by Jia Lal Kilam

CHAPTER II
Advent of Islam
Writing about the people of Kashmir Alberuni says that the people of Kashmir "are
particularly anxious about the actual strength of their country and therefore take always
great care to keep a stronghold upon the entrance and roads leading into it. In
consequence, it is very difficult to have any commerce with them .... At present they do
not allow any Hindu whom they do not know personally to enter, much less other
people."

The invasions of Mahmud shook the Indian soil to its depths, and though he failed to
occupy Kashmir, his invasion made the Kashmiris very vigilant for their national
defence. The Punjab was occupied by Mahmud. The threat of Muslim invasion was
always present Consequently, they did not allow any foreigners to come in and kept the
country closed to all the outside world, at least for the time being. But such a state of
affairs could not continue for long. The trading classes, both merchants and
manufacturers, who had carried on a brisk trade with the Punjab, were hard hit by their
isolation from external markets, and a general unrest, particularly in the cities was the
outcome. The working classes in the cities were without employment and the peasantry
sullen and resentful because of the prevailing turmoil. They greatly added to the unrest
depicted in the last chapter. Such a state of affairs lasted upto the reign of Suhadeva
(1301-1320). The rigidity observed in the time of Alberuni did not last for long, and as
we have seen in the last chapter, the coming of the Muslims was at times encouraged by
the country's rulers to serve as a safety valve between themselves and the other warring
classes. But this infiltration of foreigners did not mend matters. The Punjab was unsettled
and as trade with it was negligible, there was poverty and consequent unrest. Agriculture
was at a standstill and the peasantry was sullen and starving. What was required was a
powerful hand that could restore peace and prosperity to the realm. During Suhadeva's
reign many foreigners, mainly Muslims, came into Kashmir. The chief amongst them was
a Muslim missionary popularly known as Bulbul Shah who converted Renchana, a
Tibetan prince settled as a refugee in Kashmir where he became king later. He was
followed by Shah Mir who came in 1313 A. D. along with his numerous relations.
Suhadeva received him well, being the son of a renowned Muslim divine, and bestowed a
Jagir upon him. Lankar Chak, an adventurer, also came during Suhadeva's reign and
settled in Kashmir under Suhadeva's patronage. Things went on thus when a terrific
catastrophe swept over the country which developed a crisis of a far reaching character,
sufficient to pave the path for the epoch-making changes that followed the event. Dulchu,
a Tartar chief invaded Kashmir with an army of 70,000 strong. Suhadeva fled towards
Kishtwar leaving his kingdom to the tender mercies of the merciless invader. Dulchu
ordered a massacre. Thousands were killed, many more were sold as slaves to Tartar
merchants who had accompanied him. Towns were set on fire, standing crops were
destroyed and having stayed here for about eight months Dulchu took about 50,000
Brahmans with himself as slaves only to perish with all his troops and slaves while
crossing Devsar pass.

Dulchu went away from the country. But his visit had upset the whole social and
economic fabric of the country. People were in distress. Lawlessness was rampant, and
marauding bands infested the highways. The people had lost all faith in their ruler. All
they wanted was a strong man who could establish peace with a resolute will. Such a man
they found in Renchana, who had previously repulsed an attack of Khasha tribe where he
showed a great deal of military prowess and valour. Without any serious opposition, he
seized the rule of the country, though Ram Chandra, the Commander-in-chief of the late
king, put in a feeble resistance, but was later defeated and killed. This created not a ripple
in the populace anywhere and Renchana became the undisputed monarch. Things got
settled so much that not long after, Renchana married the daughter of Ram Chandra. His
son Ravana Chandra was raised to a very high position in the State and all seemed well
for the time being. Renchana was very much impressed by the sad spectacle of warring-
sects and creeds that were present in Kashmir. He wanted to establish a uniform faith in
the country with himself as its head. He was himself a nominal Buddhist and tried to get
himself initiated into the Brahamanical fold. But the Brahmans who were always jealous
of sharing their privileges with an outsider, privileges which in spite of various
vicissitudes they went through they had largely preserved, did not favour his initiation
into their fold. The result was that he embraced Islam at the hands of Bulbul Shah, a
Muslim missionary, to whom reference has just been made, and who had continued to
stay on in Kashmir. Thus we see that in order to preserve the class ascendency by
refusing the outside Renchana admission to their fold, the Brahmans not only destroyed
their own ascendency but spelt ruin to their very existence as we shall presently see. The
unsettled condition of the times, brought about by various factors briefly dealt with
above, had prepared the people for very big changes. With Renchana's conversion who
now took the Islamic name of Malik Saduruddin, Ravana Chandra and many others with
him accepted Islam. Thus a Muslim ruling class sprang into existence. This class also
needed support, and they used various methods for the proselytisation of their faith. The
simple tenets of Islam backed by official support gained many adherents from the lower
castes. Only the Brahmans put a brave front, as we shall presently see.

Renchana died in the year 1326 A.D. He left behind his widow Kota Rani and a minor
son Haidar Shah who on account of his minority was not considered for the kingship.
Uddyana Deo, the brother of Suhadeva, who had fled during Dulchu's attack and was
staying at Swatgar, was brought back from his voluntary exile and was installed upon the
throne. Kota Rani married him. The real power remained, however, in the hands of Kota
Rani. She appointed Bikhshana Bhatta and Shahmir as the Prime Minister and the
Commander-in-chief respectively. By such means Kota Rani tried to give satisfaction to
all the classes. But this arrangement could not last for long. As ill-luck would have it,
again another Tartar chief by name Arwan or Archalla, made an attack upon Kashmir
with his Tartar hordes. Uddyana Deo, as was customary with the family, fled this time to
Tibet. But Kota Rani stirred the local patriotism of the Kashmiris by an impassioned
appeal. The people in thousands gathered under her banner and inflicted a crushing defeat
upon the Tartars. Kashmir was freed from danger. Uddyana Deo, came back to rule and
Shahmir who distinguished himself while defending the country rose very high in the
esteem of the people. His sons Jamshed and Allauddin were appointed to very high and
responsible posts and he himself was very greatly honoured by the Rani. Uddyana Deo
died in the year 1341 A.D. leaving behind him a minor son and Kota Rani his widow. At
this time began the real struggle between militant Islam and tolerant but static Hinduism
of the day. Kota Rani represented the latter and Shahmir became the rallying point of the
forces of Islam. Kota Rani tried to establish herself on the throne, but was defeated by
Shahmir who mounted the throne and became the progenitor of a long line of kings
known as Salatins. These Salatin ruled Kashmir for more than two hundred years. Thus
ended the Hindu rule, not as a result of a foreign aggression, as in the case of the
neighbouring province of the Punjab, but as a result of a long chain of events briefly
surveyed in the foregoing pages.

by Jia Lal Kilam

CHAPTER III
Spread of Islam
SHAHMIR ascended the throne in the year 1343 A. D. and made a promising
good start. He paid his first attention to the improvement of agriculture and the lot of the
peasantry. The land revenue was reduced to one fifth of the gross produce. Law and order
was established with an iron hand and roads were made safe for travel. Lavanyas a Rajput
clan which had acquired a lot of power and influence in the prevailing turmoil of the
unsettled times, betrayed an amount of restiveness but were soon crushed, and in their
stead, Chaks and Magreys, two influential clans, were brought to prominence. By such
methods Shahmir strengthened and consolidated his rule. Islam now was the court
religion, but the administration continued in the hands of the traditional official class, the
Brahmans. With them the change of religion offered no advantages and the retention of
the old creed no loss of status, and they continued to follow their old religion. Sanskrit
was the official language and the people conducted their writing business in this
language.
But a number of Muslim preachers now began to pour into Kashmir from Hamdan,
prominent amongst whom were a number of Sayyids, most of whom had left their
country for fear of molestation from Timur any time. Some of these Sayyids had come to
visit Kashmir even before the establishment of the Muslim rule, notable amongst them
being Bulbul Shah, who was responsible for the conversion of Renchana. His original
name is said to be Sayyid Abdul Rahman, though some call him Sayyid Sharafuddin or
Sharfuddin Sayyid Abdul Rahman Turkistani. This much is certain that he was a Sayyid
of Turkistan and was a disciple of Shah Niamat Uilah Wali, a Khalifa of Suhrawardi
Tariks (a Sufi sect) He paid his first visit to Kashmir in the reign of Simha Deo (1286-
1301), but returned soon. Next time we find him again in Kashmir and this time he
effected the conversion of Renchana Shah, re-christened him as Sadar-ud-Din under
circumstances that have already been referred to. With the establishment of the Muslim
rule other notable Sayyids began to pour into the country. Bulbul Shah was followed by
Sayyid Jalalud-Din of Bukhara and Sayyid Taj-ud-Din, the cousin of Mir Sayyid Ali
Hamdani (Shah Hamdan). Sayyid Taj-ud-Din was accompanied by his two disciples
Sayyid Masud and Sayyid Yusuf. There also came Sayyid Hussain Simnani the younger
brother of Sayyid Tajuddin. It is said that Taj-ud-Din and Sayyid Hussain came to
Kashmir under instructions from Sayyid Mir Ali Hamdani to find if the country could
give them protection against the attacks of Timur who was suspected of contemplating a
wholesale massacre of the whole lot of the Sayyids. Sayyid Mir Ali Hamadani himself
came to Kashmir as will be presently seen. It is said that with Sayyid Mir- Ali Hamdani
about seven hundred Sayyids came and with his illustrious son three hundred more. They
stayed in Kashmir under royal protection and took to the proselytisation of the new faith.
- They secured many converts to the new faith Islam having become the court religion it
was but natural that some privileged position was guaranted to its votaries. This created
repercussions in the Hindu mind, who saw before their very eyes definite deterioration
intheir former position. In the reign of Shahab-ud-Din (1360 to 1378 A.D.) the
resentment in men's minds took a practical shape. A feeble rising on behalf of the
Brahmans was the result. The other castes do not seem to have participated in the rising
in any large numbers. The king in order to break the upheaval amongst Hindus turned his
attention towards their temples which must have provided a meeting place for them.
Hassan the Kashmiri historian says that almost all the temples in Srinagar including the
one at Bijbehara were greatly damaged. It seems that the kings of Kashmir had by now
become completely Muslimised as a result of their contacts with the Sayyids. They began
to feel that consolidation of their rule depended wholly upon extirpation of all traces of
opposition, religious or political.

As already stated, the Hindus could not look with any amount of equanimity upon the
drastic changes that swept in the body politic of their country. Resentment must have
been there. Some stuck to their old religion in spite of many difficulties they had to face,
but there were many others who either by conviction or in order to gain royal favour
changed their religion. The new converts came to be looked down by their old
compatriots as people with no decency or loyalty for their time-honoured values. This
created a new struggle between these two classes. In the reign of Sikandar one Suha
Bhata who after his conversion took the Islamic name of Saif-ud-Din became the leader
of the fresh converts. Besides this he was the king's Chief Minister. Both Sikandar and
Saif-ud-Din planned the extirpation of the Hindus and obliteration of all traces of
Hinduism from Kashmir. Saif-ud-Din had his own axe to grind but Sikandar wanted
thereby to consolidate and strengthen his rule. The methods adopted by Sikandar in this
behalf may well be given in the words of Hassan, the Kashmir historian. After having
described the great homage which was paid to Mir Mohammed Hamdani, the illustrious
son of his great father Mir Ali Hamdani by Sikandar, at whose bidding he constructed a
Khanaka (now known as Khanaka-i-Maula), on the site of an old temple called Kalishri,
Hassan says "this country possessed from the times of Hindu Rajas many temples which
were like the wonders of the world. Their workmanship was so fine and delicate that one
found himself bewildered at their sight. Sikandar goaded by feelings of bigotry destroyed
them and levelled them with the earth and with their material built many mosques and
Khanakas. In the first instance he turned his attention towards the Martand temple built
by Ramdeo on Mattan Kareva. For one full year he tried to demolish it but failed. At last
in sheer dismay he dug out stones from its base and having stored enough wood in their
place set fire to it. The gold gilt paintings on its walls were totally destroyed and the walls
surrounding its premises were demolished. Its ruins even now strike wonder in men's
minds. At Bijbehara three hundred temples including the famous Vijiveshwara temple
which was partially damaged by Shahabud Din were destroyed and with the material of
the latter a mosque was built and on its site a Khanaka which is even now known as
Vijeshwar Khanaka.'' After having described the destruction of many temples the ruins of
which even now bespeak a fully developed architectural grandeur and massiveness,
Hassan further on says that "Sikandar meted out greatest oppression to the Hindus. It was
notified in the city that if a Hindu does not become a Muslim, he must leave the country
or be killed. As a result some of the Hindus fled away and some accepted Islam and many
Brahmans consented to be killed and gave their lives. It is said that Sikandar collected by
these methods about three khirwars (six maunds) of sacred threads ( from Hindu converts
) and burnt them. Hazrat Amir Kabir who was a witness to all this orgy of brute passion
and vandalism at last advised him to desist from the slaughter of Brahmans, and told him
to impose Jazia instead of death upon them. All the Hindu books of learning were
collected and thrown into Dal lake and were buried beneath stones and earth."
Governmental coercion, coupled with brisk proselytising activities indulged in by the
Muslim preachers and also the privileged position which the fresh converts secured
succeeded in bringing about a mass conversion. Sikandar himself was fired with a zeal to
change the character of his rule into a purely Islamic administration and a considerable
advance was made in this direction. He fully believed that the danger to the infant State
was only from the Hindus. That danger had to be eliminated by any methods. Hence the
persecution of the Hindus.

Sikandar in spite of all this had his virtues. He was a great patron of Islamic learning,
though he had an equal hatred with the Hindu lore. He introduced many social reforms.
He forbade sale and distillation of wines, suttee, gambling, prostitution and even music
and remitted many taxes though after having almost finished them, he allowed the
remaining Hindus to live only on payment of Jazia.

Sikandar was succeeded by his son Ali Shah who also appointed Saif-ud-Din as his Prime
Minister. In his short reign of about six years the persecution of the Hindus continued and
even with greater vigour. Ali Shah appears to have been a weakling and an incompetent
person in whose reign some outlying districts changed masters. Saif-ud-Din his minister
was at one with him for bringing about the annihilation of the Hindu population. Jona
Raja in his history gives a graphic description of the plight of the Brahmans in the reign
of Ali Shah. Says he: " Suha (Saif-ud-Din) passed the limit by levying fine (Jazia) on the
twice born. This evil-minded man forbade ceremonies and processions on the new moon.
He became envious that the Brahmans who had become fearless would keep up their
caste by going over to foreign countries, he therefore ordered posting of squads on the
roads, not to allow passage to any one without a passport. Then as the fisherman torments
fish, so this low born man tormented the twice born in this country. The Brahmans burnt
themselves in the flaming fire through fear of conversion. Some Brahmans killed
themselves by taking poison, some by the rope and others by drowning themselves.
Others again by falling from a precipice. The country was contaminated by hatred and the
king's favourites could not prevent one in a thousand from committing suicide. A
multitude of Brahmans who prided in their caste fled from the country through bye-roads
as the main roads were closed. Even as men depart from this world, so did the Brahmans
flee to foreign countries, the son leaving his father behind and the father leaving his son.
The difficult countries through which they passed, the scanty food, painful illness and the
torments of hell during life time removed from the minds of the Brahmans the fears of
hell. Oppressed by various calamities such as encounter with the enemy, fear of snakes,
fierce heat and scanty food, many Brahmans perished on the way and thus obtained relief.
Where was then their bath, their meditation, their austerity and where was then their
prayers ?"

The persecution of the Hindus or more particularly of the Brahmans has been borne
testimony- to by almost all the Muslim historians. Hassan and Fauq, two great Muslim
historians, have condemned - these excesses in unscathing terms. But it cannot be denied
that the struggle had both an economic and political background, though it took the form
of religious persecution. As already stated, a number of Sayyids came over to Kashmir.
They had the blessings and leadership of Amir Kabir Shah Hamdan (Mir Ali Hamdani)
and his illustrious son Mir Mohammed, who had vey great influence with the then
Muslim rulers, Qutub-ud-Din and Sikandar. The Sayyids achieved great influence and the
prominent amongst them established dropaganda centres where meals were distributed
free and people were initiated into the cult of Islam. It becomes evident that a Muslim
Brahman class (Sayyids) came into existence as against the Hindu Brahman class. The
Sayyids now performed the duties which were more or less performed once by the
Brahmans. The income which once went to the Brahmans, went now to the Sayyids and
the influence which they once wielded at the royal court came now to be exercised by the
Sayyids. A struggle was inevitable. The Sayyid saw a potential danger in the Brahman in
whose rehabilitation he saw his own disaster. With the aid and support of the
Governmerlt he wrought his distruction. The Sayyids were a source of great strength for
the rulers themselves. They became the king's party. They not only made additions to the
loyal bands of "faithful" but even kept a refractory populace under check by preaching
that a Muslim ruler partook of the halo of divinity. But the Brahman with a pertinacity
seldom witnessed at any other place stuck to his gun. Unmindful of the gains that would
have accrued to him by change of religion, and destitute, forlorn, hunted and homeless
though he became as a result of his refusal to change his faith, the Brahman did not lose
courage. Some of them were forcibly converted, some fled from the country, many more
committed suicide, and those that remained in the country went about in disguise from
place to place. Though, as we have already seen, Sikandar tried to destroy the whole of
their literature, yet he failed very miserably. These Brahmans lost their temples, their
homes, their kith and kin, their means of livelihood, but they minded it not. On the
contrary, even in their miserable plight they did not forget their rich treasures which
linked them with their past. They felt that they were the custodians of their past cultural
heritage - the illuminating treatises on the stupendous Shaiva philosophy, and other great
works on literature, art, music, grammar, and medicine - works which have exited the
wonder of an admiring world; and wherever they went they carried these treasures with
themselves. Judging from the depth of thought displayed in these works that have been
preserved their high literary merit, their insight into the depth of human nature, their
poetical flights, their emotional fervour coupled with an incisive logical treatment of the
subjects dealt with in them, one can easily imagine the colossal loss to which the world
has been subjected to by the acts of vandalism which resulted in the destruction of
hundreds of other works which contained the labours of more than two thousand years.
The tradition is that rone but eleven houses of Brahmans were saved, the rest having been
killed or committed suicide, or went about in disguise or left the country for good.

But all traces of life were not extinct in the Brahmans. In the closing years of Ali Shah's
reign the Brahmans began to come out of their hiding. On the advice of Mir Mohammed
the king allowed them to live on payment of Jazia. Those who could pay were given a
respite and under the leadership of one Ratanakara who somehow or other ingratiated
himself into the favours of Saif-ud-Din, the Chief Minister, they started to organize
themselves, But the other side looked with great disfavour upon the Brahmans trying to
rehabilitate themselves and upon the advice of a Muslim divine who is named in the
Hindu chronicles as "Malan-ud-Din" this Ratnakara was imprisoned and the Brahmans
again went back to wilderness.

The reign of Ali Shah covers a brief span of six years. But during these short years
lawlessness was the order of the day. The, edifice built by Shah Mir was tottering. Some
of the outlying districts ceased to have allegiance to the central authority. Trade dwindled
and the time-honoured industries which had won a name for Kashmir were in a state of
decay. Thousands of people were uprooted. They went from place to place spreading
disaffection and resentment. But a change for the better was soon to be witnessed.

CHAPTER IV
The Pandit Reborn
ALI SHAH could not maintain himself long on the throne. He had struck no deep
roots in the people. The bulk of the people were subjected to a forcible conversion, and
though later on they reconciled themselves to the inevitable, yet for the time being the
wound was fresh and the resentment alive. There were many others who, though not
converted dragged their miserable existence either by paying Jazia or by passing their
days in disguise. The result was a universal discontent, Whether stung by a remorse for
his own misdeeds or for the mere love of travel Ali Shah planned a pilgrimage to the holy
places of Islam, but on reaching Jammu he changed his mind on the advice of the king of
that place and he returned back to Kashmir with a considerable force supplied to him by
the latter. He had appointed his younger brother Shahi Khan to act on his behalf in his
absence. Shahi Khan came out to meet him, but was defeated by the superior forces of
Ali Shah. Ali Shah again ascended the throne, but was soon defeated by Shahi Khan, who
mounted the throne now and took the title of Zainulabdin. That Shahi Khan would have
won an easy victory shows that Ali Shah, the rightful sovereign had lost the confidence of
the people.

Shahi Khan now known as Zainulabdin opened a new chapter in the annals of Muslim
Kashmir. From tenth century onwards and even earlier the Muslims, particularly the
Arabs, had almost monopolized the trade in the East. Arab ships went as far as China and
Japan. In the fourteenth century these traders had established their colonies in South
India, Ceylon, Java, Sumatra, and even in China. Their contacts with races and religions
other than their own had widened their outlook. The enormous gains which they reaped
from trade abroad made them keep their countries open for non-Muslim traders too. Fresh
ideas poured into the Muslim lands. With the free flow of ideas which now broke through
the iron ring of strict isolation, it was but natural that the Governments too in most
Muslim countries became very tolerant. Poets and philosophers with a radical outlook
came into being and inspite of the rigidity of the Muslim Code there came about a
revolution in men's minds. Kashmir also shared the spirit of the age. In the reign of
Zainulabdin trade and commerce flourished. Kashmiri traders went as far away as Turkey
and with them came new ideas and many learned men. Zainulabdin with his receptive
mind fully partook of this new spirit and became very tolerant. He turned his attention to
the establishment of real peace in the country. He dealt with lawless elements with an
iron hand, and strengthened the defences of the frontiers. This gave a great deal of
encouragement to trade, and with the establishment of safe communications learned
people and traders and industrialists from all over Asia began coming over to the country.
Many industries were started and above all agriculture was made a special concern of the
State. Gigantic irrigation schemes were undertaken and completed which exist to the
present day. Where ever one may go in Kashmir, he will, in spite of the efflux of five
centuries, come across with the name of this king. Zainagir Zainapur, Zainadub, Zaina
Lank, Zaina Ganga and Zaina Kadal bear eloquent testimony to the great and glorious
rule of this King.

It has already been noticed that the Hindu population was totally uprooted. An
overwhelming majority of the people was converted forcibly, though many there were
who accepted the new creed with their free will. A good number of Brahmans had left the
country and many more were passing their days in ignominy and wretchedness only on
payment of Jazia. But they could not openly declare themselves as Hindus nor couId they
affix their Hindu mark on their foreheads, much less could they pray in their temples or
perform any religious ceremony. But with Zainulabdin coming to power the Brahmans
got a respite. Again we find them practising some arts, notably medicine. In this useful
art they had achieved from times immemorial a mastery which they had maintained even
in spite of the vicissitudes of times through which they had to pass. Their fame began to
re-assert itself and in course of time it reached the royal ears as well. Zainulabdin got a
poisonous boil which gave him much trouble. The court physicians tried their skill but
failed, Jona Raja, the historian says "As flowers are not obtainable in the month of Magha
on account of the mischief by snow, even so physicians who knew about poisons could
not at that time be found in the country owing to Governmental oppression. The servants
of the king at last found out Shri Bhatta who knew the antidotes of poisons and was well-
versed in the art of healing, but out of fear he, for a long time delayed to come. When he
arrived, the king gave him encouragement and he completely cured the king of the
poisonous boil." The king wanted to make munificent gifts to Shri Bhatta. But the latter
refused to accept any. But when pressed hard, he made a request which was to the effect
that the Jazia on the Brahmans be remitted, and opportunities be assured to them to
develop their mental and moral resources without any let or hinderance. The selflessness
displayed by the physician Shri Bhatta had its effect upon the mind of the king. The
request was accepted and Jazia was remitted. The Brahman was freed from the position
of inferiority to which he was relegated by the previous kings.

