Phillippines: Organization of Terrorism in The Phil
Phillippines: Organization of Terrorism in The Phil
PHILLIPPINES
GOALS: Promote an independent Islamic state in western Mindanao and the Sulu Archipelago, areas in the southern Philippines
heavily populated by Muslims.
MAIN ANTI-U.S. ACTIVITIES TO DATE: Kidnapped more than 30 foreigners, including a U.S. citizen, in 2000.
OPERATIONAL LOCATIONS: Mainly southern Philippines with members occasionally traveling to Manila. Operated in Malaysia in
2000.
AFFILIATIONS: Probably receives support from Islamic extremists in the Middle East and South Asia. Some have ties
to Mujahidin in Afghanistan.
COMMENTS: Smallest and most radical of the Islamic separatist groups operating in the southern Philippines. The group split from
the Moro National Liberation Front in 1991. A Designated Foreign Terrorist Organization (FTO) listed as "active" during 2000.
GOALS: [A breakaway urban hit squad of the Communist Party of the Philippines New People's Army.]
MAIN ANTI-U.S. ACTIVITIES TO DATE: Suspected involved in the murder in 1989 of U.S. Army Col. James Rowe in the
Philippines.
STRENGTH: 500.
COMMENTS: Breakaway urban hit squad of the Communist Party of the Philippines New People's Army. NOT a Designated
Foreign Terrorist Organization (FTO), but listed as "active" during 2000.
GOALS: Overthrow the government of the Philippines through protracted guerrilla warfare.
MAIN ANTI-U.S. ACTIVITIES TO DATE: Opposes any U.S. military presence in the Philippines and attacked U.S. military interests
before the U.S. base closures in 1992. Press reports in 1999 indicated that the NPA would target U.S. troops participating in joint
military exercises under the Visiting Forces Agreement and U.S. embassy personnel.
STRENGTH: 6,000-8,000.
OPERATIONAL LOCATIONS: Rural Luzon, Visayas, and parts of Mindanao. Has cells in Manila and other metropolitan centers.
AFFILIATIONS: Derives most of its funding from contributions of supporters and so-called revolutionary taxes extorted from local
businesses.
COMMENTS: The military wing of the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP). Although primarily a rural-based guerrilla group,
the NPA has an active urban infrastructure to conduct terrorism and uses city-based assassination squads called sparrow units.
NOT a Designated Foreign Terrorist Organization (FTO), but listed as "active" during 2000.
The Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) was formed out of the Moro resistance to Spanish colonization which was particularly
strong in Southwest Mindanao and Sulu Archipelago. The Moros fought Christian and foreign domination. This Muslim struggle
continued on to the United States colonial era. After independence, Filipino Muslims continued to resist Manila’s rule which lead to
widespread conflict in the 1970’s. In the late 1960’s, there was an increase in lawlessness and insurgency in the Southern
Philippines. Political disputes lead to an increase of armed gangs, which lead to an increase of tension between the Moro and
Christian communities. Between these two groups there was a competition for land, economic resources, political power, which lead
to an increase of immigration of Christians from the North and Moros began to feel as though they were a minority in their own
homeland. In 1972, this lead to the division, on religious lines, in Mindanao and Sulu-Archipelago. In 1972, the institution of martial
law led to more Moro rebellions. These Moro forces were brought together by Nur Misuari who consolidated the forces in the MNLF
framework, which he eventually chaired. This group fought for an independent Moro nation and received help and support from
Muslims in Libya and Malaysia. The peak of the Moro conflict took place from 1970-1975, and in the waning of the conflicts came
peace talks between the Manila government and MNLF in 1976. The 1976 Organization of Islamic Conference union of Muslim
nations is where Moros looked for support. Misuari signed, in this conference, the Tripoli Agreement (first peace agreement signed
between Muslim separists and Philippine government) which provided Moro autonomy in the Southern Philippines and a cease-fire.
However the truce was broken in 1977 when Moros charged the government of only allowing token self rule. This conflict thus lead
to a split in the MNLF into the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) lead by Hashim Salamat in 1977 and the Bangsa Moro
Liberation Organization which later turned into the Moro National Liberation Front/Reformist Movement. This fragmentation of the
MNLF led to a decrease in fighting strength. In 1986 President Aquino initiated talks with the MNLF which lead to a cease-fire. In
1987 MNLF signed an agreement with the goal of independence for Muslim regions alongside the government’s offer of autonomy.
