XXX10.1177/2158244013499144SAGE OpenDaruwalla et al.

research-article2013

Article

SAGE Open

Violence Against Women With Disability

July-September 2013: 1­–9
© The Author(s) 2013
DOI: 10.1177/2158244013499144
in Mumbai, India: A Qualitative Study sgo.sagepub.com

Nayreen Daruwalla1, Shruti Chakravarty1, Sangeeta Chatterji1,

Neena Shah More1, Glyn Alcock2, Sarah Hawkes2,
and David Osrin2

Abstract
We conducted open-ended interviews with 15 women with disability who had reported violence in a preceding survey.
Emergent themes included a lack of acceptance by families, the systematic formation of a dependent self-image, and an
expectation of limited achievement. Emotional violence was particularly emphasized, as was perceived structural violence
stemming from social norms, which led to exclusion and vulnerability. Violence in the natal home was an issue that had been
relatively uninvestigated.

Keywords
violence against women, India, Mumbai, disability

Background Impairments are deserved and intrinsically punitive. Two

other perspectives on disability are also common. From a
I think our society gives too much importance to what is
charity or welfare perspective, disability speaks to an idea of
considered normal. Normal as in, if someone is physically fit or
is married . . . whatever their thinking may be, they will be victimhood with which campaigners against violence against
considered normal and they will be given importance. But, if women are familiar. The individual with disability deserves
there is disability . . . then this is considered wrong and there is sympathy and is dependent on the assistance of others. From
no acceptance from society . . . (D01, 30 years, visual a biomedical or rehabilitative perspective, disability encom-
impairment) passes defects that require clinical intervention. Pervasive as
they are, these models are outmoded in disability discourse.
Social norms in India are influenced by values such as pro- The United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons
ductivity, the right to private property, and patriarchy With Disabilities (UN CRPD) recognizes that disability can
(Ahmed-Ghosh, 2004). Much is made of the rule of law, the be seen as a collection of hindrances to participation in soci-
institution of marriage (Goel, 2005), the family as a social ety, a product of the interaction between people with impair-
unit, and the importance of religion. The family—able-bodied, ments, attitudinal, and environmental barriers. This model
heterosexual, and engaged in socially acceptable liveli- locates disability in relation to structures rather than with
hoods—is the fundamental social unit. The history of the the individual. A rights-based model broadens this position
Indian women’s movement has been one of focus on poverty, by promoting acceptance of diversity through nondiscrimi-
caste, and employment, issues such as dowry and sati, popu- nating environments and inclusive social processes, to level
lation control and female feticide, sexuality, and domestic the playing field by tackling the visible privileges of the
violence. Its agenda has not, generally, included disability. able-bodied. Finally, in a cultural model, disability repre-
Critical feminist analysis of disability in India was initiated sents a pervasive system that, through stigmatization of
by, among others, Renu Addlakha (Addlakha, 1998, 1999, impairment, informs our notions of self, family, society, and
2001, 2005, 2006; Addlakha & Das, 2001; Davar, 1999; sexuality. Garland-Thomson argues that the system defines
Dhanda, 2000; Ghai, 2002a, 2002b; Hans, 2003). These fem-
inist scholars challenged the disability movement and the 1
Society for Nutrition, Education, and Health Action, Mumbai, India
women’s movement. 2
UCL, London, UK
An idea common in India is that disability represents a
Corresponding Author:
personal flaw. Able-bodied people are the “corporeal stan- David Osrin, UCL Institute for Global Health, Institute of Child Health, 30
dard” (Kumari, 2009), and—from a moral perspective— Guilford Street, London WC1N 1EH, UK.
disability arises as a consequence of karmic misdeeds: Email: d.osrin@ucl.ac.uk
2 SAGE Open