Shri Bhatta's selflessness and the acceptance of his request by the king proved a land-
mark in the history of Hinduism in Kashmir. Shri Bhatta's attitude shows that the will to
live as a group by themselves was very predominent amongst the Brahmans which was
shared by Shri Bhatta in an equal measure with the whole lot of them. Freed from the
shackles of Jazia and other handicaps the Brahmans started their own reorganization and
rehabilitation. By now the Persian had become the official language. The desire to share
office with others could not be fulfilled without a study of Persian. The Brahmans who
were poppularly known as Bhattas took to the study of Persian and in a brief span of a
few years they acquired a mastery over this language. But the Sanskrit learning and their
religious ceremonies were not forgotten because this was the only distinctive feature to
keep them alive as a separate group. There was now practically only one caste, that of the
Brahmans which represented Hinduism in Kashmir. From this did now " Lords Spiritual
and Temporal" again take their birth, just as in the past the Lords spiritual and Temporal
sprang out of the vis (populace.) The caste was divided further into two sub-castes, the
Karkuns and the Bhasha Bhatta or Bhacha Bhat, the former included amongst its fold
those who studied Persian and entered Government service and the latter those who
studied Bhasha, i.e., Sanskrit and took charge of the religious affairs of the community.
But how was the division of labour to be made? It was decided that a daughter's son of a
person should be made a Bhasha Bhatta to administer to the religious needs of his
maternal grandfather's family. The arrangement was simple enough, as it began involving
ho loss of status to the Bhaska Bhatta, but in course of time this arrangement became
responsible for the creation of two distinct classes with a distinctive culture and mode of
life and habits with the result that though there is no legal or religious bar, yet the two
classes seldom inter-marry these days. In the beginning the Bhasha Bhattas prided at
having been given the exalted position of the custodian of the religion and learning of the
country and may be that they were looked at with great esteem and regard by the
Karkuns. But for his maintenance the Bhasha Bhatta was dependent upon the Karkuns. In
course of time they lost their importance. The rise and fall of the Karkun made a
corresponding increase or decrease in Basha Bhatta's economic position. Gradually the
majority of the Bhasha Bhatta's became like the parts of a soul-less machine destined to
perform ceremonies in a mechanical manner in lieu of a pittance they eked out of the
munificence of the Karkun, but some of them maintained their highest traditions, and
their fame for great learning and culture resounded from one end to the other. But
socially, because of their economic dependence upon them, they in course of time came
to be looked down by the Karkuns. Thus the Kashmiri Pandit took his birth in his modern
shape, though till then the name Kashmiri Pandit was not coined to describe this
community which was described as Bhatta. Even now a Kashmiri Pandit at home
describes himself as a Bhatta and it is by this name that he is described by others in
Kashmir.

Having cured the king and refused to accept a reward, Shri Bhatta rose very high in the
official favour. He was made the court physician and Afsar-ul-ataba, the Head of the
Medical Department. His influence both with the king and his own people was very great.
This influence he utilised in the rehabilitation of his people. The king was all prepared for
this. He wanted peace and prosperity. Jona Raja says " As the lion does not attack other
animals in the hermitage of saints, so the Turshkas who were very much alarmed did not
now oppress the Brahmans as they had done before. Brilliant as the sun the king
bestowed his favours on men of merit (Brahmans) whose very existence had been
endangered previously." The result was that many Brahmans who were forcibly
converted during previous times were reconverted without any molestation. Those who
had fled away came back in large numbers. The king gave them rent free lands and
besides imported a number of Brahmans from Jagannath and Yogis from Kurukhshetra.
The Brahmans were free to practise their religion and some temples that were damaged
during the previous rule were repaired. Sanskrit books that were destroyed were sent for
from India. Many Sanskrit books were translated into Persian and similarly Persian books
into Sanskrit. A free kitchen was established for Yogis and other Sanyasis and Pathshalas
were established for the propagation of Sanskrit learning. In short no stone was left
unturned in giving fullest relief to the Brahmans. No wonder that the Sultan came to be
known and is even now known as Bhatta Shah i. e., the king of Bhattas. The Brahmans
repaired to the Sultan's Court with their petty grievances and complaints and like the
Hindu kings of old the Sultan listened and redressed them. In Zainpur and Zainagir rent
free lands were given to them.

The Brahman, the Pandit or the Bhatta proved a source of great strength to the Sultan. In
intellectual field he enriched his court, and in the land assessment work his services were
unique. The land settlement records were placed in charge of and prepared by the
Brahmans. The village administration was totally in Brahman's hands and being the only
literate man in the village he was a useful member of the village community. This
accounts for the existence of Pandits though in very small numbers in villages with a
predominant Muslim population in spite of the vicissitudes through which he had to go in
course of centuries that rolled by from the time Zainulabdin held sway. With his
apptitude for literary pursuits, the Brahmans took to the study of Persian and within a
short time acquired a sound and workable knowledge of the language. This made their
entry into subordinate services both easy and possible. Jona Raja and Shri Vara, the two
Hindu chroniclers, have bestowed unbounded praise upon the Sultan for his open
partiality for the Brahmans and their sacred books. A sort of Research Department was
established which amongst others performed the task of translating Sanskrit books into
Persian and vice versa. This opened the portals of Sanskrit learning to the Muslim savants
and the Brahmans themselves learnt Persian and Arabic. Both the communities came to
respect the learning of each other. A new culture now began to grow which was the
outcome of a synthesis in the mode of thought and way of life followed by the two
communities. Saints and sages now appeared who preached oneness of God and
brotherhood of his creatures. Common places of worship sprang into existence where
both the Brahman and the Sheikh prayed. A common poetry sprang up in Kashmiri
language which was sung by both the Hindus and Muslims. The language was beautified
further by an admixture of Sanskrit and Persian words used to describe highest ideas
pertaining to the mystic faith which all of them shared copiously. In spite of the constant
changes which took place on the political horizon after Zainulabdin's reign there came
about little change in the life of the people.

At the top many Kashmiri Brahmans came to prominence. Some of them were in
constant attendance on the Sultan whom they described in their writings as Suratrana Shri
Jainulavadena. He listened with great pleasure to recitations from Nilmat Purana and
other Shastras such as Vashishta Brahama Darshana. Shrivara the historian says, "The
king heard me recite the Vashishta Brahma Darshna composed by Valmiki which is
known as the way to salvation and when he heard the annotations he was pervaded by a
feeling of tranquility. He remembered them even in his dreams." The influence of these
Brahmans was so great that he forbade the killing of fish in cettain tanks and even
stopped cow-killing, and also meat eating on some days. No wonder that a Muslim
historian deplcres that " the king imported back all the practices of the infidels which
were once vanished from his land." But the king, unmindful of the Muslim historian, trod
his Fath which led to his eternal credit and greatness of the country.

In his reign the country witnessed an unprecedented prosperity. Agriculture reached its
highest peak. The produce was as much as it was never witnessed ever since, not even
under the glorious rule of the Moghuls. The produce of Shali alone was 774 lacs of
Khirwars (154 lacs of maunds). The land settlement including agriculture was in charge
of the Brahmans. For these operations the country was divided into two provinces. Each
province was placed in charge of a Qanungo whose duty it was to look after the general
welfare of irrigation and to prepare settlement records. Madho Kaul, was put in charge of
northern province and, Ganesh Kaul in charge of the southern. They both were
responsible to an inter- provincial head known as Sadar Qanungo by name Gopala Kaul.
Under their supervision huge irrigation schemes were undertaken. L al Kuhl, Shah Kuhl
exist even up to this day and feed thousands of acres of land. As was but natural these
three Brahmans recruited on subordinate posts of Patwaris and others, men from their
own community. The Patwaris prepared village records. This class of Patwaris lives upto
this date. Ever since they have been holding these posts in heredity, the son following the
father and so on. Sultans came and Sultans went, some of them cruel harsh and
oppressive to the Brahmans now known as Pandits, but the Pandit Patwari on account of
the usefulness of his job was left unmolested. There were many other Pandits who filled
the ministerial ranks or waited upon the king as courtiers. The notable amongst them was
Shri Bhatta himself. He was the head of the State physicians and held a ministerial rank.
The Sultan was highly kind to him. As already seen, Shri Bhatta was indeed a deserving
person. Shri Vara the historian writes that it was due to Shri Bhatta that Brahmans rose
high. About him it is stated that

" Shri Bhatta was a Wazir of the king and was very high in his favours. On his death the
Sultan not only expressed his great sorrow but settled an early endowment of one crore
dinars on his sons."

A short description of the Pandits who rose high in his reign may not be out of place.
Sadasheo Bayu was the royal astronomer, and astrologer and held a very high rank. So
did Tilkacharya, a great Budhist scholar. Soma Pandit was a very high dignatory and held
a very high and distinguished position at the court and was besides, in charge of the
Translation Department. He was greatly gifted for this job on account of his mastery of
both Sanskrit and Persian languages. He wrote exquisite poetry in Kashmiri and was
well-versed in Persian and Tibetan languages besides Sanskrit. He was the author of a
book Jaina Charitra which gives an account of the Sultan's reign. He was a skilful
musician and has written a book on this subject. He translated many Persian books into
Sanskrit and besides this, Mahabharata and Raj Taranigni were for the first time
translated into Persian under his supervision and direction. He was a great favourite of
the king. Sumitra Bhatta was an astrologer of repute who also was in constant attendance
at the Court. Rupya Bhatta was another astrologer very much honoured by the king about
whom it is recorded that "he could without the labour of calculation, but by merely
observing the course of the planets in the past year, know their position in the year to
come.'' Karpur Bhatta was a physician of renown to avail of whose treatment men from
distant lands came to Kashmir. Shree Ramanand renowned scholar of his time wrote an
exposition of Mahabhashya. Yodha Bhatta was a great poet in Kashmiri language. He
wrote Jaina Prakash and presented it to the king who " in token of his appreciation
bestowed many favours on him." Bhatta Avatara (or Bhodi Bhatta) as others call him,
was a great favourite of the king. He had Committed to memory the whole of the Shah
Nama for which the king had a great liking. The duty of Bhatta Avatara was to recite
Shah Nama for the delectation of the king. It is said that the king got unbounded pleasure
from his recitations. This man was a great musician and has written a treatise on music.
Rupya Bhanda was in charge of the palace decorations and Jaya Bhatta maintained the
king's private accounts, and the king's charities were distributed through him. Jona Raja
and Shri Vara were the two historians. The former assisted the Sultan as an assessor in
deciding the cases laid before him. Shivara was a great musician who was very much in
king's favour. There were other Pandits also who were given strictly confidential
diplomatic missions to execute. In short the Pandits carved for themselves a place in the
body politic.
In the foregoing pages we have seen as to how the Pandits again rehabilitated and
reorganized themselves. They studied Persian and in a short period of a few years they
acquired a mastery over this language and by their useful services they acquired an
influence and prestige which put them on par with any favoured class in the realm. It is
evidene that the atrocities which were perpetrated on them during the previous rules had
not robbed them of their stamina. They possessed it in abundant measure. Those who
could not withstand the trials to which time put them changed their faith but those who
persisted and went through the ordeal of fire and death came out unseathed and with their
stamina undiminished. Zainulabdin breathed his last in the year 1474 A. D.

Though with his passing away the Pandits lost much of their prestige and greatness, yet
the structure of society which they had built during his benevolent rule lasted for long
and provided them shelter during the vicissitudes that befell them during their chequered
career. The vicissitudes they had to go through were many and numerous: vicissitudes
that almost brought them to the brink of destruction, but they survived and survive till

CHAPTER V
Pandits during the latter Salatins
HAIDER SHAH now mounted the throne. Though he ruled for a brief period of
a year and a few months, yet he upset the base which provided strength to his father's
rule. Himself he was a man of weak temper, easily inflamed and addicted to drinking and
other evil habits. His drunken orgies lasted for days together. Culturally degraded and
with no education worth the name except some knowledge of music, Haider avoided the
company of cultured people, and got himself surrounded by a coterie of uncultured
people who egged him on his disastrous course of drinking and other debaucheries, by
mean flatteries. A barber by name Purni ( or Luli as Muslim historians call him ) became
a great favourite of the king. He amassed huge power in his hands and played a
prominent part in the drama of what was to be enacted in very near future. In Haider's
reign the Pandits suffered immensely. The reason for this is not far to be sought for.
During his father's reign the Pandit was resurrected and resuscitated and placed on a high
pedestal. They were in constant attendance on the late king and influenced him very
greatly. The result of all this was that a group of upper class Muslims who failed to share
the spirit of times, came to look with very great disfavour upon the policies that were
adopted and pursued by the late king. But as long as Zainulabdin was there, they felt
powerless, much though they may have deplored in the words of Mulla Bahauddin that
the king "re-imported practices of infidels which had once become extinct." With his
passing away these forces of wickedness which had been kept in check for long got
unleashed now, and attention was focussed on the Pandits. The barber Purni became the
mouthpiece of the opposite forces and kept on poisoning the mind of the king against the
Pandits. Various measures were adopted against them. For long they tolerated all this.
But even the tolerant Pandit found his patience at an end. It is recorded by the Muslim
historian Hassan that "the patience of the Pandits having reached the breaking point they
rose in a body and set fire - to some mosques which were built with the material of the
Hindu temples once demolished by Sikandar. The rising was quelled by the sword; many
more were drowned in rivers, and loot and plunder was practised with unbridled license."
Shri Vara the Hindu historian also describes the barbarous methods with which the
Pandits were dealt with. Says he, Nona Deva and Jaya and Bhima Brahmana and others
were maimed and they struggled and threw themselves in river Vitasta to be drowned
there. The arms and noses of many people were cut off, even of those Brahmans who
were king's servants." Loot and arson of the sacred places remained the order of the day
for a long time. The pressure exerted on the Pandits was so great that in order to save
themselves from further troubles - at least those of them who could not withstand the
onslaught and the oppression, according to Shri Vara who is a contemporary historian,
"gave up their caste and dress and exclaimed ' I am not a Bhatta,..I am not a Bhatta'." But
it should be understood clearly that the Muslim masses did not participate in any large
numbers in this orgy of brute force and passions. The struggle was at the top meant only
to oust the Pandit from the seat of power. True that the common Pandit in the city of
Srinagar suffered, but in the country side, the relations continued in a considerable
measure in the same cordial manner, as in the reign of the late king Shri Zainulabdin.
There the Pandit pursued his course unmolested in his usual routine manner, and the
Pandit and Sheikh lived as brothers.

Haider Shah was not destined to rule for long. He died after a brief rule of a year and a
few months. Hassan Khan the son of the late king now ascended the throne in 1475 A. D.
A great lover of music and himself a skilful musician who handled many instruments,
Hassan Khan started with promise and "revived the laws and practices which were in
vogue during the time of Zainulabdin." For some time the things went on smoothly. But
by this time powerful factions had come into existence. These took advantage of the
king's too much addiction to wine and music and started intrigues which bore their fruit
in a terrific civil war; and which weakened the State so much that the country fell an easy
prey to the Moghul Emperor Akbar. But Hassan Khan had his own virtues. The seed of
cultural unity sown by Zainulabdin "had borne enough fruit in him". Hassan Khan was a
great Sanskrit scholar and well-versed in the Hindu Philosophy. It is said about him that "
the king freed of envy had learnt the six Schools of philosophy, and the different works
of these six Schools became one in him." Making allowance for the poetical exaggeration
of the poet historian, it can safely be inferred that Hassan Khan had drunk deep from the
fountain of Sanskrit learning and his hatred for Hinduism was at the lowest ebb or had
none at all. Shri Vara says that he made a good use of his wealth by building Mathas and
endowing villages in favour of Brahmans." The Pandits performed a big Homa on the day
of his coronation. The mere fact that the king permitted such a ceremony to be performed
on the auspicious day of his coronation shows that he possessed a fair measure of
religious toleration. No wonder that the Pandits succeeded in getting gifts from him as the
endowment of villages etc. on them. Describing his own relations with the king Shri Vara
the historian says " What has not king Shri Hassan given to me Shri Vara for beyond my
worth ? He has issued a proclamation about me which as it emanates from the king is a
source of great happiness to me. He has given me strong and swift horses and thick holy
thread and other articles beset with gold and jewels, and he has also given me beautiful
boats with sails, and robes from his own person, and wealth. After paying a homage to "
Shri Jainulavadina" (Zainulabdin) as a lover of all branches of learning Shri Vara says
that " King Hassan is a master of music." Shri Vara himself was a musician of great skill.
He held his own against the Indian musicians who were always in attendance upon the
king. There were also Indian dancing girls, by name, Ratnamala, Dipmala, and Nripmala
who " danced charmingly displaying emotions and gestures." With what poetical beauty
does Shri Vara describe Ratnamala may be gathered from the following account of this
dancing girl. " The king praised the beautiful actress Ratnamala, her forehead marked
with Tilaka and he praised her dancing and owned that she had melted the hearts of all by
her steps and her movements, by her tremor and action. How she commenced the
expected dance: How her gestures, her movements, the expression of her passions and the
swelling songs which flowed incessantly from her throat inflamed all men. The vaunt of
the skilful is worthless as the straw in comparison with her. Her song was without a fault,
her person was decorated with jewels, her beauty was great and she was possessed of
merit. The creater made her face like the full moon. The beauty of her face was nectar
and a drop of nectar hung from the nose in the form of a pearl pendent ... Thus the
youthful king praised the woman in presence of his boon companions and took cups of
wine from them." The king became addicted to such orgies. The affairs of the State were
neglected which paved the path for a civil war which continued for a number of years.
The Pandits had approach to the person of the ruler. Some of them participated in his
drunken orgies. The musicians were mostly Indians with whom the Pandits could very
easily mix, but in the administration and in the politics of the country they had very little
say. Yet they fared better than in the previous rule. They were left in peace to their
develop arts and literature. They were left so much in peace that they could build a vihara
and a temple, a thing that could not be possible during the rule of Sikandar or Ali Shah.
But this did not last for long.

Hassan Khan became more and more addicted to wine. He neglected the affairs of the
State. Powerful factions with a definite class basis now came to the forefront. Each tried
to amass as much power in its hands as it was possible. The most powerful faction was
that of the Sayyids. It has been noticed in the foregoing pages as to under what
circumstances the Sayyids came into the country. They started their career as preachers of
Muslim religion whose main job was to secure as many converts as possible. They were
treated with great consideration by the rulers. It has been recorded by Shri Vara that
"knowing that Sayyid Nasira and his people were born of the family of Paigambra and
that they were men of great accomplishment and had come to adorn his kingdom and
were deserving of honour, the king Jaina ( Zainulabdin ) had given them very high seats
in the court, had shaken hands with them and had shown them unusual favour of
bestowing his own daughters on them and assigning to them estates in the kingdom.'' It
was but natural that under such unlimited royal patronage and favour they should have as
a class become very powerful. Having cast off the robes of religious friars they gradually
began freely dabbling with politics and in the reign of Hassan Khan they had become a
force to reckon with. The Sayyids were one and all foreigners, but with the people they
had the prestige of being the descendants of the Holy Prophet. They got in a very large
measure the homage from the Kashmiris. As long as the Sayyids kept their class
prejudices hidden they remained in power because it was after all the support of the
people that kept them in harness. But then class prejudice cannot be kept hidden or
suppressed for long. It manifests itself in hundred and one ways. The Sayyids now gave
expression to their feslings of hatred for others in an unbridled manner. Hassan Khan was
married to a Sayyid girl and as Shri Vara says "it was owing to the good luck of their
daughter ( the queen ) that the Sayyids obtained wealth and greatness but they regarded
the people of Kashmir scarcely even as grass. The king bent upon furthering the interests
of Sayyids acquiesced in orders whatever they were, that were issued by them for their
own selfish ends. They were busy in creating factions and the king was forebearing...''
Haughty and arrogant the Sayyids began to create enemies and thereby an organized
opposition for themselves. The Kashmiri notables could not brcck their high handedness
for long. They became restive and even vociferous. But the Sayyids had isolated the king
from them. They could scarcely get an audience with him. But somehow or other
Jehangir Magre, a great Kashmiri general whose power was sought to be broken by the
Sayyids, gained an audience with the king. He spoke to the king in unreserved terms that
"these Sayyids O ! king, were once exiled but have been brought back. You have yourself
brought this curse on this peaceful country......... The Sayyids have further been
encouraged by the Turshkas with hopes of support and they should always be feared.
They are eager for the kingdom as vultures are for meat. It is not fit, O my master! that
you who have many ends to accomplish should devote himself exclusively to one... I am
going away for the safety of your kingdom as well as of myself. The country is ruined
and you ought to save yourself somehow. Reference to Turshkas (Turks) shows that the
struggle was taking the hue of foreigners versus the indigenous population. Jehangir who
had now assumed the leadership of the Kashmiris collected a small force and went away
from the capital - in wait for better times. There was yet another group and that was of
the Chaks a tribe of war-like people whose ancestor Lankar Chak had come into Kashmir
during the reign of Suhadeo. The Chaks were not heard very much during the previous
reigns excepting once during the reign of Zainulabdin, when they rose against the king
and were suppressed with great severity. But now when factional politics became the
order of the day they with their warlike habits came into prominence and the contending
factions sought their co-operation and help. The Chaks partook of the characteristics of
both - they were foreigners but their long stay in the country had obliterated most of the
differences, physical and racial, that existed between them and the Kashmiris. So it was
very easy for them to gain the confidence of one or the other. But for long they kept
themselves in the background and sometimes they sided with the one group and
sometimes with the other. This shows that their group consciousness had not become
very pronounced in the beginning. It was only when after same time the whole tribe
accepted the Shia creed that they appeared on the scene as a distinct group to play their
own part on the political stage of the country.

The Pandits as a group were nowhere heard in this drama. They were in strict seclusion
and moved with great caution. They avoided strife and never participated in any
controversy. Even their historians were cautious. Describing the defeat of the royal army
in Bhutta war Shri Vara says "I have abstained from giving even a brief account of this
defeat in consideration of the present unsuitable times." But in the closing year of Hassan
Khan's reign when the power of the Sayyids had grown very greatly - which was further
augmented by the arrival of bands of their outside helpers the Pandit was sometimes
witnessed on the scene, though only as a victim of the high-handedness of the groups in
power. It is recorded that the Sayyids were very fond of hunting and did not spare even
those places which because of their sanctity were treated as sanctuaries. A Muni by name
Vaisharana who was held in high esteem lodged a mild protest against trespass on his
land. The result was that not only he but all the Pandits residing in the locality were made
to pay a heavy toll of suffering. An idea of the measure in which their religious
susceptibilities were wounded can be gathered from the following: "The Turshkas were
powerful and strong archers. They seated themselves in the house of Brahmans who had
devoted themselves to the performance of the six duties, they ate from the vessels of the
Brahmans the cooked meat of fowls killed as if in sacrificial ceremonies and they gave
themselves up to the pleasures of drinking. The inhabitants of this place were robbed of
their domestic animals and rice and other things, and some of the avaricious servants of
the Sayyids killed the people in their own houses." This gives in brief the description of
the plight of the Pandits. How trespass could be committed on their lands and houses with
immunity ? How they could be robbed of all they possessed ? And how the king much
though he might have wished to do so felt himself powerless to render them any relief ?

The embers of the struggle between the foreigner Sayyids and the indigenous Kashmiris
were smouldering under an external surface of seeming peace, when Hassan Khan died in
1487 A.D. On his death-bed Hassan Khan had expressed a desire that in preference to his
minor sons one of the two other princes of the royal blood should be installed on the
throne with this condition that his son Mohammad Shah should be nominated as his heir
by the prince so succeeding. By this means he expected the establishment of a strong rule
and also the minimization of chances of the civil war. But fate ordained otherwise.
Kashmir was dragged into the vortex of a deadly civil war which ended the rule of
Salatins for all time. And what was in store for the Pandits during the next century will
soon be seen.

