C H A P TE R

Food,Cuisine,and
CulturalExpression

Thischapterexplorestheculturalandsocialsignificance of foodandcuisine.It stanswith

an overviewofsone significantthemesin theanthropology offood. Thenextsectionpro-
videsa historicalsketchofandbackdropto majorLatinAmericanandCaribbean foodsand
cuisines.Thethirdsectionfocuseson therelationship betweenfood ritual,andsocialrela-
tionshipsby first examiningthesigniflcanceofguineapigsin theAndesandEcuador,and
thenexploringideasaboutfoodandpollutionin Trinidad.Thewaysin whichfoodandcui-
sineare importantfor genderidentitiesandrelationships in Ecuador.Jamaica,andBrazil
are subsequently discussed.How food andcuisineloom importantin the construction of
nationalidertitiesin BelizeandMexicois raisedin thefifth section.Attentionthenshiftsto
thesignilicance ofthe widcspreadculturaldistinctionbetwcenhot andcoldfoods.Thc last
sectionfocuseson thc importance of prcparingandsharingtamalcsfor itinerantMcxican
farm workers.

Foodand Culture
What pcoplecook andeat.what sortsof food they share,and how,why, and in which
contertsrhel'do so. constitutca powerfulanalyticwindow into understanding cultural
erpression andidcntity,as well as socialrelationships, Diet-thc types,proportions.
andnurrinonalvalucsof foodseaten-andcuisine-thekindsof mealsor dishesthat
arcpreparedandsharcd-all revealimportantinsightsinto historyandthc construction
of culturc.It is difficultto imagineMcxicowithoutmaizc,or think of Mexicans(or
MexicanAmerjcans in the UnitedStates)shunningmaize-based dishcssuchas tacos
and tamales.It is likewischard to cnvisageCaribbeanand CentralAmcricanpeoples
doing without rice and beans,or spurningthe almostendlessvariety of bananaand
plantain-based dishes.If, as somehavesuggested, "we arewhat we eat" andif, as may
certainlybc thecase.". , . to eatis to livc [and]to live mustbe to cat" (Mintz 1994:103f-
then it likewise follows that we can learn a great deal about Latin American and
Caribbean cultureby focusingon diet andcuisine.(IndeedthroughoutSpanishspeaking
LatinAmcricaandtbe Caribbean, it is in the sphereof agriculture, crops,andcuisines
that an abundance of indigenousandAfrican loanwords.aswell asenormousvariabil-
ity in Spanishlexicalterms,exists.)

250
 Expression
andCuitural
Foo4Cuisine,

To reflect on and ask questionsabout food and cuhure-to inquire about the
meaningsoffood in differentsocietalcontextsis, asMintz (1994:104-105) tanta-
suggests,
mountto ponderingourselves humanspecies:
asa culturallyconstituted

Eatinghabits. . . are not only acquiredhabitsbut also historicallyderived

habits,uninscribed in our natures,exceptby earlysociallearning.Thoughall
peopleshaveideasaboutwhatfoodsaregoodfor them,in no cultwe do they
eateverything. What is more,no peopleeatsonly what is thoughtto be good
for them. . . This aspectof our behaviorhasto do with the uniquelyhuman
capacityto createa symbolicworld,andthenbothto callit realityandto treatit
asteal.

But what doesan anthropologyof food-the field of culturalanthopologythat centers

attentionon the socialandculturaldimensions of food and cuisine(Mintz and Du Bois
2002f-specificallyreveal?Whatis explicitlyleamedaboutdomainsofculturein specific
socialandhistoricalcontexts?
In TheAnthropology of FoodandBody: Gender,Meaning,
andPower,Counihan (1999:6-8)providesan elegant answer:

Foodis a many-splendored thing,centralto biologicalandsociallife.Weingest

foodoverandoveragainacrossdays,seasons, andyearsto fill our belliesand
satis! emotionalas well asphysicalhungers. Eating togetherlies at theheart
of social relations;at mealswe createfamily and friendshipsby sharing
food. .. Similarly,whensocialrclationsare bad eating can be painful and
unpleasant. . . . An examilationoffoodways-behaviorsandbeliefssurround-
ing the production,distribution,and consumptionof food-reveals much
aboutpowerrelationsandconceptions of sexandgender,for everycoherent
socialgrouphasits own uniquefoodways. . . Class,caste,race,andgender
hierarchiesaremaintaine4in part,throughdifferentialcontroloverandaccess
to food.One'splacein the socialsystemis revealedby what,how much,and
with whomoneeats.

As Counihannotes,oneimportantthrustin theanthropology of foodhasbeenthewaysin

whichpreparingandeatingfoodreflectandmakestatements aboutclassandotherhierar-
chicaldifferences. Thispointhasbeenechoedby Mintz andDu Bois,who statethat"like
all culturallydefinedmaterialsubstances usedin the creationandmaintenance of social
relationships, food servesboth to solidifr group membershipand to set groupsapart"
(2002:109).Analogousarguments havebeenmadeby Johnsson(1986)aboutBolivian
Aymara-speakers andSandstrom (1991)in a MexicanNahua-speaking community.
ln the opening paragraphof his bookRemembrance of Repasts:An Anthropologyof
FoodandMemory,Sutton (2001:I ) recallsthefollowing:

"Food andMemory?Why would anyonewant to rememberanlthing they had

eaten?"Thissardonic
comment,madeby an Oxforddon,seemedto sumup the
252 cHAprER e

response
whenI presenteda paperon the topic in 1996at the department
of
anthropology
at Oxford.

Yetit now seemsclearthatfood-its preparation, consumption. andsharing_alsoserves

to incirememory,powerfulryignitingpastexperiences. This is importantbecause, asmany
anthropologistshavelong recognized, cultureis both symbolicallyand historicallycon_
sffuctedin the courseof daily practice.Thus,the kinds of foodsand cuisines,waysof
preparng them, and contextswithin which they are eatenand enjoyedfunction as
reservoirsof memory-how the pastis recalledtmemoriesof commonheritagespurred;
andthepast,present,andfutureinterpreted (Mintz 1994104 pilcher1998;Mintz andDu
Bois2002:100).In manyways,"thepastis usedasa t.esource for imaginingan alternative
future"(RorveandSchellingl99l;52).Thispointpoignantly comesacrossin waysthat
food,identity,andmemorysurfaceamongSalvadoran immigrantsin theUnitedStates(see
In TheirOwnWords9.I ). In Washington, D.C.,foodpreparations anddispiaysduringfesti_
valshaveanalogous consequences (Cadavall99g).

IN THE IR OWN W O RDS 9. I

Food,Socialitliand IdentityAmong Salvadoran
Immigrants

For Latin Americanimmigrantsin the United crrnr6ia.which has subduedmove,

States,cooking and sharingfamiiiar meais is a ments,the teenageperformersacted
powerfirlvenuethroughrvhichmemoriesare kept out the sensuousmovementsof the
alive,socialiryis underpinned,
anda senseofiden- salsa. . . I slippedout of the audito-
tity is continuouslyre-crealed.Stower'sresearch rium. . . curioustoseewhatwasoccur-
aud freldnotesamongSalradoran tmmrgranrs ln ring in the cafeteria. . . here in the
the United Siates(2003)demonstrates rhe nulti- kitchen. . . rvasthe culinarystageof
ple conlextsin which food and cuisine loom so Salvadoran immigrantidentituWhere
importanr. by day ethnic lrish cafeterialadies
servedthe tvpicai Anencan school
Celebrating Christmas iunchfareoffrozenpizzaandchicken
It was the night of the Celebruaon nuggets, this evening Salvadoran
Navideia, and the Salvadorarcom- w,omenclaimedthis culinary space.
rnunrtyconvergedat the local public Theyhadheapedthesilversteamtable
schoolaherhorrrs to . . clalmthiscib pans,which usuallyheid cannedveg-
spacefor their o$n to celebrate,to etablesand mashedpotatoes,with
praisetheir children,and to reaffirm fieshlymadecomegzisada, unot cort
their culture and community pollo, andarroz curtido . . . Salvado-
AlthoughtheeveningwasSalvadomn, rans. . . on reprievefrom a da),timeof
little ofwhat washappenjng on stage hard low paying labor filied them-
seemedto be traditionalSalvadoran selveswith the convivialiryof good
Jitlclorico . In conhast to the food.Theychattedin Spanish not only
 Food.Cuisine,and CultuialE\F.ejslcn

IN T H E IR OWN \\' O l i l )\ 1t)\' f tN {" ' E n

'
':
about their children here bur also home,"sheremarked. . . Maria seta
aboutthosetheyleftbehindin . . . rhejr largepieceof meaton the plate and
homeland-aplacedrstant andimag- surroundedit with the aromaticveg-
ined becausethey could nor retum. etablesand a mound of rice. She
Tonight,Salvadorans in GatewayCity placedthe dish on the kitchentable,
sat in the starknessof an Anerican in front ofher wearyhusban( along
school cafeteria, tmnsversingthe with the wann stack of tortillas.
politicalboundanesof immrgrantsLa- Although he had to eat quickly, he
tus, dreamingand eating El Salvadoq savouredhis dinner,eating it "Sal-
together.(187-189) vadoranstyle"-usitg a tortilla to
scoop up each bite. With every
Dinner at Home rnouthful of this ideal Salvadoran
Tonight Maria was making carue meal, he tastedmythical notionsof
gutsada,a beef stew of vegetables his life in El Salvadorand the hope
infusedwith onion and lomato. of the life he wishedto live here.In
Shehadthreepansgoingon thestove this chaotickitchenin the middleof
at once,plus tt'e comal fot lhe tor- Gate\.vayCity's poorest neighbor-
,i//ar. . . . "Why are you cookingso hood, for a few mom€nts,he con-
much, Maria?" I asked.It wasa hot sumed"the good life" in Salvadoran
Wednesdaynight. Maria was obvi. terms; he could feel like he "had
ouslytired;shehadonlyjusl returned madeit" and was king of his castle
from her long day at the foam fac- before rushing off to his night job
tory. *My irusbandand brother-in- cleaningoffices,(230-231)
law expecta big mealwhenthey get

Mintz (1996b)addsa slightly differentangle to questionsaboutwhat food and

cuisinemean.Twofundamental featuresof Caribbeansocieties,aspreviouslyemphasized
(seeChapter4), weresugarplantationagricultureand slavery.The economicsof slave
piantationagricultureencouraged andenabledslavesto grow subsistence cropsandfeed
themselves on marginallands,andthusnot all aspects ofthe livesofslaveswereunderthe
constantsurveillance of nastersandoveneels.ln some(but certainlyrct all) ways,slave
groupsandcomrnunities resembled whatareknownaspeasants--ruralcultivatorswith a
subsistence-o entedstrategybasedon agriculture(or agriculturewith pastoralism/animal
husbandry), andeconomic, political,andsocialsubordinationto elites,suchaslandowners
(WolfI966;Silverman1979).Kearneyis oneofmanywhobelievethat'\vhater,er !"lidity . . .
[thepeasant category]. . , mayoncehavehad,hasbeenoutdistanced by contemporary his-
tory,"for "peasantsaremostlygoneand. . . globalconditionsdo notfavortheperpetuation
of thosewho remain"(1996:l-3). The ethnographic vignetteof the cornrnunityof San
Jer6nimoin ChapterI (seethe "Why Studythe Anthopologyof Latin Americaandthe
Caribbean?" section)exemplifies, accordingto Keamey,thesechanges.
Hence,not all aspects ofthe everydaylivesofslaveswererigidly controlledby their
maste$/owners. In fact,despitetheir enslavement, Afiicansworkingon sugarplantations
2 54 c HA p rER e

enjoyeda greatdeal of autonomy--fleedom. accordingto Mintz--cspeciallyin the realm

of food and cuisine.tsy grou ing their ou n cropsand pleparingtheir own mealsandthose
of their ou'ners,Aiiican slayesrverc able to fbrge distinctivecuisines(the bedrockof
"traditional"dishescottsumed today)andat the sametime influeucethe tastesandcuisines
ol their mastets:

Whal the slavesgo1to eat.u,'hatthey could produceor catchto eat.and how

they came to createa cuisincof their orvn becamebuildilg-blocksof slar,e
cuLture. . . slavesnot only hadtasteand canonsoftaste.but also. . . theirtaste
in food influencedthe tastesof their masters.Many of the foodsthe masters
rvouldcome to eat and prize in so-calledslavesocietiesthey would learn . . .
liom slaves.. . . Il the act of creatinga cuisine. . . slavescameto enjov an
unanticipated freedomofnraneuver. . . the tastrnqoffreedom$'aslinkedto the
tastingof lbod. (Minrz I 996b:36-37)

Historicaland Cultural Sketch

of Latin AmericanFood
Pre-Colunrblan peoplesof i-atinAmericaandthe Caribbeanconsumeda rvidespectruntof
abundantfoods.Evidencefiom archeologyand physica)anthropologvon the healthand
nutntionofLatjn AmericanandCaribbean1reoples ptiol'tothe EuropeanConquestremains
spotty and, at times. inconclusive.Ditferentialaccessto tbod inevitablyaccompanied
socialstratifieation and the evolutionofpolitical complexity,and indigenouspeoples*ere
not freeof discase, wariare,or periodicf'amines. Nevertheless. broadreviervsofthe health.
diet, and nutritionof pre-Colunlbian peopleshavenot uncoveredwjdespreadand systen-
atic nutritionaldeilcjenciqs lMerbs I992: Dufour 1994:llem l994: Larson1994;Ubelaker
1995 :S te c k celt a l . 2 0 0 2 ).
In Mexico and most of Mesoamerica. the four most jmportantdomesticated crops
rveren.nize.chiii peppers,beans,and squash.Thesecropswere quite nutritious.High in
complcxcarbohvdrates andproteius.nlaizeand beansarean c:peciallynutritjouscombina-
tion: \ len eatentogeth€r.they complementeach other'sdeficienciesin essentialamino
acids so they becomeas nutritiousas anirnal proteins(Superand Vargas2000:1248).
Squashand chili pepperswere also a nutritionalbonalza for Mesoamerican peoples,as
Pilcher( 1998:l2 ) eloquentl), notesl

Squashaddedtracemjneralsand u,ater,importantbenefitsin the arid climate.

