Prepared By: Caroline M Turner Phone/Email:
Campaign Manager: David Metelus Phone/Email:
Candidate Name: Caroline M. Turner ESQ.
Campaign Address:
Campaign Email: Campaign Website: https://www.turner4judge.com
I, Caroline Turner, certify that the information provided on this questionnaire is accurate and the
opinions stated here accurately reflect my own positions.
/s/ Caroline M Turner
Please complete, sign and return this via email in Word Doc format on or before February 13,
2021.
The Judicial Accountability Table (JAT) is a coalition comprised of Philadelphia community
organizations working to bring more fairness to our courts. The JAT’s platform is available at
https://judgeaccountabilitytable.org/platform/. We’ve written this questionnaire to be
values-driven and focused on the issues most relevant to the people of Philadelphia, and we’ve
made our questions compliant with the Code of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania.1 We ask
that you use no more than 250 words to respond to each question.
Thank you for taking the time to complete our questionnaire, and we look forward to your
response. The members and supporters of the JAT include:
1
Specifically the following section of 207 Pa. Code § 4.1, Political and Campaign Activities of Magisterial District Judges and
Judicial Candidates in General:
The making of a pledge, promise, or commitment is not dependent upon, or limited to, the use of any specific words or phrases;
instead, the totality of the statement must be examined to determine whether the candidate for judicial office has specifically
undertaken to reach a particular result. Pledges, promises, or commitments must be contrasted with statements or
announcements of personal views on legal, political, or other issues, which are not prohibited. When making such statements, a
magisterial district judge should acknowledge the overarching judicial obligation to apply and uphold the law, without regard to
his or her personal views.
As well as the following section of 207 Pa. Code § 4.2, Political and Campaign Activities of Judicial Candidates in Public
Elections:
A judge who is a candidate for elective judicial office shall not make any statement that would reasonably be expected to affect
the outcome or impair the fairness of a matter pending or impending in any court.
Reclaim Philadelphia ICE out of Courts
LILAC DecarceratePA
215 People's Alliance Free the Ballot
Philadelphia Bail Fund One PA
Philadelphia Community Bail Fund Philadelphia Neighborhood Networks
Youth Art and Self-Empowerment Project Abolitionist Law Center
Amistad Law Project Democratic First Ward
Coalition to Abolish Death By Incarceration #No215Jail Coalition
(CADBI)
QUESTIONS
1. What are your top three priorities if you are elected judge?
A: Ending cash bail, bringing greater transparency to the courtroom, and focusing on
restorative justice that ensures the courts are helping to heal the community while
balancing justice with love and compassion.
2. Do you feel that implicit bias plays a role in our courts? If so, how do you think it should
be addressed?
A: I believe implicit bias plays a role in all facets of our society and unfortunately the
courtroom is not spared that injustice. I believe it can be addressed by treating every
human being that enters my courtroom with fairness and compassion first. I will listen and
I will endeavor to match the needs of the individual with the resources in community to
bring about restorative, rather than punitive outcomes, wherever possible. Hopefully my
example and the inevitable success rate of those who appear in front of me will inspire
other judges to do the same.
3. What if anything would you do as a judge to assure that neither your courtroom staff nor
litigants are faced with racist or sexist behavior?
A: I would institute a zero tolerance policy and have anyone who engaged in such
reprehensible behavior removed and banned from my courtroom.
4. Do you believe police misconduct is a problem in our criminal justice system? How so?
What role, if any, do the courts have in addressing this issue?
A: Yes, we’ve seen examples of police misconduct time and time again throughout our
society with regards to the criminal justice system. I am fully aware that black and brown
neighborhoods are over-policed and over-targeted with the result that many more people of
color end up in the court system. Knowing that, I will discourage such practices by
dismissing charges that are stacked; I will order evidence to be produced by police and
DAs in time for meaningful cross-examinations at preliminary hearings; I will hold the
DA’s list of dirty cops and, upon defense attorneys requests, I will dismiss cases in which
such cops are material witnesses; I will reconsider bails for any defense attorney who files a
motion; and I will find police officers who lie to me in contempt of court.
