Report

Understanding
intimate partner
violence in
Bangladesh
through a male lens
Ruchira Tabassum Naved, Fiona Samuels, Taveeshi
Gupta, Aloka Talukder, Virginie Le Masson, Kathryn M. Yount

March 2017
Overseas Development Institute
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Cover photo: Women’s ward, Gazipur hospital, Bangaldesh © Fiona Samuels 2016
Contents

Introduction  5

1. Conceptual framework 6

2. Methodology 8

3. Patterning of IPV 10

3.1. Perceived types of IPV 10

3.2. Perceived trends in IPV over time 10

3.3. IPV practices in the study sites 10

4. Multi-level influences that shape IPV risks 12

4.1. Individual-level risk factors 12

4.2. Household-level risk factors 13

4.3. Community level risk factors 14

4.4. Potential pathways of change: norm setters 15

5. Responses to IPV 17

5.1. Services for survivors 17

5.2. Protection services 17

5.3. Justice system responses  18

5.4. Prevention: building awareness to tackle GBV 19

6. Policy landscape shaping IPV responses  21

7. Conclusions and recommendations 22

References 24

Understanding intimate partner violence in Bangladesh  3  

List of boxes, figures and tables

Boxes
Box 1. Description of study sites 8

Box 2. Secondary data analysis using data from the 2007 Bangladesh Demographic and Health Survey (BDHS)  9

Box 3. Committed to marriage, despite years of torture 14

Box 4. The Government’s Multi-Sectoral Programme on Violence Against Women 17

Box 5. New online spaces for violence 18

Box 6. Conventions, policies and Acts relating to violence against women in Bangladesh 21

Figures
Figure 1. Conceptual framework – seeing IPV through an ecological and institutional lens in fragile-state contexts  7

Figure 2. Map of Bangladesh showing the location of the study sites  9

Tables
Table 1. Total number of interviews by study site 8

Table 2. Different types of IPV reported by six survivors during in-depth interviews in Gazipur and Mymensingh 11

4  ODI Report
Introduction
The rates of intimate partner violence (IPV) are high in largest ever multi-country study to interview men on GBV
Bangladesh, with 1 in 2 women aged 15 or over who and masculinities (Naved et al., 2011).
have ever been married reporting that they have endured This short report aims to address research gaps, drawing
physical and/or sexual violence during their lives, and on primary research in 2016 that provides unique insights
1 in 4 reporting such violence in the past 12 months on the multi-level influences – including the community-
(BBS, 2016). IPV has been recognised as a violation of level gender norms that devalue women and girls – that
human rights, with multiple and adverse consequences for shape the attitudes and behaviour of adolescent boys and
health and development (Campbell, 2002; Devries et al., men around IPV. The findings discussed in the report are
2013; Ellsberg et al., 2008). Despite the extensive legal part of a broader regional study of the perpetration of IPV
framework that is in place in Bangladesh, and numerous by men and boys across South Asia, with a primary focus
non-governmental programmes and women’s activist on Bangladesh, Nepal and Pakistan.
organisations that focus on IPV, it remains commonplace
(BBS, 2016; NIPORT et al., 2009). This conundrum
raises questions about how well the drivers of IPV are Objectives of the research
understood and targeted. Given the knowledge gaps on the dynamics of IPV as they
Research is growing on IPV in Bangladesh, especially relate to men who perpetrate such violence – including
physical abuse. Several literature reviews (e.g. Johnson and attitudinal, programmatic and policy issues – this report
Das, 2009; Johnston and Naved, 2008)) and some authors has three objectives:
have documented IPV trends and prevalence rates (e.g., Das
et al., 2008), and the detrimental effects of IPV on women •• to understand the multi-level drivers of men’s
(e.g. Azziz-Baumgartner et al., 2014; Naved and Persson, perpetration of IPV in Bangladesh, including the relative
2008) and on their children (e.g. Silverman et al., 2009). importance of conservative gender norms.
There have been studies on the multi-level risk factors •• to investigate how broader political economy dynamics
that underpin IPV for women (VanderEnde et al., 2012; shape attitudes, behaviours and service provision related
VanderEnde et al., 2015; Yount et al., 2016a), with recent to IPV
work also examining the multi-level influences on men’s •• to determine the types of policy and programming
perpetration (Koenig et al., 2003; Yount et al., 2016b). that exist to tackle male perpetration of IPV, and the
Efforts to disentangle rural versus urban patterns continue associated implications for policy and practice to
(e.g. NIPORT et al., 2008). While several researchers have strengthen responses to IPV.
analysed data from either the Bangladesh Demographic
and Health Survey (BDHS) (e.g. Das et al., 2008) or the To address these objectives, this report first provides an
Bangladesh Urban Health Survey (BUHS) (e.g. NIPORT et overview of our conceptual framework, applied across
al., 2008), many others have reported on non-nationally all three focal countries in South Asia, followed by a
representative samples. Data tend to be on women’s methodology section that sets out the study sites, the
reporting of exposure to IPV (e.g. Garcia-Moreno, et al., programmes reviewed, and the tools and instruments
2006), although data on men’s reporting of perpetration used. Following an overview of existing evidence on the
is increasing (e.g. Naved et al., 2011). Bangladesh was, patterning and prevalence of IPV in Bangladesh, the report
for example, one of seven countries chosen to be part of then discusses the individual-, household- and community
The Change Project initiated by Partners for Prevention, level influences that shape experiences of IPV among those
working to prevent gender-based violence (GBV). This who perpetrate and survive the violence. We then discuss
partnership with the United Nations Development formal and informal responses before concluding with a
Programme (UNDP), the United Nations Population Fund discussion of the policy and programming implications
(UNFPA), UN Women and the United Nations Volunteers emerging from our findings.
(UNV) regional programme for Asia and the Pacific is the

