T12 Cynthia Patterson

420-j2o 8C. Princeton.

MtrLEtr, P. r99r. lnding and Bonowing in Ancient Athers. Cambridge. 6
Ornr, J. 1989. Mas and Elite in Demoaatic Athens: Rhetoic, Iileology, and
the Power of the People. Princeton. ''Whoring Under Contract' :
OsronNr, R. G. 1985. Demos: The Discovery of Classiul Attika. Cam-
bridge. The Legal Context of Prostitution
PatrEnsoN, C. r98r. Peicles' Citizenship l-aw of 45t/0. New York.
Topo, S. C. 1993. The Shape of Athenian l-aw. Oxford. in Fourth-Century Athens'
voN 'W'rrauowrrz-MornrNDoRrr, U. 1887. 'Demotika der attischen
Metoeken', Hermes zz: ro7-28, zrr-Sg.
'WHrrnurAo, D. rgZl. The
Edward E. Cohen
ldeology of the Athenian Metk. Cambridge.
1986. "§Vomen and Naturalisation in Fourth-Century Athens: The
Case ofArchippe', CQ 36: rog-r4.
-
Modem scholarship often profFers political explanations of
Athenian ciülization and institutions, inte{pretations focusing on
the'status' of individual5-'çlgl2sns' k) olitdi),'resident foreigners'
(metics), or 'slaves'.'Even business activity has been explained not
in economic terms, but as a manifestation of political po\À/er:
according to a thesis dominant for decades, citizens uniformly lived
on incomes derived from capital investments and property; only
non-cirizens worked personally and actively in trade and pro-
duction.s Sexual âctivity also has been characterized as responsive

' Unles otherwise indicated or clear from the contextr all chronological references in this
article are nc, I rely principally here on the evidence ofÀthenian court speeches, rhetorical
contrivances that ürttrally always present evidence tendentiously (and often dishonesdy).
Yet-because the presuppositions underÿing litigants' claims are generally reüable-this
material is often useful to the social historian. Since ütigants' presentations were made to
large juries-with penuæion the speaker's dominant motive--the presence of a general
phenomenon may be confirmed by a claim thet presupposes such a phenomenon, even if
we cannot establish the tmth of the speaker's factual assertion. See E. Cohen r99o: r7B,
1869o; Millett r99r: z; Todd r99o.
' See, for example, M. H. Hansen r99r: 86; de Ste Croix tgSri 42-94i Finley 1985: 45-8;
Todd 1993: r73.
3 Scholars have long accepted Hæebroek's claim, largely derived Êom Weber, of a
fundamental economic division in the polis between the non-citizens (who were actively
involved in trade and production) artd citizen-rentiers liüng on income çnerated from
property (especially real-estate, supposedly enjoyedby politai with monopolistic exclusivity
and æsumed to be the bæic source of wealth in an agrarian and 'primitive' society). See
Hasebroek 1978 (1933): zz,28,35; Weber, especially r9z4 (r9o9): 3z-3. But more recent
studies have refuted this politically oriented thesis. See Millett 1983: 38 ('Hæebroekh
cornments . . , cannot be reconciled with the actual evidence'); M. V. Hansen r9B4: 88, 9z
n.74. Cî. Oertel's earlier criticism (1928: 16z4-5). Despite the frequently high heuristic
value ofVeber's conccptualizations, they are often counterproductive in analysing actud
historical phenomena: see Àron rgso: 232-4i Veyne r97r: 173-5.
r 14 Edward E, Cohen
The Legal Context of Prostitution I I5
not to erotic, but to political considerations.a Metics, totally lack- gruent distinctions in status: master vs. slave, free vs. unfree,
ing political rights but often of high economic and social position, dominar-rt vs. submissive, active vs. passive, insertive vs. receptive,
allegedly 'had few sexual rights' (Posner rygz: 4t).In contrast, a customer vs. prostitute, citizen vs. non-citizen, man vs. woman'
citizen 'might do whatever he wished with a slave boy or (Halperin r99o: ro2-3). Since 'the body of a citizen is sacrosancr'
foreigner' (D. Cohen rggrai r8z). While 'the sexual behavior of
I

(Winkler r99o: 48), 'male prostitutes . . . were presumably for the

citizen women was regulated by laws' (Pomeroy 1975: 86), for most part foreigners' (Dover ryïg (tg78):32). According ro Keuls,
non-citizens 'the conventions of sexual segregation and protection femalc prostitutcs confirmed the male citizen's 'privileges of free
did not apply' (Just 1989: 144). Even the obtaining of sexual
I

status, citizenship, money, class, and gendcr' (r985: r74). Here

pleasure through active, insertive use of the penis reflects not too a political criterion-the malc citizen's right to the exclusive
biology or socially constructed behaviour (neither 'a universal
I

sexual use or protection of members of his own household-sup-

