrožac with some of the king’s villages and boroughs: Omeršal, Vrhovina, Ružindol,

Vrutak, Medvedje, Sveti Juraj, Podbabja, Brekovica, Starošan, Menić, Verhimorić,

Mehostrah, Stina, and Jamovec with all the services and taxes that they had previously

given the king.182 Nicholas and Dujam stayed in the service of Charles Robert until his

death and later joined the service of his son.183

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181
Anjou-kori Okmánytár 3, 92
182
... terram Dobrenica et locum castri Ostrosecz vocatum ...... circa quod certas nostras regales
generationes et villas Omersal videlicet et Werchoina, Rusindol, Wrutak, Meduegiazentgurg, Podbabya,
Brekouicza, Ztharowsam, Menich, Werchimorich, Mehoztrah, Zthina impopulosa et Yamowech vocatas
cum earum cunctis utilitatibus et pertinentiis, servitiisque et obventionibus, quibus nostre maiestati
hjactenus servire tenebantur ..., CD IX, doc. 435, 534–536; Nada Klaić, Povijest Hrvata, 519.
183
Members of this branch of the Babonić kindred later got the name Blagay by the town of Blagaj; Nada
Klaić, Povijest Hrvata, 519.

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 C) The Kőszegi Kindred
Charles Robert confronted the Kőszegi kindred during his campaign against the

Hungarian noble kindreds when he took over the estates of the Kőszegis that were located

in Hungary. As already mentioned, in 1327 the Kőszegi kindred united their forces with

those of the Babonić kindred and confronted Ban Mikcs.184 After they were defeated in

this confrontation, the Kőszegis lost the towns and estates of Koprivnica, Sárvár, Kőszeg

and probably the estates Belec, Lobor, Vinica and Lepoglava.185 They rebelled again in

1336, this time with the support of the Austrian dukes Albert and Otto of Habsburg, and

the rebellion lasted until 1339. They were again defeated by Ban Mikcs and this

confrontation led to the final break in the power and independence of the Kőszegi

kindred. Charles Robert took away their castles on the border of the Austrian lands so

that the Kőszegi kindred would not be able to have any connections with the

Habsburgs.186 These were the castles of Lockenhaus, Bernstein, Kostel, Krapina, Osterc,

and Vrbovec.187 In exchange, they received lands in Baranya, Bodrog, and Tolna

counties. After these events, the Kőszegi kindred did not play amajor role in the political

life of the Hungarian Kingdom.188

The Kőszegi kindred offers perhaps the most spectacular example of how Charles

Robert implemented his plan to reduce the power of the noble kindreds. First he restored
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his royal power by defeating the noble kindreds in Hungary and then in Slavonia. The

Kőszegi kindred tried, like the Babonić kindred, to preserve its power by allying with the

powerful Habsburgs, but failed because of the military skills of Ban Mikcs.

184
Marija Karbić, “Rod Gisingovaca,” 25.
185
Pál Engel, “The Güssinger im Kampf gegen die ungarishe Krone,” in Die Güssinger, ed. Heide Dienst
(Eisenstadt: Amt der Burgenländischen Landesregierun, 1989) 101–103.
186
Marija Karbić, “Rod Gisingovaca,” 25.
187
Pál Engel, “The Güssinger,” 100–102.
188
Marija Karbić, “Rod Gisingovaca,” 25.

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 D) The Frankapan Kindred
The Frankapan kindred was the only noble kindred in Croatia that did not rebel

against Charles Robert. Count Frederick III of Krk, who at the time of the fall of Mladen

II Šubić was the head of the Frankapan kindred, stayed by Charles Robert’s side. He had

asked Charles Robert for the confirmation of his estates after Mladen II Šubić was

defeated; Charles Robert granted the confirmation to him on 8 October 1322. In addition,

Count Frederick sent his son, Dujam, to the king to request the Drežnik County, which

Charles Robert subsequently granted him, together with the estate of Slunj. The following

year, on 6 November 1323, Charles Robert again confirmed the counties of Vinodol,