the relationship between bodies and their environments and Data Management and Analysis
prescribes a set of practices that produce both the able-
bodied and the disabled (Reproductive and Sexual Health Each woman was interviewed once, at a location of her
Issues, 2010). choice, typically in her home or accommodation, an office,
If women with disability do not physically measure up to or—less frequently—a public space. We took written con-
able-bodied standards, neither does society expect them to sent. Interviews lasted an average 70 min, were digitally
do so. In many cases, they are not expected to adopt the roles recorded and transferred to secure files on a password-pro-
of wife and mother. Women with disability do not, however, tected computer. Original audio recordings were deleted
quietly acquiesce to this. They may struggle against negative after transfer and access was restricted to the study coordina-
stereotyping in an attempt to develop a positive sense of self tor and data analysts. Interviews were transcribed verbatim
within bodily and societal limitations, a struggle that does and translated into English (Easton, Fry, & Greenberg, 2000;
not often leave space for celebration of difference and pride McLellan, MacQueen, & Neidig, 2003), following a pre-
in one’s individuality (Addlakha, 2006). In a series of narra- defined protocol to ensure consistency of transcription.
tive interviews with young people with disability, gender Transcripts also included the researcher’s observations of the
was a defining element of the disability experience, but interview setting, the reactions and behavior of the respon-
meshed with elements such as class and caste, family com- dent, reflections on the interview process, and additional
position and dynamics, and geographical location. Experience information not captured digitally. Respondents’ names and
of segregation and inclusion influenced informants’ opinions other identifying information were removed or replaced with
on marriage and family life and their social behavior, and, pseudonyms. Transcribed, anonymized interviews were
although the charity model of disability was slowly giving imported into NVivo version 7 qualitative data analysis soft-
way to a human rights model, the transition was far from ware (QSR International), on a secure computer. The master
complete (Addlakha, 2007). This study presents the findings list was prepared with anonymous codes and was stored in a
of a series of follow-up interviews with women with visual locked cupboard.
or locomotor impairment. The analysis was carried out through a series of meetings
and online discussions that emphasized the extraction of
themes from the data. We followed an iterative process, using
Method findings from initial interviews to inform subsequent lines of
inquiry. We examined the qualitative data using a framework
Setting approach, incorporating some principles of grounded theory
The study was carried out in Mumbai by the Society for for initial coding (Green & Thorogood, 2004; Lacey & Luff,
Nutrition, Education and Health Action (SNEHA), a non- 2007). From the outset, members of the research team read
governmental organization. It was one of the three—in India, and reviewed the transcripts of all the interviews to familiar-
Bangladesh, and Nepal—that formed a project on under- ize themselves with the data. We kept analytical notes on our
standing violence against marginalized women in south Asia reflections on them, to include in the analysis and to inform
(Dutta, Weston, Bhattacharji, Mukherji, & Joseph, 2012). further data collection. We developed an initial thematic
framework from both a priori and emerging issues and used
open coding to identify, examine, compare, and categorize
Design and Procedures individual pieces of data. We followed this with axial coding,
During an initial survey interview, we asked women who whereby the codes and categories were rearranged to look for
reported an experience of violence if they would be interested connections and associations between them (Strauss &
in participating in a later in-depth interview. We were able to Corbin, 1990). The involvement of multiple researchers
generate a subsample within the strata used for the survey. helped us question our coding framework, propose new
Two pilot interviews were carried out to develop a better codes, and offer alternative interpretations (Barbour, 2001).
understanding of the process, and subsequent interviews were As a result, we were able to refine our framework as further
conducted by four senior researchers. Beginning with a topic data were collected, discussed, and analyzed. These data, in
guide to key areas of interest, respondents were asked to the form of summaries and interview extracts, were copied
recount instances of violence and locate them within their into a table to compare and contrast themes and categories
wider experience. The guide included open-ended questions across cases. We then used this information to write a series
about the respondent’s self-perception (e.g., her body image of more detailed descriptions, interpretations, and explana-
and personality), family environment and social networks, tions of our main findings. We used an ecological framework
sources of psychological and social support, perspectives on to conceptualize women’s experiences of violence (Heise,
life as a woman in India, the idea of violence, experiences of 1998; Krug, Mercy, Dahlberg, & Zwi, 2002). Designed to
violence, and responses and coping strategies. Interviewers understand the origins of gender-based violence, the frame-
used spontaneous probes to clarify information and to explore work emphasizes the reciprocity between people and their
in more detail other aspects of respondents’ narratives. environment, recognizing the complex interplay between
Daruwalla et al. 3

