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Introduction

This chapter introduces the book by providing context on organized crime in the United States. It discusses how the mafia was once seen as inevitable but faced little opposition from law enforcement. Starting in the 1960s, the federal government began focusing efforts on organized crime through legislation and investigations. Beginning in the late 1970s, the US launched an extraordinary effort utilizing surveillance and cooperating witnesses that led to a large number of prosecutions against leaders of Cosa Nostra families across multiple cities.

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0% found this document useful (0 votes)
158 views15 pages

Introduction

This chapter introduces the book by providing context on organized crime in the United States. It discusses how the mafia was once seen as inevitable but faced little opposition from law enforcement. Starting in the 1960s, the federal government began focusing efforts on organized crime through legislation and investigations. Beginning in the late 1970s, the US launched an extraordinary effort utilizing surveillance and cooperating witnesses that led to a large number of prosecutions against leaders of Cosa Nostra families across multiple cities.

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Daniel Pante
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I

NYU Press

Chapter Title: Introduction


PART
Book Title: Busting the Mob
Book Subtitle: The United States v. Cosa Nostra
Book Author(s): James B. Jacobs, Christopher Panarella and Jay Worthington
Published by: NYU Press
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.com/stable/j.ctt9qfvw4.5

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1
Introduction

For mos t o f the twentiet h century , wha t ha s bee n calle d th e "Mafia, " "Cos a
Nostra," or simply "organized crime " seemed a s inevitable as increased taxes .
Some Mafi a chieftain s eve n attaine d widesprea d publi c notoriet y an d wer e
treated lik e fol k heroe s i n thei r neighborhoods , cities , an d beyond . Peopl e
who understoo d powe r an d "th e wa y things worked " i n Ne w Yor k and othe r
large citie s recognize d organize d crim e a s a key player i n politics , vice , an d
legitimate industr y rangin g fro m shippin g an d truckin g t o garbag e disposa l
and the garment trade.
Despite, o r perhap s becaus e of , it s powe r an d pervasiveness , wit h a fe w
notable exception s Cos a Nostr a face d relativel y littl e oppositio n fro m la w
enforcement. Loca l polic e force s di d no t hav e th e resources , strategies , o r
tools t o engag e i n long-ter m investigation s o f secre t societie s tha t carefull y
covered thei r tracks and insulate d thei r leader s from scrutin y throug h hierar -
chical organizatio n an d a code of silence. Sometime s loca l la w enforcemen t
personnel, a s well as prosecutors and judges , were dissuaded fro m organized -
crime contro l initiative s b y potentially advers e politica l o r eve n professiona l
consequences; sometimes the y wer e jus t bribed. Remarkably , unti l wel l int o
the 1960 s th e FBI , unde r th e leadershi p o f J . Edga r Hoover , dispute d th e
very existence of an American Mafia. 1
Congressional attentio n t o organize d crim e date s bac k t o th e Kefauve r

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4 / Introduction Introduction I 5

Committee hearing s i n 195 1 an d th e McClella n Committe e hearing s i n short o f incredible . Ther e wer e majo r prosecution s i n ever y cit y wher e
1957. Th e Departmen t o f Justice began t o focus o n organize d crim e durin g organized-crime familie s hav e been identified . Th e followin g i s a list of Cosa
Robert Kennedy's tenure as attorney general in the early 1960s . He sponsored Nostra bosse s wh o wer e convicte d betwee n 198 1 an d 1992 . (Th e lis t show s
antiracketeering legislatio n i n th e earl y 1960s . B y th e en d o f th e decad e that severa l Cos a Nostr a familie s hav e ha d mor e tha n on e bos s convicte d
Congress ha d passe d th e Organize d Crim e Contro l Act ; Title II I provide d a during this period.)
comprehensive regime n for electronic surveillance by federal, state , and local
1. Funz i Tieri—Genovese famil y i n Ne w York City
police. Afte r Hoover' s departure fro m th e FB I i n 1972 , that agency began t o
2. Anthon y Salerno—Genoves e famil y
devote significan t resource s t o organized-crim e control . Variou s successe s
3. Anthon y Corallo—Lucchese famil y i n Ne w York City
can b e identifie d throughou t th e 1960 s an d 1970s, 2 bu t ther e ca n b e n o
4. Carmin e Persico—Colomb o famil y i n New York City
mistaking the proliferation o f achievements beginning i n the late 1970s .
5. Phili p Rastelli—Bonanno famil y i n New York City
From approximately 1978 , the federal governmen t mounte d a n extraordi -
6. Carlo s Marcello—New Orlean s famil y
nary effor t t o eradicat e Cos a Nostra . Utilizin g extensiv e electroni c surveil -
7. Eugen e Smaldone—Denve r famil y
lance, undercove r governmen t agents , an d mo b turncoats , th e FBI , th e
8. Josep h Aiuppa—Chicago famil y
federal Organize d Crim e Strik e Forces , an d th e Unite d State s attorneys '
9. Nic k Civella—Kansas Cit y famil y
offices initiate d a stead y strea m o f intensiv e investigation s an d produce d a
10. Car l Civella—Kansas Cit y famil y
regular flow of Cosa Nostr a prosecutions throughout the country. Th e federa l
11. Dominic k Brooklier—Lo s Angeles famil y
effort wa s supplemented b y more limited, bu t not inconsequential, effort s b y
12. Fran k Balistrieri—Boston famil y
state an d loca l investigativ e an d prosecutoria l agencies . Join t tas k force s
13. Gennar o Anguilo—Boston famil y
involving federal, state , an d loca l agencie s became routine . N o othe r perio d
14. Russe l Buffalino—Pittston, Pa. , famil y
in America n histor y come s clos e i n term s o f th e numbe r o f investigation s
15. Nicodem o Scarfo—Philadelphi a famil y
and prosecutions . Ultimately , whethe r thi s effor t wil l prov e sufficien t t o
16. Jame s Licavoli—Cleveland famil y
destroy Cosa Nostr a o r whether, phoenixlike , organize d crim e wil l ris e fro m
17. Michae l Trupiano—St. Loui s famil y
the ashes , remain s t o b e seen . Thi s introductor y chapte r seek s t o plac e th e
18. Sa m Russotti—Buffal o crim e famil y
government's organized-crim e contro l effort s i n perspectiv e b y examinin g
19. Joh n Gotti—Gambin o famil y i n Ne w York City
what wa s accomplished , how , an d why , an d wit h wha t likel y consequence s
20. Raymon d Patriarca—Patriarc a famil y i n Providence , R.I .
for the future .
21. Vittori o Amuso—Lucchese famil y
22. Vicori o Orena—Colombo famil y
The Scop e o f the Government' s Attac k 23. Joh n Riggi—DeCavalcant e famil y i n Ne w Jersey
on Cos a Nostr a
These federa l cases , supplemente d b y som e stat e an d loca l prosecutions ,
There i s no exact figure on ho w many crimina l an d civi l cases were brought systematically decimate d whol e organized-crime families . I n Ne w York City,
by th e federa l governmen t (muc h les s stat e an d loca l prosecutors ) agains t the leadershi p an d man y soldier s o f eac h o f th e five Cos a Nostr a crim e
organized crim e i n th e 1980s . However , i n 1988 , FB I Directo r Willia m families (Bonanno , Colombo , Gambino , Genovese , Lucchese ) wer e prose -
Sessions reporte d t o th e Senat e Subcommitte e o n Investigation s tha t sinc e cuted i n separat e RIC O suit s o n th e theor y tha t th e defendant s conducte d
1981 ninetee n bosses , thirtee n underbosses , an d forty-thre e capo s (cre w the affair s o f a n "enterprise " (thei r respectiv e crim e families ) throug h a
chiefs) ha d bee n convicted. 3 Anothe r witness , Davi d Williams , directo r o f pattern o f racketeering activit y (thei r man y rackets , extortions , an d crime s of
the GAO' s Offic e o f Specia l Investigations , state d tha t betwee n 198 3 an d violence). I n United States v . Salerno, th e heads of four o f the five families,
1986, ther e had bee n twenty-fiv e hundre d indictment s of Cosa Nostr a mem - and severa l othe r ke y figures, wer e prosecute d togethe r fo r constitutin g an d
bers and associates. 4 operating a "commission," i n effec t a regional an d perhap s nationa l boar d of
The magnitud e o f th e government' s attac k o n Cos a Nostr a i s nothin g directors for the mob. 5

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6 / Introduction Introduction I 7