category of the human psyche or a universal structure of patriarchal posedly mandated foreign predominance in female prostitution.T
society') but a political 'image of the citizen body as masculine and I intend to show, however, that cornmercial sex at Athens re- I

assertive' (Halperin I99o: roz-3). flected economic and sexual determinants far removed from hier-
At the intersection of business and eros, the commercial archical considerations of status. In other trades and endeavours, I

exchange of sex for compensation-'pro5gilugiqn'5-has likewise citizens, free foreigners, and slaves are known to havc worked at
been assumed to be governed by juridical position. For both male the same tasks without differentiation based on personal juridical
and female citizens,6 political status supposedly precluded their status.s Prostitution similarly encompassed all segments of the
employment as prostitutes. Athenian politai were 'perpetually on population: the sale of sexual sen/ices by both men and women,
the superordinate side of a series of hierarchical and roughly con- including citizens, was a commonplace and lawful aspect of
Athenian life.e Yet Àthenian laws purported to provide widespread
{ Contemporaryscholarship,followingDover(t989(1978):60-8,8r-ro9)andFoucault protection from sexual abuse for the entire resident population
(e.g. 1984: 47-62,g8-9), generally views the Greek conceptualization ofsexudity as focused (free or slave, male or female, and especially for children). Partly as
not on gender or genital differentiations but on politicized opposition between activity
(inherently masculine) and pasivity (demeaned as inherently feminizing). See Chirassi a result, there arose the practice of 'whoring under contract' (kata
Colombo 1984: IIo; Cantarella 1988: 35-78; Halperin rggo; Winkler r99o; Bremmer 1989: synthekas hetairekenai), which emphasized the mutualiry and marker
8; Larmour et al. r998: 23. But Loraux (r995 (1989): z5o n. z9) is 'not convinced'; for D' egalitarianism underlying the sale of sex at Athens.
Cohen(r99ra: 17z),'major issuesremain'; forl)avidson,the prcvailingmodelisan'absurd
simplification' (tgg7: z).
5 Ancient Greek employs two principal clusters of words for persons and acts relâting to
prostitution, those cognate to perndnai ('to sell') and those cognâte to hetairein ('to be t
companion'). The terms ere not synonymous. Thus, in the case of women, 'emotional
attitude' might determine the difference berween a hetaiTd ('sometimes neerer to "mistress"
than to "prostitute"') and'a common prostitute' (porre) (Dover I989 (I978): zr). For male
prostitutes, a diflerentiation between pomos and hetairos is often present, 'analogous to the 7 Krenkel t988: tzgl: 'Female prostitution . . . was the province olslaves, lrced pcrsons,
distinction between the pome and the hetairu' (ibid.). For Aeschines (r. 5I-z), promiscuity
and foreigners.'C[ Keuls r98j: r54 ('Wc know of harclly âny won]cn of the citizen class
was the prime differentiation berween the two forms of sexual labour. Discursive analysis
who practiced the tradc.').
finds the 'opposition constituted along the axis of gift- vs. commodity-exchange, 8 See below, pp. r2j-6.
identified with the hetaira and the pome respectively' (Davidson tgg4: r4t-z). Cf. Davidson e Ancient sources trcat both nrale and ferralc prostitution as routinely present.
See, for
rggTi rr7-27i Kurke 1997: ro7-rz; Reinsberg 1989: 8o-6.
6 Because women lacked direct political rights, scholan generally deny the title 'citizen' example, Dcm. zz. 6r (citizcn prostitutes); Ep. 4. tr; Ar. Pltt. r55; Xen. Mem. 1.6. t3.,
Âlexis, fr. 242; Antiphanes, fr. zro (K-A); Ephippus, fr. zo; Eupolis Philoi, fr.286 (K-A);
to the female relatives ofAthenian male citizens. See Loraux 1993: ro, rr9; Carey rgg2'.26i Cratinus, fr. 4; Aeschin. r;Lys. 3; and I)em. 59 passinl. Cf. Diog. Laert. z. ro5. Cfl Keuls
Ober 1993: r34-j; Saxenhouse 199I. The Athenians disagreed: the feminine zoÀîrrs wæ in r985: r53-zo5; Licht (Brandt) ry52 (tqz):329,41o,436-40; Herrer r96o; Krenkcl r978,
use parallel with the masculine noÀh1s: see, for example, Dem. 57. 3c,43i 59. ro7; Isae. 8.
rg88; McGinn 1989. (Although Harrison (1968: 37) infers from the charges set forth in
43; Arist. Pol. r275b33, 1278'28iPl. I-aws 8r4c. Cf. Eur. El. 1335. Note the parallel use at Aeschirr. r the existence of a ypo$fi êratpioeas, uo prosecution under such a statute is
Âthensofthefemininedor{:Dem.57.35,36,4c,$,46,54i59.ro8;Ar.Thesm.54I.See known. Lipsius (r966 (r9o5-r5):436) correctly dismisses the possiblc exisrence ofsuch a