personal, situational, and sociocultural factors. It considers passed my father used to say this. But what is that “she can’t
individual development and personality, interactions between see” I could not understand, but there was some association with
individuals and the subjective meanings they assign to them, that. But I didn’t know what it was. (D03, 50 years, visual
the formal and informal social structures that influence an impairment)
individual’s environment, and the broader cultural values and
beliefs that permeate and inform the other levels. Most of the women with visual impairment had attended
“sighted” schools with teachers who were supportive of their
needs. In contrast, women with locomotor impairment
Research Governance and Ethical Issues reported feeling more isolated and had their schooling dis-
The study was overseen by a steering group and approved by rupted because of the need for medical treatment and time in
the joint Institutional Ethics Committee of the Anusandhan hospital. Institutional discrimination in the form of unequal
Trust and the University College London Research Ethics access to education was reported by a few respondents who
Committee. We prespecified in the study protocol that partici- struggled to gain admission to regular schools or to take
pants should freely choose to be involved, at a time and place exams. This was usually due to an inability to accommodate
of their selection, and could withdraw at any time. Interviewers the girl’s needs, a fear that she might have an accident, or
were trained in discussing sensitive issues and mechanisms concerns that “she won’t be able to keep up with the normal
put in place for referral for support. The research team identi- students.” In the family environment, women described early
fied organizations that would be accessible to participants and experiences of feeling “not accepted,” first, because of gen-
could provide timely and appropriate services. Investigators der, and then because of disability: “When I was born there
were equipped with the contact details of organizations across was no acceptance. First of all she is a girl, and then she is
Mumbai who had consented in writing to accept referrals. All blind.” They described how their parents’ disappointment at
such referrals were documented and followed up to meet the having a daughter was compounded by the discovery that she
requests made by respondents. A protocol was followed for also had a physical impairment:
action in cases of violence, abuse, or distress. Clarity on the
I was born normal but [even] from then only I was not accepted.
responsibility of the researcher for inadvertently provoking
Before me [were] three daughters, so there was no happiness, no
any action by respondents was also established.
enthusiasm when I was born. Then, when I was two or one-and-
a-half years, I got polio. After getting polio I was completely
Results unacceptable. Completely unacceptable. They did not accept me
and then they sent me away to my maternal grandmother’s
We interviewed 15 women with disability. Twelve had visual house. (D08, 43 years, locomotor impairment)
impairment, 2, locomotor impairment, and 1 had both. Eight
were between the ages of 18 and 30, four were in their thir- Few of the respondents reported severe physical violence
ties and three were older. Five were married. Ten women during childhood. Although being hit on the legs by a teacher,
were Hindu, 4 Muslim, and 1 was Christian. Five came from smacked by a mother for disobedience, or being yelled at by
poorer socioeconomic strata, 4 lived in hostels, and others a father were events that “put a lot of fear into us,” they were
lived with their natal or marital families. Two had not had considered “very, very minor incidents of violence.” More
any formal schooling, 3 had attended up to the 10th standard, common were neglect and verbal abuse, at home and at
and 10 beyond. Nine did not have a job, although 1 of them school, largely driven by attitudes to disability.
ran a small home-based business, and 2 others were learning
vocational skills. My mother and father did not pay me much attention. Sometimes
my aunt would look after me. When I fell ill, she admitted me to
the hospital but no one from my family came to look after me.
Childhood and the Self (D14, 20 years, locomotor and visual impairment)
Many of the respondents had grown up around able-bodied
siblings and friends and described their childhoods as “sta- The impact of such events on women’s self-perception
ble.” Some reported not being particularly aware of their meant that some “began to believe it.” While some parents
impairment in childhood, and interacting with their siblings took measures to protect their daughters from accidents, oth-
on an equal footing. As they grew older and were influenced ers denied them the opportunities enjoyed by other siblings
by other people, however, they began to feel different. because they “did not see the need for me to go out or have
things.” Derogatory comments from peers and family
We [brother and I] used to play with friends’ children around us. reflected a belief that disabled children were incapable and
I never thought I was blind. But only when my father used to say unemployable:
when I passed from one room to the other, when his friends used
to come he used to say, “She can’t see.” I did not know English In my childhood, there were comments I faced from my family.
much, but there was some association. Because whenever I It was verbal. I remember [my father’s sister] used to call me
4 SAGE Open