Understanding intimate partner violence in Bangladesh  5  

1. Conceptual framework
The starting point of our conceptual framework builds on to address IPV (True, 2012; Denney and Domingo,
an integrated ecological model (e.g. Heise, 1998, 2011; 2013). Our framework spans both formal and customary
Fulu and Miedema, 2015;) that emphasises the interaction institutions. The formal spectrum includes legal provisions
of factors at the individual, family/relationship, community around divorce, child custody, property inheritance,
and society/culture levels and the ways in which they help sanctions around IPV and gender-based violence (GBV), as
to perpetuate IPV (Figure 1). Our framework positions well as service provision, such as shelters and counselling.
individual adolescent boys and young men at the centre, It also includes the justice sector, including the application
together with factors that shape their well-being, such as of legal provisions by the courts; police stations and
substance abuse, childhood experiences of abuse, social legal aid; legal protection and family mediation. On the
relationships and the extent to which they are gendered, customary end of the spectrum it is also important to
their current psychosocial status, and their ability to resist consider the role of religious and customary norms as well
dominant social norms around gender. as religious and traditional leaders, who are often the first
These individuals are then located in the households port of call for the resolution of local conflicts.
that shape the behaviours, attitudes and trajectories of All of these domains are situated within broader
young men. The key characteristics of a household include macro-level contexts. Variables at national level include
its economic status and educational levels, as well as weak rule of law, poor governance, under-investment
gendered and generational intra-household dynamics. in the social sector, and under-resourced responses to
Next, we emphasise the role of community social norms demographic pressures (Hickey et al., 2015). At the global
in shaping individual men’s experiences. These include level, international rights conventions, women’s and
norms around marriage, sexuality, education, the human rights movements that champion action against
gendered division of labour, the type of behaviour that GBV and IPV can all be influential (True, 2012; Roberts
should be punished or rewarded, and income-generation and Waylen, 1998).
opportunities for men and women (e.g. Marcus, 2014; Our conceptual framework envisages important changes
Mackie et al., 2012; Bicchieri, 2015). that could be made by tackling the multi-level risk factors
Less well conceptualised in the literature (and where this that underpin IPV. These changes include imposing broader
project aims to make a substantial contribution), is the role sanctions against IPV, fostering progressive masculinities
of meso-level institutions as these are vital intermediaries for and, ultimately, building a society with gender equitable
the channelling of national-level resources and standards norms and behaviours.

6  ODI Report
Figure 1. Conceptual framework – seeing IPV through an ecological and institutional lens in fragile-state contexts

Source: ODI, 2016.

Understanding intimate partner violence in Bangladesh  7  

2. Methodology
The primary qualitative research data that underpin this Box 1. Description of study sites
report were collected in 2016 from two main study
sites covering five villages in Gazipur and Mymensingh Mymensingh district has a total population of
districts. These districts have been characterised by high 51,10,272 (female: 25,71,148; male: 25,39,124) with
a male to female ratio of 0.99. The literacy rate for
IPV prevalence rates (Figure 2 and Box 1).
those aged 7 and above is 43.5%, which is below the
Data for this qualitative study were collected between
national rate of 51.8%. Around 42.2% of women
14 and 31 May 2016, using a range of qualitative tools are literate, compared to 44.9% of men (BBS, 2012).
(see Table 1). The sample was chosen purposively and Approximately 64% of ever-married reproductive
all interviews and focus group discussions (FGDs) aged women in Mymensingh reported being exposed
followed semi-structured guidelines. Key informant to physical and/or sexual violence perpetrated by
interviews (KIIs) were conducted with a range of their husband s(Amin et al., 2013). Our fieldwork in
stakeholders, including political and civic representatives Mymensingh was carried out in Dhanikhola Union
from different line departments working with GBV/ Parishad (the lowest tier of local government), which is
IPV survivors or playing a role in raising awareness. in Trishal Upazila (sub-district).
These included representatives of the Multi-Sectoral Gazipur has a total population of 34,03,912
Programme on Violence Againt Women (see also Box (female: 16,28,602; male: 17,75,310) with a male
to female ratio of 1.09. The literacy rate for those
4) under the Ministry of Women and Children Affairs
aged 7 and above is 62.6%, which is higher than the
(MOWCA), the police department and the judiciary.
national rate. Around 58.9% of women are literate
GBV and IPV service providers at different levels – compared to 66.0% of men (BBS, 2014). About 51%
government and non-governmental organisation (NGO) ever-married women of reproductive age reported
– were also interviewed. In the villages, school teachers, experiencing physical and/or sexual violence by spouse
local politicians and village leaders, NGO workers, (Amin et al., 2013). Our fieldwork was carried out
health and legal service providers and the village police in Rajabari Union Parishad (the lowest tier of local
were all interviewed as key informants. government) which is in Sreepur Upazila.
The larger study also conducted secondary quantitative
analysis on the 2007 BDHS to leverage the data that
exist and further the understanding of individual- and
community-level determinants of men’s attitudes about IPV
Table 1. Total number of interviews by study site
(see Yount et al., forthcoming) (see Box 2).

Instrument Gazipur Mymensingh Dhaka/ Total

national level

Key informant
11 10 19 40
interviews (KIIs)
Focus group
discussions 6 5 11
(FGDs)
In-depth
interviews (IDIs) 10 7 17
(adolescent boys)
In-depth
interviews (IDIs) 3 3 6
(IPV survivors)
Intergenerational
4 3 7
trios (IGTs)

Total 34 28 19 81

8  ODI Report
Figure 2. Map of Bangladesh showing the location of the study sites

Dhaka

Map of Bangladesh
1. Mymensingh district
2. Gazipur district

Box 2. Secondary data analysis using data from the 2007 Bangladesh Demographic and Health Survey (BDHS)
The 2007 Bangladesh DHS on individual men provided The results at community level corroborate theories of
rich data for analysis, including a distinct module on social norms (Bicchieri and Mercier, 2014), which posit
intimate partner violence (IPV). In Bangladesh, younger that social expectations in the community about what men
men who had witnessed male-on-mother IPV in their do (and should do) exert a powerful influence over men’s
childhood were two to three times more likely to justify behaviour. Again, our findings suggest some internalisation
IPV, control family decisions, and perpetrate physical IPV of ‘male-dominance’ norms, as young men exposed to
in young adulthood. A junior man’s older age and higher such norms were more likely to justify IPV, and in turn, to
household wealth were protective against justifying treat their wives accordingly. Finally, these results speak
IPV, and his higher completed grades of schooling were to the usefulness of ‘masculinity theory’ for its assessment
protective against physical IPV perpetration. of privileged and legitimised expressions of gender and
As expected, a younger man in a community where there the way in which communities with institutionalised
were prevalent norms of masculine dominance and violence patriarchal systems may perpetuate harmful inequities
was more likely to justify physical IPV (OR = 37.71), between women and men. The findings also signal the
control family decisions (OR = 29.08), and perpetrate importance of (and reinforce the need for) an ecological
physical IPV (OR = 4.35). Their exposure to more prevalent framework for conceptualisation, analysis and programme
norms of masculine dominance and violence was associated development. This view can help to effect changes beyond
with 4 to 38 times higher odds of violent attitudes and the individual level that grapple with broad systemic
behaviour. In fully adjusted models, younger men in factors, particularly upstream determinants of community
communities where more prevalent norms of masculine norms on the constellation of men’s attitudes and behaviour
dominance and violence remained had 4 to 30 times higher that reflect their power and control in the family.
adjusted odds of these same attitudes and behaviors. No See Yount, et al., forthcoming, for further details.
community-level control variables were associated with any
of the outcomes.