The MNLF resumed armed insurrection in 1988 with little success. In 1987, Article 10 established an "Autonomous Region" in
Muslim Mindanao, a four-province fragmented region where there was primarily Muslim self-rule. Misuari was made the region’s
governor, whose rule ended in 2001 with a failed uprising against the government, and now is currently in jail. Parouk Hussin took
over the governor position in 2002.
The Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) was formed in 1977 when Salamat Hashim split from the Moro National Liberation Front
(MNLF), and was supported by the ethnic Maguindanaos. This split was caused by the signing of the Tripoli Agreement in 1976 by
the Manila-based Filipino government and the MNLF. When formed, the MILF received support from Egypt, and on March, 1984,
Hashim officially declared the establishment of the MILF. The goals of MILF includes the establishment of an independent Islamic
state of Mindanao island, Palawan, Sulu, Archipelago, and neighboring island, as well as a more traditional Islamic religious
education system. MILF stresses the Islamic aspect of the separatist movement and refuses to accept treaties between the Moros
people and the Manila-based Filipino government. Currently the group is based in Bagsamoro region of Mindanaou and neighboring
islands. MILF is currently the largest Islamic liberation group with 15,000 members and 2,900 troops mostly deployed in Lanao del
Nonte, Lanao del Sur, Maguindanao, and North Cotabato. The assassination of Benigo Aquino lead to a surge in membership. In
2001, MILF gained a peace agreement with Manila, however this did not last long. In 2003, the Filipino government accused MILF of
the Davao City airport bombing that killed 21 people.
Abu Sayyaf
Abu Sayyaf (in Arabic meaning “Bearer of the Sword”) was founded in 1991 in Basilan Province by the Philippine
national, Abdurajak Janjalani as a radical splinter group from the Moro National Liberation Front which wished to Islamicize the Moro
identity. The current leader is reported to be Abdurajak Janjalani’s younger brother, Khadafi Janjalani. The group consists of what
the press calls "bandits", primarily recruited out of high school and universities, who seize hostages for money, hijack religion to gain
local support. The group is also involved in piracy, operating alongside Al Qaeda,extorting from companies and wealthy
businessmen, and attack the Catholic community through abductions of priests, nuns, and teachers. This group has terrorized the
Southern Philippines through bombings, massacres, and links to international terrorist plots and leaders. Abu Sayyaf resides
primarily on the island of Mindanao, but has ventured as far as Malaysia. The goal of Abu Sayyaf is to establish an independent,
Iranian style, Islamic state in western Mindanao and the Sulu Islands in the southern Philippines. Other goals of Abu Sayyaf include
improving the life of ethnic Filipinos in Malaysia and the release of World Trade Center bomber Ramsey Yousef, who trained the
group in explosives. Abu Sayyaf first mobilized in 1991 with the bombing of a ship in Zamboanga harbor also with a grenade attack
on Christian missionaries during that time. In the beginning, Abu Sayyaf remained primarily domestic, however, on April 23rd, 2000,
the group became an international threat when they took numerous foreigners and international journalists hostage for ransom in
Sipadan. After Janjalani’s death in 1998, Abu Sayyaf split into three less focused groups that participated mostly in murders and
kidnappings not terror attacks against Christians. After receiving $25 million in ransom money from Mu’ammar al-Qadhafi, the
Libyan leader, in 2000 to free kidnapped hostages, the group used this money to finance an increase in arms, recruitment, and buy
speedboats for kidnappings. This lead to an increase in members, due to the attractive salary and weaponry. From the years 2000-
2002 Abu Sayyaf embarked on a series of kidnappings of Philippine Christians and foreign nationals. The bloodiest years of victims
of Abu Sayyaf took place between 2001-2003 in the Southern Philippines, when the group was reported to have killed over 300
government soldiers and kidnapped at least 140 people. Today, Abu Sayyaf is thought to possess around a hundred core members,
with supporters amounting to approximately a thousand. Seeing as the group’s membership is always changing, it is difficult to
attain accurate numbers of membership.