CHAPTER VI
Civil War
SAYYID HASSAN BAIHAQI was the minister of Hassan Shah who
was his son-in-law. After Hassan's death Baihaqi regardless of the instructions given by
the late king installed Mohammad Shah, his own grandson (and son of Hassan Shah) on
the throne. Mohammad Shah was a boy of only seven years. The result was that Sayyid
Hassan Baihaqi who now became the regent came to possess all the powers of the State.
But this was far from the liking of the Kashmiri party. They organized opposition and the
smouldering fire of civil war now burstforth in a terrific flame. Both parties began to
amass their forces. The Sayyids were in harness, they had money, and men at their
disposal. As against them the Kashmiri party was not so well equipped. But somehow or
other the Kashmiri leaders enlisted the support of Paras, the king of Jammu who was
passing his days in Kashmir as a fugitive along with a small force. The Kashmiris soon
after took the initiative and fired the first shot. A night attack was made on Sayyid
Hassan who was killed with thirty other Sayyids. His son Sayyid Ali collected his
supporters and gave battle to the Kashmiri insurgents. After having won some
preliminary successes the Sayyids were completely routed. Scores of them were killed
and many others went into hiding, and those who were caught were banished along with
Sayyid Ali. The power of Sayyids was completely broken along with the pricking of the
bubble of their prestige. The base of the Sayyids was the respect with which they were
held by the Kashmiris. With the Kashmiris having turned against them, it did not take
much time in seeing them exit as a class from the political arena though individual
Sayyids there were who occasionally made some noise and then disappeared. Having
routed the Sayyids who were till then the main supporters of the boy king Mohammad
Shah, the insurgent Kashmiri leaders quite unexpectedly paid their homage to the boy
king himself. With the elimination of the Sayyid influence the Kashmiri party thought
that they could hold the boy king as a pawn in their hands for furthering their own
interests. But not long after this party also divided itself into two factions. Jahangir Magre
who had worked for the downfall of the Sayyids now wanted to centralize all power in
his own hands. As against him another group under the leadership of Tazi Bat took the
side of Fateh Shah who was one of the two princes nominated by Hassan Shah to succeed
him. Fateh Shah attacked Kashmir but was defeated by Jahangir Magre who freely
availed of the assistance of the exiled Sayyids who were now content to play the second
fiddle under Jehangir. But Fateh Shah again made bold to attack and this time with
success. With Fateh Shah's success, another clique of the Kashmiris headed by Safdar
came into prominence with Safdar as the Chief Minister. But even in this group another
clique headed by Shams Chak, Shringhar Raina and Musa Raina came into existence.
They poisoned the mind of king Fateh Shah against Safdar and skirmishes became the
order Safdar in spite of his putting a valiant fight was defeated and killed and in his stead
Shams Chak became the Chief Minister. This is for the first time when we hear about
Chaks coming forward in the open though it took many more years for them to establish
their rule. During this civil war which lasted for a number of years, the worst features of
human nature came into prominence. Perfidy not unmixed with flagrant breaches of faith
was the characteristic feature of the participants in it. Mohammad Shah and Fateh Shah
were their pawns. Some sided with one and some with the other and while both the
cliques ostensibly fought the battle of the rival princes in reality they fought mainly for
their own selfish ends. Both Mohammad Shah and Fateh Shah lost and regained the
throne no less than four times. During these days the country was plunged in a worst
phase of lawlessness. Roads were totally unsafe, trade was quite at a standstill, and
agriculture was neglected. Life was a burden and property a misery. People fell from their
morals and even the Pandits did not remain untouched. Shri Vara the contemporary
historian speaks in mournful numbers that "people are now fond of blameable practices
and are ashamed to follow the Shastra which was followed by their fathers and grand-
fathers. Men of four castes had graced the kingdom in former days but latterly the people
had gradually adopted blameable practices and the ceremonies prescribed for special days
in the Puranas came to be forgotten. Why should not the people whose customs are bad
suffer calamities."
Again Mohammad Shah made his appearance. This time with the assistance of Sayyid
Mohammad Baihaqi who ncw became the Chief Minister. Shams Chak and his other
Chaks fled from the country along with Fateh Shah. The Sayyids foresaw the rise of
Chaks who along with Musa Raina a Kashmiri notable had accepted the Shia creed at the
hands of Shamsud-din Iraqi who had begun preaching the new faith in Kashmir.
Shamsuddin was exiled by the Sayyids. Thereby they thought they would succeed in
stemming the growing Shia tide and also break the power of the Chaks. But this action of
the Sayyids only cemented the bonds of union between a number of Chaks and Fateh
Shah. Again Fateh Shah mounted the throne. Shams Chak was appointed Chief Minister
and Musa Raina who was converted to Shia faith was put in charge of some exalted
office. But not long after did the Chak and Musa Raina fall out with each other. The Chak
was murdered and Musa Raina became the Chief Minister with Fateh Shah, a mute and
dumb observer of the drama that was being enacted in his presence and in his name.

With Musa Raina in the saddle Shamsuddin Iraqi, the Shia preacher, came back to
Kashmir with re-doubled zeal for the propagation of his faith. Not content with peaceful
preachings, forcible methods came to be practised. In spite of Fateh Shah being himself a
Sunni, many Sunnis it is recorded were forcibly converted to Shia faith and some of them
even killed. But the Pandits were a target of a special attention. Many of them were
killed. Many more were forced to leave their hearth and home and migrated to India.
About 24000 Pandits were forcibly converted to Shia faith. The property of the Hindus
was confiscated. And those who were allowed to live had to pay Jazia which was revived
by Musa Raina. By such means were fresh converts secured for the new faith. Politically
and economically the Pandits were now in the lowest pit of misery and degradation.
Previously it was the personal attention of the rulers which had kept them on going. But
with the rulers themselves in misery the Pandits simply dragged on their miserable
existence. Many amongst them succumbed to the temptation of getting a better living,
and found an escape from the existing troubles in renouncing their faith. But there were
many who tenaciously clung to their faith and practices. Even during these days of
turmoil when life was a misery for anybody, they produced authors who wrote exquisite
commentaries upon the Shaiva doctrines. Their scholarship in Sanskrit was at its height.
Kashmiri scholars went all over India stopping at different places to hold discussions on
various topics with the scholars there. One such great scholar was Keshava Bhatta, a
great poet and logician who went as far as Calcutta, coming out victorious at all
intervening places. There at Calcutta he had a discussion with Lord Gauranga
(Chaitanya). Keshava Bhatta it is said could not withstand the spiritual prowess of the
Lord Chaitanya and later became a devoted follower of his, and established his head-
quarters at Mathura. Kashmir's fame for Sanskrit learning having spread all over India,
scholars from all over the country came to Kashmir to drink deep from the fountain of
learning here. Pandit Purushottam Kaul was the head of a great institution where training
was imparted to students free of cost in all branches of Sanskrit learning. Baba Sri Chand
the founder of Udasi sect also received his training in this institution. Not only that.
Eminent scholars from Kashi and other places came over to Kashmir for discussions with
the learned scholars here. It was only after they had established their scholarship here that
they could claim a place amongst the really learned.
With a civil war raging all round, the Pandits betook to the peace time occupation of
writing books on history, philosophy and poetry. The ever-changing political scenes had
impressed upon them the evanescence of human life and affairs. They imbibed a spirit of
detachment and with this attitude they looked upon the world around with its fullest store
of miseries. In numbers they were considerably dwindled by forcible conversions and as
such as a group they could not make a mark in times of war. It was quite possible that
they might be carried by the tide and effaced out of existence. The only alternative left
for them for maintaining their group existence was to zealously guard their religion,
philosophy, poetry and history. And this they did with a unique pertinacity which could
not have been spent for a better cause. And it is this which kept them living in spite of the
worst adverse strokes of time.

Musa Raina did not leave even the Chaks alone. Though most of them had accepted the
Shia faith, yet for the time being he broke their power as a group. But it was not for long
that he had to continue in saddle. Again Fateh Khan was ousted and Mohammad entered
back for the third time. Mohammad Shah made his exit again and Fateh Shah became
ruler for the last time. Fateh Shah, in order to eliminate the chances of bickerings and
quarrels breaking out amongst his own supporters divided the country in four parts, out of
which he reserved only one for himself. This time there was some semblance of peace in
so far as the Pandits were allowed to go on a pilgrimage to Harmukat Ganga where they
used to immerse the ashes of their dead every year and which was discontinued for some
years. But the nature itself was frowing upon them it seemed. On the fateful night when
they were returning from the pilgrimage they halted on the top of a mountain for the
night. At the dead of night they were overtaken by a terrific thunder storm and lightening
which unnerved them so much that they ran helter-skelter on all sides. Thousands of them
fell from the precipice into the running river below, many, more died with cold and some
others, were struck by lightening. The poet historian Shuka says that "Ganga was
oppressed with hunger, as it was after a long time that she had devoured bones she surely
devoured the men also who carried the bones." Ten thousand Pandits perished in this
catastrophe. This event took place in 1517 A. D. The conditions obtaining in the country
as a result of the civil war raging all round, can be gathered from the fact that even a
pilgrimage to a sacred place had to be given up. Mohammad Shah was again ousted, this
time by Chaks. Qazi Chak was appointed as the Chief Minister of the succeeding ruler.

Musa Raina had dealt a death blow to the Pandits. About twenty four thousands of them
were forcibly converted. Their sacred places were desecrated and property looted. And
those who survived this onslaught were allowed to live on payment of Jazia. The
conditions were indeed very deplorable. Some how or other they thought of freeing
themselves from this intolerable state of affairs. Under the leadership of Shri Nirmal
Kantha a great scholar they held a council and perhaps wanted to lay a prayer before the
king. But even this was not what would be tolerable to the ruling clique. It is recorded
that one Muslim "Khuja Mir Mohammada (Khwaja Mir Mohammad) on the other hand
induced Kak Chakra (Qazi Chak) who was alarmed at the work of Nirmal Kantha and
others to give him permission to act against them; and actuated by malice caused them to
be killed.'' Further on Shuka laments: "O Brahmans, where in this Kali Yuga are your
Brahmanical spirit and practice ? It was for want of these that the sorrowful and the
affrighted Nirmal Kantha and others were killed. The oppression of the Mausalas which
began in the times of Saidas (Sayyids) was perfected by Kaka Chakra" (Qazi Chak.)
Shuka being an eye witness of all this, the pathos and the emotion in his writing can
easily be understood. It could not but wound very deeply his feelings at seeing that a
number of Pandits headed by a good Pandit should have been made to taste the bitter cup
of death simply because they tried to look after the welfare of their people. But Shuka
does not blame the Chaks so much as the Brahmans themselves who had forgotten their
"Brahmanical spirit and practice" which brought about the death of many good
Brahmans.

It will be no use entering into the details of the civil war which with the establishment of
Shia faith took sometimes the complexion of Shia-Sunni riots. This further weakened the
Kashmiri ranks because the Shias amongst them sided with the Chaks, an overwhelming
majority of whom had accepted the Shia faith. In this context of country's affairs prince
after prince came and went away, dragging a miserable existence on a tottering throne for
a few months or years and then sank into oblivion. The Kashmiri party weakened itself
by internecine quarrels, brought about by their division into Shia and Sunni groups and
commensurate with their weakness the Chaks gained in power and prestige. All the high
offices came to be filled by them as the rulers were themselves dependent upon their
goodwill. During this period Baber and Sher Shah Suri also tried to get the suzerainty of
the country but failed. To Baber Chaks offered a brave front which raised them high
enough in popular esteem. Kashmiris were divided into a number of cliques and while all
fought against all, the last in the line of the rulers Habib Shah was deposed by Qazi Chak
who was Habib's Chief Minister and himself became the king. Thus ended the rule of the
Sunni Salatins and in their stead the Shiaite Chaks became the rulers.

The Chak rule lasted for a brief span of 33 years (1553-1586 A.D.) The Chaks were brave
people but could build no base in the country. They had accepted the Shia creed. The
bulk of the population in the country was of Sunni faith. Religiously speaking, there was
a huge gulf existing between the Chak rulers and the ruled. To this their turbulent
character and fanatical zeal for the propagation of their faith made an addition. Qazi Chak
affected the forcible conversion of many Hindus and Sunni Muslims to Shia faith. Having
once established their rule, they began to quarrel amongst themselves. They could not
attend to any work of good Government. It was at its best a military rule inflicted from
above and as long as the men at the top were united they could maintain themselves in
their places. It was even in the reign of the first Chak ruler Qazi Chak that dissensions
broke out in their ranks. His turbulent tribesmen could not brook the stern measures
which were adopted by him in suppressing lawlessness. A series of disorders followed
with the result that he had to abdicate in favour of his brother, Hussain Shah Chak, who
though comparatively a man of catholic views and some education had also to abdicate in
favour of Ali Shah. A severe famine in his reign further weakened the Chak rule.

Mogul imperialism was now at the height of its glory. Akbar had brought nearly the
whole of Northern India under his way. How could it be possible that Kashmir a tiny
speck on the map of India and torn asunder by internecine quarrels, would maintain its
independence for long. Yusuf Shah Chak who ascended the throne in 1579 A.D. was
thrown out after a brief reign of a year. He tried to regain his throne, but failed. The result
was that he turned towards Akbar. Yusuf Shah went to Agra and kept on wooing for help.
But after some time Yusuf changed his mind, probably because he felt that the help he
sought would in the long run bring about his own effacement. Without waiting any
longer, he started for Kashmir. He raised some troops and again succeeded in regaining
his throne. Akbar having come to know all this, was angered beyond measure. He
ordered that Yusuf must at once come to pay his respects. Yusuf was only too prepared
for this, but his turbulent supporters stood in his way. Again there was a turmoil and
some of Yusuf's men having turned against him went to Raja Man Singh who was then at
Lahore and made a request for the conquest of Kashmir. Akbar thereafter ordered an
expedition to Kashmir under Raja Bhagwandas, Shah Quli etc. The Chaks also made
mighty preparations to meet their formidable invaders. In this whole affair, Yusuf played
a most perfidious role and just at the moment when victory was about to be snatched
from Moguls, he joined them without consulting any of his supporters. But even then the
defenders did not lose heart. They installed Yakub Chak on the vacant throne. Taking
advantage of incessant rains which cut off the Mogul forces from their base, and
converted their camp into a huge marsh, the Kashmir army inflicted blow after blow upon
the invaders. Raja Bhagwandas finding his position very insecure, entered into a treaty
with Yakub and left the country after securing a promise of tribute from Yakub. Yusuf,
fallen from grace everywhere, remained in captivity for some time. He was at last given a
command in the Bengal army, but after some time his brain was deranged and he soon
after died.

But Yakub Chak did not follow the victory with any constructive effort to mend the
country's affairs. On the contrary he himself contributed to the prevailing disorder. The
giant of religious fanaticism was again roused from his slumbers. The Jama Masjid, the
main centre of the Sunni worship was being repaired. This was very much resented by
him. As a result he ordered the Qazi to add the words Ali Vali Alla to Qalima ( the holy
Muslim formula) to make it more acceptable to the Shias. This the Sunnis resented and
greatly too. An orgy of repression was let loose upon them. Many were killed in a very
ruthless manner, many more were flung into prison. The Qazi also was killed for his
refusal to make the addition in the Qalima and his corpse was tied to the tail of an
elephant and dragged throughout the city.

Yakub did not stop at that. The Pandits also were dragged into this affair and greatly
oppressed. A whole sale conversion of the Pandits was planned. But as ill luck would
have it for him Yakub fell ill these very days and therefore the idea was given up.

Akbar did not ratify the treaty entered into by Bhagwan Das with Yakub, and was eager
to annex the province, when in the meanwhile the persecuted Sunnis sent a deputation,
headed by Sheikh Yakub Sarfi and Baba Daud Khaki to wait upon Akbar. They apprised
him of the conditions obtaining in Kashmir and made a request to him to free Kashmir
from the clutches of insolent Chaks. Akbar agreed to their request. A pact was made, the
terms of which are given below:
(a) That the king shall not interfere with the religious affairs, the purchase and sale of
goods and the rates of food grains and cereals.
(b) The officers of the Government shall have no male or female Kashmiri as a slave.
(c) That the inhabitants of Kashmir shall not be molested in any way.
(d) That the nobles of Kashmir having been a source of mischief in the past shall have no
share in the administration of the country.
This done, Akbar, deputed Mir Qasim with an army of forty thousand strong. Yakub
Chak also collected an army of thirty thousand but at the crucial hour the major portion of
his army deserted him and went over to the other side. Yakub was defeated and the
country passed into the hands of Akbar in 1586 A. D.

CHAPTER VII
Emperor Akbar and the Pandits
IN our preceding chapters we have seen the general plight of the Kashmiri Pandits.
Both man and nature combined its forces to work for their destruction. There was an
acute class prejudice against them and every attempt was made to break their power and
solidarity by such highly questionable methods as even death and forcible conversions. In
every turmoil that rose and in every civil war that ensued the Pandit was dragged into it
much against his will and he was made to pay his toll. In the period which followed the
glorious rule of Zainulabdin Kashmir was plunged in a dreadful anarchical state. People
got no respite, no peace, and no opportunity to develop the brighter side of their nature.
Education was neglected, commerce had dwindled and the world-famous arts and crafts
of Kashmir were fast disappearing. Homage to one's religion was paid by reviling that of
others. But in the orgy of fratricidal struggles which was the order of the day, it was the
Pandit alone who maintained himself on a high moral pedestal. The fire of suffering and
sacrifice through which he passed added to his moral stature and in course of time he
came to command a great respect even in hostile surroundings. True, at times his moral
uprightness came to be interpreted as hypocrisy, and his observance of religion as
practice of witchcraft. But the general mass feeling was veering round them, though there
was not a dearth of religious maniacs who found in their ranks a rich field for forcible
proselytisation or that of political opportunists who tried to pass as champions of their
faith by suppressing the Pandits. But all this did not break their backbone. Undaunted
they sped their way unmindful of the blows and buffets that were in store for them in an
abundant measure. It is a wonderful phenomenon though no less true that after the fire of
oppression they were beset with, they came out unscathed and with great vigour. And
when Akbar reached Kashmir, the first thing that struck his discerning eye was the moral
supremacy of the Pandit. In "Aini Akbari" we come across with a significant passage
which runs as follows:
" The most respectable class in this country (Kashmir) is that of the Pandits, who
notwithstanding their need for freedom from the bonds of tradition and custom are the
true worshipers of God. They do not loosen their tongue of calumny against those not of
their faith nor beg nor importune. They employ themselves in planting fruit trees and are
generally a source of benefit to the people."
A certificate like the above coming from such an eminent person as Abul Fazl must speak
a volume by itself.

Akbar came to Kashmir in 1588 and stayed here for a sufficiently long period to make an
estimate of the general conditions of the country and its people and visited the places of
natural sceneries on one side and on the other settled the affairs of the country which had
seen no peace for more than a century. The warlike and turbulent Kashmiri nobles were
ousted from all places of power and their power of mischief was sufficently curbed.
Roads were repaired and travel was made safe. The Pandit too did not escape his notice.
He wanted to place him on par with all other citizens without any inferiority attaching to
him on the score of religion. The Jazia (poll tax) which was once removed by
Zainulabdin was again imposed on them by Musa Raina. Akbar ordered its repeal. This at
once removed a crushing burden of inferiority which was placed upon the Pandits. The
reaction of the Pandits may be gathered from the following passage which appears in
Shuka's narrative. "Formerly the kings of the House of Chaks used to exact an annual fine
from the Brahmans owing to their animosity towards the people of that caste. In every
house a Brahmana of good family and character who maintained his own caste used to
pay an annual tribute to the king. For the preservation of his sacred thread a Brahmana
annually paid a tribute of forty Panas to the king. The good Brahmans had left the
country.. and the low Brahmans had given up their caste.... Now when Jyallaladena
(Jalalud-Din) learnt of the condition of the Brahmans, he repeated the practice of l evying
fines on them...He announced that he would without delay reward those who would
respect the Brahmans of Kashmir...... The Brahmans versed in Vedas blessed the king."

But the munificence of the Emperor did not stop here. The Pandits plight which can be
gathered from the words that follow was indeed pitiable. " Ono thousand cows were used
to be killed every day without any opposition under the orders of the Chak rulers.
Brahmans were over-powered as sun by darkness..The means of their livelihood was
consumed. They did not remain in the country, as deer do not stay in the forest which is
burnt. As they left the country, they sometimes felt alarm in the way, and sometimes they
were the objects of laughter and reproach." This is the narrative of an eye witness which
is fully supported by the Muslim historians. If after all this, the Pandits had maintained
their virtues to the extent of their being called as the "most respectable class", surely there
must have been something unique about their social structure which kept them alive
under most adverse circumstances.

Akbar evinced great interest in the rehabilitation of the Pandits. They were received in
audience where they related their grievances to him. The Emperor listened to their
grievances with great sympathy and commands were issued for their immediate redressal.
Rent free villages were reserved for them. Aditya Pandita, a Kashmiri was appointed to
effect a distribution of these lands amongst the Pandits. Ramdas who accompanied Akbar
to Kashmir has been praised beyond all measure by the Kashmiri historians for his
interesting himself on behalf of the Pandits. During his stay in Kashmir Akbar
participated in the national festivals of the Pandits. On the 13th of Bhadoon which is
celebrated by the Pandits as the birthday of Vitasta (river Jhelum) he ordered
illuminations all over the city and himself participated in the festivities. All this was a
great and a descisive step taken towards recognizing their distinct social existence. As a
group they again came into prominence.

Mogul rule in Kashmir opened a new chapter in the annals of Kashmir. After Kanishka it
was perhaps for the first time that Kashmir was linked with a vast empire. Roads were
constructed tbat made travel both easy and safe. Trade and commerce developed and with
this the indigenous arts, crafts and industries received a great deal of encouragement.
This gave rise to a rich commercial class amongst the Kashmiris though in matters of
administration the Kashmiri Muslims do not figure very high. This was but natural. Even
after Kashmir had passed into Mogul hands, there were rebellions mainly backed by the
Kashmiri notables for whom the establishment of a vigorous and a strong rule was a
challenge to their very existence. And Akbar was not unmindful of this. One of the
conditions in the pact which preceded Akbar's military action in Kashmir was that the
Kashmiri notables should be deprived of any share in the governance of the country. No
place of administrative trust was reserved for them. Subedars (Viceroys) were deputed
from Delhi who brought their own assistants to work under them and whenever the
necessity of utilizing the local talent came, they much preferred the Pandit who was
politically harmless. The most important work which confronted the administration was
the preparation of a land assessment report. Qazi Nurullah and Qazi Ali were deputed
from Delhi for the preparation of a land settlement report. Even during the terrific
vicissitudes through which the Pandits had to pass, the preparation of the land records
remained in their sole charge. They were treated as experts in this branch of
administration. It was because of his special knowledge of the land assessment work that
Pandit Tota Ram who later acted as the Peshkar to the first Mogul Viceroy Mirza Yusuf
Khan was appointed to assist Qazis Nurullah and Ali. Together they produced a report
which became the basis of land settlement. But in spite of itself the Mogul rule produced
a silent and steady revolution in the body politic of the country. True, that they did not
favour keeping of political power in the native Muslim hands. But they could not present
the growth amongst them of a rich trading class either. These people went every year to
India with their merchandize and came back laden with riches and fresh ideas. They
amassed huge influence and even criticized the Government. Even though they had no
hand in the Government, yet they did not strive for it. In the first instance the Mogul rule
brought peace and even some prosperity for the people at large. A general rising of the
people who were now passing through times which stood in a marked contrast to the days
of Chak sway was out of question. And the upper classes had enough opportunity to earn
money and they had no reason to disturb the status quo. Besides a military rising was a
sheer madness. A puny country like Kashmir could hardly stand the organized might of
the Empire. Along with the growth of a Muslim commercial class, Hindu traders from
abroad came in numbers to Kashmir and settled in the country. Gradually they
appropriated a large amount of export trade in their own hands. But it took a hundred
years more before a struggle against them could develop. For the time being there was an
alround prospect of peace and prosperity in an abundant measure.

For the Pandits the establishment of Mogul rule opened a new vista. They were now
linked with India. That provided for them a rich and a fresh field. There they went every
year - some as pilgrims to the holy places and some in search of a living. Gradually there
sprang up Pandit colonies in Agra and Delhi. There also they maintained their separate
identity and came to be known as Kashmiri Pandits, a term said to have been invented by
Emperor Mohammad Shah on a representation by Pandit Jai Ram Bhan to distinguish
them from the Brahmans of other parts of India. There the Pandits who had already
acquired a mastery over the Persian language were well-received in the literary circles.
They wrote exquisite poetry in this language. To mention one amongst scores of them
referance may be made to Pandit Chandra Bhan who was a great scholar and was ranked
with first class poets of the day. Chandra Bhan was a great favourite of both Shah Jehan
and Dara Shiko. The knowledge of Persian stood the Pandits in very good stead even in
the early days of the British rule. The British had to deal with records maintained in
Persian language. The result of all this was that Pandits came to be employed in
Government services in large numbers and at the Bar where a knowledge of Persian was
necessary for the interpretation of documents written mainly in Persian they rose very
high.

