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Postcolonial Studies
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To cite this article: Sebastien Malette (2012) De-colonizing Foucault's historical ontology: toward a
postcolonial ethos, Postcolonial Studies, 15:3, 369-387, DOI: 10.1080/13688790.2012.759083
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Postcolonial Studies, 2012, Vol. 15, No. 3, 369387
[. . .] many of our perplexities arise from the ways in which a space of possible
ideas has been formed.
Introduction
In his later work, Michel Foucault introduces the project of a ‘history of
subjectivity’ examining the ethical practices involved in the problem of
governing oneself and others.1 This project is described as deepening his
previous exploration of the ‘problem of government’, now focusing on the
processes of (self-)subjectivation arising through ethical practices.2 One of the
aims of this project is to encourage ‘practices of freedom’ in the face of ‘modes
of domination’ Foucault describes as blocking the reversibility of power-
relations mediated by ‘practices of the self’ and ‘practices of liberation’.3 This
invitation can be interpreted as the culmination of Foucault’s critical ethos,4
taking these ‘practices of freedom’ as key to the emergence of ‘strategic games
of liberation’ and a self-referential constructivism capable of disrupting modes
of domination ‘by freeing ‘‘ourselves from ourselves’’ by coming to see that
‘‘which has not always been,’’ that it could be otherwise’.5
It has been suggested that Foucault’s late turn to ethics could contribute to
the development of a postcolonial ethos.6 More precisely, it has been proposed
that Foucault’s work on ethics could facilitate the emergence of a postcolonial
ethos with the hope of opening new spaces of interrogation, this by rethinking
the scope of agency from the standpoint of practices ‘ineluctably bound up with
the historically and culturally specific disciplines through which a subject is
formed’.7 Moving beyond a debate mostly shaped as epistemological disputes
about the possibility and the power-relations involved in representing the
‘colonized’, Robert Nichols invites us to consider the ethical work of Foucault
as a possible answer to a number of ill-informed criticisms of Foucault’s
thought, as well as a source of inspiration to formulate a postcolonial ethos.
In this article, I suggest that we need to examine more carefully the
ontological assumptions supporting Foucault’s critical ethos, in particular the
notion of historical ontology. My contention with Foucault’s ontology
concerns one of its implications which ties up with his critical ethos: that
all that exists ineluctably exists within the scope of a historical ontology. For
# 2012 The Institute of Postcolonial Studies
http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13688790.2012.759083
SEBASTIEN MALETTE
goal is not to work for or against Foucault, but rather through Foucault to
illustrate how our ontological assumptions can become the vehicle of
dominative and assimilative unsuspected tendencies, visible if we adopt a
postcolonial standpoint. My goal is to amend Foucault’s critical ethos from
the metaphysical implications of its historical ontology to articulate a
postcolonial ethos capable of negotiating what seem to us the necessary
conditions of possibility of Critique and freedom.
In this article, I will first examine Foucault’s notion of historical ontology
in relation to two difficulties. I will discuss Foucault’s critical ethos in relation
to its temporal character to show what I describe as an internal/external
tension at its core, to then suggest that two readings of Foucault’s ontology
are possible. From there, I will discuss the circularity affecting both these
readings, to finally argue that Foucault’s ontology must be stripped of an
aprioristic and assimilative tendency I describe in terms of a colonial logic.
The telos of questioning a limit of our thought and action in the present*a form of
our subjectivity*in Foucault’s philosophy is to open up the possibility of thinking
and acting differently. It comprises of two distinct exercises. Historical studies are
undertaken to bring to light the two kinds of limit: to show that what is taken for
granted in the form of the subject in question has a history and has been otherwise;
and to show ‘in what is given to be universal, necessary and obligatory, what place
occupied by whatever is singular, contingent and the product of arbitrary
constraint’. These studies thus enable us ‘to free ourselves from ourselves,’ from
this form of subjectivity, by coming to see that ‘that-which-is has not always been,’
that it could be otherwise, by showing how in Western cultures people have
recognised themselves differently, so to ‘alter one’s way of looking at things’.26
In this passage, Tully highlights the role played by a critical ethos we can
understand as a specific way of positioning ourselves toward our entangle-
ments with problems of knowledge and ethical relations. More precisely,
Tully’s description emphasizes the role of a specific way of undertaking
historical research, aiming at opening a vertical space of interrogations
showing the non-necessity and non-universality of what we know to be
fundamentally and/or objectively ‘true’ about ourselves, others and reality.