Understanding intimate partner violence in Bangladesh  9  

3. Patterning of IPV
3.1. Perceived types of IPV 3.2. Perceived trends in IPV over time
Emotional, economic and physical violence were the most There is a common perception that IPV has decreased from
common types of IPV identified in the study sites. Some generation to generation:
female informants considered a husband’s controlling
behaviour as a common and important type of IPV, as the Male 1: ‘When we were young we saw our fathers
following excerpt from a FGD shows: beat our mothers almost to death if she was
at fault. Our mothers did not protest out of
Woman 1: ‘We face violence from all around.’ fear. ... They used to stay in the relationship
and they are still in that relationship. ….’
Woman 2: ‘Everyone is abusing us as they like.
Wherever we go we face violence.’
Male 2: ‘Now, they may give a slap or two only.’
Woman 3: ‘ [Women] cannot move about freely. …
If I were a man I could do whatever my (FGD3, married men, Gazipur)
heart tells me to do. Being a woman I am
facing obstacles.’ Some informants note, however, that emotional
violence has increased, while physical IPV has decreased
Woman 4: ‘Men have more freedom. We do not over time. The main reasons for the reduction of the latter
have that kind of freedom. Now that
were believed to be poverty reduction; increased education
I am married he always refuses if I want
of both men and women, NGO awareness-raising
something or want to go somewhere. I am
not allowed anything. It was a mistake to activities; women’s empowerment through education and
be born as a woman.’ employment, the growing number of nuclear families,
female access to divorce and the promotion of gender
Woman 1: ‘Money is everything, sister.’ equality by the government.
Informants also pointed out a shift in culture that has
Woman 3: ‘ No, money is not everything... I have money.
resulted in IPV becoming more hidden. They claimed
The other day, I told him, ‘I want to [buy]
something. I don’t need money from you’. He that higher education and greater mobility, NGO
said, ‘No, you are not allowed to buy it. You activities and exposure to the wider world through
are the bou (wife) in this house so behave like internet, TV and film, have resulted in the perpetration
one.’ So, my freedom is obstructed. If I were of IPV becoming increasingly seen as a phenomenon
a man, I’d have money and freedom. I could that damages the maan-shomman (prestige, honour) of a
do whatever I wanted to do.’ man. As a result, it appears (at least from the outside) to
be either declining or just becoming more hidden.
(FGD6, married women, Gazipur)

Although sexual IPV was not mentioned spontaneously, 3.3. IPV practices in the study sites
most informants acknowledged, when probed, that it was Despite the villagers’ perception of a decrease in IPV over
happening – though many men justified it in terms of their time, the levels of IPV reported by IPV survivors were
needs and entitlements: severe. All six of the IPV survivors interviewed experienced
controlling behaviour from their husbands, ranging from
‘If the husband has the urge, it is her duty to obey not being allowed out of the home to, in one case, being
his order. … She has to be scolded. She needs to be left naked in a water tank for two days (see Table 2).
threatened with talak (divorce), which may make her
comply. … Threat of divorce is more [effective] than
beating as women are very much afraid of divorce.’

(IDI, unmarried young man, madrassa student,

Mymensingh)

10  ODI Report

Table 2. Different types of IPV reported by six survivors during in-depth interviews in Gazipur and Mymensingh

Controlling behaviours Emotional violence Economic violence Physical violence Sexual violence

Depriving a woman of food Shouting Demanding dowry Slapping Forced sex

Not providing treatment Name calling Not providing financially for Punching Frequent demands for sex
the family
Not allowing her to go out Avoiding/ignoring her Not working Kicking Avoiding sex with wife

Not allowing her to talk to Finding faults all the time Not allowing a wife to work Hitting with object (stick, Admitting another man
men cane, bamboo, branch, to bashor ghor (nuptial
wooden/iron spatula, wooden chamber/bride-chamber) to
stool and brick) test her fidelity
Not allowing contact with her Making her beg forgiveness Taking her earnings Strangling/choking
own family for something she did not do
Not allowing questions or Allowing others to abuse her Selling her assets Stabbing
complaints
Locking her up Suspicions and false Taking her property (i.e. land
accusations (infidelity, theft, and shops)
not doing household chores,
etc.)
Throwing her out of the house Not providing proper care
or not letting her in during pregnancy and after
delivery
Tying her up Severe child abuse (beating,
choking)
Leaving her naked and Deception of various types
tied up in a water tank (hiding information about
for two days a previous marriage,
extramarital relationships,
paid sex, etc.)
Forcing abortion Threats of abandonment and
another marriage
Depriving her of custody of a Obtaining paid sex
breastfeeding child
Pressure for divorce

Threats to kill

Disappearing without any

information on whereabouts

Understanding intimate partner violence in Bangladesh  11  

4. Multi-level influences
that shape IPV risks
IPV emerges from the complex interplay of multiple and women explain that working women are also at risk of IPV,
interacting factors at the individual, family and community as men felt threatened by a wife who earns an income:
levels of the social ‘ecology’ (Fulu and Heise, 2014: 2).
Drawing on our conceptual framework, we follow this Woman 1: ‘The husbands would take the money
ecological framing in presenting our findings, adding alright, but they have to be superior, don’t
another important level that emerged from the findings – they?’
systems-level risk factors.
Woman 2: ‘They would eat the food bought by the
wife’s money, but yet they would beat the
4.1. Individual-level risk factors wives.’
At the individual level, our in-depth interviews, key
informant interviews and focus group discussions Woman 3: ‘Then they would say, why have you gone to
emphasised lack of education as a key risk factor that work there? You have ruined my reputation.’
influences IPV. Referring to physical IPV, women over
25 years of age in a focus group discussion agreed: Woman 4: ‘Do you understand what kind of torture
‘the husbands who are educated usually don’t do these this is? She is working for the husband’s
things [violence]’ (FGD10, married women, Mymensingh). family and feeding the children, still she
Believing that education brought about a better gets beaten.’
understanding, women in another focus group discussion
said: ‘Violence has reduced in the educated families. The (FGD11, married women, Mymensingh)
educated people understand the real consequences’ (FGD9, Drug and alcohol addiction have become widespread
married women, Mymensingh). in the study sites in recent years, with peer pressure in
The low education of women was also seen as a risk adolescence often fuelling such addiction. Men who are
factor, as one key informant in Gazipur explained: addicted to drugs, alcohol or gambling are reported to
commonly abuse their wives. In such cases, the trigger is often
‘Women from uneducated and impoverished families their demands for money to buy substances or for gambling.
face more domestic violence than any others. Even if
parents want to educate their girl, many times women Woman 1: ‘The bou (wife) gets beaten if she tries
are forced to get admitted to madrassa instead of a to stop gambling and nesha (substance
formal public school.’ abuse).’

(KII1) Woman 2: ‘He won’t bring home food and clothes.’