Some o f th e investigation s an d prosecution s ha d internationa l dimen - portion o f thei r garment-industr y truckin g interest s an d pa y a $1 2 millio n
sions, especiall y linkin g th e investigator y agencie s an d effort s o f the Unite d fine; their truckin g companie s (whic h wer e als o defendants ) agree d t o with -
States an d Italy . Th e mos t famou s o f thes e case s wa s United States v . draw from a n industr y they had dominated fo r decades. 9 The Brooklyn Strik e
Badalamenti, i n whic h a cooperativ e effor t o f American , Italian , Swiss , Force's investigatio n o f th e Bonann o family' s 25-yea r dominatio n o f Ne w
Brazilian, an d Spanis h la w enforcemen t agencie s close d dow n a massiv e York City' s movin g an d storag e industr y le d t o conviction s o f th e family' s
international dru g traffickin g an d mone y launderin g conspirac y involvin g boss, Philli p Rastelli , an d fourtee n othe r defendants , includin g th e entir e
American Cos a Nostr a and Sicilia n Mafi a groups . leadership o f Teamste r Loca l 814 , an d a numbe r o f executive s o f movin g
The governmen t no t onl y pu t Cos a Nostr a bosses , capos , soldiers , an d and storag e firms. 10
associates i n prison , bu t i t also attacke d mob-controlle d enterprises , suc h a s There were similar victories over mob-controlled enterprise s outside of the
labor unions , constructio n companies , restaurants , an d mobbed-u p indus - New Yor k Cit y metropolita n area . I n 1981 , Eugen e Boffa , owne r o f a
tries. Perhap s th e moder n er a i n th e government' s anti-organized-crim e nationwide labo r leasin g business , wa s convicte d an d sentence d t o twent y
war date s t o th e FBI' s massiv e UNIRA C investigatio n o f th e Internationa l years' imprisonmen t an d ordere d t o forfei t asset s wort h $250,00 0 a s wel l a s
Longshoremen's Association i n the late 1970s . This labor racketeering inves- his interes t i n th e leasin g corporations. 11 Th e "roofers " cas e i n Philadelphi a
tigation, th e subjec t o f specia l Senat e hearing s i n 1981 , resulte d i n th e resulted i n a notoriously mobbed-u p unio n bein g placed i n trusteeship. 12
conviction o f 13 0 businessmen, unio n officials , an d Cos a Nostr a members , The prosecutorial attac k on Cos a Nostr a was supplemented an d supporte d
including Anthony Scotto. 6 by high-visibilit y governmen t hearing s an d inquirie s tha t kep t th e spotligh t
In 1982 , th e Newar k Strik e Forc e mad e histor y b y filing th e first civi l on organize d crim e throughou t th e decade . Fro m 198 3 t o 1987 , th e Presi -
RICO sui t agains t a labo r union , Loca l 560 , th e larges t Teamster s loca l i n dent's Commissio n o n Organize d Crim e hel d publi c hearing s an d issue d
the stat e an d a unio n tha t ha d bee n dominate d b y organized crim e throug h twelve reports; among other things , i t laid ou t the structure o f the organized -
the Provenzano brothers and th e Genovese crime family sinc e the 1950s ; the crime families , documente d thei r extensiv e involvemen t i n dru g traffickin g
suit resulted i n a court-imposed trusteeship , whic h gav e the trustee extensiv e and labo r racketeering , an d recommende d tha t th e Departmen t o f Justic e
powers to run th e unio n unti l th e racketeerin g element coul d b e purged an d bring a civi l RIC O sui t agains t th e Internationa l Brotherhoo d o f Teamsters.
fair election s held . Si x years later, th e Unite d State s Attorney's Office i n th e The Unite d State s Senate' s Permanen t Subcommitte e o n Investigations ,
Southern Distric t o f Ne w Yor k filed a civi l RIC O sui t agains t th e Interna - under th e leadershi p o f Senato r Sa m Nunn , hel d dramati c hearing s o n th e
tional Brotherhoo d o f Teamsters (IBT) , it s general executiv e board , an d th e role of Cosa Nostra i n legitimate industry and illici t rackets. B The committe e
board's incumbents ; unde r a consen t decre e tha t settle d th e case , th e IB T called hundred s o f witnesses, includin g forme r Sicilia n Mafi a bos s Tomasso
agreed t o a three-perso n trusteeshi p whos e goal s wer e t o purg e corruptio n Buscetta and ex-Cosa Nostr a members Vincent Cafaro and Angelo Lonardo.
and racketeerin g an d t o supervis e a direc t electio n o f th e presiden t an d They provide d testimon y o n th e history , customs , an d operation s o f Cos a
general executiv e board . I n Ne w Yor k City , a s a resul t o f civi l RIC O suits , Nostra.
court-appointed trustee s and monitor s were appointed i n a half-dozen RIC O The unprecedente d la w enforcement attac k and th e intensiv e governmen t
cases involving historically mobbed-u p unions. 7 attention pai d t o Cos a Nostr a generate d seriou s instabilit y withi n th e fami -
The governmen t als o move d agains t mob-dominate d businesses . Ne w lies. B y the end of the decade, th e inconceivable had become commonplace :
York City's largest concrete contractor, jointl y owned and operated by several Cosa Nostr a members , eve n leaders , wer e agreein g t o becom e cooperatin g
organized-crime families, wa s put out of business. As part of a consent decree government witnesse s i n exchang e fo r lenienc y an d admissio n int o th e Wit -
between th e Unite d State s Departmen t o f Justic e an d th e Genoves e crim e ness Securit y Program . A mob defecto r o f the statur e o f Salvator e ("Samm y
family, th e Fulto n Fis h Marke t wa s placed unde r th e supervisio n o f a court - the Bull" ) Gravano , underbos s o f th e Gambin o crim e family , woul d hav e
appointed trustee. 8 Similarly , mo b contro l o f th e garmen t industr y wa s ad - seemed unimaginabl e jus t a decade earlier . Defection s adde d t o problems of
dressed b y a ple a bargai n betwee n th e Manhatta n Distric t Attorney' s Offic e leadership successio n an d le d t o man y intra - an d interfamil y assassinations .
and th e Gambin o brothers , whereb y the y promise d t o sel l of f a substantia l By the earl y 1990s , th e accumulated prosecution s ha d bee n s o extensive an d

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8 I Introduction Introduction I 9

the internal deterioratio n o f the families s o severe that some law enforcemen t Number of Court Authorized
experts began to predict the end of Cosa Nostra . Year Electronic Surveillance Orders
1978 570
How th e Governmen t Succeede d 1979 553
1980 564
The government's success can be attributed t o powerful lega l tools, personne l
1981 589
and structura l change s i n th e Departmen t o f Justice an d th e FBI , th e initia -
tive o f president s an d attorne y general s durin g th e 1980s , an d th e interna l 1982 578
deterioration o f Cosa Nostr a itself. 1983 648
1984 801
Legal Weaponry 1985 784
1986 754
The most important legal weapons deployed i n the government's attack on
1987 673
organized crim e hav e bee n electroni c surveillanc e authority , th e Racketee r
Influenced an d Corrup t Organization s Ac t (RICO) , an d th e Witnes s Secu - 1988 749
rity Program. 1989 763
1990 897
Electronic Surveillance
1991 823
Title II I o f th e Omnibu s Crim e Contro l an d Saf e Street s Ac t o f 196 8 1992 991
provided comprehensiv e authorit y fo r electroni c surveillanc e b y federal ,
state, an d loca l la w enforcement agencies. 14 The tw o mai n justification s fo r Electronic eavesdroppin g figured prominentl y i n almos t ever y organized -
the act, accordin g to its proponents, wer e the necessity for electronic surveil - crime prosecutio n o f th e moder n period ; som e prosecution s wer e base d
lance i n nationa l securit y an d i n organized-crim e investigations. 15 Titl e II I almost entirel y o n intercepte d conversations . Th e FB I an d stat e an d loca l
brought federal , state , an d loca l wir e tappin g withi n th e framewor k o f a agencies utilize d bot h telephon e intercept s an d hidde n microphone s i n cars,
comprehensive statute. I t permits electroni c eavesdroppin g onl y wit h a judi- homes, restaurants , an d socia l clubs. I n some cases, the FBI was able to pick
cial warrant issue d upo n a showing of probable cause and o f necessity due to up conversation s o n th e street s wit h high-powe r surveillanc e microphones .
the absenc e o f alternative means . Th e interceptio n i s limited t o thirty days, By the en d o f th e decade , ther e wa s n o plac e wher e Cos a Nostr a member s
although extension s ca n b e obtained . Th e la w require s "minimization" ; th e could convers e without concern fo r government eavesdroppers .
eavesdropping device must be turned of f if, afte r a brief period o f listening, i t Some o f th e majo r organized-crim e investigation s involve d thousand s o f
is apparent tha t th e intercepte d conversatio n i s not relevan t to the subjec t o f conversations intercepte d ove r months. I n the Pizz a Connectio n case , actor s
the warrant . Amendment s i n 198 6 strengthene d th e la w and , fo r th e first were hire d t o rea d t o th e jur y fro m hundred s o f transcript s o f intercepte d
time, authorize d "rovin g surveillance " t o cove r sophisticate d criminal s wh o conversations. Likewis e i n United States v . Gotti, th e governmen t intro -
use a number o f different phone s or sites to conduct business. 16 duced extremel y inculpator y conversation s betwee n Gott i an d hi s subordi -
The shee r numbe r o f federa l electroni c eavesdroppin g order s increase d nates that ha d take n plac e i n th e Ravenit e Socia l Clu b an d i n a n apartmen t
over th e cours e o f th e 1980s , peakin g i n 198 4 an d the n jumpin g t o a n above the club.
apparently ne w platea u i n th e 1990s. 17 The absolut e numbe r o f authoriza -
RICO
tions, however , i s onl y a roug h indicato r o f surveillanc e activity , becaus e
some of the interception s laste d man y months , covere d multipl e phone s and The Racketee r Influence d an d Corrup t Organization s (RICO ) Act, par t of
locations, an d resulte d i n the seizure of thousands of conversations. the 197 0 Organized Crim e Control Act, create d th e most important substan -