The New People’s Army (NPA) is a military wing of the communist party of the Philippines (CPP). It is a Maoist group that was
formed in March of 1969 with an aim to overthrow the government through government warfare. The founder was Jose Maria Sison,
who reports and controls the group from his exile in the Netherlands. The group is primarily a rural-based guerilla group, yet it does
have an active urban infrastructure. NPA uses terrorism and city-based assassination squads called sparrow units. The funding for
NPA comes from the contributions of supporters in the Philippines and Europe and also from revolutionary taxes from local
businesses and politicians. The NPA opposes any United States military presence, and since the US has been gone from the
Philippines, the tactics of the NPA has been directed against the police, politicians, and drug traffickers.
Jemaah Islamiya
Jemaah Islamiya (JI) was founded in 1995 by Abdullah Sungkar and Abu Bakar Ba'asyir in Malaysia. The structure of this group is
an overarching organization that communicates and coordinates with a multitude of radical Islamic cells in Southeast Asia and has
proceeded to be more of a network of smaller organizations instead of one centralized group. The foundation of this group is based
on relationships formed in the Afghan war, mainly Janjalani of Abu Sayyaf and Al Qaeda, that has remained to the present day. At
first it was a loose group of Islamic purists trying to separate themselves from Western Society, which they viewed as very corrupt.
Ba'asyir, a strong believer in Darul Islam, recruited in the early 1980’s in Southeast Asia from Malaysia, Indonesia, Philippines,
Singapore, and eventually developed the name Jemaah Islamiya (“Islam Group”). The goal of Jemaah Islamiya is to create an
idealized Islamic State including Brumei, Indonesia, Singapore, Southern Thailand, Malaysia, and Southern Philippines. In the
beginning of JI’s activities were just support operations for al-Qaeda sponsored operations in Philippines. Another part of their
organization included funneling financial support to a net of Southeast Islamic extremist groups. In 2000, JI took part in a large
series of church bombings in Indonesia, which then started to include malls, government centers, Singapore, and Malaysia. In
August of 2000, JI attacked the Philippine ambassador to Indonesia. On October 12th, 2002, the infamous Bali bombing occurred
which attracted a lot of international attention to the group. In March of 2003, JI bombed Davao City wharf in Mindanao. JI also
bombed the Jakarta Marriot Hotel in August of 2003, just a couple months after the bombing in Davao City.
The Philippines combats terrorism through political, legal and military means. The U.S. assisted the Philippines in amending their
anti-money laundering legislation to meet international standards, and Manila passed its revised legislation in March 2003.
Washington also installed the Terrorist Interdiction Program (TIP) in the Philippines with equipment, software and training to
enhance their capacity to secure their borders.U.S.-Philippines law enforcement cooperation is strong. In 2002, the two nations' law
enforcement agencies cooperated to bring charges against 15 Abu Sayyaf terrorists, implement an extradition treaty and train some
700 Filipino law enforcement officers.The Philippines receives anti-terrorist financial assistance from the U.S. Following Philippine
President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo's May 2003 visit to the U.S., Washington pledged to provide new funds to the Philippines for
training and equipping Philippine forces to deal with terrorist groups and funds to spur development in the Mindanao region, where
Islamic extremists are based.
In 2002, the U.S. sent about 650 American advisers to train Philippine soldiers in counterterrorism techniques. The Bush
administration proposed sending U.S. combat troops to the Philippines in March 2003, but was met with strong Philippine opposition
to the idea.
History of terrorism
The NPA, founded in 1969, was a Marxist guerrilla group that waged a protracted insurgency from the countryside aimed at
overthrowing the Marcos Government and establishing a communist state. The group enjoyed widespread support especially from
those sickened by the excesses and brutality of the Marcos regime and the ever-widening gap between the haves and the have-
nots. As it turned out, the NPA was never crushed by government forces but neither, on the other hand, was it able to overthrow the
Marcos regime. That task was left to “people power” on the streets of Manila in 1986.
Two years after Cory Aquino came to power I returned and found this euphoria had all but disappeared. Certainly, some democratic
institutions had been restored but rich oligarchies still held most of the land and the social gap was, if anything, widening. A renewed
sense of optimism appeared when President Fidel Ramos was elected in 1992.