This passage also reveals how Foucault is using historical research to
problematize the ‘limits’ by which we relate to the problem of being, not
only as a fundamental problem of correspondence and objectivity, but also as
the problem of ‘being’ with oneself and others which Foucault describes in
terms of ethical and political modalities.
Tully’s description helps us to clarify the relationship between Foucault’s
historical ontology and his critical ethos in at least two ways. First, it shows
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DE-COLONIZING FOUCAULT’S HISTORICAL ONTOLOGY
how Foucault expends the question of Being (or ontology) beyond its
classical acceptation as a branch of metaphysics broadly defined as the
philosophical exploration of what we might consider the first or most general
principles of reality. Foucault’s ontology is not merely a theory of being, but
implicates a critical ethos which verticality invites us to problematize at an
epistemic, political and ethical level what we believe to be true, apodictic,
universal or necessary about our understanding of reality, other and
ourselves. Second, and perhaps more importantly, Tully’s description reveals
just how important is the temporal character of Foucault’s thought by
highlighting the central role of Foucault’s historical methodology and his
conception of a historicized self.
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Formulated by Le Cercle d’Epistémologie, the first one asks how can Foucault
engage critically an episteme without reintroducing an absolute or a-historical
form of knowledge?33 Tweaked otherwise: how can Foucault avoid the charge
of historical circularity that would make the use of our critical abilities the
mere product of their own historical conditioning? The second criticism,
attributed mainly to Habermas responding to Foucault’s genealogical
readjustment, claims that by subsuming the condition of possibility of
Critique to relations of power, Foucault is incapable of providing a moral
reason as to why we should resist or strive to be any ‘different’.34
The notion of ‘practices’ plays a key role in Foucault’s responses to these
criticisms by introducing an irreducible element of contingency both at the
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emergence.36 Interpreted this way, our ‘practices’ are not emerging within the
framework of a historical ontology, but rather ontologies are always and
already in ‘practice’. In other words, our understandings of reality would be
derivative of ‘practices’, not the other way round.
As we can see, at least two readings of Foucault’s critical project are
possible. More precisely, two readings each insisting on a different principle
to explain why there is a fundamental and irreducible element of contingency
within our knowledge/power/ethical modalities can be found in Foucault’s
critical project: one that insists on the temporal structure of history, the other
on the notion of ‘practices’ itself. When reading Foucault, one has the clear
impression that his concept of historical ontology attributes a state of
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ness’ that haunts modern philosophy at least since Kant (if not Descartes),
Foucault’s strategy has been to externalize the axiomatic tendency we find at
the heart of the modern episteme, which, in subsequent leaps, went from
freeing itself from onto-theological tutelage by grounding the possibility of
knowledge in the Subject alone (as the fundamental axiom of all knowledge),
to the adoption of a postmodernist metaphysics holding the temporal
structure of historicity (rather than the Subject) as that by which we can
free ourselves from the manacles of both modern subjectivism and the
residual of aprioristic formulations. In other words, Foucault has externalized
the Archimedean consecration of the Cartesian/Kantian Subject by evoking
an external element, historicity, which frames the Subject in terms of finitude,
location, transiency and contingency, making impossible its universal and
aprioristic consecration. From this set-up has emerged the task of the
genealogist to think such historicity in order to expose the contingency of our
modes of thinking, while positioning our ‘will power’ vertical to itself as a
potential source of creation for an undetermined future via the notion of
‘practice’.
Of course, as I have already discussed, it can be argued that historical
ontology should be understood first and foremost as a genealogical ‘practice’,
which makes no claim about the metaphysical or objective structures of
temporality as such. The ‘practice’ of doing genealogical work would introduce
an element of contingency, making any universal or aprioristic claims about the
‘true’ nature of historical time impossible. Making universalistic and aprioristic
claims would be impossible, not because of the structures of historical time
itself, but rather because the descriptions of the structures of temporality
assumed by the genealogist can always be otherwise due to their ontological
grounding in unpredictable ‘acts of will’. But again, this would turn the notion
of ‘practices’ into an a-historical self-explanatory principle no more acceptable
to Foucault who insists on the thoroughly historical character of just about
anything (including ‘practices’). Moreover, we can see that the relationship
between Foucault’s historical ontology and his ‘ontology of praxis’ leads to a
circular argument: ‘practices’ are contingent because they are fundamentally
historical (historical ontology), and ‘historical ontology’ is fundamentally
contingent because it is a ‘practice’.
