‘W—SHROLNIO AHL HONOUNL AOTVONVE NVSVH TN1ZV4 Bangalore “Ghrough the Centuries HISTORICAL PUBLICATIONS BANGALORE-41, INDIABangalore Through The Centuries, written by Mr, M. Fazlul Hasan, gives an inte- resting narrative of . « historical events. in twenty luminous chapters, The book has an admirable collection of representative data, It also deals with other aspects of local history. The variety and richness of Bangalore’s cultu- ral heritage has been brought out in good detail. ‘he author, who has consulted many historical works available on the subject in preparing his manuscript, has evinced keen interest in bringing to light many rare paintings and photographs of old Bangalore, Indeed, it is difficult to find a better book on Bangalore than the present one. DHARMA Vita Gocernor of Mysore (From the Foreword) Front cover Storming of the Halsoor Gate, and death of ‘Colonel Moorhouse (See page 104) From a painting by Carr. Auta (1792) (Photograph: Courtesy, The Commandant, M.E.G. and Centre, Bangalore)Bangalore, the ‘Garden City’, is the vibrant heart of Mysore State. Sprawling and always in a state of perpetual growth, it presents vista of countless multicoloured buildings, glittering parks, nasrow streets, well laid roads and superh public edifices lying unobtrusively around. Here, people drawn by countless forces are butfetted about in the whirlpool of its life Behind this facade of Bangalore’s modern appearanee lies a glorious past which, if it some- what appears to be far removed from the present time, nevertheless almost insensibly blends into it, ‘he massive walls of Bangalore's once superb fort have crumbled with the vicis- situdes of time and the requirements of a growing city, except for a small portion which still remains and reminds on» of the glory that was. Great historical events and political up- heayals which have taken place here, in the years gone by, have left am indelible impress and to a large ¢xtent have a direct bearing on its growth and development as the metrapolis of the StateNorthern Entrance to Bangalore Fort (See page 83) From a pointing by Tasses T ‘The Gove. Museum, Bangalore)BANGALORE THROUGH THE CENTURIES : is fiBangalore Through the Centuries (ees UTS BY M, FAZLUL HASAN, B.A. BL, 2S AT HISTORICAL PUBLICATIONS BANGALORE 41 - INDIABANGALORE THROUGH THE CENTURIES A historical narrative of Bangalore, Historical Publications 272/B 37th ‘A’ Cross, Jayanagar, Bangalore 41 First Edition 1070 © M. FAZLUL HASAN Price Rs. 25,00 PRINTED IM DODIA BYE, A, KORULA AT THE WESLEY PRESS, ArTIORE DEDICATED TO THE CITIZENS OF BANGALORE TO PERPETUATE THEIR INTEREST IN THE GLORIOUS ANNALS OF ‘THEIR CITYFOREWORD Local history has received little attention in our country. Many cities of India have a fascinating historical background. But only a few books have been written about them. The Gazetteers, though re-written in recent years, give only brief accounts of places of local importance. The emphasis, in these accounts, is more on the historical aspect than on the cultural and social life of the times they deal with, Bangulore has a singular charm of arousing the interest of both Indians and foreigners in its chequered history. Its strat~ cegic position has played a great part in influencing the history of peninsular India. Its salubrious climate, which has attracted people from all over the country and abroad, is largely instru= ‘mental in leading it to its present prosperity. It is interesting to know that Bangalore had boen a pawn on the chess-board of Indian intrigues, Kempe Gowda built, it. Bijapur Sultanate ‘conquered it. ‘The Moghuls sold it. Chikdkadevaraja Wodeyar purchased it. It was the personal jahagir of Shahji Bhonsley and Maider Ali, two great historical personalities, in different periods of its history, Te was a ‘Spot of England in India’ during the British days. This historic city has its strange incidents, too. How many exciting episodes and fieroe battles have been written into its historgt Bangalore Throwgh the Centuries written by Mr M. Faztul Hasan, gives an interesting narrative of these historical events in twenty luminous ehapters, ‘The book has an admirable collec tion of represenative data. It also deals with other aspects of local history. The variety and richness of Bangalore's eultural hheritage has been brought out in good detail. ‘The author, who hhas consulted many historical works available on the subject in preparing his manuscript, has evinced keen interest in bringing ‘to light many rare paintings and photographs of old Bangalore Indeed, itis difficult to find a bettor book on Bangalore than the present one. ‘Yet, Bangalore's narrative has dark periods of its history. "Whe hundred years of the rule of Yelahanka Nadu Prabhus isstilla period of its history of which little is known. ‘This lacuna in Bangalore’s history is'2 challenge to scholars who may like to do research work on the subject. Mr M. Fuzlul Hasan, who is well uequainted with the material on Bangaloze’s history, I hope will succeed in unravelling this mystery by the time he brings out the next edition of his book, . This book is a valuable contribution to local history of this country, I hope it will be read with interest not only by the citizens of Bangalore but also by many people in India and abroad, for Bangalore is a city which has aroused international interest, Raj Bhavan, Bangalore, Dated: 20-58-1970 (Duarma Vira) Governor of Mysore PREFACE Bangalore, ‘the Garden City’, is the vibrant heart of Mysore State, Sprawling and always in a state of perpetual growth, it presents a vista of countless multicoloured buildings, glittering parks, narrow streets, well laid roads and superb public edifices lying unobtrusively around, Me people drawn by countless ¢ buffeted about in the whirlpaol of its life. forces a Tehind this facade af Bangalore's modern appearance lies a glorious past, which if itsomewhat appears to be far removed from the present time, nevertheless almost insensibly blends intoit. The massive walls of Bangalore’s ance snperh fort have crumbled with the vicissitudes of time and the requirements of a growing city except fora small portian which still remains and reminds one of the glory that was. Great historical events and political upheavals which have taken place here, in the years gone by, have left an indelible impress and to a large extent have a dircet bearing on its growth and development as the tactropolis of the State Bangalore has enormously changed since it was first built by Kempe Gowda over four centuries ago, Dut, its glorious past remains unchanged, Tf auything, it is consigned to oblivion by less course of time, In these pages [ have endeavau- angely ennugh, till naw no ate study of Ban, the rem red ta recapture that glorious past approach has been. made for history, Excepting the wuide books there are few books om Bungdlore. It is, therefore, with considerable difidence that I publish these pages. ‘The subject with which they deal is so vast andthe circumstances under which Lhad to pursue the study so disadvantageous that | could Lope for no greater measure of success, T shall be highly grateful to the erities who may suggest corrections to he made in the boc lore’s ° Tt is my foremost duty to record my deep sense of gratitude toMr ©, S. Seshadri, who while he was Commissioner of the Bangalore Corporation encouraged me to write this book. His Kindly interest in my book, at every stage of its execution, w: source of inspiration to me. Lam alsoundera deepdebt of gratityde to the kindness of Mr &. M. Patil, Ex-Minister for Municipal ‘Administration and of Mr G. Narayana, Bx-Mayor of Bangalore. “heir keon interest in my book has enabled me to publish itearlier than expected. Ta Mr K. Balasubramanyam, snd to Me MM, 8. Shankara Rao, past and present Administrators, respectively, of Bangalore Corporation, and ta Mr C. J. Padmanabha, the present Commissioner, Tam indebted for the valuable assistance CONTENTS and encouragement I reveived from them, T am under a special debt of gratitude to His Excellency Cirapren Pace Mr Dharma Vira, Governor of Mysore, for his scholarly foreword 1. ‘The Heroic Land” wn = wt to the book. pierre u T have especially to thank the authorities of the Bharuta A. The B japur Caasieae 2 Lhasa Samshodhaka Mandela, Poona; the Municipal Cerpo- ee oe 36 Poona; the Salar Jung Muscum, Hyderabad; the 4, The Great Southern Campaign ... Y ‘thi Mahal Library, Tanjavury the Connemara Public 5, Escapade in Bangalore - { Y, Madras; the Mythic Soviety, the Kannada Sahitya 6. Chikka Deva Raja Wodeyar i 3 hat, and the Public Library, B: lore; the Tinny Mills 7, A Historic Temple 69 and the Bowsing Tnstitute, Bangalore, for their kinds aes ‘i Ree 8 Haider Ali a 2 78 amitting me te make use of their libraries and in providing me ; ar ve 96 with valuable photographs of old Bangalore anal of the historic atte fer, Batialats its personalities connected with its annals. My thanks are due to. 10, Esprit de Corps He a the Commandant, Madias Engineers Group and Centre, Tanga- 11. Bangalore Cantonment ve EE lore; and to Dr Francois Bernard Mache, Paris, for their 12. The British Commission we GL kindness in making available two yaluable photagraphs 13. ‘The Public Offives _ ve v 139 of old paintings which rales bo Bangalore's history; to Lh. Karaga be 7 ae 146 the Director General of Muscums, Government of India Z rete Archaeological Survey, New Delhi; and to the Director of The, Las Costs #8 aS a Archaeology in Mysore, Mysore, for permission granted to me ne Fourth Estate - ee : to take photegraphs of some paintings and illustrations at Tippu . Local Self-Government 174 Museum, Daria Daulat Bagh, Seriagupatam and Government |. Shadow of the Bihisti fe es va 183 Museum, Bangulore, respectivel _ 19. After Rendition ee . 195 __My thanks are also due to Dr A. N. Krishna Rao, the . The Garden City va aun eminent Kannada littérateur, for his valuable suggestions, to Mr a 8. Ramesh for his impressive drawing of Bangalore fort as it Appendices as looked when Kempe Gowda built it and for preparing the maps, Bibliography a to Mr $. R. Ramaswamy for preparing the Index, to Miss Index a ® we 23D Ameena Shaheen for reading the pronfs, to MJs Mysore News Photos and M/s G, G, Welling, photographers, Bangalore, for the photogrphs printed in the buok and to Mr K, A. Korula, Superintendent of the Wesley Pre ', for printing this book so well, Bangalore, M. Fazurt, Hasan Dated: 26-5-1970),Between pp. 216-217 Another view of T. I-liagh from the Kempegowda Tower ‘Town Hall, Bangalore Krishnarajendra Technological Institute, Dan galore sn A Clrele Garden, Bangalore Cuarter [ THE HEROIC LAND Reminiscent of the traditional account of Romulus founding the city of Rome at the Palatine is the incident that led to the erection of the historic fart of Bangalore. In the vicinity of this place, narrates a legend, the celebrated Kempe Gowda I, founder of Bangalore and ancestor of the Yelahanka Nadw Prabhus, when he was out on a hunt, saw the strange sight of a hare chasing his dog, Convinced that the place of this incident indicated ‘Gandu Bhumi’ or ‘Hereic Land’, he raised a mud fort there and founded a township within it, in 1537 A.p., with the permission of the emperor of Vijayanagar, suzerain of the Yelax hanka Nadu Prabhus. Kempe Gowda called the new fort, Bangaluru, a name which conjured a nostalgic fascination to the people who inhabited this part of the country, in earlier times. The name Bangalore appears tobe more antiquarian than is generally realised, for, it is found in an inscription" of the 9th century a.p., discovered at Begur village, which is situated about nine miles south-cast of Bangalore. Nevertheless, the place which probably lent Bangalore its name when it entered history, was a small hamlet called ‘Hale Bengaluru’ or ‘old Bangalore’. ‘This hamlet once existed at the spot where now stands the village of Kodagihalli, about five miles from Hebbal, a place which is well known for its Agricultural College and Civil Acrodrome, Apart from these historical facts, however, Bangalore's name is associated with a charming story, which vies in interest with the tale of Alfred the Great and the burned. cake. ‘This story narrates how Bangalore first came to be known as “bengal-uru't or ‘the Village of Boiled Beans’ in commenioration of the hospitality which Veera Ballala Raya, the great Hoysala king received, at this place, from aa old woman, while he was on his way home, alone and hungry, after a most disappointing hunt. The old woman, who was a lonely inhabitant, when approached by the royal visitor for food, served him with a few boiled bean— * Mysore Archaeological Report, 1914-15, p. 16. } floss Wace! the Kannada compound word became Hertveds,ry BANGALORH THKOUGH THE CENTURIES her sole culinary possession—and the grateful Veera Ballala, so goes the story, humoured himself by calling this single human habitation ‘Bengal Uru’, But this story, though it continues to attract popular belief from a long time, however, fades into insigni- fieance in the light of tangible historical evidence. ‘The fort which Kempe Gowda built at this place was of no mean magnitude. It consisted of eight gates, the most prominent of which were the ¥elahanka Gate in the north, the Halsoor Gate in the east, the Anekal Gate in the south and the Kengeri Gate in the west. In appearance, it resembled the forts of Channapatna or Nagamangala as they were about a quarter of a century ago. Kempe Gowda's fort stood at the place where now exists the old town of Bangalore with its numerous ‘petes’ or commercial local ties, such as Nagarth Pete, Ballapurada Pete, Taragu Pete (old), Bale Pete, Chikka Pete, etc., and was surrounded by a deep ditch anda hedge, Nota vestige of it now remains as the entire forti fications were demolished ducing the days of the British Come mission, about a hundred years ago, to accommodate the expand- ing old town. Never was atime more replete with momentous historical events than the fifty years immediately preceding the coming into existence of Kempe Gowda’s fort at Bangalore. By the end of the 15th century, India witnessed the arrival of the Portuguese by sea, in the south, followed by other European nations such as England, Holland, Denmark and France. And, just a few years after Vasco da Gama arrived in Malabar, Babar and his Mughal armies appeared in the northern plains of India. Nearer home the Bahamani kingdom, laying between Tapati and Krishna rivers, was divided, im 1526, into five independent principalities. ‘The great Vijayanagar empire, which sprawled fram the Krishna river to Kanya Kumari, was in the plenitude of its power under the magnificent rule of Krishna Beva Raya the Great. Beyond the shores of India, at this time, the world felt the effects of Renaissance and Reformation, the great movements which shook Europe. Europe itself, at this period of its history, was under the rule of such potentates as Henry VIII, Charles V, Francis 1, and Suleiman the Magnificent. Tt may be that the founding of Bangalore rested on fortuitous circumstances or its founder brought into existence his dream AHMADNAGAR 3 Goa JVIsATANAGAR, HoNAVARYS BANGALORE —* CHANDRAGIEL = eo VELLORE SRIRANGAPAT TAMA *TANTORE MADURA South India in 1537THE MEROIG LAND 3 town. Whatever be the reason for its origin, the historical fact remains that with the emergence of Bangalore there began a chronology of memorable events aot wholly detached from the main currents of Indian histury. A peep into the general aspects of Bangalore's history before entering inta its broader details will convince the reader of its hoary past, its historical greatness and the notable part it played in the chequered annals of this country. On the subversion of the Vijayanagar empire, in 1564, at the battle of ‘Valikota (Rakkasa Tangadi), the Sultans of Bijapur sent expedition after expedition to the south. Exactly a hundred years after the founding of Bangalore, when Kempe Gowda IT was its ruler, 2 formidable Bijapur army led by Ranadulla Khan, vith Shahji Bhonsley, futher of Shivaji, the Mustrious Maratha leader, as second in command, invested the fort and captured it after a struggle Iasting three days, In recognition of the meri- torions services rendered by Shahji during the Bijapur expedi- tions in the south, Bangalore, with a good portion of the country round about it, was bestowed on him as a jahgir by Mohammad Adil Shah, Sultan of Bijapur. Shuhji Bhonsley died in 1664. ‘The jahgir of Bangalore fell to the share of Venkuji, Shabji’s favourite son, by his second wife Tuka Bai. ‘The Poona jahgir, a hungover from Shabji’s past services with the extinguished Nizam Shahi Sultanate of Ahmed- nagar was taken by Shivaji, Shabji’s son by his first wife Tija Bai Less enterprising than his great half-brother, Venkaji remained Joyal to the Bijapur Sultan and was content with his Bangalore jahgir. Bur, in 1675, however, a disputed succession atTanjore provided him with an opportunity to usurp that principality. Secured in this newly acquired kingdom, he felt unable to continue his hold ever far flung Bangalore in the face of persistent attacks of the Mughals and the Mysoreans. He, therefore, decided to sell it to Chikka Deva Raja Wodcyar of Mysore, and with this intent entered into negotiations with him. While affairs were on a slaw move in the south momentous events had taken place in the north, The great Shivaji was dead, He was succeeded hy his son Sambayi to the Maratha ‘throne, Aurangazeh, who held the office of Mughal Subedar in the Decean and while in that office dreamed to build a vast empire extending from the Hirualayas to the southern shores,+ BANGALORE THROUGH ‘CIT CENTURIES was now on the Delhi throne. He knew well that the wealth of the Deccan would afford him an opportuni ambition, After the eclipse of the Nizam SI Ahmednagar the Mughal spotlight was switched on ta Bijapur and Golkonda, the last two of the Shahi Sultanates, ind, when he ascended the Delhi throne, Aurangazeb last no time in erushing Bijapur. He then laid siege to Golkonda and overran the Matatha kingdom, Everywhere, in the south, success attended the Mughal arms, y to realise hi hi Sultanate of Ac was at this time that the impetuous Sambaji sent outa strong Maratha expeditionary force to Karnatak under his famous gene- rals Keshav Pingle and Santaji Ghorpade. Aurangazeh who was curefilly watehing the movements of Sambaji’s armies in the Deveun was, therefore, not without concern at this unexpected advance of the Muratha expeditionary foree to the south, and rightly guessing that Sumbaji’s design, by this move, was to capture his ancestral jahgir of Bangalore, which wus then in the possession of his hostile uncle Venkaji, and also to reinforce the gartison at Ginjee, the Maratha strong-hold in the Karnatak, he detached a large body of Mughal herse from the Golkonda sicge and put it under the command of his general Khasi Khan, with orders to take Bangalore immediately at any cost, ‘The commander, after forced marches through Kurnool and Pen reached Bangalore in time and occupied it, in August 1687, driving away the traops of Venkaji, whose prolonged negotiation for the sale ef Bangalore with Chikka Deva Raja Wodeyar was not yet complete, A few days after the capture of Bangalore by the Mughals, arrived at its gates the Maratha expeditionary force sent hy Sambaji only to be disappointed at the course of events that had happened. Baulked of its prey it retired to Ginjec. For nearly three years