Similarly, a 45-year-old father noted: ‘a girl will be Woman 3: ‘It is best not to say anything. Torture starts
married off soon, she will stay home and recite the if you say anything...’
Qur’an.’ According to him, the ability to read the Qur’an
is an essential skill that will enable her to get married. He Woman 2: ‘But there are children at home. So, women
also argued that a son will work outside the home, and ask ‘... where are the groceries?’’
will need formal public schooling. This is why he sends his
daughter to the madrassa and his son to a formal public Woman 4: ‘He would spend all earnings of the day as
school (IGT, father, illiterate, daily wager, Gazipur). well as borrowed money on gambling. ...
However, complementing the complex relationship He’d sell all household assets.’
between education and IPV in the literature, our findings
also indicated that IPV can be driven by women’s education Women 4, 5: ‘He’d sell everything. ...’
and employment. As noted in the following exchange,

12  ODI Report

 Women 4, 6: ‘... including the wife’s jewellery.’ While affairs (or suspected affairs) by women were met
with violence, affairs by men or their multiple marriages were
(FGD11, married women, Mymensingh) acceptable. Women noted that multiple marriages are still
present, even among younger men according to one FGD:
Similarly, one male key informant from Gazipur
explained that: ‘In this area, there are boys who are still pretty young
have married 2-3 times already. Whereas, they cannot
‘The dominant reason behind continuation of violence even afford to feed the wives. People still marry their
against women is drug addiction. Eradicating drug daughters to them. Those who marry their girls to them
abuse from the society would greatly reduce violence are bad and the husbands are already bad.’
against women. The Government should become
proactive in this regard.’ (FGD11, married women, Mymensingh)

Another risk factor identified was that of witnessing Extended family structures, such as sharing the home
violence in the family or in the neighbourhood and as a with in-laws, often led to family violence:
result, normalising violence against one’s wife:
‘Elder brother-in-law, younger brother-in-law, father-
‘Here are some men who have been watching violence in-law, they all beat the woman. Sister-in-law, even the
from the very early stage of their lives. Maybe his father mother-in-law beats’
had the same temper and that is why his temper has
turned the same. His mentality has become like that. He (FGD11, married women, Mymensingh).
reacts to everyone ghau koira uthe [barks like a dog]’

(FGD7, married women, Gazipur) There is evidence that mothers-in-law may have
instigated IPV between husbands and wives (see Box 3).
Married women explain:

4.2. Household-level risk factors ‘A wife whose husband treats her right cannot be abused
Several IPV risk factors were identified at household by her mother-in-law or sister-in-law. That is it. And
level including household poverty, marital conflict, if the husband gets incited by his mother’s words and
the extended family structure (which often results in starts beating his wife the moment he comes home from
conflict in the home) and dowry demands. Household work without listening to what happened, then it would
poverty was an underlying factor for marital conflict be abuse. That would be abusing a wife because of the
and was identified as a major driver of IPV. Respondents mother-in-law’
spoke about violence that is often triggered when a
wife asks her husband for money to meet household (FGD10, married women, Mymensingh)
experiences, but resources are scarce because of poverty
and unemployment: ‘one who has shortage of money will Demands around dowry emerged as a strong driver of
torture more. In that house they always quarrel’ (IGT, IPV, as noted by many respondents who stated that:
Mother, G-2, Homemaker, Gazipur).
Marital conflict also often stemmed from suspicions. ‘Everything happens for dowry. Beating, throwing her
It is commonly believed that women who disobey their out of the house and sending her to the parent’s house,
husbands and talk to other men should be punished, as in some cases they throw acid on her face. There are big
these are signs that she is having an extra-marital affair: examples of incidents for dowry.’

Question: ‘… what if the wife talks to or interacts (FGD10, married women, Mymensingh)
with other men?’
Women in this focus group explained that dowry,
Answer: ‘Then she would be divorced right away… unemployment, and drug addiction all go hand-in-hand
Nobody would keep her. You are a woman’ and have a compounding effect on likelihood of IPV:
and so am I. Now if I interact with other
man apart from my husband then is he going
to keep me as his wife? He wouldn’t. My Woman 1: ‘A girl from my neighbouring house was
husband wouldn’t keep me. Nobody would. married off with a dowry of forty thousand
taka [around $500]. … Her husband is
(IGT, mother, Mymensingh) addicted to drugs and he does not work.

Understanding intimate partner violence in Bangladesh  13  

 He just lies around all day long. If he goes therefore, widely accepted and justified by men and older
to work one day he stays home for four. women for the purposes of disciplining a wife and is not
Food was always scarce in the household.’ treated as violence in these communities.
One particularly revealing finding was that many
Woman 2: ‘Her husband and her in-laws abused her adolescent boys and girls and some young male
in many ways. None of the members of her participants held attitudes that were highly gender
husband’s family spared her. The girl went inequitable and that condoned violence.
back to her mother when she could take it Female behaviours that are most commonly seen as
no more. …’ requiring correction through IPV include: disobedience;
talking back; questioning a husband’s behaviour; lack of
Woman 1: ‘Her husband filed a case against her and perfection in carrying out household chores or in taking
they were separated. … Because she was care of the husband; in-laws and the children; going
poor she got nothing, not even the dowry anywhere without permission; communicating with other
money her parents paid her husband.’ men; non-observance of purdah and refusal of sex.

(FGD10, married women, Mymensingh) ‘People say, ‘You cannot retort back just because your
husband has hit you or scolded you. A husband can
always scold you.’
4.3. Community level risk factors
The incidence of IPV in these study sites can be explained, (FGD9, married women, Mymensingh)
in large part, by gender inequitable and IPV-condoning
norms internalised by community members. Gender These beliefs are reinforced by perceived religious
hierarchies that favour men, socially constructed femininity prescriptions, such as:
and masculinity, and rigid gender roles all encourage
the perpetration of IPV. It is believed to be a husband’s ‘A woman’s heaven lies underneath her husband’s feet.’
responsibility and prerogative to shashon (discipline) a
woman who transgresses against gendered or religious ‘Parts of the body hit by the husband will go to heaven.’
norms. Although male informants repeatedly stressed
the need to discuss issues as the best way to start such ‘A woman who disobeys a husband or does not
correction, there was little evidence of such an approach in appreciate him will have a place even in Jahannam (hell).’
the data. In fact, data from IPV survivors demonstrate that
IPV is treated as the main tool for correcting a wife. IPV is,