It is this circular, universalizing and aprioristic character that affects both
Foucault’s historical ontology and his ‘ontology of praxis’ which I see as
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SEBASTIEN MALETTE
problematic from the standpoint of the postcolonial ethos. On the one hand,
positing that anything that exists must exist historically is still to posit a
universal and aprioristic metaphysical argument formulated as ‘self-evident’:
it is still to posit a metaphysical Archè by which Foucault grounds
ontologically the condition of possibility of our self-reflecting capacities
(although always heterogeneous), our critical abilities and our possibilities to
do otherwise in a ‘present’ Foucault desperately needs to portray as ‘open’ if
he wants to avoid the peril of a deterministic dead-end to his encouragement
to resist the closure of domination. On the other hand, Foucault’s ‘ontology
of praxis’ involves similar difficulties. ‘Practices’ are either described as
fundamentally contingent because of their historical nature (which brings us
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If we agree that even our understandings of time and historicity have been
conditioned by numerous cultural inputs,41 we cannot claim that our
understanding of historicity corresponds to objective reality. This is not to
say that holding metaphysical beliefs about the nature of time or reality is
something wrong per se. On the contrary, it seems quite inevitable to assume
some kind of metaphysical assumptions when it comes to our understanding/
description of the world.42 But to posit our metaphysical beliefs as universally
and apodictically true on the basis of their self-evidence is precisely one of the
most enduring traits of what I describe as the ‘cultural logic of colonialism’*a
logic that operates first by making us believe that its own ontological assessment
of the world carries the weight of certainty and self-evidence, to then justify the
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Acknowledgements
This research has been supported by a grant from the Social Sciences and Humanities
Research Council of Canada (SSHRC).
381
SEBASTIEN MALETTE
Notes
1
Michel Foucault, ‘The Ethic of Care for the Self as a Practice of Freedom: An Interview with Michel
Foucault’, Philosophy and Social Criticism 12, 1987; A I Davidson, ‘Ethics as Ascetics: Foucault, the
History of Ethics, and Ancient Thought’, in G Gutting (ed), The Cambridge Companion to Foucault,
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005, p 127. See Foucault in ‘The Subject and Power’ (‘Le
sujet et le pouvoir’, in Dits et Écrits, vol 2: 19761988, Paris: Quarto Gallimard, 2001): ‘The ideas which
I would like to discuss here represent neither a theory nor a methodology. I would like to say, first of all,
what has been the goal of my work during the last twenty years. It has not been to analyze the
phenomena of power, nor to elaborate the foundations of such an analysis. My objective, instead, has
been to create a history of the different modes by which, in our culture, human beings are made subjects.’
Translation in P Rabinow (ed), The Foucault Reader, New York: Vintage Books, 2010 [1984]. Italics are
mine.
2
M Foucault, ‘Subjectivité et vérité’, in Dits et Écrits, vol 2, p 1033. On the complex relationship
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between notions of governmentality, ethics, freedom and ‘care of the self’, see M Foucault, ‘L’éthique
du souci de soi comme pratique de la liberté’, in Dits et Écrits, vol 2: ‘The ethic of care for the self as a
practice of freedom: an interview with Michel Foucault on January 20, 1984’: ‘[...] I do not think that
the only point of possible resistance to political power*understand of course, as a state of
domination*lies in the relationship of self to self. I say that governmentality implies the relationship
of self to self, which means exactly that, in the idea of governmentality, I am aiming at the totality of
practices, by which one can constitute, define, organize, instrumentalize the strategies which
individuals in their liberty can have in regard to each other. It is free individuals who try to control,
to determine, to delimit the liberty of others and, in order to do that, they dispose of certain
instruments to govern others. That rests indeed on freedom, on the relationship of self to self and the
relationship to the other. [...].’ Translation in Foucault, ‘The Ethic of Care for the Self as a Practice of
Freedom’, pp 130131.
3
Here I use the distinction made by James Tully between ‘practices of the self’ and ‘practices of
liberation’: ‘Practices of liberation refer either to the strategic games of liberty agents play together in a
practical system or the more individual ‘‘practices of the self’’ an agent applies to himself or herself’
(James Tully, ‘To think and act differently: comparing critical ethos and critical theory,’ in James Tully,
Public Philosophy in a New Key. Volume 1. Democracy and Civic Freedom, Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 2008, p 78.). If no explicit distinction is made, I refer to both of these dimensions when
I use the term ‘practices of freedom’. On the difference between the notions of ‘power relations’ and
‘domination’, see Foucault, ‘L’éthique du souci de soi comme pratique de la liberté’: ‘[...] That is where
the idea of domination must be introduced. The analyses I have been trying to make have to do
essentially with the relationships of power. I understand by that something other than the states of
domination. The relationships of power have an extremely wide extension in human relations. There is a
whole network of relationships of power, which can operate between individuals, in the bosom of the
family, in an educational relationship, in the political body, etc. This analysis of relations of power
constitutes a very complex field; it sometimes meets what we can call facts or states of domination, in
which the relations of power, instead of being variable and allowing different partners a strategy which
alters them, find themselves firmly set and congealed. When an individual or a social group manages to
block a field of relations of power, to render them impassive and invariable and to prevent all
reversibility of movement*by means of instruments which can be economic as well as political or
military*we are facing what can be called a state of domination. [...] Liberation opens up new
relationships of power, which have to be controlled by practices of liberty.’ Translation in Foucault, ‘The
Ethic of Care for the Self as a Practice of Freedom’, p 114.