Bangalore was in the occupation of the Mughal forces and remained part of the-provinee of Sira, the newly formed Subs of the Mughal empire in the south. ‘Ihe Mughal Subedar of Sira, however, being pre-oecupied with other work thereafter sold Bangalore for a sum of 3 lakhs of rupees to his new ally Chikka Deva Raja Wodeyar, who since the days of Venkaji was desirous of adding this strategically situated frontier fort to his dominion. THE HEROIC LAND 5 With the acquisition of Bangalore by Chikka Deva Raja Wode- yar begat a new and glorious epoch in its history. ‘The Mysore ruler, immediately alter its acquisition fortified Bangalore with yetananother fort, oval in shape, which he built to the south, of the old Kempe Gowda fort. Chikka Deva Raja improved the fortifications of the two forts and garrisioned them with regular troops for the protection of Mysore’s fronticrs in this region. ‘The main abject of building the second fort was to ensure the security of the principal town situated within the first fort, which lay often exposed to the Mulkgiri raids of roving bands of Marathas. Within the new fort Chikka Deva Raja also built temple dedicated to Venkatesha. ‘This temple remains to this day in the fort area of Bangalore and is an object of great veneration to the people. Chikka Deva Raja Wodeyar was succeeded by a line of weak and ephemeral Rajas, Consequently royal authority was usurped first by the Dalavoys of the Mysore army and finally by the cele- brated Haider Ali Khan. In 1739 Bangalore and the surrounding country was conferred on Haider Ali as a personal jahyir by Krishna Raja Wodeyar I in recognition of his services rendered. tothe kingdom at a time when its fortunes were ut the lowest ebb. In gaining a victory over the Maratha army sent by Peshwa Balaji Rao under his generals Gopal Rao Patwardhan and. Ananda Rao Raste to reduce the Mysore kingdom, Haider Ali not only beat back « cuncentrated Maratha attack on Seringapatam but also relieved Bangalore from a vigoraus siege which the invad- ing Maratha forces laid for three months in an attempt tt stifle the resi of the Mysore army In the days that followed, many circumstances favoured Bangalore to become a great recruiting and military centre in the south, While he was Governor of Dindigal, Haider Ali had carefully aseessed the strategic importance of Bangalore as a spring-board for action against the British whose rising power at Madras he had watched with reat concern, Accordingly, 1761, the first year of tis reign, Haider Ali had the southern fort, which was built in mud by Chikka Deva, Raj entirely cast in stones and considerably enlarged. What now Femains is only a portion of this fori. When it was rebuilt in stones, it presented an imposing uppearance, Although the construction of the new fortifications wee attributed to [brahim6 MANGALORE THROUGH THE CENTURIES Khan, the Rilledar of Bangalore at that time, the imposing appearance of the renovated fort, however, exhibited an invigo- rating touch of Haider's genius. geographical position was such that Haider could ill afford to ignore the Carna tic (Karnatak's eastern regions with the adjoining portions of the present Tamil Nad} a vast area in the upper part of the peninsula, which occupied a pivotal position in the defence of the Mysore Kingdom, because the advent of East India Company in ‘enchant- ing Hinduostan’ and the coming int prominence of Madras in the south under the East India Company's rule, the pattern of defence of this region practically came to be centered in Eng! hands as no single native power in the peninsula was in effective control of the Carnatic, “The Nawab of Arcot, Mohammad Ali, whe claimed sovereignty over this region so aligned himself with the Fast India Company administration in the south that he was no more than a puppet of the English, But Haider Ali, the Mysore ruler, was made of different mettle, THe wus secretly planning 10 annex the Carnatic rezion as its possession was vital to the scenrity of the Mysore kingdom. ‘This fact greatly alarmed the English. In addition to this the enmity which the Nawab of Arcot bere against the Mysore ruler farther fanned feelings of hitterness between Mysore and Madi As such, Haider Als clash with the English was inevitable. And, when the twa powers were cugaged in a mortal conflict—the four Mysore Wars— Bangalore, being situated in a strategically important position, got the spotlight in an increasing measure, with the result that it always remained a target of British attack. Bangalore's subse- quent importance, toa large extent, therefore, was duc to its erucial role in the wars with the British, As in the past, im the years that followed, Bangalore had to pass through turuultuous times. Indeed, history had earmarked Bangalore fe Into this ever-shifting kaleidoscope also came Lord Cornwallis the English Governor General in India, with a large and we equipped army-—the biggest that ever invested Bangalore. In March 1791 he captured it after terrific bombardment and a pro- longed fight. “he struggle was so sanguinary and ohstinate that all the principal centres of Bangalore were hotly contested by the gallant defenders. After its fall, for a period of nearly a year, Bangalore was under the occupation of the British forces. But when the treaty of Seringapatam was concluded, it was handed ‘THE HEROIC LAND 7 back to ‘Tippu Sultan, After the fall of ‘Tippu Sultan in the Fourth Mysore War, in 1799, Bangalore was restored to the old Hindu royal dynasty and became part of the newly carved out Mysore State The sule of Krishna Raja Wodeyar TTL, the new ruler, was short, though he lived for long. For, in 183, the British resummed: the administration of the new State. And, during this petiod when Krishna Raja Wodeyar II was in power, surprisingly enough, Bangal ore remained tranquil in spite of the political convulsions to which Mysore State was subjected to by reasons beyond the control uf the Maharaja, However, the ramblings of a nascent insurrection in the kingdom were not withour their effect on Bangalore, Made to nequire the status of administrative contre of the State, for the first time, in the days of the British Commission in Mysore (1831-1881), Bangalore has since then continued to remain as such to this day. After the wars with the English were over many fuctors conspired to make Bangalore a prominent city in India, [ts salubrious climate, in particular, tipped the scale in favour of its becoming a big Cantonment in South India, for, in 1809, on account of its healthy climate, the English shifted their troops from Seringupatam to Halsoor, about 4 miles north-east of the old town of Bangalore, where they built spacious barracks to house them. ‘Thereafter, Bangalore Cantonment, which was considerably enlarged as people thronged to it on account of the eniployment opportunities available, developed almost into a City State. In 1949 thé City and Cantonment areas of Bangalore were amalgamated to form the Corporation of the City of Bangalore comprising an area of 26.7 square miles, Subsequently large areas, at the cxpense of neighbouring villages, were added to it In 1956, by virtue of the re-organisation of States, the political status of Bangalore was enhanced further and it became the metro= Polis of the enlarged Mysore State, Bangalore of today, therefore, belies its romantic past. ‘There are no massive gates, no ditch, no esplanade and no crenellated fortress to guard it as inthe past. Tnstead one ean see here broad noisy roads, prosaic bassars, clegant shops, beautiful parks and boulevards. Here, a succession of multi-coloured buildings struggle away into sprawling suburbs. ‘I'he city’s cosmopolitanINCALORE THROUGH THE CENTURIES population, drawn into the vortex of ite economic and industrial activity, by dynamic forces, is buffeted about in the whirl-pool of its lie. ‘The place has so enormously changed and so much improved that if Kempe Gowda, its founder, were to return here, he would not know where he was, Yet, this account of Bangalore is incomplete. For, there is another Bangalore—a vanished Bangalore!—of the halcyon days, when the sun never set an the British empire. ‘The Bangalore of those days Which stood at the eruss roads of a new sacio-econo- mic order, if it was less gilded, nevertheless seethed with exotic custorns and colourful people. ‘The hoop-skirted belles of the Victorian era—the imperious ‘Mem-Sabs'—who once promonaded the fashionable centres of Bangalore with top hatted escorts, often stole the show by their social graces. Though imperious they were elegant, beautiful and charming. And, the “Burrah Sab’, cigar pufiing und no less imperious was, however, considerate and impressive. A lover of horses, dogs and flower gardens he was of course business-like. At the nod of his head things moved with precision. Here too was a Bangalore of days gone-by, when men wore mutton-chop whiskers and big gold-laced turbans, when people dressed. with tight-buttoned coats along with the tradi- tional dhoties and when young native women, ‘cay and pretty” were married even before their teenage. This periad also wit nessed the coming into prominence of a new class of peuple, the immaculately dressed ‘evogs’—Westernised Oriental Gentlemen —who got the lime-light by their attractive dress. Bangalore of those day shacinw c: ‘3 none the less prospered in spite uf the ton it, as on the rest of India, by foreign damination. A strong well established Government ensured peace and plenty. ‘The cflects of peace were lasting. Dispensation of justice, trans ction of official business and imparting of education came to be adopted from British precepts. Spacious public buildings, big Public parks and reservoirs to ensure protected water supply to. the twin cities of Bangalore were built. “The new social ore brought inta pro ‘pal institutions and social organisations dedicated to the welfare of the citizens. New means of recreations such as theatres, taverns, night clubs, ete., which sprang up in good numbers encouraged bohemianism in the people, As Enolish language spread, a great awakening was ence newspapers, muni THE HEROIC LAND 9 spread of English edue nce in Kannada literature. Political conscious witnessed. ion alsa helped to bring about a ten ness was spurred by momentous political events which occurred after the dawn of the present century, ‘The awakened masses demanded political rights. ‘This led to the establishment of democratic institutions in the eity in which elected representatives . of Bangalore took active part along with similar other representa- tives of the State. ‘Thus, as the past blends into the present, one finds Bangalore, today, a fast-growing and flourishing city. From beginning to end, the fascinating epic of Bangalore sustains interest, because the heroic and noble deeds of the historie personnel who held the stage here, in the past, bring daring and charm to it. Also, the many historical events which shape this narrative are no isolated allairs. Nor the characters that appear in it are persons of Incal impoctance. Many of them were men of destiny whe in their own way played a notable part in the making of the history of India of the List four and a quarter century, It is for this and many other reasons that Bangalore, though a fledgling when compared with the ather great ancient cities of India, occupies an important position in the annals of this country. At present it is a big industrial and commercial centre in the south. And, Bangalore’s present prosper= ity and trends of development threaten to make it a city destined more for India af the furure than for India of the past ‘This then, is the prologue to the stupendous sage of Banga lore. Needless to say the whole course of events which took place here justifies its founder's conviction that the place wheve it stands indicated ‘Gandu-Bhumi’ or ‘Heroic Land’. But it is unfair to think that the present prosperity of Bangalore has obscured its glorious past, because what is in a people, their life, soul and sap, has filtered, deop by drop, down the centuries and has collected into a heritage. However, before the reader enters into the broader aspects of Bangalore's history, it is worthuchile ta remem= ber that this is a city where the past blends harmoniously into present. And although this city is rapidly growi a tremendous face-lift through its new edifices, wide roads and , old mosques, old tanks and the remnant of an once superb fort symbols of the energy and lavish benevolence of those who erected sprawling extensions, still there remain a few old templ10 DANGALORE THROUGH ‘THE CENTURIES them-—amidst its modern environment, In these old temple: one almost hears the echo of tolling of the old bells. In itis old mosques, one almost listens to the erstwhile sound of the Muezzin's call. And, one almost stnells the gun-powder in the turrets of its old fort, a part of which is still preserved as a curio to rouse the interest of not only the visitors from dhe other parts of this country and abroad, but also of the inhabitants of this city, Indeed, these relics of the past remind ns ore faseinating history, a glorious past and those acts of heroism and valour, which the citizens of Bangalore may well claim t be u part of their patrimony, adi Cuarter I THE FOUNDER Much of Kempe Gowda’s allure is derived from the glamour of his name which has come to be associated with Bangalores some of it he owes to the many religions institutions he founded and the temples he built and the tanks he constructed around the city. Kempe Gowda was a master-builder. Whether his under- taking was a temple, tank, fort or a town, in its execution, he always exhibited the zeal of a pioneer. And, in a period of nearly 50 yeurs of his rule, he filled his principality of Yelahanka Nadu with many monuments and new habitations Yer, in spite of his many magnificent monuments, his noble works of utility, and a city of glorious future that he built, the Jack of authentie records of his times has left generations of Banga~ lorcans bereft of a true account of his decds, his acts of piety and many other works of his pioneering xcal, with the result that he still continues to be an enigma not only to the historian but also to those who would like to know more about him, Four inscriptions, one monolithic, two on. copper plates, and one bencath a statue, but none exceuted in his life time, give an oblique reference to him, Only ‘ira Bhadra Vijaya’, a Sanskrit work of much later date and traditional narratives which have come down from the centuries give a fair account of his thrilling exploits. From che latter, especially, come tall tules of early Bangalore. Uncorraborated as these tales ate, their account provide only scanty authentic historical information. Yer, they provide a romantie background to the real history. ‘The real history, of course, had its brightness, its crisis and its excitement, quite unlike the present available information which provides only an exaggerated view of the social, political and cultural order of Kempe Gowda’s time. However, it affords sufficient means to reconstruct Bangalore's carliest bistery though such reconstruction is like putting a jigsaw with many pieces missing12 BANGALORE THROUGH THE CENTURIES ‘The man who founded Bangalore had adventure in his v blood. Forth in succession from Rana Bhairvae Gowda, founder of the dynasty of Avanti Nadu Prabhus, and great-grandson of Jaya Gowda, who established a separate dynasty, the famous ¥elahanka Nadu Prabhus, Kempe Gowda I ruled for 46 years com- Mencing his reign from 1513. In him manifested a vehement conquering energy. His conquests contributed to a vast exten= sion of the Yelahanka principality. It was Kempe Gowda I who enhanced the Prestige of the house of Yelahanka Nadu Prabhus and made his position felt even at Vijayanagar, Lavish Were the praise and honours that the successive Vijayanagar emperors bestowed on him. But great was the envy of the neigh- bouring Pollegars who watched his rocketing rise to power with concern and malignity. However, Kempe Gowda’s claim to greatness lay in his marvellous activity, in his concern for the welfare of his subjects, for whose henefit he opened the gates of his treasury and spent money lavishly in the construction of tanks, agraharas, temples and forts, To him nothing was more deares than his own kingdom. And he directed his resources and energy for its adornment in every possible way, To Kempe Gowda his eapital Yelahanka always lent inspi- ration, Even before his time it was a place of a considerable importance with an enchanting historical background. What is today, just a midget town lying north of Bangalore ten miles away, in the 12th century was an important political and commercial centre. Early inscriptions call it Illaipakka, a name by which the surrounding country was known during the Chola rule. Tilai- pakka Nadu was a division of Rajendra Sola Vala Nadu of Chola fame, And, Ilaipakka was the ‘Tamil contortion of Yelahakka, which in later years filtered into Yelahanka, From what is known it is apparent thai, as in the times of the Cholas, it continued its Prominence in the palmy days of the Hoysala and Vijayanagar empires also. By about the Lth century, it was part of the Sivanasamudra Seema—a name derived from the celebrated falls of Sivanasamudram—over which extended the overlordship of Ummattur Chiefs, who were the descendants of the famous Gangas, The Ummattur Chiefs were later overthrown by Krishna Deva Raya of Vijayanagar. But at the beginning of the 15th century Yelahanka had become the seat of Yelahanka Nadu Prabhus, Jaya Gowda, fouinder of the dynasty of Yelahanka Nadu ‘THE ROUNDER 8 Prabhus, having captured it by a stratagem. After coming into prominence Jaya Gowda accepted the suzerainty of the Vijaya- nagar emperor. This pattern of political allegiance of the Yela- hanka Nadu Prabhus continued until the last days of the Vijayanagar empire, } ‘The Yelahanka Nadu Prabhus were Gowdas or tillers of the and, They belonged to the Morasuvokkalu sect, the ancestors ‘of which were migrants from Canjeevaram, ‘They were not akin to the Gangadicara Gowdas of other parts of Karatak—the denizens of the soil. ‘The appellation Gangadicara, which is a contortion of the word Gangawadi-kara, meaning the inhabitant of Gangawadi, is a relic of Ganga rule and has since survived in this part of the Karnatak. However, with the lapse of time the descendants of Morasuvokkalu sect got assimilated with the other Gowdas of Karnatak who are now generally called Volaligas, ‘Today, the Vokkaliga community embraces within its fold the Reddies and the Kunchitigas. A very industrious and patriotic People, the Vokkaligas have, from time immemorial, rendered yeoman service to the country in the fields of agriculture, animal husbandry and soldiery. Kempe Gowda began his adventurous career with raids on the neighbouring principality of Sivaganga, whieh 30 years later ‘he annexed to his principality. Next he turned his attention to Domlur, a place of some importance since the days of the Cholas, and annexed it, too, to his kingdom. 