“phutki” [damaged] . . . In school also we had to listen to Many of the experiences in childhood continued into
comments like, “Blind people are going to become beggars adulthood. Accounts of physical abuse and mistreatment in
only—that is your future.” So that used to make us feel like, adulthood were less common, though, than other forms of
really we are not capable of anything . . . ” (D01, 30 years, visual violence. In light of a widespread popular belief about physi-
impairment)
cal violence that “such things happen in all families,” the
focus on articulating other forms of abuse suggested that
Parents who felt that a daughter with locomotor impair- women found them equally distressing. The anticipation of
ment was of little use seldom offered encouragement or con- possible physical violence, especially within the marital
sidered ways in which they could help her overcome the home, the temporal nature of injuries caused by it, and the
challenges of living with her impairment. In extreme cases, incomprehensibility of inflicting psychological, emotional,
parents thought that disabled daughters were better off dead: and economic violence on a wife might explain why respon-
dents emphasized them in their narrative accounts. When
[My father] felt what should he do with me, she is very nice,
physical violence did occur, it was usually in a milieu of
but what to do with her? They never thought about me in a way
that I could do anything on my own and that we can help her to emotional, psychological, and economic violence.
do that. They could not understand that responsibility. They Respondents’ constructions of their identities were influ-
never wondered what I want to do; they did not think that I enced by social constructions of disability, their own experi-
would be able to do anything. He used to feel that dying was ences of living with a physical impairment, and the attitudes
the best possible option for me. (D08, 43 years, locomotor and behavior of those they interacted with. Emotional, psy-
impairment) chological, and physical self-violence could not be under-
stood as isolated acts; they were as much impacts as they
Less extreme measures for dealing with the stigmatizing were behaviors. Self-defeating beliefs and negative con-
effect of having a disabled child in the family included keep- structions of the self were common, particularly among
ing her out of sight: women who had endured persistent physical or psychologi-
cal violence. Being constantly spoken down to or treated as
I remember my father’s sister . . . she was very bad. When guests disabled tended to lead to an internalized stigmatization of
would come she would not let me come out, I could not meet one’s own disability. Feelings about the impact of their phys-
them. She would make me sit in one corner. She would not let ical impairment on their family, and being made to feel a
me go in front of the guests so that they would not come to know burden, led some women to self-blame and a sense that “I am
that there is a blind child in the house. (D01, 30 years, visual the problem.” Within marriage, strategies to deal with the
impairment)
pressure of bearing children, together with fears about them
inheriting an impairment, included anticipating separation
Sexual “misbehavior,” usually by members of the from the husband to bring up a child alone.
extended family, was not unknown and ranged from “gaz- At least three respondents reported contemplating or
ing” to inappropriate touching. Episodes of sexual violence attempting suicide. One was motivated by the fact that her
often went unreported, either because parents disregarded family had considered her disability so undesirable (beside
them or because they held their daughters responsible. In her gender) that her father had wanted her to die, and another
situations where the abuse was likely to continue, some explained that
women had felt that their only option was to leave home:
. . . if I was a burden on everyone, if I was causing all my loved
I don’t go home now. My Mama’s [maternal uncle’s] gaze was ones so many problems I should just go away from the scene.
not good. I tried to inform my mother but she just wouldn’t listen Then I attempted to kill myself but it was my misfortune that I
to me. I also told my grandparents in Bombay about my Mama.
survived. (D08, 43 years, locomotor impairment)
They told me to stay away [from him]. I haven’t gone home now
since eighth standard. (D12, 24 years, visual impairment)
Intimate partner violence
Importantly, in the context of childhood, sexual violence
Women’s experiences of domestic violence included emo-
was constructed not only as the act itself, but also in terms of
tional and verbal insults, withholding money, threats of aban-
the unwillingness of parents to acknowledge it:
donment or physical violence, and actual physical violence.
They were rarely one-off occurrences and typically involved
By seventh or eighth standard . . . there were instances of
[sexual] misbehavior with me [at home] around that time, but I a combination of several types of violence over a period.
could never share. When it first happened I told my mother Spousal alcohol use, forced marriage, disputes with in-laws
about it, but she said that it must be my fault that it happened. So and the tendency for husbands to take their mothers’ side,
after that I never told her anything . . . when someone misbehaves and suspicions of infidelity were described as key factors.
with you and you tell your family and they don’t believe you, Although the respondents themselves did not perceive their
that is also violence. Both are violence: the misbehavior and the disability as a causal factor, it was an additional dimension to
not believing. (D10, 20 years, visual impairment) their experiences of violence:
Daruwalla et al. 5