4
The concept of ethos is a complex notion that merges together both a specific way of conceiving critique
and a particular attitude or way of behaving towards oneself and others. On the notion of ‘critical ethos’
in relation to ‘historical ontology’, see Foucault in ‘What is Enlightenment?’ (M Foucault, Qu’est-ce que
Les Lumières?’ (1984), in Dits et Écrits, vol 2; translation in Rabinow, The Foucault Reader). On the
definition of ethos as a mode of being and behaving, and on the relationship between ‘freedom’ and
‘ethos’ see Foucault, ‘L’éthique du souci de soi comme pratique de la liberté’: ‘The Greeks, in fact,
considered this freedom as a problem and the freedom of the individual as an ethical problem. But ethical
in the sense that Greeks could understand. Ethos was the deportment and the way to behave. It was the
subject’s mode of being and a certain manner of acting visible to others. One’s ethos was seen by his dress,
by his bearing, by his gait, by the poise with which he reacts to events, etc. For them, that is the concrete
expression of liberty.’ Translation in Foucault, ‘The Ethic of Care for the Self as a Practice of Freedom’,
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DE-COLONIZING FOUCAULT’S HISTORICAL ONTOLOGY
p 117. See also the interesting assertion by Foucault from the same text: ‘Liberty is the ontological
condition of ethics. But ethics is the deliberate form assumed by liberty’ (p 115). Italics are mine.
5
Tully, vol. 1, 2008, pp 7677. See David Owen’s description of autonomy as ‘the activity of self-
construction’, showing the rapprochement between Nietzsche’s and Foucault’s thought contra
Habermas: ‘By contrast [with Habermas], the Nietzschean trajectory of thought articulates the
relationship between autonomy and critique in terms of a thinking of autonomy as the activity of self-
construction which locates critique as the specification of the form of this activity. In this context, we
may attempt to grasp Foucault’s conception of ‘the principle of a critique and a permanent creation of
ourselves in our autonomy.’ D Owen, Maturity and Modernity: Nietzsche, Weber, Foucault and the
Ambivalence of Reason, London: Routledge, 1994, p 161. Italics are mine.
6
Robert Nichols, ‘Postcolonial Studies and the Discourse of Foucault: Survey of a Field of
Problematization’, Foucault Studies 9, 2010, pp 114144.
7
Nichols 2010, p 33.
8
Foucault, Tully 2008, pp 7683, Owen, Maturity and Modernity, pp 160162.
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9
P Veyne, Comment on écrit l’histoire; suivi de Foucault révolutionne l’histoire, Paris: Éditions du Seuil,
1979; M Dean, Critical and Effective Histories: Foucault’s Methods and Historical Sociology, London:
Routledge, 1994; I Hacking, Historical Ontology, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2002.
10
As David Owen summarizes it: ‘The actual ways in which we constitute ourselves as subjects of
knowledge govern the ways in which we can reflect on others and ourselves and, thereby, define a field of
possible ways of acting on others and ourselves; while, at the same time, the actual ways in which we act
on others and ourselves govern the possible ways in which we can constitute ourselves as subject of
knowledge. Viewed in this way, Foucault’s project of historical ontology may be situated as a mode of
accounting for the emergence and development of the structures of recognition constitutive of our
subjectivity through a tracing of the movement from fields of possibility to patterns of actuality in the
interplay of structures of consciousness and structures of the will.’ Owen, Maturity and Modernity, p
156. Italics are mine.
11
This seems to be at least the conclusion reached by Sergei Prozorov, making an exemplary use of
Foucault’s critical methodology to attack identity politics and other cultural diagrammatic ‘enframing’.
See S Prozorov, Foucault, Freedom and Sovereignty, Aldershot: Ashgate, 2007.