'The region lying between these two places was covered with thick forest. Kempe Gowda took possession of this vast area and allowed the forest to grow thicker sinee it provided'a natural barrier and thus gave protection to his principality. Somewhere within this vast forest lay the spot on which Kempe Gowda was to erect a fort, in later years and build « township there, ‘That township was, of eourse, Bangalore. And ‘Hale Bangaluru’ or ‘old Bangalore’, » hamlet, which once flourished at the spot where now stands the village of Kodagihalli, near the Hebbal tank, was to lend its name to it. Kempe Gowda thereafter turned his attention to Halsoor and Hesarghatta, which he soon captured. He then direoted his ‘energies in consolidating his conquests by strengthening the forti- fication of important forts and in increasing his army. He also endeavoured to enhance the economie potentialities of theseBo BANGALORE THROUGH THE CENTURIES conquered regions by bringing vast areas under cultivation and by constructing tanks, digging wells and cutting canals across arable lands. Small wonder that his exertions and his domineer— ing character enhanced his reputation and made him a chieftain ‘of considerable importance. However, the founding of Bangalore in 1537, was Kempe Gowda's epic achievement, Thick jungle with a mass of wild weeds once grew luxuriently at the place where now Bangalore stands, For centuries, cery wind whistled through that night marish jungle. Kempe Gowda had the jungle cut down, for, he had conceived an idea to build his dream town there with a strong fortress and well laid streets studded with shops, choultries, temples, etc. And, choosing an auspicious occasion, in. consul- tation with his astrologers, he commenced his town building work ina typical Gowda way. Right at the spot where now stands the ‘Dodpet Square, in the heart of the city, one fine morning in 1537, four pairs of milk white bullocks stood harnessed to four decorated ploughs, and at the royal command off they went, driven by Young men, furrowing the ground in the four directions up to the limits marked. ‘The routes traversed by those four ploughs ‘became the mucleus of the new town’s four main streets. Thus were laid Bangalore's oldest streets—Chickpet and Dodpet— which ran east to west from the Halsoor Gate to Sondekoppa Gate and north to south from Yelahanka Gate to Anekal Gate respect ively. ‘Those narrow strects continue to exist to this day and are the busiest commercial centres of Bangalore. A strong mud fort, reckoned impregnable in these days, erected around the new township guarded the country round about. Within the fort ‘were localities earmarked for people of different avocations. ‘The numerous ‘Petes’ of the town, which soon came into being not only indicated professions carried on in particular localities, but also indicated particular goods sold in those areas. Immediately after the completion of the fort, Kempe Gowda shifted his capital from Yelahanka to Bangalore. He invited skilled artisans to the town and patronised them. ‘This policy tended to increase the commercial prosperity of the place. Kempe Gowds's achievements brought him fame. Emperor Achuta Raya was pleased. He, therefore, granted to him the neighbouring villages of Begur, Jigani, Varthur, Kengeri, ‘THR FOUNDER 15 Banavara and Kumbalgode, besides many other hamlets yielding a revenue of 30,000 Varahas. Later, Kempe Gowda’s conquest of Sivaganga principality together with other places considerably expanded his kingdom, These territorial additions increased the importance of Bangalore, his capital. Coupled with this, the pivotal position which this newly fortified place occupied in Dakshinapatha, by its close proximity to ancient routes leading to Rameswaram and Lanka assured its prominence. And, with its prominence Kempe Gowda’s fame as a prominent Pollegar in the south spread far and wide. ‘A less turbulent Chief, all his life, Kempe Gowda might ever have been but for the bellicose attitude of jealous Jagadeva Raya, the Pollegar of the neighbouring principality of Channapatna, which forged him into a crusader for his kingdom’s cause. The hostility of the Channapatna Pollegar kept Kempe Gowda in a state of constant military preparedness, But this alertness. was not without its pernicious effects, A consciousness of his armed strength made him soar high and to do things which undermined his allegiance to his suzerain. For, he made a fatal mistake in establishing an independent mint of his own, in his territories, and put into circulation his own currency—the Vira Bhadra Varahas. This affront to Vijayanagar authority enraged the emperor. Jagadeva Raya, who had easy access to the imperial court at Vijayanagar, by reason of his friendship with Rama Raya, the emperor's Chicf Minister, lost no time in instigating the emperor against the Yelahanka Nadu Prabhu. One day, on the advice of the all-powerful Rama Raya, emperor Sadasiva Raya summoned Kempe Gowda to the imperial court. And, on his arrival at Vijayanagar Rama Raya had him seized and threw him into a prison at Anegundi. Thereafter, Yelahanka Nadu, along with the newly built fort of Bangalore, became part of Channa- patna principality by an imperial decree. For five years Kempe Gowda was held captive, ‘To a person of his age and standing such a long prison life was a great humi- liation. Still, Kempe Gowda faced the ordeal with calmness. ‘Any attempt to get out of the prison was impossible as its walls were tao strong and the fortress of Anegundi was well guarded. However, through the iron bars of his prison, he watched many new things. He saw, during his captivity, magnificent temples,16 BANGALORE THROUGH THE CENTURIES forts, palaces, fine buildings, lakes and beautiful tanks. ‘The imposing appearance of many edifices which adorned the capital ‘of one of the great empires of the time, builtin thefamous Vijaya- nagar style of architecture provided him inspiration to raise similar sructures at Bangalore, which he had left behind and to which he always longed to return when set at liberty. He also learnt a great deal about the Hindu religion. Now, Shivisam attracted him greatly and climed a lion’s share of his feligious belief, A leaning towards Shivisarn broadened his social outlook. In no less measure it also revived his hope of release from captivity. ‘Therefore, not without reason he vowed to build a worthy shrine to Gangadhareshwara, in Bangalore, if Providence released him from the ignominy to which he was subjected. And, as if in answer to his prayers, God provided him a chance to get out of the prison. Dark clouds of impending political storm had begun to gather over Vijayanagar when Nizam Shah of Ahmednagar exhorted the rulers of Bijapur and Golkonda, ‘In the oneness of the great Creator who acts as our advocate on the Day of Judgment, it now behoves us that we should sct aside our jealousies and disputes in petty world affairs and having purged our hearts, be united with each other,’ and Jater succeeded in forming an alliance of their three kingdoms. to deliver an effective blow on Vijayanagar. Rama Raya, in his anxiety of meeting the challenge of the new menace was willing to accept Kempe Gowda’s offer of a huge sum in exchange of his freedom, with the result that the latter was released and his princi- pality was restored. And, when Kempe Gowda arrived at Banga~ Joe, after journeying through the same road which five years earlicr had taken him to Vijayanagar, he was received with such cheers and joy that it is hard to describe. ‘The incredible exulta- fion of a crowd of both sexes, of every age and of every quality qvhich marked his return was 0 real and vociferous that it provided ‘a fitting welcome to the founder of Bangalore. Kempe Gowda’s long reign was rendered noble by works of henevolence and by erection of edifices truly magnificent, The marvellous cave temple of Gavi Gangadhareswara at Gavipur, ‘earved in a cave is a symbol of his faith in adeity whose protecting hand not only saved him in his hour of trial, but guided him in the path of righteousness and piety, ‘The Basava temple at AS Bangalore Courtery, The Binn: Gavigangadhareshwara Temple, Gavipur, Bangalore (Ser18 BANGALORE THROUGH THE CENTURIES of Bangalore. It was executed nearly 50 years after his death by his successor, Its sculptural details fairly correspond with other similar works of Vijayanagar period, a specimen of which exists at the famous Tirupati temple, in the much publicised statues of Krishnadeva Raya and his consorts Chinna Devi and Nagala Devi. Very recently the citizens of Bangalore paid homage to the memory of Kempe Gowda T, the founder of their city, when on ist November 1964, the Corporation of the City of Bangalore had his statue erected in front of its main offices in the Narasimha- raja Square. This statue was unveiled by His Highness Sri Jayachamaraja Wodeyar, Maharaja of Mysore and the then Governor of Madras, and although is an object of much criticism as regards its likeness to the person of Kempe Gowda I, it never- theless has provided an opportunity to the fulfilment of a long desire of the citizens of Bangalore to haye amidst them a statue of the founder of their city. A bundred years rule of Kempe Gowda I and his successors had made Bangalore a prosperous place. Peace and plenty prevailed here to such an extent that there were progressive trends in the social and teligious activities of the inhabitants. ‘That Bangalore struck a note of animation and spontaneity even as early as the year 1628—in the time of Kempe Gowda II—is apparent from a monolithic inscription executed in that year, ‘This inscription now exists in the Ranganatha temple, at Balla puradapet, inthe heart of thecity. Inscribed in Telugu characters it so well describes an act of reverence perpetuated by the inhabi- tants of Bangalore of those early times, that one cannot resist temptation of quoting it copiously. ‘The English translation of it as rendered by Lewis Rice is as follows: ‘Be it well (on the date specified: 1628) when the Rajadhiraja raja-parameswara Vira Pratapa Vira-Rama-Deva Maharaya seated on the jewel throne, was ruling the empire of the world: when, of the Asannavakula, the Yelahanka Nadu Prabhu Kempanacharya —Gauni’s grandson, Kempe Gowda’s son, Immadi Kempegau- nayya was ruling a peaceful kingdom in righteousness; all the people of Bengaluru pete entred into the following agreement: ‘Be it well, obtainers of all favours from their own Mahani- kalika, Worshippers of the lotus feet of (the Gods) Ganeswara THE FOUNDER 19 Gaurisvara and Vira-Narayana, Chief men in Ayyavale, all the salumale of both Nana Desis of this country, and other countries, and all the salumale of both (sects) the Nana Desis of Pekkonda, Penugonda, Bengaluru, Gulura, Chickkanayinipalli .. .Ballapuram Katpatri, Ava... Chandragiri, Kolala (Iolar) Kottakota (Hosa~ kote) Kaveripatna, Raya Kote, Narasimpuram, Beluru, Hebburu, Nagamangalam, Ikkeri Basatipalli and other places—for the offer- ings, festivals and other ceremonies of thegod Ranganatha Mutya- lapete in Bengaluru—made application to Kempe-Gauni, and granted certain dues (Specified), ‘Usual imprecatory verses. Signatures of Pedda Chikkanna Getty & Co." Inscriptions are generally described as ‘dry bones’ of history. But even the scanty information that historical research derives from them often provides a vista into some interesting social and cultural aspects of the people to which it refers. It is, indeed, an undisputed fact that history is just not a narrative of the rise “and fall of the empires or kingdoms only. Nor is it a chronicle of wars or a saga of the exploits of great kings and national heroes. OF no less historical significance are the historical incidents, how- ever inadequate in their information, which give a glimpse of the activities of ordinary people of those carly times to which they refer. Their social and religious activities and their commercial enterprises, recorded whether in a manuscript or a palm leaf or ‘an inscription is as important as any other historical fact. It is from this point of view that the Ranganatha temple inscription deserves our atténtion, It throws much light on early Bangalore. It not only speaks about the cosmopolitan character of its inhabi- tants, even as far back as three and a half centuries ago, but also indicates its commercial importance. From this inscription, it is obvious that the revitalised Hindu culture which blossomed into perfection by the magnificent efforts of Vidyaranya, the religious and political preceptor of the founders of the Vijayanagar empire, proliferated with the lapse of time and had enriched the natural predilictions of the inhabitants of the Bangalore of those early days. 5 After the death of Kempe Gowda I, Bangalore’s air of impor- tance seemed lost in petty warfare in which his successors indulged, ® For the original Telugu version of the inscription, eee Appendix I.2 WANGALORE THROUGH THE CENTURIES "The eclipse of the greatness of the Vijayanagar empire encouraged its vassals to raise their heads and indulge in hostility among them- selves for gratification of their vanitics. Though Bangalore came into the vortex of such hostilities, it however, retained its indivi- duality. A succession of great historical events which took place, here, after the dawn of the 17th century, focused the spotlight on it once again. Small wonder then, that Bangalore’s history even after the eclipse of the rule of Yelahanka Nadu Prabhus continues to sustain interest. Cuarrer IIL THE BIJAPUR CONQUEST ‘The singular misfortune that befell the great Vijayanagar empire, in 1564, in the battle of Talikota, had disastrous conse- quences on its constituent parts. Relaxed authority of a fugitive imperial government, which was constantly changing its seat from Penakonda to Chandéagiri, from Chandragiri to Vellore, on account of the rapacious onslaughts of Golkonda and Bijapur armies had encouraged parochial tendencies among its vassals. ‘The revolt of Veerappa Naik of Madura and the assertion of independence by Raja Wodeyar of Mysore further contributed to the dismemberment of a decrepit empire. The Naiks of Ikkeri, Ginjee, Tanjore and few other chiefs were not slow in asserting their independence also, with the result that the newly created Viccroyalties of Seringapatam and Chandragiri, having sway over the territories situated above the Ghats and below the Ghats respectively, fell into disrepute, Their authority, if any- thing, became ephemeral, Tf the nominal authority of Venkatapati I and Sri Ranga IIL, the last two rulers of Aravidu dynasty, who struggled to maintain sovereign authority of the empire over its vassals, continued unimpaired for more than five decades after Talikota, it was due to the steadfast loyalty and patriotism ofa few Chiefs like Kempe Gowda IL of Bangalore. ‘The contemporary manuscript ‘Kemparayana Jayastuti’,” a short Kannada poetical work, describes Kempe Gowda Il, succes~ sor of Kempe Gowda I, as ‘Swami Drohara Ganda’, meaning "Terror to the Triators’. The fact that he remained loyal to the empire is amply borne out by the narrative of the manuscript. Due to the weakness of Venkatadeva Raya of Vijayanagar, relates the ‘Kemparayana Jayastut’, ‘Timma Ill of Chikkaballapur and Doddaballapur, Bhairava of Devanahalli, Rangappa of Sira and Jagadeva Raya of Channapatna had severed their ties with the © ‘This manuscript which is preserved in The Oriental Research Institute, Mysore and is numbered K. TB. 281 waa edited and published by late Karlamangala Srikantiah, in 1961, under the title *Kempegowdana Jaya Prashiasti,22 BANGALORE THROUGH THE CENTURIES emperor and had practically become independent. At this time, continues the narrative, an incident happened which helped the empire to reassert its authority over some: of its recalcitrant Pollegars, And, in this affair the Chief of Bangalore, who played ‘a notable part by rendering devoted service in the cause of the empire, won high esteem of the emperor. Kempe Gowda II, it is said, plundered Hosakote, seat of Chikka Raya, the neigh- Douring Pollegar, as a reprisal for his perfidy. ‘This incident roused the anger of one Venkatapati of Penakonda and ‘at his instance the Pollegars mentioned above besieged Bangalore, But Kempe Gowda IL, cleverly effecting break-through in the tanks of his enemies routed their confederate forces in a hard fought battle, marched on Hosakote and razed its fort to the ground. The Bangalore chief was not content with this success only. He compelled the vanquished Pollegars to pay allegiance to the emperor. He is said to have gone with them to the imperial capital to attend the coronation of Venkatadeva Raya, who acknowledged him as the guardian of the empire. ‘That the successor of Bangalore's founder was no ordinary chieftain is evident from Kempe Gowda II's conquest of Magadi and the strong hill fortress of Savanadurga, which he wrested from usurper Gangappa Naik. After his capture of the hill fort ‘of Savanadurga, he heavily garrisoned it. He is also said to have captured Balagondanahalli and Bettarayanagudi, Said to have ruled his territories with great zeal, Kempe Gowda II was equally known for his piety and acts of benevolence. To him is ascribed the renovation of the Someswara temple situated at Halsoor, Bangalore, which he rebuilt in stones and embellished with a lofty spire. He also built the small but gracious Ranganatha temple in the heart of the city. The construction of the Sam- pangi tank, the Kempapura agrahara tank and the big Karanjee tank, which once covered the whole space between the present ‘Vokkaligara Sangha and the National College buildings, was under- taken to replenish water-supply to the township of Bangalore, And, it was Kempe Gowda II who actually built the well known four ‘Kempe Gowda Towers’ of Bangalore at cardinal points around the city, which are wrongly ascribed to Kempe Gowda I, the founder af Bangalore. This in evident from an inscription® * Sce Appendix II for the Kannada version of the inscription. ‘THE BIJAPUR CONQUEST B recently discovered. Kempe Gowda Il’s reign was noted for the establishment of many agraharms—endowed hamlets—and bestowal of munificent grants to temple priests. A. patron of jearning, he also encouraged men of letters. But it was during +his reign that Bangalore felt the impact of the military push from the north and, for the first time, changed masters. "That push from the north was inexorable, Everywhere, at this time, in the Deccan, military expeditions sent by Bijapur and Golkonda, two of the five successor states of the Bahamani king- dom, were pressing upon the remnants of the Vijayanagar empire, carrying arms and disquietude to places where they had not penetrated before. 