Box 3. Committed to marriage, despite years of torture

Joya is a 19 year-old Bangladeshi woman who has the bride price and alimony. Joya, committed to married
endured torture from her husband’s family. Despite her life, refused and her mother filed a court case to compel
suffering, she is committed to hang on to her marriage, Jasim to accept his wife back into his household.
even if it costs her life, because she grew up in a divorced Joya’s life soon worsened, with Jasim beating her
household and feels that divorce is too hard on children. constantly. In one attack, he undressed her, bound her
Joya was married about four years ago, soon after hands and feet, and left her in the water tank for two
leaving sixth grade, to Jasim, a well-off young man who days. His brother began to make sexual advances towards
had completed secondary school and is only three years Joya whenever they were alone in the house. When she
older than she is. She went to live with him, his brother refused these advances, he beat her, locked her in a room
and his wife, and her mother-in-law, who is separated and even held her fingers in boiling oil, threatening to
from her husband and controls the household. Only two throw the oil into her face if she made a sound.
months after they were married, Jasim began to beat When Joya became pregnant, Jasim convinced himself
Joya, goaded by his mother’s allegations that Joya had that the baby was not his. He and his brother made her
been unfaithful. He hit her with a broom and wooden swallow tablets and beat her belly with a bamboo pole,
spatula, breaking her arm. Accusing her of stealing a ring hoping to induce a miscarriage. While Joya was severely
(which was actually stolen by his brother), he attacked injured, she did not lose the baby until, a few days later, her
her with a knife, cutting her badly. brother-in-law kicked her in the abdomen. The next day he
Joya’s mother-in-law kept up a relentless campaign tried to kill her, hanging her from the roof by her neck and
to ensure that Joya was subservient in the family. She was only stopped at the last minute by his own father-in-
demanded that Joya’s parents pay her for accepting their law.
daughter and encouraged Jasim to beat his wife when their When we interviewed Joya she was living with her
demands for more money were not met. Eventually, Jasim mother. She was, however, trying to patch up her marriage.
abandoned Joya at her parents’ house and fled, insisting Source: Fieldwork, 2016.
that she should divorce him so that he could avoid paying

14  ODI Report

 IPV is not necessarily linked to finding fault with a Man 3: ‘For instance, at meal I’d shout at her, ‘You
woman: it can also be a manifestation of masculinity. Men f---r! What rubbish have you cooked?’
are expected to hold power and control over wives and IPV even when both the curry and the rice is
is, therefore, seen as necessary to maintain the status quo. delicious.’

‘I am a man. I have the right to order her. I ordered her (FGD2, married men, Gazipur)
not to do something, not to talk to someone, but she did
not obey me ... So, I got angry (raag, jid) and decided if IPV has firm roots in gendered social and religious
she doesn’t obey me I’ll divorce her...’ traditions in the study sites. Recent changes in gender roles
and relationships are viewed by many men as an attack on
(FGD2, married men, Gazipur) male advantage, which makes them desire even stronger
patriarchal and religious prescriptions for the control of
According to notions of hegemonic masculinity, men are women, which can fuel IPV.
the breadwinners for the family. They defend social norms, As seen earlier, in Box 2, the secondary data analysis
order and the family, even if it means using force. A man is of the BDHS 2007 data also found that variables at
often under stress, given the significant pressure to provide community level around norms of masculinity that are
for the family. At the same time, men are supposed to be major drivers of IPV.
angry, tough and aggressive. This results in an acceptance
that they can resort to IPV when angry, stressed or 4.3.1. Gender equality and pro-female policies
frustrated in order to let off steam. Some changes in policies and programmes has created
a perception of male disadvantage leading to backlash
‘Men are the breadwinners. They work in towns and against women in the form of IPV. These changes are: state
markets. They drink and take drugs. They have a lot of policy of gender equality, promotion of female education,
anger. They can’t control themselves when they get angry.’ allowing women access to divorce, increased female
employment, and NGO activities targeting women.
(IDI, IPV Survivor, Mymensingh)

Men who do not conform to such norms of hegemonic 4.4. Potential pathways of change:
masculinity are considered menda (unsmart/stupid) and norm setters
maigga (effeminate). People tease them and laugh at them. Although powerful agents of patriarchy – that is, men and
Thus, for instance, one new trigger for IPV is the older women – tend to protect conventional gender norms,
response to the banning of talak (a divorce that is obtained some important norm setters are now driving changes in
by a husband uttering the word talak three times) and those norms. According to our informants, the main norm
women’s rights to divorce. Legally, a man is now required setters are the state, NGOs, social media, and working
to pay his wife Kabin (the amount mentioned in the women and some of their partners.
marriage document as the bride price) and a subsistence The state has played an important role in changing gender
allowance for the wife and children upon divorce. This norms through its Constitution, laws and policies. Gender
is resented by men and is thought to have increased IPV equality, for example, is embedded in the Constitution,
where husbands try to end the marriage without making women’s rights to divorce are mandatory and a stipend
such payments. Few women have the capacity or support programme to promote female education and abolish gender
to pursue a legal divorce, so men resort to extreme IPV, differences in primary education and enrolment at secondary
hoping to drive the wife away without a filing a formal school level has been established.
divorce request. Divorces are often negotiated by leaders
from the husband’s village, where he has leverage and ‘The Government is at the core of change (in gender
negotiating power, and as a result, women rarely receive relationships). Earlier there was ekok right (exclusively
the full Kabin and subsistence allowance. Indeed, they men’s right). Now, there are equal [gender] rights.’
often have to surrender the dowry paid by their natal
family. (FGD2, married men, Gazipur)

Man 1: ‘If a man doesn’t like his wife anymore he’d NGOs have widened women’s networks beyond their
abuse her. He can divorce her.’ families, promoting female mobility, making women
aware of gender issues and rights, and providing them
Man 2: ‘No, getting a divorce would require paying with access to microfinance. NGO programmes have also
her money. So, I’d mistreat her.’ created awareness about the Dowry Prohibition and Child
Marriage acts. As a result, women have become more

Understanding intimate partner violence in Bangladesh  15  

conscious of their rights, more confident, vocal, mobile and Working women and some of their partners have been
economically empowered. seen as agents of change as economic opportunities for
females within and outside Bangladesh have expanded
over time. The manufacturing sector in the country
Woman 1: ‘Now we go to many meetings and hear employs more females than males, reducing the financial
many things, we get to learn and realise dependence of these working women on men.
many new things. We can now answer
questions.’ ‘Be it men or women, those who have mobility and own
income command some power. [No wonder] that many
Woman 2: ‘In the past women were not so women do not give their earnings to their husbands.’
courageous.’
(FGD3, married men, Gazipur)
Woman 4: ‘When I got married I was scared of my
mother-in-law and my husband. I did ‘The wives with money master more power. In those
not talk much in front of them. ... I felt families husbands tend to do as the wives wish. Many of
a deep-rooted fear. When my husband [these] husbands look after the children when the wives
used to call me, I felt scared thinking if are at work. [Men] who are good cooks as well.’
his mother told him about any of my
mistakes then he might beat me. But now, (FGD8, married women, Gazipur)
if they say something unjust then I protest
immediately. Why would they impose blame Female employment opportunities abroad allow women
on me? I can now unveil their injustice face to earn a substantial income and to make huge contributions
to face. Once I do that my husband has to to the family through remittances. Female overseas
consider the injustice before speaking to me. migration is accompanied with much higher mobility and
Isn’t this a change within myself?’’ earning power. Despite perceptions that these women engage
in sex work (generating very negative social attitudes about
(FGD10, married women, Mymensingh) them), they often have greater decision-making power in the
family and sometimes even in the community than many
Social media and other channels of communication, other women.
such as TV, cell phones and the internet have created mass
awareness about gender equality, the Dowry Prohibition
and Child Marriage acts and the Women and Children
Repression Act.