After a stay of a few months Akbar left Kashmir. A number of Pandits who were
encouraged by the treatment they received at his hands left Kashmir along with him.
Chief amongst this group was Pandit Sada Kaul who settled at Agra. Sada Kaul lived a
long life and was very well treated both by Jehangir and Shah Jehan, the latter went to the
extent of granting him a Mansab and besides granted him a Jagir, houses and the
following titles: Itmadulsaltanat, Mashirul-Mulk, Mirza Raja and Gamkhuar. The family
is now known as Gamkhuar family. During the Mogul history the scions of this family
played a very prominent part which will be referred to at the proper place. This Pandit
group established its first colony at Agra wherefrom they spread to other towns of India
where they where driven by the exisgencies of service or other causes. Having migrated
in a group these Pandits successfully maintained their group identity. They followed the
same customs and religious observances as where in vogue in their mother country and
did not marry outside their community. This necessitated them to keep their connections
with Kashmir in tact which on account of safety of travel was not a difficult job. In
course of time their Bachbhats, Priests and Purohits also followed them and migrated
from Kashmir and settled in Agra and Delhi. Thus a class of Pandits wlth definite group
charactetistics came into existence in India which was able to hold its own even in a
strange land. Being well-versed in Persian they were freely admitted in literary circles
which were till then the close preserve of the Muslim upper classes. This brought about a
sort of cultural exchange between them and the Muslims and though in his orthodoxy the
Pandit was at its highest, yet that did not stand in his way of establishing cultural links
with the Muslims. This has remained a characteristic feature of the Pandits all along
 CHAPTER IX
Pandits after Aurangzeb
WITH the passing of Aurangzeb, the forces of turbulent lawlessness that had found
place of safety underground now appeared on the political firmament. Aurangzeb had,
even before he ascended the throne, perceived that the external pomp and magnificence
of the grand Mogul had succeeded in only hiding the weaknesses which had silently crept
into the fabric of the Mogul rule. He wanted to strengthen the rule. This he aimed at by
crushing the opposition and giving an indelible Muslim complexion to the administration.
While doing so, he alienated all those who were not of his religious persuasion. By this
he created an opposition for himself which gathered so much strength in course of time
that it did ultimately destroy the Mogul rule for all time. He undertook useless wars in
Deccan against Muslim States which stood as a bulwark between him and the rising
Marhatta power. The Deccan Muslim States having been removed from the field,
Aurangzeb came face to face with the rising Marhatta power. Unlike Akbar, Aurangzeb
had lost his faith in the people. At the most he could rely either upon his army or the
handful of Muslims who were of his way of thinking. For twenty long years he remained
in Deccan to fight the Marhattas and others. These useless wars exhausted his treasury
and weakened his army and threw into prominence a set of people who were difficult to
manage and impossible to subdue. The result was that for his sons he left a weak legacy
which they could not maintain. The army, though weak, became the sole arbiter and
during the reign of the latter Moguls, it was the military leaders who swayed the
pendulum backward and forward.

In Kashmir we have already noticed that the policy of the Moguls was not to encourage
the local Muslims. But though the feudal Muslims families were crushed, other families
had come into prominence who amassed huge wealth by following trade and commerce
as their profession. Along with them there arose another class of commercial magnates
who had migrated from the neighbouring provinces of the Punjab and Delhi. These were
invariably Khatri Hindus. They conducted a brisk business and had a great hand in the
export trade. They had established a colony of theirs in Mohalla Gulshan near Hariparbat
close to the royal palaces. The high class Pandits had taken their residence at Rainawari
which is a suburb of Srinagar close by the seat of the Government, which existed then
inside the fort surrounding the Hariparbat hill. The Pandits were employed in the
Government offices. Thus at the close of the rule of Aurangzeb three classes had
appeared on the top: Muslim commercial class, Punjabi. Khatri traders and the Pandits. It
may be mentioned that the Khatri traders were greatly encouraged by the Mogul rulers
and it was under their patronage that they settled in Kashmir. May be that they were
encouraged to give a set back to the Kashmiri Muslim commercial enterprise. Whatever
may have been the reason, a struggle between the Hindu Khatri commercial class and the
Muslim commercial class was inevitable. The Muslim traders had an advantage over the
Hindu traders in so far as they had an approach to the Muslim masses whom they could
inflame in the name of religion against the "infidel" traders who for no fault of theirs
robbed the Muslims of their wealth. The Khatri could rely only on the Government
protection. This he go in an abundant measure as long as the Government was strong.
The Pandits too had by now become very influential and affluent. They passed their days
very peacefully and the local bureaucracy was mainly manned by them. Their ascendency
in the political field was unrivalled in Kashmir.

Aurangzeb died in the year 1707 A.D. Within 12 years of his death when Mohammad
Shah ascended the throne the Government was very much weakened. Many provinces
declared their independence, but Kashmir dragged itself on as a Mogul province.
Mohammad Shah ascended the throne in the year 1719 A.D Within a few months of his
ascending the throne, the struggle in Kashmir came to a head. Muhatta Khan, who was
perhaps a Kashmiri, wandered in his boyhood outside Kashmir, till he got access to
Bahadur Shah who succeeded his father Aurangzeb in 1707 A.D. Muhatta Khan secured
a Jagir for himself, but lost it soon after Bahadur Shah's death. Destitute and forlorn he
came back to Kashmir in sheer dismay and frustration. On arrival here he saw the Hindus
passing their days in great ease and comfort. Trade and commerce had greatly passed into
their hands and the administrative business was mostly conducted by them. Muhatta
Khan who was credited with a deep knowledge of Islamic laws, somehow or other found
fault with the policy followed by the Naib Subedar Mir Ahmad Khan towards the Hindus
and made it plain that ascendency of the Hindus was intolerable from every point of
view. He in pursuance laid a prayer before the Subedar to the following effect:

(1) No Hindu should ride a horse, nor should a Hindu wear a shoe;
(2) that they should not wear Jama (an article of Mogul dress);
(3) that they should not bear arms;
(4) that they should not visit any garden
(5) that they should not have Tilak mark on their foreheads;
(6) that their cildren should not receive any education.

The Subedar refused to agree to these proposals. But Muhatta Khan who was of a sterner
stuff could not take this lying down and he took the law into his hands. He established his
seat in a mosque and there from he issued orders in furtherance of his proposals. He
collected a huge following who were deputed to harass and humiliate the Hindus in
general. He issued an edict that wherever a Hindu is seen riding a horse he should be
pulled down, Tilak mark should be erased from a Hindu's forehead and his turban and
shoe should be snatched away. Besides that, orders were issued that no Hindu should
attend any school or visit a garden, nor should he wear decent dress and so on. This was a
signal for a general rising and an orgy of loot, plunder and murder was let loose. A Hindu
Khatri trader Majlis Rai by name, who was a native of Jullundar and possessed more than
a crore of rupees worth property in Kashmir was feeding at the close of a religious
ceremony a number of Brahmans in a garden, was attacked there by the followers of
Muhatta Khan. The Brahmans ran helter-skelter in all directions and Majlis Rai himself
ran into the house of the Subedar Mir Ahmad. Muhatta Khan and his men surrounded the
houses of both the Subedar and Majlis Rai. Mir Ahmad Khan somehow or other left his
residence and collected a small force to fight Muhatta Khan. But he was soon
overpowered and was ousted from his post on the accusation of his being partial to the
Hindus. Muhatta Khan himself assumed all powers of the State. Having done so, he
ordered a systematic attack upon the Hindu areas. Hundreds of them were killed and
maimed and most of them were looted and their houses burnt. Majlis Rai Chopra was
killed with great ruthlessness and his property was plundered. The Hindus thus crushed,
began to run away in large numbers and hid themselves in mountaneous areas. And those
who remained behind lived under the humiliating conditions imposed by Muhatta Khan
and his band.

The attack upon Majlis Rai is symbolic of the real class basis of the struggle. The general
Hindu population was made to suffer because they shared with him his religion though
not his wealth. But the general Muslim masses did not participate in this orgy in any large
numbers. Rather we have it on the authority of a non-Muslim his torian that many
Muslims gave shelter to a large number of Hindus and kept them concealed in their
houses till better times dawned. This by itself is indicative of the fact that the struggle
was merely at the top and the masses were dragged into it by exploiting their religious
sentiments only.

Muhatta Khan continued to be in the saddle. Mir Ahmad Khan left the country and was
succeeded by Abdulla Khan. But he too could not suppress the rising and Muhatta Khan
took possession of the State treasury. Another Subedar by name Momin Khan arrived in
the meanwhile. The struggle now entered another phase. The two sons of Muhatta Khan
were killed at the instigation of Abdullah - a local Rais. But as ill luck would have it,
some of the participants in the murder were Shias. The Shias themselves were a hated
class because the Shawl manufacture was in their hands, and the factory workers were
mostly Sunni Muslims. A Shia Sunni riot also occurred which brought untold miseries
upon the former. This was followed by the murder of Muhatta Khan himself, when
Momin Khan arrived in the country. Even then Momin found himself unable to cope with
the forces of disorder rampant in the country. As a stroke of policy he recognized the son
of Muhatta Khan by name Sharafuddin as successor to his father in the exalted office of
Sheikh-ul-Islam. The son improved upon the methods of his father and inflicted various
kinds of tortures mental and physical upon the Hindus. He did not spare even those
Muslims who had in any way sympathised with the Hindus. Momin Khan also failed to
establish order and had to make room for Abdul Samad Khan. The new Subedar came
with a strong force, captured Sharaf and put him to death along with his fifty confederates
who were hanged publicly. The orders against the Hindus were withdrawn and it was
after an agonising period of a number of years that the Hindus were permitted to use a
turban, to put on good clothes, to wear the Tilak, and to send their children to schools and
to perform their religious ceremonies.

During the period the plight of the Kashmiri Pandits was miserable beyond measure.
Their houses were burnt and property looted. Many were killed and the conditions that
were imposed upon those who lived were worse than death. But the Pandits had an
invincible faith in themselves and continued to drag on their existence though miserably,
in wait for better times. And better times did at last come. Abdus Samad Khan having
established order in the country betook himself in all seriousness towards the task of
rehabilitating the Pandits. Sufficient relief measures were adopted and unbounded
benevolence was shown to them by the State. Again they came to be associated with the
administration of the country. During the Subedarship of Abu Barkat Khan who
succeeded Abdus Samad, the Pandits regained their former prestige and power. Abu
Barkat Khan condcned even the serious mistakes of the Pandits and appointed one of
them by name Mukund Ram Khar as his Peshkar. All the powers of the State were vested
in the Peshkar who wielded them with great skill and consideration. Abu Barkat Khan
was very popular with the Pandits and it was through their propaganda and similar kind
offices that he came to be appointed as Subedar of Kashmir, no less than five times.

The Pandits or better known as Kashmiri Pandits had by now risen very high at the
Mogul court at Delhi. Important State business was conducted through them. Pandit Jai
Ram Bhan held a Mansab. He was the head of the small community of Kashmiri Pandits
who were living at Delhi and Agra. For long did he wield enormous influence at the
Mogul court. But even there the Pandits had their enemies. On a complaint by Raja
Raushan Rai Kamboh before Qamar-ud-Din, Wazir of Emperor Mohammad Shah, the
Pandit was incarcerated andhis property was confiscated and his sons also were sent to
prison; He was later on sent to Muradabad but on the way to that place, he was murdered
at the instigation of the Raja. An order was communicated to Inayat Khan, the Subedar at
Kashmir, for the confiscation of the property of Pandit Jai Ram. Inayat Ullah Khan had
many reasons to be grateful to the Pandits. He sent word to Jai Ram's brothers to conceal
whatever they possessed of value before a formal search was made of their houses. The
result was that though a search was made of the houses, nothing valuable could be found
there.

The closing years of Mohammad Shah's reign, which was greatly weakened by the attack
of Nadir Shah witnessed a considerable lawlessness and disorder in Kashmir. The
Subedars refused to acknowledge the suzerainty of the Mogul overlord. There were
insurrections and wars which reduced the people to the lowest ebb of penury. Trade and
commerce, art and industry died. Agriculture was abandoned and the people witnessed a
huge famine. So many died of hunger and starvation that it became impossible to manage
the dead. Srinagar was looted and burnt a number of times. Other towns fared no better.
Fields once rich in harvests were lying desolate and beautiful hamlets which studded the
country were mere heaps of ruins with no signs of life in them. It was during these
unsettled days that Mohammad Shah the Mogul Emperor died in the year 1747
 CHAPTER X
A Survey of Mogul Rule in Kashmir
THE Mogul rule was essentially a military despotism, but not of the variety one
witnessed during the regime of the Delhi Sultans who had preceded the Moguls. The
despotism of the Mogul rulers though military in character, was yet very benevolent.
They did not remain content with only winning fresh territories or maintaining peace and
tranquillity in the realm, but were always solicitous for the welfare of their subjects.
Praises have been bestowed upon them for their achievements in the domain of
architecture, painting and other fine arts. There are yet others who have admired their
liberal out-look and the spirit of religious toleration. But it goes without saying that the
greatest achievement of Mogul sovereigns has been to free the Government from the
shackles of theocracy. It was they who took to kingship as a profession and never boasted
of being the "Protectors of faithful" and so on. They introduced political ideas into their
administration and evolved an administrative policy which was strictly political and
secular and never theocratic or based upon religion. They remitted Jazia, the imposition
of which was amongst other reasons based upon the fact "that since a non-Musiim
cannot, in strict theory be allowed to fight on behalf of the Islamic State, he must pay for
the support and upkeep of the army of the faithful who fight for the faith.'' The Jazia
having been remitted, the Hindus in general and the Rajputs in particular were enlisted in
the Imperial army, Even during Aurangzeb's reign Jai Singh was in command of the
Emperor's Deccan armies. The strict interpretation of canonical doctrines did not in any
way prevent the Emperor from following a policy which political considerations dictated.
The removal of Jazia put both the Muslim and non-Muslims on par with each other.
Hindus were made the grandees of the Empire. The part played by the Rajputs in
consolidating the Empire is known to all. In Kashmir as has been noticed in the preceding
pages, Pandits too were given commands in the army, though the Pandit's services were
utilized for local purposes only.

The Empire was divided into a number of Subas (provinces). Kashmir was one such
Suba. Each Suba was placed under a Subedar. The Subedar was the Head of the
provincial administration and was responsible for the maintenance of law and order, He
was assisted by a Diwan, in charge of financial matters, and a Faujdar. In Kashmir there
used to be a Faujdar at Anantnag, then known as Islamabad.

From ancient Hindu times Kashmir was divided into a number of Parganas (sub-districts)
traditionally thirty-six which served as administrative units. Each Pargana was
administered by a Parganadar under whom were other petty officers such as Patwaris,
Thanedars, Shikdars, Qanungo, Fotedars etc. A Parganadar and his local beareaucracy
was responsible for land revenue collections. Land revenue was collected in kind. To
begin with the land revenue was fixed at about twenty two lacs of Khirwars of Shali.
Later on the produce of the whole country according to Ami Akbari was estimated at
sixty-one lacs of Khirwars of Shali, and the land revenue was fixed at one half of the
produce. Says Aini Akbari "the system of revenue collection is by appraisement and
division of crops. Although one third had been for a long time past the nominal share of
the State, more than two shares were actually taken, but through His Majesty's justice it
has been reduced to one half. According to the assessment of Qazi Ali the land revenue
was fixed at 3073050 kharwars of Shali." In dams the land revenue came to 74670000
dams, which would mean that the price of one khirwar of Shali was about 24 dams, i. e.
ten annas. In Shah Jehan's reign the total revenue (including other taxes and duties) was
estimated at Rs. 3750000 and on the death of Aurangzeb it was Rs. 5747734, though
previous to this the revenue had shown some decrease.

Agriculture was very well looked after and many improvements were effected in its
methods. Irrigation was a special concern of the State. The Karewas or tablelands in
which Kashmir abounds, were most of them irrigated and much ingenuity was displayed
by their engmeers in carrying water to the top of these hillocks. No wonder that the
produce of Shali and other foodgrains was very rich and abundant. Fruit growing was
practised on an extensive scale. The methods of grafting was introduced in Kashmir
during this period. Many central Asian fruits were thus introduced in the country; and
many gardens were laid in Kashmir during this period. Wherever one may go in Kashmir
a Mogul garden in ruins will be there with a grove of chinars to proclaim in mute
eloquence the glory of the place once. The Subedars while following the footsteps of the
Emperors vied with each other in laying gardens. During this period seven hundred
gardens are estimated to have been laid. The Chinar tree is believed to have been
imported during this period.

Akbar selected the site for laying the seat of Government on lands round about the hill of
Hari Parbat. A fort was constructed around the hill and a town was founded there which
was named as Nagar Nagar. The fort itself was named as Nagar Nagar fort. In
constructing the fort a crore and ten lacs of rupees were provided from the royal treasury
and besides two hundred master-builders were sent from India. The construction greatly
relieved the horrors of a famine which had broken out during those days. The Subedars
had their residence inside the fort. The fort had twelve big gates besides a number of
small entrances - the latter led to the gardens laid by various Mogul Subedars. The
palaces where the Subedars lived were constructed inside the fort on the northern and the
eastern side of the hill. Jehangir himself raised a magnificent palace on the eastern side.
So also Ali Mardan Khan a Subedar (1650 A. D. to 1657 A. D.) to its north. Other
Subedars raised similar palaces. There was a stream which flowed near the palaces. This
was known as Lachhmi Kuhl. This stream catered to the needs of the people who
attended Jama Masjid for prayers. On the southern side of the fort there was a gate known
then as Delhi Darwaza which exists even now; and is nowknown to the people as Kathi
Darwaza. The Naubat Shahi was located there. The jail was just near it at a place where
the present jail is situated. The reason why the gate is now known as Kathi Darwaza is
perhaps that the condemned people were hanged there - the word in Kashmir for a
scaffold being Kathi.

Moguls in spite of their depotism were not unmindful of public opinion. Various were the
methods adopted by them to keep public opinion on their side, one such method was not
to allow anybody to go to bed with an empty stomach. Poor houses were started under
royal patronage which fed the poor and infirm sections of the people. In Srinagar there
was one such poor house located in a building known as Bilor Khana which was
constructed just near the royal palaces on the bank of Sudrabal lake. Food was distributed
free both morning and evening to anybody who felt its need. On the western side of the
fort there was another gate which led to Idgah. At Idgah there stood a mosque and a
Chinar grove. In Idgah on the Id day after Nimaz the Subedar anl other Mansabdars
participated in a number of games. Horse races and peg driving were practised.
Thousands of people enjoyed sight-seeing and really enjoyed Id.

The Subedars and other Mansabdars had quite a jolly time and the people also were
happy and peaceful. For the Subedars and other big people drinking water was brought
from Gagribal. The sluice at Drugjan was just at the place as it is now.

Kashmir carried a brisk trade with Central Asia and India. It was the centre wherefrom
articles of Indian manufacture such as muslins, brocade etc. were transported to Central
Asia and China and Central Asian manufactured articles were sent to India. In fact it was
a meeting place for traders, from such distant places as Balkh and Bukhara in the north
and Delhi and Amritsar from the south. The revenue from customs was estimated at two
lacs of rupees, which taking into consideration the fall in the value of the rupee since
Mogul times is much more than is the income even at present. Anantnag was the place
wherefrom trade was directed with India and Jammu, Bhadrawah, Kishtwar etc. The
habit of taking tea which is now universal in Kashmir was imbibed during this period
following contacts with Tibetian traders who had themselves taken it up from Chinese.

Many industries flourished in Kashmir during this period, chief of them being carpet and
shawl industries. Silkworm was reared and the silk industry was very flourishing. Besides
that there were other industries such as paper machie, silver work, copper work, wood
work furs, leather work and paper manufacturing. About paper it is recorded that
Kashmir did " fabricate the best writing paper of the East which was formerly an article
of extensive traffic, as were its lacquer ware, cutlery and sugars." The shawl industry was
at its peak during this period. There were about forty thousand shawl looms working in
the country during this period. Shawls found their way in all parts of the world.
Merchants and commercial agents from all over Asia were stationed here. The art of
shawl making was highly developed and a shawl could very easily pass through a ring. It
is recorded that a Sayyid who had come to Kashmir in 1796 A. D. carried with himself a
shawl given to him as a gift which he later presented to Khedive of Egypt, who on his
part presented it to Napoleon. Napoleon handed it over to his wife Josephine, who later
introduced it in fashionable Paris societies. Gradually Kashmir shawl secured quite a
good market in France, and which continued right up to the day the French were defeated
in Franco-German war of 1870 A. D. The collapse of France contributed in a very large
extent to the collapse of the industry in Kashmir.

During the Mogul period in Kashmir the shawl weavers do not seem to have been
reckoned as a respectable class. May be that they were quite an exploited class. In any
case their lot was very far from being enviable. Many pithy sayings concerning them are
current even now, and these would describe their plight in an unmistakable manner. Even
now whenever circumstances urge somebody. to use an inferior stuff, where a better stuff
should have been used, the man on inquiry would without a moment's thought retort with
an old saying: " Sin muhima sochal raian muhima Khandawav" which rendered in
English would mean " Famine of vegetables will force you to eat Sauchal (a wild grown
vegetable) and dearth of good husbands will compel a woman to choose a shawl weaver."
Compared to modern conditions there were too many working hours a day with no respite
as becomes clear from many other sayings yet in vogue. But this too is a fact that they
eked out a secure living from their profession and never starved, though they seldom
were in opulent circumstances.

There was not the baffling problem of unemployment of the present day. The fact that
about forty thousand shawl looms were working in the country, would show that besides
the forty thousand workers on the looms twice the number must have been dependent on
this industry alone. These would include spinners, darners, washers, embroiderers, dyers
etc. besides the rich shawl magnates and their staff and servants. The unemployment, in
towns it can be easily imagined must have been almost non-existent. The people with
even small incomes could have kept starvation at an arm's length. The produce of food
grains had gone very high, in as much the price of a. Khirwar (two maunds) of Shali was
only ten annas, which on account of further increase in the production during Shah
Jehan's reign must have gone further down. But this would not lead one to the conclusion
that the peasantry was a hard-hit lot. In the first instance the abundance of food produce
must naturally have kept them free from its want. Besides this it has to be borne in mind
that the value of money at that time was nearly thirteen times as much as it was at the
beginning of the second world war, and the value of the rupee at the beginning of the
second world war was four times as it is today. Even though a Khirwar of Shali fetched in
those days only eight annas, that would mean in our currency thirty two rupees and eight
annas. This compares very favourably with the present day prices. Besides this, the
village population as elsewhere in India, had a complete village economy. They had their
own carpenter, barber, iron smith, physician, washerman and weaver. These were paid in
kind at each harvest in lieu of the services they rendered during the year. Fruit was
abundant, which on account of its perishable nature, and want of speedy means of
transport was not exported in any large quantities. Unlike these days, fruit was very cheap
and people used it as an article of food.

The shawl factories were working at two places near Jama Masjid and Buchhwara at the
foot of the Shankaracharya hill. The weavers also had establised their residential colonies
at these two places. It is believed that the waters of Dal lake have some special properties
needed for washing the yarn and it is therefore that Buchhwara was chosen for starting
factories. Paper manufactories existed at Vicharnag, but the finishing touches were given
at Harwan. Namda making was yet another industry. The dealers had established
themselves at Baldimar in Srinagar, and did quite a brisk business. It is not possible to
know the exact amount of wages drawn by a worker at a factory. In any case it could in
no way be less than that of a peon - the lowest in rung in official hierarchy - who was
paid those days Rs. 3/8/- a month in India. Judging from the fall in the value of currency,
a person with an income of 3/8/- a month then is as good as a person of these days with a
monthly income of Rs. 150/-. All this might seem a fiction, but it is strange that all this is
a fact.