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JO / Introduction Introduction I 11

tive an d procedura l la w too l i n th e histor y o f organized-crim e control . A need only prove that the defendant committe d al l these crimes in furtheranc e
brainchild o f Professo r G . Rober t Blake y (wh o worke d o n Senato r McClel - of the defendant' s participatio n i n conductin g th e affair s o f the sam e enter -
lan's organized-crime hearing s in the late 1950 s and late r with the Organized prise. Critic s complai n tha t thi s put s a defendant a t a n enormou s disadvan -
Crime an d Racketeerin g Sectio n o f the Departmen t o f Justice whe n Rober t tage becaus e th e judg e o r jur y ca n hardl y hel p concludin g tha t h e mus t b e
F. Kenned y wa s attorney general ) brough t int o existenc e a ne w kin d o f law guilty o f at leas t som e o f the divers e offense s bein g alleged , especiall y give n
punishing "enterpris e criminality. " RIC O wa s explicitl y aime d a t organize d his connectio n t o a racketeerin g enterpris e lik e Cos a Nostra . Proponent s o f
crime, especiall y it s infiltratio n o f legitimate business. 18 I t took investigator s RICO argu e tha t i t simpl y allow s th e governmen t t o presen t a complet e
and prosecutors some years to become fully familia r an d comfortable wit h the picture o f what the defendant wa s doing and why—instea d o f the artificiall y
new law; after 1980 , almost every major organized-crim e cas e was brought as fragmented pictur e that traditional crimina l la w demands.
a RIC O prosecution. 19 Moreover , th e concep t o f enterpris e racketeerin g From th e prosecutor's standpoint, anothe r o f RICO's advantageous proce-
changed th e wa y organized-crim e investigation s wer e conceive d an d exe - dural feature s i s its ability to join al l the member s o f a criminal enterpris e i n
cuted. Th e FB I began t o think i n term s of gathering evidenc e an d obtainin g a singl e trial , eve n thoug h the y ar e no t al l charge d wit h th e sam e predicat e
indictments agains t entire "enterprises" like each organize d crim e family an d offenses. Fo r example, i n a single trial some defendants ma y be charged wit h
the Cosa Nostr a commission . participating i n th e affair s o f th e enterpris e (e.g. , a Cos a Nostr a crim e
RICO make s i t a crime t o infiltrate , participat e in , o r conduc t th e affair s family) throug h murder s an d loansharking , whil e other s ar e charge d wit h
of a n enterpris e throug h a patter n o f racketeerin g activity . A n enterpris e i s participating i n th e affair s o f th e sam e enterpris e throug h dru g trafficking .
defined a s an y "associatio n i n fact " comprise d o f tw o o r mor e people . I n Moreover, wher e tw o o r mor e defendant s ar e charge d wit h racketeerin g
United States v . Turkette, 20 th e Unite d State s Suprem e Cour t hel d tha t a n related to the same enterprise, a RICO conspiracy count can also be brought.
enterprise coul d b e a wholly illegitimat e group . Thi s provide d a green ligh t The consequenc e i s the potential fo r "megatrials " (like the Pizza Connectio n
for prosecutin g individual s fo r participatin g i n crimina l syndicate s lik e Cosa case) i n whic h al l th e member s an d associate s o f a crime syndicat e ar e trie d
Nostra crews, families, an d the commission . together because two predicate offenses ar e alleged agains t each on e of them.
Having t o prov e a n "associatio n i n fact " i n a n organized-crim e cas e The advantage s t o th e governmen t ar e obvious ; i t ca n pou r int o th e tria l
provides prosecutor s wit h a n excellen t opportunit y t o introduc e extensiv e masses of evidence about murders , dru g deals, extortions, labo r racketeering ,
evidence, complet e wit h chart s an d table s o f organization , depictin g th e and s o forth , allegedl y committe d b y eac h defendant . Th e prosecutio n ca n
structure o f a n organized-crim e family . I n th e Commissio n cas e an d othe r present a complete pictur e o f a large-scale , ongoing , organized-crim e grou p
organized-crime prosecutions , th e governmen t ha s bee n abl e t o introduc e engaged i n divers e racket s and episodi c explosion s o f violence. A t the en d o f
testimony abou t th e histor y o f organize d crim e i n orde r t o establis h th e the trial , th e juror s wil l b e admonishe d no t t o allo w evidenc e agains t on e
enterprise's existenc e ove r time . Angel o Lonardo' s (forme r underbos s o f th e defendant t o affect thei r judgmen t abou t the guilt of the others, bu t i t is hard
Cleveland crim e family ) length y accoun t o f th e histor y o f th e Cos a Nostr a to believe that "guilt by association" is not a danger i n such megatrials .
commission provide d some of the most valuable evidence in the Commission RICO also provides for ver y severe sentences: twenty years on eac h RIC O
case.21 I n th e Pizz a Connectio n case , th e prosecutio n use d Tomass o Bus - violation an d twent y year s mor e fo r a RIC O conspiracy . Th e defendan t ca n
cetta, a forme r leade r o f th e Sicilia n Mafia , t o la y ou t th e histor y an d also be sentenced fo r each of the predicate offenses. Thi s sentencing structur e
structure of both the Sicilia n Mafi a an d the American Cos a Nostra . made Cosa Nostr a bosse s in United States v . Salerno, the Commission case ,
RICO require s th e governmen t t o prov e tha t a defendan t conducte d o r liable t o thre e hundre d years ' imprisonmen t fo r takin g kickback s fro m con -
participated i n th e affair s o f an enterpris e throug h " a patter n o f racketeerin g crete contractors , althoug h thei r actua l sentence s wer e a mer e on e hundre d
activity," defined a s at least two racketeering act s committed withi n te n year s years each. I n addition , RIC O provide s fo r sever e fines ($250,000, o r twic e
of one another. A racketeering act (also called a "RICO predicate") is defined the loss/gain ) an d fo r th e forfeitur e o f propert y (broadl y define d t o includ e
as virtuall y an y seriou s federa l felon y an d mos t stat e felonies . Thus , i n a businesses, offices , jobs , persona l property , cars , boats , planes , an d rea l
RICO trial, the defendant ma y find himself charged wit h all sorts of differen t estate) tha t has * been acquire d wit h th e proceed s o f racketeerin g activity .
crimes, allegedl y committe d a t differen t time s an d places . Th e prosecutio n While i t is by no means clear that Cosa Nostr a bosses or families ca n actuall y

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12 I Introduction Introduction I 13

be "bankrupted, " th e combinatio n o f forfeitures , fines an d million-dolla r place fo r month s o r years to purge mo b influence , roo t and branch . Durin g
lawyers' fee s mus t caus e problem s fo r organize d crime' s financial bas e an d the remedia l phase , som e trustee s hav e vigorousl y continue d t o investigat e
cash flow. mob influenc e i n th e union s tha t the y supervis e an d hav e remove d busines s
In additio n t o it s criminal provisions , RIC O contain s powerfu l civi l pro - agents an d othe r official s tainte d b y organized-crim e tie s (eve n thoug h the y
visions. On e o f them allow s RICO victims to sue for treble damages but, fo r haven't been convicte d o f a crime). Othe r trustees have been les s aggressive.
obvious reasons , privat e partie s hav e no t opte d t o su e th e mob . However , The succes s o f court-appointe d o r court-approve d trustee s i n purgin g
another provision ha s proven extremely important: it gives the federal govern - organized crim e from traditionall y mob-dominate d union s i s mixed. I n these
ment the righ t to sue civilly for wide-ranging injunctiv e remedie s i n orde r to cases, th e truste e face s enormou s problem s i n dealin g wit h a deepl y en -
prevent a RICO offense fro m continuing. 22 I n some labor racketeering cases, trenched powe r structur e tha t yield s it s power an d privilege s reluctantly , i f at
like th e Teamster s Loca l 56 0 cas e an d th e Teamster s Internationa l case , all. Typically , an d th e Teamsters Loca l 56 0 case is an excellen t example, th e
government prosecutor s electe d t o us e civi l rathe r tha n crimina l RICO . government an d th e truste e find themselve s repeatedl y bac k in cour t seekin g
Proceeding civilly, the government first has to prove that the defendant unio n further relie f agains t obstructionis t unio n tactic s o r defendin g themselve s
officials an d mo b figures have bee n participatin g i n th e affair s o f the unio n against harassin g litigatio n brough t b y th e racketee r elemen t withi n th e
enterprise. The n i t must show the pattern o f racketeering activity by entering union. Th e result s ar e no t ye t i n o n whethe r th e trusteeship s ca n brea k
into evidenc e th e defendants ' pas t crimina l conviction s (i f relate d t o labo r organized crime' s hol d o n mobbed-u p unions , bu t the y ar e the bes t mecha -
racketeering), o r by proving that th e defendants ha d committe d o r conspire d nism ye t devised.
to commi t variou s labo r racketeerin g offenses , includin g solicitin g bribes ,
extortion, embezzlemen t o f pensio n an d welfar e funds , an d multifariou s The Witness Security Program
frauds. I n som e cases , th e defendants ' liabilit y ha s bee n predicate d o n thei r Historically, th e unwillingnes s o f victim s an d othe r witnesse s t o testif y
aiding and abettin g labor racketeerin g and othe r crimes by failing t o take any posed a majo r impedimen t t o successful organized-crim e prosecutions . Fea r
action agains t officials who m they knew to be victimizing their unions . of retribution wa s well founde d sinc e there wer e many example s of potential
Civil RIC O suit s ar e governe d b y civi l procedure , whic h include s th e witnesses' having bee n murdere d o r beaten. Th e Witnes s Securit y Program ,
opportunity for wide-ranging pretrial discovery. The government has the right authorized i n the Organized Crim e Control Act of 1970 , sought to guarantee
to tak e affidavit s fro m ke y defendant s an d defens e witnesse s an d t o loo k the safety o f witnesses who agreed t o testify fo r the government i n organized -
through masse s o f unio n o r compan y book s an d records . Perhap s t o avoi d crime cases. 23
being exposed i n thi s way, o r simply to minimize thei r exposur e at and afte r Run b y th e Unite d State s Marshall s Service , th e Witnes s Securit y Pro -
trial, unio n leader s hav e settle d a numbe r o f civil RIC O labo r racketeerin g gram applie s t o witnesse s before , during , an d afte r trial . I t protect s the m
cases, lik e th e Teamster s Internationa l case , resultin g i n comple x court - during thei r priso n term s and , i f the y ar e release d provide s the m wit h ne w
approved consen t agreements. identities, jobs , an d home s i n ne w locations . Thi s protectio n make s i t feasi-
Civil RICO' s focu s i s futur e oriente d an d preventative , no t punitive . I n ble to testify agains t Cosa Nostr a an d survive.
effect, th e judg e ca n issu e whateve r injunctio n o r othe r remedia l order s ar e The Witnes s Securit y Progra m ha s encouraged , o r a t leas t facilitated , a
necessary t o preven t furthe r racketeerin g b y th e defendants . I n th e RIC O number o f major defection s fro m organize d crime . Up until th e trials of the
labor racketeerin g cases , th e governmen t ha s sough t t o hav e court s appoin t 1980s, n o membe r o f organize d crime , wit h th e singl e exceptio n o f Josep h
trustees t o purg e mobbed-u p union s o f th e essentia l condition s tha t cause d Valachi i n 1963 , ha d eve r broke n th e cod e o f "omerta" an d gon e public ,
the racketeerin g proble m and , i n furtheranc e o f tha t end , t o hel p affecte d much les s testified a t a criminal tria l against fellow Cosa Nostr a members . I n
unions mak e th e transitio n fro m a mob-dominate d dictatorshi p t o a demo - the 1980s , facin g th e prospect of long prison terms , a number o f mob figures
cratic organization. "flipped," agreein g t o testify fo r th e governmen t i n exchang e fo r concession s
The RIC O unio n trusteeship s represen t a n evolutionar y ste p i n society' s in th e charge s agains t the m an d admissio n int o th e Witnes s Securit y
ability t o cop e with organize d crime . I n contras t t o a successful prosecutio n Program.24
that ends when th e defendant i s sent to prison, th e court can pu t a trustee i n One o f th e first Cos a Nostr a member s t o flip wa s Aladem a ("Jimm y th e