Ramos promised to end the vicious civil war in Mindanao that had plagued the country for the previous two decades. The central
government was in conflict with two guerrilla groups - the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) and the Moro Islamic Liberation
Front (MILF). The former group once enjoyed support from Libya, Saudi Arabia and nearby Malaysia and originally demanded an
independent Muslim state in the south. The MILF, on the other hand, split from the MNLF in the late 1970s over ethnic and strategic
differences.
Both groups originated in a province with some of the richest agricultural land in the country yet the economy was in tatters after
years of neglect by the Manila government. Muslims in Mindanao also suffered political marginalisation and some of the highest
rates of infant mortality, illiteracy and unemployment in the country. But what really drove guerilla insurgencies was a sense of being
deliberately swamped by Christian settlers from Luzon.
The Spanish and American colonisations included massive resettlement programs encouraging Christian internal migration and later
governments continued this policy. By 1983 it was estimated that 80 per cent of the ten million people living in Mindanao were non-
Muslims. Christian agricultural communities were created deep in the heart of indigenous Muslim territories. The bitterness that
these settlements generated led to a civil war in 1971 and over the next 25 years led to the loss of 120,000 lives.
To deal with this bloodbath President Ramos signed a peace agreement in 1996 with MNLF leader Nur Misuari, in what was known
as the Davao consensus. Some degree of self-determination, and most importantly economic investment, was promised for the
region. It looked as though cultural, social and religious autonomy for Muslims living in Mindanao was at last to become a reality.
Unfortunately the civil war in Mindanao did not end mainly because the MILF rejected the peace plan on the grounds that the
government did not go far enough. To this day the group continues to fight on and so do elements of the MNLF.
I was in the Philippines again during Ramos's election campaign when he promised that his country would become part of the Asian
tiger-cub economy in which ordinary Filipinos would benefit under a regime of law and democracy where corruption would be
weeded out. I visited the violent, politically volatile slum district of Tondo. The impoverished area was a breeding ground for some of
the toughest criminals in the country and infamous for notorious NPA “Sparrow Squads”, who, during the 1960s and 1970s,
assassinated police officers and government officials. I began to realise that terrorism was never going to be stopped unless
something was done to improve intolerable conditions.
I have seen equally appalling conditions in many other parts of the country. These include rampant bribery and corruption that
affects every domain of Filipino society, from police officers to politicians. This spurs the population to behave as their leaders
behave, evidenced by the destruction of the huge Clark Air Base in Pampanga province in 1991 after the Americans departed where
I witnessed what could only be called mass vandalism and theft. My driver told me that the Americans left more than 116,000 items
for the Filipino government to use. But the population stole all of them including every piece of equipment from a five-storey hospital.
Under the Ramos Government Muslim Mindanao never received the economic packages the Davao consensus promised. The
planned economic revival that was going to lift the living standards of the Filipino masses never eventuated. Nor was Ramos able to
stem the endemic corrupt practices. Then came the election of Joseph Estrada in 1998. The rural masses heavily supported the
former B grade actor because he promised to lift them from the quagmire of poverty and despair. But his Government did little to
improve the condition of the masses. Though Estrada visited many towns and villages during his presidency and lavished gifts and
money on his supporters, the country's economy stagnated, unemployment grew, and corruption became even more endemic.
Estrada did try to deal with the terrorist networks and the civil war in Mindanao but he used brute military force, not social or
economic development, as his weapon. A large, well-equipped army was sent against the MILF. Stories of atrocities committed
against civilians by troops and vigilante groups abound and provide recruitment fodder to enlist future Muslim rebels. One tactic was
the use of special Christian vigilante groups, established by the military, who were formed to ostensibly secure “law and order” in
mixed Christian and Muslim areas in Mindanao. I heard stories about many random shootings of civilians by these militias. But I also
heard about similar massacres by Muslim vigilante groups in the same region
What was undoubtedly true was that there were some military successes during the Estrada era. The army closed down the
notorious Abu Bakar terrorist camp that trained not only men from Mindanao but also Muslims from Indonesia and the Middle East.