The State too made a huge income from this all round prosperity At the close of Akbar's
rule the land revenue of the valley was a little more than 24 lacs of rupees. By the end of
Aurangzeb's rule, the land revenue may have gone up by an other six lacs. The all told
income, including taxes, customs and excise duties was about 57 lacs of rupees during
Aurangzeb's rule, which while deducting the land revenue would leave a balance of about
27 lacs from other sources. The figure of 57 lacs would indeed become a staggering
figure if converted into modern currency. No wonder then that the Moguls in Kashmir
became responsible for a number of beneficent projects, such as road-building schemes,
irrigation schemes, laying of gardens, fruit improvement schemes and so on.

For a period of ane hundred fifty years, Kashmir witnessed an era of unprecedented
peace. Trade and commerce too were in a flourshing condition. Majlis Rai, to whom
reference has been made earlier hailed from Jullundar Duabal and is said to have owned a
crore of rupees worth property in cash and kind. He did extensive money lending
business and when he fell he had an outstanding of twenty four lacs. He is said to have
charged an interest of eight annas per cent. There were other Khatri traders who were
equally rich. The lot of the Kashmiri Pandits could in no way be described as unhappy.
They had quite a good say in the affairs of administration and their causes were decided
by Hindu Judges according to Shastras - one such Judge being Srikantha - a Kashmiri
Pandit, who on account of his learning was appointed by Jehangir. Deeds were generally
written in Sanskrit - not the polished language of scholars, but in a dialect which was an
admixture of Sanskrit and Persian. There was a fair measure of religious toleration. Even
Aurangzeb granted some lands to the Pandas of Martand Tirtha (Mattan) under his royal
seal. The Pandas of Mattan have preserved this Sanad. There were many religious
festivals celebrated then by the Pandits which have now fallen in disuse. And so were
many Tirthas which the Hindus visited year after year. Some of them are not even known
now.

But from this it should not be supposed that there was not a single Subedar who
misbehaved at times. Such instances of misbehaviour are many. But the moment
information reached the Ruler at Delhi, prompt measures were adopted to set the matter
right. The Pandits made a complaint to Jehangir against Qilich Khan - a Subedar during
his reign. Jehangir at once wrote to the Subedar. "Supporter of Government. Thy
complainants are many and thanks-givers few. Pour cold water on thirsty people or else
relinquish thy post."
 CHAPTER XI
Afghans appear on the Scene
CONSEQUENT upon the murder of Nadir Shah at the hands of his own
followers in the year 1747 A. D. Ahmad Shah Abdali seized his vast dominions and
installed himself upon the throne left vacant by his death. Such an incident as Abdali
coming to power could not pass unnoticed in Kashmir. The policy of the Moguls towards
the Kashmiri Muslims was not at all favourable to them. Very few Kashmiri Muslims
were ever given a Mansab, and the portals of the military service were closed on them.
But in spite of this a rich class of industrialists dealing in shawls and other similar articles
had come into existence amongst them. The rise of this class contributed Iargely to the
weakening of the Mogul rule in Kashmir. This class had harboured a rancour against their
Mogul rulers which was further augmented by the partiality which the latter had shown
for the Kashmiri Pandits. Now that the Mogul rule was on its last legs, the rise of Abdali
created new hopes in the minds of these Kashmiri Muslims notables. Some amongst them
wrote a letter to Abdali inviting him to depute a Subedar for Kashmir with this assurance
on their part that the country along with its Mogul Subedar, Afrasiab Beg Khan would be
handed over to him without any bloodshed. By chance this letter fell in the hands of
Afrasiab Beg Khan, who thinking it inopportune to take any drastic measures agaist the
offenders, merely produced it before them in an open Durbar with the hope that such a
generous gesture on his part might prevent them from further mischief. But this yielded
no beneficial results and fresh conspiracies came to be hatched up. The result was an
Afghan incursion. After meeting with some preliminary successes the tide turned against
the Afghans, and they met with a complete discomfiture and were forced to beat an
ignominous retreat from the country. This incident took place in the year 1748 A. D. the
year Mohammad Shah died. Mohammad Shah was succeeded by Ahmad Shah, in whose
reign Kashmir permanently passed out of the Mogul suzerainty and came into the
possession of the Afghan king Ahmad Shah Abdali, although for a period of five years
more it lingered on as a part of the tottering Empire of the Moguls. Ala Kuli Khan was
the last Mogul Subedar of Kashmir. He took charge of his office in the year 1752 A.D.
and appointed Mir Muqim Kanth - a Mogul by race and a Kashmir by domicile, who later
on played a prominent part in the history of Kashmir as his representative (Naib Qaim
Muqam). The term of Afrasiab Beg's office was very troublous for Kashmir. Civil war,
famine and flood had wrought havoc upon the country. Mir Muqim set himself in right
earnest upon the task of giving a substantial measure, of relief to the people. Besides this
he introduced a number of wholesome reforms in the administration of the country and
effected reduction in the pay of the army and disbanded a large number of soldiers whose
maintenance was an unnecesary burden on the already famished treasury But this action
of his served only in reviving the smouldering embers of tension which was inherent in
the prevailing conditions. Abul Qasim, the son of Abu Barkat a former Mogul Subedar
was in Kashmir. He found time propitious for striking a blow upon Mir Muqim whose
phenomenal rise was more than he could tolerate. He came out of his retirement and
collected all the discontented soldiers under him and raised the banner of rebellion.
Deputing his brother, Nuruddin Khan with a considerable force from the side of Nawa
Kadal, he himself took a different route and made a well planned attack upon the house
of Mir Muqim at Zaldragar and set it on fire after looting all the valuables found there.
Mir Muqim was after this forced to fly for his life to his Jagir at Khuihama and there he
stayed waiting for a suitable opportunity. A few more minor skirmishes decided the fate
of the country. The Mogul rule came to an end and Abul Qasim became the ruler of the
country.

Abul Qasim was not destined to enjoy a peaceful rule, which as it was did not last longer
than three months. In the meantime Abdali reached Lahore. Mir Muqim who was biding
his time at Khuihama, a village held in fief by him, now joined his hands with Khwaja
Dedamari another Kashmiri and together they sent a prayer to Abdali to effect the
conquest of Kashmir. Abdali was only too glad to oblige the two Kashmiri notables and
deputed Abdulla Aishak Aqasi with a considerable force for the conquest of Kashmir.
Abul Qasim too made elaborate preparations to meet his formidable adversary. The two
armies met at Gund Niamat, a village near Srinagar. The battle raged for fifteen days.
Tremendous efforts were made by Abul Qasim to turn the tide against Aqasi and was on
the verge of success when the commander of his forces Gul Khan Khaibri played false to
him and joined the other side. This decided the fate of the battle which was so vigorously
fought and treacherousIy lost. Abdul Qasim fell into the hands of the enemy and Aqasi
made a triumphant entry into the city of Srinagar and laid the foundation of the Afghan
rule, though it took some more years before the Afghans were firmly established in the
country. But for the time being devastation was let loose on the country.

Aishak Aqasi did not stay in Kashmir for more than six months, but even during this
short period he made the ruin of the country complete and left no stone unturned in
giving the people a correct idea of what the future would be like. The houses of the rich
and poor alike, were plundered. Huge fines were imposed upon the people. Their
property was pillaged without mercy and those people who incurred his displeasure were
murdered most brutally. The panic that he struck in men's minds was so great that many
peopre found solace in committing suicide. Mir Muqim whose political career had begun
with very great promise lost completely his former self and fully identified himself with
the brutal activities of Aishak Aqasi. He proved a real engine of oppression for the whole
country, and by means as have been described above he helped Aqasi in collecting a
crore of rupees from the poor and already famished people of Kashmir. For the Kashmiri
Pandits Mir Muqim became a terror and many Kashmiri Pandits left their native land in
despair. A popular verse of those days may well describe the plight of the Kashmiri
Pandits.

Ah dil hama Khaufo Khatr ast Darin shahr

Kun Azmi safar fitna Muqim ast darin shahr.

O Heart ! Both fear and danger are rampant in the city

Prepare for journey " disorder " is stationed (Muqim) in the city.
The Kashmiri Mohammedans themselves were tyrannised beyond all measure and their
pent up feelings found articulation in the verses of Mulla Ahmad who painfully depicts
the picture in the following lines:
Shud nAi nagma kuchat f aryad
Harfi Afghan chu darmian uftad
Shori Af ghan chu bishnavem beqail
Y adam amad zi suri Israfil
Shori mahshar dayari Afghan ast
Bas ki pur shor karz Afghan ast
Nagaha chu balai damangir
Shah Aqasi rasid dar Kashmir.

" Sweet music of the flute has got

itself changed into mournful notes as
soon as the Afghan made his appearance on the scene.
The uproarious Afghan with his dreadful voice
makes one feel the terrible
panic of the resurrection day.
Whatever the Afghan does brings
before one's eyes the dreadful picture
of the resurrection day with all its
din and and bustle.
Suddenly a calamity overtook the country, the
moment Aishak Aqasi set his foot in Kashmir."

Having stayed in Kashmir for a period of about six months, Aishak Aqasi left for Kabul
leaving behind him Abdulla Khan Kabuli to carry on the administration of the country.
Abdulla Khan, however, was not destined to occupy long the exalted office to which he
was appointed by Aqasi. The people were tyrannised beyond measure by Aqasi and they
could expect nothing better from his nominee. The rule of the Afghans too was not fully
established in the country by then. Soon after a conspiracy was hatched up by Sukh Jiwan
Mal and Abul Hassan Bandey as a result of which Abdulla Khan was murdered. Fully
disgusted as the people had become with the methods used by Aqasi, not even a faint
voice was raised by them against Abdulla Khan's murder. The removal of Abdulla Khan
from the field of action allowed a breathing space for the people of Kashmir, and so bitter
was the memory of the past few months that they gladly received the news of Raja Sukh
Jiwan himself having assumed the reins of the office of the Administrator of the country.
This event took place in the year 1754 A. D.
 CHAPTER XII
Sukh Jiwan's Meteoric Career
SUKH JIWAN a native of Gujrat was serving in the Army of Ahmad Shah
Abdali when he was deputed to serve under Aqasi in his Kashmir campaign. Aqasi
appointed him as Sahibkar to Abdulla Khan Kabuli. But, as already stated, Sukh Jiwan
soon after assumed the reins of the office of the Subedarship and appointed Abul Hassan
Bandey as his Prime Minister. For some time Sukh Jiwan carried on Government in the
name of Abdali. Ahmad Shah Abdali too did not deem it expedient to take any serious
action against Sukh Jiwan and even issued an appointment order to him. For some time
the affairs were carried on smoothly when Abdali made a peremptory demand for a huge
sum of money, over and above the annual tribute. Sukh Jiwan could ill afford to fulfil this
demand. The people of Kashmir were already impoverished beyond measure, and any
further burden on them would have meant the complete ruination of the country. The
result was that Sukh Jiwan refused to comply with this order. This left him no other
alternative but to declare his independence which he did. After this Sukh Jiwan set
himself in right earnest in giving relief to the people, and the first step that he took in this
direction was to establish a strong Government. He strengthened the frontiers and made it
penal for the frontier people to allow any Pathan to cross the frontier. Besides this he
organised the army on a sound footing, and imported Sikhs and Sansis from the Punjab
and enlisted them in his army. Troops were also raised from the Frontier Muslim tribes.
A terrible famine occured in Kashmir during these very days. Various measures were
adopted by him to successfully cope with the calamity. He ordered a census of the whole
population of Srinagar and on this basis he issued ration slips to the people. The names of
the inmates of a household were noted on the Ration Slips and these were issued to the
head of the household. The rations were supplied to the people from State granaries at the
rate of one anna a seer. To the peasantry he made a Taqavi grant of a lac of kharwars of
paddy for seeds. He after all, succeeded in establishing a settled and a humane
Government which stood in such a glaring contrast to the chaotic conditions which
prevailed before him, that the people without any distinction of creed or caste gathered
under his banner.

The news that Raja Sukh Jiwan had declared his independence, made Abdali furious.
Again did he depute Aishaq Aqasi with a considerable force to effect the conquest of
Kashmir. Sukh Jiwan also made mighty preparations to meet his formidable foe. A
prominent Khukhal chief Beera Khan cast his lot on the side of Sukh Jiwan. Aishaq
Aqasi- elated with his former success, started a whirl-wind compaign, unmindful of
consequences. But at Hyderabad, a village near Srinagar, he was offered a stout
resistance by Sukh Jiwan. The battle lasted some time, resulting in a complete
discomfiture for the Afghans. Aqasi flea from the field, leaving behind him a number of
his soldiers either dead or prisoners in the hands of Sukh Jiwan. Sukh Jiwan returned to
Srinagar, an independant and a victorious ruler and was given a right royal reception by
the people.
But all was not to go well with Kashmir. Mir Muqim who was all these years biding time
at Kabul having learnt of the Afghan discomfiture at the hands of Sukh Jiwan, thought it
useless to wait any longer at Kabul, and started for Kashmir. On arrival there, he found
his former power and influence gone, to regain which he could trust in nothing better than
his favourite weapon of intrigue. In a short while he succeeded in bringing about a
rupture in the harmonious relations that existed till then between Sukh Jiwan and his
Prime Minister Abul Hassan Bandey. The result was that Abul Hassan was sent to prison
and Mir Muqim was appointed in his stead in the year 1757 A. D. But Mir Muqim could
not maintain his position for more than a year. His intrigue came to the light of the day
with the result that he was himself sent to prison. Abul Hassan again came to power, but
this time his career was quite short lived. Sukh Jiwan had gone out on a military
campaign towards Sialkot, but in his absence the Bomba tribes rose in rebellion. Abul
Hassan who was in charge of affairs in his absence, failed to suppress the rising Sukh
Jiwan hurried back from his Sialkot campaign and having suppressed the rising dispensed
with the services of Abul Hassan who was suspected of treachery, not without good
reason. Mir Muqim again succeeded in getting his former appointment. In the meantime
Mir Khan Khuka raised the standard of revolt and Sukh Jiwan went in person to quell
down the rising. Abul Hassan Bandey, chafing under the wrong which he perhaps
believed was done to him unmeritingly, took advantage of Sukh Jiwan's absence and rose
in rebellion. Having destroyed all the bridges of the Srinagar city, he drew all the boats to
his side and waited for Sukh Jiwan. It did not take much time for Sukh Jiwan to suppress
the rising, but the happenings of the past one or two years, left him no other alternative
but that of chalking out a new policy for future. Ever since Mir Muqim's return the whole
country had become a hotbed of intrigue and the whole politics of the country had
resolved itself into a continuous game of seesaw between the two rival Muslim courtiers.
He decided to put a stop to this game, and in pursuance thereof he ousted both Mir
Muqim and Abul Hassan from all positions of power and made his choice from the
Kashmiri Pandits and appointed Pandit Mahanand Dar, a Kashmiri Pandit notable, as his
Prime Minister.

Pandit Mahanand Dar was a person of great tact and resourcefulness, and fully justified
the choice which his master made in appointing him as Prime Minister. The intriguers
having been made powerless for the time being, there ensued a lull in the war storms that
had broken with so much frequency in the near past, and with the assistance of the Pandit,
Sukh Jiwan betook himself to the task of setting right his administration. Various
measures were adopted for the betterment of the lot of the peasantry. Many beneficent
projects of a public utility were undertaken. Learning was greatly patronised. Poetry was
encouraged. Sukh Jiwan who himself wrote exquisite poetry took a lively interest in
poetical symposiums. All this bespeaks an era of peace which again seemed to dawn
upon the country, after Sukh Jiwan had utilised the co-operation of his Pandit Prime
Minister. Some Muslim historians accuse Pandit Mahanand Dar of inimical tendencies
towards the Muslims and in their support they state that it was at his suggestion that cow
- killing was made an offence by Sukh Jiwan. But inspite of what the later day historians
may have to say, the popularity of Pandit Mahanand Dar with the Muslims was certainly
at a very high level. He had adopted measures of a most beneficent character for the
amelioration of the lot of the masses. This could not but make him rise in the people's
estimation and his popularity with the Muslims can be gauged from the following Persian
verses that were addressed by a contemporary poet, Mohammad Jan Beg to Sukh Jiwan,
in which reference is made to the Pandit in most glowing terms:

Kar Pardazi tu Mahanand ast

Anki hast az qabilai- Dar ha
Me numai banami o tankha
Naqd o jins o barat u chakar ha
Guft dar babi justane rozi
Saadi agah az mukkadar ha
Rizik har chand be guman birasad
Sharti aql ast justan az Dar ha

"Mahanand, who comes from the clan

of the Dars is your Chief Minister;
you have rightly made him master
of all cash, kind and administration,
Saadi who is well versed in reading
the mysterious working of the decrees
of Fate, has said, that God certainly
gives bread to all, but the condition
that one has to fulfil is that he must
possess wisdom, and then seek it from Dars."

Even after Sukh Jiwan's fall both Pandit Mahanand Dar and his cousin Pandit Kailas Dar
maintained their former position of prestige and power. This could never have been
possible if their actions were characterised by a spirit of bigotry. That would have
naturally made them lose the support of masses which they had gained in the past, and
but for which they would have sunken into oblivion with no claims on history to mention
their achievements.

But the independent rule of Sukh Jiwan assisted by a Pandit Prime Minister was more
than the powerful Muslim upper classes could tolerate. So when they found all their
former prestige and power gone, they could not be expected to sit idle. Fresh conspiracies
were hatched up by them, and this time they succeeded in making a tool of a Balkhi
prince who having been expelled from his own country, was enjoying the hospitality of
Sukh Jiwan for a number of years. The prince made a most cowardly attack upon the
person of the Raja and wounded him seriously. He no doubt paid the price of the
dastardly outrage with his life, but naturally enough this brought in its train a general
disorder. The opportunity was at once seized by the conspirators who again extended an
invitation to Abdali. Nurud-Din Khan Bamezai, a veteran General in the army of Abdali,
was deputed this time to effect the conquest of Kashmir. Sukh Jiwan also made mighty
preparation to meet him and waited for him near Cheraudar on Tosa Maidan side. But
just when the battle was on, the Commander of his forces Bakhat Mal, a Hindu, joined
the other side. This disheartened the Raja. He left the field, but was soon caught while
running away. His eyes were taken out and was later imprisoned.
Sukh Jiwan was a brave man with a rare capacity for organisation. Judging from the
standard of the times, his methods were both humane and just. His name is even now a
household word in Kashmir where good old people are seen making reference in their
daily parlance to"Waqti Sukhju" meaning thereby " the good old days of Sukh Jiwan."
His reign came to an end in the year 1762 A. D. Henceforth the real Afghan Rule begins
in Kashmir.

CHAPTER XIII
Kailas Dar comes to power
AFTER the defeat of Raja Sukh Jiwan, Nuruddin Khan set himself upon the task of
establishing peace in the country The leadership of the Pandits was in the hands of Pandit
Kailas Dar whose statesmanship and skill for organisation was of a very high order. He
made Pandits a force, with the result that the prospective candidates for Subedarship
began seeking their help. Bland Khan Sadozai, one of the candidates opened negotiations
with the Pandits and succeeded in winning their support. Pandit Kailas Dar who wielded
a lot of influence even with the Durrani overlord succeeded at last in getting Bland Khan
appointed as Subedar of Kashmir in 1762 A. D. Under these circumstances it was but
natural for Kailas Dar to add greatly to his prestige and it is said that he amassed a lot of
wealth.

Bland Khan had a smooth sailing in Kashmir but one episode that happened at the close
of his reign disturbed the other wise calm atmosphere that had prevailed till then. On an
altercation with a few Shias, a huge Muslim mob fell upon Jaribal, and indulged freely in
an orgy of loot and plunder, arson and murder. On inquiry, the Subedar, who was a
Sunni, found the Shias guilty and awarded "suitable" penalties to them such as the cutting
of their noses, ears, etc.

Bland Khan Sadozai did not remain long in Kashmir and was succeeded by Nuruddin
Khan Bamezai in the year 1764 A. D. By this time the Afghan rule had become well
established in the country. But it seems that the Afghans had well profited from the
experience of Sukh Jiwan and therefore did not place an undivided trust in the intriguers
of a former regime. It has been stated by Mr. George Campbelll that " the valley never
beionged to the Afghan nation but was retained as a crown appanage of the kings who
were very jealous af admitting into it subjects whom they might find it difficult to turn
out again and much preferred to govern with the Pandits." Nur-ud-din Khan after the
assumption of his office set upon the task of choosing his Madarulmiham and Sahibkar.
Mir Muqim to whom reference has so far been made more than once, had a rare capacity
for intrigue and wielded also an influence in the country which could not be ignored by
even the Subedar. But with all this, the Subedar could not place an undivided trust in him.
The result was that while he appointed him as his Madarulmiham (Chief Minister) his
choice for the appointment of Sahibkar fell upon Pandit Kailas Dar. The appointment of
Pandit Kailas Dar to the post. of Sahibkar, which was as responsible a post as that of
Madarulmiham did not find favour with Mir Muqim. Kailas Dar was once in the personal
service of the Kanths. Mir Muqim took it as an insult for himself that the leader of the
rival group should become his colleague with equal powers. But then he kept silent over
it, and the embers of dormant enmity between the two notables kept on smouldering for
some time, when a quarrel ensued between Kailas Dar and a distant cousin of his, Chatur
Pandit Dar, over the distribution of their family Jagirs that were once confiscated and
later on released. Mir Muqim thought that the time was ripe for striking the Pandit. He
sided with Chatur Pandit and even succeeded in releasing half the Jagirs in favour of
Chatur Pandit. During those very days one evening Kawal Pandit who was a son of
Chatur Pandit was coming back from the house of Nuruddin Khan at Nawab Bazar in
company with Mir Wali a nephew of Mir Muqim Kanth. When these gentlemen reached
Nawa Kadal some persons jumped upon them from behind and murdered both of them,
then and there. Naturally enough the suspicion fell upon Pandit Kailas Dar and his cousin
Pandit Mahanand Dar. Either for want of proof or because of their great influence no
attempts were made in any way to have them brought to book. But the enmity between
the two increased day by day with the result that impediments began being placed by Mir
Muqim in the smooth working of the departments incharge of Kailas Dar. The Pandit was
responsible for revenue collections which were till then done twice a year. But Mir
Muqim secured some how an order from the Subedar which provided that collection of
land revenue should be made monthly. Although Kailas Dar had to face many difficulties
under this arrangement yet somehow or other he pulled on for some time when by dint of
a subsequent order, he was required to make daily collections. This order was
unworkable in practice and greatly detrimental to the smooth working of revenue
administration. By such means Mir Muqim tried to bring about the failure of Pandit's
administration, Their enmity went on increasing daily when nature came, at last for the
time being to the rescue of the Pandit. Mir Muqim met with his death in circumstances,
rather strange. Nuruddin Khan took fancy to a handsome Kashmiri girl and put her in his
harem. This action of his created a great resentment in the minds of the people. They in a
body went to Mir Muqim's house and asked him to intercede in their behalf with
Nuruddin Khan and get the girl set free. Nuruddin Khan had expected Mir Muqim to side
with him but he became greatly resentful to find that Mir Muqim not only sided with the
people, but even fanned the flames of agitation. The best way to put an end to this
agitation he thought was to put an end to Mir Muqim himself. This he manoeuvred in
such a clever manner that not only was Mir Muqim killed, but the suspicion of this
dastardly act fell upon Kailas Dar. Kailas Dar was got involved in this affair to cloud the
original issue, and to prepare the two communities to fight againt each other. In this he
succeeded amazingly well. People forgot all about the abduction of the girl and in its
stead the talk of the day became the murder of Mir Muqim. The matter did not stop here.
This incident served as a spark to bring about a conflagration of dire calamities for the
Kashmiri Pandits in no distant future. But for the time being all went well with them.
Hakim Mir a Qanungo of Khuihama (the Jagir of Mir Muqim) who had a long standing
grievance against Mir Muqim was called by Nuruddin Khan. Nuruddin conspired with
him to murder Mir Muqim. It was settled that Hakim Mir would enter the house of Mir
Muqim during night and shoot him dead. Nuruddin gave him a Tapancha (a small rifle)
with Kailas Dar's name inscribed on it and impressed on him to leave the Tapancha there
after he had shot him. Mir Muqim was murdered in the proposed manner, and next
morning when people saw a Tapancha lying there with Kailas Dar's name inscribed on it,
they all suspected Kailas Dar as the perpetrator of this foul deed. Mir Fazil Kanth, the son
of Mir Muqim who was then at Poonch came hurriedly to Srinagar and laid a complaint
before Nuruddin against Kailas Dar as the suspected murderer of his father. Nuruddin
Khan did not take any serious notice of the complaint, but in order to ward off suspicion
from himself he pretended to express his displeasure by imprisoning Mahanand Dar and a
few others.