My husband drinks. He never paid the rent of the house we were to the violence, it was evident that gender and physical
living in. For 1 year he did not give rent and all the things in my impairment were used to make violent threats:
house were taken away. I lost everything I had brought from my
maternal home. Is this the way to manage a married life? . . . You tell They started hitting me. At that time I was sitting on this slab
me, does he have no responsibility? I have been married to him for 9 with wheels and I fell down. When I got up, they hit it again and
years. I was 17 years of age. I was blind and my parents were in a it went towards the steps, but I stopped it. I would have got hurt
hurry to get me married off. He is a sighted man. When he married . . . My youngest brother said that they could harm me more than
me he knew I was blind. Then why did he marry me if he can’t this, they would harm my child also, and told me not to complain
behave properly towards me? (D11, 28 years, visual impairment) to the police, they also told me that they had more strength than
me. (D08, 43 years, locomotor impairment)
The most vulnerable women seemed to be those who
were married off at an early age by parents who no longer Other forms of family violence included abandonment
wanted to take responsibility for them or were concerned and exclusion. Women perceived the stigma associated with
about their ineligibility as wives: the families of able-bodied their impairments and the resulting social exclusion as acts
men often had strong reservations, such as a belief that the and impacts of violence, as they caused them to be and feel
marriage would fail, “a fear of the unknown,” or the percep- excluded. Similarly, women who were deprived of agency
tion that a disabled person’s home is a “sad house.” These experienced a reinforced sense of “being” disabled and feel-
stigmatized attitudes sometimes continued after marriage: ings of isolation and helplessness:

Right from the beginning, she [my mother-in-law] and her When [my brother and his wife] go out they don’t take me. They
family were against their son marrying a blind girl. There was no leave me back, alone [starts crying]. They just leave me and go
acceptance . . . My mother-in-law told them [her family], “She is away. When I tell them they say, “We will not take you. What
not married to my son.” (D11, 28 years, visual impairment) will you do?” There is nothing I can do. They do go away
leaving me here . . . [They say], “I don’t like to take you out with
The husband’s authoritative role in the household was a me. I won’t take you.” I am alone. I don’t have a choice. If I had
commonly described feature of marital relations, and even a a choice I wouldn’t live in this house. But I don’t have a choice.
supportive husband “keeps control of everything.” And they make sure that I realize that. [They say] “Aye, you are
handicapped. Do as I tell you. Eat what we tell you to. Live like
My husband keeps control of everything. Sometimes he will ask we tell you to.” Kabool [I accept]. There is nothing I can do,
me to spend. My daughter got married. I wanted to give right? When my father was alive, all of us brothers and sisters
something to her. She wanted a pair of bangles. I said we will did everything together. I never felt I was handicapped [crying].
give her. When there is a need and there is a happy occasion we I never felt like that. But now every moment they make me feel
should give her. If we can’t give at this time then what is the that I am handicapped. Now I have begun to feel that, yes I am
point of having that money? I felt very bad. At that time I handicapped. (D07, 57 years, locomotor impairment)
couldn’t give her anything. She spent her money. Having my
own income I couldn’t give. I felt very bad. It’s a feeling of Stigma was typically related to being ashamed of having
complete helplessness . . . (D03, 50 years, visual impairment) a disabled person in the family or being “worried about what
people will say.” Discrimination often originated from the
Minor marital conflicts, quarrels, and attempts to hurt each common belief that disabled people “don’t have the capac-
other emotionally were not usually considered violent, although ity” to do things, or the view that, “she is blind so she is use-
physical violence was more likely if a wife’s behavior trans- less.” The notion that disabled people are more prone to
gressed acceptable gender norms or caused suspicion: accidents led some parents—albeit with genuine concern
to protect their daughters—to deny them the opportunity to
. . . He beat me up till I was bruised. He had never beaten me learn mobility techniques or travel by train, even if they
like that before. We used to have verbal quarrels but this was expressed a desire for independence. Exclusion from family
very bad . . . When he got suspicious of my friend he beat me up
affairs often continued into adulthood. Besides a feeling of
very badly . . . He had never beaten me like this before. He
neglect, this was interpreted as ostracism:
dragged me out of the house and beat me. I was in a state of
panic and shock. (D11, 28 years, visual impairment)
[My younger brother and his family] never say, “She is a
member of our family. And this is a family function so she must
Violence in the natal family be taken along.” The fact that you [younger brother and his
family] don’t take me along means that you don’t consider me
Respondents were vulnerable to violence from natal families a part of your family. You neglect me . . . My brother’s son came
in a variety of ways. Women who had defied their family’s from the US. Everyone went to the hotel to eat. They did not
wishes—for example, by marrying across religions— take me. Why? Because his wife told them, “I feel ashamed of
described suffering psychological and physical violence, her.” So everyone left me and went to the hotel. And I understood
typically from a father or brother. Although it was difficult to that they do not consider me family. (D06, 57 years, locomotor
know the degree to which disability might have been related impairment)
6 SAGE Open