E. Cohen r997. procedural category.)
II6 Edward E. Cohen
The Legal Contexl of Prostitution I17
f,6i62-'y7fuether a child or a womân or a man, whether free or
AN ACADEMIC FANTASY: SEXUÀL slave'-from sexual exploitation or abuse. Legislation cited by
EXPLOITATION AS POLITICAL Demosthenes authorized a public prosecution @raphe) for hubris
ENTITLEMENT 'whenever someone intentionally insults the honour (hubizefi of
another, whether a child or a woman or a man, whether free or
A prime tenet of contemporâry scholarship is the belief that slave, or does sometling unlawful (paranomon) against any such
the majoriry of the residents of Attica \Mere wantonly exploited person'.I2 The law thus prohibits 'the deliberate infliction of
sexually by the adult-male citizen minorityto-a manifestation, for serious insult on enother human being',t3 a broad coverage
prevailing dogma, of the general 'oppression of noncitizen groups confirmed explicitly by other contemporary sources-including
within the Polis' (Ober r989: 5). Virtually without dissent, scholars Demosthenes' prime rival, Aeschines, who independently cites
insist that Athens prohibited only liaisons which violated the the legrslation in language virtually identical wirh that of
property rights of male citizens (such as their wives' adultery), Demosthenes.ta Accordingly, there is 'general agreement [that] we
possess the actual text of the law as it stood in the fourth century'
couplings which might upset prevailing hierarchical arrangements
(marriage berween aliens and local residents, for example), and (Fisher rygz: 36), the 'genuine law' (MacDowell rygo: 263)-
sexual relations which implied or articulated acceptance by male albeit a text thât in its wide protection of Attica's (Jntermenschen
citizens of a submissive sexual role, as in the sale of erotic favours conflicts starkly with the allegedly unlimited right of male cirizens
by a polites." Yet the substantial protections against sexual abuse to exploit Attica's residcnts. As a result of this contradiction, the
or exploitation provided by both Athenian law and communal law's 'plain meaning'-its extension of protection far beyond adult
practice'ü/ere actually directed toward, and applied for the benefit male citizens-has tended to be disregarded, or even dismissed as
of Attica's entire residential population, citizen or foreigner, and 'incoherent' or theoretically impossible.'i Athenian legislation
(to some extent) even for the protection of slaves. Correspond- against hubris, however, was far from theoretical. I)emosthenes
ingly, personal inclinations, private situations, and financial con- notes that harsh punishment had actually been meted out in many
siderations-not political classification-for the most part deter- cases involving victimization of slaves (zr. 48-9). To mitigate the
mined individual involvement in the sexual market.
An Athenian law purported to protect every inhabitant of '' zt. 47: êdnc iPpi[y1 eis twt, f roiôo .i ywoîxo fi d.vïpa, tôv èÀeuflépav fi rôv
ïo{Àav, fi nap&vopév tt rotfion eiç rodrav rryd. . .

'o Vatin r984: z7: 'Au total, les citoyens de pleir: droit sont une petite minorité sur le 'r Fisher tgg1: 45. In accord: Todd r99.1: z7o, 379, following Fisher r99z: 36-82 and
teritoire, et règnent en toute souveraineté sur une population majoritaire.'Cf Raaflaub r99o: tz6; D. Cohen r99rb; Lipsius r966 (r9o5-r5): 4zo-9; Morrow r939: 3B-41;Harrisorr
1983: j44 n.9l; r98o: 44-6; Schaps rgTg: 96; Pomeroy 1975: 58; Kculs 1985: rz. From a r968: r68, l7z; MacDowell rg76i 1978: rzg-32; Dover r989 (r978): j41; Cantarella r983;
male citizen body which he estimates at 3o,ooo, M. H. Hansen extrapolates a total popula- Cole r984: 99. Ruschenbusch (r965) cven sees hsüni as inclusively covering all offences
tion of 3oo,ooo or more (r99r: 93-4). Cf, Gomme rg33: 26, z9; Ehrenberg t96g: 3ti âgainst the person. (Jagarin, in contrast, finds filürÀ distinguished by thc use ofinordinate
Ruschenbusch t97g: r46; I98 r: I I2i M. H. Hansen ry85: 67-9. force or violence (t979: z3z). For othcr interpretâtions, see Cairns t996.
" See Just 1989: 146-8; Posner r99z: 38-44; Halperin r99o: 92-Io4; Winkler I99o; 'a Aeschin. r. r5: êdu rc ù§pi{2 eis roiôo (Jppi(€r âê 6fi nov ô pro?oûpevos) fi üv}po i
Keuls r985: rS3-z9g; Dover 1984 Q97): 148-19 r9T4: 205-16, 1989 (1978); Foucault 1984; yuvaîra, \ tôv èÀevïépav r»à fi râtv ïoiÀuv, fi èàv rapdvopéu rt norfi els ro{rav rvd,
and Pomeroy r975: ch.5. The dependency inherent in male prostitution is supposedly ypo$às üppeas etvat renoirlxev . . . ('Whenever someone intentionally insults the honour
incompatible with the 'hoplite'culture of a state conceptualized by its citizens as a military ftuhize) ofa child (and indeed any mân paying for sex] does insult honour) or ofa man or
force of kinsmen, 'a warior band in Republican fom' (Rahe rgg4: 32', cfl Sagan I99 r : 3 5 3), womân, or anyone, whether free or slave, or does something unlawful Çtaranonron) against
and therefore inherently closed to non-kinsmen. But in thc Àthenian amed forces of the any one ofthese, the law provides public prosccurions @rapha) for hubris.') Cf Hyp. fr.