'To understand the cause of this new danger which gripped the peninsular portion of India at this time, one has to look beyond the frontiers of the Vijayanagar empire of ‘those days, to the regions above the Krishna, the Vindhyas and the Aravalics. _In the far north the Mughal empire was in the plentitude of its power. Shah Jahan, whose rule is noted for grandeur of architectural undertakings was the emperor. His son Aurangazeb swas the Mughal Viceroy in the Deccan. But, while Shah Jahan ‘was building magnificent edifices in the north, Aurangazeb, in the south, was busy demolishing the political structure of the gouthern kingdoms. Aurangazeb's zeal for fresh conquests in the south was unbounded. Tf the saying ‘love of more country is imperialism’ is true, then no one loved more country than ‘Aurangazeh, In the reign of Akbar, the might of the Mughal empire had fallen on the Nizam Shahi Sultanate of Ahmednagar, Neither the hergic efforts of Chand nor the brave affront of ‘Malik Amber could save that unfortunate kingdom from its doom. Akbar and his suecessors had hardly allowed this kingdom to hold its head high, for, it was soon absorbed within the Mughal empire. Aurangazeb, who was more a zealous military strategist than a far-sighted statesman, realised that if the Mughal dominions were to expand in the south, the two Shahi kingdoms of the Deccan, , Bijapur and Golkonda, should be crushed, And taking aes of their disunion for the profit of his ambftion. ‘Aurangazeb would have succeeded, much earlier, in annexing them to the Mughal empire during his first Viceroyalty of the ‘Deccan had not Shah Jahan intervened in 1636 and prevented him24 BANGALORE THROUGH THE CENTURIES from inflicting an effective blow on the two kingdoms. As a result of Shah Jahan’s intervention, two separate treaties were concluded in 1636 between the Mughals and those two Deccan kingdoms at a tremendous cost to the latter. Thus Bijapur and Golkonda were saved from the fate which overtook Ahmednagar. ‘The nightmare of Mughal advance to the Deccan once removed, Bijapur and Golkonda felt secured in their northern borders and made use of the respite, which the treaties afforded, in turning their attention to make fresh conquests in the south in order to make up the losses sustained by them in their dealings with the Mughals. Also, there were bright hopes of territorial conquests in the regions below the Tungabhadra toa power which wielded the sword dexterously and for useful purpose, Here again, was a repetition of the early history of this country. Tt was also a repetition of a scourge, which dogged the rulers of India, through the centuries, and engulfed them in bondage, servility and dependence. Many disgruntled Pollegars of the yanagar empire, at this time, made a bee-line to Bijapur and Golkonda for help. They were holding alluring prospects te the Shahi rulers if the latter’s armies aided the former in their internal dissentions. In particular to Bijapur court had come Kenga Hanumappa Naik of Basavapatna to seek assistance to vanquish his enemy Veerabhadra Naik of Ikkeri. To seck the aid of Moham~ mad Adil Shah too had come Channaiah, dispossessed Pollegar of Nagamangala, to avenge his defeat which he had sustained at the hands of Chama Raja Wodeyar of Mysore. To the ruler of Bijapur had also come the Chief of Sumakee Begur to seek aid from the Sultan with his grouse against Kempe Gowda II of Bangalore in order to retrieve his lost fortune. Inevitably all these men had become infected with a false optimism of gaining advantage over their adversaries ‘through outside help and permitted their principalities’ prestige to ride on the backs of the war-horses of the Bijapur army. It is, therefore, not for nothing that the ‘Mohammad Nama’, the official chronicle of the kings of Bijapur says: ‘As the Karnatak and Malnad had not been conquered by any Muslim king of Decean, Mohammad Adil Shah thought of bringing them under his sway’. However, events of history must be viewed in their true pers- pective and as they actually occurred. ‘The unsavoury fact of Hindu Chiefs of Deccan inviting the Muslims to aid them against ‘THe BIJAPUR CONQUEST 25 ‘their co-teligionists may appear queer. Yet, it was the order of the day, ‘So far as South India was concerned, there was no wall of separation between Hindus and Mohammadans, Many a time the Mohammadan states of the Deccan did not act conjeintly in their struggle with Vijayanagar. Some of them called in the latter against their co-religionists. The great Vijayanagar Minister, Rama Raja helped the Mohammadans in their internal struggles. ‘According to the conception of the day, it did not offend against political morals for the Mohammadans to seck Hindu help and vice versa’.” Obviously, the definite characteristics of this epoch, to wit, the blending of the strongest contrasts never ceased to continue. Religious antagonism which at times provoked mun- dane passions at other times appeared almost extinct. Man- ners of the people appeared rude yet the same people were often filled with lofty and tender aspirations. Ignorance was rampant yot in the midst of mental darkness were shown bright spots of intellectual greatness. Such were the times when Bangalore was rocked by the impact of the Bijapur fore ‘The liberation of Bijapur and Golkonda from Mughal danger was not without its impact on thea larger areas of the peninsular India proper. Yet, in spite of their common urge for taking out military expeditions to the south both Bijapur and Golkonda had to evolve a plan, rather a strategy, for military operations in the territories of Vijayanagar so as to gratify their vanity and to avoid conflict between their respective armies. It was agreed between them that Bijapur was to operate in the regions above the Ghats, that is, in the uplands or Bala Ghat or the plateau regions of the Deccan, and Golkonda was to deploy its forces in the terri- tories below the Ghats, that is, in the plains or Payin Ghat. ‘Thus, to Bijapur’s share fell the greater part of the Mysore plateau and the South Arcot district of the present Tamilnad, while the fegion covering the eastern half of Andhra, north-west of ‘Tamilnad and the sea-coast from Guntur to Madras came to the share of Golkonda Down to the South, Bijapur sent three expeditions between the years 1637 to 1640. ‘The first expedition was directed against Veera Bhadra Naik of Ikkeri. This expedition was led by Rana- dullaKhan, Shahji Bhonsley, father of Shivaji, the great Maratha * Page 128 ‘ History of Nayskas of Madura’, by R. Sathyanatha Iyer.26 BANGALORE THROUGH THE CENTURIES Jeader, was second in command. The second expedition was ‘against Sira and Bangalore. Iv was a two-pronged drive. One division of the expedition marched against Sira, the Pollegar of which was Kasturi Ranga, led by Afzal Khan, the same who later owas killed in the historic clash with Shivaji. The other division of the expedition attacked Kempe Gowda II of Bangalore. It owas led by Ranadulla Khan with Shahji Bhonsley as second in command, After the capture of Bangalore, it marched to Seringa- patam, where according to the Mohammad Nama, Kanteerava Narasaraja, after a months's resistance saved his kingdom by paying a tribute of 5 lakhs of huns. In this campaign, marching further south, Ranadulla Khan and Shahji also received the submission of the Naiks of Kaveripattana and Madura. The third expedition was necessitated by the revolt of Kenga Hanumappa Naik of Basavapatna. It was again led by Ranadulla Khan and Shahji, During this campaign not only was Basavapatna reduced, but raids were also directed against Belur, Tumkur, Chikkanayakanaballi, Ballapur and Kolihal (Kunigal) which yielded rich booty to the invaders. _ itis with the southern collateral branch of the second expedi- tion that the narrative of this work is directly connected. In the ease of Bangalore, as with some other places attacked by Bijapur, its southern push was not just a necessary military operation, It was in fact an explicable onslaught which brought retribution, In addition to the presence, in the Bijapur camp, of the Chief of Sumakee Begur who was an inveterate enemy of Kempe Gowda IT of Bangalore, there was also another incentive for the invaders to turn their attention to Bangalore. The wily Pollegar of Tadpatri who was accompanying the expeditionary force, in order to ward off danger to his own principality, cleverly diverted it on the road to Bangalore. A contemporary Kannada work, the ‘Kantheerava Narasa Raja Vijaya’ written by Govinda Bhatta, a court poet of Kanthee- rava Narasa Raja Wodeyar of Mysore, gives a graphic description of the advance of the Bijapur army in the Mysore plateau. The relevant passages of this work not only throw a flood of light on social and economic conditions of the inhabitants of this part of the country, in the carly 17th century, but also gives a clear picture of the military strategies employed by the invaders in their wars against the Pollegars and the various kinds of arms, including ‘THE BIJAPUR CONQUEST a eannon, used by them. The equipage of the Bijapur army, the movements of its cavalry and the sluggish march of their elephants, carrying among other things the harems of officers of ‘the army is also given in greater detail. The description is so vivid that the reader can easily assess the extent to which this region remained defenceless and the awkward plight to which the ‘unfortunate inhabitants were subjected to due to lack of military preparedness to meet the new challenge. ‘The Bijapur army's assault on Sivaganga and its capture of Ramagiri and other hill forts, before Bangalore was besieged, shows that the invaders had taken the familiar routes during their advance. The existence ‘of abundant food grains and forage in their camps indicates that they were able to get good supplies for them from the local bazaars.” "The Bijapur army having reached Bangalore invested it, ‘The investment lasted three days; and during the operations the gallant defenders put up a heroic fight. But the attack of the assailants was relentless. Moreover, Kempe Gowda’s struggle was against heavy odds. ‘The Bijapur army was well equipped, well generaled and far superior in number, Ultimately the fort-gates gave way and Kempe Gowda had to surrender, But he secured his princi- ality and his own freedom by paying a heavy ransom and by handing over the fort of Bangalore and the regions adjoining it to the invaders. Thereafter, he retired to Magadi which now ‘became his capital. A Bijapur garrison occupied Bangalore fort. ‘The change of hands of this place, however, introduced a new pattern of political sct up in the south—the victor giving away unreclaimed land to the vanquished and keeping for himself some of the best portion of the principality conquered—so as to maintain good relationship with the Pollegars. ‘Thus Bangalore vas taken, but Magadi was given to Kempe Gawda IL. Similarly Hosakote was captured but Anckal was restored, Kolar was retain- ‘ed but Punganur was granted, Indeed, pursuit of such an enlight- ened policy ensured peoples’ lasting adherence to the new fiscal arrangements which the Maratha Satdars of Bijapur introduced immediately thereafter in the south. "The Shiva Bharat, a Sanskrit poetical chronicle which narrates Ghivaji's achievements written in 1670, by Paramanand gives an © See Appendix IIE for the Kannada version of *Kanthesrava Narasa Raja Vijaya?23 BANGALORE THROUGH THE CENTURIES interesting account of Bangalore, as it was in 1637, when the Bijapur army captured it. ‘The account ean fairly be treated as trustworthy as it was written 33 years after the event, “This town of “Bingrul” says the author of Shiva Bharat, with. its massive fort. gates and strong fort walls is an impressive place. Deep ditches, full of water drawn from the big tanks, which are existing in its close proximity surround the fort walls, Within the town are fine buildings the most prominent among which is the palace, Atop the palace waft flags of different colours, On the walls of some of the houses are found paintings which are very good ta look at. There are many commercial streets in this town with an array of shops displaying costly goods. At some of the Squares of the town fountains have been built from which water springs giving a pleasing appearance, ‘There are plenty of Peacocks and pigeons here. ‘The temples of this place arc lofty and finely built. On the pillars of these temples are carved fine images, After “Bingrul” was taken from “‘Kimpa Gounda”’ it was given asa gift to brave Shahji Raje by Randulla Khan. ‘The Raje, thereafter, resided at this place with his family, retinue and troops.” ‘That Shahji Bhonsley was associated in all the three expedi= tions of Bijapur in the Karnatak is a tribute to his military prowess. ‘This remarkable man, in spite of his mercurial moods in his alle~ glance to his masters, however, had a nose for success in all his undertakings. Bangalore was to see a good deal of his military activity. Ata crucial moment of its history, he eleminated chaos, soothed the subsurface resentment of the local people and endi voured to alter the atmosphere of uncertainty in the areas in which Bijapur sought to dominate, His assigned job, however, was to bully the refractory Pollegars of the south. At a time when recalcitrance of the vassals of Vijayanagar e was cutting across their ancient affiliations, Shabji, by a constant showdown, induced in them, albict temporarily, a belief that in keeping anchored to Bijapur only they could hope to make their principa- lities bastions of peace and prosperity. Yet in the doing of his Job, he almost unwittingly tied Bangalore to the apron strings of Maharastra. * Page 80, Shiva Bharat by Paramanand, Edited by Sadasiv Mehadey Diwekar. 1927 Bdition. For text See Appendix IV. ‘THE BIJAPUR CONQUEST 29 Regarded by the later Maratha rulers as their political pioneer in the south and a prototype who fortified their faith in the essen tial soundness of Maratha military and administrative strength, Shabji Bhonsley, willy nilly, laid the foundation of Maratha rule inthe Karnatak. Before he finally hitched his wagon to the star of Bijapur he had a chequered career. Born on 15th March 1594, he came of a simple stock, the sort which generally provided material to the mercenary armies of the Deccan rulers. In 1605, he married Jija Bai, daughter of Lukhaji Jadhay Rao. In 1625, he took a second wife, Tuka Bai Mohite. Shivaji was his son by his first wife and Venkaji by his second. A military adventurer, he first served the Nizam Shahi kingdom of Ahmednagar in the capacity of a Sardar when Malik Amber was in the height of his power. But the Abbysinian’s bad temper soon drove him into the open arms of Bijapur, where he served for a brief period of two s. Malik Amber's death brought him back again to Ahmednagar. When that kingdom was absorbed in the Mughal dominions he opted for Mughal service, Before long, intrigue, jealousy and greed of some of the Mughal captains made him a rebel, The Mughals supported by units of the Bijapur army pursued him from fort to fort until he surrendered to them at ‘Mahuli, in 1629. Here, he met Rusthum-i-Zama better known ‘as Ranadulla Khan, a dashing Bijapur general who had ably assis ted the Mughals in the pursuit, Shahji was greatly attracted by the military skill of Ranadulla, and there sprang up a friendship which ended only at the death of the latter. On the advice of his new friend, Shahji joined the Bijapur service again which was ‘to lead him to thrilling adventures in the Karnatak. Poona and Supa jahgirs, relics of his past service with the Nizam Shahi kingdom, he retained, throughout his long association with Bijapur. wrzand Shahji Bhonsle’, favoured general of Moham- Shah (1626-1656) and Ali Adil Shah (1656-1664) who served his masters for 28 years with a singular devotion to duty was associated in many other campaigns which Bijapur undertook in Karnatak Bala Ghat after Bangalore was taken. Under the Bijapur general Khan-iKhanam Muzafer-ud-Din Mohammad Shahi, Shabji, in 1643, not only suppressed the revolt of Sivappa Naik, successor of Vera Bhadra Naik of Bidanur, but alsocffected the conquests of Nandayal and eight other important forts of30. BANGALORE THROUGH THE CENTURIES Kurnool Suba. ‘The march of the Bijapur army to Kurnool opened a major campaign against Sri Ranga Rayal of Vijayanagar, under the overall command of Nawab Khan Baba Mustafa Khan, in 1646, in which also Shabji was very actively associated. Strange as it may seem, the Naiks of Ginjee, Madura and Tanjore joined the invaders against Sri Ranga Rayal in this campaign. The conduct of Shahji in pursuading the Bijapur Commandercine chicf to open negotiations with the Rayal created misgivings in the Bijapur camp when before the talks opened the Rayal attacked the invaders suddenly. This incident was to lead Shahji to greater troubles in the next campaign which was undertaken against the Naiks of Ginjee and Tanjore at the urge of ‘Tirumala Naik of Madura. Mustafa Khan conducted the military opera- tions on this occasion also and the veteran Maratha Sardar was. associated with him as usual. But in the course of this campaign Shabji was all of a sudden arrested by Mustafa Khan and was sent to Bijapur as a state prisoner. Had not this arrest of Shahji a direct bearing on the future of Bangalore, these details are of little importance. By now Shahji had developed a love for Bangalore. ‘The Bijapur garrison. which occupied Bangalore after its capture mostly consisted of the Maratha units of the Bijapur cavalry. Apart from Bangalore, they were in control of other neighbouring forts such as Hosakote, Ballapur, Kolar and Chintamani. But the centre of Maratha activity was Bangalore, Shahji’s two wives and his two sons also were here. At this time Dadaji Konda Dev, preceptor of Shivaji, was active against Bijapur and operated his militia from Poona. Shivaji’s military career under the able guidance of Dadaji Konda Dev was yet to begin. ‘The ‘Basatin-us-Salatin’,* gives many details leading to the arrest of Shahji. But it is the ‘Mohammad Nama’ which gives a graphic account of the incident. ‘When the siege of Ginjee was protracted and fighting continued long’, says the ‘Mohammad ‘Nama’, ‘the cunning Shahji, who changed sides like the dice of a gambler, sent an agent to Nawab Mustafa Khan begging leave to go to his own country and give repose to his troops. The Nawab replied that to retire then would be tantamount to desert- jon, Then Shahji remonstrated that grain was too dear in the * Basatin-us-Salatin—by Mirza Ibrahim Zubsiri. ‘THE BIJAPUR CONQUEST 31 camp, and his soldiers could no longer bear the privation and strain ofthe siege. Headded that he was retiring to his country without waiting for further orders. The Nawab being convinced that Shahji meant mischicf and might show fight, had him arrested (on 25th July 1648) with such extreme cleverness and circums- ection that no part of his property was plundered, but the whole. was confiseated to Government.’ But Shahji’s services were indespensable to Bijapur. He could not be kept in the prison longer because he was badly needed in the Karnatak, Trouble was brewing in Madura and Tanjore. Urgent calls for help from the Bala Ghat had softened the heart of the Sultan towards Shahji. ‘The prestige of Bijapur demanded that a well fitted expedition should be sent once again to the south. Above all, that tormentor of the Shahi kingdoms of the Deccan, ‘Aurangazeb, was back in the Deccan, as Viceroy (1652-57) for the second time. If the defection of Mir Jumla to the Mughals had deprived Golkonda of an able statesman, it, however, streng- thened Aurangazeb's hands, Soon, Aurangazeb attacked Bijapur. But again he was worsted in his design of crushing that kingdom, by the intervention of Shah Jahan. Yet Aurangazeb had succeed~ ed in inflicting a serious blow on it. Bijapur was obliged to surrender to the Mughals, Bidar, Kalyani and Parendra in addition to paying a crore of rupees. Under the pressure of these events, Adil Shah was obliged to release Shahji but on one condition that he should surrender the forts of Kondana, Bangalore and Kand- acpi. ‘This Shahji did, by directing his sons Shivaji and Venkaji to deliver them to the officers of the Sultan. When he was arrested Shahji little could have thought that he would be back in Bangalore within two months. He little could have dreamt that Bangalore would be bestowed on him as a personal jahgir soon after his release. How Bangalore was given to him as a jahgir has been recorded in ‘Jedhe Sakhavali’, a Marathi Chronicle: ‘Shahji was released in return of Kondana. At that time Kanhoji Jedhe, and Dadaji Krishna Lohkare were also released, They met the Maharaj who said to them: ‘You have been put to the hardship of captivity on account of me. As’to our future: The Padashah ordered me to lead an expedition to ‘Karnatak to which I replied how can I do it with my income from only twelve villages? Thereupon the Padashah promised to32 BANGALORE THROUGH THE CENTURIES confer on me the province of Bangalore yielding five lakhs of huns. I have undertaken this enterprise on these terms,’”’ ‘Thus, Bangalore became a Maratha jahgir, And, thus Maharastra played the role of mother-duck fondly clucking approval on its Coming under its protective wing. Bangalore's entry into the Maratha sphere of activity was climaxed by its elevation to the status of a Suba of Bijapur in the Bala Ghat Karnatak comprising Sira, Chikkanayakanahalli and Basavapatna which was later on expanded by the inclusion of such far-flung places as Ginjee, Tevanapatam and Porto Novo. Now, Sha personal estate consisted of Bangalore, Hosakote, Ballapur, Sidlaghatta and Kolar, Shahji’s appointment, later, as the Governor of the Suba of Bangalore signalised the advent of a new order, which had a far reaching effect in this part of Deccan, It was at this time that a new system of revenue collection, bearing close relationship with the fiscal principles first enunciated by Mohammad Gavan, the celebrated Bahamani Minister, were introduced in the new Suba, ‘This led to the entry of a good number of Maratha Brahmins whose descendants have rendered such yeoman service in the spheres of administration, religion, art and literature in these parts —into the Kamatak to seek positions in the new offices that were created for the better administration of the new Suba. The innovations which owe their origin to the Maratha tule, here, tomprised the offices of Kulkarni, Deshmukh, Deshapande etc,, together with some other offices bearing Persian nomenclature, such as Kumango, Sheristedar, Daroga, ctc. There: were also ‘a number of other novelties’. A great warrior of his time, Shahji was no less a patron of arts and learning. If he diverted his energy mostly in suppressing the universal anarchy that prevailed in the Karnatak during this period, he, however, also found time to patronise men of letters. Himself no mean philosopher, he is also said to have dabbled in Poetry. In his time Bangalore became a seat of learning, Here, he maintained a splendid court to which learned men and artists were weleome, ‘The ‘Radha Madhava Vilasa’, a Champu in Sanskit, depicting the loves of Radha and Krishna, composed by ond * Source: Book of Mahratia History by H. G. Rawlinson, A View of the Halsoor Gate, Bangalore (See page 2)(C aind 29g) saopeBueg yo 0s tp omay aouUIEa wIAyMOS oy, woes sopunpy srg “17 oq supine ‘unssnpy “yaeH “GPO !yeostorON aT od B moat)Shivaganga (See pare #7) Statue of Kempe Gowda I in reverential pose at Shivaganga Temple, (11 sod 96) saosper “aduay, exEMSoWOS oH,‘The Basava Temple, Bagavangudi (See poze 17) The Statue of Kempe Gowda 1 in front of the Corporation Main Offices (See pase 1%)Ranganatha Temple, Ballapuradapet, Bangalore (See page 14) Photograph; Courtesy, Salar Jung Musewn, Hyderabad” Mohammad Adil Shah, Sultan of Bijapur (See page 24)< 3 g & a 3 2 3 g a q 2 a Photographs Courtesy Shahji Bhonsley {See page 29) , ‘aon Murniesal CorporationFrom Archaeological Survey of Mysore Ainmat Report 1540 Tomb of Shahji Bhonsley at Hoodigere (See pase 35) aoe i } f : a Photograph; Courtesy, The Tanjore Maharaja Saraxeati Mahal Library, Tanjavur Venkaji (See pase 37)Yourtery, Bharata [ikase Samshodhaka Mandala, Poona Shivaji (See page 39) THE BIJAPUR CONQUEST 33 Jayarama Pandye, which was brought to light in 1922, by the indefatigable energy of late V. K. Rajawade, the distinguished scholar of Maharastra, gives a vivid picture of Shahji’s court at Bangalore. Qn hearing the fame of Shahji and his patronage of men of letters, writes Jayarama Pandye, he travelled all the way from Nasile, his home town, to Bangalore, where he was ushered into Shahji’s court by one Shivaraya Gosvamin. Immediately after his intraduction to Shahji, continues Jayarama Pandyc, he placed twelve coconuts in front of Shahji who asked him to explain what it meant. The poet told him that the twelve coconuts were an indication that he could compose poems in twelve languages. To this amazing answer, Shahji obviously getting interested told him, ‘Show me a specimen of your work’, Upon this Jayarama Pandye recited a Champu. ‘Thus was born the ‘Radha Madhava Vilasa’. Charming as this account is, the ‘Radha Madhava Vilasa’, if somewhat written in a lighter vein, nevertheless, is of immense historical value as it is a contemporary record and gives some more information about Shahji's court at Bangalore. ‘The poet recounts that a mere recital of the Champur did not convince Shahji, He desired to test the erudition of the poct further, Shahji, therefore, addressing his court said: “The real test of a poct lies in completing a Samasya (riddle), So let us give him a Samasya to fill’. ‘The Maharaj set the ball rolling by himself setting a Samasya in Sanskrit, He was followed by ‘Malhari Bhatta, Niropant Hanumante, Janardhana Pant Hanu- mante, Raghunat Pant Hanumanthe and Prabhakara Bhatta, Shahji’s purohit, When his turn came Niropant is said to have Jooked up, yawned and shook his body, while setting the Samasya. "Phis was not all. Nine more persons followed them. The poet acquitted himself creditably. Still there were riddles galore, Altogether as many as thirty members of the court set the Sama- yas in different languages to all of which the post gave satisfactory answers. This bout of wits is said to have taken place ‘in the Gowri Vilasa hall, at Bangalore’. Jayarama Pandye also states that on an other occasion, both Shabji and his son Venkaji Beard him recite his Champu, in this hall. The Gowri Vilasa hall, which the poct speaks of was perhaps the hall of audience of the old palace built by Kempe Gowda, No clue is now available asot BANGALORE THROUGH THE CENTURIES to where this palace once stood because the remorseless times have consumed it long long ago.* ‘Though Bangalore of Shabji’s days was entitled to no greater importance than any other town of the hinterland of those times, still the historic role it played within a period of a century and quarter of its existence had assigned to it an individuality of its ‘own. The quintessence of that individuality lay in its irresistable attraction and in its ability to absorb the shocks of history. Here was a melting pot in which different racial elements got mixed easily. Nevertheless, it would be incongruous to think that the new political set up, ushered in by the advent of the Marathas, casta golden hue over Bangalore, for, there was a tinge of sadness at thesudden departure of the old royal house of Yelahanka Nadu Prabhus. The congenial spirit of the days of the Gowda rule still brooded over the town. In addition to this, the influence that the Marathi language carried with it in the new social and political order, the innovations and the new military order that now prevailed at Bangalore must have produced apathy, aloofness and frustration among the denizens of the soil. But, the change was for good. ‘The Maratha preponderance beside providing a sense of security also facilitated useful contacts, Here, Shabji, symbolically represents a bridge between Maharastra and Karnatak, In the olden days when the Vijayanagar rulers were constantly at war with the Sultans of Bahamani kingdom and its successors the Shahi Sultanates, the belligerency which generally prevailed between them prevented for a long time closer contacts between the people of Maharastra and the Karnatak. Now, the barriers were broken, However, Shahji’s greatness emanates only from his military skill, valour and organisational ability, ‘Toa certain extent, it was also due to his being the father of Shivaji. But he lacked the messianic fervour and the knack of winning true allegiance of people, qualities which his illustrious son Shivaji possessed in abundance ini addition to his military ingenuity, alacrity and political acumen, Fittingly, Shahji’s last moments took place in the Malnad, the scene of his first expedition in the Karnatak, Here death awaited * Nevertheless, it is not diffieule to locate the space on which this palace stood. Tn all probability it existed in the area now covered by the Ahmed Buildings opposite the “Anarid Bhavan’ hotel in Chickpet. ‘THE BIJAPUR CONQUEST 35 this remarkable man, in 1664. Thrown off his horse while he was in his last campaign against the refractory Chiefs, he died at the age of 70 years. Great was the grief of his sons at his sad demise. In later years they made provision for the maintenance of his grave. His tomb was discovered only recently by the late Dr M. H. Krishna, Director of Mysore Archaeological Depart= ment, near Hodigere, about six miles from Chennagiri, in the Shimoga District. ‘The Bijapur kingdom survived him only a bare twenty-one years, for, it was annexed to the Mughal empire in 1685. However, Bangalore at his death, was a place of some importance, It was the seat of provincial Government. It was also situated in a pivotal position as it lay close to the highways leading to the far south. There was an other factor also. ‘I'he Marathas were developing a sentimental attachment to it. It is necessary to bear this particular aspect in mind for a better understanding of Bangalore’s later history. For, although 23 years after the death of Shahji, Bangalore suffered the same fate as Bijapur by Mughal aggression and was later added to the Mysore kingdom by a memorable diplomatic act of Chikkadeva Raja Wodeyar, the many Maratha invasions in the Mysore plateau, undertaken in later years, had but one object in view—to retake Bangalore. The Marathas regarded Bangalore to be their patrimony, not only by virtue of its being an old Maratha jahgir, but also because of their right as successors to the Bijapur dominions in the south.Cuarrer IV THE GREAT SOUTHERN CAMPAIGN On that dark night of July 1677, except for the rumbling flow ‘of Coleroon (Cauvery), rapidly winding past Tirumalwadi, all was quiet. ‘The fires of a vast military camp, pitched close to the bank of the river, hardly revealed the identity of the country sound about, Nevertheless, from the course of the river, it was apparent that the region was north-eastern part of the present Tamilnad. Suddenly, there was a splash of water! A person threw him- self into a catamaran, which was nearby, with men ready with their oars, And, stealthily, under cover of darkness, the catamaran darted across the river and landed him on the other bank. ‘That person involved in the spectacular escape was Venkaji, And, that military camp on the other side of Coleroon was that of Shivaji, the great Maratha leader. Of all the great achievements of Shivaji, there is none which, for feats of daring and triumphant conquests, can be compared to his expedition conducted in South India, in 1677. Neither his numerous marches in the Konkan nor his dramatic raid on Poona which he undertook to surprise Sheiste Khan, nor yet his sack of Surat, caused so much general commotion as this brilliant expedition, which in its conception and execution was as thorough as the epoch making results it produced. With the entry of Shivaji, in the south, the political atmosp of the lower regions of Deccan get clectrified, Deccan, real land of gold’, as an early Maratha historian ealls it, provided a tremendous attraction to Shivaji. Not only it possessed great riches but also it was a land of strategic military importance. A foot-hold in the karnatak would give Shivaji security in the north, where his newly established kingdom lay. Further, by opening second front in the south, he could harass his enemy. However, the ostensible reason for Shivaji’s invasion of the peninsular regions was to capture Bangalore, his father’s jahgir, ‘THE GREAT SOUTHERN CAMPAIGN: 3 The whole course of the campaign is so thrilling that an anony- mous author of a Marathi chronicle (Bakhar) calls it ‘Shivadig— yijaya’ or Conquests of Shivaji. Shivaji had ample reasons to divert his attention to Bangalore. ‘Many things had happened here since Shahji’s death, Immediately after Shahji’s tragic death in the Malnad, Venkaji, his favourite gon by his second wife, had succeeded to the Bangalore jahgir. ‘Adil Shah had not only acknowledged this succession, but had also confirmed him as Governor of the Suba of Bangalore. But, although he acquired power Venkaji realised that he could not act as he liked, because prior to his death, Shahji had appointed one Raghunarayan Hanumanthe to be Venkaji's guardian, ‘The ward Behaved well as long as old Shahji lived. But after his death, he liked none to stand in his way of exercising absolute authority, with the result that the guardian soon found it to be a hard job’ to control licentious Venkaji. Venkaji’s extravagance, licentious- ness and hauteur drove Raghunarayan Hanumanthe out of Banga- lore. Travelling all the wayto Panhala he sought refuge at Shivaji's court, He was not slow in appraising Shivaji of the state of affairs that prevailed in his father’s jahgir in the south, He also brought to Shivaji the alarming news that Venkaji was contemplating to sell off Bangalore to Chikkadeva Raja Wodeyar of Mysore. This alarming news, in particular, created a climate of resent= tment in Shivaji’s court. It also estranged the two brothers: further still because any idea of Bangalore’s sale was repugnant to Shivaji. To understand this new situation clearly a survey of the circum= stances leading to it is necessary. Venkaji, in spite of his lesser traits of character, was a no mean. warrior. Military adventure was in his blood too. No doubt he had acknowledged the overlordship of Bijapur. But in doing s0, he continued the policy adopted by his father. Moreover, to be a Bijapur general, it was profitable, For, the Bijapur court, which was a hot bed of political intrigue, possessed an attraction to aggrieved Pollegars. They always found the Bijapur, ruler willing tohelpthem, It happened thata little time before Shahji’s death there came to Adil Shah a pretender to the throne of Tanjore, to seck Bijapur help to put down his rival, And, Adil Shah entrusted the Tanjore expedition to Shahji. But the latter's38 BANGALORE THROUGH THE CENTURIES sudden death had delayed the march on Tanjore. After Venkaji’s succession to his father’s jahgir, the task of leading the campaign to Tanjore fell on his shoulders. Wenkaji, who was also an able military leader, led the campaign and took Tanjore after a heavy fight. “But instead of bestowing it on the pretender, he however, appropriated it for himself, He now made Tanjore his capital and shifted his residence from Bangalore to his new capital. And, he soon discoyered that to hold his far-flung ancestral jahgir from ‘Tanjore was a difficult task, It, therefore, occurred to him that the best thing, in the circumstances in which he was placed, was to sell away Bangalore to a fair bidder instead of losing it to an enemy who might attack it taking advantage of his absence, And, happily for Venkaji, there was a bidder in the person of Chiltka Deva Raja Wodeyar of Mysore, Hence his negotiations for sale of Bangalore with the Mysore ruler. Shivaji was no stranger to Bangalore, The best days of his boyhood were spent here. Until he was 12 years, he was at Bangalore with his parents. We have the undisputed testimony to this fact in ‘Siva Chatrapati’, a contemporary Maratha chronicle. ‘The author of ‘Siva Chatrapati’, Krishnaji Anant Sabhashad, Shivaji's Boswell, while speaking of the great Maratha warrior’s childhood writes: *As soon as a son, Rajsri Shivaji Raje was born of Jija Au, Sri Shambhu Mahadey stirred himself and said in a dream “I myself have decended (to earth). I yill in future perform many feats of valour. You should keep (the child) with you for 12 years. Do not keep him afterwards. Let him go wherever he will, Do not restrain him.” Such was the prophecy. Shivaji Raje used thereafter to reside at Bengrul (Bangalore) in the Karnatak’, As a boy Shivaji often used to visit Poona from Bangalore. But at the age of 12, the call came when Dadaji Kondadey p: a visit to Bangalore. “The Paragana of Puna was within Shahji Raje’s Jagirs', continues Sabhashad. “The intelligent and shrewd Dadaji Kondadev had been appointed there. He went to Bengrul to see the Maharaj, Rajsri Shivaji Raje and Jifa Au went with him, ‘The Raje was then 12 years of age. Dadaji Pant and Raje were despatched to Puna, with him were sent a man named Sam Rav Nilakant as Peswa.” THE GREAT SOUTHERN CAMPAIGN 39 This authentic contemporary information about Shivaji’s earlicr days, completely puts to naught the earlier belief which indicated Shahji of deserting his wife Jija Bai and her son Shivaji. Obviously Shahji was a loving husband and an affectionate father. What happened after Shivaji reached Poona is history. By his indefatigable energy and his restless activity, this brave mah with the lapse of time carved out an independent Maratha ‘kingdom. Sentimental attachment to Bangalore, which Shivaji had developed as a boy, did not permit him to stand by as a spectator and watch unconcerned the unpleasant happenings at his ancestral jahgir. Shivaji’s good sense, hitherto, had allowed Venkaji to ‘enjoy his ancestral possessions unhindered. But his good sense also endeavoured to block the way of Venlaji when the latter attempted to dispose off the ancestral jahgir in such a manner, whatever be the compelling reasons for its proposed sale. Onhearing from Raghunarayan Hanumanthe the disturbing ‘state of affairs at Bangalore Shivaji decided to act atonce. A blue- print of his next line of action took shape in his versatile mind. ‘The best way to deal with his half brother, he felt, was to make a dramatic entry in the peninsular regions with his famous cavalry and foot, confront Venkaji in person and demand his share from his father’s jahgir. Happily, however, other historical events also facilitated Shivaji’s march to the south, at this time, ‘The old quest of extending their dominions in the Deccan, by effecting conquests taking advantage of the political anarchy that prevailed there, continued to operate with the Shahi kingdoms. Golkonda, taking advantage of the chaos that prevailed in Bijapur after the death of Mohammad Adil Shah decided to send its forces to the far south, Madana Pant, the Golkonda Minister, who dreamed to build an empire for his master, now saw in Shivaji ‘an useful instrument to effect a conquest of all Karnatak by assig- ning him. the same job which Mohammad Adil Shah had assig~ ned to Shahji, in 1637. Then, with Ranadulla Khan Shivaji’s father had brought vast regions of Karnatak Bala Ghat under the sway of Bijapur. ‘The wily Madana Pant, therefare, persuaded Qutub Shah to make an offer to Shivaji to lead an expedition to the south. ‘This God sent offer Shivaji grabbed with both hands. But then, Shivaji had to reckon with Bahaddur Khan, the40, BANGALORE THROUGH THE CENTURIES Mughal Subedar in the Deccan, who was active against Bijapur and was also biding his time to strike at Shivaji’s kingdom when an opportunity came his way, To Shivaji, the security of his own kingdom from Mughal raids, while he was away in the south, was of supreme importance. A