Roundingout thc basicdiet werethe renlarkabl)nutritjouschilepeppers.
They
suppliedvitaminsA and C as well as variousforms of B. aided digestion,
inhibitedintestinaldisease.
and evenhelpedlorverbody tenperatures by caus-
ing sweating,which coolsbj/ evaporation. Pre-Columbian peoplesalsorecog-
nizedthe chilet pharmacologicaluses. . .

It is not surpnsjngthat a greatdealof symbolicimportancewas aftached to maizebecause

it wasthe centerpiece ofthe Mesoamerican diet.The rvordraai:e.originallyrecordedirorn
Food, Expression
andCultural
Cuisine, 25s

Arawak-speaking Taino Indians,means"life-giving seed" (Fussel 1999:42;Keegan

2000:1261). "In Guatemala," SuperandVargas(2000:1248)tell us, "one Quich6Maya
wordfor maizeis kanc,whichmeans'our mother."'Maize(in theform oftamales),choco-
late, andhumanblood werecrucial ritual offeringsto the nobility andsupematuraldeities
Further,the Aaecs (Mexica)"calledbabies'maizeblossoms,' younggirls were 'tender
greenears,'anda warriorin his prime represented 'Lord Corn Cob"'(Pilcher 1998:18).
Variations ofthe Mesoamerican tamalappearelsewhere in contemporary LatinAmedca:in
Argentina,Ecuador, parts ofnorthern Chile,Bolivia, and Peru tamales are calledhumintas,
whilein Venezuela, Colombia,andadjoining areas they are refertedro as hallacas. ln Cen'
tral America-Nicaragua, for example-tamalesare called nacalanal, which, unlike their
Mesoamericancounterparts,are wrappednot in com husksbut banana leaves (Downey
2001:1604).
Fermentedmildly alcoholic,and nutritiousbeverages were alsopart of the daily
Mesoamerican diet.Of particularimportancewaspozol, madeout of maize(Superand
Vargas2000;1250), as well aspulque,producedfrom the agavecactusplant-Similarper-
mutationsofmaize-based beverages appearin CentralAmerica.ln Nicamgua,for instance,
thebeverage is
ciiclri made flom fermented com,whilecom flour with waterarethebasis
ofpinol and ground tortillasandcacao form thebasisoflsre (Downey2001:1604).
In theAndes,thefoodsupplywaslikewiseampleandnutritious.Thebulk ofthe diet
consisted of a wide spectrumof root crops,of which the potatowasthe mosl irnponant.
Thousands of varietiesofpotatoes,adapted to virtuallyeveryimaginableecologicalniche
ecrossthevastAndeanmountainregion,havebeenidentified.Althoughthe lossof biodi-
versityis anever-present threat-Weismantel ( 1988)notesthefewvarietiescurrendlso\1n
in Ecuador-in manyAndeanvalleysmorethanonehundredvarietiesareharlested(Brush
1992:163). As lateasthe mid 1980s,alrnostthreedozenvarietiesofpotatoeswerecultl-
vatedin a singleQuechua-speaking communityin Cochabamba, Bolivia(Sanaba 1993)
Maize also entered local diets and cuisines, and was synbolically siglificant in
householdand community rituals.Andeans also cultivated quinoa and tan i, tw'oespe-
ciallynufiitioushighaltitude indigenous grains thatare packed with proteinsand oils.(The
formeris cuuentlyadvertised asanimportanthealth food on dozens of IntemetWeb sites.)
Due to the peculiarities of the landscape thatallowedAndeansrelativelyeasyaccessto a
wide spanofecologicalniches(theecologicalcomplementarity oftennotedby Andeanist
ethnographers; seeChapter2), nutritioussub-tropical foodssuchaspeanutsandchili pep-
persoftenmadetheirwayinto daily or seasonal cuisines.Chili pepperswere(andstill are)
highlyvalued,formingthebasisof a wide rangeof spicysaucesthatcomplement potato
andotherroot crop dishesto this day.The consumption of animalprotein-particularly
from llamasandguineapigs-was oftenrestricted to ritualoccasions. As in Mesoamerica,
fermented cornbeer(clrcia in Spanrsh; aqain mostQuechualanguages) waswidespread.
In the easternAndeanslopes,especiallyin Ecuador,chichamayreferto a mild alcohoiic
beverage madeoutofmanioc,a beverage alsowidespread thtoughouttheAmazon.Api is a
popularnonalcoholic, maize-based breakfastbeverage that oftenaboundsin presentday
BolivianandPeruvian markeglaces.
In the tropical and sub-tropicalregions-the Caribbean,coastalareasof northem
SouthAmerica, andlargeswathsof theAmazonBasin-the corepre-Columbian diet cen-
teredon root crops,the mostimportantof which wasmanioc,alsoknownas cassava, or
256 CHAP' TER 9

yu[c]ca (Pete$on1997).Orherimportantcropscultivatedby,for example,the Canbbean

Tainosat the momentof the SpanishConquest, includedsweetpotatoes,maize,peanuts,
and.ofcourse,theubiquitouschili peppers(Keegan2000:1263).
Chapter4 emphasized thattheEuropean Conquest usheredin lastingtransformations
in indigenousLatin AmericanandCaribbeansocietiesas well as in Europethroughthe
two-wayflow andadoptionof plantsandanimals(theColumbianExchange). Relatedto
theseenormouschangesis the fact thatEuropeancolonialismwasnot merelya struggle
overlandandotherresources, andtheheartsandminds(andlabor)ofindigenousan( later,
Africanpeoples, butalsoa contestovertaste,
diet,andcuisine.Localfoodsanddisheswere
turnedintoculturalbattlegroundsasEuropeans stroveto replaceindigenous with European
cropsandcuisines. Wheat-the basisofbread,theEuropean staple,andonewith important
symbolicald religiousimportance-wasthespearhead in thisstruggle.Wnting on Mexico-
andthe sameargumentcouldbe madefor manyotherpartsof Latin America-Piicher
( 1998:35)notesthatfor Europeans,

wheatrcmained a religiousnecessitybecauseit wastheoniygrainrecognized by

theRomanCatholicChurchfor theHoly Eucharist. . . friars alsolaurchedcam-
paignsagainstnativefestivalfoodsthatwereidentifiedwith paganpmctices.

Theseculturaland ideologicalcampaigns to replacelocal cropswith (especially)wheat

largelyfailed,althoughit shouldbe pointedout thatbarleyandoatsweretwo European-
introducedgrainsthat faredwell and that eventuallyoccupiedan importantpositionin
localcuisines.Anotherimportantcrcpthatgrewwell andwaswidelyaccepted wasthefava
bean(habq\.
Althoughcultivatedwidely in Mesoamerica and the Andes,and despitemaking
manyinroadsinto local cuisines,wheatlargelyfailedto displacethe centralityof maize
and the potatoin local diets,or to underminethe symbolicand ritual importancethat
indigenouspeoplesattachedto maizeand potatoes. This doesnot mean,however,that
wheat-based foodstuffsdid not becomesymbolicallyimportant.The "baby breads"and
otherwh€at-based offeringsin the Mesoamerican andAndeanritual celebrationofTodos
Santos(Chapter7), for example,almostcertainlyarean earlycolonialconstruction. Prior
to theConquest, tiny maize-based breadswereoffered(andconsumed only)duringimpor-
tantritualcelebrations (Weismantel l99l :87l ). Further,in contemporary indigenous com-
munitieswherewhitebreadis expensive andconsidered a luxury "it is criticallyimportant
in manysocialandceremonial contexts"(Weismantel 1988:ll0).
pigs,
Cattle, goats, (all
andchickens introduced by Europeans) adjustedwell to local
conditions,thrived,andeasilymadetheirway into localcuisines.Ofthese,cattlebecame
symbolicallyimportant.Sooninto thecolonialperiod, bull fightsemergedin manylocales
aspartandparcelofpopularandritualcelebrations. Forexample,thecelebration ofCorpus
Ch sti,"devotedto thelivingpresence ofChristin theEucharist"(Guti6rrez1991:91), was
oftenmarkedby thepresence ofdancetroupes,processions, andbullfightswhencelebrated
in colonialMexicoCity (Curcio-Nagy1994).lndeed,in somecontemporary Ecuadorian
Quichua-speaking communities, Corpus Christi is alsorefered to asthe "fiestaof thetoros
[bulls]" (Weismantel I 988:206).
FoodCuisine.
ardCultural
Expression LJ t

In Mesoamericaand the Andes,indigenousfoodwaysand cuisinesbecamean

ideologicalmarkerof ethnicand classmembership. For Europeansand Europeantzed-
elites,a Mexican"Indian"duringthe colonialandpostcolonial pedodswassomeone who
attachedimportanceto and subsisted on a diet largelyconsistingof maize,beans,and
chilies.As lateas 1845,well afterindependence, oneMexicancookbook"questioned the
moralsof anyfamily thatatetamales-thefood ofthe 'lowerorders"' (Pilcher 1998:46).
Theseclass-based ideologicalassociations becamesodeeplyentrenched that,accordingto
membersof Hueyapan, a Nahuatl-speaking communityin the Mexicanstateof Morelos,
duringthe l970s "lndian [italicsadded]food means'ordinarythings,'suchas torrl/as,
kidney beans,chiles,tamales,calabashsquash,pulqueand a few fruits suchas lEocates"
(Friedlander1975:96). In thefurdes,aslateasthe 1970san analogous ideologicalpattern
persisted, for theretoo an "lndian" wassomeone whosediet consistedlargelyofpotatoes,
chili peppers,and chicha(VandenBergheand Primov 1977).Yet,many exceptionsdo
exist,of course.Weismantel emphasizes thatbarley(a European-introduced crop)andnot
thepotatois the key dietarystaplein a Quichua-speaking comrnunityin centralEcuador,
especiallyamongthe desperately poor.In this comrnuniryconsumingpotatoesis a sure
sign"ofa household's economicsuccess" (1988:94).Europeans, althoughunableto fully
imposetheir own versionsof appropriate dietsandcuisines,nevertheless playeda role in
influencingindigenous classificatory
schemas, suchasthehot andcoldfoodclassifications
discussed laterin thischapter.
Unableto be successfully andwidelycultivatedin theCanbbean or Amazonia.uheat
faredevenworsecomparedto root cropssuchas manioc.Further,imponingEuropea.t
foodstuffswasoftenquiteimpractical.The cuisinesof EuropeansandEuropeanized elites-
especially on theslave-based sugar plantations-did not thereforediffer significantllfiom
thatoftheir slavelaborers. As a result,in theseareasothermoreimportantmarkersof icien-
tity emerged.The Caribbean,Mintz (1985a:136-137) statesin bis characteristicalll
straightforwardway:

Wasanarenafor theencounter ofdifferentfoods,asit wasfor theencounter of

differentpeoples;overtime,new cuisinesemerged, now typicallyCaribbean,
thoughwearingolderpedigrees. In food,asin all else,theislandstookon their
distinctiveindividualcharacter-partAfrican, part Asian,part Amerindian,
part Euopean. . . this marurerof crops,tastes,dishes,and cuisinesis inti-
matelytied to thegrowthofpeasantries. In this worldarea,cuisinewasnot so
mucha matterofthe foodofthe eliteclasses percolatingdownwar4but rather
ofthe choicestplatesof thepoorbecomingthe quaintandcolorfulfareofthe
privileged.Much as happenedwith otheraspectsof culturein this region,
"refinement" beganwith imitation,morethanwith innovation, at thetop.