Experiences of violence from family members did not In the absence of accommodating environments and facil-
depend on physical acts or overtly abusive behavior, and ities for people with disability, women were usually expected
were often more subtle: to manage on their own. They often felt that requests and
complaints were met with indifference or were not taken as
[My family] would never say a word, an abusive word, but they seriously as they would have been if they had not had an
made you feel like that . . . You can make out in the way someone impairment.
welcomes you and even if someone does not welcome you but
just negates you. Negating you is just terrible. And then on my I was searching for a job as well as pursuing some courses I
birthday, to come and wish me happy birthday when they thought would be useful. However, the response I heard from
negated me at every other time. When no one has even spoken to people made me feel that there is no use to all my education. I
me before my birthday for 4 days, especially when my heart is began to feel that blind people have no option but to keep
dying to talk to you, to be loved by you, then how would I feel? studying all their life. Despite having education nobody wants to
(D08, 43 years, locomotor impairment) give a job to blind people. (D01, 30 years, visual impairment)

Violence in public spaces Some women perceived that institutional discrimination

was directed at their disability more than their gender:
Physical challenges and perceptions of women with disability
as defenseless made them easy targets. Verbal and physical Usually the police are very rude and indifferent to the blind
sexual harassment by strangers occurred in public spaces, person. Suppose something happens, then the police will say to
trains, and buses. Women were vulnerable to exploitation the blind person, “How will you recognize a person? How can
because of their dependence on others for support and, possi- we catch the person?” (D03, 50 years, visual impairment)
bly, as a result of men perceiving them as sexually available:
Disability was an additional layer of violence on top of
Harassment happens in public. People have behaved badly [with widespread gender bias, a double-discrimination. Respondents
me] while traveling in public transport. Or under the excuse of felt that people often assumed them to be incapable of doing
helping me people have done weird things. Even in private everyday activities, fulfilling expected gender roles and par-
transport there is harassment. Recently an incident happened ticipating in education or work life. This perception included
and so I remember. I took an auto to reach college and just at the the belief that they were “dumb” and not to be taken seriously.
gate of the college he [rickshaw driver] touched me here [points Some people also considered women with disability to be a
to her breasts]. (D10, 20 years, visual impairment)
burden, or as individuals deserving pity or sympathy:
Behavior that would usually be unacceptable in public I think people feel that if you are a girl and you are blind, you
might be spuriously legitimized by the need to “help”: have no brains and you cannot understand anything. I mean, I
don’t know, how do they think like this? There is no respect.
. . . In most cases, the men, they hold our hand, they run their And the opinion about girls is also not great to start with. Then
fingers over us. When we tell them to hold the stick, they say they wonder how will a girl accomplish anything? So in the
directly, “Why don’t you let us hold your hand?” . . . Then context of a blind girl this factor of what will she achieve in life
sometimes they touch us, put their hands around our shoulders is very high. Then they say, “Arre arre, bichari [oh, poor thing]
while passing us or crossing us. They sometimes make dirty . . . She looks beautiful but she is blind.” And I feel, what is the
comments. (D01, 30 years, visual impairment) connection between looking beautiful and being blind? (D10, 20
years, visual impairment)
Violence from society
Discrimination targeted specifically at disability was inherent The impact of violence
in many of the respondents’ narratives. Structural forms of Naturally, physical violence led to a fear of further beatings
violence included inequalities in access to work opportunities and a sense of vulnerability. Social exclusion and isolation
in private or public institutions, and some respondents had from the family, neglect, and being made to feel a “burden”—
been denied jobs and social support. General discriminatory “I am the problem”—led to psychological and physical dis-
attitudes of potential employers toward women with impair- tress, and more than one respondent had attempted suicide:
ments were often explained as concerns that they would not
be able to “keep up” with colleagues, would be less produc- I become hysterical. The thought stays in my head—it doesn’t
tive, or would be incapable of completing the work. go away. I keep thinking, they are neglecting me, they are
neglecting me. My blood pressure rises. I try very hard but the
The government departments that I have had to work with thought doesn’t leave my head. My nature is like this. I cannot
initially were resistant and didn’t want to take me on . . . I would change it. I feel really very bad. I cannot control myself. Life is
always be confronted with questions, “What can you do? Why miserable. Nobody is fighting for me. (D07, 57 years, locomotor
are you here?” (D05, 35 years, visual impairment) impairment)
Daruwalla et al. 7