Meanwhile, Pandits Kailas Dar and Babu Ram Dar left Kashmir and went to see Abdali
who had then come to Lahore. Mir Fazil Kanth was far from satisfied with the action
taken by the Subedar and left Kashmir in disgust. After having failed to get help from
Poonch he went to Muzaffarabad and stayed there brooding over the wrong which he
believed was done to him by Kailas Dar.

As stated above, Kailas Dar and Babu Ram Pandit who had gone to meet Abdali at
Lahore apprised him of what was taking place at Kashmir, how mismanagement was
rampant in every branch of administration and how even the Subedar became party to
mean intrigues. As a result Nuruddin Khan was summoned by Abdali to Lahore. In
pursuance of this Nuruddin Khan left Kashmir in the year 1765 A. D. leaving his nephew
Jan Mohammad Khan to carry on the administration of the country.

Note:
Hassan a Kashmiri historian, who wrote his history of Kashmir about eighty years back,
gives a different version of the whole affair. But he does not seem to have probed the
facts deeper and appears to have been swayed more by the prevailing public sentiment of
the times. He says that the " enmity between the Pandit and Mir Muqim Kanth having
gone increasing daily Kailas Dar made preparation in right earnest to make short work of
Mir Muqim, and thus remove all obstacles from his path. He summoned a person by
name Hakim Mir who was a Qanungo of Khuihama, and conspired with him to murder
the troublesome Kanth. It was arranged that Hakim Mir would find entrance into the
house of Mir Muqim during night and shoot him there. Kailas Dar gave him his own
Tapancha on which his own name was inscribed. One night Hakim Mir entered the house
of Mir Mukim and shot him dead, but feeling nervous the Tapancha dropped from his
hands. Next morning when a Tapancha with Kailas Dar's name inscribed on it was found
there the public belief was that Kailas Dar was a party to this dastardly outrage." But this
version cannot stand the test of close reasoning. In tlhe first instance Birbar Kachru is
undoubtedly an older historian and has written his history soon after the occurrence.
Naturally enough he is expected to know facts much better than a historian who wrote his
account after more than a century. Secondly it could hardly be expected of an astute
Pandit like Kailas Dar to give his own Tapancha to Hakim Mir and that too with his own
name inscribed on it and thus create proofs against himself. Thirdly it can never be
believed that the Subedar would have allowed Kailas Dar to go scot free, if he had
believed in the guilt of the Pandit. Mir Muqim was in no way less influential than the
Pandit and there was no love lost between the Subedar and the Pandit. It hardly stands to
reason that no action would have been taken against the Pandit, if it were seriously
believed by the Subedar that he was the murderer of Mir Muqim. Fourthly, in no age or
country have murderers been looked at with favour. If the belief in his guilt had persisted
in the public mind, the Pandit would have fallen in the estmation of the people and his
subsequent rise would not have been possible. But anyhow the belief in the minds of the
Kanths in his guilt remained ever so fresh, and it is from this that the later day historians
have taken their clue.

CHAPTER XIV
Kailas Dar and Conquest of Kashmir
AFTER Nuruddin Khan had left, disorder again set in the country. Lal Mohammad
Khan, a Jagirdar of Berul (where he had built a strong fort) and a trusted servant of
Nuruddin Khan turned traitor and having defeated Jan Mohammad, became himself the
ruler of the country. His rule, however, did not last longer than six months, but even
during these six months, he took all possible measures in dealing out a terrible blow to
the Kashmiri Pandits whom he nearly wiped out of existence. After Kailas Dar had gone
out of Kashmir, the Pandits were left without a leader and disorder began to creep in their
ranks. The influence that they had commanded and the power they had gathered in the
past waned considerably. But they were generally believed to possess enormous wealth.
Lal Mohammad Khan knew that he could not maintain his position without ceaseless
fighting. For this he required money which he hoped to force out of the Pandits. The
result was that he started a campaign of ruthless oppression against them. Loot, arson,
and murder were freely practised upon them, and besides they were made to undergo
humiliation in various ways. The Shias too got a sufficient measure of trouble. Lal
Mohammad was not destined to remain long in power. Ahmad Shah Abdali was apprised
of the news about Lal Mohammad's rebellion, while at Lahore. He appointed Khurram
Khan to the Governorship of Kashmir. Pandit Kailas Dar who also had gone to Lahore to
meet Abdali was appointed as his Sahibkar. Both Khurram Khan and Kailas Dar started
for Kashmir at the head of a powerful army. Lal Mohammad feeling his position insecure
left Srinagar and took refuge in his own fort at Beru. Khurram Khan and Kailas Dar made
a triumphant entry into the city of Srinagar in the year 1766 A. D. and were acclaimed by
the populace as saviours from the tyrannies of Lal Mohammad. Pandit Kailas Dar came
to be recognised as a great force, and he became all but in name the real ruler of the
country, Khurram Khan (though a gentleman) was ease loving and indolent to a degree.
He was besides of a whimsical temperament combining with it a superstitious bent of
mind. The result was that all powers of the State came to be wielded by Kailas Dar, who
in addition to his popularity with the people exercised an enormous influence with
Abdali. But yet he had his own enemies. Mir Muqim was dead. But his son Mir Faqirulla
Kanth was all these years, planning the destruction of the Pandit, whom he believed to be
the murderer of Mir Muqim. With the help of Mohammad Khan a Bomba Chief, he
planned an insurrection and took possession of the town of Sopore. Lal Mohammad who
was till then unsubdued also joined Faqirulla. Khurram Khan and Kailas Dar also
collected some force and started for Sopore to fight Faqirulla. But as already stated
Khurram Khan was of a superstitious bent of mind. On reaching Pattan, he came across
on the road side a flock of sheep and goats. This otherwised harmless incident was
interpreted by him as a bad omen. He took into his head that there was nothing but
disaster ahead. He turned back from Pattan and not waiting even at Srinagar he took
Kailas Dar along with himself and started for Kabul and left the city to the mercy of Mir
Faqirulla and his supporters. Having found no body to withstand him, Faqirulla Kanth
himself assumed the reins of the country's rule in the year 1767 A. D. He started his rule
with an announcement of allegiance towards Abdali, and as a matter of fact he began to
rule in his name.

Mir Faqirulla is one of the most despicable figures in the history of Kashmir. He was
both revengeful and selfish, besides a coward. For his own self aggrandisement he
enlisted the support of petty Bomba chieftains, but when the time came for his showing a
courageous front he acted like a coward, and fled away from tbe battlefield, leaving the
country at the disposal of his own barbarous supporters. As soon as he took the reins of
the Government in his hand, he turned his attention towards the Kashmiri Pandits. In
order to avenge the death of his father Mir Muqim which he believed was brought about
by Pandit Kailas Dar, he fell upon the Pandit's coreligionists and began to work for their
destruction in a well planned manner. The services of a large number of Bombas were
enlisted from the neighbouring hilly districts with the sole purpose of teasing, tormenting
and tyrannising the Pandits. The Bombas did their job so well that even now people recall
with a shudder the atrocities which the Bombas used to perpetrate upon the Pandits. Each
morning a number of Bombas entered the Pandit houses. The inmates were humiliated,
put under arrest, and thereafter their houses were put on fire. Those who were put under
arrest were either put to death or given the option of Islam. By such means about two
thousand Pandits were forcibly convered to Islam. A large number of Pandits was killed
besides. "In short the methods adopted by Mir Faqirulla and his Bomba soldiers in
tormenting the Pandits baffle all description", so says Hassan the Muslim historian. The
Pandits thus suppressed Faqirulla began to feel himself as invincible. Low people who
constantly bore him company added to his vanity by means of base flatteries. He became
addicted to excessive drinking and within a short time broke off from his allegiance to
Abdali and refused to pay his annual tribute. This affrontry on behalf of Faqirulla could
not be taken lying down by Abdali and the result was that Nuruddin Khan Bamezai was
deputed a second time for the conquest of Kashmir. With a considerable force Nuruddin
Khan reached Kashmir. Faqirulla also made a show of resistance and went out to meet
Nuruddin Khan, with a Bomba army. A few skirmishes decided the fate of the battle.
Faqirulla finding himself unable to withstand a strong Afghan army turned from the
battIe field and fled in some direction. His Bomba soldiers having got nothing to do fell
back upon the city of Srinagar and plundered it in a leisurely manner, till it was rescued
by Nuruddin Khan. This event took place in 1767 A.D.

Nuruddin Khan started his rule with great promise. He brought all the disturbing factors
under control, and established peace with an iron hand. But not long after, he too
conceived notions of independence - and refused to pay the annual tribute to the Afghan
overlord. Mohammad Khan was appointed in his stead as the Subedar of Kashmir, but
Nuruddin Khan refused to hand over the charge of administration to him. The
complicated turn that the Kashmir affairs were taking became baffling even for a veteran
general like Abdali. He sought advice and Pandit Kailas was ready with it. Kailas Dar, as
already - stated, had accompanied Khurram Khan to Kabul when the latter has shown a
white feather even before the battle had begun and was staying on at Kabul during the
whole of the period, when the above kaleidoscopic scenes were taking place in Kashmir.
Kailas Dar sought an audience with Abdali. He undertook the conquest of Kashmir if
sufficient forces were made available to him and further pursuaded Abdali to appoint
Khurram Khan as the Governor of Kashmir. The request was acceded to and both
Khurram Khan and Kailas Dar started for Kashmir at the head of a huge army. They had
hardly reached Peshawar when Nuruddin fled frcm Kashmir leaving behind himself Lal
Mohammad Khan to carry on the administrrtion of the country and to fight Khurram
Khan and Kailas Dar as best as he could. Lal Mohammad Khan was nothing more than a
marauder pure and simple, and he under the pretext of making collections for war
expenses, started looting all the leading merchants and the Pandits in particular. But
before any action was fought, he left the field and shut himself in his own fort. Khurram
Khan and Kailas Dar made a triumphant entry into the city. This event took place in the
year 1770. A. D. Pandit Kailas Dar was now at the height of his glory. His popularity was
unbounded. He had proved himself as a liberator of the people from the tyrannies which
were inflicted upon them in no distant past. But alas ! the high hopes that the people
entertained about their future proved to be a mirage and again the people had to plod their
weary way through a desert of mis-rule in which the triumphant entry of Kailas Dar was
proved to be a solitary oasis of no permanent value.

CHAPTER XV
Murder of Kailas Dar
KHURRAM KHAN succeeded in installing himself as the Subedar for the
second time in the year 1770 A. D. In this his sole supporter, guide and friend, was
nobody but Kailas Dar. But Khurram Khan was of a very weak clay. The weakest spot in
his character was his opportunism which resulted in his unfaithfulness towards his own
loyal friends who counted no sacrifice as too great in furthering his cause. Kailas Dar was
one of them. Not only did the Pandit leave his hearth and home and his dear ones behind
to bear company to Khurram at such a distant place as Kabul, but also helped him in no
small measure in retrieving his lost honour. But how does Khurram Khan repay him the
debt of gratitude under which he was placed by the Pandit? Kailas Dar was the rightful
claimant for the post of the Prime Minister. He had by his services proved himself fully
worthy of Khurram Khan's trst. But on his part Khurram Khan proved himself devoid of
that human virtue which demands of a person fidelty to one's loyal friends. Khurram
Khan appointed Mir Hassan Kanth as his Peshkar, knowing fully well the enmity that
existed between the Kanths and the Pandit.

This greatly impaired the dignity and the prestige of Kailas Dar, but Khurram Khan had
to pay a dearer price for his perfidious conduct towards one who did not hesitate to stake
all to raise him up from the mire of disgrace to which he had fallen by his own actions.
Hassan Kanth was a novice in the art of Government. The result was that disorder again
set in the country, which neither the Kanth nor Khurram Khan could cope with. Lal
Mohammad Khan was unsubdued and he became a terror for the villages which adjoined
his fort. After much shilly-shallying Amir Khan Jawansher who was the head of the army
was sent to suppress him but his campaign failed and he returned back without achieving
anything. After Jawansher's discomfiture Lal Mohammad was further emboldened and he
took his marauding expeditions right into the heart of the city of Srinagar. He looted and
laid waste the Parganas of Bangil and Beru. But Amir Khan laid the blame for his
discomfiture solely upon the vacillating and weak policy of Khurram Khan and his
Peshkar, and submitted a formal complaint before Abdali against both of them. As a
result Khurram Khan was deposed and in his stead A mir Khan Jawansher himself was
appointed as the Subedar of the province in the year 1771 A. D. Khurram Khan fallen
into disgrace, left Kashmir - a care-worn and unhappy person, who thereafter was to be
heard no more in history.

Amir Khan Jawansher was an indolent and ease loving person and preferred luxuries of a
rich harem to devoting himself to the administrative affairs of the country. He appointed
Mir Fazil Kanth as his Madar-ul-miham and virtually delegated all the administrative
functions to him. Lal Mohammad Khan who was unsubdued again raised the standard of
rebellion, and plundered the town of Magam. His brother Saifulla made an attack upon
Srinagar and set fire to the magnificent palaces of Sukh Jiwan situate at Zaldragar in
Srinagar. After a few skirmishes; Lal Mohammad Khan died a natural death and with him
died his infructuous rebellion. All opposition gone, Amir Khan reverted back to his
luxurious ways of life with a redoubled vigour. He built an artificial island in the Dal
Lake and laid a magnificent garden with palatial buildings. He also built a palace and a
fort on the banks of Jhelum and named it Sher Ghar after his own name. Besides this he
constructed the Amira Kadal bridge.

While Amir Khan was busy with his own affairs, Mir Fazil Kanth also made an unbridled
use of the powers that were delegated to him. How could he leave the Panlits alone ? Old
scars were revived, and the old quarrel between Mir Muqim and Kailas Dar was to be
settled. It has already been stated here that the Kanths were one and all under the
impression that Kailas Dar was at the back of Mir Muqim's murder, and all these years
the Kanths were one after another projecting and planning the destruction of the Pandit.
But the great influence that the Pandit wielded and the vast powers that he possessed, left
him unscathed. It were, rather the Kanths who were obliged to remain in exile. But,
thanks to the ill-starred and unwise step taken by Khurram Khan, Kailas Dar was flung to
the background. This greatly impaired the Pandit's prestige and power wllich afforded a
propitious time for Fazal Kanth to wreak his time-worn vengeance. Amir Khan was
consulted and he, it appears, gave his fullest consent to the outrageous act that was soon
to follow. On the fateful day Kailas Dar was sitting in the Darbar Hall, when he was
abruptly accosted by the vindictive Kanth and felled on the floor. The Pandit thus taken
by surprise, could offer no resistance and before he could collect himself the Kanth
unsheathed his sword and struck him dead then and there. His dead body was cast
unceremoniously into the river Jhelum flowing close by. Not content with this, the Kanth
ordered a search for the Pandit's house people. But somehow or other they took scent of
the impending danger and prepared for a secret flight, " All of them men, women and
children including Mahanand Dar who at one time was the Prime Minister of Sukh Jiwan
secretly left the country and took refuge in the inaccessible mountain fastnesses of
Poonch.'' Other Pandit notables also left the country and some of them along with Gobind
Pandit Dar reached Kabul and stayed there in wait for better times. Thus died Kailas Var,
unsung, unwept and unmourned - a collosal figure in the history of Kashmir who more
than once changed the course of its history. The Pandit was a man of great courage,
fortitude and resourcefulness. He was a great Persian scholar. Even in the unsettledness
that characterised the days he lived in, he found time to lay his offering at the shrine of
the Muse. He wrote exquisite Persian verses with real poetic merit about them.

With Kailas Dar dead, and the other Pandit notables living in exile in far off places, the
Pandits were reduced to the lowest pitch of humiliation and distress. Without support and
disorganised as they were, a terrible demoralization crept into their ranks and it came to
be believed then that their days were numbered. But then it was not destined to be so.
Amir Khan sunken into debaucheries of a degraded character took a bride from amongst
the Hanji clan living at Nandpura, a village on the banks of Dal Lake. He got himself
surrounded by the caste fellows of his wife, who made themselves a terror for all.
Disorder became rampant on all fours. The affairs went on in such an unsettled manner,
when the news reached Srinagar about the death of Abdali who died in the year 1772 A.
D.

CHAPTER XVI
Rise of Pandit Dila Ram
TAIMUR SHAH, the eldest son of Abdali who was on the occasion of his
father's death the Governor of Kandahar succeeded Abdaii to his vast Empire. Taimur
Shah continued Amir Khan Jawansher as the Subedar of Kashmir and even bestowed the
title of Diler lung on him - a title which of all people Amir least deserved. Amir Khan
also paid his homage to Taimur Shah and made regular payment of the royal tribute for
some time. But not long after Amir Khan also somehow conceived the notions of
independence and stopped the payment of annual tribute and ceased all connection with
Kabul. Amir Khan was of Shia pursuasion and after the declaration of his independence
he encouraged the proselytisation of his faith by all fair and foul means, and also started a
ruthless persecution of the Sunnies. The news about the revolt of Amir Khan took some
time to reach Kabul, but as soon as the Shah was apprised of Amir Khan's revolt, he
deputed Karim Dad Khan with a strong army for the conquest of Kashmir. It was not a
mighty task to deal with a person of Amir Khan's calibre. The result was that Amir Khan
was defeated without great effort - his supporters having forsaken him at the nick of time.
Deserted by his friends and chief supporters, and with none to fall back for succour but
the Hanji relations of his ill-fated wife, Amir Khan left the country leaving it to its own
care.

The victorious Haji Karim Dad Khan triumphantly entered the city of Srinagar and
became the Subedar in the year 1776 A. D. The people of Kashmir, having groaned
sufficiently long under the tyrannical yoke of Amir Khan looked upon Haji Karim Dad
Khan as a liberator. But in this it did not take them long to be undeceived. The Haji
proved himself a worse tyrant than his predecessor. He had a natural aptitude for
inventing new and novel methods of torture and generally regaled in the sufferings of
others. In this he spared none. Rich and poor, high and low, all were made to drink from
the bitter cup of his brutal caprices. Not a day would pass when a fine was not imposed
upon some person on the mere suspicion that he was rich enough to pay. And the
methods he adopted in realising the fines were no less ingeniously inhuman - infliction of
degradation, disgrace and death being the normal methods. Taxes of a fantastic character
were imposed upon people. One such tax came to be known as Zari Niaz which was
levied upon the Mansabdars and Jagirdars. Zari Ashkhas was the tax imposed upon the
trading classes. Zari Habubat was another sort of tax that was levied upon the Zamindars.
These taxes, it may be stated here were in addition to the normal taxation. The strain of
taxation fell so heavily upon the zamindars that they had to cut down their fruit bearing
trees, sell them in the market as fuel to pay up the taxes. But then there were the Pandits
also. How could they be left alone as a class when an orgy of loot and plunder was going
on with unbridled lust and licence all round. Karim Dad Khan did not feel himself
content with only those hardships which the Pandits had to suffer in common with the
rest of the population. Somehow or other they had to be separated from others for
receiving an additional dose of repression. Karim Dad Khan indeed adopted an ingenious
method in roping them in. The Haji had a person by name Aslam Harkara in his employ
whose duty it was to realise taxes from the people. Aslam was a paragon of ruthlessness
and judging from his exploits the Haji could not have made a better choice. Even now
numerous tales are repeated in Kashmir with horror and disgust about Aslam and his
exploits. Karim Dad one day kept Aslam somewhere hidden and gave out that Aslam had
been murdered and pretended to believe that the Pandits as a class were responsible for
his murder, about whom he said that they were at the back of the conspiracy which
resulted in Aslam's murder. This was the the signal for the arrest of almost all the Pandit
notables, who were all of them placed in close confinement. All amenities of life were
denied to them. Not satisfied with this alone, he huddled them up in a close cell, where he
made them inhale cowdung smoke which was kept smouldering there for days together.
Along with all this, Parkash Pandit Dar, brother of Kailas Dar, who was a prominent
Pandit notable was put to death. After all this, it is no wonder if the Pandit notables
agreed to secure their freedom on payment of a collective fine of fifty thousand rupees
annually. This fine came to be be known as Zari-dud (Smoke money).

From the foregoing it has become abundantly clear that no pains were spared by the Haji
in making a veritable desert of the nature's most favoured tract on earth. The result was
that trade dwindled immensely, agriculture was neglected, and most people left their
country in sheer disgust and settled in other parts of India and those who remained behind
dragged their miserable existence more dead than alive. But then a benevolent
Providence came to the succour of the people. The evil had now transgressed that limit
when according to the accummulated wisdom and experience of ages good comes out
invariably of it. There appeared on the political stage of the country a personality who
turned a new leaf in the desolate and dreary chapter which was opened by Haji Karim
Dad Khan in the history of the country. His name was Pandit Dila Ram, who was
appointed as his Sahibkar by Haji Karim Dad Khan. Pandit Dila Ram was a man of a
very great calibre, a giant amongst men, who combined in himself all the qualifications
which go to make up a successful statesman. And Dila Ram undoubtedly proved himself
as one. Firm, resolute, calm and with an abundant store of wit and humour, he held his
own for a number of years against a number of unholy cliques, that naturally grow
wherever the combat is fought on the plane of selfishness and against superior merit.
Forster who came to Kashmir in 1783 A. D. has recorded his apreciation of Dila Ram in
the following words:

"This person of the Hindu sect possessed a more liberal disposition than is usually found
in an Indian though perhaps I am so much biassed by his indulgent treatment that my
opinion may be thought partial. But his deportment seemed uniformly benevolent to all
classes of people. With his companions he was affable and good humoured. He was
humane to his domestics and he exercised with a reasonable temperance the duties of his
office."
For the Kashmiri Pandits, Dila Ram came like an angel with a fresh message of life and
for the country his presence brought about its rehabilitation. Thus we see that even in the
Haji's regime the Pandit undid most of that mischief which was the creation of Haji
himself. And in this he obviously succeeded in winning the consent of the Haji also. In
the light of all that is known about the Haji, all this is a great achievement indeed. But
then the Pandit proceeded with great caution, knew as he full well, that he had to conduct
the affairs with a monster at the helm. Dila Ram, like a true statesman, made a full study
of the existing conditions obtaining in the country. He found that the reign of terror that
was started by the Haji had killed all the initiative in the people, and the world renowned
industries of Kashmir, were well-nigh on the verge of destruction. The famous shawl
industry was decaying. The shawl weavers left their profession in sheer disgust, for it
paid them nothing in return. There was no wealth left in the country and there were no
purchasers to buy the articles produced here. And what little income they made out of it
that went to the coffers of the Haji in the shape of the exorbitant taxes levied by him. It is
no wonder then that the shawl industry came to a standstill. But Dila Ram paid his
serious attention to this. He called the shawl weavers together and by dint of various
concessions made them resume their work. One of their pressing grievances was that on a
single shawl they prepared, they had to pay a tax a number of times. And this was a fact
As long as a shawl remained unsold; any concerned state official could realize its tax as
many times as he liked for the simple reason that no receipts were issued. All the prayers
and protests of the weavers went in vain. Besides this the tax itself was very exhorbitant.
Dila Ram realised this hardship of the weavers. He introduced the method of affixing a
dag (a stamp mark) on each shawl for which a tax was paid, in token of its payment. This
came to be known later on as Dag Shawl, and the concerned department was also called
by the same name. Regular accounts were kept henceforth and the possibility of undue
harrasment of the poor weavers was reduced almost to a nullity. The exorbitance of the
tax on shawl weavers did not escape his attention. He reduced the tax to an anna per
rupee of the sale price. All this had the desired effect. The shawl weavers freed from the
yoke of unbearable taxation and the harrasment of the tax-collectors devoted themselves
to their art with great zest and the industry flourished day by day.