12
The term ‘ontology’ is often used in diverse ways and with different connotations. Etymologically
speaking, the term ‘ontology’ refers to a conjunction of the Greek words on to (‘what is’) and logos
(‘reason or discourse’). The term ontology can therefore be loosely translated as ‘rational discourse on
what is’ (or Being). As a discipline, ontology refers to a branch of metaphysics that is broadly defined as
the philosophical exploration of what we might consider the first or most general principles of reality. In
its classical formulation, ontology came to designate the part of philosophy that studies the first causes
and principles of physics, the study of ‘beings qua beings’, influenced in this definition by the seminal
work of Aristotle. Ontology remains an unpopular topic despite recent and often excellent attempts to
explore the ontological assumptions held by canonical philosophers (J Coujou, Philosophie politique et
ontologie: remarques sur la fonction de l’ontologie dans la constitution de la pensée politique, 2 vols, Paris:
L’Harmattan, 2006), or to rethink materialism, Marxism or the usual dichotomies informing Western
thinking (C Strathausen, A Leftist Ontology: Beyond Relativism and Identity Politics, Minneapolis:
University of Minnesota Press, 2009; D H Coole, New Materialisms: Ontology, Agency, and Politics,
Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2010; J Bennett, Vibrant Matter: A Political Ecology of Things,
Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2010). For an interesting explanation as to why ontology is still an
obscure notion to many, see Ian Hacking’s opening remarks in Historical Ontology, pp. 12.
13
Subject to many discussions, it has been debated that Foucault might in fact be a successor to modernity
rather than its radical antithesis. According to Foucault, Kant expresses the space of a quintessential
interrogation characterizing modernity in his appeal to use of our own reason (against dogmas), while
developing an analysis of the conditions under which it is legitimate to claim what can be known, done
and hoped. For Foucault this interrogation is the first one to place itself at the vertical of its own
historicity or actuality, opening the possibility to interrogate rational thought, not only its nature, but
also its history. The critical project of Foucault through the notion of historical ontology can thus be
considered as a philosophical ‘successor’ of the Enlightenment rather than its antithesis. See M Mahon,
Foucault’s Nietzschean Genealogy: Truth, Power, and the Subject, Albany: State University of New York
Press, 1992, p 181.
14
Foucault has often been described as a postmodern thinker, associated with a group of thinkers known
for their radical critique of objectivity, truth and abstract reason, the teleological approach of history,
universalizing grand narratives, the notion of scientific progress, the a priori subject as source of
meaning, authenticity and authority. Yet his work has been convincingly described as framed by a
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SEBASTIEN MALETTE
modern philosophical gridding, in particular the problem of Kant’s anthropological consecration of the
Modern Man, which bears direct influence on the formulation of historical ontology (B Han, Foucault’s
Critical Project: Between the Transcendental and the Historical, Atopia, Stanford, CA: Stanford
University Press, 2002).
15
Owen, Maturity and Modernity, p 147. See also Foucault, ‘Nietzsche, Genealogy, History’, in Rabinow,
The Foucault Reader.
16
M Foucault, L’Ordre du Discours, Paris: Gallimard, 1971, pp 4950, 7677. Foucault declares: ‘Husserl
and Heidegger bring up for discussion again all our knowledge and its foundations, but they do this by
beginning from that which is original. This analysis takes place, however, at the expense of any
articulated historical content. Instead, what I liked in Nietzsche is the attempt to bring up for discussion
again the fundamental concept of knowledge, of morals, and of metaphysics by appealing to a historical
analysis of the positivistic type, without going back to origin’ (M Foucault, Foucault Live: Interviews,
196684, trans John Johnston, ed Sylvère Lotringer, New York: Semiotext[e], 1989, p 77; quoted in
Han, Foucault’s Critical Project, p 102; my italics). This comment should not be interpreted as a
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negation of the intellectual debt and many similarities characterizing Foucault’s work in relation to
Heidegger. See A Milchman and A Rosenberg (eds) Foucault and Heidegger: Critical Encounters,
Minneapolis: Minnesota University Press, 2003.