‘In the early days, the government decisions were known

through radio. Now, people have cell phones and TVs.
Most importantly, it is the era of the internet now. If
anything happens now, the whole world gets to know
about it through Facebook.’

(FGD2, married men, Gazipur)

16  ODI Report

5. Responses to IPV
5.1. Services for survivors areas, rural women and girls have fewer options. Study
At the forefront of the response to GBV/IPV is the respondents note that those living in rural areas not
provision of medical, legal and psycho-social services only lack transportation, but are also more likely to be
to meet the needs of women and girls who have been confined to their homes because of broader restrictions
victimised. Both NGOs and the Government are on their mobility. One female interviewee from
heavily involved in the provision of such services. One Mymensingh (KII 21) explained that in her area there is
key initiative is the Multi-Sectoral Programme on only one BRAC community health promoter, and that
Violence Against Women, which aims to strengthen the person works only with pregnant women. She herself
integration of GBV prevention and response services (see acts as a Community Health Promoter (CHP) for the
Box 4). The further evaluation of such programmes is International Centre for Diarrhoeal Disease Research,
necessary, however, given their unclear impacts (personal Bangladesh (icddr,b) but no other organisation works
communication). in the area, because of ‘the backward and inconvenient
NGOs also provide services for survivors. The commute system of the area. Even no chairman visits
woman’s activist organisation, Naripokkho, for example, this area, thus there is no development here.’
implements the UNICEF-funded Women Friendly Hospital
Initiative, which helps hospitals to become more women-
friendly by establishing VAW service centres. BRAC 5.2. Protection services
implements a range of programmes at local level to connect Women are protected against VAW primarily by informal
survivors to the services and support they need. BRAC also support networks in their immediate environment,
runs a hotline that provides survivors with psychosocial especially family members and neighbours. Respondents
support and links them with other services. felt that rural women enjoyed more of this type of
While medical and legal care services for survivors of protection than urban women.
VAW are relatively accessible in urban and peri-urban

Box 4. The Government’s Multi-Sectoral Programme on Violence Against Women

The Multi-Sectoral Programme (MSP) on Violence Against The MSP is staffed by more than 700 people and
Women is implemented jointly by the Governments of includes helplines, 20 regional trauma centres, 30
Bangladesh and Denmark and aims to develop a holistic One-stop Crisis Centres (OCCs) and Violence Prevention
and multi-disciplinary approach to GBV. Launched in Committees. Helplines are staffed by university qualified
2000, and led by the Ministry of Women and Children and trained personnel, most of whom are women who
Affairs (MOWCA), the programme focuses on: help those affected by violence to contact local police
and women’s representatives. According to an interview
•• improving and consolidating integrated services with one of our key informants, a proposed fourth phase
related to violence against women (VAW) of the MSP aims to establish nine more OCCs in Dhaka
and open eight more trauma centres [KII 26]. Future
•• increasing awareness of VAW and related public
goals also include work on trafficking, which is common
services among relevant institutions and the public
in border areas where there is trafficking towards
•• developing the institutional capacities of MOWCA India, Nepal and China through Myanmar, and on the
and key government agencies to improve inter- prevention of child marriage.
ministerial coordination and action on VAW
•• achieving targeted legal and procedural reform to
enhance the prevention and redress of VAW cases.

Understanding intimate partner violence in Bangladesh  17  

 As the following representative of a donor organisation Box 5. New online spaces for violence
in Dhaka explained, there is a:
Study respondents reported that one of the new
spaces facilitated by modern urban life is virtual.
‘... huge difference between urban and rural areas,
Unfortunately, the risks that space can pose for
women are more vulnerable to violence in slums. In
girls and young women are all too real. According
rural settings, there are social settings, people know
to a senior researcher from BRAC, ‘the use of
each other. Slum inhabitants are forced to live with each technology such as mobiles has increased violence by
other, there are no social networks. So the support needs increasing interactions between girls and boys.’ These
to be provided quicker.’ interactions are dangerous, s/he added because ‘most
boys and girls have not learned yet how to behave
(KII 28) with one another and technology has come too fast.’
In some cases, girls pose for what they believe to
Our KIIs also suggested that the fast pace of change in be private pictures and videos, only to discover that
Bangladesh is creating new spaces for interaction that can they have been shared online. ‘There is a lack of law for
breed violence (see Box 5). guaranteeing consent’, explained a key informant from
Community Legal Service (CLS) (KII 38, CLS). Girls
consent to photos, ‘but not necessarily to share them in
5.3. Justice system responses the public domain. In other cases, the contact facilitated
by mobile phones leads to ‘rape cases by boyfriends’.
In this section, we explore responses (largely at village level) Recognising this new and growing threat, in early
that combine formal and informal, traditional and modern 2016 Bangladesh hosted its first expert consultation
systems, as well as the penalty process for perpetrators. about online violence against women and girls
(VAWG). This involved practitioners from the fields of
5.3.1. Informal processes law, media, technology and women’s rights (BLAST,
Both community members and NGO practitioners stressed 2016). Participants highlighted issues around social
the critical importance of Bangladesh’s local arbitration stigma for victims of online violence (e.g. how women
system (shalish), a traditional informal justice system are called ‘bad women’), but also how ‘consent’ is
through which small panels of influential local figures help understood by technology users.
Key informants noted that while new technologies
resolve the disputes of community members, including
are opening virtual spaces for VAWG, they are also
those related to marital disputes. In most cases, however,
serving to prevent and respond to it. For example,
this reliance on informal arbitration puts the onus on a many adolescents use their mobiles to listen to
woman to continue tolerating violence and remain with an radio programmes, including UNFPA programming
abusive husband, all in the name of protecting his family’s (KII25, UNFPA).
social status. A woman from Gazipur explained:

‘In cases like this, elders from both the husband’s There is also evidence of corruption in these processes.
and wife’s side sit for a discussion; they try to resolve One male informant in Mymensingh, for example,
the problem by talking. And they decide and tell the explained that bribes are sometimes offered and accepted
(abused) women to go back to their abusive husbands to ensure that reports are never filed. Bribes are also used
and manage. All the advice and suggestions for avoiding to ‘throw’ or even reverse rulings, making women look
VAW is always targeted towards women (the abused). foolish. He said that when it looks as if shalish might rule
This is inculcated in the collective mind-sets of these in favour of a woman, the husband ‘bribes the influential
family discussions: that women should suffer and people in that meeting/arbitration to bend the decisions
tolerate abuse against them. They should try to continue to his favour’. As a result, many women do not come
their marriage no matter what.’ forward to seek justice as they fear not only their husband,
but also criticism and a loss of dignity for the family (KII
She continued, ‘these situations are tied to social status 17).
and family honour, people think discussing or getting
outside help will harm their social image.’ 5.3.2. Formal processes
Alongside the informal arbitration systems are the village
(KII 13) courts (made up of five members), which are government
institutions and are usually approached only after the
shalish has failed. However, a lack of knowledge among
women about their right to approach the police and