Having dealt with the shawl industry Pandit Dila Ram turned his attention towards the
general welfare of the people as a whole. The agricultural conditions obtaining in the
country had greatly deteriorated. There was no incentive for the peasantry to take to land,
groaning as they were under the burden of a heavy taxation. Pandit Dila Ram abolished
all those unnecessary taxes that had made the life of the peasantry unbearable. All the
taxes such as Zari Niaz, Zari Habubat and Rasadat were abolished. In order to create a
zeal in the famished and half star ved peasantry the Pandit fixed the share of the
Government in the produce of land at one-fourth. Besides this gigantic irrigation schemes
were introduced and worked. The rehabilitation of the country was almost complete and
Nature seemed to smile gracefully once again upon the unhappy people of the Happy
Valley.

Haji Karim Dad having been freed from the anxieties of his own creation turned his
attention towards extending his frontiers. He made an attack upon Iskardu and won a
victory there. The news was received with much eclat at Kabul and Taimur Shah
bestowed the title of Shuja Ulmulk upon the Haji. Raja Ranjit Deo of Jammu made an
attack upon Kashmir during these very days, but he was defeated and repulsed back with
great loss. The Kanths, whose propensity for intrigue was unbounded, were suspected of
having invited the Raja for the conquest of Kashmir, with the active connivance of
certain Bomba and Khokha chieftains. His vendetta against the Kanths was terrible. They
were simply exterminated root and branch. A number of them were massacred and many
more were flung into jail. At the same time he deputed Tar Qulikhan with a huge army to
chastise the Khokha and Bomba chieftains. But he returned back discomfitted. His defeat
was ascribed to his inefficiency resulting in his murder.

Thus ended Haji Karim Dad's regime - a Haji in name but a veritable monster in his
actions. During the closing years of his rule a devastating earthquake took place in
Kashmir to which were added the rigours of a severe cold wave which passed over the
whole country. Rivers including the Jhelum and all lakes were frozen and the sufferings
of the people were beyond measure. In the year 1783 A. D. the Haji laid down the reigns
of his office, and left them in the hands of his son Azad Khan to carry on the
administration of the country

CHAPTER XVII
Dila Ram The Madarulmiham
AZAD KHAN, the new Subedar was after the fullest pattern of his father. He had
a spurring urge from within in a greater degree than his father had, that goaded him
unceasingly on the path of creating daily fresh troubles and tribulations for his subjects.
He always regaled himself at the sufferings of others, and when he had nothing better to
do, he at least killed one or two individuals to satisfy his ingrained - perversity of mind.
By such means he piled the number of dead to his credit by thousands. Forster the
European traveller already referred to who visited Kashmir during Azad's regime has
described Azad as an "infernal despot". The European has mentioned some facts in
support of his description which may be given in his own words. Says he "While he was
passing with his Court under one of the wooden bridges of the city, on which a crowd of
people had assembled to observe the procession, he levelled his musket at an opening
which he saw in pathway and being an expert marksman he shot to death an unfortunate
spectator. Soon after his accession to the Government he accused his mother of infidelity
to her husband, and in defiance of the glaring absurdity which appeared in the allegation,
as well as the anxious entreaties of the woman who had borne him to save her from
shame, she was ignominously driven from the palace, and about the same time, on a like
frivolous pretence he put one of his wives to death. A film on one of his eyes had baffled
the attempts of many operators and being anxious at the want of success, he told the last
surgeon who had called in that if the disorder was not remedied within a limited time,
allowing but a few days, his belly would be cut open. The man failed in his cure and
Azad Khan verified his threat''. But then there was the Pandit Peshkar whom even the
monster like Azad could not touch. Dila Ram, as already stated, had carved GUt an
abiding place for himself in people's minds. Azad knew this. He not only continued to
bestow his favours on him but even raised him to the exalted office of Madarulmiham
(the Prime Minister). In various matters of state Dila Ram wielded an unbounded
influence over Azad, but then it was not possible even for the resourceful Pandit to put a
ckeck to the orgies of his brutal passions which asserted themslves in spite of the greatest
restraint. Soon after succeeding to his father's place, Azad led an expedition against the
neighbouring State of Poonch. He was successful, but tarnished his victory by untold
miseries and hardships that he inflicted upon the people there. For full seven days, the
town of Poonch was subjected to plunder and arson and then he returned back only after
having put Gobind Pandit Dar along with a number of other Pandits to death.
Azad Khan after his return from Poonch became greatly elated with his success there, and
let loose his brutal passions in an unbridled manner which culiminated in greater
hardships for his subjects. Gobind Pandit's murder only whetted his appetite for the
Pandits, blood, which he nowplanned to shed promiscuously. Elaborate plans were laid
out for effecting their extermination, but then they proved more than a match for him.
They, somehow or other, took scent of the impending trouble, and before any harm could
overtake them, most of them including the surviving members of Pandit Kailas Dar's
family left Kashmir secretly." Some of them found their way to Poonch, others went to
Kishtwar, Rajauri and Jammu, and many more fled to Hindustan." Obviously all these
Pandits were informed by Dila Ram of the impending peril. But Azad Khan was not a
person to be discouraged. There were other Pandit dignitories who could serve his
purpose. One such victim he found in the person of Pandit Gulab Joo Dar who was the
officer in charge of Kamraj division. This division was held in their charged by the
ancestors of Gulab Joo Dar ever since the day when Jehangir had bestowed it upon Meru
Pandit in lieu of his meritorious services rendered by him to the Emperor, when he was
taken prisoner by Mahabat Khan while coming to Kashmir. But Pandit Gulab Joo - who
had received timely information of the impending trouble from Dila Ram thought it
indiscreet to remain in Kashmir and made secret but effective preparations to leave the
country. His own son Pandit Birbar, he left under the protection of his own brother-in-
law, Pandit Taba Bhat of Anantnag and his two nephews Sahaj Ram and Mirza Pandit, he
consigned to their maternal uncle's care at Safapur. Himself Gulab Joo went to Kishtwar,
and took refuge with the Raja there. For full three years Gulab Joo lived as an exile at
Kishtwar. At last he opened correspondence with Dila Ram who finding a suitable
opportunity, interceded on hisbehalf with Azad Khan, and secured his permission for
Gulab Joo's coming back to Kashmir.

Azad Khan was a Muslim by religion, but his Muslim coreligionists fared no better than
Pandits. So far as the latter were concerned, they had one saving factor, i.e. Dila Ram was
the Prime Minister. His presence in the administration as its head, always served a sort of
check upon the brutal orgies of Azad And besides that whenever a plan was hatched by
Azad to deal the Pandits a death blow, there was Dila Ram to put them on guard. But
there are some people who may find it difficult to defend the co-operation which Dila
Ram extended to Azad Khan who was believed by them and rightly too as a veritable
scourage on earth created for the tormentation of its otherwise innocent denizens. But
then apart from the moral values involved in it, Dila Ram fully justified his action by the
practical results he achieved. Would it not have spelled ruin for the country and his
community if Dila Ram had allowed an opportunity of at least serving a brake in Azad's
brutalities to slip out of his fingers and should he have in its stead become a mute
observer of all the troubles that would have otherwise fallen to the lot of the people of
Kashmir? Politics cannot be always judged by the standards of saintliness. Dila Ram
proved himself a real politician.

Azad Khan was a Muslim, but he was a Muslim by name only. May be that his
conception of religion did not rise higher than his actual doings. But at any rate he proved
by his actions that he had no love for religion as understood by the rest of mankind even
in his time, nor did he feel any qualms of conscience so as to deter him from his
misdeeds. He made himself dreaded by friend and foe alike. His exactions from his
subjects were so very terrible that the fruit growers of Kashmir effected such a grafting in
their trees which spoiled the taste of the fruits. By this means alone could they save their
fruit from falling in Azad's hands. A person devoid of religion, with no pangs of
conscience, haughty arrogant and vain as Azad was, it was quite impossible that he could
continue his allegiance to the Afghan king for any length of time. The result was that
soon after his conquest of the Bomba and Khokha principalities, he proclaimed his
independence and took the title of Nadir Shah II. So arrogant had he become that he put
two Kashmiri notables, Sher Ali Khan and Khwaja Mohammad Ganai to death for the
mere suspicion of loyalty on their part towards the Afghan king. News travelled very
slow in those days, and it took some time before the Kabul king came to know of Azad!s
rebellion. Taimur Shah the Afghan king, instead of taking any drastic measures, deputed
Kifayat Khan to bring him round by peaceful methods. Kifayat Khan who had the gift of
a flowery tongue, made Azad understand the pros and cons of his action and was on the
verge of success, when news reached Kashmir that a huge Afghan force had already
made its appearance in Kashmir. The negotiations thus having fallen through, Azad Khan
also started with a huge army. The two armies met at Muzaffarabad. Azad Khan came out
victorious and he returned back with a number of prisoners and a lot of war material. The
prisoners were, some of them killed at Maisuma and the rest drowned at Nurbag in river
Jhelum. His own assistant Diwan Singh he put to death at Haft Chinar.

But with all this, Azad had his own anxieties, his own cares, although they were the
creation of nobody but himself. One would have expected that after his victory over the
royal forces, he would have had a smooth sailing, but then his victory added so greatly to
his vanity and arrogance that even his most faithful servants turned away from him in
sheer disgust. Pahalwan Khan and Maluk Khan, two of his most trusted lieutenants
hatched up a conspiracy for his destruction. They succeeded in winning the support of
Izmat Khan who was in charge of Azad's bodyguard. One night Izmat Khan, finding a
suitable opportunity fired at Azad, but missed the aim. In horror, Azad leapt through the
window towards the river Jhelum flowing nearby. He took a boat and hurried towards
Rainawari where he took shelter in Dila Ram's house. Izmat and his party gave him a hot
chase, but he reached his destination in safety. At Rainawari all of them tried to enter
Dila Ram's house forcibly but failed. In the melee that ensued, Azad Khan remained
unscathed though Dila Ram sustained some minor injuries. The whole night witnessed a
number of petty skirmishes between the partisans of Izmat and Azad. Next morning Azad
came out of his place of shelter and camped at Maisuma. Pahalwan Khan also came out
with his forces, but not feeling himself strong enough to force an action he fell back and
took shelter behind the walls of the Sher Garh fort. Azad at once laid siege to the fort. For
seven days bombardment proceeded on from both the sides. At last a breach was made in
the walls, and the Azad's forces rushed in. In the fight that ensued Pahalwan Khan was
killed and with him ended his infructuous rebellion.

But even then Azad was destined to have no rest or respite. Taimur Shah could not sleep
over the defeat suffered by his army and thus lose a province like Kashmir. Again did
Taimur arrange an expedition to Kashmir and this time it was equipped well and put
under the command of a veteran general Madad Khan. Azad's star was now on the wane.
By his own arrogance he had lost the co-operation of almost all his trusted servants.
Those few who had for one reason or the other kept hanging on around him, finding time
propitious joined the other side. But even then his cruelty of temper met with no set-back.
Sardar Arsala Khan who had joined Madad Khan, was chosen by him for a terrible
vendetta. His two sons and a daughter were drowned in a river and the modesty of his
wife was got outraged by his own children. But all this had now only one effect: that of
antagonizing further the people against him. A terrible battle was fought in the year 1785
A. D. near Khushi Pura village, which culminated in a victory for Madad Khan. Azad,
crest fallen with no friend and forsaken by all ended his inglorious career by ending his
life with his own hands and Madad Khan with nobody to oppose him made a triumphant
entry into the city of Srinagar in 1785 A. D.

CHAPTER XVIII
Dila Ram wins fresh Laurels
Dar Tawarikhi yak hazar u dusad
Zulmi " Azad " ra rasid madad.

"In the year one thousand and two hundred,

the zulum of Azad received Madad ( help)."

IN these poetic words did the public sentiment find articulation, when the bard
in his humour of despair composed the above couplet to chronicle the arrival of
Madad Khan. Azad had proved himself a terror in the past and the people had iost
all hopes in the future. But Madad Khan was of a different frame of mind. He
realised that Azad had by dint of his misdeeds greatly lowered the public estimate
about the Afghans. He, therefore, decided to turn a new leaf in the dark chapter
that was opened by his two predecessors in the history of Kashmir and he set
himself in right earnest in applying a healing balm to the lacerated hearts of the
people.

Nor did he let the machinations of the mischief-mongers, of whom there was no
dearth in the country, go unheeded. He suppressed all those elements with an iron
hand. He also made recommendation for the remission, of the taxes that were
specifically levied upon the Pandits, but they expressed their willingness to
continue payment if only they were left in peace thereby. But with all his good
work, Madad Khan was not to remain in Kashmir for more than ten months, when
he was called to make room for his successor Mirdad Khan in year 1786 A. D.

Mirdad Khan made a good start with Mulla Gaffar Khan as his Assistant. The
Finance Department was put under the charge of Pandit Dila Ram. For some time
to come, the affairs went on smoothly. But somehow or other there came about a
rupture in the harmonious relations that had hitherto subsisted between the
Subedar and his Assistant, Mulla Gaffar Khan. Both of them tried to harm each
other and both of them sought the help of Dila Ram. Dila Ram kept himself
outside all the rival cliques. This naturally added to his popularity with the masses
and greatly enhanced his power and prestige.

The news that the Subedar and his Assistant were not pulling on well with each
other, did after all reach Kabul. The Subedar Mirdad Khan undertook the
collection and realization of the land revenue without the help of his Assistant,
Mulla Gaffar Khan, who was as a result, removed from office and Mirdad Khan
was put in the sole charge of the country. One would have expected that now as
the dual element in the administration was ended, there would be peaceful days
ahead, but even this did not in any way ease the matters.

Dila Ram, as already stated in these pages was a man of extraordinary

resourcefulness. In the unsettledness that prevailed during those days, if there was
one man who came out unscathed out of the fiery ordeal it was Dila Ram. Azad
rebelled against his Afghan overlord. He was made to suffer an ignominous
defeat. Afghan rule was again established but Dila Ram did not find his prestige
or power diminished even by an iota. This gave rise to a number of enemies for
Dila Ram who were impotent for the time being to shake Dila Ram from his
position, but nevertheless always planned secretly for his destruction. They waited
for an opportune time to strike, which they got after all under circumstances,
rather interesting. Hafiz Kamal, a Muslim divine of Srinagar, who was once the
chief preacher of the city, was deposed from his office on an accusation of heresy
having been brought against him. Having passed a number of years in retirement,
he at last came out from his seclusion and started his preachings again. He was
again accused of using profane language ( Tabarra ). This kindled the fire of a
religious upheaval and people assembled in their thousands demanding th e head
of the heretical Kamal. Poor Kamal was made to ride a donkey and was paraded
through the streets of Srinagar He was later beheaded at Haft-Chinar This incident
was closed so for as Kamal was concerned, but it left behind a legacy of religious
commotion which even the ignominous death of Kamal did not end. The enemies
of Dila Ram could not have chosen a better occasion to bring about his fall. At
once an accusation was brought against him as well that he too had used profane
language with respect to the Muslim religion. This accusations served as a spark
in a powder magazine, and the result was a conflagration of a worse kind. People
assembled in the Shah Hamdan mosque and the Jama Masjid. After listening to
the mischievous harangues of certain persons, in whose breasts lay the enmity
against Dila Ram hidden, they closed the doors of both the mosques and went to
meet the Pandit. An attack was made upon Dila Ram who was seriously wounded.
He would have met with his death, had not the Subedar arrived on spot, and
pacified the mob. Mirdad Khan took no notice of the accusation brought against
Dila Ram, knowing as he was full well that the agitation against him was
artifically-engineered. Within a few days the excitement subsided and Dila Ram
went on with his work as before.

In these very days, there was some disturbance in Kamraj created by one Mir
Jaffar Kanth, but it was soon suppressed. Mirdad Khan, however, was not
destined to live long. A short while after he fell ill and breathed his last in the year
1788 A. D. He was succeeded by Mulla Gaffar Khan but he too was recalled back
after a period of only four months. Sirdar Jumma Khan Alkozai was appointed to
succeed him.

Jumma Khan was a man of humane temperament and more or less justice loving.
He patronised learning and was a great lover of poetry. He had hardly set his foot
in Kashmir when the country was devastated by floods. A number of houses were
destroyed and many people were left without a shelter. But Juma Khan coped
with the calamity very bravely and rendered relief to the people, as best as he
could.

In those days the accounts from Kashmir were periodically submitted to the Kabul
Government, and this time Pandit Dila Ram assisted by Mir Jaffar was deputed to
present the accounts' statement at Kabul. Dila Ram was already a known figure at
Kabul and he was very well received by Taimur Shah, the Kabul king. The king
was greatly impressed with the regularity of the accounts maintained under the
supervision of Dila Ram. The king took the latter in his favour and took all sorts
of liberties with Dila Ram and put a number of questions to him about the Hindu
religion. One day Dila Ram was sitting in the Durbar at Kabul, when Taimur Shah
rather abruptly inquired of him the reason as to why he had put a Tilak mark on
his forehead. Quick came the reply that the mark resembling alif was an
indication of the fact that God was one without a second. The king in order to
baffle him pursued the query further and asked as to why he had annointed his ear
tips also with the same substance. Without a moment's thought Dila Ram replied
that the two marks were in token of two witnesses needed to prove a fact
according to Muslim law (Shara). Taimur Shah put a third question as to why he
had a mark on his throat as well. Dila Ram replied that this mark signified that the
person who denies the truth of this statement needs being hanged. The witty
repartee over, Taimur Shah bade him to state the true significance of the Tilak
mark. Pandit Dila Ram read out a Persian couplet in answer which runs as
follows:

Bar chahram Nazr kun Peshaniam bibeen,

Dagi gulamie shahi Maulast bar Jabin.
 " Cast a glance over my face and look to my forehead,
there you will find a mark which singles me out as a slave of the Lord.''

Dila Ram came back to Kashmir richly laden with honours by the Kabul king. His
various qualities of head and heart, his rich experience of men and affairs, his
immense store of wit and humour and above all his affable manners and mild
disposition won for him the friendship of many people at Kabul. But in Kashmir
he had trouble ahead of him. There were conspiracies and cliques against him. For
long did Dila Ram hold his own against all the unholy cliques of his enemies. But
unsettled as the times were, they had not to wait for long. They soon got a
propitious time for putting into practice their nefarious designs. Not only was
Pandit Dila Ram Quli killed but the community to which he belonged was also
made to suffer those untold miseries the like of which one fails to find anywhere
in the annals of the civilised world.

Jumma Khan's closing years would have been rather peaceful but for the
construction of a Matam Sarai by Shias which was greatly resented by the Sunni
Muslims. The building was demolished and a severe warning was administered to
the Shias against their introducing such practices as caused resentment to the
Sunnis. There was also an insurrection by Khokha and Bomba chieftains but it
was soon suppressed. Jumma Khan died in the year 1792 A. D. and was
succeeded by Mirza Khan. Mirza Khan who was of a religious bent of mind did
not remain in Kashmir for more than four months. He installed in his place his son
Mir Hazar Khan and himself became a religious recluse.

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CHAPTER XIX
Dila Ram's Murder and After
MIR HAZAR KHAN, the next Subedar created a record of his own perhaps
unbeaten in the annals of Kashmir by his most merciless and brutal treatment that he
meted out to the Kashmiri Pandits. There have been Subedars such as Karim Dad Khan
and Azad who disfigured and blackened the pages of Kashmir history bytheir misdeeds
but Mir Hazar Khan is a category by himself. He was laden with the hatred of the Pandits
in an unbounded measure, and the result was that he was satisfied not only with killing
them or drowning them in the rivers which he certainly did, but he chalked out well-
planned methods to wipe them out of their existence. But with all this, he failed as the
subsequent history of this country has shown.

Mir Hazar Khan, soon after his assuming the reins of the administration of the country,
declared his independence. Taimur Shah, the Kabul king breathed his last and was
succeeded by Zaman Khan. Zaman Khan confirmed Mir Hazar Khan's appointment but at
the same tirne wished Mir Hazar to send to Kabul the annual tribute. There was enough
of unsettledness at Kabul. Mir Hazar taking advantage of this state of affairs, refused
point blank to make the payment and along with this announced that he would thereafter
rule as an independent king. A reign of terror was ushered in Kashmir, which took its first
victim in Pandit Dila Ram who was murdered at Khanayar in the year 1793 A. D. After
the murder of Dila Ram, a systematic process was adopted for the extermination of the
whole lot of the Pandits. A regular Kashmiri Pandit hunt was had recourse to by him and
various were the methods adopted for their killing." Thousands of them were killed by
ordinary and known methods. Many more were put in sacks and drowned in the Dal
Lake, and those who survived were harassed in such a manner that they forgot even Faqir
Ullah's zulum". A number of the Kashmiri Pandit notables of Baramulla - a town near
Srinagar - were arrested, then humiliated and ultimately put in prison and later on
drowned in Jhelum river. Realizing that it was futile to attempt at the extermination of a
whole race, he tried to make the life of the surviving lot both impossible and miserable.
Jazia was again imposed upon the whole community. Not satisfied with this, he
promulgated another equally abnoxious order. The Pandits were strictly forbidden to read
Persian and the penalty for the infringement was certain death. The degrading and
unwholesome consequences of this latter order can well be understood when we bear in
mind that the Persian was then the court language and all affairs of the State were
conducted in this language. It is a known fact that the Kashmiri Pandits' mastery over the
Persian language was second only to the Persians. The result was that they secured an
entrance into the administration of the country. But Mir Hazar wanted them to be ousted
for all time from the administrative machinery and this he could achieve with ease, if no
Persian knowing Pandit was available. But then there were Pandits who continued in
service, mostly in Daftari Diwani (Accounts Department). He abolished the Daftari
Diwani, which was so well organised by Dila Ram. The Pandits' aptitude for service in
the Accounts Department is well known. With its abolition they were all thrown out.l The
result was that a Pandit became for the time being a waif, a destitute creature, a man
nobody to support him or to care for him. But this was as short liYed as the career of Mir
Hazar himself. The Pandit yet again rose. The news in those days travelled very slow, but
the news about the declaration of Mir Hazar's independence and the zulum he perpetrated
reached Kabul after all. Zaman Khan who was busy elsewhere did not deem it advisable
to depute a military campaign against Mir Hazar but in its stead he deputed Mirza Khan,
Mir Hazar's father to Kashmir to bring the latter round by peaceful methods. Mirza Khan
tried his best to wean his son from the path he had chosen but failed and was imprisoned
by Mir Hazar. After this there was no other alternative left for Zaman Khan but to send
an army against Mir Hazar. A huge army was sent under the command of a veteran
General by name Ahmad Khan. Mir Hazar Khan also started with a huge force and the
two armies met at Baramulla. Before fighting any engagement, Mir Hazar Khan brought
out of prison all the Pandit notables who were suffering imprisonment at Baramulla and
drowned them in river Jhelum. But Mir Hazar was soon defeated in the battle that was
fought at Baramulla. He fled from the scene of action and took refuge in the Shah
Hamdan mosque at Srinagar. But he was soon arrested and put in prison. Thus ended the
inglorious career of a person who shed the innocent blood of peaceful and harmless
citizens for no other purpose but that of satisfying his own perverted desires. Mir Hazar
thus beaten, Rahmatullah Khan became the Subedar. He was not destined to remain long
in Kashmir, and was soon after recalled by the king. He went to Kabul carrying with
himself a Kashmiri Pandit by name Nand Ram Tiku, who in course of time rose to the
eminent place of Diwan at Kabul and changed the course of Kashmir history more than
once. Kifayat Khan now came to succeed him. He was in a marked contrast to Mir Hazar
- just, humane and kind, but he too was recalled by the king of Kabul after a short period
of three months. There is nothing of importance during his regime excepting a Shia-Sunni
riot which was the result of a private enmity between a Shia and a Sunni notable. Arsala
Khan followed next as the Subedar in 1795 A. D. He appointed Mohammad Khan as his
deputy. He also had quite a short lived career. The past two years were a pericd of total
unsettledness which was the legacy left by Mir Hazar. Palace intrigues, marauding
expeditions of the Bombas, internecine quarrels of rival factional heads are the main
noteworthy events of these two fateful years which created a veritable hell in the country.
Abdullah Khan Alkozai now appears on the scene as Subedar in 1796 A. D.