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14 I Introduction Introduction I IS

Weasel") Fratianno , actin g boss of the Lo s Angeles crime family ; h e testifie d tigation o f racketeerin g i n th e Longshoremen' s Association ) starte d a s a
for th e government i n th e first RICO prosecution agains t a Cosa Nostr a boss Miami Strik e Forc e projec t an d sprea d t o Ne w Yor k City an d ultimatel y u p
(United States v . Tieri) and late r i n th e Commission case. 25 Shortl y thereaf - and dow n th e Eas t Coast . Operatio n BRILA B wa s directe d b y th e Ne w
ter, Angel o Lonardo, th e one-time underbos s of the Cleveland crim e family , Orleans Strik e Force and involve d strik e force attorney s in New Orleans, Lo s
became a government witness , an d als o provided importan t testimon y i n th e Angeles, an d Washington , D.C . I t resulted i n the conviction o f Cosa Nostr a
Commission case . The prosecution i n the Pizza Connection cas e was assisted boss Carlos Marcell o and numerou s othe r organized-crime member s and as-
by the testimony of Tomasso Buscetta, a former high-rankin g member o f the sociates.28
Sicilian Mafi a wh o agree d t o testif y fo r th e Italia n an d America n govern - From th e outset , th e strik e force s wer e anathem a t o man y o f the Unite d
ments afte r hi s tw o son s an d son-in-la w wer e murdere d b y a riva l Sicilia n States attorneys in whose jurisdictions they operated. Historically , th e Unite d
Mafia faction . Probabl y th e mos t notoriou s Cos a Nostr a membe r turne d States attorneys decided ho w prosecutorial resource s were deployed an d wh o
government witnes s i s Samm y Gravano , Gambin o crim e famil y underbos s would prosecut e wha t cases . Man y Unite d State s attorneys , therefore , ob -
and Joh n Gottf s long-tim e comrade . A s part o f his plea agreemen t wit h th e jected t o th e strik e forces ' independence . Whe n Richar d Thornburgh , a
government, Gravan o admitte d t o havin g carrie d ou t ninetee n ganglan d former Unite d State s attorne y i n Pittsburg h an d a strik e forc e opponent ,
murders on orders from Gott i and othe r superiors. became attorne y genera l i n 1988 , h e move d immediatel y t o disban d th e
strike force s an d transfe r thei r missio n an d personne l bac k t o th e Unite d
States attorneys . Althoug h ther e wa s som e oppositio n i n Congress , whic h
Structural Changes in the Department of Justice held hearing s on th e issue , th e strike forces wer e disbanded i n 1989. 29 Many
The Organize d Crim e an d Racketeerin g sectio n o f th e Departmen t o f experienced strik e forc e prosecutor s resigne d fro m th e Justic e Department .
Justice wa s formed i n 1954-55 . Rober t Kenned y (wh o ha d bee n counse l t o Whether thi s will mean a diminution o f effort agains t Cosa Nostr a o r a more
the McClella n Committe e i n th e lat e 1950s ) reactivate d thi s uni t whe n h e efficient deploymen t o f resources remains to be seen.
became attorne y genera l i n 1961 , making organize d crim e a top priority. I n
Developments in the FBI
1967, th e Justic e Departmen t forme d th e Organize d Crim e Strik e Forces ,
comprised o f prosecutors and representative s of the federal investigativ e agen- One reaso n fo r th e succes s o f th e FBI' s organized-crim e progra m wa s its
cies in fourteen cities . Over the years they came to be led by seasoned federa l ability t o develop a n intelligenc e bas e o n th e structure , makeup , an d activi -
prosecutors. Th e strik e force s wer e separat e an d distinc t fro m th e Unite d ties o f Cos a Nostr a ove r man y year s an d t o disseminat e intelligenc e fro m
States attorneys ; thei r attorney s i n charg e o f eac h field uni t reporte d t o one field divisio n t o another . Thi s wa s facilitate d b y th e developmen t an d
the hea d o f th e Organize d Crim e an d Racketeerin g Sectio n o f th e Justic e implementation o f th e Organize d Crim e Informatio n Syste m (OCIS) , a
Department. The y concentrate d mor e attentio n an d resource s o n organize d computer networ k (initiated i n 1980 ) designed t o collect, evaluate , store , an d
crime than eve r before. Accordin g to their supporters, th e strike force lawyers disseminate organized-crime intelligenc e information .
stayed i n thei r job s longe r tha n th e typica l Unite d State s attorney s an d Given th e concentratio n o f Cos a Nostr a familie s an d member s i n Ne w
assistant Unite d State s attorneys , develope d mor e specialize d expertis e i n York City , th e Ne w Yor k Cit y FB I offic e was , no t surprisingly , th e Burea u
organized-crime control, an d were more successful i n gaining the confidenc e office mos t involved i n organized-crime investigation s throughout th e 1980s .
of the FBI and othe r law enforcement agencies . In 1979 , tha t office' s coordinato r o f organized-crim e investigations , Jame s
Nevertheless, u p t o the lat e 1970 s and earl y 1980s , th e strik e forces wer e Kossler attended G . Rober t Blakey' s summer institut e o n organize d crim e a t
criticized fo r thei r inabilit y t o defin e organize d crime , fo r pursuin g low - Cornell University . Blake y explaine d ho w RIC O coul d b e use d t o attac k
priority targets , an d fo r lackin g th e authorit y t o contro l th e activitie s o f th e Cosa Nostr a an d argue d fo r th e targetin g o f organize d crimina l enterprises.
investigative agencie s upo n whic h the y depended. 26 Soon , however , th e Kossler, maintainin g clos e touch wit h Blakey , redeploye d resource s o n Ne w
strike force s bega n functionin g mor e effectively , an d th e FB I significantl y York City's five Cosa Nostr a crim e families. Unde r operation GENU S team s
elevated it s commitmen t t o organized-crim e control. 27 Th e payof f soo n be - of FB I agent s wer e assigne d t o develo p intelligenc e o n eac h family . Eac h
came evident as success followed success . Fo r example, UNIRA C (the inves- team's jo b was to develop a table of organization fo r eac h family , identif y al l