Though Estrada boasted that they had “pacified” the Muslim rebels it was clear that the MILF were far from defeated. It was also
apparent that corrupt members of the army and police were undermining attempts to deal with terrorist groups and especially with
the notorious Abu Sayyaf guerrillas, a radical Islamist group whose activities are now deeply etched within recent Filipino history.
In 1995 about 200 arrived by boats and attacked a largely Christian town on the western coast of Mindanao where they
indiscriminately fired on the population killing at least 53 people and wounding another 44. The town was previously almost entirely
Muslim in population but had been overtaken by Christians. The massacre was also a warning to other Muslim groups not to co-
operate with the government. In a statement after the attack an Abu Sayyaf spokesman criticised the mainstream MNLF leadership
for “betraying the Muslim cause”.
The Abu Sayyaf has also employed bandit-like tactics such as kidnapping and beheading of foreigners. In May 2001 the group
kidnapped 20 people, including three American hostages one of whom was beheaded. The rebels obtained millions of dollars from
these and other criminal activities (such as drug-running) and for years escaped massive military resources arraigned against them.
It now appears that the terrorist group's Houdini-like skill resulted from money-for-information deals between Abu Sayyaf and the
army, deals that led to much comment and criticism within the Philippines media. After the September 11 attacks the Filipino
government, with advice from American Special Forces, launched a major campaign against the Abu Sayyaf killing scores, perhaps
hundreds, of their fighters and sympathisers. The history of the Abu Sayyaf and the government's attempt to eliminate it illustrates a
common theme that emerges in the Philippine battle against terrorism. Bribery and brutality appear to go hand in hand; the terrorist
groups and the authorities practise both.
One example of this official brutality was illustrated to me in 1998 at the beginning of the Estrada regime by supporters of thrice-
elected Davao Mayor Rodrigo Duterte who attained almost cult-like status in the country after making the most lawless city in
Mindanao a relatively safe and secure place for locals and foreigners. They told me that when he was first elected, ten years earlier,
Duterte inherited a city plagued by kidnappings, murders, drug addiction and a huge communist insurgency problem. Duterte began
by negotiating with the communist terrorists. He told them that they had to stop assassinating government officials and robbery. He
promised housing, jobs and money for their followers and money for their leaders.
The negotiations were successful so he turned to kidnappers, bank-robbers and muggers and issued a public statement warning
criminals that unless they stopped, they would pay a great price. Many just laughed. But then the bodies of kidnappers, robbers and
remaining communist terrorists were found lying on the city's footpaths with bullets through their heads. Duterte denied any
involvement but no one in Davao had any doubts about the existence of death squads. Duterte's success was relatively short lived.
Five years later crime in Davao was increasing and so was terrorism, as was so dramatically shown by bombing attacks at Davao
airport.
It is clear to me that neither bribery nor brute force will end terrorism in the Philippines, a fact that the government of President
Gloria Macapagal Arroyo is just coming to grips with. Though her Government, with the assistance of American military advisors and
personnel, appears to have had some successes against the Abu Sayyaf, this group is far from destroyed.
Similarly, as social and economic conditions remain abysmally bad and corruption continues unabated, the Moro groups grow from
strength to strength. That bribery still plagues the police and military was vividly illustrated during the escape and subsequent
shooting of the fanatic Jemmah Islamiyah terrorist Fathur Rohman al-Ghozi. He was originally a member of the Moro Islamic
Liberation Front but as a Jemaah Islamiyah terrorist was responsible for many bombing deaths in the country. Al-Ghozi was able to
walk out of his high security cell with breathtaking ease.
Although hundreds of al Qaida recruits trained at Moro camps in the late 1990s, Jemaah Islamiyah and other fellow travellers move
freely around the Philippines, no overarching terrorist organisation yet exists. The Moro rebels aim for an independent Islamic State,
Abu Sayyaf has degenerated into a bunch of bandits and the NPA seems preoccupied with building up its financial resources and
members. But how long will it be before these metamorphose into an oligarchy that is structured and organised? Some terrorist
researchers such as Professor Rohan Gunaratna, author of Inside Al Qaeda, believe that over the past year groups like Jemmah
Islamiyah, Lasker Jihad, the Abu Sayyaf, the MILF and MNLF have formed interconnecting networks that eventually aim to create a
unified Islamic state across the region.