lourth century-contrary to the traditional reliance of the polis on its own members (cf Mantitheus. (Thc text of the 'law' preserued at Aeschin. r. 16 is patently a ôrgery:
Arist. Pol. r3z7"4c-b8)-metics and slaves (and mercenaries, many of whom did not even MacDowell rggo: 263-4.)
reside in Attica: see McKechnie 1989: 79-roo) constituted a significant portion of total ', Thc enshrinement ofslaves' rights, for exanrple, leaves distinguished scholars grasping
(unsuccessfully) for words: 'such a law would lrave had to envisage a situation involving the
personnel. For military servrce by metics, see Xen. Vect. z. z*3; Thuc. z. r3.7, 3r- 1'2i 3-
treatnrent of free men âs if they werc slaves, or citizcns as if they were foreignen, or slaves
16. r;4.9o; Lyc. r.16. Cf. Gerhardt r935 (r933):42-4; Diller 1937: r34. For
(who arc specifically mentioned as within the scope of the law) as if they were-what?'
seruice by slaves, see Hunt I998: esp. 87-ror, t2r-43,177-8.
(Murray rggo: r4o). 'lncoherent': Gernet tgrT: r83-g7.
II8 Edward E. Cohen
The Legal Context of Prosfintilon II9
lengthy legal delays endemic within the Athenian court system,16 Because of 'the centrâliry of hubris . . . in Athenian social rela-
actions charging hubishad to be heard within thirty days after the tions' (D. Cohen r99rb: r7r), this legrslation porenrially affected
day on which the charges were {irst brought (Dem. zr. 47)'7-a many aspects of Athenian behaviour. Yet its prirne impact was felt
virtually unique acceleration of process.'8 Should the Prosecutor in sexual contexts, for eroticized misconduct was a fundamentai
prevail, there was to be an immediate determination of penalties and frequent manifestation of hubris.'a Of approximately five
(Dem. 2r. 47).Upon conviction, an offender was held in prison hundred occurrences of hubris or its cognates in the principal
until payment of any fine that had been assessed'e-an extraordi- surviving Athenian prose authors, cighty-two incidenrs relate to
nary remedy in a system where private litigants generally had to sexual misconduct-more cases by far than those of any other
enforce court judgments without ofiicial assistance'o and where
ÿpology.'z5 Rape is repeatedly denorninated as hubris.,6 In facr,
even debts owed to the state often were allowed to languish for Aristotle specifically warns rulers that of the various manifestations
months before obligors-subject to no restraint-fled.'' To avoid of lrubris, sexual abuse of boys and girls and physical violation of
the chimera of a protection not practically available to those unable individuals âre most to be avoided (Pol. r3rjar4*16). (Arisrotle
personally to vindicate their rights against a more powerful abuser, significantly does not differentiate between male and female
prosecution could be pursued by any Athenian polites"-in con- youngsters, or between freemen and slaves in cases of bodily vio-
trast to the usual requirement in a private action (dike) of suit by the lence.) I)inarchus even brands as hubris the Macedonians' assign-
victim directly or through his or her male representative (kurios).'3 ment of Theban women and children to barbarian tents (Din.
'6 For the systcmic prevalence and causes of protracted and postponed litigation, see
1. 19,24).
E. Cohen r973'. to-l2; Charles I938:9-ro. Erotic insult did not require physical contacr. Alcibiades is said
'7 In practice-as anticipated by the statute-state considerations could still sometimes to have committed hubris against his wife by merely bringing other
delay prompt resolution of the charges: cf. De m. 45. 4.
'8 MacDowell t99o: 266-7 refutes M. H. Hansen's claim (r98I: I67*7o) that reqttire-
women into their home (Àndoc. 4. r4, rS, zg). Nor did protecrion
ment of trial within thirry days was not unconrmon: no othcr provision [or eioayoy] require 'citizenship'. Although Archippe, widow of the Athenian
rpré.«ovra fipcp,iv is known at Athens (although we do know of'thirty-day cases' (rpr- banker Pasion, appears never to have received Athenian politeia,
axooraîar âiror) from Naupactus (ML zo) and lrom Heraclea (lnsciptionsJuridiques Cretques
i. Iz, Table ll,ll. z6-). Cf Gofas tgTg'. tïo n. zt. For the ô/ror ëppqvotat Athens, see E. her son Apollodorus brought on her behalf an action îor hubris
Cohen r973: z3-6; Vélissaropoulos I98o: z4z-5. against his mother's second husband, the family's former slave.rT
'e Dem. zt. 47: éàu ôê àpyvpiov trpq011 rfis ilBpe-s, Ee3éo0- èàv è\ei|epov ôppio1y, Even women oflow status might complain of hubris, as did Neaera,
péyp, à", drzeloJ]. Imprisonn)ent thus wâs not automâtically available in cases of trans-
gressions against slaves.
allegedly a foreign whore born into slavery, who charged the
'" See Todd tgg3: r44-st Allen 1997: 34. In the case of âuÛris, the f.ine was paid to tl.re Athenian polites Phrynion with hubis for various indignities,
state, not to the victim or prosecutor, thereby giving the polis a direct financial interest in including consensual intercourse with her in public (Dem. 59.
extracting payment. See Dem. zr. 45.