5. In the wake of the murders of George Floyd, Breonna Taylor, and other unarmed Black
people by police, Philadelphia protesters have criticized the outsized PPD budget while
communities face massive divestment of resources. A 2019 study from PICA suggested that the
city could save over $7 million by making changes to reduce police court overtime. What role, if
any, do the courts have in addressing this issue?
A: In January 2020, a judge (Anthony Kyriakakis) initiated trial readiness conferences
for bench trials to help combat this problem. Other bench trial judges adopted this
practice. At a trial readiness conference held 3-7 days prior to trial, the judge asks both
the defense and ADA whether police officers have been subpoenaed (to avoid late
subpoenas which rack up overtime payments), whether they are definitely calling all the
police officers (if not, they need to quosh any superfluous subpoenas), and whether both
Defense counsel and ADAs are ready to try the case. If either side is not ready or witnesses
cannot be produced then subpoenas can be quashed in a timely fashion.
In addition to the above, I could schedule Time Certain time slots for preliminary
hearings to avoid police officers waiting for long hours in the courthouse. I could also ask
police officers to check in when they arrive at the courtroom.
I could ensure and support ADA, PD and defense attorney accountability and
training by asking which officers were subpoenaed for today? How many did you use?
Who did not show up but was being paid to be there?
6. Do you think our criminal justice system works? Why, or why not? If you think there is
something wrong with how it operates, name three ways you would work to change it as a judge.
A: I believe that our criminal justice system is historically deeply flawed and that is
evidenced by the fact that black and brown people are incarcerated at a rate that far
exceeds that of white people. A fair system would reflect our society and at present it does
not.
● As judge, I will promise to do my part towards ending cash bail, which unfairly
targets low income people;
● I will throw out cases that I deem to be excessively charged without supporting
evidence;
● I will place a cap on probation of 3 years, which will allow people to return to
society more quickly. The system needs to be drastically corrected and I vow to do
whatever it takes to see that fairness is brought to the courtroom.
7. One in three Philadelphians has a criminal record. In your opinion, how can judges
support successful community re-entry?
A: Judges can help communities learn about resources for helping people get their
records expunged. They can reach out to community leaders who are helping foster
community reentry.
My plan to cap terms of probation can also help defendants to be free of
Commonwealth surveillance and to be able to get on with their lives. Ending cash bail in
my court will also allow for release and continuity of employment, housing, family life etc.
and lessen the likelihood of conviction.
8. Have you or anyone close to you ever been incarcerated? If yes, please share how it
impacted that person or you, and how it would affect your work as a judge. If no, how do you
take into consideration the impact of the decision to incarcerate someone without having
personal experience.
A: Yes someone close to me was incarcerated. He never fully recovered from the
trauma of incarceration. He suffered so many indignities at the hands of fellow inmates and
corrections officers. He lost his sense of dignity and self-respect. He felt hopeless as there
was nothing he could do to make things right while incarcerated.
That experience would impact my work as a judge in that I would find restorative
alternatives to incarceration in as many cases as possible.
9. Individuals held on probation detainers account for over 50% of the city’s jail population,
and individuals are often held without signed judicial warrants. What do you think of this?
A: As stated above, placing a limit on the amount of time individuals are ordered to
serve probation would go a long way to reducing the city’s jail population, in addition to
helping them successfully reenter society.
A large amount of violations of probation are for technical violations of probation.
This is unacceptable. When sentencing someone to probation there needs to be community
support such that they are set up to succeed and not set up to fail.
10. Philadelphia is at the center of the opioid crisis. In order to prevent more deaths,
advocates have worked on harm reduction initiatives including needle exchange programs,
Narcan distribution, and overdose prevention sites. What can judges do to help expand and
protect programs to combat the opioid crisis and continue to reduce harm?
A: I can use my community contacts to refer people who appear before me who are
suffering from opioid addiction.
From a sentencing standpoint, instead of prison, I can sentence defendants to drug
rehabilitation in the community.
I can support and encourage training in Emergency Narcan administration by
promoting training at centers in community so that there are more people with skills in
administering Narcan.
10 con’t. How do you feel about the Court of Appeals for the Third Circuit overturning the
lower court’s decision that made safe injection sites in Philadelphia legal?
A: This is a complex and multi-faceted issue. Whilst the principle of safe injection sites
is noble and worthy, there are other factors that need to be considered. Safe injection sites
would be set up in poor neighborhoods that are already over-policed and where drugs are
already a problem.