17
A cautionary note for the philosophers of analytical obedience: this does not mean that Foucault rejects
the possibility of predicating universal or even aprioristic judgements when they occur within the
context of justification of the various ‘regimes of truth’, based upon the acceptance of specific premises
and logical implications (which is not the same thing as saying that the Universal actually exists as a
thing). Within the limits of contexts of justification, premises that are posited as self-evident, aprioristic
or universal are certainly possible, and may even prove useful to the resolution of specific problems (i.e.
mathematical problems). Foucault’s treatment of ontology rather targets the context of emergence and
effectiveness that exceeds the framework of rules and regularities found within these ‘regimes of truths’
we often mistakenly hold to be fundamental at an ontological level. This is not to say that nothing can
be said about ‘reality’ either. As David Couzens Hoy puts it, Foucault’s methodological nominalism
‘does not entail that universals do not have real effects. [...] From a fictitious relation, Foucault
maintains, a real subjection can be born’ (D C Hoy, The Times of Our Lives: A Critical History of
Temporality, Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2009, p 235). In other words, Foucault is less concerned with
the truth or falsity of universal statements than with modes of domination, described as lacking the
possibility of any reversal or contestation. Foucault’s concern with universality is thus mainly political,
not analytical, and certainly not ontological in the classical sense of the term.
18
See Foucault in ‘The Ethic of Care for the Self as a Practice of Freedom’, showing the consistency of his
critique of the aprioristic way in which phenomenology formulates its theory of the Subject:
Q: But you have always ‘refused’ that we speak to you about the subject in general?MF: No I had not
‘refused.’ I perhaps had some formulations which were inadequate. What I refused was precisely that
you first of all set up a theory of the subject*as could be done in phenomenology and in
existentialism*and that, beginning from the theory of the subject, you come to pose the question of
knowing, for example, how such and such a form of knowledge was possible. What I wanted to know
was how the subject constituted himself, in such and such a determined form, as a mad subject or as a
normal subject, through a certain number of practices which were games of truth, applications of
power, etc. I had to reject a certain a priori theory of the subject in order to make this analysis of the
relationships which can exist between the constitution of the subject or different forms of the subject
and games of truth, practices of power and so forth.
19
Foucault, ‘L’éthique du souci de soi comme pratique de la liberté’, p 1212.
20
Han, Foucault’s Critical Project, p 42.
21
Han, Foucault’s Critical Project, p 41.
22
B Han, ‘Foucault and Heidegger on Kant and Finitude’, in A Milchman and A Rosenberg (eds),
Foucault and Heidegger. Critical encounters, Minneapolis: Minnesota University Press, 2003, p 128. See
Foucault in ‘What is Enlightenment?’: ‘[...] that criticism is no longer going to be practiced in the search
for formal structures with universal value, but rather as a historical investigation into the events that
have led us to constitute ourselves and to recognize ourselves as subjects of what we are doing, thinking,
saying. In that sense, this criticism is not transcendental, and its goal is not that of making a
metaphysics possible: it is genealogical in its design and archaeological in its method. Archaeological*
and not transcendental*in the sense that it will not seek to identify the universal structures of all
knowledge or of all possible moral action, but will seek to treat the instances of discourse that articulate
what we think, say, and do as so many historical events. And this critique will be genealogical in the
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DE-COLONIZING FOUCAULT’S HISTORICAL ONTOLOGY
sense that it will not deduce from the form of what we are what it is impossible for us to do and to know;
but it will separate out, from the contingency that has made us what we are, the possibility of no longer
being, doing, or thinking what we are, do, or think. It is not seeking to make possible a metaphysics that
has finally become a science; it is seeking to give new impetus, as far and wide as possible, to the
undefined work of freedom’ (in Rabinow, The Foucault Reader, pp 4546).
23
B Han, ‘Foucault and Heidegger on Kant and Finitude’, p 129. As Ian Hacking suggests: ‘Foucault
regularly historicized Kant. He did not think of the constitution of moral agents as something that is
universalizable, apt for all rational beings. On the contrary, we constitute ourselves at a place and time,
using materials that have a distinctive and historically formed organization. The genealogy to be
unraveled is how we, as peoples in civilizations with histories, have become moral agents, through
constituting ourselves as moral agents in quite specific, local, historical ways’ (Hacking, Historical
Ontology, p 4).
24
The temporal character of Foucault’s thought can be observed in The Order of Things under the form of
‘episteme’ (M Foucault, Les Mots et les Choses: Une Archéologie des Sciences Humaines, Paris:
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Gallimard, 1966); in the Archaeology of Knowledge under the form of his notion of ‘historical a priori’
(M Foucault, L’Archéologie du Savoir, Bibliothèque des sciences humaines, Paris: Gallimard, 1969); and
in his genealogical work under the form of ‘historical ontology’ and ‘problematization’(197584). In
other words, it can be suggested that the temporal character of Foucault’s thought has shaped
Foucault’s exploration of the problem of the conditions of possibility of knowledge (savoir); his
exploration of the problem of the transformation of knowledge (as episteme); and his examination of
the problem of the internalizations of various power/knowledge and ethical practices (truth/subject),
which are posited as always historically and spatially situated.