CHAPTER XX
Pandit becomes Dewan at Kabul
Abdullah Khan had a tremendously ardous task to accomplish. There was
alround unsettledness in the country. Marauding bands of robbers and thieves had
infested the whole country and nobody felt his life, honour or property safe. The petty
Bomba and Khokha chiefs had become a nuisance in Kamraj, and kept on constantly
committing depredations over there, looting plundering and killing the people. But
Abdullah Khan was a man of great courage and organizing skill and possessed a keen eye
for singling out individuals to carry Gn his administration. He appointed in preference to
other Muslim notables, Pandit Sahaj Ram Dar as his Sahib Karl and delegated to him all
the administrative functions as were necessary to bring about a rehabilitation of the
country. Panclit Sahaj Ram was a man of great talent and marked statesmanship and was
devoid of all the vices which sometimes accompany exaltation to a high office. The
Pandit engaged himself in right earnest upon the task of the rehabilitation of the country.
The army was in a hopeless condition. Even a skirmish with a neighbouring petty
chieftain, it could not conduct successfully. Abdullah Khan with the aid and assistance of
his Pandit Sahib Kar organized the army and subjugated all the neighbouring
principalities of Poonch, Kamraj etc. The Bombas were totally beaten. Agriculture was
specially attended to and after years of famine and scarcity, people witnessed a bumper
crop. The price of Shali (unhusked rice) was reduced to twelve annas a Khirwar. No
wonder then that Pandit Sahaj Ram became very popular and his fame travelled far and
wide. The things went on smoothly for some time, when another factor intervened which
broke the harmony of peace and progress which the country had witnessed after a long
period of unsettledness and oppression.

We have already referred to Pandit Nand Ram Tiku who went to Kabul and settled there.
Pandit Nand Ram was a man of great sagacity and tact. He came to the notice of Wazir
Wafadar Khan who was then the Chief Minister of Zaman Khan, the king of Kabul. The
Wazir took Nand Ram in his service. Gradually Nand Ram rose to the exalted position of
Diwan at Kabul. He is credited at one time with having struck coin in his own name with
the inscription " Sim az mabud wa zarb az Nand Ram." This rupee was known as Nand
Rami rupee and was in circulation in the Tribal area till at least 1910 A.D. A number of
Kashmiri Pandits now settled at Kabul, chief amongst wbom besides Nand Ram was
Pandit Daya Ram Kachru"Khushdil," the father of Birbar Kachru the historian. Pandit
Nand Ram had a brother residing in Kashmir, whose name was Pandit Hara Das. By dint
of his brother's influence Hara Das came to be reckoned as a most important figure in
Kashmir. The annual tribute was sent to Kabul through him, and he lived a life of great
pomp and power. It was not unnatural that his relations with the Subedar became
strained. Hara Das apprised his brother Pandit Nand Ram of this, who at once got an
order issued from the king calling Abdullah Khan to Kabul. Abdullah Khan on arrival at
Kabul was imprisoned in Bala Hazar fort at the suggestion of Pandit Nand Ram Tiku.
Abdullah Khan had left his brother Atta Mohammad Khan to conduct the administration
in his absence, but another brother of his Vakil Khan secured an appointment order from
the King and accompanied by a huge force went to Kashmir. On the instigation of his
brother Abdullah Khan, Atta Mohammad Khan gave battle to Vakil Khan, defeated him
and killed him. Along with this, he put Pandit Hara Das Tiku in prison. It was during
these unsettled days that again a Shia Sunni riot took place in which untold miseries were
inflicted upon the Shias. Their houses were burnt, property looted and many of them were
killed. In the meanwhile Kabul wit. nessed a great deal of unrest due to the rebellion of
Mohammad Shah. Abdullah Khan took advantage of this unsettledness and secured his
release from the prison by offering a huge bribe to his jailor. He at once hurried towards
Kashmir and on arrival there he started as an independent ruler. Shuja-ul-Mulk who had
by now wrested the throne of Kabul from Mohammad Shah tried to win over Abdullah
Khan by persuasion and reasoning, but having failed he at once sent Sher Mohammad
Khan with a huge army to teach Abdullah Khan a lesson. Abdullah Khan also made
mighty preparations to meet the royal forces, but was after all defeated and killed. During
the later portion of the rule of Abdullah Khan, there occurred a very severe earthquake in
Kashmir, which resulted in a great deal of damage to life and property. Huge craters
appeared on earth's surface which engulfed many lives. This was followed by devastating
floods which rendered (besides taking a sufficient toll of human life) many thousands
homeless. As if all this was not sufficient, the wrath of nature further manifested itself in
a most severe winter. River Jhelum and all the lakes became a solid mass of ice. Abdullah
having been defeated, Sher Mohammed Khan remained in Kashmir for about five months
restoring order and setting other matters right. He got his son Atta Mohammad appointed
as Subedar in 1807 and himself left for Kabul.

CHAPTER XXI
Pandit Sahaj Ram - The Diwan
AMONGST all the Kashmiri Pandits who rose to prominence during Afghan
period of Kashmir history, there is the personality of Sahaj Ram Dar who by dint of his
farsightedness, sagacity and political wisdom, continued at the helm of affairs for a very
long time. Kingships rose and fell in Kabul, Subedars were appointed and dismissed in,
Kashmir, rebellions occured one after the other in Kashmir, but Sahaj Ram Dar continued
in his office with his power and prestige undiminished. Today we find a loyal Subedar
appointing him as his Madarulmiham. The next day the Subedar turns a rebel, but Pandit
Sahaj Ram continues as before. The rebel Subedar is defeated and replaced by a loyal
one, but Pandit Sahaj Ram is there and wins fresh honours and prizes. And this goes on
for a number of years and during the reigns of many Subedars. In this he can be
compared to the French statesman Talleyrand. But there is one thing which distinguishes
Pandit Sahaj Ram from the French statesman. Unlike the Feench statesman, Sahaj Ram
was neither faithless nor an opportunist. He never turned a traitor to his masters, but
served them, honestly and loyally as long as cir cumstances permitted him to do so, but
after their fall he never betrayed them.

In the last chapter we have seen how Abdullah Khan appointed Pandit Sahaj Ram as his
Sahib Kar. After his rebellion and defeat Atta Mohammad Khan was appointed as
Subedar in the year 1807 A. D. Atta Mohammad in spite the fact that Pandit Sahaj Ram
had sided with the rebel chief Abdullah Khan in his turn also appointed Sahaj Ram as his
Diwan, indeed a high tribute to his integrity and great administrative merit.

The relation of Kashmir with Kabul those days was that of a crown appanage and
periodical accounts had to be submitted to the Afghan king, in addition to the annual
tribute. Pandit Sahaj Ram as Diwan was in charge of the accounts also. We, therefore,
find Pandit Sahaj Ram Dar next going to Kabul with the accounts of the country which
were to be presented to the king there. But while crossing Indus in a ferry the pony which
carried the accounts took fright and dumped into the river and got drowned along with
the accounts. But unmindful of the loss of the accounts, Sahaj Ram pursued his journey
and on reaching Kabul sought audience with the king and related to him the mishhap, but
he undertook to prepare a duplicate from his memory within a short period of only four
days. This was done and the accounts were found to tally in every detail with the copy of
the accounts which was lying at Kashmir and later sent for from there. This pleased the
king beyond measure. He bestowed a Khillat and the hereditary title of Diwan upon him.
Besides this the villages of Dachhan Para and Marhama were bestowed upon him as Jagir
in perpetuity. In addition to this, Pandit Sahaj Ram secured the Governership of Kamraj
for his brother Mirza Pandit, and the Illaqa of Deosar for Pandit Birbar. The latter, after
making his appearance on the political scene, as we shall soon see played a decisive part
in the history of Kashmir.

Atta Mohammad Khan started his career as the Subedar with very great promise. Himself
a man of simple habits, and deep religious convictions, he bestowed his earnest attention
upon raising the material prosperity of the people of Kashmir. In this he largely drew
upon the administrative skill of his Diwan Pandit Sahaj Ram. Under the guidance and
supervision of the Pandit, agriculture was improved, and during his regime bumper
harvests came to be reaped after a period of decay and despair. Trade was revived as a
result of administrative stability which was established in a short period. But then there
was again unrest at Kabul. This time Mohammad Shah conducted a successful rebellion
against Shah Shuja, who was then the king of Kabul. Shah Shuja escaped and took shelter
with Maharaja Ranjit Singh. The anarchic state of affairs at Kabul had its reactions upon
Atta Mohammad too, and following the footsteps of his predecessors he also declared his
independence. But Mohammad Shah could not take this affrontry on the part of the
Subedar lying down, and he deputed a huge force under the command of a veteran
general Akram Khan Bamezai for the conquest of Kashmir. But the expedition led by
Bamezai met with a total defeat and Atta Mohammad came back to Srinagar, victorious
and happy. Atta Mohammad did not remain content only with having scored a victory.
He built a fortress on the top of the Hari Parbat hill and many more in Sopore Baramulla,
and other towns. A munition factory was started and the army was reorganised and
strengthened. But Kashmir had not vanished from the eyes of Mohammad Shah - the
Kabul ruler. Again he organised an expedition for its conquest - this time under another
general of greater fame though not of much talent - by name Wazir Fateh Mohommad
Khan. It seems that Atta Mohammad Khan in order to hide the true purpose of his
rebellion under the cloak of bolstering up the claims of a defeated puppet king, and also
to win support of his partisans in the Afghan country opened negotiations with Shah
Shuja to come to Kashmir. Diwan Nand Ram Tikul was deputed to approach Shah Shuja.
Diwan Nand Ram succeeded in his mission and Shah Shuja came to Kashmir, only to
find himself a virtual prisoner in the newly built Hari Parbat fort. Atta Mohammad Khan
now took the time by the forlock and deputed his brother Jahandar Khan to seize the
Attok fort which in those days commanded the gateway to Kashmir. Wazir Fateh
Mohammad Khan the Afghan General dared not attack the fort and opened negotiations
with Maharaja Ranjit Singh for help. The Maharaja agreed to help the Wazir on condition
that an annual tribute of eight lacs was paid to him from the Kashmir revenues. The
condition have been accepted, the Sikh ruler deputed Diwan Mohkam Chand with a
considerable forceto help Wazir Fateh Mohammad Khan and in the battle that ensued at
Rawalpora village, Atta Mohammad was defeated, some of his close followers having
played a treacherous part at the cruicial moment. Atta Mohammad after a further feeble
and unsuccessful resistance opened negotiations with Diwan Mohkam Chand, and
succeeded in getting a safe passage back to Kabul. Diwan Mohkam Chand also left
Kashmir, but not without taking a Hundi for eight lacs of rupees.
Wazir Fateh Mohammad Khan did not stay in Kashmir for more than a few months and
accompanied by Diwan Nand Ram Tiku he left for Kabul leaving the administration of
the country in the hands of his brother Azim Khan in the year 1813 A. D. Azim Khan
then appointed Sahaj Ram Dar as his Diwan, and Pandit Haradas Tiku as his Sahib Kar,
the latter appointment probably having been made to ward off opposition on behalf of his
brother Diwan Nand Ram Tiku who as has been already mentioned was a great notable
figure at Kabul. By this the whole administrative machinery was put under the Pandits.
Atta Mohammad Khan on his way to Kabul handed over the Attok fort to Maharaja
Ranjit Singh in lieu of one lac of rupees which the latter paid him. Azim Khan interpreted
this action of the Sikh Maharaja as a breach of faith on his part and refused to pay the
annual tribute of eight lacs which was stipulated with him by Wazir Fateh Mohammad
Khan in consideration of the help which he had secured from Maharaja Ranjit Singh
against Atta Mohammad Khan. Ranjit Singh was greatly incensed at the unseemly
behaviour of the Subedar and he at once ordered an expedition to be organized for the
conquest of Kashmir. On his part Azim Khan also made strong prepartions to meet his
formidable foe. But this expedition of Ranjit Singh met with a complete disaster. Sikh
forces were routed and it was with very great difficulty that the main force which was
under the direct command of the Sikh ruler was saved from total annihilation. With Sikhs
driven out of the country, Azad Khan returned back to Srinagar fully intoxicated with his
victory. What repercussions this event had on the general condition of the Pandits will be
presently seen.

CHAPTER XXII
Pandits after the Sikh Retreat
THE defeat of the Sikhs which was equally due to bad strategy and the wrath of
nature, resulted in no distant future in a complete reversal of the previously prevailing
administrative policy so far as the Pandits were concerned. It was given out that the Sikh
invasion was the result of Pandit invitation. May be that some Pandits had looked on the
Sikh invasion as a means to liberate themselves from the Afghan yoke; and this too is
possible that a few of them may have actually though clandestinely helped it. But there is
no direct proof forthcoming to prove their complicity in this affair, excepting a strong
suspicion, based upon the fact that there were many Kashmiri Pandits, some of them very
highly placed, at the Sikh Durbar with whom the Pandits of Kashmir were connected by
ties of blood. The fact that the Sikhs till then were hardly distinguishable from the Hindus
must have also contributed towards strengthening such a suspicion. Whether or not there
was truth in this suspicion, it is a fact that there were people who kept on fanning its
flame against the Pandits. The Muslim notables whose power and prestige when
compared to the Pandits was almost negligible now came on the scene. The abortive
invasion of Ranjit Singh gave them an easy handle. They dinned into Azim's ears that the
Pandit notables were at the root of the Sikh invasion of Kashmir. In partisular, they
singled out Pandit Haradas about whom the allegation was that he was the head of the
clique which had extended an invitation to the Sikh Ruler. Azim Khan easily believed all
this and turned his attention towards the Pandits. Pandit Haradas was the first victim of
this orgy and was killed in 1813 A. D. There were others too who were similarly treated.
Their Jagirs were confiscated and Jazia was imposed on the whole lot. Most of them were
humiliated and ousted out of all places of power, and in the confusion that followed a
Muslim notable by name Nur Shah Diwani was thrown into prominence, whose rise to
power proved as shortlived as his mischievous activities abortive. But the treatment
meted out to the Pandits, though harsh and cruel beyond measure, did not produce any
good result so far as the breaking of Pandit power went. Pandit Sahaj Ram was there at
the head of administration and there were many more whom Azim could not touch. But
yet the suspicion about the Pandit's complicity in Ranjit Singh's invasion was being daily
strengthened. The rival Muslim clique fully exploited this impression. How could the
Subedar remain safe as long as the Pandit was there? They had to be destroyed root and
branch if Kashmir had to continue as an Afghan Province. Such were the arguments with
which they kept his suspicions alive. But even Azim Khan could not dare carry his
designs against the Pandits too far; at least openly he dared not to do so. But Nur Shah
offered to solve the problem in a manner which though clumsy in essence appeared to
both of them ingenious enough at least for the time being. It was settled between them
that Nur Shah would invite all the Pandit notables, including Mirza Pandit, the brother of
Pandit Sahaj Ram to his house and having seated them in a Hamam suffocate them there
to death by heating the Hamam to its capacity. Azim approved of this scheme, but said
that the deed should be done in his absence from the city. This ill fated conspiracy was in
progress for some time when on the fateful day a private servant of Azim Khan apprised
Sahaj Ram of all that was transpiring behind the scene between the Subedar and Nur
Shah. Sahaj Ram was further told by servant that Nur Shah had that very time come to
inform the Subedar that the Pandit notables had assembled in his house. Nur Shah held a
hurried private conversation with the Subedar, which mainly dealt with the maturity of all
his nefarious plans and also the assemblage of the Pandits in his house. With the
connivance of Azim's private servant Sahaj Ram overheard the whole conversation. The
Subedar, as already stated, was not willing to the perpetration of the crime during his
presence in the city. He therefore left that very moment for Shalimar garden. Sahaj Ram
also left the place, instantaneously in a boat and stopped just on the Ghat near the house
of Nur Shah. He scribed a solitary line on a chit which ran as: "Jazira ki makani tu bud
abgirift," i.e. "the island on which stood your house is gone under flood waters." Hayat a
sagacious boatman in service of Sahaj Ram was commissioned to carry the chit to Mirza
Pandit in Nur Shah's house. Hayat went inside Nur Shah's house and kept standing near
the door leading to the Hamam. From the unexpected arrival of Hayat, Mirza Pandit
divined that there was something extraordinary going to happen. Hayat came forward
under the pretence of trimming the wick of the lamp when he dropped the chit near Mirza
Pandit. Mirza Pandit read the chit, but waited for a moment. Without rousing any
suspicion, he got up and leaving his shawl behind inquired if a privy existed there. Under
this pretence he came out and ran away followed by Hayat and joined his brother at the
ghat, where he was informed of the eonspiracy. After some time it became known to Nur
Shah that Mirza Pandit had played a ruse and had flown from the trap which was so
cunningly laid for him. Confused, confounded and crest-fallen Nur Shah, sent his own
men to fetch him back, but the party returned unsuccessful. Meanwhile the other guests
also ran away in the melee that ensued. Next morning Sahaj Ram and his brother Mirza
Pandit went to Shalimar to meet the Subedar. Subedar was all along preparing himself to
receive the newsabout the death of Mirza Pandit and other Pandits when Sahaj Ram came
in. The Diwan and his brother had a bit of plain speaking with the Subedar. They related
the whole tale to him, how the conspiracy was hatched how they caught scent of it, how
they thwarted it in the middle, and ended it in an ignominous failure. Thay also rebuked
him for falling a prey to the machinations of intriguers which was simply hastening his
own doom. Subedar felt very much embarrassed and readily agreed to abide by any terms
which they suggested. Mirza Pandit laid a formal complaint against Nur Shah who after
Sikh defeat was put in charge of revenue collection. The complaint was that Nur Shah
had looted the country side. Mirza Pandit bound himself to pay four lacs of rupees if he
was allowed to deal with Nur Shah directly. This was agreed to by Azim Khan, and
Mirza Pandit was armed with a written authority for the arrest of Nur Shah and the search
of of his house. A party of Shah Aqasis was put at Pandit's disposal. Laden with the
requisite authority, Mirza Pandit returned and while he was crossing the Dal Lake, he
came across Nur Shah. At once he got him arrested who was tied hand and foot with his
own turban. On reaching Srinagar, his house was searched but no money was
forthcoming when the carpenter who had constructed the ceilings informed that - the
money was concealed inside the ceiling. At once the house was raised to the ground and
money was recovered. Nur Shah fell never to rise and thus ended the abortive attempt at
annihilating the whole lot of the Pandit notables.

CHAPTER XXVII
Kashmiri Pandits at Ranjit Singh's
Durbar
IN our preceding chapters we have seen how the Kashmiri Pandits had begun an orderly
migration from Kashmir eversince the Moghuls occupied the country. Some left the
country willingly in search of "meadows and pastures new" and some were forced to
leave the country by the exigencies of times. They spread over the whole of the Indian
sub-continent. With the break down of the Moghul Empire a number of kingships came
into existence and the Pandits entered into services there. They went as far away as
Bengal. Pandit Kidar Nath, an ancester of Hon'ble Pandit Ajudhya Prashad Kunzru,
became the Diwan of Mir Jaffar. In these very days Pandit Sada Sukh (grand father of
Hon'ble Bishambar Nath) was in charge of Revenue administration in the Haidarabad
State. So also in many other States. In the pandemonium which followed the breakdown
of the Moghul rule in Kashmirt Pandit Kishen Das, an unknown Kashmiri Pandit, left his
native place and reached Delhi. By dint of his high attainments in the Persian language -
he succeeded in carving a place for himself at the Moghul Court. He became there the
nucleus of a small group of Pandits and wherever they went they went in a boy. He had a
son by name Pandit Ganga Ram who rose very high at the Sikh Durbar. With the
establishment of the Sikh rule in the Punjab, the necessity of regulating the finances of
the State was keenly felt by - Maharaja Ranjit Singh. Having been apprised of the
attainments of Ganga Ram in this branch, the Sikh-Ruler invited him to Lahore. Till then
there were very few Kashmiri Pandits residing at Lahore. Ganga Ram accepted the offer
and moved in the year 1813 A.D. to Lahore with a number of 'Pandits, the chief amongst
them being Raja Dina Nath, Daya Ram Hari Ram,' Gopi Nath, Ram Kisheni Ganga
Bishen Gamkhat. Lachman Prashad etc. These and many 'others settled at Lahore and
were prominently placed at the Sikh court. Pandit Ganga Ram having risen very high in
the estimation of the Sikh ruler was appointed as the Finance Minister. After the death of
Pandit Ganga Ram the mantle fell upon the shoulders of his friend and relative Raja Dina
Nath, who had accompanied hirn to Lahore ' from Delhi, where one of his forefathers
Rugh Nath had settled in the reign of Emperor Mohammad Shah. His father Pandit
Bhaktmal also was employed at the Sikh court. But Raja Dina Nath rose to a higher place
of eminence. He was put in charge of the Privy Seal by Maharaja Ranjit Singh. After the
Maharaja, general disorder prevailed. The army became restive and then openly
rebellious. Many prominent Sirdars were killed and many princes of the royal blood were
made to taste the bitter cup of an ignominous death. But in all this disastrous fire of
misrule, if there was one man who came out unscathed it was Raja Dina Nath alone. Not
only that his power and influence increased daily. It is recorded about him that when the
political firmament appeared peaceful and happy, his discerning eye perceived the
onward march of silent and invisible clouds which rained fire and disaster, after some
time. He made his plans to tide over the difficulty long before the difficulty had made its
appearance. European historians describe him as Talleyrand of the Punjab, but in spite of
the sting in the insinuation contained in the remark, he was very highly spoken of by the
Europeans with whcm he came into contact. The amount of recognition which they gave
to his great power and influence can be gathered from the fact that he was one of the
signatories to the treaty which was concluded between the Sikhs and the British after the
First Sikh War. Later on a council was constituted in December 1846 for the governance
of the Punjab and Raja Dina Nath was made its President, with the active support of the
British.

With Raja Dina Nath in saddle, hundreds of Kashmiri Pandits migrated to the Punjab
from Kashmir. He became the rallying factor of all these fresh imigrants and invariably
helped them to careers. In course of time Pandit colonies sprang up both at Lahore and
Amritsar. In view of the fact that Raja Dina Nath and other Kashmiri Pandit notables had
succeeded in winning the confidence of the British conquerers, the latter meted out to
them great encouragement, and made them recipients of many posts of trust and honour
which were till then kept closed to Indians.

Maharaja Ranjit Singh had modelled his army on European plan. There were many
French Generals serving in his army, chief amongst whom being Ventura and Allard.
Ventura was in charge of the Maharaja's Fauji-khas which was considered to be the
flower of the Sikh army. He was assisted by a Kashmiri Pandit, the son of Pandit Ganga
Ram by name Adjutant General Diwan Ajudhya Prashad. Ajudhya Prashad showed
considerable skill in handling military matters. During Ventura's absence on leave,
Ajudhya Prashad was placed in full command of the Fauji Khas and during this time he
led successful military expeditions against the Raja of Mandi and other refractory hill
chieftains. After his return from France, Ventura paid a glowing tribute to the military
genius of the Pandit, and remarked that he had found the troops in a better spirit than
when he had left them in charge of the Pandit. After Ventura's final exit, Pandit Ajudhya
Prashad was placed in independent command of these troops.

There is no use in multiplying names of the persons who were prominent at the Sikh
court. But even then there is one person whose mention would not be out of place here.
We mean Col. Badri Nath. He migrated from Kashmir during the Afghan rule, and got
enlisted as a sepoy in the Sikh army. He gradually rose to the rank of a Colonel. He was
second in command to General Hari Singh Nalwa when the latter wrested Peshawar from
the Barakzais.

But the Sikh Empire was a short lived affair. Circumstances cropped up which ended the
Sikh rule in the Punjab for all time.