Gacka, and Drežnik and the estate of Slunj to Count Frederick.189 Every time that Charles

Robert sent his armies against the rebelling Croatian noble kindreds, Count Frederick,

and later his successor John IV, joined the king with their troops.190 Miha Madijev, a

contemporary chronicler, claims that the Frankapans helped Ban Mikcs defeat the

Babonići and that they also sided with the royal forces in the battles with the Croatian

noble kindreds of Kurjaković and Nelipić.191 The Frankapan kindred remained loyal to

the Anjou dynasty even after Charles Robert died in 1342, when his son Louis came to

the throne.192

The main question here is why Charles Robert did not want to reduce the power
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of the Frankapan kindred as he had done with almost all the other powerful noble

kindreds in Hungary, Slavonia, and Croatia. The Frankapans were undoubtedly strong,

but they were not as strong as the Šubići. The Frankapans did not present such a big

189
Vjekoslav Klaić, Knezovi Frankapani, 132.
190
Vjekoslav Klaić, Knezovi Frankapani, 134.
191
Vjekoslav Klaić, Knezovi Frankapani, 134; Vjekoslav Klaić quotes Miha Madijev and his work De
gestis Romanorum imperatorum et summorum pontificatum, which was unavailable to me.
192
Vjekoslav Klaić, Knezovi Frankapani, 136.

55
 threat as the Šubići did. In addition, all of the Croatian noble kindreds, except for the

Frankapan kindred, rebelled against Charles Robert. The king needed at least one

relatively strong noble kindred in Croatia on his side; in my opinion that was the main

reason why Charles Robert did not attack the Frankapan kindred. The Frankapan kindred,

on the other hand needed protection from the Republic of Venice. The Serenissima

wanted to achieve the domination over the entire Dalmatian coast and to subject the noble

kindreds that owned the land on the coast to their power so that those kindreds would

become their vassals and pay taxes and tolls to Venice. In my opinion that was the main

reason why the Frankapans did not join forces with the rebelling Croatian noble kindreds.

3.4.3 Conclusion
After he defeated the Hungarian noble kindreds, Charles Robert intended to do

the same in the areas south of the Drava River, in Croatia and Slavonia. It would have

been more logical from a geographic standpoint if he had first attacked the Slavonian

noble kindreds and then the Croatian ones. However, in all of Croatia and Slavonia the

Šubić kindred presented the most dangerous threat because of their great power. In

addition, Charles Robert needed allies to fight against the Šubić kindred and because of

that the Babonić kindred was not attacked until later. He used certain noble kindreds to
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fight other noble kindreds. He used the Babonići to fight against the Kőszegis when he

was confronting the Hungarian nobility, and then he used Babonići against the Šubići. In

the end he turned against the Babonić kindred. I believe that Charles Robert, whose

ambition was to restore power to the crown, planned most of these events in advance.

The Frankapan kindred stands as an exception. They did not turn against the king nor did

56
 the king turn against them. The reason why the Frankapani did not turn against Charles

Robert was most definitely their fear of the power of Venice. The Frankapan kindred

would have probably have experienced the same fate as the other of the noble families,

but the rebellion of the Croatian noble kindreds proved to be almost unbeatable and

Charles Robert had to keep at least one powerful noble kindred in Croatia to serve him as

an ally.
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57
 4. Conclusion

After having discussed the details in four periods, it is time to give a continuous

account of the whole story. At the end of the thirteenth century, the Slavonian and the

Croatian noble kindreds, because of the weak royal authority, accumulated a great

amount of power. In the period after the death of Ladislas IV, when the new candidates

for the Hungarian throne appeared, the nobility wanted to retain as much power as

possible at any cost. Because of this, different noble families used different tactical

maneuvers to gain as much as possible from the situation in which they found

themselves.