Unless President Arroyo, or her successor, begins to deal with the causes of terrorism, rather than just with its symptoms, we can
expect to see even more guerrilla violence and the tentacles of terrorism spreading throughout this complex and highly volatile
country. It is, however, difficult to be optimistic when the leaders of far more developed, affluent and politically sophisticated nations
also continue to try to combat terrorism by addressing its end result rather than its causes.
perceivably wealthy closer to the would-be victim and waits patiently until the
leaves the place.
belongings of thevictim.
hotel’s front desk and waits for a guest to deposit his room
leaves the location.
restaurant, and roam alone in public places. The group is usually composed
othertourist spots of three (3) to four (4) males or females who befriend the
days and it takes another two days before the victim can
mobile phone.
asking the victim to pay half the cost of the gold bars under
provided and brought to the site where the bars can be dug
and the victim will soon discover that the gold bars which
lead bars.
him feel confident that he will get the exact amount for his
through.
Main roads under Thieves typically work in pairs. Spotting a potential victim
Bukas Kotse
heavy traffic, driving a car with unlocked doors, a pair will force their way
Gang
parking into an occupied parked car or a vehicle stopped at an
areas inmalls, intersection. Other times, using a car of their own, the pair
churches, schools, will force the victim to maneuver his or her vehicle
open his door. The attacker pushes the victim to the front
jeepneys, and to wipe the spit on her sleeve while one of the other
Tagalog Crime Common Crime
Tactics Description
Name Scene(s)
victim a Zest-O juice or any food item and demands that the
victim pay for the item. The two accomplices will vouch that
companions.
Bargain malls and This gang targets shoppers who check out items sold in
Besfren
open-air markets stalls (i.e. watches, jewelry, mobile phones, and other
Gang
electronic gadgets). One of the gang members stands next
for the item.
SECTION 1. Short Title. - This Act shall be known and cited as the "Anti-
protect the lives and properties of the people against all acts of terrorism and to
condemn terrorism as a crime against humanity. Towards this end, the State shall
adopt all adequate, efficient and effective counter measures to fight, suppress and
penalize all acts of terrorism with due regard to and respect for the fundamental
Further, the State recognizes the transnational nature of terrorism and shall
maintain full cooperation with all nations in the fight against the same in accordance
premeditated use or threatened use of serious violence, force, or by any other means
with the intention of instilling a state of common danger, panic or fear, or of coercing
(1) hijacking or threatening to hijack any kind of aircraft, ship, vessel, electric
public conveyance;
compel, coerce, or force another person, whether natural or juridical, including the
sum of money as ransom, or in order for that other person to do or abstain from doing
any act or decision as a condition for the release or non-taking of the hostages; 2
(3) causing or threatening to cause death or serious bodily harm to a person or
persons, or to cause a serious risk to the health or safety of the public or any segment
thereof;
(4) killing of, or violent attack upon, an internationally protected person or upon
the liberty of such: person in violation of the Convention on the Protection and
service, vital facility, critical infrastructure, including the mass transmission of virus
in the internet other than as a result of advocacy, grievance, protest, dissent, strike, or
law;
(6) causing serious damage to property, the environment and the national
patrimony;
materials, nuclear devices, explosives, firearms, or any other kind of lethal weapon,
Any person who commits any act of terrorism shall suffer the penalty of life
supplies, uses or sells explosives, biological agent, chemical agent, nuclear weapon,
the penalty of life imprisonment and a fine of Ten million pesos (P10,000,000.00).
commit terrorism when two (2) or more persons come to an agreement to commit any
act of terrorism as defined in Section 3 of this Act and decide to commit it.