't For the rarity ofimprisonment âs a procedural or punitive Process at Athens, see E.
Cohen t973:74-83; MacDowell t99o:268;Hunter tg<27.On the state'slaxity even in cases tion than social and legal historians have generally thought' (Foxhall r996: r5o). A wonran
involving public debtors, note the lamous case of Demostlrenes' father-in-law, Gylon could be even arirfs xuplo (I)ern. 59. 46), and sonre leurioi werc rnerely public representa-
(Denr. z8- r-3; Aeschin. 3. r7l; Davies ry7r'. tzt). tivcs of familial intcrests or ofpowerlul fenralcs (cf Hunter rg89a: 46-7; r9c_14..9-r3, r5-19).
" Dem. 2t.47:ypa$éoïo npàs roùs 1eoyo\/tos ô pouÀépevos A9ryaiav ots i{eorrv 'a l)espitc Athetrian law's harsh penaltics against hubris, and the general recognition
('Let anyonc who wishes, of those Athenians who are qualified, submit a graphe (wit of among specialists that thc word denotes behaviour seriously injunous and subject to
prosecution) to the Thesmothetae'). Some potential cascs, however, may have been dis- rigorous punishment, 'more "traditional" interpretatior» of hubis, still conrrnonly fould in
couraged by the absence ofmonetâry incentive for a voluntâry prosecutor (ô BouÀ4pcvos) scholarly discourse and perhaps even nlore commonly among the "chattering classes,', see it
and by the requirement (see Lipsius r966 (r9o5-I5): 243-4; Harrison I968: I9J n. l) that as human errôgence, over-confidence or unawâl.eness ofthe reasons for onc's own good
the prosecutor be an Athenian citizen. For graphai open also to prosecution by non- fortune' (Fisher r995: 45-6).
Atlrenians, see l)em. 59. 66 (Epaenents 'certainly a foreigner' (Carey t99z: tzl)); 59. t6; zl.
'J Even physical assault against lree pcrsons is rcported Iess lrequently. See D. Cohen
17S',24. rost posibly so. sz. tggtb: t7z-3; MacDowell 1976; Fislrer tg76; rt;7r1.
':3 Just t985: I73 n. 8: 'rripcos, the head ofthe household to which
(an Athenian wornan)
'6 See D. Cohen r99rb: r75; Doblhofer tg94.. passin, Dover r989 (r978): 36.
was attached'-an improvcment over the traditional translation ol kuios as guardian or
'z Dem.45.4.ForArchippe'scontinuingsratusasanalien,see Carcyrggr.CflE.Cohen
'master'(Wolff 1944:46-7 n. zz). ln facr,'hyieia is a much fuzzier, less formalized institu- tggz: t02-6; Whitehead 1986.
120 Edward E. Cohen The Legal Context of Prostitution r2r
33-7). In homo-erotic situations, charges of hubris likewise could denounced a guardian for mismanagement of an estate intended to
arise from an abuse of power that caused dishonour. The public benefit minor children.3'
slave Pittalacus brands as hubris the actions of the well-connected Legislation permitting 'anyone' to take action on behalf of an
Athenian politai Hegesandrus and Timarchus who, as the denoue- abused individual allowed persons otherwise lacking standing the
ment of a sexual triangle, had sadistically tied Pittalacus to a opportunity to intervene on bchalf of individuals to whom they
column and whipped him during a nocturnal revel. Although he were not directly related by blood-as Archedamus did when he
had the support of politai who were prepared to act for him and
charged Eupolis with having ravaged the estate of the son of
who might have brought a public action for this hubis, the slave Archedamus' wife by an earlicr marriage (lsae. 7. S-Z). Friends
instead brought a private suit (dlke) on his own behalf against his
frequently took an active role as arbitrators in reconciling various
two citizen-tormentors (Acschin. r. 6z).Indeed, from the varied members of an oikos, in many cases eflectively protecting depen-
evidence of Aeschines I, Montuori has contended that anyonewho
dent members of a household.3'But total outsiders are also known
prostituted a male slave could be charged with hubris (1976: tz-t4).