The Croatian noble kindreds, whose landed property was located closer to the

possessions of the Anjou dynasty and whose lands had an exit to the sea sided with the

Anjou dynasty earlier than the Slavonian noble kindreds did and their loyalty to this

dynasty was stronger. The Frankapan kindred started communicating with the Anjou

dynasty later than the Šubići. The Frankapani were granted land properties and trade

contracts from the Anjou dynasty. In addition, there is no source that confirms that they

were in contact with Andrew III. This is because Andrew III probably concentrated on

gaining the loyalty of the Šubić kindred, the more powerful of the two. The Šubići were
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granted land properties, the title of ban, and trade contracts from the Anjou dynasty.

However, they also maintained contacts with the Árpád dynasty, which confirmed all the

donations that the Anjou dynasty had made. In my opinion, the Šubići, although in

contact with both of the dynasties, did not use tactical maneuvers such as changing sides

often. It was the dynasties that used tactical maneuvers. Every time when the Anjou

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 dynasty granted something to the Šubić kindred, Andrew III soon did the same. Although

all the grants from the Anjou dynasty were actually fictitious, one can conclude from the

actions of Andrew III that he considered the Anjou dynasty a powerful and dangerous

opponent. The biggest “battle of donations” between the dynasties was fought for the

Šubić kindred. This demonstates that the Šubić kindred had immense power in this

period, both the Anjous and Andrew III knew it, and because of this they needed the

Šubić kindred as their ally.

Both of the Croatian noble kindreds in question had one powerful reason why to

support the Anjou dynasty; this was the fear of Venice, the Serenissima. The Kingdom of

Naples could have used their power in Italy to protect the Croatian families against the

ambitions of Venice, which wanted to secure its domination on the Dalmatian coast and

to subject the Croatian noble kindreds to its rule. From the example of the Šubići and the

Frankapani one can see that the Anjou dynasty was able to offer them something that

they could not offer to the Slavonian noble kindreds. These were the trading contracts

with Naples that was in the possession of Sicily, “the granary of Europe”. The Croatian

noble kindreds therefore enjoyed direct benefits from siding with the Anjou dynasty.

The Slavonian noble kindreds, which geographically gravitated towards the

Árpád dynasty, used the “double policy” more often than their Croatian counterparts did.
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Although the Anjou dynasty granted them lands, it could not grant them trading contracts

because the Slavonian noble kindreds did not own land on the cost. However, both of the

Slavonian noble kindreds in question, the Babonići and the Kőszegi, later chose to stand

by the Anjou party. The Kőszegi kindred did not communicate with the Árpád dynasty

either, like the Frankapani. The reason for this was probably their disappointment with

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 Andrew III, because of whom they lost a large number of estates. This is clearly the

reason why they “changed sides” and decided to support the Anjou dynasty. Their loyalty

to the Anjous cannot be questioned because they even kidnaped Andrew III. The reason

why Andrew III did not communicate with the Kőszegi kindred was probably because he

was concentrating on gaining the support of the Babonić kindred. While the Kőszegi

turned to the Anjou dynasty because they had a reason for this, the political moves of the

Babonić kindred were more complicated. This became most evident around the end of the

thirteenth century, when one of the Babonić brothers, Stephen, supported Andrew III,

while the other brother, Radoslav, aligned himself with the Anjou dynasty. While

Stephen Babonić had no contacts with the Anjous, Radoslav Babonić was communicating

with both of the dynasties. The Anjou dynasty probably assumed that by securing the

support of one of the members of the Babonići, they had secured the support of the entire

kindred. Andrew III was clearly aware that the brothers had different political standpoints

and he tried to lure Radoslav to his side by granting him land. Radoslav is also the only

example among the members of the kindreds in question where Andrew III directly

punished an individual for siding with the Anjou dynasty. He did this by taking back

some land properties from Radoslav which he had previously granted to him. The

political moves of the Babonić brothers could have been synchronized. There is a
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possibility that their behavior towards the dynasties was a tactical maneuver with which

they wanted to preserve more power in the hands of their kindred, regardless which side

won the throne of Hungary.

After he came to Hungary, Charles Robert and his advisors were aware that they

could not implement his plan of reducing the power of all the noble kindreds at once.