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16 I Introduction Introduction I 17

the members and their status in the organization, an d then determin e whic h cover costs of joint investigations , wer e very successful i n involvin g state and
rackets and industrie s the family wa s involved in . Afte r that , th e prosecution s local agencie s i n thei r operations . I n 197 6 th e Nationa l Organize d Crim e
would fal l int o place. 30 By the mid-1980s , th e Ne w York FBI office ha d 16 5 Planning Counci l wa s forme d t o facilitat e plannin g an d coordinatio n be -
agents assigned t o the organized-crime division . tween th e strik e force s an d th e federa l la w enforcemen t agencies . I n 1980 ,
FBI agen t Josep h Pistone' s penetratio n o f th e Bonann o famil y i n Ne w the Executiv e Workin g Grou p fo r Federal-State-Loca l Prosecutoria l Rela -
York Cit y fro m 197 6 t o 198 2 constitute s on e o f th e mos t extraordinar y tions wa s initiated . I t provide d th e first forma l liaiso n betwee n th e Depart -
chapters i n th e moder n histor y o f law enforcement's attac k o n Cos a Nostra . ment o f Justice , th e Nationa l Distric t Attorney s Association , an d th e Na -
No la w enforcement agen t ha d eve r befor e bee n able , throug h disguis e an d tional Associatio n o f Attorney s Genera l fo r th e purpos e o f improvin g
guile, t o ge t s o deepl y insid e a Cos a Nostr a family . Indeed , tha t th e FB I relations between th e federal, state , and loca l prosecutors.
would eve n attemp t t o plac e a secre t agen t i n th e rank s o f organize d crim e These formal institutiona l mechanism s of cooperation wer e supplemented
reveals ho w commited , confident , an d creativ e th e agenc y ha d become. 31 and reinforce d b y man y informa l multiagenc y workin g arrangements . I n
Pistone hun g ou t a t th e bar s an d restaurant s frequente d b y organized-crim e New Yor k City , FB I Agent-in-Charg e Jame s Kossle r worke d ou t a n im -
members an d associates . Eventually , h e wa s notice d b y organized-crim e mensely valuabl e agreemen t wit h Deput y Ne w Yor k Cit y Polic e Commis -
figures, whom h e cu t i n o n a numbe r o f phony schemes . I n th e cours e o f sioner Patrick Murphy whereby the Bureau an d the New York Police Depart-
some o f thes e "crimes, " he wa s able t o brin g othe r agent s int o contac t wit h ment agree d t o shar e resources , intelligence , an d coordinat e thei r
members of Cosa Nostra . Pistone' s undercover operatio n laste d six years; just investigations. Th e agreemen t marrie d th e Bureau' s substantia l budgetar y
before h e had to surface an d break his cover, h e was promised inductio n int o resources an d sophisticate d intelligenc e apparatu s wit h th e NYPD' s street -
the Bonann o family . Piston e provide d a mountai n o f intelligenc e materia l level intelligenc e an d highl y develope d informan t system . NYP D detective s
and serve d a s a witness at a number o f key Cosa Nostr a trials , especiall y th e were abl e t o confir m FB I intelligenc e hypothese s an d provid e lead s fo r
Commission case. 32 N o doubt , thi s infiltratio n wa s a blo w t o Cos a Nostr a identifying crim e family members , thei r roles , and crimina l activities .
morale, raisin g doubts about how many of its secrets had been revealed . The organized-crim e squa d i n th e Ne w Yor k Cit y Polic e Departmen t
began t o cooperat e muc h mor e harmoniousl y an d effectivel y wit h it s FB I
Cooperation among Federal, State, and Local Law
counterparts an d wit h stat e agencie s lik e th e Ne w Yor k Stat e Organize d
Enforcement Agencies
Crime Task Force . Thi s kind o f interagency cooperation wa s instrumental i n
Historically, effectiv e organized-crim e contro l wa s severel y hampere d b y initiatives lik e th e investigatio n o f th e Fulto n Fis h Market , th e massiv e
bitter rivalr y amon g th e federal , state , an d loca l la w enforcemen t agencies . investigation o f the Pizza Connection, an d the preparation o f the Gotti prose-
Each agenc y distruste d th e others , eve n t o th e poin t o f chargin g tha t riva l cution.
agencies wer e neithe r secur e no r trustworthy ; frequently , eac h fel t tha t th e The practic e o f "cross-designating" prosecutors fro m on e agenc y t o prose-
others wer e tryin g t o seiz e credi t unfairl y fo r successes . Th e histor y o f cute o n behal f o f another agenc y als o proved t o be a major breakthroug h i n
American la w enforcement , especiall y i n combattin g organize d crime , i s interagency cooperation . Thi s practice allows state and loca l prosecutors who
replete wit h los t opportunitie s du e t o inabilit y o r unwillingnes s t o reac h have worke d o n a n investigatio n t o follow th e cas e i f it becomes federa l an d
interagency agreements. vice versa . Fo r example , afte r Pau l Castellan o wa s assassinated, Pa t Rya n o f
Beginning i n the 1970s , joint federal, state , an d loca l task forces began t o the Manhatta n Distric t Attorney' s Offic e wa s cross-designated a s an assistan t
make significan t headwa y i n overcomin g agenc y parochialism . I n 1970 , th e United State s attorne y i n th e Souther n Distric t an d Walte r Mac k fro m th e
National Counci l o n Organize d Crim e wa s established t o formulate a strat - Southern Distric t Unite d State s attorney' s offic e wa s cross-designate d a s a n
egy t o eliminat e organize d crime . Whil e th e counci l faile d t o formulat e a assistant distric t attorne y i n th e Manhatta n Distric t Attorney' s Office . Thi s
national strategy , i t mobilize d attentio n t o th e proble m o f interagenc y rela - proved t o be a n enormousl y valuabl e mechanis m fo r investigatin g th e Gott i
tions. Th e federa l strik e forces mad e majo r stride s in coordinatin g the effort s case tha t wa s eventuall y turne d ove r t o th e Unite d State s attorne y fo r th e
of federal prosecutoria l an d investigativ e agencie s an d also , b y promising t o Eastern Distric t of New York.

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18 I Introduction Introduction I 19

Robert F . Kennedy , fo r example , wa s highl y committe d t o a full-scal e


Why the 1980s?
attack o n organize d crime . H e ha d playe d a key rol e durin g th e McClella n
Why di d th e government' s attac k o n Cos a Nostr a reac h it s zenit h i n th e hearings and was extremely well informed abou t the Mafia, especiall y its role
1980s? Perhap s th e 1980s ' successe s wer e simpl y th e culminatio n o f a n in th e Teamster s an d othe r labo r unions . Prosecutin g Jimm y Hoff a wa s a
organized-crime contro l proces s that bega n i n th e 1950 s and steadil y gaine d top priorit y o f hi s administration . Furthermore , Kenned y quadruple d th e
strength an d momentu m thereafter . Perhap s the 195 1 Senate hearing s orga - Organized Crim e Sectio n an d encourage d i t t o mov e aggressivel y agains t
nized b y Senato r Kefauver , th e 195 7 revelatio n o f a secre t meetin g o f orga- organized crime. 33 By contrast his successor, Ramse y Clark, ha d little interest
nized-crime bosse s fro m al l ove r th e countr y a t Apalachin , Ne w York , in organized-crime contro l and opposed electroni c surveillance .
Kennedy's tenur e a s attorne y general , th e Valach i revelations , an d th e pas - The Reaga n administratio n seem s t o hav e bee n th e mos t aggressivel y
sage o f organized-crim e contro l legislatio n provide d th e foundatio n fo r a anti-organized crim e sinc e th e Kenned y administration . I n on e speec h o n
gradual, sometime s halting , proces s tha t le d t o the investigation s an d prose - the subject , Reaga n announce d hi s commitmen t t o attackin g organize d
cutions o f th e 1980s . Thi s "explanation, " however , doe s no t focu s o n ke y crime and described a special cabinet session he called to address the problem
decisions o r decisionmaker s o r majo r shift s i n forma l policy . I t interpret s on Septembe r 30 , 1982 .
organized-crime contro l initiative s as having "evolved" or "matured," perhaps
following thei r ow n interna l logi c o r tim e clock . Thos e wh o favo r suc h a n Attorney General William French Smith . . . talked not only about the steady rise in
interpretation ten d t o speak i n term s lik e the following : "I t took ten year s for street crime over two decades but the growth and increasing sophistication of regional
federal prosecutor s to learn to use RICO." and national networks of professional criminals. He described the alarmingly success-
ful attempts of these networks to corrupt legitimate business, unions, political figures
We believ e tha t th e evidenc e wil l ultimatel y suppor t a different hypothe -
and member s of law enforcement an d governmen t agencies . H e made i t clear that
sis, albei t on e tha t coul d b e reconcile d wit h th e evolutionar y hypothesis . career criminals had not only grown bolder in their activities but were continuing to
While maturation , evolution , an d interna l logi c ar e certainl y par t o f th e extend thei r reac h eve r deepe r int o law-abidin g sector s o f our society , buyin g and
story, ther e wer e als o ke y decision s an d decisionmaker s wh o consciousl y bribing their way to the kind of official protectio n and respectability that would permit
chose t o mak e organized-crim e contro l a n importan t priorit y despit e relent - them to operate their criminal undergrounds with impunity. 34
less pressure to accord preferenc e t o other crime problems.
The attitude , politics , priorities , an d policie s o f presidents an d th e attor - According t o Reagan , thi s specia l cabine t decide d tha t th e Justic e Depart -
neys genera l hav e surel y ha d a n impac t o n federa l organize d crime-contro l ment woul d "mor e vigorousl y prosecut[e ] th e mob , includin g us e o f th e
initiatives. The president can have a positive impact via his choice of attorney RICO statut e t o confiscate mor e o f its financial asset s . . . and [forge ] close r
general an d FB I director , hi s suppor t fo r enhance d crime-contro l budgets , co-operation wit h stat e an d loca l la w enforcemen t agencies , includin g ne w
and hi s "jawboning " o n organized-crim e themes . O n th e othe r hand , a training program s a t a federal facilit y i n Glynco , Georgia , tha t woul d focu s
president ca n hav e a negativ e impac t if , fo r politica l o r othe r reasons , h e on th e mob' s ne w an d mor e sophisticate d tactics. " Moreover , Reaga n ap -
chooses a n attorne y genera l disincline d t o pursue organize d crim e o r make s pointed a presidential commissio n t o determin e wha t els e migh t b e done t o
it clea r t o th e attorne y genera l an d othe r subordinate s eithe r tha t attackin g further th e anti-organized-crime effort .
organized crime is not a priority or that some other goals are higher priorities. Two Genera l Accountin g Offic e (GAO ) reports , i n 197 6 and 1981 , criti-
Likewise, th e attorne y genera l ca n hav e grea t impact o n organized-crim e cized th e For d an d Carte r administrations ' Justic e Departments ' organized -
control b y lobbyin g o r no t lobbyin g fo r legislatio n (e.g. , RICO , electroni c crime contro l effor t fo r failin g t o concentrate o n Cos a Nostr a an d fo r failin g
eavesdropping, Witnes s Security Program) and by allocating or not allocating to engag e i n strategi c plannin g an d cooperativ e venture s wit h othe r agen -
substantial resource s t o th e Organize d Crim e an d Racketeerin g Section . cies.35 There were no similar GAO criticisms thereafter, whic h lend s support
While the Unite d State s attorneys have some independence fro m th e centra l to th e hypothesi s tha t afte r 1981 , the Justic e Departmen t go t it s organized -
Justice Department , ther e i s littl e doub t tha t th e attorne y genera l ha s th e crime-control progra m o n track .
power t o establis h prioritie s throug h persuasio n an d manipulatio n o f re - Policy is also made by each of the ninety-two Unite d State s attorneys, wh o
sources. have historicall y enjoye d a grea t dea l o f independenc e i n runnin g thei r