18  ODI Report

initiate formal procedures means that survivors rarely according to one key informant. Indeed, the director of a
access these formal systems. women’s shelter in Gazipur noted that the victims are often
Women’s access to formal justice is also limited by effectively punished far more than the perpetrators:
their families. According to a male respondent from
Mymensingh (KII 15), ‘It is forbidden by the family to ‘[…] There is a contradiction in the treatment of early
get into any legal case.’ Reporting is also hampered by the marriage cases where women are obliged to stay in the
police. While they are, as officers of the law, ostensibly shelter until the age 18 unless they choose to return to
charged with protecting and supporting survivors of their parents, whilst men only stay in prison for a short
VAWG, corruption is rampant (KII 23) and police officers amount of time.’
all too often refuse to open a case unless paid to do so.
While the Government should, in principle, bear the (KII 9)
cost of all legal expenses in cases of VAWG (KII 23),
financial barriers also prevent some women, especially the NGO-provided legal aid is seen as vital to support
poorest and most rural, from accessing formal justice. Even victims who have decided to report abuse. BLAST
where legal fees are waived, transportation costs can be (Bangladesh Legal Aid & Services Trust)1 and Community
prohibitive, particularly for rural women who must travel Legal Service (CLS)2 are key players here.
longer distances. It is clear from the data that people are
not aware of the availability of public funding from the
District Legal Aid Committee (DLAC) since 1994. 5.4. Prevention: building awareness
to tackle GBV
5.3.3. Under-reporting of IPV Overall, key informants agreed that the Government of
Legal processes also complicate survivors’ access to formal Bangladesh has limited capacity to adequately address
justice: ‘Reporting violence is a very difficult process, and VAWG, especially from the perspective of prevention.
many people would drop back mid-way’, explained a key They noted that agencies and departments were under-
informant from BRAC. staffed, that staff were poorly trained, and that there
An array of other stumbling blocks to both was poor coordination and limited leadership. Most
reporting and punishing offenders was also noted by importantly, they highlighted the invisibility of women
key informants. First, VAWG – especially within the in debates and dialogues.
household – is seen as a private affair and is, therefore, Key informants agreed that government capacity
rarely reported. ‘Even if someone tries to intervene, they was particularly weak at local levels, where women
are bluntly told that “It’s our headache; we’ll worry were rarely included in efforts to prevent and address
about it,’’’ added a woman from Gazipur (KII 13). VAWG. ‘Women members are like showpieces. Just like
UNDP’s gender adviser (KII 22) added that if a woman flowers in the flower vase,’ explained a key informant
brings a rape case to court, there needs to be two or three from Mymensingh (KII 24). Where they are ‘elected as
witnesses: ‘Who will admit to that? And even if they do, members of the union council’ or allowed to sit on local
who will come forward? It is seen as shameful. The whole violence-prevention committees, even educated women
system is already set up against it.’ are ‘not taken very seriously’.
Second, even when crimes are reported, perpetrators Given the limited government capacities around
are all too often seen as justified in their actions because prevention, donor organisations (including UN agencies)
of the social norms that continue to value men and boys and NGOs are heavily engaged in raising awareness
over women and girls. This can be seen in the way cases about VAWG.
get ‘stuck’ in the local arbitration system, rather than being One key way in which organisations are working to
handled by the formal legal system that is supposed to raise awareness is by facilitating dialogue at household
protect citizens’ rights. and community levels, using a wide range of techniques,
The formal legal system can even be subverted by including television and radio programmes, street theatre and
perpetrators’ claims that they have the right to commit community discussions. What matters, according to some
violence. Local-level judicial actors (judges, magistrates KIs, is that programmes are targeting several generations at
at district level, police, lawyers), who are often poorly once, creating spaces in households and communities for the
informed about the letter of the law, appear all too willing discussion of topics that have never been discussed between
to believe these claims, resulting in low conviction rates generations before. Targeting fathers-in-law (Shashur) and
and sentences that are far shorter than the law dictates mothers-in-law (Shashuri) was also mentioned by some

1 www.blast.org.bd.
2 http://communitylegalservice.org.

Understanding intimate partner violence in Bangladesh  19  

key informants as an approach for programming. Others appear to be paying off: between 2009 and 2014, the
emphasised the importance of programmes that work with number of female police officers doubled from 1.8% to
both women and men (and girls and boys). 5.24% (UNDP website).3
Working through schools, with even the youngest Respondents had mixed views on whether religious
children, was seen by all of our key informants as a leaders should play an important role in prevention efforts.
critical point of engagement in the fight against VAWG, Some saw them as central, given their influence over
both because children spend so much time in school social norms. Others believed that they were less relevant
and because it is an age-segregated and co-educational in today’s modern world, and some felt that they might
space. As the director of a women’s shelter observed, slow progress, given the rise of religious extremism that is
‘Teachers should start teaching students at young age threatening recent progress on gender rights more broadly,
what it means to have healthy relationships’ (KII 9). and VAWG specifically.
It was also pointed out, however, that education is not
a panacea, with some teachers often seen to perpetuate
discriminatory gender norms.
Efforts are also underway to build awareness and
improve the capacity of local police departments by
providing gender awareness training to officers and
supporting the hiring of female officers. Naripokkho,
for example, runs a variety of projects to make police
services more accessible to survivors of VAWG, including
encouragement for the hiring of more women. Such efforts

A counsellor at the National Helpline Centre for Violence Against Women and Children, Bangladesh © Fiona Samuels ODI 2016

3 www.bd.undp.org/content/bangladesh/en/home/operations/projects/democratic_governance/police-reform-programme-phase-ii.html