A good exampleof the blurnng of elite and popularboundariesis the Braziliandish

feuoqda,a posl-tineteenthcentuy "heartyconcoctionconsist[ing]of rice,blackbeans,
driedmeats,sausage, andtoastedmaniocflout,and . . . garnishedwith kale andorange
slices"(Gade2000:I 25?).Thefeijoadawhich,asMargolis,Bezerm,znd,Fox (2001:29l-292)
note,means"big beanstew"andis Brazil'snationaldish:
258 CHAPTER 9

Is said to have originatedduring siave times. Traditionally,the feijoada

containedinexpensive and lessdesirablecutsof meatsuchas tripe and pigs
feet,Brazilianslaveshavingcolcoctedthedish liom the leftoversofthe mas-
ter'stable.

Bananas lincludingwhatarenow knownasplantainslplateutos tn Spanish])andrice were

two cropsintroducedby Europeans (seeCrosbyt972)thatth vedandhadan astonishing
impacton local foodrvays andcuisines,because they\,ere betteradaptedto tropicaland
sub-tropicalgrowingconditionsthan wheat.Mangos,broughrro the Caribbeanby the
Britishin the lateeighteenthcenhrry,alsomadetheir wayinto localcuisinesbut,with the
possibleexceptionof slave-worked plantations,
did not emergeasa key food stapleelse-
where(Pilcher2000:128| ). Bananasandplantains.coupledwith root crops,formedthe
basisofpopulardietandcuisinesthroughoutmucbofthe Caribbean, CentnlAmerica,and
parts of SouthAmerica.ln PuertoRico and the DominicanRepublic,for example,
pasteles-preparcd rvitha doughmadeout ofroot crops,stuffedwith eitherbeel chicken,
or pork (or simply wittr condiments). wrappedin bananaleaves,and eitherroastedor
boiled-rverea commoncuisineofpeasants andsugarplantationworkers.
Bananasand plantainshad evenmorefar-reaching consequences, for these,along
with coffee,were crucial in the transformation of the political economyand eventual
underdevelopment of CentralAmericannation-states (Bulmer-Thomas 1987),CLrltivated
in large-scaleplantationsoftenunderconditionsofextremelaboroppression, bananas and
plantainshavealsobeenkeycropsandcommodities thathaveplayeda powerfulrolein the
forgingof ethnicandclassdiscriminationand identities.Bourgois'fieldrvorkamongthe
GuayrniandKunaworkingon a UnitedFruit Companybananaplantationis a eontempo-
raryexample( 1989).
The socialhistoryof the spreadandconsumption of rice in LatinAmericaandthe
Caribbean hasyet to be written.Nevertheless,
certaintrendsare clear.Rice wasalready
growingin Perut easterrlowlandsa generation afterthe Conquest (Crosby1972:70)and
probabLy *,asexpanding throughoutthe Mesoamerican andCentralAmericanlowlandsas
\\ell. Superand Vargas(2000:1250)note that after the Conquest,wheatexpandedinto
irlexicoandthehighlandsofCentralAmerica,but it wasricethat

hadthemostsuccess ofany ofthe inrponedgrainsarnongall ethnicandsocial

groupsin MiddleAmerica.. . In Mexico,Indianscameto depend on riceasa
complement to or substitute
for maize.. . . Morisqueta,riceptepared
by a tech-
niquesupposedly introducedby the Japanese, becamecommonin the rural
Mexicandiet in the 1940s,andrice achieved evenmorefameasthebasisfor a
drinkknownasftorclrata, prepared with rice,flour,sugaqcinnamon,andice.

Earlyin thecolonialperiod,Spaniards
alsointroduced riceintotheirprizedCaribbean pos-
sessions of CubaandPuertoRico.Someevidence (Pilcher2000:1281) suggests thatas
sugarproductionexpanded century,caneplantersbeganimporting
duringthe nineteenth
riceandjerkedbeef(calledcatneieja lold meatlor tasrybin PuertoRicoandelsewhere in
the Spanish-speakingCaribbean), suggestinghorvcrucial rice hadbecome in the diet of
Food,Cuisine,andCulturalExpression 2s9

blantationworkers.InPuertoRico.ricedid notbecome thecomerstone oflocaldietandcui-

sineuntil at leastthemid-1920s, whenUnitedStates-controlled corporatesugarplantation
agriculture ontheislandreached its zenith.Thegrowingdependence onever-greater quanti-
tiesofrice fromtheUnitedStateswasparalleledby massiveinvestments andtechnological
innovations in ceproduction, makingLouisianaoneofthe mostimportantrice-producing
regionsin the lVestemhemisphere (Mintz 1956;Dietz 1986).The dependence of many
Caribbeanislandson importedfood goesmuchfurtherbackin time,though,for "as earlyas
the 1880s,thesmallislandofSt. Piere hadbecomesodependent on cannedfoodfrom the
United States thatanAmericansteamer wascalled 'food ship"' (Pilcher 2000:1285).
Alongtheway (thetimesandplacesvariedconsiderably, andthisstoryhasalsoyetto
be fully told), rice met,mingledwith, andforgeda lastingrelationship with beans.Both
cwrentlyconstitute themostsignificantpartofthe dietandcuisineofmost peoplesin the
Caribbean, CentralAmerica,northernSouthAmerica,andBrazil.As with maize,beans
eatenwith ricearenutritionallywholesome, for "neitherbeansnor ricealoneyieldsa high-
qualityproteinbecause the formerlackstheessential aminoacidsmethionineandcrytine,
whilethelatteris deficientin lysine"(Pilcher2000:1286).
Deliciouscombinations of rice andbeansfoundin theCaribbean maybe flauntedas
"tpical" or'traditional" cuisinein govemment publicationsaimedat the touristmarket
anddollar-PuertoR\co'sQut Pasa!magazine is a goodexample--butin fact,this-tradi-
tion" is of relativelyrecentorigins.In multi-ethniccountrieswith a longhistoryof ethnic
andclassdiscrimination, "typical,""authentic," or "traditional"dishesmayembod;"differ-
ent,contadictorymeanings for theelites:"emphasizing theirnation'sculturalheritage. . .
[whileat thesametime] . . . sand[ing]for thepoor,theignorant,andthenon-$hite:people
with whomthe elite,for the mostpart, do not wish to identifu"(Weismantel1988:121i.
PuertoRicoagainprovidesa goodexample:thedeticiousgazpac&o-freshavocados com-
binedwith tomatoes, onions,oliveoil, andsaltedcodfish-is alsoportmyedasa "typical''
dishin PuertoRicancookbooksandgovernment publications.Yet,thecrucialingredientin
gazpacho-saltedcod fish-was originallyimportedto the Hispanicand non-Hispanic
Caribbean by European colonialeliteswantingto feedprimarilyplantationworke$and as
such,wasoftendisdainedby the elitesthemselves.
Funher,elite foods andpopularcuisinesmay shapeeachotherand may both be
moldedby transnational processes.r Tresleches,widelyconsidered a "qpical" Nicaraguan
dessert (butalsoenjoyedin otherpaftsofthe CentralAmericaandtheCaribbean) is a good
examole:

The CarnationConcentrated Milk Companywantedto boost its salesof

cannedmilk. The company'shomeeconomists developedrecipes,including
onefor a three-milkdessert,that appeared on can labels.Dunng the 1920s,
Camationbeganexportingto CenftalAmerica,especiallyNicaragua,where
housewives, wishingto introducea foreigndelicacyto thedinnertable,began
offering tres /ecles for dessen.Nicaraguansadoptedthe popular sweetasthe
nationaldessert.Today,chic Miami Caribbean-CentralAmerican restaurants
offerit asa dessertto elitesasNicaraguantaramisu.(BeezleyandCurcio-Nagy
2000a:xiv)
260 CIIAPTER 9

Elsewhere, the "new" and"old" cometogethetprovidingimpoltantinsightsinto culture,

history,andtheimaginationandresilienceof LatinAmericanandCaribbeanpeoples:

Elementsofthe pastcombinceverywher e with thoseofthe presenton Mexican

tables.Old Mesoamerican foodssuchaschillies,squash, beans,avocados, and
all kinds of maizederivatives are considered necessaryin a meal.Theseare
en chedwith foods from the Old World suchas pork, beef, lettuce.rice,
oranges, andcoffce.Someof the old foodsstill havea specialplacein social
gatherings. For instance,a traditionalweddingdeserves a molede guajalote
just as the typical breakfaston the day of the childb first communionis
unthinkablewithout hot chocolateand tqnales.Familiesgoing out at night
patlonizercstaumnts specializing in pozole,a stewwith grainsof corn,meat,
old
and andnewspices.New foodsappearcontinually:Coca-Cola is alreadya
staplc;hamburgers andhot dogsareevcrlnvhere; newChineserestaurants and
pizzaparlorsopeneveryday.It is interesting to notethatrnanyofthesefoods
become"Mcxicanized."For example,the laryehamburgerrcstaurants olfer
chilliesand Mexicansauces,and one can ordera pizzapobh a with long
strandsof greenchilli andmoleon it. (SuperandVargas2000:1253)

Food,Consumption,
and Ritual
MintzandDubois(2002:107) remindusofth€ reiationshipbetween foodandcuisine,and
ritualsandsymbols,thatoftenunderpin Thisis thecaseof guineapigs
socialinteractions.
andritualsin theAndes.andtheideaof foodpollutionin Trinidad.

GuineaPigsand Ritual in theAndes

The guineapig, popularlyknownby its Spanishterm ct), (or-veror r1r-ls,plural)andthe
QuechuawordrTure,i(4z['rs,plural),hashistolicallyloomedasan importantcomponent of
indigenous Andeandiet,cuisine,andritualsettings. Ar Andeandomesticate introducedto
Europein the sixteenthcentury.the cuy is currentlyraisedflom southernColombiato
northernChileandArgentina,altiroughprior to the Conquestits geographic distribution
wasmuchwider.Considerable ethnohistorical evidencesuggests that in pre-Columbian
timescuyesrvereconsumed almostcxclusivelyin household andcornmunity-level cere-
monies(Gade1967;Bolton1979).
Onewouldbe hardpressed to find a Quechua- or Aymam-speaking househo)d in the
ruralAndesthatdoesnotownandraisecuys,whotypicaliyhuddlein thekitchento shield
themselvesfrom freezingtemperaturcs that periodicallypuncturethe night. Cuys are
remarkablyeasyto raiseandeventhepoorestofhouseholdscanaffordto do so.Theyare
alsoverynutritious:poundfor poundcuy fleshhasa higherpercentage ofprotein andthe
lowestfat contentcomparedto poultry, beef,lamb, and pork (Morales t995:50).Small
wonder,then,thatmanydevelopment projectshavecentered on increasingthequantitvand
qualityofguineapig husbandry amongAndeanhor.rseholds (Archetti1997a). Considered a
offeringcuy aboundin Andeanurbanareas,especialJy
delicacy,restaurants in andaround
marketplaces (seePhoto9.I ).
Food,Cuisine.andCulruralExpression

guineu
PHOTO9.1 Roesting pigsin Pillaro,Ectndox

To this day,cuysloomimportantin religiousandhealingrituals,andtheyareespe-

ciallyprizedandconsumed in virhrallyanysignificanthousehold or communir.v ceremon].
secularor otherwise(Gade1967;Bolton1979;Morales1995).
ln rareinstances, entireritualcelebrations centeraroundthecuy.Forexample,in the
Department ofAncash,Peru,a celebrat\on calledjacatsari ("to collectcuys"in thelocal
Quechualanguage)marksthe beginningof a celebrationhonoringlocal patronsaints
(Morales1995:101-12). In chargeof the celebration is a mayordomo or pnbste(sponsor)
whocoordinates thegathedngandpreparation offood anddrinkfor theguests. Assistedby
a ,rr'r'r,izd(from the Spanishsr'rylenle,or seryant),an importantresponsibilityofthe sponsor
is to keeptrack of thosewho havecomrninedto offering cuys for the festiviry Suchan
offering,Moralesstates, "is a synbol ofbothpersonalreciprocityandcommunitysupport"
(1995:104).Severalwomen-refenedto by the Quechuakin term //tnrsay (daughter-in-
law)-assistthe sponsorandthe sirvinti.Thesewomenrecruittheirown/ca toreros(ctty
toreros,or cuy "bullfighters")-alwaysmenor youngboys-whose playful danceswith
cuysheld with an attachedstring figureprominentlyin this celebration.
Two daysbeforethe patron saint'sday,the sponsorservesa community-widemeal,
thecomunmicuy,markingthe formal openingofthe jaca tsany.Shortlythereafter,

thesponsor, alongwith his ownmusicalband,leavesfor thellumtsuys'houses

to invitethemto join him in the inauguration ofthe festivities.The mayor,or
first llumtsuy,is alwaysthe fust oneto be invitedto join . . . thentheygo to each
and everyllumtsuys'door to danceand whistleto the rhyhm of the songs
playedby the bandandto drink chicha,alcohol, and,huarapo(fermentedsug-
arcanedrink).Thellumtsuyscomeoutoftheir housesproudlyholdinga nay of
262 CHA PT E R 9

cry meal (jaca pic&irt and shou,ingan elegantly adorned live cuy held by an
appointedtorero.{Ever'}ifthe llumtsuvs'offeringis a live animalotherthana
cuy,her trayalwaysconsistsof cLryrneal.)(llloraiesI99,i:103 j0-5)