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20 I Introduction Introduction I 21

offices. I n 1983 , Rudolp h Giulian i lef t a top positio n i n th e Departmen t o f government. Thi s certainl y reflect s som e sor t o f change , eithe r muc h mor e
Justice t o becom e Unite d State s attorne y fo r th e Souther n Distric t o f Ne w powerful an d effective la w enforcement tha n eve r before (including especially
York.36 Ultimately , i t wa s th e Souther n Distric t Unite d State s Attorney' s the draconian RIC O sentences) and the possibility of defecting withou t being
Office, unde r Giuliani , tha t brough t th e Commissio n case , fou r famil y killed (thank s to the Witness Securit y Program ) or a different attitud e amon g
RICO cases , th e Pizz a Connectio n case , an d th e Teamster s Internationa l Cosa Nostr a member s about the importance o f loyalty to their organization .
case a s wel l a s man y others . Whateve r debat e ther e migh t b e abou t th e While plausible , Goldstock' s thesi s i s difficul t t o evaluat e becaus e i t i s
impact o f president s an d attorney s genera l i n makin g organize d crim e a hard t o compar e th e "values " of yesterday's organized-crim e leaders , middl e
higher priority, ther e is no doubt about Giuliani's importance . managers, an d soldier s with today's. There i s a tendency i n man y contexts to
The FBI' s prioritie s wer e als o crucia l t o th e histor y o f organized-crim e romanticize th e value s an d accomplishment s o f pas t generations . Jus t a s
control. Clearly , Hoove r wa s not intereste d i n takin g on Cos a Nostra . How - many o f u s d o no t believ e tha t thi s generation' s politica l leader s o r colleg e
ever, a t least one, perhap s all , o f his successors mus t hav e seen a n attac k o n presidents measur e u p to their counterpart s o f the past, s o it is not surprisin g
organized crime as consistent with and even central to the agency's mission. 37 that Jo e Bonann o believe s tha t today' s mo b leader s ar e les s capabl e an d
The investigation s that took place from th e late 1970 s onward could no t have worthy than he. 40
occurred withou t th e stron g suppor t o f th e FB I directors . Moreover , th e This romanticizin g tendenc y i s compounded b y the methodologica l erro r
priorities an d decision s o f othe r FB I officials , especiall y i n Ne w Yor k City , of comparin g al l (o r th e average ) o f today' s leader s wit h onl y th e bes t o f
are sure to figure prominently whe n th e ful l histor y o f this law enforcemen t yesterday's leaders . No t al l o f yesterday's mo b members an d bosse s were like
effort i s finally written. Marlon Brando' s depiction o f a man o f honor i n The Godfather. The Golds -
tock thesis is intriguing, bu t it needs to be carefully an d critically examined .

Internal Weakening of Cosa Nostra


Organized-Crime Contro l an d Civi l Libertie s
Ronald Goldstock , long-tim e directo r o f th e Ne w Yor k Stat e Organize d
Crime Tas k Force , echoin g th e thesi s o f mob-boss-turned-autho r Jo e Bo - Whatever on e think s o f the event s examine d i n thi s book , United States v .
nanno, 38 ha s argue d tha t Cos a Nostr a ha s bee n weakene d a s muc h b y Cosa Nostra is not a case of law enforcement agencies ' ignoring or taking the
internal force s a s b y externa l forces. 39 I n Goldstock' s opinion , th e moder n law int o thei r ow n hands ; rathe r i t i s a n exampl e o f ho w substantiv e an d
generation o f Cosa Nostr a leader s ha s different value s fro m it s predecessors. procedural crimina l law s have been expansivel y amended an d recas t in orde r
Honor, respect , an d famil y hav e give n wa y t o gree d an d th e fas t buck . to provid e la w enforcemen t agencie s powerfu l mean s fo r defeatin g Cos a
Moreover, Goldstoc k argue s tha t wit h th e demis e o f "Littl e Italies " aroun d Nostra an d othe r organized-crim e groups . Whil e som e observer s ma y ap -
the Unite d States , th e mo b los t it s recruitmen t bas e an d di d not , perhap s plaud th e government' s attac k o n Cos a Nostr a a s a n impressiv e exampl e o f
could not , adequatel y replenis h itsel f wit h youn g members . H e conclude s how a democrati c governmen t ca n defea t a n immensel y powerfu l crim e
that Cosa Nostr a becam e les s competent a t the very time when la w enforce - syndicate whil e respectin g th e rul e o f la w an d du e proces s o f law , othe r
ment was becoming more competent . observers ma y conclud e tha t th e rul e o f la w an d importan t principle s o f
Goldstock's thesis deserves serious consideration becaus e of its plausibility fairness, du e process , an d substantiv e justic e hav e bee n stretche d to o fa r i n
and th e author' s expertise . Al l organization s experienc e chang e resultin g the relentles s effor t t o pu t th e leader s o f Cos a Nostr a behin d bars . Suc h
from leadershi p transitions , alteration s i n environment , an d oscillation s i n critics would poin t t o the expansion o f accessorial an d conspiratoria l liabilit y
the economy . Som e change s ar e merel y deviation s fro m long-ter m pattern s under RICO , electroni c eavesdropping , gran d jur y supoenas , makin g deal s
and other s permanen t change s i n goals , priorities , strategies , an d culture . with dangerous an d reprehensibl e criminals , mas s trials, and draconia n pun -
Goldstock believe s cultura l chang e ha s diminished organize d crime' s capac - ishments as too great a price to pay, even for the dismantling of Cosa Nostra .
ity t o carr y ou t it s goals an d strategie s effectively . Th e stronges t evidenc e i n Politicians hav e show n n o concer n fo r th e privac y o f o r justic e fo r orga -
favor o f Goldstock's thesi s i s the apparen t breakdow n of omerta, th e cod e of nized-crime figures. Senator s an d representative s hav e compete d wit h on e
silence, an d th e willingnes s o f score s o f mobster s t o cooperat e wit h th e another t o b e toughes t o n organize d crime . Th e onl y doubt s raise d i n

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22 I Introduction Introduction I 23