20  ODI Report

6. Policy landscape
shaping IPV responses
The policy framework in Bangladesh, which recognises 30
different types of violence, spans a number of conventions
Box 6. Conventions, policies and Acts relating to
violence against women in Bangladesh
and laws on violence against women (see Box 6). Key
informants state that there are several ‘good laws’ (KII28)
that ‘empower women’ (KII1). Indeed, as seen in Box 6, •• Constitution
and in the 2014 Human Rights Commission report of the •• Convention on the Elimination of all forms of
Special Rapporteur on violence against women, laws such Discrimination against Women (1979)
as the 2011 National Women’s Development Policy: •• The Dowry Prohibition Act (1980)
•• The Family Courts Ordinance (1985)
‘...seek to reduce violence; eliminate discrimination; •• Convention on the Rights of the Child (1989)
increase access to education, health and employment; •• Suppression of Violence against Women and
and address the special needs of older women, women Children Act, 2000 (the Nari O Shishu Nirjatan
with disabilities and women from indigenous and Daman Ain, 2000 (NSA))
marginalised communities.’ •• Domestic Violence (Prevention and Protection) Act
(2010)
(HRC, 2014: 10) •• National Children Policy (2011)
•• National Women Development Policy (2011)
Despite this solid policy framework, there are some •• Domestic Violence (Prevention and Protection)
limitations. Our key informants reported gaps in the Rules (2013)
implementation of laws and policies, in particular. •• Deoxyribonucleic Acid (DNA) Act (2014)
A representative of donor organisations added, ‘there •• (Draft) National Psychosocial Counselling Policy
are good laws but the implementation is weak, rates of (2014)
conviction are low’ (KII 28).
Some key informants also suggested that laws continue
to reflect conservative gender norms. Others felt that their
language was biased, while some noted that a number of beforehand to prevent VAW/IPV’ (KII 16). There are
crimes against women are still not recognised as such. Rape many reasons for this, according to our respondents. Some
in marriage, for example, is not recognised as a crime unless explained that prevention is a far larger task than mitigation,
the bride is under the age of 13. Similarly, IPV between as it requires coordinated efforts to address the root causes
partners who are not married is not recognised as a crime. of abuse. These include many of the issues outlined earlier
Key informants also noted that because violence happens in this report: the unequal gender relations into which girls
everywhere, it should be addressed across a whole range of and boys are socialised from birth, the threats of poverty
sectoral policies. Educational policies, for example, should and unemployment, and alcohol and drug abuse. A number
address violence at school (KII 40). of key informants noted that poor prosecution rates are,
Some respondents pointed to the country’s limited focus in themselves, implicated in the country’s lack of efforts
on prevention as the primary issue with implementation. As to prevent GBV and IPV. ‘You don’t have any legal action
a key informant from BRAC observed, ‘Most government against perpetrators… to ensure prevention of violence,’ said
organisations and NGOs work with post-VAW and post- one key informant from UNFPA (KII 25).
IPV situations. No one is effectively raising awareness

Understanding intimate partner violence in Bangladesh  21  

7. Conclusions and
recommendations
This report highlights the changing yet persistent ways in gendered social norms are already entrenched among this
which intimate partner violence remains a reality for girls group of adolescents. Therefore, we recommend working
and women in Bangladesh. The data suggest a tension with younger adolescents (aged 10-15 years) to promote
between traditional gendered norms and changing gender attitudes that are gender equitable and that reject violence.
roles, responsibilities and dynamics as a result of increased The study findings identified the main norm setters as
female education, employment, mobility and empowerment. being the state, NGOs, social media, and working women
This tension drives IPV, both directly and indirectly, and some of their partners. It is essential, therefore, to engage
with a wife who breaks any conventional gender norm these groups in IPV prevention work to a greater extent.
commonly corrected by the use of IPV. The contribution We have also identified key recommendations,
of this tension to IPV is indirect when it promotes the risk opportunities for their implementation, potential
factors that fuel such violence, such as the widespread implementers and possible challenges that may arise
dowry demands that promote child marriage. as a result.
Despite evidence that men want to punish women for
transgressing conventional norms, they were not found •• Promote broader definitions of IPV that include
to stand in the way of educational opportunities for their psychological, physical, sexual, and economic forms.
daughters, granddaughters or sisters. On the contrary, This can be done by building on standardised
many families readily accepted female employment measurements for IPV as well as identifying culturally
opportunities. It seems that most men demonstrate resonant indicators, as agreed by academics,
contradictory attitudes and practices when they deal educationalists, and regional bodies. Opportunities
with the transgression of gendered norms. They may be include future regional meetings and spaces where it is
conventional when dealing with their wives and other possible to promote dialogue among academics, civil
women in their community, but they renegotiate their society and educationalists. One foreseeable challenge is
conventional attitudes and legitimise these changes when to ensure that the definition of IPV adequately captures
dealing with their granddaughters, daughters and sisters, the regional variations within Bangladesh on IPV
imposing stricter purdah norms (i.e. hijab and burkah). attitudes and behaviours.
Varying degrees of internalisation of gendered
norms by a family may lead to different IPV outcomes. •• Engage with men and boys to better tailor programme
Female employment, for example, may result in IPV in interventions by identifying entry-points where
households if the husband is opposed to female mobility different groups of men and boys are most likely
or income earning. But that is not the case in every to be receptive to messaging – including religious
household. In some households, employment will give a institutions (e.g. mosques), schools, youth groups, cafes
woman greater economic independence and household and sports. This could also be achieved by influencing
decision-making power. curricula development, and working with role models
IPV is also driven by today’s perceptions of male of positive and progressive masculinities, including
disadvantage, and by men’s resulting fears about loss celebrities or progressive religious leaders. However,
of power and control. Attitudinal change among men one challenge could be the risk of backlash by boys and
is, therefore, critical to address IPV. The importance men, especially if such efforts are not carried out in a
of educating and working with men cannot be culturally conservative way.
over-emphasised.
Evidence shows that it is easier to change the attitudes •• Address men’s exposure in childhood to gender-based
and behaviours of adolescents and young people than violence. According to the quantitative findings, young
those of older people. This study suggests, however, that men who were exposed to male-on-mother physical
many adolescent males and females over the age of 15 IPV were at higher risk of justifying IPV, controlling
years have views that are no less gender inequitable or family decisions, and perpetrating physical IPV. Trauma-
violence condoning than adults. It seems that conventional informed interventions with men should be considered

22  ODI Report

 to address in a complementary and comprehensive resulting from limited funding and institutional prestige
fashion all forms of gender-based violence that when it comes to dealing with GBV and IPV. Other
contribute to IPV perpetration against women. challenges include the lack of demand for action, given
the often hidden nature of IPV, limited awareness of
•• Map key institutions at different levels and engage existing services and problems around legal loopholes
strategically with them by expanding the availability of and elite capture that undermine reporting, prosecution
information and building the skills and knowledge of and transparency /accountability.
service providers to prevent, screen for and respond to
IPV, including referring cases of IPV within and across •• Programming approaches must respond to the multi-
the justice, legal, protection, health and education level influences of IPV and the regional patterning of
sectors. This can also be achieved by prompting legal IPV. This can be done by ensuring the promotion of
reforms to criminalise certain IPV behaviours, such an inter-sectoral and multi-level approach through a
as marital rape, and by prosecuting and sentencing national coordinating agency or inter-agency working
IPV perpetrators. Opportunities for such actions can group. It should be stressed that attention must be
be maximised by harnessing existing local structures, paid not only to programming that addresses IPV
including formal and informal justice systems, the specifically, but also to opportunities to mainstream IPV
gathering of country learning around promising prevention and responses through programming related
practices, and measures to enhance reporting of IPV to to a range of other areas, including women’s health,
better test and strengthen justice and police systems. livelihoods and economic empowerment, food security,
Several challenges include limited resourcing and lack infrastructure and transport.
of gender budget monitoring, and the lack of incentives

A security guard at the women’s shelter in Gazipur © Fiona Samuels/ODI 2016

Understanding intimate partner violence in Bangladesh  23  

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Understanding intimate partner violence in Bangladesh  27  
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