to have come to the aid of dependent persons. When Neaera, an
But even those scholars who accept the law's explicit stâtement
ex-slave staying in Megara, had been subjected to huhris by the
of protection for slavcs and other dependants often assume the Athenian citizen Phrynion (who claimed to be hcr master), she
provision to have been meaningless in actual practice. Harrison, for
sought assistance from the Athenian polites Stephanus, whom she
example, considers (1968: t7z) that there was not even a 'slender had only recently met. FIe responded to her appeal-for Stephanus
chance' that any outsider would actually prosecute an alleged act the beginning of substantial litigation on her behalf, including
of hubris by a master against his slave.'8 Yet even our sparse know- defence of her freedom through a claim of aphairesis against
ledge of actual Athenian litigation provides numerous examples Phrynion (Dem. Sg. 37-40).Similarly, the slave Pittalacus was able
of third parties instituting actions on behalf of women, children, to call on the influential polites Glaucon to vindicate his legal rights
and other dependants, and even confirms Demosthenes' statement against harassment by the prominent Hegesandrus-wl.ro claimed
(zr. +g) that offenders had actually been executed for acts oî hubris that Pittalacus was his slave (Aeschin. r. 6z).
against slaves. Dinarchus reports that at the Eleusinian festival the Athenian concerrl for the rights, especially the sexual sanctiry, of
Athenian citizen Themistius had been put to death for hubris dcpendents contrasts with modern 'W.estern societies' long history
against a Rhodian lyre-girl, and that a certain Euthymachus had of ignoring or trivializing sexual abuse against minor and female
been executed for forcing an Olynthian slave woman into a family members (ancl against slaves, even where miscegenation
brothel (Din. r. z3).'e Legal actions also appear to have been statutes prohibited interracial sexual rclations). But at Athens social
brought over the hubristic treatment ofanother enslaved Olynthian structures and communal values (especially commitment to philan-
woman by Athenians at a Maccdonian syrnposium after Philip's thropia) encouraged eflective protection against the sexual abuse of
destruction of Olynthus,3o although 'we do not know enough children, slaves, and women.33 Accordingly, Aeschines sets forth in
about these cases to know in what circumstances they did, or might, considerable detail the extraordinarily strong Athenian laws against
reach the courts' (Fisher rgg5: 69-7o). Even where the wrongdoing child abuse, which affected a wide circlc of men who might have
involved only allegation of financial mismanagement, third parties contact with children, but targeted with special rigour kurioi and
are known to have come forward. In Demosthenes 38, under a other adult male family members.3a Legal protection for slaves was
statute perrnitting 'anyone' to act on behalf of the alleged victims,
3'Dem. 38. 23. For phasis as a procedure against rdroocs oi'rou dp{ovrxorî, see
a certain Nicidas, not otherwise involved or evcn known, llarpocration, s.v. {dors; Arist. Ath. Pol. 56.6.
ÿ See, for example, Dem. 36. r5, 4r. r4. Ce Scaluro 1997i r3t-5.
'8 Ce Humphrcys 1993: j. rr Fisher r995 skilfully explores the inherent tension berwecn Athenian support Êor the
'p Cl Worthington r 992: I69. Demosthe ne s me ntions by namc a Irumber of other authority of the Êurios, and Athenian social concepts mandating protection for dependent
persons executcd for misdeeds at suclr religious gatherings (zt. r75-8t). persons.
ro l)em. 19. 196-8; Aeschin. 2. 4, tJ3-5. ra Note in particular the provisions against chtld prosritution at r. r3; cf the pedagogrc
r22 Eduard E. Cohen kgal Context of Prostitution
The rz3
consonant with the recognition of douloi as integral members of the even dominance. Late marriage for men (usually at about thirry)
household.3s In a ceremony analogous to that which greeted the encouraged prolonged male adolescence and dependence; early
entry of a bride, a newly purchased slave was welcomed into marriege for women (often shortly after puberry) meant early social
the oileos with an outpouring of figs, dates, and other delicacies maturation-and most significantly, in many cases early widow-
intended to portend a 'sweet and pleasant' future.36 The mistress of hood. Such relatively young widows would have instructed
the house was expected (at least by Xenophon) to provide care for their daughters, influenced their sons, and controlled household
slaves who might become ill: not a single case is reported where a operations (Hunter r989b). Hence, the Athenian phenomenon
slave was abandoned because of old-age.37 Âlthough slaves were (described by Aeschines) of numerous naive young mcn of wealth
generally within the complete power of their kurioi, they were whose widowed mothers actively managed the family properry (r.