slightest disturbance there would upset his plan. But, here again, dame luck, quite unexpectedly, provided him a marvellous chance to ease his anxiety. ‘Bahaddur Khan was defeated in two severe encounters near the City of Vizaipore (Bijapur) and in revenge listened to the proposals from Shivaji, who offered, it is said 4,00,000 Pagodas with his homage of fealty to the Mogal, on condition that permis sion was obtained for his passage through the territory of Golconda to attack that part of the Carnatic which was subject to Vizaipore; and. a truce of all hostilities between the Mogal and Shivaji was to continue during his absence on this expedition’,* ‘Thus, in this cat and mouse game between Golkonda, the Mughals and the Marathas duplicity became the rule, Each one was expressing friendship and even aiding another while biding time to strike at the other at a favourable time, The road to the south was now clear for Shivaji for taking out an expedition, Having bribed Bahaddur Khan through his clever emissary Niroji Rao, he left Rajagad in the beginning of 1677 to Bhaganagar (Hyderabad) with an army consisting of 50,000 foot and cavalry. At Bhaganagar this army was further augmented by Qutub Shah’s 5000 artilery men under Sar-i-Lashkar Mirza Mohammad Amin. Leaving Golkonda in March this expedition reached Madura in May experiencing great hardship during the march on account of a famine prevailing in the regions it passed through, Ginjee, a strong fort in Bijapur Karnatak was reduced, Shivaji then invested Vellore which held out for along time. But realising that it will be sheer waste of time to hang on to Vellore till it fell, he left his trusted captain Narahari Rudra Sabnis with, 2000 horse and 5000 Mavali infantry to reduce it and himself marched against Sher Khan Lodi, Governor of the southernmost Bijapur province of Vali-Kondapuram. Sher Rhan Lodi, the stormy petrel, who had incurred the wrath of Kutub Shah, was the main cause for the latter to seek Shivaji's aid to reduce the Bijapur Karnatak. In a fierce battle fought at Tiruyadi, Sher © Historical Fragments of the Mogal Empire, Robert Orme. THE GREAT SOUTHERN CAMPAIGN +b Khan Lodi was defeated. Occupying many strongholds belong- ing to Bijapur in this region, Shivaji diverted his energies to further conquests. Soon, Arni and Porto Novo were in Maratha hands. Tt was after the capture of these forts, that Shivaji, encamped at Tirumalwadi, on the bank of Coleroon (Cauvery) concentrated ‘his energies against his half brother Venkaji. Even before he was engaged in the sieges of Arni and Vellore Shivaji had tried to persuade his brother, through letters to come to a settlement with him. But, Venkaji had deliberately delayed his replies to his brother's letters hoping that Shivaji would find enough trouble from the Naik of Madura and the ru’ ler of Mysore, who were getting uneasy at the course of events that took place after the fall of Ginjee. But, in this expectation Venkaji was frustrated as the Madura and Mysore rulers never stirred. How- ever, Shivaji thought negotiation was the best media to deal with his brother. He, therefore, sent an invitation to him to meet him in his camp at Tirumalwadi on the banks of the Coleraon. The jmmediate reaction of Venkaji to this invitation was unfavourable. But on the advise of his counsellors, he accepted it and travelled all the way from Tanjore to ‘Tirumpature’ to meet his brother. From there he sent word of his arrival to Shivaji, who lost no time in sending an escort to accompany his brother to the Maratha camp. Shivajiand Venkaji embraced oneanother when they met, their first reunion after their father’s death. A, graphie account of this meeting between the brothers, their parleys and the abrupt end of their talks has been recorded by Father Martin, a Jasuit missionary, who was at Madura at that time, with such richness 6f details that his writings make interesting reading. ‘Beugy (Venkaji) had in his possession one-third of the land of Ginjee which their common parent Sagimagro (Shahji Maharaj) held on his part. There were also his personal property and yaluable effects, Shivaji demanded his share of goods. He had ‘written several times to Ecugy to come and mect him, and that ‘they would settle the matter between them; the latter recoiled at last, after having taken, according to his idea, all possible securities from his brother, by some oaths customary among them, but were not available to those who cared more for the interest than their religion, Ecugy erossed the river Coleron and came tosee Shivaji. The first conversations gave evidence of amity and tenderness42 BANGALORE THROUGH THE CENTURIES only; then it came to negotiation. When Ecugy discovered that his brother would not let him g0 unless he had satisfied him about his claimns, he also used his cunning, and while he offered friendly words he sought some means of withdrawing himself from such a ‘bad strait, He succeeded therein one night. He had a cutta- maran kept ready for him on the banks of the Coleton under pretext of necessity, for he was watched, He approached the banks of the river, threw himself into the cuttamaran and crossed to the other side which was his country and where he had some troops. On receipt of the information given to Shivaji, he caused Ecugy’s men who were in his camp to be arrested; among them was one Jagannapendit, 2 Brahmin who commanded troops of his brother, a man of courage and ability. The brothers did not meet again since; however, Shivaji took possession of a part of the lands ‘of Ginjee which belonged to Ecugy, but it would have caused him more if he had remained in his camp’,® A show down between the forces of the two brothers was the result of Venkaji’s dramatic eseape. Hitherto the confrontation Was staged through the backdoor negotiations. But now it took the shape of open hostilities for, Shivaji was not to be undone by his brother's dissimulation. "There was, however, much difference in the warring elements. While Shivaji was strong enough to deal with his recalcitrant brother, Venkaji, however, found himself beset with external threat and internal subversion by elements hitherto lying low, Nevertheless, he regrouped his force soon after his escape on that dark night. And, when Shiva sent a strong force under Shantaji,a natural son of Shahji Bhonsley, Venkaji crossed the Coleroon to repel the invaders. But, Shantaji like a hawk sweeping down ftom a cliff struck at Venkaji’s forces. A great battle was fought. No account can better describe this conflict than the words of Andre Freere, another Jesuit missionary who was at that time in Madura. Andre Freere wrote: ‘Ekoji profiting by this diversion to re-establish his affairs gathers his soldiers, crosses the river, and enters the territory of Ginjee. Santoji comes to give him battle at the head of an army superior in number and commanded by clever and intripid captains... But Ekoji’s men with great fury fell on the enemy like lions, broke their ranks, and spread eamnage * ‘Foreign Biographers’, Sen, pp.231-32. ‘THE GREAT SOUTHERN CAMPAIGN 43 everywhere and turned the victory to their side, But all of a sudden, art and stratagem snatched away the vietory from blind courage... After a bloody conflict of several hours, they are broken and they leave the battle field and the honour of victory . Gantoji, whose losses are, nevertheless, much more considerable than those of the conquered’.* ‘That this battle was most severe and more sanguinary is con- firmed in Father Martin’s narration. ‘A great battle was fought ‘on the 26th of this month (November 1677) between ee Of Shivaji and Ecugy. [t was the latter who commenced it. a i: aelee was severe for the people of these parts. “Many were kille: and wounded: among those were some men of importance. ‘The two parties were retreated and the loss was almost equal't. However, Shivaji appears to have grown wiser after this experience for, immediately after this bloody conflict, he wrote to Venkaji as follows: “For 13 years you have enjoyed the undivided patrimony. 1 waited in patience, Then... in many ways 1 demanded my share, But you would not even entertain the thought of yielding it, Then it became necessary to take harsh measure. It was not befitting my position and reputation to scize your person,» Tt is not good to promote internal discard, by so doing, of old, the Pandavas and Kauravas came to grief. I again told you, through Samaji Naik, Konheri Pant and Shivaji Sankar: Let us make a division and take our respective shares and live with goodwill towardseach other. But you, like Duryodhana, intend- €d evil and determined not to come to any agreement, but to fight. Now some places 1 have already taken: Others which are still in your hands, viz., Arni, Bangalore, Kolar, Hoskote and ‘other minor places and Tanjore should be handed oyer to our men; and of the cash, jewellery, elephants and horses half should be xgiven to me as my share, You ill be wise to make such accom- modation with me. If you do so with a clear mind I shall give ‘you a jagir of 3 lakhs of Hons in the district of Panhala, this side ‘of the Tunga Bhadra, to be held under me. Or if you do not like to hold a jagir under me, I shall procure for you a jagir of 3 lakhs from Qutub Shah. Both alternatives I have suggested * La Mission du Madure, p. 271. f ‘Foreign Biographers’, Sen, p. 307.a4 BANGALORE THROUGH THE CENTURIES toyou. One of them you should consider and accept. Do nat leave it to be decided by obstinacy. ‘There is no reasons why we should quarrel between ourselves and come to gricf’*, This letter, far from softening the heart of Venkaji towards his brother, stimulated his chauvinistic propencities, Hostilities continued for some more time between the forces of the two brothers. In the meanwhile news from the north was not so. fayourable for Shivaji to continue his southern campaign. Aurangazeb had begun to divert his full might te the Decean in search of Ia glorie and was bent upon achieving the conquest of the entire peninsula, his cherished ambition which had seized him sinee he was first appointed as Viceroy of the Mughal empire in the Deccan. Shivaji, therefore, was obliged to leave the Karnatatc and divert his attention to Maharastra. In Tamilnad, Vellore swas still holding out. However, while on his way back home, he effected some more conquests. His army units which were deployed in multi-pronged assaults on important forts in Bijapur Bala Ghat took Bangalore, Kolar, Ballapur, Sira, Sidlaghatta and Koppal. The forts of Bankapur, Gadag, and Lakshmeshwar, in the western Karnatak were also captured. Leaving behind a part of his army to consolidate his conquests Shivaji was back in Panhala by April 1678, having been in the Karnatak for nearly 18 months. The loss of Bangalore, Kolar and Ballapur cowed down the chauvinistie spirit of Venkaji. What now remained in his posses sion was Tanjore principality only, ‘The humiliation of defeat drove him to such straits that he thought of becoming a sanyasi (mendi- cant) and leave Tanjore to his son Shahji IL. In all probability he would have become a sanyasi had not Shivaji made to him an offer of closer amity and returned to him the forts taken by Shivaji’s generals, ‘The new political sct up which Shivaji brought into existence in the Maratha sphere of action, in the south, com- pletely undermined the original political affiliations of Venkaji, who, however, obliged by the course of events that took place so swiftly had no other choice but to agree to the advancement of peace made by his brother. Krishnaji Anant Subhashad vritea that Shivaji after his return to Panhala said to his generals: “Venkaji Raja is my younger brother. He has acted like a child. * Source: Book of Mahratta History by H. G. Rawlinson. ‘THE GREAT SOUTHERN CAMPAIGN 45 But still he is my brother: Protect him. Do not ruin his King- dom’.* As a result of this agreement between the two brothers, Bangalore, Kolar, Hosakote, Ballapur and Sidlaghatta were res- 4ored to Venkaji, rather to be held by him indirectly, and the rich principality of Tanjore was allowed to be retained by him, not as 4: vassal of Bijapur but under the overall control of the Maratha Viceroy of Ginjee, whom Shivaji had appointed in the south before he left for Maharastra, Subsequently a 19 clauses treaty was concluded between Shi- Yaji and Venkaji through the good offices of Raghunarayan Hanu- qmanthe. .A very interesting feature of this treaty was that while Tanjore, the conquest of which was solely effected by Venkaji, was recognised as his own, Bangalore together with the adjoining areas was bestowed on Deepa Bai, wife of Venkali, to be held by her under the supervision of her husband. ‘The terms of the treaty, so far as they relate to Bangalore, as stated by Krishnaji Anant Sabhashad are, therefore, not without interest. ‘The clauses of the treaty which relateto Bangaloreread as follows: ‘Clause 15: The Paragana of Bengrul (Bangalore) yields today with the neighbouring stations of Baskot (Hosakote) and Silkot (Sidlaghatta) a revenue of two lakhs of Barai. If they are brought under our administration, they might yield five lakhs. These T have conferred on Chiranjeevi Soubhagyavati Deepa Bai, for Choli-Bangdi (Pocket money). These should be continued in the female line. The Mahals (villages) should be managed by you, but their revenue should be enjoyed by her on whom it might be conferred by Chiranjeevi Soubhagyavati Deepa Bai’. ‘Clause 19: You should continue the monthly allowance granted for the Mahataj’s (Shahji’s) Samadhi including the band, horses, clephants and Karkoons, that should be maintained there. Do not allow any slackness in this respect’ | Venkaji, in spite of his licentiousness was not devoid of good traits of character. He was a great fighter, His failure in his campaigns against Shivaji was more due to lack of milf sources than military leadership. Indeed, he had, inh abundant measure, many of the superior qualitics of his © ‘Siva Chatrapati’, Sen } ‘Siva Chateapati’, Sen.46 BANGALORE THROUGH THE CENTURIES father. His many acts of benevolence, such as repairing of canals, building tanks with which he filled the regions around ‘Tanjore speaks to his desire to win over the love of the inhabitants over whom he ruled. Bangalore, too, was benefited by his gene= rosity. An inscription of 1669, which relates one of his genc~ rous gots reads: ‘On application of the Maha-Nadu of Bangalore Ekoji Raja (Venkaji) granted Madara Ninganahalli as Manya for the God Mallikarjuna of Mallapura’.* The temple to which this grant refers to is no other than the famous ‘Kadu Malleswara’ temple situated in the northern part of Bangalore, which has lent its name to the big extension, Malleswaram. ‘This inscription is on aroek to the south of the temple and the village which is referred toin the grant was situated at a distance of about a mile to the east of Malleswaram has since been absorbed in greater Bangalore, Incidentally, this inscription also reveals the factthat ‘Malleswaram had the almost identical name of Mallapura about 250 years before the extension was formed . . and that the temple was in existence before 1669 a.p.1* It would be wrong to think that Venkaji willingly acquiesced to the terms ofthe treaty. he terms of the treaty were more dic- tated than negotiated. In accepting these terms Venkaji bowed to the inevitable. He was always pre-occupied by a desire to regain his independence and was, therefore, secretly carrying on negotiations with the rulers of Mysore, Madura and the other Pollegars of the south to over-throw the hegemony of his brother, However, there was no need for him to carry on further subversive activities because he was soon relieved of all fears of his half- brother, By 1680, the great Shivaji was dead, * ‘Mysore Archacological Report’, June 1914 fF Thid, now 300 years. (CHAPTER V ESCAPADE IN BANGALORE Of all the eulogies expressed at the time of Shivaji’s death, none was more eloquent than the magnificent tribute paid by Aurangazeb, his implacable enemy. On hearing the news of the great warrior’s death, Aurangazch is said to have observed: ‘He was great captain and the only one who has had the magnanimity to raise a Kingdom whilst have been endeavouring to destroy the ancient Sovercignties of India; my armies have been employed. against him for 1+ years, and, nevertheless, his state has been always increasing’ *. Shivaji was powerful by sheer force of a character indefatigably active and a mind marvellously lively, inventive, ready and uner= ring. He planted the foundation on which the Marathas were destined to build a great empire in later years, in this country. In the south, his dream of resuscitating the Vijayanagar empire though partly realised, he always cherished a desire of doing over a work similar to that of Chandragupta Maurya. When he died, he left a kingdom more compact, an army well trained and a kingship more stronger and respected. Yet, within a decade after his death, his kingdom received such a rude shock that it looked pretty certain that his life’s work would crumble like a pack of cards. Bad time for the Maratha kingdom commenced in 1683, when Aurangazeb succeeded to his father’s throne. But its worst time began in 1689, when Sambaji, Shivaji’s son and successor was captured and put to death. This period, which covers a decade from Shivaji’s death in 1680, therefore, is full of momentous events. A narrative of this period is not only packed with notable conquests but also is replete with thrilling adventures and breathtaking historical episodes. Tt was an era of mounting anguish and vanishing worth, It was also an era which witnessed disaster fast overtaking well esta- blished kingdoms. A brutal thirst for grabbing the land of others guided the various states, in the Deccan, at this time, in their * Historical Fragments of the Mogal Empire, Robert Orme.48 BANGALORE THROUGH THE CENTURIES relationship with one another, Above all, there was the Mughal colassus, striding across the Aravalies, across the vast expanse of the Deccan and the coastal regions of South India with an unsatiable lust for conquest. Soon after he became emperor, Aurangazeb’s first concern was to destroy the power of Bijapur in the Deccan by completely extinguishing that kingdom and absorbing its territories in the Mughal dominions. In 1685, he was successful in completely destroying Bijapur, That Adil Shahi kingdom which had played such a conspicuous part in the Deccan after the baitle of Talikota, was no more! When it fell, a fate similar to that which engulfed Vijayanagar territories after Rama Raya’s fall, overtook its vast possessions in the Karnatak. Aurangazeb, who was not deficient in strength of will and deter- smination of purpose, systematically commenced his programme of destroying the other kingdoms of the south. In his itinerary ‘of conquests, the new Maratha state, founded by Shivaji, occu- pied a prominent place. His policy of completely subjugating Maharastra and the peninsular India, without doubt, began to manifest after the fall of Bijapur. In 1687, he besieged Golkonda. This siege of Golkonda produced a tremendous effect on the southern kingdoms. And, to know its repercussions on the Maratha possessions in the Deccan, it is necessary to recount the state of affairs that prevailed there after Shivaji’s return to Maharastra. Shivaji’s southern campaign had brought into the Maratha sphere a vast region. A good portion of the Bijapur territories dying