25
Quoted by Mahon, Foucault’s Nietzschean Genealogy, p 1. See Foucault, ‘L’éthique du souci de soi
comme pratique de la liberté’, p 1212, for the French version. Italics are mine.
26
Tully 2008, pp 7677.
27
Hoy, The Times of Our Lives, p 208. In Hoy’s words: ‘The thoroughly temporal character of Foucault’s
thought is difficult to see at first because it can be found in so many aspects of his work. Although as an
archaeological or descriptive historian he concerns himself with making philosophical points by
studying the past, as a genealogical or critical historian he writes the ‘‘history of the present’’’ (p 208).
28
Hoy, The Times of Our Lives, p 208.
29
Foucault, Les Mots et les Choses.
30
I use the term ‘quasi’ here to highlight that Foucault’s usage of history/historicity resists*in principle*
any aprioristic explanatory principles, because, following Nietzsche, our knowledge of our history is
itself based on contingent events/practices that make precisely any attempts to ground the knowledge of
any particular history on aprioristic fundamentals impossible (see Rabinow, The Foucault Reader, pp
76101). I later contest this argument by suggesting that Foucault’s genealogical view of history still
contains a universalistic and aprioristic basis operating by his turning of historical contingency into an
aprioristic and universalistic ontological principle.
31
As Nietzsche put it before him, only that which has no history can be defined in an eternal and self-
referential manner: anything else will be chewed by the passage of time (Friedrich Nietzsche, On the
Genealogy of Morality, Keith Ansell Pearson (ed) and Carol Diethe (trans), Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 2007, p 53). In other words, only that which has no history can be ‘true’ from a
universal and objective standpoint*which amounts to virtually nothing if we concede that everything
we know of must emerge historically. The same premise*but in reverse*can be seen in Foucault’s
historical ontology: anything that exists is necessarily bounded to its own historical embeddedness,
leading to the similar consequence that nothing can be held to be eternally or universally true, including
our beliefs in the existence of a ‘human nature’, a transcendental subject, or the unfolding of an
Absolute Knowledge, Progress or Subject in History.
32
Foucault, Les Mots et les Choses; Han, Foucault’s Critical Project.
33
See ‘On the Archaeology of the Sciences: Response to the Epistemology Circle’ (M Foucault, ‘Sur
l‘archéologie des sciences humaines. Réponse au Cercle d‘épistémologie’, in Dits et Écrits, vol 1: 1955
1976; translated in Theoretical Practice 34, 1971; revised translation in M Foucault, The Essential
Works, vol. 1: Aesthetics, Method, and Epistemology, ed James D Faubion, London: Penguin, 1998).
34
Owen, Maturity and Modernity, p 160. As David Owen mentions, Habermas (J Habermas, The
Philosophical Discourse of Modernity, Cambridge: Polity, 1987), Fraser (N Fraser, Unruly Practices:
Power, Discourse and Gender in Contemporary Social Theory, London: Polity, 1989), Taylor (C Taylor,
‘Foucault on Freedom and Truth’, Political Theory 12, 1984, pp 152183) and Dews (P Dews, Logics of
Disintegration: Post-Structuralist Thought and the Claims of Critical Theory, London: Verso, 1987),
385
SEBASTIEN MALETTE
among others, have all focused their criticism of Foucault’s work around similar claims (Owen, Maturity
and Modernity, p 235, n 41 of ch 8).
35
It is as such that the concept of practices came to play a central role in the Archaeology of Knowledge
(1969), where Foucault discusses the need for a new political analysis of knowledge [savoir] that would
supplement the study of episteme by examining the struggles, tactics and decisions shaping the practices
and knowledge giving rise to societal and emancipation theories (p 255). Announcing his genealogical
shift, the conditions of possibility of knowledge are described as emerging through ‘practices’, which are
not only ‘context-bound’ from the standpoint of their historicity, but also context-bound from the
standpoint of power dynamics consubstantial to the production of knowledge; dynamics which
Foucault later explores under the scope of a microphysics of power in Discipline and Punish (1976),
shifting toward an analysis of the productive dimension of power under the notion of biopower in the
first book of History of Sexuality: The Will to Knowledge (1976).
36
J Tully, ‘To Think and Act Differently’, in S Ashenden and D Owen (eds), Foucault contra Habermas,
London: Sage, 1999.
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37
Nichols, 2010.
38
Nichols, ‘Postcolonial Studies and the Discourse of Foucault’, p 134.