entitled even within the houschold to protection from hubris-just t7o). This phenomenon of the strong wife or widow is exem-
as Athenian parents had some discretion to deny even life to new-
plified by the dominant familial influence of Cleoboule, mother of
born children, but not to abuse their dependent children sexually the Âthenian leader l)emosthenes,ao and by the mother and wife of
(D. Cohen r99rb: r83)." And outside the household, relative to the wealthy and influential Lysias, who did not dare to bring his
other inhabitants of Attica (free or slave), the Athenian doulos was girl-friend, even chaperoned by her 'mother', to his own home
under no legal obligation of subservience. For example, even the (Dern. Sg. 22).And even in cases where no mother or mother-in-
prominent Callipus, proxenos of the Heracleotes, pressing a claim law was present, the Athenian male was far from a domineering
at a bank, was dismissed by a slave functionary with the derisive sexual exploiter. In Menander's Plocium, for example, the husband
'And what business is it ofyours?' (Dem. 52. 5-6). Athenian slaves of Crobyle is portrayed as reduced to whining ineffectively after his
who allegedly did not need even to yield on the street to a free wife has ejectcd from the house a servant-girl in whom he was
person had no obligation to acquiesce in sexual hubris frorn out- interested (fr. :::-+ Koerte, 4oz-3 Kock). Because there survive
siders.3e no other detailed chronicles of the adult male's abiliry to take
'Within
the oikos, the adult male citizen had little opportunity wanton sexual advantage of servile retainers, Lysias r is often cited
to function as a sexual predator. As Foxhall has shown (rgg+), as exemplar. But in this narrative, the 'master's' spouse locks him
following earlier work by Hunter (principally r989a), the presence in his bedroom lest-his wife asserts-he rcnew his prior drunken
within many oikoi of more than a single generation often resulted 'attempt' at the household's servant-girl. 'With her kurios doni-
in the senior female member's significant influence-sometimes nantly imprisoned, his wife can enjoy sex with her lover without
interference! (Lys. r. rr-r3).
regulations set forth at I. 9-rI and the penalties for procurement of free minors
(tpooyoyeia) at r. t4.
,r of the oikos, along with husband,
CONSENSUAL SEX: .PROSTITUTION BY
Slaves are explicitly included by Aristotle as members
wife, and children (Pol. tz53h4-). Indeed, the slave, as a member of the oikos, was fre-
quently referred to
36 ltxica
as an oiketes.
Segueiana z69. 9. C[. Ar. Plut. 768 and schol.; Dem. 45. 74; Pollux 3. 77;
CONTI\ACT" NOT STATUS
Hârpocration and Ssda, s.v. xaraXiopana.
37 Xen. Oec.7.24,37i Pomeroy tgg4: zz3. Cf de Ste Croix t988: z5-6. Dem. 47. 554 'Now let me tell you how it happens that it has become the prevailing
tells of an elderly seruant who after manumission had lived independently with her husband,
custom to say that persons have become prostitutes "under written
but on his death, in need, had come back to her ex-master's family, who in turn professed
an obligation to care for her.
agreement". One of our citizens. . . is said to have been a prostitute in
i8 For the extent and context ofinfanticide at Athens, see Patterson r985; Golden r988; accordance with a writtcn contract deposited with Anticles. Now, since
for slaves' protection frorn murder by thcir masters, sec Antiph. 5. 48; schol. Aeschin. z. 87; he was not a private person, but active in public af[airs and a lightning-
Harison tg68: t7t-2. For the flagrantly outrageous treatment required lor hubis against a rod for attacks, he caused the ciry to become accustomed to this expres-
slave, see Fisher r99z: 4o.
re See Xen. Ath. Pol. L to: oiize ônercorioerat oor ô ôorlÀos ('Nor will a slave stand aside
for you'). Cf. Bechtle r996. a" See l)em. z7 and related spceches. Cf. Huntcr r9flga:
43-6; Foxhall 1996: r44-7.
r2+ Edward E. Cohen 'fhe kgal Context of Prostiturion t25
sion, and that's the reason why some people inquire if the (sexual) act has
position renderecl such work appropriate. But the Athens of reality
been "under written agreement".' (Aeschin. r. I6J)4I
was far different.
In fàct, the prevailing economic model of 'undifferentiated'and
The prevalence of written âgreements governing the commit- 'standard' wages is itself internally inconsistent and empirically
ments and entitlements of Athenian prostitutes and customers
erroneous. Ampolo and Migeotte have demonstrated the absence
clashes with scholarly preconceptions that emphasize the control-
of a 'fixed' or 'normal' price for grain.+0 Loomis has shown from an
ling importance ofjuridical status-not private arrangcments-in analysis of actual data that 'there was no standard wage at Athens'
Athenian life. Indecd, some scholars recently have been question- and that wage râtes were more reflective 'of a market economy
ing whether Àthenian law even recognized 'contractual auto- than the modern orthodoxy has held'.+z In any event, a theoreti-
nomy'-the right to entcr into agreemeltts legally enforceable cally consistent, politically derived allocarion of resources would
without regard to a parry's personal status.4' And many economic have mandated higher wages for citizens than for other workers,
historians passionately deny the applicabiliry to Athenian sociery of but among pllitai an egalitarian treatmcnt. Horvever, the polis
conventional economic concepts-pricing mechanisms, market itself, in its own wage practices, pursued a policy totally incon-
principles, supply-and-demand considcrations.a3 For this school, sistent with any such expectation. It indiscriminately employed
vocational functions are 'embedded' in political and social arrange- free foreigners, citizens, and slaves to perfôrm sirnilar services for
ments, employment arrangements âre 'conventional rather than similar compensation, but paid to its citizen functionaries quite
market-determined', and compensation is'remarkably undiffer- varying compensation for differing tasks (see Arist. Ath. Pol. 62. z).