imprisonment from ten (10) years and one (1) day to fifteen (15) years with a fine of five
SEC. 5. Participation in any Act of Terrorism. - Any person who, With the intent
(1) establishing or maintaining, or in serving as, contact or link with any person
or persons that are known to have pursued or are pursuing terrorist activities;
(2) procuring weapons, bombs, explosives, devices, spare parts, and other
accessories thereof; 3
(3) providing training to any person or persons to carry out terrorist activities;
or
persons, knowing that the meeting is to support or further the terrorist activities; shall
suffer the penalty of imprisonment from fifteen (15) years and one (1) day to twenty
unlawful for any person, group, organization or entity to knowingly provide properties
facilitate in any way the provision or possession of such properties or finances, and it
shall carry with it the penalty of life imprisonment and a fine of ten million pesos
(b) It shall be unlawful for any person to knowingly solicit or invite financial
contribution or other support for the commission of terrorism as defined herein and
shall carry with it the penalty of imprisonment for ten (10) years and one (1) day to
person whom he/she knows to be a person who has carried out or is about to carry
out a terrorist activity shall suffer the penalty of imprisonment of ten (10) years and
one (1) day to fifteen (15) years and a fine of five million pesos (Php5,000,000.00).
SEC. 8. Penalty for Infidelity in the Custody of Prisoners Under this Act. - Any
public officer or private person who shall have custody of a prisoner under the
provisions of this Act and who shall have caused the escape of such prisoner whether
through the public officers or the private persons consent or negligence shall suffer
1) Imprisonment of ten (10) years and one (1) day to fifteen(l5) years, if a
2) Imprisonment of five (5) years and one (1) day to ten (10) years if the fugitive
shall not have been finally convicted but only held as a detention prisoner.
SEC. 9. Making False Threats of Acts of Terrorism. - It shall be unlawful for any
person to:
he/she knows or believes to be false to another person with the intention of inducing
in him/her any other person a false belief that a terrorist act has been, is being or will
be carried out; or 4
(2) place any article or substance in any place, or dispatch any article or
substance by mail or by any other means of sending things from one place to another,
(i) the article or substance is likely to explode or ignite and thereby cause
(ii) the article contains or the substance consists of any dangerous, hazardous,
biological agent, or toxin, that is likely to cause death, disease or personal injury or
damage to property.
For the purposes of subsections (1) and (2), a reference to a person inducing in
another person a false belief does not require the first-mentioned person to have any
particular person in mind as the person in whom he/she intends to induce the false
belief.
If the false threat did not result to death, disease, personal injury or damage to
property, the penalty of imprisonment from six (6) months to one (1) year or a fine of
property, the penalty of imprisonment from one (1) year and one (1) day to six (6) years
and a fine of one hundred thousand pesos (Php 100,000.00) shall be imposed.
SEC. 10. Awest and Detention. - Any person arrested for violation of this Act,
pursuant to Rule 113, Section 5, paragraphs (a) and (b), of the Rules of Court, may be
detained for an inquest period of not more than fifteen (15) days following his/her
arrest.
The period of detention may be extended beyond fifteen (15) days if the person
in writing and in the presence of his or her counsel. He/She shall be entitled to all the
rights under the RA No. 7438, otherwise known as "An Act Defining Certain Rights of
SEC. 11. Witness Protection. - Any person who provides material information,
4, 5, 6 and 7 herein shall be placed under the Witness Protection Program pursuant to
SEC. 12. Immunity from Prosecution. - Any person who serves as a witness for
the government or provides evidence in a criminal case involving any violation of this
produces, identifies, or gives testimony on, but not limited to, books, papers,
diagrams, sketches, recordings, disc, or any other form of witten, recorded, or real
evidence, shall be immune from any criminal prosecution, subject to the compliance
with the provisions of PD 1732, otherwise known as Decree Providing Immunity from
Rules of Court.
SEC. 13. Prosecution, Judgment and/or Conviction. -Any person may be charged
with or convicted of acts of terrorism without prejudice to the prosecution of any other
act or acts penalized under the Revised Penal Code which are not absorbed in the
offense of terrorism.
When there is a variance between the act of terrorism charged in the complaint
or information, and that proved or established by the evidence, the accused shall be
convicted of the offense proved included in the charge of terrorism if the intent to sow
terror or intimidate or coerce the government or the public was not proven during the
trial. No person, however, shall be twice put in jeopardy of punishment for the same
offense.
SEC. 14. Penalty for Juridical Person, Alien or Public Officer. - If the offender is a
shall be imposed upon its responsible officers, directors or trustees who knowingly
participated in the commission of any violation of this Act or who knowingly permitted
addition to the penalties herein prescribed, be summarily deported after serving the
sentence. If the offender is a public official or employee, he or she shall, in addition to
SEC. 15. Applicability of Republic Act No. 91 60, as Amended by Republic Act No.