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 Therefore, he used certain noble kindreds to help him fight the others. The Babonići

helped him to fight the Šubići and the Kőszegi. The Frankapani, on the other hand,

helped him fight the Šubići, the Babonići and the rest of the Croatian noble kindreds. The

only noble kindred that Charles Robert did not confront were the Frankapani. In my

opinion, the reason for this was the rebellion of the other Croatian noble kindreds, which

proved to be almost unbreakable. The Frankapani were left in power only because

Charles Robert needed them to help him fight against the rebellious Croatian noble

kindreds. I presume that if the rebellion of the Croatian nobility had been crushed,

Charles Robert would have confronted the Frankapan kindred as well. In the end, the

Frankapani were the kindred that benefited the most from this situation, and the Šubić the

kindred ost the most.

In my opinion, these results fit perfectly into Charles Robert’s plan of reducing

the power of the noble kindreds, because those who had the most lost the most. Although,

the relations that developed in this period between the royal dynasties and the noble

kindreds of Croatia and Slavonia seem complicated, they are only the result of the

balance of power between the kindreds which participated in the battle for the throne.

My research presented here gives an inside look into the ways how noble kindreds

functioned in relation to the rulers and regarding the internal connections between their
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members during the end of the thirteenth and the beginning of the fourteenth century in

the Kingdom of Hungary. The relations inside the medieval kindred are quite difficult to

understand and I believe that the method that was used in this research, which is based on

the analysis of the chronology and distribution of the donation charters, is a good

example of how these relations can be better understood. This research summarizes the

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 relations between just four noble kindreds and two dynasties in one period of the history

of the Hungarian Kingdom. However, I believe that this kind of approach is applicable to

other periods and other regions as well. In addition, this approach not only applies to the

relations between the king and the noble kindreds, it can also be used for, example, the

relations between magnates and the lower nobility. I hope that this research will

complement the previous works on the history of the nobility and that it will contribute to

further research of that branch of history.

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62
 Figure 1. Map of Slavonia and Croatia from the eleventh until the fourteenth centuries.
The map is taken from György Györffy, “Die Nordwestgrenze des byzantinischen
Reiches im XI. Jahrhundert und die Ausbildung des ’ducatus Sclavoniae’” 193
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193
György Györffy, “Die Nordwestgrenze des byzantinischen Reiches im XI. Jahrhundert und die
Ausbildung des ’ducatus Sclavoniae’,” in Mélanges Szabolcs de Vajay, ed. Pierre Brière et al (Braga:
Livraria Cruz, 1971).

63
 Figure 2. Genealogical tree of the Babonić kindred194
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194
The genealogical tree is composed on the basis of an article “Između dva kralja: plemićki rod Babonića
u vrijeme promjene na ugarsko-hrvatskom prijestolju, od 1290. do 1309. godine“ by Hrvoje Kekez

64
 CEU eTD Collection

STEPHEN
1201 – 1234

STJEPKO
1239 – 1274

PAUL I MLADEN I GEORGE I STANISLAVA

1272 – 1312 1276 – 1304 1277 – 1302 1299 – 1304

MLADEN II GEORGE II GREGORY PAUL II

1301 – 1322 1301 – 1330 1301 – 1350 1301 – 1346

MLADEN PAUL III DEODAT ILONA CATHERINE GEORGE III PRIBKO CATHERINE
III 1333 – 1342 – 1346 - 1361
1348 1356
Figure 3. Genealogical tree of the Šubić kindred.195

195
The genealogical tree is composed on the basis of Pál Engel, Magyar középkori adattár CD-ROM [Hungarian medieval repository] (Budapest: MTA
Történettudumányi Intétezete, 2001).

65
 CEU eTD Collection

HENRY
1244 – 1274

NICHOLAS JOHN PETER HENRY

1266 – 1299 1266 – 1306 1275 – 1289 1275 - 1310

NICHOLAS GREGORY JOHN JOHN PETER

1314 – 1332 1287 – 1297 1324/27 – 1340 1310 - 1339 1310 – 1351

Figure 4. Genealogical tree of the Köszegi kindred196

196
The genealogial tree composed on the basis of Pál Engel, “The Güssinger im Kampf gegen die ungarishe Krone,” in Die Güssinger, ed. Heide Dienst
(Eisenstadt: Amt der Burgenländischen Landesregierun, 1989), 113.