Laughter.humor.andespeciallysatire,havehistoricallypermeared popularritualsand cel-

ebrationstlxoughwhich anceranddisconter.]t ha'e beenexpressed a.'d"alternatirevisions
ofthe socialorder"publiclyconveyed(Beezleyet al. 1994b:xxvlGoldstein2003:seealso
Chapter JJ). The jaca tsariy-in which the svurbolicinrportauceof the cuv loorns so
promlnently-is an exampleof sucha popularcelebration, or ritual of resistance,andnot
mereiy a colorful or quaint Andeanperlonnance.The sociai cotnmentariesembodiedn the
public stagingof thejaca tsariyunrnistakablysurfacewhen we learnwhat happensat rhe
sponsor's house:

Onceali the liumtsuyshavedisplayedtheir cookedcuys,the . . . masterofcer-

emoniesappointsa
-judge,an attome),general.a physician,and witnessesro
readthe rvill ofthe deceased,which thsjacapicirs (cuy dishes)reprcsent.The . . .
rnasterofcerentonies picksa.jacapich andcallsthe deadcLryby thenameofa
local authorit)',politician,or anyonervhorn. . . [he] . . . rvishesto satirize.He
tlrensummonsthe judge. the afrorne)'general.and the witnessesfor them to
declarethe deathofa nearbyhacendado . . . and to legitimizethe terns ofrhe
rvill. The physiciandeclaresthe deathr.vhorrthe cuy repfesents and turnsthe
body ofthe hacendado o\er to tlrewitness.who handsit to the sponsoribr its
properdisposition.A group of wornencutls] the cuy into piecesto servethe
audience.(I'loralesI995:I06 l07t

Juthaa:SharingPollutingFoodin Trinidad
Docuinentingfood taboosand explainingwhy they exist whi' i1is that in sonrecultures
consumingcertair foods is prohlbitedwhrle in othels re]ished-.havelong attractedthe
attentionof anthropologists(Gd\etti 2000).In somesocieties,suchas ludia, food taboos
arelinkedto the ideaofpollution.uterebl. cenainfbodsor substances arear,oidedby some
groupsbecausethey havebeen tainted or made"unciean."by-having come rnto contact
rvithmeurbersofother groupswho aretheurselves considered unclean.
The Indian (and specificallyHindu) cultural influenceis prominentin Trinidad
Jamaica,Suriname,Cuiana.andsotneCaribbeancoastlineareasto which largelumlrersof
Indianindenturedlaborersweretransported b)' the B tish in the mid-nineteenth
cenlur),to
labor in the sugarcaneplrntations.Khan's research(1994) locuseson food pollution
(/..draaFthe ideathat certainfoodsare "unclean"or pollutedand shouldbe avoided-in
Trinidad the largestisland of the tivin-islandnation-staieof Trinidad and Tobago.His
analysisrevealshow a culturalconceptcanacquirenew,multiple.andseemingllcontradic-
tory meaningsin a radica111,
differenthistoricalandculturalmjiieu from which it originallv
derived.
Juhaa,which refersto "food and drink that havebecomepollutedby beins parrialll'
consumedbyothers"(Khan 1994:24-5), is a significantdimensionoflocalbelief, daily dis-
cou$e, and socta)relationships in Trinidad.\tt, it uas earll on detachedfrom the caste
stntificationsysten'rwith which. in India. it u,as tightly intertwined.This rvasbecause
caste.as a corrplex systemof socialinequalitypartiallyrootedandjustifiedin religious
FoodCuisine,andCulturalErpression 26i

ideology,nevertookroot in theCaribbean (seealsoBraithwaitel97l ). However' juthaais

still closelyassociated with theconsumption andsharing offood. aswell asto thenotion of
pollution.Yet,in contemporary construct
Trinidad,this ideological revealsless about hier-
archyandinequalityat the levelof socialrelationships andmuchmoreaboutthe waysin
whichTrinidadians attemptto relateto eachotheron a moreequalfooting,asweli astheir
attemptsto refashionthe conceptto mak€it morerelevantto contemporarycontexts.
Juthaais invariablylinked to the cookingand sharingof food, becauseit "is both a
principleconduitof pollutionin India anda key mediumof socialrelationsia Trinidad"
(Khan1994:249). Sharingfoodis extraordinarily importantinTrinidadiancultureandsocial
relations.ThroughoutTrinidad, food conveysmultiple messages.It is closely related to
obeah(.magic) aswell asto zal7b(evil eye,ndlr in Hindi; seealsoChapter8).Foodlooms
prominentlyin callpsomusicandconveysdifferentmessages in multiplesocialcontexts:

Throughfoo( onecanconveytrustandequalityby acceptance, or theobverse

throughrefusal;onecaninadvertently invitemaijoby showing(off) too freeiy
thepossession offood,particularlvsomething spccial.Eatingfoodis a pointof
l'ulnerabilityengineered throughobeah,eitherphysical(onecanbecomeill) or
psychological/emotional (one'swill can be conquered). ln fact, a common
Trinidadianfolk aphorism, kill
"Whatdon't does fatten,"
is appliedequallyto a
varietyof food contentsand impliesa generalrecognition that food transac-
tionsor food itself canhaveeitherbeneficial(positive)or malevolentlnega-
tive) capacities. . . fA]lthoughpollutedfoodper seis not desirable, theact of
sharingit-offer andacceptance-ofteninvolvesa negotiation of poweranda
degreeofpersuasionandcapitulationamongthe personsinvolved;$at is. an
assertionofthe positiveaspectof demonstrated nonsuperioriry versustheneg-
ativeonesof rcfusal.(Khan 1994:250)

The social tensionsand insecuritiesinvolved in food sharing are not exclusively

Trinidadianbut also surfacein many othersparts of Latin America.In the Braziiian
northeast,for example,one cultural norm is that guestsshouldbe offered food and
ddnk to not do so is consideredextremelyantisocialbehaviorYet, in the contextof
deprivationandpovertythatamict this regionofBrazil, the sharingandofferingoffood
canbe risky indeed,for the sumptuousdisplayof food can sparkenvyandjealousyon
thepart ofthe guests.As a result,the hostsfearthattheymight comedownwith evil eye
sickness (Rebhun1994:37l;seealsoChapter8).
Thecardinalnormin Trinidadiansociety-thatthesharingoffood is important,that
onesharesfoodwith equals,andthat"to attendan eventor visit someone's homeandnot
eatis asbad,or worse,thannot attendingat all" (Khan 1994:254)-takesplaceagainstthe
backdropofjuthaa.How doTrinidadians rcconciletheprimevaluetheyattachto thecom-
mensalityoffood with theever-lurking andrealdangerofpollution,whichoftenmanifests
itselfin theappearance of illness?Accordingto KIan, theydo soby reconfiguring
someof
theoriginalmeanings ofjuthaasothatindividualsandsocialcontextshavea greatersayin
determining thelikelihoodor potentialofpollution.As Khanstates:

Exposureto pollutionamongTndo-Trinidadians is something

thatthe individ-
ual can, in a sense,regulate,throughdecisionsas to whosejuthaa can be
264 c HA p rER :

shared.That is. rhe questionfor each personbecomes:Among which other

indiriduals.and *irhin whjch contexts,can polluting substances
be risked?
( 1 9 9 .1 ;l 5rl

It is widelvacceptedthattuthaais not a dangerif food is sharedwith someoneonetrusrs.or

with whom someonehasa closebondald who. therefore.is a ,.clean,, person.A cleanper-
son rs also someone$ho is a eood person,especiallyimponant in a contextin which
"living goodwith people"is attached considerableimportance (Khan 1994:256). In Trinidad
it is the social context.recrearedin everydaybeha!ior, that determinesthe potenrialnega-
tive or positive outcomeofjuthaa-and not the other way around.Ratherthan constituting
a cultuml constructof excIusion..;uthaaprovjdes.almost paradoxically,an idiom through
which socialrelationshipscan be forged.for individuals"can decide. . . how and rvith
whom they will establishbondsthrough sharingjuthaa" (Khan 1994:262).
In many waysjuthaa is a culnrral idiom that in the presentTrinidadian contexr says
more about equality-or the striving toward equaiitv-than hierarchy,more about sbaring
thanexclusion,and more abouridendrythanreligion.In Trinidadjuthaa is not associated
with cLassdifferences-it is not the case that lorv-income or lorver-satuspeople are tar-
nishedwith juthaa while weaithl,,"higher"-classfolks are not. Neitheris it the casethat
juthaa is rigrdlyidentifiedwith Indian(Hindu)culturalherita.ee. for

what is notableis thatamonglndo-Trinidadian MuslimsandHindusalike,use

ofthe wordjuthaais not associated exclusivelywith Hinduismor thecastesys-
tem. Indo-TrinidadianMuslims use.juthaaas an overt terrn as often and in lhe
samewa.vasdo Hindus.While certainlymanl,areawareof its caste-based ori-
gins, both Muslims and Hindus relate. . . to the concept. . . as an index of
Indian identiry not as that u'hich definitively denotes any discr€te ethnic or
religiousentitl: (Khan 1994:256 )

Communicating
Genderand Sexuality
ThroughFood
What kind of food is preparedb,vandfor whomalsoprolidesa significantprismthrough
whichto understand genderandsexualitl,;

In manycultures.eatingis a sexualandgendered experience . . . Foodandsex

aremetaphoricallyoverlapping . . . thereareassociations
betrveen eating,inter-
course.andreproduction. . . N{aleness andfemaleness. . . areassociated with
specificfoods,andrulesoftenexistto controltheconsunptjonofthosefoods. . .
[M]alepouerandfemalesubordination arereproduced throughfoodandbody
beliefsandpractices. . . Betweennrenandwomen. . . food is botha meansof
differentiationand a channelof connection. By claimingdifferentrolesin
regard1ofoodanddistinctatt butesthroughidentification with specificfoods.
rnenandwomendefinetheir masculinityandfemininity,their simrlarityand
difference.(Counjhan1999:9-12)
Foo4Cuisine,andCuiruralExpression 265

As Weismantel notes.ethnicidentityis likewiseoftenconveyedandre-affirmedthrough

foodandcuisine,especially in ethnicallyandclassstratifiedsocieties, for "the actofcook-
ing food,and thus transforming [food] is a means of expressing what a peoplethink of
thimselves,who they are, rvhere they live, andwhat theirplace is in the naturalandsocial
world andin the politicalandeconomic systems ofthe nation"(1988:194). The following
pagesfocuson how food expresses statements on gender and ethnic ideologies andrela-
tionshipsin highland.ruralEcuador;urbanJamaica; and northeastem Bmzil.