9194. - Terrorism as defined and punished under this Act shall be considered an
unlawful activity under €U 9 160, otherwise known as the Anti-Money Laundering Act
of 2001, as amended by RA 9194. For this purpose, all matters involving monetary
mended.
SEC. 16. Applicability of Republic Act No. 4200. - The provisions of RA 4200,
otherwise known as the Anti-Wire Tapping Act shall apply to include all offenses
SEC. 17. Jurisdiction of Courts. - The Regional Trial Courts shall have
jurisdiction to try all cases for the prosecution of offenses punishable under this Act.
Those committed by public officers and private persons who act in conspiracy
with such public officers shall be under the jurisdiction of the Sandiganbayan, subject
to the provisions of Republic Act No. 7975 and Republic Act No. 8249.
SEC. 18. Mutual Assistance and Cooperation between the Philippines and other
Organization makes a request for assistance concerning any matter related to any act
of terrorism, the Council as created under Section 22 of this Act shall take the
appropriate action on the matter, provided that such request does not contravene the
Constitution or any existing law. Any request of the Philippine government to a foreign
Council, hereinafter referred to as the "Council," which shall be under the supervision
and control of the President, who shall serve as its chairperson, with the Secretary of
Justice and the Secretary of the Interior and Local Government as its
National Security Advisor; and such other members that may be appointed by the
President.
and monitoring body of the government on all matters of domestic and international
terrorism. The Council shall keep records of its proceedings and decisions, and such
records shall be subject to such security classifications as the Council may, in its
The President may designate a primary agency which shall carry out and
implement policies of the Council. The President shall likewise designate a secretariat
for the Council from the existing government agencies involved on anti-terrorism
efforts without any additional salary, compensation, allowance, or any other form of
Agency shall be the technical adviser to the Council and with the following support
Office of Civil Defense, Intelligence Service of the Armed Forces of the Philippines,
intelligence and investigative elements of the Philippine National Police shall serve as
The Council shall, not later than one hundred eighty (180) days after the
effectivity of the Implementing Rules and Regulations, formulate and come up with a 7
comprehensive and effective anti-terrorism plan and program to deter and prevent acts
government and the country to cope with all forms of terrorist attacks such as, but not
limited to, the use of biological, chemical or nuclear weapons, or other weapons of
mass destruction.
SEC. 20. Functions ofthe Council. - In pursuit of its mandate under Section 19,
terrorism;
f. Grant monetary rewards and incentives to informants who are willing to give
vital information to build up cases for the prosecution of those who committed acts of
terrorism;
h. Call upon any department, bureau, office or other executive agency for
assistance; and,
SEC. 2 1. Implementing Rules and Regulations. - Within sixty (60) days from the
effectivity of this Act, the Anti-Terrorism Council shall promulgate the Implementing
Rules and Regulations as may be necessary to ensure the efficient and effective
funding chargeable against the contingent fund of the Office of the President.
Thereafter, the amount needed by the Council to effectively carry out the
purpose of this Act shall be included in the annual General Appropriations Act.
treaties and laws of preferential application, the provisions of this Act shall be
enforced not only within the Philippine archipelago, including its atmosphere, its 8
interior waters and maritime zone but also outside of its jurisdiction against those who
should commit any offense covered by this Act while on a Philippine ship, airship,
SEC. 24. Separability Clause. - If any provision or portion of this Act or the
invalid, the other provisions or portions of this Act, and the application of such
Republic Act No. 9194 and Republic Act No. 4200 are hereby amended or modified
accordingly.
SEC. 26. Repealing Clause. - All laws, decrees, executive orders, d e s and
regulations or parts thereof, inconsistent with the provisions of this Act are hereby
SEC. 27. Suppletory Effect of the Revised Penal Code. - The provisions of the
Revised Penal Code shall have a suppletory effect to the provisions of this Act.
SEC. 28. Effeduity. - This Act shall take effect fifteen (15) days after its
complete publication in the Official Gazette or in at least two (2) national newspapers
of general circulation.