congressional debate s ove r organized-crim e legislatio n hav e involve d th e of civi l RIC O provision s i n dispute s amon g corporation s ha s triggere d re -
possibility tha t organized-crime-contro l tactic s woul d b e use d agains t peopl e peated, albei t unsuccessful , effort s t o reig n i n th e reac h o f th e statute . I f
other than organized-crim e members , especiall y unpopular politica l groups. anything, however , th e tactic s tha t hav e prove n s o successfu l agains t Cos a
Cosa Nostr a member s hav e bee n demonize d i n Congres s an d define d a s Nostra ar e bein g transplante d t o th e wa r agains t drugs , an d eve n t o "wars "
social pariah s agains t who m extraordinar y rule s ough t t o apply . Thus , a against official corruption , violen t crime, an d pornography .
system of substantive and procedura l la w has evolved so that once a person is
identified a s hea d o f a n organized-crim e family , ther e i s usuall y probabl e
The Futur e o f Organized Crim e
cause t o bu g hi s hom e an d ca r an d ta p hi s phones . Unde r RIC O th e
crime bos s can practicall y b e automaticall y charge d wit h participatin g i n a n After eac h o f the majo r organized-crim e case s presented i n thi s book , som e
enterprise (hi s crim e family ) throug h racketeerin g activit y (th e crime s com - law enforcement official s an d academic observers predicted tha t America was
mitted b y hi s underlings) . N o matte r wha t th e underlyin g crime s prove d on th e threshol d o f defeatin g Cos a Nostra. 41 Whil e on e canno t hel p bein g
against him , th e sentencin g la w is structured s o that the bos s can b e impris - impressed b y th e government' s overwhelmin g successe s i n organized-crim e
oned fo r a very long time, probabl y for life . prosecutions across the Unite d State s since 1980 , one must also be impressed
For the most part, th e appellate courts have not rejected th e government' s by Cosa Nostra' s powe r an d expansiv e reac h a s evidenced i n th e testimony ,
aggressive use of RICO and other anti-organized-crime tactics . The appellat e wiretaps, an d physica l evidenc e tha t hav e been adduce d i n thes e same trials.
courts are loathe to reverse a conviction resultin g from man y month s of trial It i s soberin g t o conside r that , a t leas t unti l recently , Cos a Nostr a exerte d
against a defendan t who m "everybod y knows " i s a majo r organized-crim e powerful influenc e ove r th e nation' s larges t unio n (th e Teamsters) , severa l
figure. Eve n whe n the y ar e obviousl y trouble d b y suc h thing s a s megatrial s other importan t nationa l union s (Longshoreman' s Association , Hote l Em -
and statu s crimes, th e appellat e judge s have upheld organized-crim e convic - ployees an d Restauran t Employee s Internationa l Union , an d th e Laborer s
tions, whil e expressing their "doubts" and "concerns. " International Unio n o f Nort h America) , th e Ne w Yor k City/Ne w Jerse y
Civil libertarian s hav e rarel y chose n organized-crim e case s t o challeng e waterfront, th e Fulton Fis h Market, the New York City construction industry ,
government over-reaching and abuse of authority. Indeed , fro m a civil libert- garment industry , an d trash-haulin g industry , an d numerou s other businesse s
ies standpoint, majo r organized-crim e case s provide th e worst set of facts o n throughout th e country . Ove r th e las t severa l decades , Cos a Nostr a leader s
which t o test the propriety and constitutionalit y o f new law enforcement an d have stoo d a t th e sid e o f mayors , governors , an d eve n presidents . Th e su m
crime contro l tactics . Perhap s ther e i s an implici t assumptio n tha t th e rule s total o f this muc h influenc e an d powe r make s organize d crim e a significan t
are differen t i n organized-crim e cases . Perhap s i t i s generally accepte d tha t part of the political econom y of the Unite d States .
Cosa Nostr a bosse s and member s assum e th e ris k of (and hav e n o justifiabl e Unfortunately, ther e is no systematic way to determine ho w successful th e
complaint about ) whateve r la w enforcemen t tactic s th e legislativ e an d th e government's organized-crime-contro l campaig n ha s been , muc h les s will
executive branches come up with. be, i n weakenin g o r eliminatin g Cos a Nostr a o r i n reducin g th e amoun t o f
Rather tha n defen d th e right s o f organized-crim e figures, civi l libertie s racketeering an d har m associate d wit h Cos a Nostra. 42 Ther e ar e n o system -
groups hav e ofte n warne d agains t an d oppose d th e tactic s designe d fo r th e atic an d reliabl e dat a o n th e health , wealth , an d powe r o f Cosa Nostr a a s a
"war on organize d crime " on th e groun d tha t the y woul d inevitabl y b e use d whole or of its individual crim e families. Hundred s o f Cosa Nostr a member s
in othe r contexts , especiall y t o chil l bon a fide politica l expression . I n fact , have bee n sentence d t o lon g priso n terms , bu t w e d o no t kno w whethe r
organized-crime-control devices , fro m conspirac y la w t o RICO , an d fro m replacements hav e o r will mov e int o thei r vacate d roles . Man y la w enforce -
electronic eavesdroppin g t o crimina l an d civi l forfeitures , hav e inexorabl y ment professional s se e th e Cos a Nostr a familie s a s bein g i n disarra y an d i n
seeped int o othe r contexts . On e reaso n fo r thi s i s the plasticit y o f th e ter m permanent decline . Bu t these observations are generally a d ho c and no t par t
"organized crime. " Many kind s o f criminality ca n plausibl y b e labele d orga - of systematic nationwide intelligence gathering and analysis effort. Electroni c
nized crime . Th e RIC O statute , fo r example , ha s frequentl y bee n use d monitoring, compute r systems, and the emergence of well-trained organized -
against non-Cos a Nostr a defendant s who , unde r eve n th e broades t defini - crime-control unit s an d specialist s mak e conceivabl e th e implementatio n o f
tion, coul d no t be linked t o an organized-crime group . Furthermore , th e use an extensiv e intelligence operation . Bu t resources and technolog y hav e to be

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24 I Introduction Introduction I 25

supported b y politica l wil l an d organizationa l commitment . Th e dange r i s most of the members . However , twenty-fiv e hundre d migh t be a plausible numbe r i f
that attentio n wil l b e draw n awa y fro m organized-crim e contro l t o othe r mob "associates" are counted, sinc e the numbe r o f associates far exceed s the numbe r
pressing la w enforcemen t prioritie s an d that , whil e th e la w enforcemen t of "made" members.
machinery sleeps , Cos a Nostr a wil l reconstitut e itself . Finally , eve n i f Cosa 5. Fo r a description o f Cosa Nostr a an d it s crime families , se e President' s Com -
mission o n Organize d Crime , Repor t t o th e Presiden t an d Attorne y General , The
Nostra a s a n organizatio n ha s bee n substantiall y weakened , w e obviousl y
Impact: Organized Crime Today (Washington, D.C. , Apri l 1986) .
cannot b e sur e tha t Cos a Nostra' s racketeerin g activitie s hav e no t bee n (o r
6. Othe r majo r labo r racketeerin g investigation s o f th e lat e 1970 s wer e (1 )
will no t be ) take n ove r b y newl y emergin g crim e groups , thereb y negatin g
"PENDORF," which focuse d o n Cos a Nostr a control o f the Teamster Centra l State s
any reduction i n racketeering or societal harm . Pension Fun d an d whic h resulte d i n th e convictio n o f the Teamsters' president, Ro y
Many o f the economi c an d socia l force s tha t allowe d organize d crim e t o Williams; (2 ) "STRAWMAN, " whic h focuse d o n a conspirac y b y fou r Cos a Nostr a
achieve suc h immens e powe r ar e stil l operative . Th e citizenry' s deman d fo r families t o utiliz e th e Centra l State s Pensio n Fun d t o secur e interest s i n La s Vega s
illicit goods and service s remains strong . Man y union s remai n vulnerabl e t o casinos an d t o ski m profit s fro m thos e businesses ; (3 ) "LILREX," whic h focuse d o n
labor racketeering , an d thos e tha t hav e bee n "liberated " fro m organize d racketeering i n th e Ne w Yor k Cit y constructio n industry ; an d (4 ) "LIUNA, " whic h
crime hav e bee n ver y slo w to repudiat e thei r mo b ties , i f they hav e done s o focused o n Cos a Nostr a racketeerin g i n th e Laborer s Internationa l Unio n o f Nort h
at all. Thus , i t may be premature t o predict that th e investigation s an d trial s America.
of th e 1980 s constitut e th e beginnin g o f th e las t chapte r i n th e histor y o f 7. Se e Rand y Mastro , Steve n C . Bennett , an d Mar y P . Donlevy , Private Plain-
Cosa Nostra . Whateve r th e futur e ma y hold , th e perio d fro m th e lat e 1970 s tiffs Use of Equitable Remedies under the RICO Statute: A Means to Reform
Corrupted Labor Unions, 2 4 Universit y o f Michiga n Journa l o f La w Refor m 57 1
to the earl y 1990 s has been marke d b y the mos t concerted an d sophisticate d
(1991).
attack o n organize d crim e i n th e histor y o f th e Unite d States . Th e goa l o f
The loca l union s place d unde r trusteeship s ar e Loca l 6 A o f th e Cemen t an d
this boo k i s t o begi n th e herculea n tas k o f documenting , explaining , an d
Concrete Worker s o f the Laborer s Internationa l Unio n o f America; Distric t Counci l
critiquing thi s recen t histor y s o tha t i t wil l b e availabl e t o thi s an d futur e of Carpenters ; Teamster s Loca l 814 ; Unite d Seafoo d Worker s Loca l 359 ; (Philadel -
generations o f students, scholars , an d member s o f the publi c wh o ar e inter - phia) Roofer s Unio n Loca l 30-30B , an d Loca l 181 4 of the Internationa l Longshore -
ested i n organized crim e in American society . man's Association . Loca l 10 0 of the Restauran t Worker s Union , charge d wit h bein g
dominated b y th e Gambin o family , wa s spare d a court-appointe d truste e whe n th e
judge permitte d th e unio n voluntaril y t o instal l a unio n internationa l vice-presiden t
Notes as trustee.
1. Hoover' s resistance to investigating or even recognizing the existence of orga- 8. Se e United States v Local 359, United Seafood Workers, 8 7 Civ 735 1 (SDN Y
nized crime has been very well documented. See , e.g., J . R. Nash, Citizen Hoover, filed October 15 , 1987) ; for a discussio n o f the case , se e Brian Carroll , Combatting
chapter 6 , "Th e Organizatio n Tha t Didn' t Exist " (Hall, 1972) ; Arthur M . Schle - Racketeering in the Fulton Fish Market, i n Cyrill e Fijnau t an d James Jacobs, Orga-
singer, Jr., Robert Kennedy and His Times (Ballantine, 1978). nized Crime and Its Containment: A Transatlantic Initiative (Kluwer, 1991) .
2. A useful, i f somewhat abbreviated, chronology of milestones and major prose- 9. Fo r a discussion o f the case , se e Robert Maas , Organized Crime Infiltration of
cutions is Department of Justice, Criminal Investigatio n Division , Organize d Crime Legitimate Industry in New York, in Cyrill e Fijnau t an d Jame s Jacobs , Organized
Section, Chronological History of la Cosa Nostra in the United States: January 1920- Crime and Its Containment: A Transatlantic Initiative (Kluwer, 1991) .
August 1987 (Washington, D.C., October 1987). 10. United States v Rastelli, 8 5 CR 34 5 (EDNY filed June 10 , 1985) .
3. Th e fact that these FBI statistics did not include consiglieri, advisors or counsel- 11. United States v Boffa, 68 8 F2d 91 9 (3d Cir 1982) .
ors to the bosses, is indicative of the lack of a systematic and comprehensive officia l 12. United States v Local 30, United States Tile and Slate Roofers, 68 6 F Supp
reporting system for organized-crime prosecutions. 1139 (ED P a 1988) . Se e Rand y Mastro , Steve n C . Bennett , an d Mar y P . Donlevy ,
4. Thi s coul d mea n twenty-fiv e hundre d separat e "counts " charge d agains t a Private Plaintiffs Use of Equitable Remedies under the RICO Statute: A Means to
much smalle r numbe r o f individual s (althoug h som e individual s wer e charge d i n Reform Corrupted Labor Unions," 2 4 University of Michigan Journal of Law Reform
several different indictments) . It seems implausible that twenty-five hundred differen t 571 (1991).
organized-crime members were charged in criminal cases, since this would constitute 13. Permanen t Subcommitte e o n Investigation s o f th e Committe e o n Govern -