Highland Ecuador
Weismantelcafiiedout fieldwork in Zumbagua,a Quichuaspeakingcommunityin the
Ecuadorian highlandbasin(sierra)region.Oneofher mostinterestingargumentsis that
rather than simply denotingfemalesubordinationand powerlessness' laboring in the
kitchen-cooking andserving food-enables women to assert,
in the privateandpublic
spheres, their clout:

Thedomainof thekitchenprovides, . . womenwith . . . a . . femininesortof

politicalpower.In the kitchen,evenmorethanin pastureandfield,a woman
exertsher controloverher subordinates: motheroverchildren,mother-inlarv
overdaughters-inJaw. A womanwith recentlymaffiedsonshasdirectcontrol
overthelivesandlaborofseveralstrong,youngadultsandis answerable onll
to her husband, who considerscookingto lie outsidehis domain.The voung
womensometimes bearanonerous burden,butthepassingof timewill eYennr-
allybring them into the position
ofpower. . . Thesymbolism of seningfood '
is ambiguous. . . . on the surface. . . tit] . . seems to place the u'omanserrins
at the bottomof the socialhierarchy.She ladles soup into bowls and hands
themto heryoungdaughterwith whispeled instructions thatgrandfather must
be servedfirst, thenuncle,while sheherself eats last. Despite this apparent
powerlessness . . . cuisineantletiquetteprovidedelicateinstruments for com-
municatingmessages aboutsocialpositionand relativepower and even cteate
opportunitiesto readjustthestatusquo.. . . [T]his "symbolofwomen's subor-
dination"providesthewomanwho wieldstheladlethechancesmuglyto hand
out excruciatinginsultswhile meeklyproclaimingher utterIack of political
power(Weismantel 1988:2G29)

In Zumbagua, therearemanygendered waysin whichwomenoncein thekitchen-a realm

which,asWeismantel rernindsus,is largely"unmediated by men"(1988:177)-can assert
themselves publiclythroughthepractices entailedin preparingandservingfood-Oneway
is by refusingto followprescribed genderobligations,aswhenthe"disaffect€d wife signals
her displeasuenot just with soupbut with cold,Ieftoversoup," or when she fails to have
readyfood for her spousewhenhe returnsfrom work, as when"an angryspouse,sur-
roundedby a phalamofsupportivesame-sex kin, decidesto induigein a full-fledged, pub-
lic airingof grievances, lwith] that
accusations rre has no food ready when he is hungry"
(Weismantel 1988:168, l8l ).
Yet,other,cleverwaysexist for womento rebuff their male spouses'behaviorin
waysthatdo not directlyor openlychallenge prevailinggenderexpectations. Weismantel
CHAPTER 9

recountsthestoryof a womanwhosehusbandwentout drinkingandreturnedlateat night

quitedrunk.Thewoman,understandably
angry,decidedto retaliateby in factoffering(and
notdenying)foodto herhusband
whenhearrived;

Whenherhusbandarrivedhomemanyhourslater,drunkandsleepyandready
for bed,sheinformedhim thathemustbeveryhungry:asanobedientwife she
hadprepared a nicedinnerfor him. Almostunconscious, he forcedhimselfto
sit uprightlongenoughto eattwo enormous bowlsofsoupunderherreproach-
ful eyes.The mealovel he creptoffto bed but his ordealhadonly begun.The
nextdayhe foundhimselfin an extremelydelicatephysicalstate,suchthatthe
threevery elaboratemealsshehadpreparedfor him, which he dutifully con-
sume4resultedin severalhastyexitsfrom thekitchento rhe bushesoutside.
Sheappeared to enjoycookingfor him verymuchthatday,smuglyplayingthe
vi uouswife in lront ofher inlaws, who watchedwith someamusement and
did notinterfere.( 1988:l8l)

In thisexample,the"virtuous"wife not only playedalongwith thecustomarygendercon-

ventionsthatsaysheis expected to cookfor herhusbandbut alsofollowedandusedto her
benefittwo centralfoodconventions in Zumbagua culture:thattheservingof food consti-
tutesa gift, andthatfood thatis offeredmustbe consumed whenit is offeredandhow it is
cooked.
Womenlaboringin kitchensalsohaveotherwaysofassertingthemselves by convey-
ing statements on hierarchyand status.For example.if guestsare present,the order in
which guestsare served,the kindsof bowlsand spoonsthat they are servedtheir meals
with, and,finally,whatexactlythewomenputsfromthecookingpot into thebowlsfor spe-
cific people-uhethersheputsmoreor lessbeefor potatoes,for example-suggesther
ability to almostIitemllyconstructhierarchyandstatusamongthosepresent(Weismantel
1988: 179-80).
Foodservesnot only asa mediumthroughwhichgenderrelationsareexpressed, and
throughrvhichwomencanassertthemseives. Somefoodsaregender-inflected foodsin that
the;-conveyculturallyconstrued notionsofgenderidentityassociated with femaleness (fem-
ininity)or withmaleness (masculinity). Theprizedhotchili sauce(riciii in thelocalQuichua
dialecq.llaqwain muchofPeruandBolivia)is consumed mainlyby men,andmanywomen
statethatfor themit is too strong(clirchi) ot bitter(ja\,aj).Whenwomenstrtethatuchuis
jayaj,theyarelinkingit with masculinity andstrength.A similarassociation between male-
nessandjayajexistsin relationwith thehallucinogen ayahuasca (seeChapter8) because it is
associated with themaledomainof shamanism. Drinkingt?go (canealcohol)is alsoassoci-
atedwith maleness, notonlybecause it is usuallydrunkby males,butalsobecause ofthepub-
lic andsymbolicstatements madewhenmenbiow"mouthfulsoftugo overthebullsduring
CorpusChristito makethemmorebrayo"(Weismantel 1988;136),
Foodalso expresses ethnic identity and perhapsmore importantly,the place of
indigenous peoplesat the bottomof Ecuador'ssocial,economic,andpoliticalhierarchy.
The diet in Zumbaguamainlyconsistsof barley,onions,potatoes,and somevegetables.
Mostmealsarecookedin the form of soups(sopcs)-yanuna,the Quichuaverbto cook,
alsomeansto boil.Yet,white(bleached) rice andbread,considered specialtreatsor luxu-
ries(uanl/a),arehighlyvaluedandsoughtafter
Food,Cuisine,andCul'J,iiti!\pfesslo 267

Threereason:e\plaln the widespread desirefor rice and brea( and the symbolic
importanceaftachedto both.Thefust is thatfew communitymemberscanaffordto pur-
ahasethemon a regularbasis,andthereforethesetwo foodssurfaceonly sporadicallyin
meals.Secondrice andbreadhappento be two importantstaples(in additionto beefand
seafood)in thediet of manyif not mostnonindigenous ("White")Ecuadorians who areat
the top of the nationalhierarchy.The third is the semanticand ideologicallink between
t hite brcadand ce (as opposedto unbleached rice and whole wheatbread,neitherof
which are consumedwidely in Ecuadorregardless of ethnicor classbackground)and
"White" Ecuadorians. As rvas (andstill is) thecaseofwhite,refinedsugarin theCaribbean
(Mintz 1985b),scarcityand"whiteness"haveworkedhandin handto justi$T,construct,
andexpress inequality.
Thesesymbolicaswell asmaterialassociations not only revealwhy breadandrice
arelongedfor but alsocommunicate importantmessages regardingethnicandclassdis-
crimination.For example,manyyoungercommunitymembersstrivingto includewhite
rice-far lessnutritiousthanbarley-in their mealsdo so in an attemptto "constructan
identity for themselves in contradistinction to what they seeas old and ignorantlives"
(Weismantel1988:147). Theseassociations, as well as the real and ongoingethnicand
classprejudicedratindigenous peoplesin Ecuadoraresubjected to, explainswhy

whiterice lhasemerged] asa topicofdiscourse. . . whereit standsfor theclass

ofpeople,"whites,"whocustomarilyeatit, andfor "Indians"who aspireto be
like them.Derogatorycommentsaboutthosewho "pretendto eatice every
in theindigenous
day"areheard. . . Whiterice . . . functionsmetalinguistically
foodsystemasa symbolof thealien"whrte"system.(Weismantel 1988:l.1t )

Jamaica
Sobo'sfieldwork(1993)illustatesthemanifoldmeanings offood preparations, exchanges,
andconsumption among pool urbanJamaicans. In particular,
food is an importantmedium
throughwhichdifferentmodesofsocialityareexpressed, feelingsofwell-beingconveyed
andgenderandsocialrelationsarticulated.
In Jamaicansocietyandculture,sharingandconsumingfood preparedby othersis
highlyvaluedandatthesametimeconsidered potentiallydangerous. It is valuedbecauseit
bindspeopleto eachotherin websofreciprocityandobligations; andyet,consuming food
preparedby othersis viewedwith greatsuspicionbecauseit is an importantmedium
throughwhichotherscaninflict evil andharm.Thisimportantparadox-theneedto share
andconsumefoodprepared by othersandthe stronglikelihoodthattheofferingoffood is
anythingbutanaltruisticundertaking-generates considerable tensionin everydaylife and
is boundup with Jamaican waysof conceptualizing thebodyasan entrypointofgood and
evil.As Soboexplains:

Foodparanoiais common,runs deep,and is morethan a matterof simple

hygiene.Sayinga persont"handsaredirtied,"theircooking"unclean,"or tlteir
food is full of "dirt" carriesmuchmoremeaningthana non-Jamaican might
think . . , Jamaicans truly fear that thosewishingto harm them will do so
throughtheirfood.A mealis something takeninto thebody,andpoisoncanbe
268 CHA P T E R 9

rngestedalong with it by an unsuspecring eater. Somepeoplejaoamanl

abouttakingfood only in rheiroil,nyards.\\,ill sit "emptv',in others'yardsfor
hoLlrs.No mafterho$ much gas the enpty 'bellv" generates and despitethe
unpleasant sensation of hunger"twisting" lhe ,'tripe.,'thev ne\,crconsider€at-
ing. But it is quiterudekr relirsefood whenoffered.Refusalsignifiessuspicion
and distrust.which arebounclto causeoffense.Sensitivehostsrealizethis and
nay allow theirguestseasvescapebv phrasingoffersasnegativeassumprions.
l i k e " Yo ud o n ' ru a n r l c n rc [a n yofmy] di nncrl " (1993:ll 2-1 i 3)

The suspicionsurroundingthe potentiallvmanipuiariveusesof food-and its relarionship

to whai Cohen (19?1:.116) years ago called "anxiety in interpersona)relarionships"in
Jamaica-spillsoverillto differentarenasofsocia] life. It is especialiynoticeablebetween
those sharinga kinship rclationshipand who. thcrefore,can urakeand Justify multiple
clatmson eachother The ambivalence surroundingfamilv andkin networks-thesearean
inpotant sourceofsupportin the everydaystrugglcto sul\'iveandyet arepotentialbreeil-
ing groundsof competitionand manipulation-is probabll,not uniqueto Jamaicans. This
potentialamblguitvis also expressed rhroughthe sec-mingly mundaneacrsof offeringand
eatingmeals -and consunringmealsoffercdbv othem\\'ithoiilquestionor hesitatjonis a
rcflectionol supreure trLrst.
Conrnensalityis also an irnponant ntedilnl through *hich gender relatjonsare
expressed, solidified,of ruptured.(One other importantmeansis. of course.sexualinter-
course.)The ambiguityand potentialpitfalls that inhereirr the relationshipsbehr€enmcn
and wonrenale often expressed throughfood. Men are often suspiciousof rvomenusing
food as a rvavof "tying ' them for ulteriormotives.One .iamaicanman tells of a rvoman
uho ofieredhin cakebut secretlvadded"a 1in1cso:nethingso he $ould fhllmadly in ioie
ruith her. He consideredhinself lucky thar the cake did not set too \\'ell-he \'omited
afteruarcls-andhe quickl) brokeoffthis potentiall),disrstrousrelationshipinto which his
loverhadaftenlpted to "trick" hin] (sobo 199i:120).
Food.genderandculturalconslructjons ofthc body overlapconsiderablyIn a socie-
ral contextin rvhichcommon-iaw.transientunionsprevail(Bolles 19961Prior 2005; see
aisc.Chaprer6). men are constantlyconcernedabourthe possibilit.vof being lockedinro
bindrnt relationships by manipulativelovers.\{ales are also quite fearfrrlof menstrual
blood.uhich thev considera highl,vpolluting and dangeroussubstance and "the most
potcntmcansof'compellance ' (Sobo l99j:lj0). As a result.in their interactions rvith
women.nlen are often worried about loverscombinrngmenstrualblood with food in an
aftemptto "trick" or "bind" them. Sonetines the kind of food that is preparcdand offered
by a lover-its smeli.taste,color, or consistency- -providescluesas to rvhethershehas
ulterior.mischievous moti\,es.For exarrple:

The mostcommonlyadulterated fbod is rice andpeas.a reddish-broilndish.A

womancansteamherselfdirecth'overthc pot as shefnishes cookingfor this.
Redpeasoup.carrotjuice. "stew-peas.'and potatopuddingare alsoknown as
potentialmensescarriers.All are the correclcolor and are conlmonlyeaten.
Somemen areso flightenedof ingestingmensesthatthe) ref.lscevenred her-
ring, a driedfish which the)'say takesits colol fronr havingbeenkilled when
Food, andCultural
Cuisine, Expfession Lot

As carefulasmenare,m€nstrual
menstruating. blooddilutedin foodcannotbe
As onewomansaid laughingaboutthesmallamountneededto compel,
tasted.
'Cho-you thinkthatlittlebit canflavorpot?'(Sobo1993:230)

Brazil
Food,serualiryandgenderoverlapconsiderably andin diversewaysin differentsocietal
andculturalcontexts.In the Brazilianshantytown studiedby Goldstein(2003),sexuality,
genderrelations,anddifferentialpowerrelationsareoftenconveyed tfuoughconsumption
metaphorsin whichmaleandfemaleidentitiesarepartlyconstructed anddefinedthrough
the typeof agencydisplayedin the act of sexualintercourse.2 Brazilianmaleidentityis
partlyconstructed,symbolicallyandotherwise,by takingthe lead,activesexualrole (the
inserter)-regardlessof whetherintercourse is with a womanor anotherman (seealso
Chapter6). Thisactiveroleis linguisticallyexpressed ashaven"eaten"someone else:

Thestandard understandhgofmaleness andmaleidentityin theBraziliancon-

structionof sexuality-morecommonamongthe popularclasses-is that a
manwhoeatsothermenandassumes thepublicstatusastheactivesexualPan-
nercanmaintaina firm maieidentityasan homem,whilethepassivepanner.
thebichaor viado,considered
therecipient (2003::16
ofanalsex,losesstatus. J

Althoughmaleswho "eat" manyothers(malesor females)solidiS'theu identll'. st::u-..

andpoweroverthem,sucha pathis not availableto women.If xomenaree.pectalirr.'r,-
cious"eaters"(havemanysexualpartners), theyare"referredto asgalarlastchicker.s r :rc
piranhas (piranas fish),
or meat-eating and both of theseanimal meraphors hare negai:r e
connotations" (Goldstein2003:236).Eating metapho$ andthe constructionof se\u3iil
andgenderidentityarefirmly relatedto the differentialandunequalaccessto elonomi.
rcsources between menandwomenin thedomesticdomain(seeChapter6). Consumption
metaphors, then,functionas a linguisticand discursivemediumthough which gender
inequalityandpowerstugglesarccommunicated.
The symbolicimportanceof food in the realmof genderand sexuaiitysurlacesin
othercontextsaswell. Statements on thekindsoffoodstypicallyeatenby whomoftencon-
vey class-specific commentaries on sexualityand sexualpotency.Goldsteinnorcsthat
shant)'towndwellers,who areotherwisewrctchedlypoor,pridethemselves in havinga lot
ofenjoyablesexwhich,unlikemanyotherthingsnecessary anddesirablein life, is readily
availableand free."Good sex" is one of thosepreciouslyfew domainsof life in which
favelaresidentshaveanedgeoverosricos(therich).Favelawomenarequiteclearthatsex-
ual potencyis a class-specific
attribute,andthatthispotentialin tum is verymuchrelated
to thekindsof foodconsumed. Consider,for example,thefollowingstatement by a favela
woman:

Thepoormaneatswell, a.feijdofbeansoap]with meatinside, hlocotdlsorrp

madefrom the hoof of a cowf,carneseca[beefdriedin the^sun] insidethe
fe4do. . . WhatI askis thefollowing,"ls theich persongoingto eatall this?"
He eatsonlyjelly andcheese. Breadandbutter.Whatstrengthdoesthathave?
270 CHAP T ER 9

For this reason,they loselheir porencyearly.At times,the poor man is l'eeling

rveakandhe sendsme to makentocoro. . . lt makesyou strong.I knou because
I am fiom Bahia.I makeit. Thc rich persondoesn'teatf'eijdo.The iron is there.
The bed fsex] of the poor personis better.Becauseofthe food. lGoldsrein
2 0 0 3 :2 4 3 )

Cuisine,
Cookbooks,
andNation-Building
Foodand cujsinealsohavea particularcapaciryto evokefeelingsofsharedbelongingand
community-what Turnercalledcommunitas.That js. "A strong.toralcommunalexperi-
enc eo fo n e n e s si n rv h i c ha n i n d j v i dualsenses.. . a nergi ngofarvareness^(1969:i 82).
An
importantthemein the studyof 1'oodandcuisinehasrhereforeto do with thecoalescence of
national jdentity:in elucidating"the roles of gender,class.and geographyin forging
nations" (Pilcher 1998:l). ln the case of \4exico. "Connectionsbet$een cuisine and
rdentity-wbat people eat and who they are* run deep rnto lvlexicanhistory," so nuch so
thatthe prizedchili peppers"nou forn partofthe nationalidcntiq'.capturedin thepopular
Mexicanrefiajn: ')o so1cono el ch e t'erde,picanrepero sabroso'(I anr like the green
chile.hot but tastv)"iPilcher 1998:16-l). Indeed.theconstruction ofa narionalidentitl,-a
crucialcuituralunderpinning ofthe ntodemuation-sta1e-that wouldovershado$' resional,
ethnic.or cl:lssidentitiesand amliations.has been a difficulr challengelaced bv Latin
Americanand Calibbeaneiitessinceindependence. The productionan-ldisseninatjonof
nationalcutsinesr,,asonervavthis challengeuas met andovercome. The u'a_v-s
in r.vhich
the
directpoliticalinterventionin thedisrributionoffood stapleshasfunctionedro colrsolidare
nationalpolitjcalfactionsshouldnot be overlooked(Ochoa2000).Ilori and why food and
nationalcuisineswere and have been importanl in the forging of nationalidsntitiesin
Belizeand Mexicoareillustntedin the follorvinesections.

Globalization
and NationalCuisinein Belize
Belize tlbrmerlr' British Honduras)is a particularlvinterestinscountn $ith uhich tcr
erplore the connections betweenfbod.cuisine.and nationalidentitj/.This is so becauseit
athrercd independence iiom GreatBritair quite recently:becauseit hasa contplexntix of
etlrnicgroups.languages. andregions\.r'jthdifferenthistoricalandculturaltrajecbries:and
becausca senseof nationalidentit),-of nationhood has onll' recently{and tenuously)
enrerged. The fbur mostimpodantlanguages spokenin Belizeare English.Spanish,Maya.
and Gariiuna.and censuseslist se\en major ethnoracialcategories- Creole, Mestizo.
Maya. Garit'una.White. East lndian. and Chinese.Durlng the past two decades.many
Maya,fleeingthe riolencein GuatemalalseeChapterl2). havecrossedinto and settledin
Belize(Stone2000).
In a $,it1vstatement.Wilk savsrhat "Belizeanskno\.rtheir flag. anthern,capital,
and great founding father. and they nor.r kno$ that tlrey should have a culture to go
u ith them" t.1999:2441. He arguesthat the fb€ing of a nationalcuisineso centraito the
coalescence ofa Belizeannationalidentitvwasin tactlarselvinfluencedbv recentexternai
Foo4Cuisire,andCulturalExprcssion 27r

or foreigneconomicforcesand culturalinfluences-whatmany call globalization(see

Chapterl0)-with the"paradoxical open,globalsocietylike
resultthatin an increasingly
Belize,tastesandpreferences arenowmoredeeplylocalizedthaneverbefore"(1999:253).
Wilk beginswith an accountof cuisinehe wasofferedat two differentmomentsof
his researchstaysin Belize.In 1973,hopingto enjoy"somethingauthenticallyBelizean."
he wasoffereda mealthatlocalBelizeansthoughthe wouldlike: canaedcornedbeefand
sardines,staleMexicanbreadanda Seven-Up. In 1990,he wasoffereda ratherdifferent
meal,onewhich,he andhis wife weretold,

wasproducedin Belizeandcookedto Belizeanrecipes.Wehadtonillas(from

the Cuatemalan-owned factorydownthe road),stewedbeans(which I later
foundwereimportedfromtheUnitedStates. . .), stewedchicken(fromnearby
Mennonitefarms),salad(someof the lettucewasfrom Mexico)with bottled
Frenchdressing(Kraft from England),and an avocadowith sliced white
cheese(madelocallyby Salvadoran
refugees).(1999:245)

Further,the first self-proclaimed"BelizeanRestaumnt"openedthat sameweek,and an

"advertisement askedcustomers to 'Treatyounelf to a Belizeanfeast.AuthenticBelizean
dishes-Gamachas, Tamales,Rice and Beans,StewChicken,FriedChicken."'As \\'ilk
notes,thesefoodsandcuisines, alreadywidelyavailableandconsumed in Belizedurinshis
firstresearchperiodin theearly1970s,werepubliclyrecognized aspan ofthe nationalcui-
sine only a decadelater.The central(andperhapsobvious)questionthat\\'ilk posesi:
"How is it that Bdtish and Mexicandishes,and globalstandards like steled ani ined
chicken,emerged soquicklyasanemblematic Belizeancuisine?"( 1999:2161
A greatdealin lact hadhappened in Belizein the seventeen yearsbenreenthe nio
meals,themostimportantperhaps beingtheextentto whichBelizeandBelizeans hacicome
into contact(throughtravelbut particularlythroughthe media)with extemalinfluences.
tourists,andimages,especially fronltheUnitedStates. Thisgrowingandintensilyinginflu-
enceofthe globalon the localhasbeenmetby a growingandongoingpublicdebateor,er
whatconstitutes, or oughtto constitute,"authentic"or "traditional"Behzeanculhlre,one
that was largelyabsentwhen Wilk visitedBelize the first time. The emergence of an
"authentic"Belizeancuisinein 1990hadmuchto do rvith how theseexternalinfluences
providedthe context.rationale.and evenideologicaljustificationfor the needfor such
authenticity.
TheLambeys, whoprovidedWilk andhis wife with thesecondmealin 1990,

knowhowto playthisgameproperly. TheyareBelizeannationalists whoknow

that they are supposed
to havesomethingauthenticand local to offer.They
havebeenabroadandhavelearnedto perceiveandcategorize differences
as
"national"and"cultural."Theyhavelearnedthatforeignersexpectthemto be
Belizean,andtheyknow how to do thejob. Theyare , . . busycreatingtradi-
tionsandnationalcultue . . . fFurther],servinganauthenticBelizeanmeal. . .
is performance of modemityandsophistication. ( 1999:247)

This seeminglyparadoxical juxtapositionof authenticand traditional,and modernand

sophisticated,
is alsobetterunderstood
by understanding howit radicallycontrasts
with the
, 1i CHAPT E R 9

colonial-erahierarchy of taste and cuisine. During the colonial era, diet was highiy
stlatified by class,so that the elite favored imports from Europe.whiie wage laborerspre-
ferred any type offood they could afford in storcs.and both disdainedthe c,lietofthe peas-
antry. largely consisringof roots crops, rice. fruits and vegetablesand occasionally,wild
game.Cuisinescurrently construedas "authentic'' or ,,traditional.,not only sharplycolltmst
with but almostrepresent an inversionofthe colonialstratification ofcuisjnes.Lobster.lor
example,now highly valuec!rvas"earenby the poor becauseit was cheap,by rhe elite
becauseit was prizedin Europe,but shunnedby the middle classas ,rrashfish,,, (i999:
249.).Further,the transfomtationof Mexican foods and cuisinesfrol11the northern part of
the country had a great deal to do rvith how the middle class-rvhich has spear.headec.lthe
constructionof"authentic" nationalcuisine- views theseloods as a "safely exotic option-
associatedneitherrvith the classbelorvnor rhe classabove" (1999 249).
h a matter of a ferv decades.an "authentic" cuisine-one reconstitutedreurarkably
quickly from a variety ofdisparate sources-had come to loom at the forefront ofBelizean
nationalconscjousness and senseofnational identity.This becamepainfull,vclearto Eng-
land\ QueenElizabethwhen shevisitedBelize in 1985.Dur.ingthat visit. Belizeanoffi-
ciaisdid theirbestto offer the monarchofthe Britishempirea hosroflocal delicacies. The
decisionwas made to offer as the principal meat dish at the queen'sbanqueta large rodent
(called gibnut or paca), whose flesh. according to mral d$,ellem.is cluitetasty--but dis-
dainedandrareiyearenby middle-class Belizeans. The Britishtabloidsreactedquicklyand
in a characteristicallyferocious wa1',accusingBelizeansof insulting the queen'sdignity.
One British labloid fronl pagestatedthat the queenivas"Served Rat by Wogs."This in turn
provokedan immediate,decide( and nationalistresponseby Belizeans:

Most Belizeanssawthis asan exampleofBritish arrogance andracisnr.For the

f,rst time, a Belizean.lish becamea matterof public plide. \ationalist chefs
and nutritionists defended the Bellzean gibnut as tasry healthlul, and nutri-
tious, Reinterpretedas a national deiicacy,today it often appearson restauiant
menusas "Royal Rat." and its high pdce and legitimacyin nationalcuisine
placeheav)huntingpressures on remainingpopulations. ( 1999:251
)

Cookbooks,Tamales,
and MexicanNation-tsuilding
Maize, beans,chilies,and squashweLecornerstones of Aztecand N{esoamerican diet and
cuisinepfiof to the EuropeanConquest.Five hundredyealslater.recipessimilarto those
that Aztec women preparedduring pre-Cionquestfestivals surfaced in 1992 at the "First
Annual Week of the Tamal. sponsoredby the National Museum of Popular Culture''
(Piicher1998:I ; seealsoPhoto9.2J.
The Mexico that the Creoleand Europeanized-elites assumedcontrol ofafter the pro-
tacted wan of independencervas a huge country with imposing geographicbarriers and
inaccessibleor virlu ally nonexistentcommunicatiotls;pronouncedlinguistic diversity:and
hundredsof ethnic groups whose membersrveLeconvincedon an everydaybasisthat they
weresomethingotherthanMexicans.National,Spanish-speakrng elitestherelorefacedthe
dauntingtask of governingand cony€rtingMexico into a modern nation-state, and of
Foo4Cuisine.andCuituralExpression

t . ' : r ": l:
.. I ' ^l- ..
"

PHOTO9.2 A typical workingclassfamily in lrlexico eatingtamalesh the htchen.

instillinga nationalidentirya senseof being"Mexican."Thereweremanl uat s of ore:-

comingtheseobstacles-for example,incorporatingindigenouspeoplesinto the cash
economy,or constructing schools-but oneespeciallyimportantstrategywasto delelop
and have mostMexicansidentift with a nationalcuisinethroughthewritinganddjssemi-
nationof nationalcookbooks.
As occurredelsewhere, changingdiet and cuisinewerelinked to otherconcerns,
suchasfomenting"a stabledomesticenvilonment"andpromoting"patriotismwithin the
home"(Pilcher1998:48).The drive against"lower" classfoodsand dietswasalso part
andparcelofa wider,moreinclusiveculturaleffortaimedat overhauling health,hygiene,
andsexualnorms;instillinga capitalistwork ethic;andspreadingthe useofthe Spanish
language. In fact,by the earlytwentiethcenturynationalelitesvienedMexico'spoverty
andunderdevelopment asa directconsequence of a populardiet madeup principallyof
maize,beans,andchilies.The "debility" of the Mexican"lndian"-and the inability of
Mexicoto becomean"advanced" nation-was supposedly causedby a populardiet virtu-
ally devoidof milk, meat,andbread.Sucha diet,furthermore, wasperceived asa threatto
thesocialorder:

Evenmoredreadfulto the . . . elite$'asthethreatto publicorderposedby pop-

ular cooking.In the countryside poor dietsled to nothingmoreseriousthan
indolence,but in the cities the lack of adequatenutritionprovokeddefiant
behavior,lawlessness,andalcoholism. (Pilcher1998:83)
274 c HA p' r ' ER e

The colonialandpostcolonialdrive againstmaizedjd not wholly succcedbecause ofthree

reasons.The first was the concertedand stubbom resistanceby Mexico's popular classesat
alteringtheir diet. Second.therervasa pronouncedchangein eliteanituilestowardmaize,
from disdainto recognizingits significance. This wasbecauseby the mid- I940s,Mexican
and United Statesscientistsbeganunderscoringthe extraordinarynutritionalvalueof the
maize.bean,andchiliescomplex.andrverewidely disseminating the resultsoftheir scren-
tiflc studies.The third reasonaccountingfor maize,sresiliencehad to do with the rapid pro-
liferationofcookbooksdrarvingon differentregionalrecipes,nationalcuisinesthat would
be identified wtt\ lo nexicano by most Mexican citizens. These cookbooks and their
accompanyingreclpes were primarily written and disseminatedby women and, in this
sense,the developmentofa nationalcuisineand the fbrging ofa national identity $,erepro-
fbundlv genderedaffairs:

The formationof a nationalcommunitf in thc kitchengreu' out of the basic

sociability of Mexican rvomen,for houservivescaried out a brisk market in
recipesas well as gossip. . . Cookbooksinspir.ednationalloyalty lessby any
didacticcontentthanby fosteringa senseof communityamongu.omen. . . The
transformationof householdpracticesinto national symbols cncouraged
womento takemore acfiverolesin the nationallife . . . As the riseofnational-
ism transferred sacredgroundfrom churchto state.domesticrolesalsooflered
rvomena voicein this nervreligionof the people.fPilcher1998:66.148 149)

" Hot" and "Cold" Foods

Conlroversies:

A consistenttheme in the anthropologyof food in Latin America and the Caribbean,and

one .verlapping rvith medical anthropology,hasbeen the distinction bet\\eenhot and cold
foods(l\{esser1981. 1987:Mathe$'s1983:BosterandWeller 1990:Harnood l998i Foster,
C. V. 19S8).The dichotomybetweenhot and cold has little to do with thermaltempera-
tures.ejther in a ra\y or cookedstate.and much more rvith specificqualitiesascribedto cer-
tain tbodsand foodcategories. especiall)theireilectson emotionalandsomaticwell-beins
and or elall health.For example,in a OaxacanMexicancommunity,chocolate,sugar,and
honeyare almostalu,aysclassedat hot. while anarillo (a saucedish lacedrvith chili pep-
pers) and cnldo (a soup or broth) are most often conceptualized as cold. SomePuerto
Ricans in New York City place rvhite and lima beansin the cold category,,while viewing
kidney beans,evaporatedmilk, and alcoholic beveragesas hot. Furthermore,hot and cold
classifications r'ary signifrcantllacrossand within coLrntries.regions.and communities.
Thus, NewYork City Puerto Ricansvierv sugarcaneas cold but Mexican Oaxacansbelieve
it is a hot substance, *hile in Mexico bananasare viervedby someTlaxcalansas cold and
by Oaxacans as hot. And even rvithin the same cornmunity-in Oaxaca, Nrexico. or
Jamaica,for example theremay existan evensplit ofopinionsaboutwhethera food (tea,
for example).is hot or cold (N,lathervs 1983:830831: Haruood 1998;25i: Bosterand
Weller 1990:i77:Sobo I99i:46t. Further.sometimeseven finer distinctionsare made-
Food,Cuisine.andCulturalExpression 275

communityin
Messer( l98l:135) recordssevenhot andcoldtermsin a Zapotec-speaking
Oaxaca-alongwhatis oftena culturalcontinuumratherthana categorical
dichotony.
But how do antbropologistsexplainhow andwhy somefood are classedascold or
hot,andwhatdo theyhaveto sayabouttheculturalandsocialimplicationsof thisclassifi-
cation?ThedebatebetweenMathews(1983)andBosterandWeller(1990)providessome
usefulinsights.Mathews'positionis that

irvestigators havebeenmoreconcemed with describingthesharedcontentof

humoralcategories thantheyhavewith analyzinghow individualsactivelygo
aboutclassifuingitemsandassigningthemto categories in the first place. . .
landthat] . . . hot/coldvaluesarenot fixedin onesharedsystemof classifica-
tion. Rather,severalconceptualsystemsunderliehumoralclassification, and
thesesystemsaredifferentiallyinvokeddepending on context.(1983:828)

Thus,individualswithin thesamecommunitymayvary in their food classifications, for these

are context-dEendentandyet at the sametime the underlyingprocessof decision-making
(includingcnteriaandcontexts)whereby theygoaboutclassifuing foodis broadlyshared. This
tensionandseemingcontrastis superficial at best.In the community studiedb] \lathe\\'s.
foodsarealtematively classedatholdorcoldalongthreedimensions. The"danger"dimensi..;r
alludes to negative
effectsonthebodyrvhenfoodsareingested. sothat.for exarnple.food:that
causebloatedness or constipationaregenerally classedascold whilehotfooG causediarrl:ea
or gas.Thisis whymealpreparation emphasizes a balancebetween hotandcoldlbodsro 'reli-
tralize"theirpotentialharmfuleffects.Yet,generalstatements arc consistend\.conti\r-:r\e-
cilic, sothatsomeone whoconsumes gelatin(a coldfoodthatcauses stomachacl:es ) bul\!:.1
develops someothersymptommayalsoclassgelatin,in thatspecificcontert.as 'hot.'
The seconddimensionalong which foods are classifiedis what llatheus ceil:
"neutralization."
Throughthisdimension andclassification,
theideais notto offsettheefe;rs
of coldfoodsbut to neutralize theintrinsic"hot" and"cold" statesof individualsandtheir
bodies. Thisisparticularlyimportantin thesexualrealmbecause ofthewidespread beliefthat

someindividualsarebom abnormally"hot" or . . . "cold" . . . "[H]ot" individu-

als . . . suffera disproportionate
numberof "cold" illnessesandhaveabnor-
mally strongsexualdrivesas reflectedin "promiscuous"sexualbehavior
beforemarriageandadulterous behavioraftermarriage."Cold" individuals. . .
suffer a disproportionate numberof "hot" illnessesand haveweak sexual
drivesdemonstrated by sexualdisinterest,
andthefailureto marry havesexual
liaisons,andproduceoffspring.(Mathews1983;833)

Giventhis classification of bodily(andsexual)states,food classifications

will againvary
dependingon whetherhot or cold individuals(or significantothers)attemptto dealwith
their cold or hot illnesses.Thus,men andwomenmay classgelatinas cold duringfood
preparationand as being along the dangerdimension(seeprevioustext), but wives,
attemptingto controlthe adulterous behaviorof their "hot" spouses,
will try to convince
them to consume"cold" foods on certainoccasions.Further,classiiications may vary
276 CHAPTER 9

acrossthe dangerandneutnlizationdimensions: cucumbers. for example.are hot in the

contextofmealspreparation butcoldwhenattempting to dealwith excessive sexuald ve.
Thetbird dimensionhasto do with thetreatment of minorillnesses-the,.healthfui,'
dimensjon.Herethe objectiveof food classification is to dealwith comnon,ordinaryill-
nesses. suchascoughsor srvollenstomachs. And within this category,foodsare alterna-
tivelyclassed aseitherhot or cold.depending on rhespecjficillness.Sobo11993145-46)
raisesan identicalpointin herstudyofa Jamaican communit_v. andMesser's research. also
in Oaxaca( I 98I . I 987), generailyagreeswith Mathews'oyerailresults.
BosterandWeller's( I990) researchwas slightlydifferentand hadtwo objectives.
Thefirstwasto disputesomeresearch (e.g.,LoganandMorrill 1979)suggesting thatclas-
sificatoryvariations(lackofagreement)largelystemfrom intraculturalvariabilirythatis.
the presence of subcultures with differentbelief systemsor unequalaccessto the same
storeof culturalknowledge. Theirsecond, relatedobjectivewasto disputeMathervs'con-
ciusjonsthat if thereis generaldisagreement on food classifications. it stemsfrom their
contextual underpinnings.
To substantiate their arguments. BosterandWellerworkedwith two very different
groups-couples in Tlaxcala,Mexico.andundergnduates from a Pennsylvania college.
The reasonfor comparingtwo suchdissimilargroupshad to do with critrquinga core
assumption of LoganandMorrili\ research; thattwo radicallydifferentcultures!groups,or
subcultureswould largely disagreeon th€ classificationof identicaltypes of food.
(AlthoughPennsylvania collegestudents mayagreeon whethera specificfood is "spicy.''
unlikeMexicanTlaxcalans.the hot/co1d dichotomyis not an importantpart of their cul-
ture.)Bothgroupswerepresented with four identicalquestions on howtheywouldclassi!
eightyfoods(seventy-five of which alsoappeared in Mathews'study)alongthe hot/cold
continuum, altdacross Mathews'lhree dimensions. Usingstatistical techniques to measure
associations betweenandamongresponses, andto controlfor statistical biaswhendealing
with smallsamples,BosterandWellerarrivedat somesurprisingresults.One was that
Pennsylvania collegestudents by andlargeagreedasmuchastheTlaxcalanson theclassi-
ficationof most foodsas hot or cold both in generaltermsand acrossMathews'thre.
dimensions.
Tumingto theTlaxcalanresponses, BosterandWellcrnotethattheseresponses \\'ere
farlessconsistent acrossMathews'danger,neutralization, andheathdimensions thanthos:
oftheOaxacans. Theyalsoaddressed thepossible objection thatthedifferences in classif-
cationmightsimplystemftom culturaldifferences between TlaxcalaandOaxaca. Theycir;
soby undertaking statisticalcorrelationsbehveen responses on theclassificationsolfocc.
betweenPennsylvania students. Tlaxcalans, and,basedon Mathews'data, Oaxacans. Or=
of the resultsof theseanalyses wasthatTlaxcalansandOaxacans werefar moresimii.-
to eachotherthan to the Pennsylvania students,They summatizetheir researchir, :.-.:
followingway:

First,agreement alonedoesnot . . . indicatetheexistenceofa culturalsystem:

here . . . Pennsylvanians displaya very high degree agreementin their
of
responses . . . aboutthehot-coldvalences of foods,eventhoughtheywerecho-
senfor theirignorance of thisculturalsystem.Second, contextdoesnot alwa\s
 Expression
andCuhural
Foo4Cuisine,

explainawayvariation:in neithergroupis therea strongreductionofvariation

whencontextis morenarrowlyspecified. Third,contextsensitivityis not nec-
essarilythehallmarkofexpertise:thePennsylvanians showa greatdealofcon-
text sensitivitywhile the Tlaxcalansdisplay virtually none. Fourth, the
Tlaxcalans andOaxacans . . . sharea culfi.ralsystemofhot-coldclassification...
because they agreewith eachothermoreoften thanwith Pennsylvanians . ..
This suggests thatthe presence of contextspecificityis not good evidence for
theexistence ofa culturalsystemnor is thelackof it evidencefor the absence
ofone.(BosterandWeller1990:I'76-17'7)

In the United States:Tamales.Gend€r.and Survival

Thesymbolicroleof tamalesin underpinning Mexicanidentityis not restricted
to Mexico
but is alsoimportantfor largenumbersof itinerantMexicanfamworkersandtheirfamilies
in the UnitedStates.Identityis partiallyexpressedthroughpractice-which may include
cookingfood-and preparingtamalestakesup considerable timeandeffort.Consider.for
example,the followingdepictionof themakingof tamalesamongMexicanfarm laboren
in Texas:

In the arrayof artifactsby whichTejanomigrantfarm workersidenti!' them-

selves,the tamalehas no seriousrival. it is a compiicatedculinarl treat
demanding daysof preparation,markingfestive-sometimes sacred-occasions.
signalingthecook'sextraordinary concemfor the diners.andrequrringa .pe'
andconsumeapproPnalell.
cial set of culturalskills andtastesto appreciate
Tamalesare servedwrappedin com husks which hold a soft outerpasteof
(a
masaharina flour)anda rich innermash prepared from themeatof a pig s
head.(Williams1984:113)

Further,preparingtamalesis a quintessential
gendered
andsocialaffair:

Only womenmaketamales.They cooperate to do so with domesticfanfare

which sfetchesthough daysof buyingthe pigs' heads,strippingthe meat,
cookingthe mash,preparingthe paste,andstuffing,wrapping,andbakingor
boiling the final tamale.Womenshoptogetherbecausethe headsare very
bulky; they gatherarourd huge,steamingpots to cook togetheras well.
Tamalesare thuslabor-intensivefood itemswhich syrnbolizeand alsoexag-
geratewomen'sroutinenwturanceof men. The dtual and cooperationof
tamalecookerydramatically underscore women'ssharedmonopolyofdomes-
(Williams
tic tasks. 1984:113)

The time, effort, andmoneychanneledto prcparingtamalescanbe staggering,particularly

duringritual occasions that drawtogetherdozensof extendedfamily membersscattered
acrossthe UnitedStates.aswell friendsandacquaintances. In oneChristmascelebration
278 CHA P T ER q

documentedby Williams.more than t!\"othousandtamaleswere cooked,consumed,and

distributed.
During her fieldworkrvith migrantfamiliesin Texasand Illinois.Williams learned
that migrant women solidly acceptedtheir roles in householdaffairs.espeuiallyin the
domesticsphereof cooking (particularlvramales).t'ewexpresseddoubrsthat their hus-
bandsr,vereentitledto demandofthem tarnales.andall rvomenagreedthatit wastheirobli-
gationto providetheirhusbandsandfamiliesu,ithtamales.But why?
One importantfoci of Wiiliams fieldrvorkrvasro dispel the notion that micranr
rvomenviervedtheir rolesin domesticaffairsas necessarily
opprcssive. andtllat they\\,ere
submissive to theirhusbandsWilliamsexplains:

Becausemigrantwomenare so involvedin family life and so seemingiysub-

missii'eto their husbands, thel-'havebeendescribedoiten as martyredpurvey-
ors of rural Mexican and Christian custont. tyrannized by excessively
mascuiine. crudelydomineering.rude and pettv bulliesin marriage.and blind
tu any ivorld outsidethe family becausethey are suffocatedby the concernsof
kin. Most disconcertinsto outsiderobserversis that migrantwomenseemto
embracesuchstereotypes: thev aiguethat they.liorrll monopolizetheir food-
waysandthatthey should/ro1questionthe authorityoftheir husbands. lf men
want tamales.meu should have thern. But easv stereotvpescan mislead.
( 19 8 .1 :l
Ii )

Williams'fieldrvorkunderscored the point thatpreparingandsharingtamalesuas crucialll

importantfar beyondthe immediateconfinesof kitchenlife. taste.and cui-sine. N'ligrant
farm life is distinguishedby extreme povertr'.poor health.lorvpay {of1en belo$'minimum
wage),seasonalhunger.erraticemployment.and unpredictableincome(seealsoRothenberg
1998;Martinez2001).As a result.migrantfamiliesareconstantlv on the lnovein searchof
rvork opportunities.Further.fanii)' members--voungand old. male and female are
tirrcedto contributein their oNn wa)s to the economjc$,ell-beingof their households, and
males{includinehusbands)openly recognizethe crucial importanceofthe rvorkoftheir
rimlle kin andri ives.
Povert-v.unpredictability.necessaril-v flexiblework roles.and a transientlifestyiego
handln handwith the impo ancethat migrantsattachto tbrgingand maintainingsocial
relationships, cspccially\\,ith extendedkin hving or rvorkin-e near or faraway.The great
deal of time. cffort. al]d money tbat migrant \\omen devote to preparing and sharing
tamalesis crucialto the successofthis broaderstrategy and its imponanceis recognized
b.vboth $,omenand men. \rives and husbands.Becauscpreparingtamalesjs so time and
labor intensive.manv women come togetherto sharein the \\,ork.
Preparingtamalesis thus a key opportuniq/ for relativesand acquaintancesto gathe!
and sharenewsabouttheir lives.incJudingwork opportunities elsewhere. Sharingtamales
also createsreciprocal obligations rvith those-family or friends-recently arrived from
\lexico or else$herein the United States.Tamalesloom importantin accumuiatingand
investingin socialcapital-"resources.actualor virtual.that accrueto an individualor a
groupb) virtue of possessing a durablenet$ork of more or lessinstitrLrionaiized relation-
 Food,Cuisine,andCulturalExpresslon 279

shipsofmutualacquaintance andrecognition"(BourdieuandWacquant1992:l19;quoted
in Aguileraand\4assey2003:672)-for theeconomicandsocialsurvivalofmigrantfami-
lies.Recentresearch underscoresthatmigrantfarmfamilieswith widerandmoreenduring
socialnetworks(sociaicapital)enjoyhigherincomesandmoresecurework opportunities
thanthosewho do not(AguileraandMassey2003).
The sharingof food also is importantin creatingfictivekin relationships,
thereby
expanding thesocialfield,whichcanbe crucialat a momentofcrisis.Williams'foliowing
vignetteis telling:

Eachsummersometwo dozenof theGomas'relativesarriveto work through

themigrantseason, andduringthattime Sra.Gomamobilizeson their behalf
theresources transporta-
ofher Illinoisnetworks-legalaid,publicassistance,
tion, anda lessformal example,a servicestationownerwho will cashpay-
checks.Shehasn'orkedhardto stetch andsecuethisnetwork.ofteninitially
obligatingfriendsthroughfood.By sharingher. . . dinners,Illinois residents
actasthoughtheyarekin, andthroughtime shefindsthatshecancall on them
for helpasif theyreallyuere.(Williams1984:119)

Thuswomenbwork--+specially, butnotlimitedto thekitchendomainandthepreparing and

sharingof food andtamales-is absolutelycrucialin the lives of migrants,and in their
attemptsto buildforthemselvesandtheirfamiliesamoreviable,predictable, anddecentlife
in theUnitedStates. Women-aswell astheirspouses andothermalerelatives-recognize
andcelebrate in variouswaystheirimportance As a result,womencom-
in thisundertaking.
mandfargreaterprestige, status,andauthoritywithintheirhouseholdsandsocialnetworks-
andvis-e-vistheirspouses-thanstereotypical andsubmissiveness
imagesof dolTrination
mayimply.

Summary
Eatingandenjoyingfoodmayseema mundaneundertaking, but it is in fact cuiturallyand
sociallyimportant.Indigenous peoplesenjoyeda wide spectrumoffoods andcuisines,all
significantin ritualandsocialinteractions.
After theConquest, someEuropean cropsfared
well while othersdid not, aDdwidespread attemptsto replaceindigenouswith European
foodsandcuisineslargelyfailed.Thischapteralsohighlightedrvaysin whichfoodloomed
importantin ritual andsocialrelationships in EcuadorandTrinidad.Anotherthemewas
that food and cuisineare key in genderidentitiesand relationships. and this chapter
exploredtheseconnections in highlandEcuador,Jamaica,andBrazil. Foodand cuisine
werealsoshownto be significantpolitically,especially in theforgingofnationalideniiries.
as in Belizeand Mexico.Foods.like most aspectsof culture,are classifiedin tiiffereni
ways,which in turn revealsmuch abouthealthand sexuality:suchis the caseof the
hoVcolddichotomydiscussed in thischapter,
Finally,thischapteralsodrewattentionro rhe
crucialcultural,social,and econornicimportanceof tamaleslrom the vantagepoint of
mierantfarmworkers in theUnitedStates.
280 CHAPTER 9

IS S UE S A r r- D QU ES T IO N S

l. Anthropologlof Foor1.Whatdoesthe field of and culture.and nationalismand national

theanthropology of foodconsjstoi andwhar identity.Drawingon the examples discussed
generalizations
doesit makeaboutfood.cul- in this chapter.
explainr!hatthis relationship
ture.andsocialrelations?
Are therewaysthat consists of. Whatotherexamples- eitherfronr
food and cuisinemakedifferenlstatentents Latin Americaand the Ca bbeanor other
aboutcultuteandsocialrelatiorlsthanthose uorld regions,mightalsoberelevant?
statementsraisedin previouschapters'i
Hot or Cold Foods.'Ihedistinctionbetween
2. IneLluality
or Hietarrlr_r,
Drawingon two sepa- hot andcoldfoodsis onethatanthropologists
rateexamples. expiarnandillustratehou food haveemphasizedlbr many years.What does
and cuisineselveto conveystatements about this distinctionconsistof.)Which realrnsof
cultural,
social,or economicinequa)ity
or hrer- cullr.redoeslhe Irolcold contrrsrshedIiglir
archy.Might therebe examplesin rvhichthey on?Mighttheholdicold distinction
be relerant
do not? to somegroupsor historicalperiodsand not
others?
3. NulianalismanclNationalLlenti4,.This chap-
ter Lrnderscored
the relationshipbetweenlood

KEY 'TER MS A ND CONCE P TS

Anthropologyoffood p. 251 foods p. 266

Gender-infiected RituaLolresistance p. 162
CornnrrLnitasp. 270 oftasteandcuisine
Hierarchy SocialcapitaL p. 278
Consumprion metaphors p. 269 Peasantsp. 253
Foodpollution p. 262 Hot andcoldfoods p. 2?4
Foodtaboos p.262 ofmemory p. 252
Reservoirs

ENDNO TES
I 1: i,oredin Chapier6. globalizationis gener- I Consumption meiaphors ofthe Npe describedb]
er:nga srgniicantimpacton dlet andnutritional Coldsteirare not rest cted10Brazilor rhe Lah.
Anrericanand Caribbeancoillext