66
 CEU eTD Collection

Date Issued by The land/title given The recipient Source

27 February 1293 The Árpád dynasty – Estate of Drežnik Stjepan CD VII, doc. 64, 74 – 77
Andrew III
11 July 1293 The Árpád dynasty – Estate of Želin Radoslav CD VII,doc. 128, 146 –
Andrew III 147
27 September 1293 The Árpád dynasty – Estates of Vrbas, Glaž, Radoslav CD VII, doc. 133, 151 –
Andrew III Petrinja, Vinodol, Selen, 152
Oklić, Podgorica and
Samobor
1 August 1299 The Árpád dynasty – Confirmation of the land Stephen, John, Radoslav CD VII, doc. 305, 351 –
Andrew III of late Radoslav and Otto 353
Babonić, except estates
Susedgrad, Vrbas and
Glaž
Office of ban of
Slavonia
7 September 1299 The Anjou dynasty – Confirmation of all the Sttephen, John, CD VII, doc. 308, 355 –
Charles II possessions of late Radoslav and Otto 356
Radoslav
Office of ban of
Slavonia
26 November 1299 The Anjou dynasty – Confirmation of all the Stephen, Radoslav, and CD VII, doc. 311, 357 -
Charles II possessions of late John 358
Radoslav
14 May 1300 The Anjou dynasty – Confirmation of the part John, Sttephen, CD VII, doc. 342, 388 -
Charles II of Slavonia Radoslav, and Otto 389
20 December 1316 The Anjou dynasty – Castles of Moslavina, John CD VII, doc. 361, 439 -
Charles Robert Bršljanovo with Upper 440
and Lower Garešnica,
the castle and estate

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 CEU eTD Collection

Položnica and the castle

and estate of Međurječje
27 January 1322 The Anjou dynasty – Confirmation of all the Nicholas and Dujam CD IX, doc. 38, 48 – 49
Charles Robert estates
28 January 1322 The Anjou dynasty – Forts of Samobor and John CD IX, doc. 39, 49 – 50
Charles Robert Želin
16 September 1327 The Anjou dynasty – Estate of Moslavina George, John, CD IX, doc. 296, 358 –
Charles Robert Dionysius, Paul 360

28 March 1328 The Anjou dynasty – Confirmation of the George, John, CD IX, doc. 318, 386 -
Charles Robert grant from 16 September Dionysius, Paul 388
1327
9 December 1300 The Anjou dynasty – Castle of Ostrožac with Nicholas and Radoslav CD IX, doc. 435, 534 -
Charles Robert some of the king’s 536
villages and boroughs

Figure 5. The list of the donations to the Babonić kindred

Date Issued by The land/title given The recipient Source

5 January 1292 The Anjou dynasty – „Right of sword and John CD VII, doc. 58, 66 – 67
Charles II war“
12 April 1292 The Anjou dynasty – Vas and Sopron counties John and his son George CD VII, doc. 67, 80
Charles II

Figure 6. The list of the donation to the Kőszegi kindred

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 CEU eTD Collection

Date Issued by The land/title given The recipient Source

28 November 1292 The Anjou dynasty Export of 200 salms of Count Paul CD VII, doc. 47, 57
Charles II grain and 100 salms of
wheat without payin
tolls
30 November 1292 The Anjou dynasty Export of 200 salms of Count George CD VII, doc. 47, 57
Charles II grain and 100 salms of
wheat without paying
tolls
19 August 1292 The Anjou dynasty Almost the entire Count Paul CD VII, doc. 86, 104 -
Charles II territory of the Croatian 105
Kingdom
1293 The Árpád dynasty Hereditary office of Count Paul CD VII, doc. 144, 163 –
Andrew III maritime ban 164
17 January 1295 The Anjou dynasty Lifetime office of ban Count Paul CD VII, doc. 184, 205 –
Charles II 206
14 August 1298 The Anjou dynasty Confirmation of the Count Paul CD VII, doc. 271, 313
Charles II grant from 19 August
1292
11 January 1300 The Anjou dynasty Confirmation of all Count George CD VII, doc. 314, 361
Charles II estates
1308 The Anjou dynasty Office of the ban of Count Paul Damir Karbić, “Šubići
Charles Robert Bosnia Bribirski,“ 17.