39
Of course, Nichols’s criticism would have to be nuanced by the body of work that already takes
Foucault beyond this point, using, for instance, the notion of governmentality. Among others, we can
count the work of Peter Pels and Tania Murray Li on Western governmentality and colonialism,
Anthony Anghie exploring the relationship between colonial enterprises and the creation of
international laws, and David Scott on ‘colonial governmentality’ (P Pels, ‘The Anthropology
of Colonialism: Culture, History, and the Emergence of Western Governmentality’, Annual Review of
Anthropology 26, 1997, pp 163183; T Li, The Will to Improve: Governmentality, Development, And the
Practice of Politics, Durham: Duke University Press, 2007; A Anghie, Imperialism, Sovereignty, And the
Making of International Law, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004; James C Scott, ‘Colonial
Governmentality’, in J X Inda, Anthropologies of Modernity: Foucault, Governmentality, And Life
Politics, Malden, MA: Blackwell Pub., 2005, pp 2350). Nichols’s criticism still stands, however, to the
extent that although many governmentality scholars go beyond the problem of knowledge production
in archaeological terms, rare are those who have expanded their research to the ethical dimensions.
Governmentality scholars, for the most part, stay within the confines of Foucault’s ‘microphysics of
power’ and his notion of biopower which they argue has been implemented in colonized societies.
40
Many thinkers have used Foucault’s critical ethos to investigate the constitution of modern subjectivity
through various disciplinary mechanisms (M Dean, Governmentality: Power and Rule in Modern
Society, London: Sage, 1999), the development of biopower in modern societies as a mode of control,
regulation and standardization of both the individual and populations (N Rose, Governing the Soul,
London: Routledge, 1989; Power of Freedom: Reframing Political Thought, Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 1999; The Politics of Life Itself: Biomedecine, Power, and Subjectivity in the Twenty-
First Century, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2007), the rise of political economy, and statistics,
in generating new ways to regulate our behaviours (T M Porter, Trust in Number: The Pursuit of
Objectivity in Science and Public Life, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1995), the emergence of
risks and insurance rationalities boxing what are normal/abnormal behaviours (F Ewald, ‘Insurance
and Risk’, in G Burchell, C Gordon and P Miller (eds), The Foucault Effect, Hemel Hempstead:
Harvester Wheatsheaf, 1991), global governmentality processes and the rise of environmental
rationalities of government (W Larner and W Walters, Global Governmentality: Governing International
Spaces, London: Routledge, 2004; R D Lipschutz, Globalization, Governmentality and Global Politics,
New York: Routledge, 2005; T Luke, ‘Environmentality as Green Governmentality’, in E Darier (ed),
Discourses of Environment, Oxford: Blackwell, 1999; P Rutherford, ‘The Entry of Life into History’ and
‘Ecological Modernization and Environmental Risk’, in Darier, Discourses of Environment.
41
For instance the lasting influence of the Christian doctrine of Creation when it comes to our cultural
understanding of linear temporality, bearer of the metaphysical qualities of finitude, contingency and
corruptibility (versus God standing outside time and the corruptibility of creation), or its metaphysical
decision, which, by positioning God’s will as both external and foundational to Nature, has contributed
to shape this ongoing tension between Nature viewed as determined versus the expression of divine or
human will, viewed as irreducible to any form of determinism (see M B Foster, ‘The Christian Doctrine
of Creation and the Rise of Modern Natural Science’, Mind 43(172), 1934, pp 446468; ‘Christian
Theology and Modern Science of Nature (I.)’, Mind 44(176), 1935, pp 439466; ‘Christian Theology
and Modern Science of Nature (II.)’, Mind 45(177), 1936, pp 127, for an excellent introduction to
these matters).
386
DE-COLONIZING FOUCAULT’S HISTORICAL ONTOLOGY
42
Any mode of knowledge, any science, is based on a number of presuppositions that cannot themselves
be fully demonstrated empirically, hence their metaphysical status.
43
A good example of such advanced liberal rationality can be seen in the work of Sergei Prozorov who
advocates for a radical dissociation between Foucault’s ontology of freedom and all forms of identity
politics (Foucault, Freedom and Sovereignty, 2007). Although one can certainly agree that adopting a
fixed identity can be problematic for its essentialist and possibly dominative implications, it should also
be noticed that deploying a negative form of universalism under the blanket of undetermined freedom
and perpetual resistance can also serve to propagate subtle modes of assimilation, relaying well the
perpetuation of advanced liberal societies thriving on the constant renewal of malleable and
ungrounded identities defined in terms of their shifting needs and desires, here compatible with
homogenized modes of capitalistic accumulation and consumption.
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387