Notions of disability that reduced women to deficiencies distress by accepting, for example, family requests to restrict
related to their physical impairment ran the risk that, “one their mobility.
then doesn’t want to try, and becomes quiet and loses inter-
est.” These attitudes played an important role in influencing My sister-in-law says you are not supposed to take any unwanted
how respondents viewed themselves and what they felt they risks. That is the reason I don’t go out of the house. She also says
were and were not able to do. Although many felt that they to avoid the risk. Till the moment it is possible to avoid the risk.
were capable of cooking and traveling alone, any negative (D02, 38 years, visual impairment)
self-perceptions they held were likely to be further reinforced
by a lack of encouragement and autonomy: Discussion
I can do everything. I can even cook. I clean. I manage myself. In qualitative interviews with women with disability, the
So how can I be handicapped? Let me give you an example: common motifs were an idea of not being accepted by their
breakfast and tea is made in the house for everyone. The same families, childhood formation of a dependent self-image, and
breakfast and tea is made for me. So food is made for everyone. an expectation of limited achievement. Respondents’ con-
They are not handicapped but food is made for them right? Then structions of their identities were influenced by social con-
why do they say to me that food and tea is being made for me structions of disability, their own experiences of living with
because I am handicapped? Then it takes on a different
impairment, and the attitudes and behavior of those they
implication: that we have to do it for you because you cannot do
interacted with. Violence was rarely one-off, and usually a
it for yourself. (D07, 57 years, locomotor impairment)
combination of emotional and physical abuse over time.
Structural violence was a pervasive concern. Women’s narra-
Another effect was a reinforcement of beliefs such as “I
tives were characterized by difficulties in resolving their
must be disabled.” The cumulative impact of attitudes and
identities against concerted disapproval and internalized
behaviors was experienced in at least two dimensions. It was
guilt.
detrimental to the woman’s self-confidence and was likely to
One of the central findings was the complexity of the idea
result in a deprivation of opportunities:
of violence. First, women who did not report physical vio-
. . . Even a handicapped person has ability, and people treat lence nevertheless articulated many of their experiences as
them in this way then a handicapped person will not want to violence, the most obvious examples being their descriptions
even use that much ability that she has. (D08, 43 years, locomotor of the structural violence inherent in social norms. There is a
impairment) taxonomic challenge here: Is the concern of a woman with
visual impairment that she will not be able to complete a
PhD—because of logistic and social challenges—a violent
Responses and Coping experience? At what point does the lived experience of ineq-
While some women strove to prove themselves capable, or uity become violence, and is there a danger of the debate
to “be like normal women,” others restricted their mobility becoming a competition for what counts? Second, we formed
and life choices. the—somewhat provocative—impression that for some
women, the psychological effects of nonphysical violence
It’s definitely restricting, it’s limiting. There are also certain were more pervasive. Perhaps this reflects the general tolera-
restrictions and limitations that I have also imposed on myself. tion for domestic violence in Indian homes (Special Cell for
For instance, I have not . . . even though I have gone through Women and Children, 1997, n.d.). Women with disability
mobility training, I have not chosen to travel on my own, and so who had been physically abused nevertheless dwelt more on
I still have somebody who travels with me. So it is sometimes a the cognitive and emotional effects of marginalization and
lot . . . anxiety-provoking, since I am dependent on somebody
on the ambiguities in their loved-ones’ attitudes: physical
for help. (D05, 35 years, visual impairment)
assault is a nonambiguous form of communication.
By extension, the interconnectedness of forms of violence
The pressure of proving oneself to be accepted and treated
causes problems in framing our idea of it. The ecological
with some degree of normality fell on the women themselves:
model had the benefit of being simple to understand, but we
struggled to fit women’s accounts neatly within it. For exam-
In experiences with education I decided that I have to prove
myself and my capabilities. Since I have a disability, I am left ple, a suicide attempt is a clear example of self-directed vio-
with no option but to prove myself and I did that. So all the hard lence, but it arises from negative ideation linked with low
work that I could do, I did, without complaining. So I coped self-worth, emotional violence and marginalization, and
fairly well with my studies. (D01, 30 years, visual impairment) broader social mores. To fail to acknowledge each of these
levels of violence would be to miss important contributors to
Some women used problem-focused coping strategies to a woman’s well-being. It also has implications for recom-
carry out tasks that would usually be done by sighted people, mendations. Clearly, social change is necessary if we are to
partly to prove themselves. Others worked to limit their validate the experiences of marginalized women and prevent
8 SAGE Open