People would travel from the suburbs into the areas where safe-injection sites are
set up.
Would police officers witnessing a drug transaction near the site ignore the buyer
and arrest the seller?
Black and brown communities would be justified in feeling that a different
approach is being taken to the opioid crisis now that it is affecting white populations so
badly than the approach taken during the crack epidemic in the 1980s.
11. According to a 2019 report from the National Coalition for Child Protection Reform
(NCCPR), Philadelphia now leads the country in removing children and placing them in foster
care. What do you see as the long term effects of this? What can judges do about this?
A: As a parent, this breaks my heart. I have suffered through extended periods of
having my family separated as a result of my immigration status while working to obtain
citizenship. As judge I will make every effort to keep families together. I know first-hand
that the long-term effects of family separation are devastating.
Often parents are not able to provide necessary resources for their children because
of factors such as poverty, unemployment, lack of safe areas for children to play, lack of
good education and community resources for after school, jail and prison sentences instead
of community support, food desserts, poor housing and unsafe neighborhoods. As a judge I
would address the needs of the family by enlisting community support, mentoring
programs, job-training and parenting resources etc. rather than separating families,
wherever possible.
12. How would you factor in a parent's drug history or criminal record in dealing with a
custody matter?
A: I would make the judgment on a case by case basis, and of course would consider
the totality of the circumstances, in determining the best interests analysis for the child.
13. Have you experienced or known someone who was subject to domestic violence? What
do you think the court's role should be in intervening in such situations?
A: I have experienced domestic violence. Again, I would have to examine the facts and
allegations on a case by case basis.
I would attempt to make sure that preliminary hearings go forward at the first
listing so that endless continuances do not deter victims from appearing and to make
findings of fact at the earliest opportunity.
14. Noncitizens may face mandatory deportation if convicted of certain offenses. Do you
think it is appropriate for prosecutors, judges, and criminal defense attorneys to work together to
resolve cases in ways that avoid disproportionate immigration consequences? Would you accept
immigration-neutral plea agreements and/or sentence defendants to allow them to avoid
deportation?
A: I think it is entirely appropriate for prosecutors, judges and criminal defense
attorneys to work together to resolve cases in ways that avoid disproportionate
immigration consequences. As it stands, a judge is required to ask defendants in plea
colloquies whether they understand the potential ramifications to their immigration status
upon pleading guilty, and it is incumbent on judges to inform defendants that there would
be a strong likelihood that they will be deported upon pleading guilty to an aggravated
felony or a crime of moral turpitude. Yes, I would accept immigration-neutral plea
agreements and/or sentence defendants to allow them to avoid deportation.
15. Do you personally know anyone who is undocumented? If yes, how would this
experience shape your work as a judge? If no, how can you make decisions affecting
undocumented community members without this personal experience?
A: I have personally known many people who are undocumented immigrants. I am an
immigrant myself and I know how difficult and expensive it is to achieve legal immigration.
I also understand that immigration officials have virtually unfettered discretion to deny
visa and immigration applications done through legal channels.
I would not allow ICE officials to use my courtroom to make arrests (thereby
denying defendants their due process rights), and I would hope that other judges, lawyers
and court personnel would do the same.
16. 86% of women who enter the Philadelphia courts have experienced some form of trauma,
and this is especially true for Black women. How would such trauma inform your
decision-making as a judge? Would you consider alternatives to incarceration for people who
have experienced trauma, and if so, what types of alternatives? What practices have you seen
used that you appreciate?
A: Prison can only increase trauma for victims of trauma. Women face unique
challenges when entering our prisons and jails and women make up the fastest-growing
population in our jails and prisons. They face a unique stigma as mothers and reentry is
particularly challenging after separation from their children. Judges can help women
remain in their communities by providing pre-trial community resources in accordance
with their needs rather than jail and, where possible, by sentencing them to restorative,
community-building services rather than prison. An example of what happens when
traumatized women are given the opportunity to prosper in their communities is embodied
in LaTonya Myers. La Tonya returned from prison and discovered a world that was
hostile to her because of her prior conviction. She received help from a peer-mentorship
organization that she ended up working for and then went on to found “Above All Odds”
which, amongst its other community building work, hosts the “Probation Awards”
ceremony. The Probation Awards Ceremony not only honors those who are navigating
long probationary terms but it highlights the plight of people on probation who constantly
feel the threat of incarceration.