between Porta Novo, in the south-east, to Gadag in the north-west and between the southern borders of Golkonda to the Cauvery, in the south, Shivaji had covered in one single campaign. He had conquered many isolated areas in this region. He had also consolidated his vast eonquests by establishing a new Maratha Viceroyalty in the south, ‘The capital of this Viceroyalty was Ginjee. He appointed Shantaji, natural son of Shahji, ax its Viceroy and Hambir Rao, was made the Commander-in-chief of the southern Maratha army, Raghunara given the job of Viceroy’s diplomatic adviser and auditor (Majum- dar), For the better administration of the vast areas conquered in the Karnatak Balaghat, he directed the Majumdar to exercise jurisdictional right over them subject to the authority of the ESCAPADE IN BANGALORE 49 ‘Yiceroy. And, on his return to Maharastra, Shivaji had induced the Sultan of Bijapur to recognise his recent conquests in the ‘Karnatak as a price for his alliance with him, But Shantaji’s term of Viceroyalty was brief, He qwas suc~ ceeded by ee yan Hanumanthe. This man governed the Viceroyalty with ability and vigour. But his death, in 1687, cut’ short his career, Sambuji’s choice for this post fell on Harji Mahadik, who was Governor of the fort of Ginjee. Harji Mahadik was 2 close relative of Sambaji, He had married Ambika Bai, Shivaji's daughter by his first wife Sai Bai and full sister of Same baji, during the great king’s life time. ‘This appointment served double purpose. It gave the southern Viceroyalty a capable man and also one from whom Sambaji could expect greater allegiance ‘on account of his lose relationship with him. In Tanjore, Venkaji, who had accepted the suzerainty of the ‘Maratha king reluctantly was not slow in disowning it after Shi- ’s death, in favour of the overlordship of Bijapur ruler. As Silandar Adil Shah's Sardar he assisted him with troops when Bijapur was attacked by Aurangazcb in 1685. Besides holding on to his own territories, Venkaji along with his son Shabji II had added to Tanjore principality many areas which Shivaji had con- during his southern campaign, taking advantage of the ns that prevailed at Ginjee immediately after Harji Mahadik’s appointment as Viceroy of the Maratha possessions in the south. Having regained full control of Bangalore jahgir, he had again resumed negotiations, for its sale, with Chikkadeva Raja Wodeyar, because he still felt that to hold Bangalore from Tanjore, at this time, under the prevailing political conditions, was preca- rious. When Aurangazeb laid siege to Golkonda, in 1687, Sambaji was roused from his stupor, for he with Khalsa, the Maratha evil genius, was indulging in ficentiousness and in whiling away time in the company of ‘pretty lascivious women’ from the time he assumed absolute authority. He now realised that the fall of Golkonda will spur Aurangazeb to concentrate his energies not only on Maratha kingdom in Maharastra proper, but also on Maratha possessions in the Karnatak. Furthermore, alarming news from Ginjee was causing him greater anxiety. He heard, through Khalsa who was an adept in sowing discord between his 450 BANGALORE THROUGH THE CENTURIES own tivals and the king, that Harji Mahadil: was contemplating to assert independence, that no amity prevailed between the ‘Maratha generals at Ginjec and that Venkaji, his uncle, was sow= ing seeds of discord in the Maratha camp, in the south, in. order to derive benefit for his own selfish designs. Sambaji, decided ta set matters tight before unpleasant affairs confronted him. Immediately he grouped a strong force of 12,000 Maratha horse, under the command of Keshav Pingle and Santaji Ghorpade, and. sent it to the Deccan, ostensibly to reinforce Ginjee the Maratha. stronghold, in the south, but in reality to arrest Harji Mahadik and to take possession of Ginjee in his name. However, Harji Mahadik who got scent of the secret orders given by Sambaji to- the commanders of the expeditionary force through his agents at Rajagad, therefore, was on guard. He lost no time in strengthen- ing the fortifications of Ginjee and although he learnt officially the approach of reinforcements from Maharastra, instead of wel- coming them to Ginjee, he marched out of Ginjee with a strong force and meeting Kesay Pingle and Santaji Ghorpade well beyond the gates of the southern Maratha citadel cleverly diverted their attention towards Bangalore, which now all of a sudden came under the spotlight of the peculiar polities of the Deccan, Sam- baji’s generals ‘although thus outwitted in their original plan, however, marched on to Bangalore, themselves reinforced with the detachments of Harji Mahadik. The advance of Sambaji’s 12,000 horse towards Karnatak Balaghat was not without its effect on Aurangazcb. Guessing that the Maratha objective was to capture Bangalore, the jahgir of Shahji Bhonsley, he detached a considerable Mughal force from the siege of Golkonda and sent it under the command of one of. his able generals Khasim Khan with orders to capture Bangalore at any cost. Khasim Khan reached Bangalore after a forced march through Kurnool and Penakonda and found the place still held by Maratha troops of Venkaji; who was at Tanjore and had not yet concluded negotiations of its sale with Chikkadeva Raja Wodeyar. The Mughals occupied the fort of Bangalore after driving out Venkaji's garrison and further reinforced the fort long before the combined Maratha armies of Keshav Pingle, Santaji Ghorpade and Harji Maha: ‘The Maratha generals on learning the status to which Bangalore was reduced and realising that it was not worthwhile to risk an attack at a time ESCAPADE IN BANGALORE 51 when the fort was heavily garrisoned by Mughal forces, retired to the vicinity of Ginjee. Soon, the forts of Sagar, Raichur, Adoni, Sira, Wandiwash and Conjeevaram fell to the Mughals. In the west Bankapur and Belgaum were also reduced. The Mughal arms were now at the pinnacle of glory. Aurangazcb was immensely successful inall his undertakings every where. After a long siege Golkenda fell. And, as if to fill the cup of his ambition Sambaji was cap- tured. Sambaji’s capital was reduced and his entire family was seized. Swarms of Mughal forces under Aurangazeb’s most able general Zulfigar Khan Nusrat were soon harassing many Maratha forts and their lines of communication all over Maha~ astra. Tt was the darkest period of Maratha history, Never a more effervescent crisis confronted a people. And, never the innate ‘martial qualities of the Marathas were ever so much roused to defend their hearth and home. Their steadfast courage, their power of endurance and their devotion to the house of Shivaji began to manifest itself in such a way that neither Aurangazeb’s omnipotence nor the ubiquity of the Mughal forces had any adverse effect on their spirits and their plan of action which they wished to pursue te ward of danger to their kingdom. Soon after the cruel death of Sambaji, Raja Ram, second son of Shivaji was proclaimed Regent to the Maratha throne, for Sahu, infant son of Sambaji, was in captivity of the Mughals, As it was considered dangerous to risk the Regent’s life by allowing him to stay in Maharastra, it was decided to send him away to South India leaving Ramachandra Bavadkar, the Amatya, to organise resistance in the home land. Tn pursuance of this plan Raja Ram and his party left Raigach, on Sth April 1689, in small groups, on foot, disguised as Lingayat Pilgrims towards south to Ginjee escorded by Prahalad Niroji and such brave generals as Danaji Jadav and Santaji Ghorpade and accompanied by a band of faithful officers. Runners went ahead of them to inform the Regents’ movements to Harji Maha- dik, in order that the latter may be able to send to the Regent an escort of cavalry on his arrival in the neighbourhood of Ginjec, the Maratha stronghold in the south. Then began one of the most thrilling episodes of the Indian history!52 BANGALORE THROUGH THE CENTURIES ‘The fugitives choosing a long deviating route to Ginjee in order to avoid the attention of the Mughals went from one place to another, often very closely pursued by bands of the emperor's forees drawn from garrisons of strategic forts which were captured by the imperial army when it overran the Deccan during its campaigns against the Marathas and the Shahi kingdoms. Amazingly enough, in this mostperilous journey of the Maratha Regent, Bangalore was destined to play a memorable part! Raja Ram’s epic flight from Raighar to Ginjee was a marvel of daring and heroism tinged with exciting adventure and hair breadth escapes. Reminiscent of Humayun’s ordeal after he Jost his throne to Sher Shah Suri the flight of the Maratha Regent was not without elements of dramatic suspense. From Raighar he went to Pratapghar, Satara, Parli and Panhala, But, soon the emperor came to know the flight of Raja Ram. All Mughal outposts in the south were immediately alerted, And, in the frantic search made by the Mughals some small groups were surprised and many innocent persons were killed. Nevertheless, the secret movements of the elusive Maratha fugitives continued undisrupted. Says the ‘Masir-i-Alamgiri’, Aurangazeb’s court chronicle: ‘Raja Ram went through many adventures after leaving Panhala; he was overtaken by the Mughals on an island in the ‘Tungabhadra near the frontier of Bidnur, escaped from the ring of his enemies and was concealed by the Rani of Bidnur’, ‘The imperial spotlight was then focused on Bidnur. Before long, Jan Nisar Khan, the Mughal general invaded Bidnur to compel the Rani to surrender the fugitives. But Providence was on the side of the runaway Marathas. ‘The Mughal general was frustrated in his design by the ever alert Santaji Ghorpade, And, eventually the Rani allowed Raja Ram to continue his journey. Tt was still a long way off to Ginjee, Passing through Bijapur and Bellary districts, the party was at large in the Karnatak Bala Ghat often detected but unsuccessfully pursued by loyal Mughal officers. ‘Then, suddenly, one fine morning, early in 1690, Raja Ram and his party arrived at Bangalore! ‘The Mughals having already captured this place had not only reinforced it, but were on their ‘guard and were keeping a close watch for the Maratha fugitives, ESCAPADE IN BANGALORE 53 Te was like walking into a lion’s den without realising the danger which lay in store. “The royal party halted at the rest house. There Raja Ram’s servants began to wash their master's: feet. One servant poured water over them, another brought a towel and got ready to dry them. ‘The deference paid by these servants to Raja Ram go inconsistent with the equality of pilgrims, aroused the suspicion of some of the travellers. These were Canarese (Kannada speaking people) and began in their own tongue to discuss the incident and the possibility that the party were political fugitives. In the end they resolved to go to the fort and tell the Musalman commandant their suspicions. Happily one of Raja Ram’s commander understood Canarese and when the travellers left the rest house, he informed the Regent and his companions of their peril. The devoted loyalty of Khando Ballal Chitnis found a way of escape. The Regent, he said, Santaji Ghorpade, Danaji Jadav and Khande Rao Dabade should go by one route, Prahalad Niroji and ane or two others should go by another route. He, one Parasnis, and the Regent's servants would stay behind and stoutly maintain their character as pilgrims. When they had baffled the enquiries of the imperial officers, they would all mect at a given spot. The generous offer of Khando Ballal cepted and the Regent and Prahalad Niroji left by different ways. An hour or two later the comman= dant of the fort with a band of armed men came to the rest house, and seizing Khando Ballal and the servants began sharply to question them. Khando Ballal with an assurance as admirable as his devotion pleaded that he and the three or four men with him were poor pilgrims to Rameswar, The others who had left were chance acquaintances made on the road. As their destination was different, they had now takenadifferent path. The commandant still doubted and had Khando Ballal and his companions flogged and then made them stand in the sun with stones on their heads. Finally he had bags full of hot ashes tied over their faces. Neither pain nor fear exhorted anything from the pilgrims. ‘The com- Tandant began to think that their tale might be true. He threw them into prison, ‘There they refused food on the plea that as Pilgrims they could not cat in confinement, Convinced at last of the truth of their plea, he let them go. In a few days they Caught up the Regent and the rest of the fugitives. From Banga- lore onwards no mishap befell them. Near Ginjee they met a54 BANGALORE THROUGH THE CENTURIES Maratha force led by Harji Mahadik and Nilo Pingle. The Viceroy greeted the Regent with every mark of respect and escorted him with great pomp and ceremony to Ginjee, which now became capital of the Mahrattas’.* ‘The restless odyssey of Raja Ram did not end even after he reached Ginjee because the Mughals on learning his whereabouts ‘Pressed into service their best generals and units of the army for 4 vigorous siege of that strong citadel, ‘The immediate result of the Mughal military operations in this part of the country was that the political situation in peninsular India became as fluid as it was when Shivaji led his great southern expedition. Tt was abyious that by theit expansionist ambitions the Mughals were beginning to alter the complex of not only the eastern and western regions of India, but also of the far flung regions of the south. However, the octopus role of the Mughal armed forces in the south was only temporary. But the administrative and political changes it brought about in its wake were of far reaching character, Tn so far as Bangalore is concerned, the episode of Raja Ram's dramatic escape here sheds a revealing light on the impact of Mughal rule on the local inhabitants. If this episode indicates the local people’s resilience to changing political and social situa tions, it is, however, of great importance in reconstructing that part of Bangalore’s history which hitherto lay covered with shreds of obscurity. For one thing, it gives a elue as to how long the Mughals stayed in Bangalore after its capture by Khasim Khan. Almost all historical works which deal with the great{Mughal offensive in the south, of this period, unmistakably maintain that after the Mughals captured Bangalore, they remained at this place only for three days. According to them, it was sold to Chikka Deva Raja Wodeyar of Mysore, for a sum of three lakhs of rupees three days after its capture. Obviously, these works relay on the narrative of Colonel. Wilks, the celebrated historian of Mysore, who while referring to the Mughal capture of Bangalore writes as follows: “Bangalore was captured in the year Prabhuva on the 11th Aushodum (1st August 1687) by Khasim Khan from the house © Pages 73-74, ‘A History of the Maratha People’, Volume II, by C. A. Kineaid and D, B. Parasnis. ESCAPADE IN’ BANGALORE 55 ‘of Ecogee and on the 15th of the same month, it was occupied by the people of the Raja’*. Raja Ram reached Ginjee in April 1690, ie., a year after he eft Raighar. In the same year, Khasim Khan was appointed Faujdar Dinvan (Governor) of the newly carved Mughal province in the Karnatale, the capital of which was Sira. This new pro- yince comprised the seven paraganas of Basavapatna, Budihal, Sira, Penakonda, Dodballapur, Hostkote and Kolar and the tri- butary states of Harpanhalli, Kondarpi, Anegundi, Bidnur, Chitradurga and Mysore. After the formation of this new Pro- yince, the provincial seat of the Mughal Governor was shifted from Bangalore to Sira, At the time of leaving Bangalore, Khasim Khan sold it to Chikdta Deva Raja, his new ally in the south, with the concurrence of Aurangazeb, who on the advice of the Faujdar Diwan fanned the ambition of the Mysore ruler by encouraging the latter to roll the juggernut in the regions which ‘were most suitable for his conquests so that the ‘Apratima Vira’, the unrivalled Hero—a title of Chikka Deva Raja—may be a bul- ‘work against the Maratha inroads in the south, ‘Thus it becomes clear that the Mughals remained in Bangalore for three years from 1687 to 1690, i,e,, from the time of its capture by Khasim Khan till Raja Ram’s dramatic escape. The Dodballapur in- scription}, executed by Sheikh Abdulla Farukh, the new Rhilledar of ‘Ballapur’, in 1691, confirms this fact beyond any shadow of doubt. In the light of reliable historical evidence, the theory that Bangalore was under the occupation of the Mughals only for three days after its capture by them, therefore, recedes to the realm of improbability, Aurangazeb, at this time, made consistant efforts to project the image of Mughal suzerainty in the south. Imperial authority ‘was carried to the nooks and corners by flying columns of imperial horse sent to secure the Mughal conquests. These Mughal inroads not only helped to get peoples allegiance to the Alamgirt but also cowed down the spirits of many recalcitrant local rulers, except, however, the Marathas, who with an indomitable will * Pages 211-212 ‘Historical sketches of the South India in aif attempt to truce the History of Mysore’ by Lt Col. Mark Will + DB 31, Bangalore Distict, ‘Epigraphia Camatica’, Vol. TX, for the Sontents of the inscription, see Appendix V, + Alamgir, a title of Aurangazeb.56 BANGALORE THROUGH THE CENTURIES continued their struggle with the Mughals to a bitter end. Now the pattern of provincial administration received a new outlook with the introduction of imperial methods of land revenue assess ment. ‘The Fanjdari became a prominent political entity as it exercised imperial authority not only aver the provincial army but also over a vast number of Khilledars who were directly subordinate to it, The planting of Mughal provincial admini- stration, at Bangalore, for three years, prior to its final shift to Sira, in 1690, aligned it to the sphere of Mughal influence. During those critical three years, Bangalore was the hub of great Mughal activity. It was during this period that, for the first time, Bangalore witnessed a variety of northern Indian languages being spoken within its walls. The Mughal officers and soldiers conversed among themselyes in Pushtu, Punjabi, Gujarati, Rajasthani, Mughalai and Persian languages, But the language which was most usefull ns: medium of expression between the new com: and the local inhabitants was Rekhta, Strangely enough, in the development of Rekhta, as a means of communication, the land of Karnatak, played no mean part for, Karnatak is not only the place of Rekhta’s birth, but also nursed it till it became the common language in northern India. What is now called Urdu, had its origin in Rekhta, in the days of Bahmani rule (1347-1490) which had its roots first in Gulbarga and later in Bidar. Rekchta first came into vogue when Kannada and Marathi words were used with Persian and Arabic expression, Rekhta greatly developed asa vehicle of expression when it was patronised by the army and became the ‘Lashkari Zaban’, or the language of the camp. With its use in the Persian or Kharosti script, it came to be known as Deccani, in the south. But when it crossed the Vindhyas it was termed Urdu. Perfected in the days of Akbar and Shah Jahan it grew to be a medium of expression between the armed forces and local inhabitants, wherever the Mughal fag was carried. What