Figure 7. The list of the donations to the Šubić kindred

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 CEU eTD Collection

Date Issued by The land/title given The recipient Source

8 May 1300 The Anjou dynasty – Counties of Modruš, Count Dujam CD VII, doc. 340, 386
Charles II Vinodol and Gacka – 387
26 August 1300 The Anjou dynasty – Export of 500 salms of Count Leonard CD VII, doc. 351,
(and 5 September) Charles II grain without paying 395
tolls
20 September 1316 The Anjou dynasty – Confirmation of the Count Dujam CD VIII, doc. 355, 432
Charles Robert lands that the kindred – 433
already had in their
possession
Beginning of 1320s The Anjou dynasty – Požega County Count Dujam Nada Klaić, Povijest
Charles Robert Hrvata, 386.
2 May 1323 The Anjou dynasty – County of Drežnik and Count Dujam Vjekoslav Klaić,
Charles Robert estate of Slunj Knezovi Frankapani,
132
31. October 1323 The Anjou dynasty – Confirmation of the Count Frederick CD IX, doc. 122, 142 –
Charles Robert lands that the kindred 143
already had in their
possession
6 November 1323 The Anjou dynasty – Counties of Modruš, Count Frederick Vjekoslav Klaić,
Charles Robert Vinodol, Gazka and Knezovi Frankapani,
Drežnik and the estate 132
of Slunj
8 October 1322 The Anjou dynasty – Confirmation of the Count Frederick Vjekoslav Klaić,
Charles Robert lands that the kindred Knezovi Frankapani,
already had in their 132
possession

Figure 8. The list of the donations to the Frankapan Kindred.

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 5. Bibiography

5. 1 Primary Sources:

Gyula, Kristó, ed. Anjou-kori oklevéltár : Documenta res Hungaricas tempore Regum
Andegavensium illustrantia Vol 3. Szeged: Szegedi Középkorász Műhely, 1990 –.

Seemüller Joseph, ed. “Ottokars Österreichische Reimchronik” Vol. 2. See in Monumenta

Germaniae Historica. Scriptores. VIII : Deutsche Chroniken. Hannover, 1893.,
1213–1214, line 93473–93480,
http://www.dmgh.de/de/fs1/object/display/bsb00000780_00004.html?sortIndex=010%3A080%3A
0005%3A010%3A02%3A00

Smičiklas, Tadja, ed. “Codex diplomaticus regni Croatiae, Dalmatiae et Slavoniae. Vol.
6. Zagreb: Jugoslavenska akademija znanosti i umjetnosti, 1908.

________, ed. “Codex diplomaticus regni Croatiae, Dalmatiae et Slavoniae. Vol. 7.

Zagreb: Jugoslavenska akademija znanosti i umjetnosti, 1909.

________, ed. “Codex diplomaticus regni Croatiae, Dalmatiae et Slavoniae. Vol. 8.

Zagreb: Jugoslavenska akademija znanosti i umjetnosti, 1910.

________, ed. “Codex diplomaticus regni Croatiae, Dalmatiae et Slavoniae. Vol. 9.

Zagreb: Jugoslavenska akademija znanosti i umjetnosti, 1911.

________, ed. “Codex diplomaticus regni Croatiae, Dalmatiae et Slavoniae. Vol. 10.
Zagreb: Jugoslavenska akademija znanosti i umjetnosti, 1912.

5.2 Secondary Literature:

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Ančić, Mladen. Putanja klatna: Ugarsko-hrvatsko kraljevstvo i Bosna u XIV stoljeću

[Trajectory of the Pendulum: Hungarian-Croatian Kingdom and Bosnia in XIV
Century]. Zadar: Zavod za povijesne znanosti HAZU: Mostar: Ziral, 1997.