17. Current PA state law allows children under 18 to be prosecuted as adults in some cases,
despite growing efforts locally and nationally to remove children from the adult system. Do you
believe that children should ever be treated legally as adults? Please explain. What, in your
view, are the long-term impacts of incarcerating children in adult jails and prisons?
A: In principle I do not believe that children should be treated legally as adults.
According to scientific research, as well as common experience, we know:
a) Adolescent brains are still developing,
b) Adolescent brains lack sufficient impulse control while simultaneously experiencing
heightened emotional responses;
c) Adolescents are more likely to take risks and less likely to think about
consequences;
d) Adolescents suffering from trauma may suffer hindrance to their brain
development;
e) Negative Adolescent behavior is heavily influenced by their peers.
f) Adolescent brains are more malleable i.e. more responsive to treatment.
In Pennsylvania, judges have discretion over whether to certify juvenile waivers. I
believe children and adolescents are different than adults and that they should be treated
differently in our justice system.
Some of the long-term consequences of incarcerating children in adult jails and
prisons are well-known - they are put at high risk of sexual and physical violence, subjected
to ongoing trauma and are at higher risk for suicide. Adult jails subject children to much
higher risks of suffering mental health crises with the “treatment” often being solitary
confinement. A disproportionate number of Black and Latinx children are prosecuted as
adults.
I am fundamentally opposed to the prosecution and punishment of children as
adults.
18. According to EvictionLab.org, in 2016 Philadelphia led the country in eviction rates at
3.84%, 1.14% higher than the national average. Today, as a result of the COVID-19 pandemic,
unemployment is at a record high and an even greater eviction and foreclosure avalanche is
looming. Adding to the problem, there is a sharp disparity in representation between landlords
(who are usually represented) and tenants (who are usually unrepresented) in eviction disputes.
What would you do as a judge to stop the eviction and foreclosure crisis? How can judges
support the implementation of the Right to Counsel legislation to ensure fair representation?
A: I am currently a volunteer mediator for the Good Shepherd Mediation Program
participating in the Eviction Diversion Program passed by City Council. At the mediation
a Housing Counsellor represents the tenant.
As a judge, I would make sure that a person facing eviction has had the opportunity
to be represented by council as per the mandatory Eviction Diversion Program in place
right now. Even after Covid has passed, I would insist that a mediation occurs prior to the
scheduled court hearing in which a tenant has the opportunity to be represented by a
Housing Counsellor. The mediation program is achieving great success because it
provides a safe environment where both landlords and tenants are heard, and it allows for
creative solutions that are acceptable to both parties. It therefore becomes a win-win
situation where both parties come out of it with solutions. It avoids all the inevitable
expense of going to court and stops the clogging of the court system. I will continue to refer
tenants and landlords to the Mediation services using their personnel and resources.
19. Have you or someone close to you ever been evicted or foreclosed on? If yes, please
explain and describe how this experience would affect your work as a judge. If no, how would
you make decisions that impact the community without this personal experience?
A: I have not personally been evicted but I know many people who have. They not only
have a protracted tarnish to their credit, which further exacerbates their financial
difficulties, but they are forced to suffer the indignity and shame of being uprooted and
homeless. I would refer people in my courtroom to services such as Rapid Re-Housing
Philadelphia and Housing First which make sure that lengthy screening processes are
avoided and provide extensive counselling and assistance for those suffering the pain of
homelessness.
20. Regardless of whether the landlord or tenant ‘wins’ an eviction case or if the case is
ultimately dismissed, an eviction filing b y a landlord leads to a permanent public record that any
future landlord can view online. There are close to 24,000 eviction filings a year and tenants
often have issues renting because of the record. What is the court’s role, if any, in addressing
this obstacle for tenants?
A: The best way that a judge can prevent a filing for eviction from appearing on a
tenant’s record is to dismiss the case where the tenant can prove that the filing was
sufficiently without basis in fact or law or where the tenant has defenses such as:
retaliation, constructive eviction, the doctrine of latches, lack of Certificate of Occupancy
or Multiple Dwelling Registration, lack of demand for rent, refusal to accept rent by
landlord, wrongly calculated debt by landlord, landlord owes tenant rent because of
repairs he/she should have paid for, breach of implied warranty of habitability, sudden
large rent increases by the landlord, etc.