result the impact of Rekhta produced on the people of Bangalore when it. was first spoken it is hard to conceive. But it is not difficult to visualise the facility it afforded to the local inhabitants to converse with the new comers in view of the close association of the Kannada language with Rekhta in the initial stage of the latter's development. ‘The only relic of three years of Mughal rule in Bangalore ESCAPADE IN BANGALORE 57 exists in the shape of an edifice. The Sangin Jamia Masjid, now called Jumma Masjid, which is located in Taramandalpet, a central locality inthe Pettah area, is the oldest mosque in the City, Tts construction is attributed to the Mughal Khilledar of Banga- lore who was subordinate to Khasim Khan. A fine structure, it possesses an aura of antiquity. Its outer walls are built, with ayell-cut massive stones, The ornamented tall granite pillars of the mosque which adorn an elevated prayer hall, though not $0 exquisitely executed have, however, an imposing appearance. ‘The mosque’s demunitive minarets do not appear to be the part of original construction. During the Third Mysore War, the roof of this mosque was damaged by cannon fire of the English army which after its capture occupied Bangalore for nearly an year. A tablet inscribed jn Persian letters which is fixed on the outer wall of the prayer hall states that the mosque was renovated in the year 1251 A.H. (1836 a.p.) by Mohiyuddin Ali Khan Mehkri who was Bakshi of the native court at Bangalore, With the departure of the Mughals from Bangalore in 1690, the curtain drops on 17th century Bangalore. When it rises again the graceful silhouette of Chikka Deva Raja Wodeyar emerges to the view signalising the advent of a new and glorious epoch in the history of Bangalore, In fact it was the approach of this epoch which heralded the exodus of the swashbuckling Mughal soldiers and their slow moving military camps even as the Mughal accupation of Bangalore, in 1687, had accelerated the departure of the hard riding Maratha sawars and their dashing Mavali officers. ‘The cumulative effect of these fast moving events was not without its bearing on the history of Bangalore. ‘The splen- dour of a once brilliant Maratha court, which endeared Bangalore to the Maratha bards and Sardars, was no more. Except for a sentimental attachment to the old jahgir of Shahji Bhonsley the Marathas found no vestige of their past glory in Bangalore after it was handed over to the Mysore ruler, by the Mughals, in put~ suance of the terms of its sale negotiations. Nonetheless, Raja Ram's dramatic escape at Bangalore was net without significance. Tt, more or less, negatived the effect of Mughal victories in the south and disturbed their enjoyment of the gains which accrued from their victories in the regions of Bala Ghat and Payin Ghat.38 BANGALORE THROUGH THE CENTURIES The Regent's escape also accelerated the Mughal decision to sell Bangalore to Chikka Deva Raja Wodeyar for, when Ginjee became the temporary. capital of the Marathas the latter’s political and military activities were shifted to the south, And, the Mughals, being obliged to divert their best armies and generals to Ginjec in order to eliminate Maratha activity in the south, found it ex- pedient to cultivate the friendship of Childka Deva Raja, in whom they saw a rival to the Marathas. ‘The sale of Bangalore to Chiktka Deva Raja by the Mughals, was, therefore, no horse trading but a calenlated move to prevent the rehabilitation of Maratha rule in the Karnatak, However, the ordeal which the Maratha Regent went through was significant for other reasons also. ‘T'he lasting respect of the ‘Marathas to the house of Shivaji was admirably sustained at a time when it was the only clement ofstrengthleft after all Maratha Tesources were exhausted in the common cause, Still it was not merely the lusture of that name and memory of Shivaji which inspired and prolonged this respect, There were other aspects also. Amongst those aspects the most important one which the great Maratha kingbequeathed tohis people wasa sense of nationa~ lism. ‘This national consciousness inspired a spirit of patriotism in the Maratha minds and bridged the gulf existing between the two parts—Raighar and Ginjee—of the Maratha kingdom. ‘The feeling of oneness brought Maharastra proper closer to far off Ginjee, in the south, now made temporary capital of the Maratha kingdom, and stimulated a national movement, which in subsequent years blossomed into 2 mighty force under the Peshwas. The impact of this new force Bangalore was destined to fecl, again and again, throughout the 18th century. Cuaprer VI CHIKKA DEVA RAJA WODEYAR Of the several extraordinary things about Chika Deva Raja Wodeyar, perhaps, the most extraordinary was his uncanny skill. ‘Phis remarkable ruler in order to accomplish his undertakings often put into operation new fangled ideas. If, to please the Mughals he purchased Bangalore, which he could have easily captured by annihilating a not too strong Maratha garrison stationed in the fort by Venkaji after the latter repaired to Tanjore, then to humble the Naik of Madura, his invetirate enemy, he would not hesitate even to stop the Cauvery river from flowing into Madura territories! ‘This may sound incredible. But there is tangible historical ‘evidence to prove that the Cauvery did stop from flowing in its ‘usual course by the act of man. And, though this extraordinary fact has nothing to do with any of the events pertaining to this period of Bangalore history, nevertheless, a narrative of the causes ‘of this extraordinary event appears to be necessary not only because it makes interesting reading but also because it gives an insight into the workings of the mind of a genius. Besides, it gives a birds-cye-view of the political situation of South India of this time. Tn looking back across the intervening two and half centuries in order to understand the circumstances attending the sudden stoppage in the flow of Cauvery’s waters, for a while, in the terri- tories of Mysore’s neighbouring kingdoms, situated in the south- east, one has to bear in mind the relationship that existed between them at the beginning of the 18th century. ‘At this time the principality of Madura was the biggest among the southern states, holding suzerainty over parts of Travancore and Ramanad, It was then ruled by Cholkanatha, a valient Naik, whose ancestor, the eclebrated Tirumala Naik, eatlier had asserted independence by overthrowing the over-lordship of the weakened Vijayanagar empire, ‘To the north-east of Madura lay Tanjore, having for its ruler Shabji I, son of Venkaji who60 BANGALORE THROUGH THE CENTURIES previously was in possession of Bangalore until it was wrested from him by Khasim Khan, the Mughal general, ‘To the north- west of Madura was Mysore with Chikka Deva Raja Wodeyar as its Monarch. During this period of Mysore’s history the foit of ‘Trichinopoly was a bone of contention between Mysore and Madura. Chikla Deva Raja's Dalvoy Kumaraizh for a long time laid siege to that historic fort, but was forced to lift it by the sudden appearance of hostile Maratha forces of Haxji Mahadik, the Maratha Viceroy of Ginjee, in the vicinity of Trichinopoly. However, the Mysore ruler though frustrated in his design was unwilling to give up his project of annexing this key fort to his kingdom. He was, there= fore, not slow in finding other ways and means to achieve his object. While he was planning for another campaign against Madura it occurred to him that the Madura Naik could easily be humbled if his territories were deprived of the waters of the Cauyery, Also by diverting the river's waters into other areas of Mysore kingdom, he would increase the prosperity of his own subjects. What actually happened when Chikka Deva Raja embarked on this remarkable adventure may be narrated from an. extract of a letter of Father Martin, a Christian Missionary, who was at Madura, written to Father De Villette, Aoor, in 1701, ‘This informative missionary writes: ‘But it is to no purpose the winds blew, the river continuing still dry, so that the inhabitants dreaded a general famine, ‘Nevertheless, the rains had fallen in the usual season; and the waters which rush from the mountains would have entered the Coloran sooner than ordinary, had not the king of Maissoor stopped their course by a prodigious mole he raised and which extended the whole breadth of the canal, His design was to turn off the waters by the bank in order that these flowing into the canals dug by him might refresh his, dominions, But while he thus resolved to make his own lands fruitful, he was ruining the two ncighbouring kingdoms of Madura and Tanjos “The Princes, zealous for the welfare of their respective king- doms, were exasperated at his attempts, upon which they united against the common enemy in order to oblige him, by force of arms, to destroy 2 mole which did them so much prejudice. They were making great preparations for this purpose when the river CHIKKA DEVA RAJA WODEYAR 61 Colozan xevenged the affront which had been put upon its waters, by captivating them in the manner the prince in question had done. During the time the rains descended, but moderately on the mountains, the mole stood, and the waters flowed gently into the canals dug for that purpose; but the instant they fell abund= antly, the river swelled to such a degree that it broke the mole ahd dragged it impetuonsly along, In this manner the Prince of Maissoor, after putting himself to a great expence, was lrustrated, inan instant, of the immense riches which he had hoped togain'®, ‘The magnificent effort of Chikka Deva Raja Wodeyar was the construction of the Madad Katte anda big canal, which still goes by the name of Chiktka Deva Raja Sagara, As an irrigation Project, it takes some of the gilt off the Krishnaraja Sagara and Mettur dams, From the Madad Katte, which is a low stragger- ing structure of rough stones the Chikka Deva Raja Sagara is led into the Cauvery again alter proceeding a considerable distance, Tn the Mysore district, it is one of the finest canals. Tt runs all along the left bank of the Cauvery and is 72 miles in length. Its construction though a political failure, Chikka Deva Raja's ‘effort, however, was an anticipation of many irrigation projects in Mysore. He planted the foundation on which one of his descendants, in later years, was destined to build the great Keishnaraja Sagara dam, Prominent amongst the most distinguished Rajas of Mysore, Chilka Deva Raja Wodeyar, a man of multiple genius, occupies a pride of place in the annals of Mysore as one of its most colour- fal figures. Fourteenth in succession from Yaduraya, the founder ‘of the royal dynasty of Mysore, he ruled from 1673 to 1704. In South India’s chaotic years of the second half of the 17th ‘century his was the rising star. Yet, it may sound strange that this remarkable man spent his early youth in obscurity, hum: and poverty in his native town, Yelandur, His resourcefulness, his ambition and above all his skill in selecting clever men for the august offices of the State, from whose wise counsels he was greatly benefited, enabled him to rule his growing State with characteristic firmness and ability. : ‘Tossed into prison, in his youth, at Hangala, to pave way to Dodda Deva Raja, his rival to the Mysore throne, Chikka Deva * "Travels of the Jesuits’, Vol. 11 by John Lockman,62 BANGALORE THROUGH THE CENTURIES Raja Wodeyar suffered thirteen years of imprisonment before he was released from it on the death of the former. When his shakels were remoyed, Mysore received him as the most accepta= ble person to the vacant throne, for, an astrological prediction had convineed everyone that Chikka Deva Raja was the man ordained for Mysore’s kingship. Vishalaksha Pandit, an astute and enidite Jain, the author of the popular prediction, was not slow in obtaining a promise from the heir-apparent when, the latter was in prison, to elevate him (Vishalaksha Pandit) to the Position of Prime Minister, if the prediction materialised. So, when Chikka Deva Raja ascended the throne Vishalaksha Pandit was ushered into the office of Amatya. But, the resolute arm of the Yalandur Pandit soon made him unpopular, A few years after, one night, when he was returning from the court, his enemies assassinated him. The Raja was shocked on hearing the sad news and rushed to the house of his Minister only to find him omhis death bed. But before he breathed his last the dying man consoled himself by recommending to the Raja a close friend of his to succeed him as Prime Minister. This close friend was no other than ‘Tirumalaiyangar, ‘a most able and honourable man’ inthe king’s court. Never was aking’s choice of Ministers rested on so fortuitous circumstances. Yet Chilcka Deva Raja’s selec- tion of his Ministers was most worthy and wise. And, this accounts for his highly successful reign. In the thrilling drama of South India’s politics of his time Chika Deva Raja Wodeyar played no mean part. He was the first ruler of Mysore who redeemed the honour of the Kannada spoken regions of South India because after the fall of the Hoysala kingdom this part of the country got assimilated in the empire founded by Harihara and Bukka and practically lost its identity. Two of Chika Deva Raja’s able predecessors, Raja Wodeyar and Kantheerava Narasa Raja Wodeyar added lusture and fame to the rising power of Mysore by annexation of many neighbouring principalities, But it was Chikka Deva Raja Wodeyar who raised the status of Mysore, for the first time, as one of the outstanding kingdoms in India by his conquests, wise statesmanship, initiative and drive, Skilfully extending his kingdom by conquests of such places as Hosaltote, Banavar, ‘Tum- kur, Chickmagalur, Vastara, Magadi and Midagesi, at the expense of his adversaries, he made the Mysore frontier conterminous CHIKEA. DEVA RAJA WODEYAR 63 with Bijapur Karnatak. Also extending his conquests towards south-east he took Selam, Omaluru, Dharmapuram and many places from Madura. ‘But, by far the most significant achievement of Chikka Deva Raja Wodeyar was his acquisition of Bangalore, After his isrpation of the Tanjore principality, Venkaji was carrying n negotiations with him to sell this place for a sum of 3 lakhs of fupees. But, before Venkaji could complete the transaction, the Mughals captured it in 1687. Three years later, in 1690, when Khasim Khan was appointed Mughal Governor of the newly formed province of Sira, Chikka Deva Raja Wodeyar having allied himself with the Mughals renewed his offer of purchase. ‘The result was that he purchased Bangalore from the Mughals at the same price first offered to Venkaji. ‘The Annals of the Mysore Royal Family (Vol. Il) a Kannada work states that after the acquisition of Bangalore, Chikka Deva Raja ‘improved the place, built there an extensive fort and ashop- street, and appointed capable officers for the administration of the fort’, An inscription of Kantheerava Narasaraja IT, his son and successor, records that Chikka Deva Raja also built a temple within the fort and dedicated it to Venkatesha. This temple exists to this day within the fort area of Bangalore and is situated yery close to Tippu Sultan’s Palace, The fort erected by Chikka Deva Raja was not a renoyation of the old Kempe Gowda fort, but entirely a new one, of mud, and probably oval in shape. Tt was situated to the south of the old Kempe Gowda fort, which, thereafter came to be called as ‘Pete’ fort. Between the two forts an esplanade was constructed adjoining the Siddikatte, a Tow staggering water-work. It may be of interest to note that this spot is now covered oyer by Sri Krishnarajendra Market, popularly called the City Market, the adjoining buildings and the oval in front of it, The main object of Chikka Deva Raja Wodeyar in erecting the new fort was to strengthen the defences of Bangalore by making it a strong citadel to check the predatory raids of the Marathas from this’ direction into the Mysore terri- tories. *) ‘The battle of Talikota was probably the greatest calamity that ever struck the political, social and religious life of South India. * Please see Appendix VIL6 BANGALORE THROUGH THE CENTURIES Neither the triumphant march of Harsha Vardhana to the south early in 630-34 a.p. nor the bold invasion of Malik Kafur in the peninsular regions of India, in 1310-11 were of such disasterous consequences as the blow which the confederate Shahi Sultans ‘of the Deccan struck on the Vijayanagar empire, in that fatal battle of Talikota, The brave affront of Pulakeshi II, the great Chalukya king of Badami, had not only thwarted Harsha Vardh- na’s political designs, but also checked the spread of Buddhist hegemony to the south. Malik Kafur’s fleeting invasion, on the other hand, created but presentiments of general commotion because its effects were only transitory.. But not so were the results of Talikota, The disintegration of the big dominion which the sustained efforts of Vidyaranya and a galaxy of able rulers of Vijayanagar had built obviously caused a political yacttum because the vast regions of a once flourishing empire ‘were at once thrown into disorder and came to be netted with complex political strings which subjected its component parts to various pulls. ‘The damage was even greater in realms other than polities. Literature, philosophy, art and_ religion received a rude shock, for from the time the Vijayanagar empire was founded to its last days its kings had nursed Hindu culture and Hindu religion to such an extent that the Vijayanagar empire was looked upon as a symbol of Hindu spiritual authority in the same way as the Turkish empire stood for Islamic spiritualism after the mantle of Khilafat fell on the shoulders of ‘Turkish Sultans. Te was not for nothing that the Vijayanagar kings assumed such titles as ‘Hindu-Raya Suratrana’, ‘Vaidika Marga Prayartha’, “Upanishad Marga Prathisthapanacharya’, ete, ‘When, therefore, the dissppearance of the Vijayanagar empire created a vacuum in: Hindu spiritual leadership, some Hindu rulers of the south, in later years, often inspired by teachings of contemporary seers, aspired to gain that kind of spiritual influence which the Rayas of Vijayanagar exercised over their subjects in addition to their temporal authority, The most prominent among such later day South Indian rulers was Shivaji. ‘He was fired with an ambition to fill the yacant throne of Vijaya- nagar. And, he possessed, in greater measure, the gift of harnes- sing many diverse talents for his own use, even as he had the ability to build a great kingdom out of nothing. Small wonder that the blessings of such saints of his time as Tukaram and From a contemporary drazwing in “Auranga y Stanley Lane Pool, Reds of India Series Aurangazeb (See page 5) 2Photogroph; Courtesy, Bharata Tuihase Samshodhaka Mandala, Poona Raja Ram (See pave 41) ‘The Sangin Jamia Masjid, Taramandalpet, Bangalore (See pave 37)Phiotegraphs Conrtesy, Kawnada Salitya Parishat, Chikka Deva Raja Wodeyar (See puxe 69) Bangalore See page 00) A Strect in the Southern fort, Bangalore 8 ‘om a pai‘The Garuda Pillar: Venkataramana Swamy Temple, Bangalore (Sef page 7/) ‘The white circle indicates the spot there the Cannan hit the Pillar |FORE sanngy BME YE Kg saopeHueg ‘song snddiy jo Mar ropouy Mop aunnsungy unesngy 720recy, Tippu Museum, Seri From a painting by Captain All A north-east view of Bangalo: Wipe des Pratograph; Courtesy, Haider Ali Khan (See page 50) wd rancois Bernard Mache, Paris