Bak, János, Coronations: Medieval and Early Modern Monarchic Ritual. Berkeley:
University of California Press, 1990.

________. Studying Medieval Rulers and their Subjects. Central Europe and Beyond.
Farnham: Ashgate, 2010.

71
 Budak, Neven, and Tomislav Raukar. Hrvatska povijest srednjeg vijeka [Croatian History
of the Medieval Period]. Zagreb: Školska knjiga, 2006.

Engel, Pál. Királyi hatalom és arisztokrácia viszonya a Zsigmond-korban (1387-1437)

[The relationship of royal power and the aristocracy in the Sigsmund period
(1387-1437)]. Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó, 1977.

________. “The Political System of the Angevin Kingdom.” The New Hungarian
Quarterly 90 (1983) 124 – 128.

________. Magyarország világi archontológiája, 1301-1457 [Hungarian secular

arhontology 1301 – 1457]. Budapest : MTA Történettudományi Intézete, 1986.

________. Társadalom és politikai struktúra az Anjou-kori Magyarországon [Society and

political structure of the Angevin-era Hungary]. Budapest: MTA
Történettudományi Intézete, 1988.

________. “The Güssinger im Kampf gegen die ungarishe Krone.” In Die Güssinger, ed.
Heide Dienst, 85 – 114. Eisenstadt: Amt der Burgenländischen Landesregierun,
1989.

________. Magyar középkori adattár CD-ROM [Hungarian medieval repository].

Budapest: MTA Történettudumányi Intétezete, 2001.

________. The Realm of St Stephen. A History of Medieval Hungary, 895 – 1526.

London: I. B. Tauris, 2001.

Fügedi, Erik. Castle and Society in Medieval Hungary (1000-1437). Budapest:

Akadémiai Kiadó, 1986.

Györffy, György. “Die Nordwestgrenze des byzantinischen Reiches im XI. Jahrhundert

und die Ausbildung des ’ducatus Sclavoniae’.”In Mélanges Szabolcs de Vajay, ed.
Pierre Brière et al., 295-312. Braga: Livraria Cruz, 1971.

Karácsonyi, János. A magyar nemzetségek a XIV. század közepéig

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[The Hungarian tribes in the fourteenth mid-century]. Budapest: MTA, 1900.

Karbić, Damir. “Hrvatski plemićki rod i običajno pravo. Pokušaj analize” [Croatian
Noble Kindred and Common Law. An Attempt at Analysis]. Zbornik Odsjeka za
povijesne znanosti Zavoda za povijesne i društvene znanosti Hrvatske akademije
znanosti i umjetnosti. 16 (1998): 73 – 117.

________. “The Šubići of Bribir: A Case Study of a Croatian Medieval Kindred.” Ph.D.
dissertation. Budapest: Central European University, 2000.

72
 ________. “Šubići Bribirski do gubitka nasljedne banske časti (1322.)” [The Šubići of
Bribir until the Loss of the Hereditery Office of Ban (1322)]. Zbornik Odsjeka za
povijesne znanosti Zavoda za povijesne i društvene znanosti Hrvatske akademije
znanosti i umjetnosti 22 (2004): 1 – 26

________. “Plemstvo – definicija, vrste, uloga” [Nobility – Definition, Types, Role].

Povijesni prilozi 31 (2006): 11 – 21.

Karbić, Marija. “Gisingovci – ugarsko – hrvatska velikaška obitelj njemačkog

podrijetla”[The Kőszegi – A Hungarian-Croatian Noble Family of German
Origin]. Godišnjak Njemačke narodnosne zajednice (1999): 21 – 26.

________. “Joakim Pektar, slavonski ban iz plemićkog roda Gut-Keled” [Joakim Pektar,
Slavonian Ban of the Gut-Keled Noble Kindred]. Godišnjak Njemačke
narodnosne zajednice (2000): 19 – 24.

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