If a past eviction was not dismissed and the tenant can prove that the eviction was
unjust, judges can expunge the eviction record where she finds sufficient evidence to do so.
21. Are you a landlord? If yes, how many rental properties do you own?
A: No. I am a tenant.
22. The majority of consumer debt collection cases are filed by corporate debt buyers against
unrepresented defendants and result in default judgments. What is the role of the judiciary in
ensuring due process for unrepresented defendants in these civil matters?
A: The judiciary can:
a. Ensure that there has been sufficient notice provided; be that sufficient service,
sufficient clarity, or use of a language foreign to the consumer;
b. Check that there has not been sewer service i.e. service that the debt collector
knows to be deficient, e.g. knowing that the consumer has moved, repeatedly serving
persons who sign for it at that address;
c. Require sufficient proof of the alleged debt;
d. Stay default judgments upon challenge where insufficient notice or insufficient
proofs exist;
e. Structured judgements so that consumers have the reasonable ability to repay over
time; and
f. Waive court costs and fees in cases of financial hardship.
23. In a 2015 analysis, ProPublica found that the rate of judgments stemming from consumer
debt cases was twice as high in mostly Black neighborhoods as it was in mostly white ones.
What role should the judiciary play in addressing these racial disparities?
A: It is well-known that racist collection practices as well as racist mortgage practices
have permeated Black communities. Black neighborhoods suffered the brunt of the
sub-prime mortgage crisis. This is not just because of current wage inequities between
black communities and white communities in this country, but it is also because
generational discrimination against black communities has left black communities with
fewer resources to fall back on so it is harder for black communities to extricate themselves
from debt once it is accrued. Ownership and entrepreneurship by black business owners
has been historically systematically suppressed and that legacy still remains as evidenced
by our debt collection, loan and mortgage practices.
Being cognizant of the above, I will make every effort to prevent default judgments
and the criminalization of debt (for such matters as unpaid traffic tickets) upon
non-appearance in court. Instead of issuing arrest warrants, I would make sure that local
organizations in the community follow up with debtors who might not even have gotten
notice of the court date and who can help them navigate the court process.
● I can restrict the practice of debt collectors using the district attorney’s office as a
weapon to intimidate debtors by threatening criminal action, where there is no prior
agreement with the DA’s office to do so. I can hold in contempt any debt collector
threatening criminal action where prior assent of the DA’s office has not been
obtained and where a conflict of interest is found.
● I can demand proof from Plaintiff litigant attorneys that Plaintiff litigants are in
compliance with the protections of the Dodd Frank Act and Fair Debt Collection
Practices Act in their attempts to collect debt.
24. What role should judges play in making courts more transparent and accessible to
members of the community? What will you commit to do if elected judge?
A: Judges can play a huge role in making courtrooms more transparent and one of the
main principles of my campaign is ensuring that I will do just that. I welcome the scrutiny
of the community and I want to be held accountable for my decisions. I will install live feed
and keep a detailed spreadsheet of every decision I make. I wish to be as transparent as
possible.
Furthermore, I will conduct monthly open meetings in and with communities called
“Approach the Bench” where I will listen to communities, hear their needs and ideas, and
connect and touch base with all my community resources and contacts. Obviously, this
would not be a forum for the discussion of individual legal cases but it will be an
opportunity to make myself available as a member of the community myself to discover
what ongoing needs are being met and what needs are not being met.
25. What avenues will the Philadelphia community have to hold you accountable to the
values that you express during your campaign, if you are elected?
A: In addition to providing more transparency in my courtroom, and organizing
monthly “Approach the Bench” meetings, I invite any and all Philadelphians, lawyers,
prosecutors and probation/parole officers to reach out to me or my staff directly where
difficulties arise in implementing services and resources that I have ordered. To avoid
ex-parte discussions, I would be available for multiple- way conversations or zoom calls so
that collectively we can fashion constructive solutions that avoid unnecessary violations of
probation, parole or pre-trial community services ordered as an alternative to jail.