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26 I Introduction Introduction I 27

mental Affairs , Twenty-Five Years after Valachi, 100t h Cong. , 2 d sess. , 11 , 15 , 21, See also General Accounting Office, Report on Organized Crime: Issues Concern-
22, 2 9 April 1988 . ing Strike Forces, repor t prepared fo r the Permanent Subcommitte e o n Investigations ,
14. Unite d State s Code, vol . 18 , sees. 2510-2 0 (1982). Senate Committee o n Government Affairs , 101s t Cong., 1s t Sess., April 1989 .
15. Se e Michael Goldsmith, The Supreme Court and Title III: Rewriting the Law 28. Concernin g Marcello , se e Donal d W . Cox , Kingfish: Carlos Marcello and
of Electronic Surveillance, 7 4 Journal of Criminal La w and Criminology 1 (1983) . the Assassination of]ohn F . Kennedy (McGraw Hill , 1989) . Another majo r investiga -
16. Electronic Communications Privacy Act, Publi c La w 99-508 , United States tion o f the late 1970s/earl y 1980 s period wa s operation PENDORF . I t resulted i n th e
Statutes at Large 10 0 (1986) : 1848 . Ne w technologie s brough t withi n Titl e II I conviction o f to p organized-crim e figures i n Chicago , Milwaukee , Cleveland , La s
include electroni c mail , compute r transmissions , vide o teleconferencing , cellula r Vegas, and Kansa s City.
telephones, som e telephoni c pagers , an d certai n type s o f radi o transmissions . Se e 29. Attorne y Genera l Orde r No . 136-89 , 2 6 Decembe r 198 9 ("Orde r Directin g
Michael Goldsmith , Eavesdropping Reform: The Legality of Roving Surveillance, Realignment o f Organized Crim e Progra m Resources") .
University of Illinois Law Review 401 (1987). 30. Fo r a n excellen t exampl e o f ho w tenaciou s attentio n t o Pau l Castellano ,
17. Statistica l Analysi s an d Reports , Administrativ e Offic e o f th e Unite d State s because h e wa s boss o f on e o f th e crim e families , contribute d t o th e Gambin o an d
Courts, Reports on Applications for Orders Authorizing or Approving the Interception Commission RIC O prosecutions , se e Josep h O'Brie n an d Andri s Kurins , Boss of
of Wire, Oral, or Electric Communications. Bosses (Simon an d Schuster , 1991) .
18. Se e Gerald Lynch , RICO: The Crime of Being a Criminal, 8 7 Columbia La w 31. Se e J . R . Nash , Citizen Hoover, chapter 6 , 'Th e Organizatio n Tha t Didn' t
Review 661 (parts 1 , 2) (1987); 87 Columbia La w Review 920 (parts 3 , 4) (1987). Exist" (Hall, 1972) .
19. Th e first RICO convictio n o f a Cosa Nostr a famil y bos s was United States v 32. Se e Pistone' s accoun t o f hi s undercove r experienc e i n Josep h Piston e wit h
Frank (Funzi) Tieri in 1981. Richard Woodley, M y Undercover Life in the Mafia: Donnie Brasco (New American
20. 45 2 Unite d State s 57 6 (1981). Prio r to Turkette, i t was plausible to argue that Library, 1987) .
RICO require d proo f o f racketee r infiltratio n o f a legitimat e business , union , o r 33. Se e Arthu r M . Schlesinger , Robert Kennedy and His Times, a t 28 7 (Ballan -
governmental organization . Afte r Turkette, RIC O coul d b e use d t o prosecut e an y tine, 1979) .
ongoing criminal group . 34. Se e Ronal d Reagan , Declaring War on Organized Crime, Ne w Yor k Time s
21. Thi s history had been previousl y and remarkabl y reveale d i n mob boss Joseph Magazine, sec . 6 , p . 26 , col. 1,1 2 Januar y 1986 .
Bonanno's memoir , A Man of Honor (Simon an d Schuster , 1983) . 35. Comptrolle r Genera l o f the Unite d States , War on Organized Crime Falter-
22. Unite d State s Code, vol . 18 , sec. 1964 . ing: Federal Strike Forces Not Getting the Job Done (Unite d State s Governmen t
23. Se e Organized Crime Control Act of 1970. Publi c La w 91-452 , United Accounting Office , 1976) . Comptrolle r Genera l o f the Unite d States , Stronger Fed-
Statutes at Large 84 , sees . 922 , 922-2 3 (1970 ) (Statemen t o f Finding s an d Pur - eral Effort Needed in Fight against Organized Crime (Unite d State s Governmen t
pose). Accounting Office, 1981) .
24. Se e Nicholas Pilegg i and Henr y Hill, Wiseguy (Simon an d Schuster , 1985) . 36. I n 1968 , a strik e forc e ha d bee n create d fo r th e Souther n Distric t o f Ne w
25. Se e Ovid Demaris, The Last Mafioso: The Treacherous World of Jimmy Frati- York, bu t i n 197 6 i t wa s merge d int o th e Unite d State s Attorney' s offic e b y the n
anno (Fitzhenr y and Whiteside, 1981) . Assistant Attorney General Richar d Thornburgh .
26. Comptrolle r Genera l o f the Unite d States , War on Organized Crime Falter- 37. Afte r Hoover , th e successio n a t th e FB I ha s bee n a s follows : Patric k Gra y
ing: Federal Strike Forces Not Getting the Job Done (Unite d State s Governmen t (acting directo r 1972-73) ; Willia m Ruckelshau s (actin g directo r 1973) ; Clarenc e
Accounting Office , 1976) ; Comptroller Genera l o f the Unite d States , Stronger Effort Kelley (directo r 1973-78) ; Willia m Webste r (directo r 1978-87) ; Willia m Session s
Needed in Fight against Organized Crime (Unite d State s Governmen t Accountin g (director 1987-93) ; Louis Freeh (directo r 1993-) .
Office, 1981) . 38. Jo e Bonanno, Man of Honor (Simon an d Schuster , 1983) .
27. Se e Proposed Merger of the Organized Crime Strike Forces into the Various 39. Ronal d Goldstock , Som e Rumination s o n th e Curren t an d Futur e Statu s o f
United States Attorneys Offices: Hearings before the Subcommittee on Criminal Justice Organized Crim e i n the Unite d State s and on Effort s t o Control Illici t Syndicates and
of the Judiciary Committee of the House of Representatives 101st Cong. , 1s t Sess. , Enterprises, unpublishe d repor t fo r th e Ne w Yor k Stat e Organize d Crim e Tas k
June 1989 ; Status of the Department of Justice Organized Crime Strike Forces: Joint Force, n.d .
Hearings before the Senate Committee on the Judiciary and the Senate Committee on 40. Accordin g to Jimmy Fratianno , Bonann o wa s made persona no n grat a by the
Government Affairs 101s t Cong., 1s t Sess., Septembe r 1989 . commission som e tim e i n th e 1970s . Accordin g t o hi s account , an y Costr a Nostr a

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28 / Introduction

member who had contact with Bonanno was subject to capital punishment. Fratiann o
does not say why Bonanno had this falling out with the commission .
41. See , e.g. , Sellwy n Raab , The Mob in Decline—A Special Report: An Ailing
and Battered Mob Is Losing Its Grip on America, New York Times, 2 2 Octobe r
1990, Al .
42. Se e Michae l D . Maltz , Measuring the Effectiveness of Organized Crime
Control Efforts (Offic e o f Internationa l Crimina l Justice , 1990) ; Herber t Edelhatz ,
Roland J. Cole , an d Bonni e Berle, The Containment of Organized Crime (Lexington
Books, 1984) .

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