violence against them: change at the level of policy, culture, Archana Rednekar oversaw finances. Wasundhara Joshi, Executive
community, and familial behavior. What is more challenging Director, and Priya Agrawal, Operations Director, provided high-
is to decide where to put the emphasis. level support at Society for Nutrition, Education and Health Action.
Women with disability often felt excluded from main- We thank Geetanjali Mishra, Executive Director of CREA, for pro-
viding us with the opportunity to conduct the study.
stream activities. Growing up with impairment, many had
been left out of family functions, religious festivals, sports,
and extracurricular school activities. They had also been Contributors
teased and had limited numbers of friends. One of the out- All authors contributed to the design of the study, criticized drafts of
comes of a marginalized existence was invisibility, silence the report, and read the final version. N.D., Sh.C., S.C. and N.S.M.
being an epistemic form of violence. Women with disability did the interviews. G.A. oversaw qualitative analysis. N.D., Sh.C.,
described experiences in which family members had negated S.C., G.A., and D.O. wrote sections of the first draft of the paper.
their identity or existence. This negation extends to all levels, D.O. was responsible for subsequent collation of inputs and redraft-
ing. S.H. conceived the study and was responsible for multisite
up to the Government, which responded only after nation-
inputs. N.D. supervised the project and is guarantor for the paper.
wide protests from disability groups that they should be
included in a census and counted as citizens of India (Ghai,
2000a). Declaration of Conflicting Interests
Most of the campaigns against violence have focused on The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect
its occurrence in the marital home. Our findings suggest that to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
the supposedly protected environment of the natal home has
often been a site of violence. While women in general may Funding
be prone to higher incidence of violence in natal homes than The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support
their male siblings, women who are seen by their families as for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: The
different from the norm have faced particular violence in an study was one of three funded by CREA through a grant from the
effort to minimize their perceived deviance. Our study shows Dutch Ministry’s MDG3 Fund.
that women with disability faced violence in the form of
neglect, control, restricted mobility, forced marriages, and References
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