entiated'.aa Consensual arrangements would have been meaning- The compensation paid to a diverse group of 'skilled' and
less in a society in which virtually every worker received a 'unskilled' workers-citizens, metics, slaves-at Eleusis in 3zg/8
'standard wage' of r drachma per day, and the assignment of labour
and 327/6likewise varied considerably, but according to rrade and
functions accordingly reflected not monctary motivations, but a
task, not purslrant to the political 'order' to which the worker
'wider social context'.a5 In such an 'economy', employment as a
bclonged.+8 Again, without regard to 'status', the slaves, foreigners,
prostitute might well have been determined by caste-a service
and citizens working on construction of the Erechtheum between
function allocated to foreigners and slaves whose abject political
4o9 and 4oT werc all paid precisely rhe same wage, a single
a' n60ev oîu ïoxux< *ai oivrl|es yeyétlru Àéy<rr, ,Ls xarà ypaypateîov ii}l ruès
drachma per day.4e Political rights likewise appear ro have played
riralp1oav, èpô. àr"]1p elç rûv roÀtr<îv - . . Àéyetu rcorà auv|fixas riratprlxévu ràs ,qP' no role in the ÿpe of labour performed: we find, for example,
AvrrrcÀeî rerpduas' o,ir ôv (ô) iôrrl,zr7s, riÀÀà zpàs rà rorvà tpoatàv roi Ào,ôop/o,5 nine citizens, twelve metics, and sixteen slaves working as
nepminrwr, roû Àéyou ro{rou ,)v néÀr, rcoraorî1vat, roi ôrà zorlzo
eiç owfiïe ruv èro{r1oe
èparôoi rwes, ei xarà ypappareîov fi npâ{c yey&r1rat.
masons.50 The state's indiscriminate arrangements corresponded to
a' See Todd rqq+. Cf. E. Coher.r t994. the pattern prevailing in private businesses, where many slaves and
ar Cf , for cxample, Meikle Ig95b; Finley I985: zt. many free residents of Attica-citizen and metic-worked in crafts
rr Finley tgÿs: zr2 n. r9, 8o. Anthropologists have developed models ofprinutive groups
where production, distribution, and consumption are accomplished solely through familial a6 Arnpolo tg86: t46-7; Migeotte (forrhcoming). Cf, Reger ryg3: 312-14.
or political relationships. In such societies, economic activity supposedly cannot occur with-
ori di...t social significar,ce; the economy thus is said to be 'embedded' in the society itself
a7 Loornis 1997: l (his italic$. Cf. Loomis 1998.
48 IG II' r67z-3. A sampling of wages: workers carqring construction materials (such as
See Polanyr, Arensbcrg, and Pearson 1957: 68; Polanyi r944: 63*4; Wohl I998: 2IJ n r8;
bricks or wood), silting plaster, nrixing mortar, breaking clods, z dr. 3 obols pcr day (IG II,
Lowry I987: z; Humphreys rg78'. r52. Fintey, following Wcber's sweeping conceptualiza- t67z-3. z8-3o, 3z-4, 44-6,6o-z); two sawyers, 3 dr. (perhaps âggregâte pay for both:
tion (r924 (I9o9); IgzI) of the subordination of economic considerations to politics in IC ll' t672. r59-6o); workers laying bricks and working on wood, z% dr. (IC ll, t672.
antiquity, argued that at Àthens the economy was embedded in social relations and claimed z6-8); workers laying rooftiles, z dr. (IG II' r672. r ro-r r); archirecr, z dr. (IG II' r672. tz);
that in such entities 'political rights'pre-empted'economic intercsts' (r985: 8o-r). Finley's rnason finishing stone and plasterer, r dr., tV, obols each (IG II' r672. 3 r-z).
view has been widely accepted. 4e lCl'
at Stewart r99o: 65. A sampling of proponents of a standard wage at Athens (set by 474-6. See Randall r9J1; Paron t9z7: 338-9,38o, 3gz, 3gg,416.
,u No slave sculptors or woodcawers are attested, but citizens are not lacking: three
modern academic edict at I drachrna per day): Burford I97z: r38i Himmelmann r979; Gallo politai and live metics âppear as sculptors, but five metic woodcaners outnumber â single
r987: esp. 47, 58. citizen. See R. Osborne r99J: 3o.
126 E. Colrcn
Edwartl
The kgal Context oJ Prostitution t27
or trades,5' whilc nrany slaves 'living independcntly', 'indistin- dowries will become prostitutes if the prohibition against marriâge
guishable in dress and appearancc front free tnen'(Fisher r993: i3),
with foreigners (encouraging men to marry even poor politides of
often conducted their own businesses, retaining the net revenues middling appearance) is not enforced (Dem. Sg. rr2-r3). (In the
after predetermined payments to their owners.5' In some cases, early third century an Athenian aste,who was a prostitute, is in fact
these dotiloi cvcn owned their own slaves.53 Even within Athenian parodied by Antiphanes as having neither guardian nor kinsmen,
households, free wornen workecl aiongside domestic slaves at many and thus presumably lacking a dowry.s8) (Jnenslaved women drew
tasks. sa
premium prices. The procuress Nicarete, herself a freedwoman,
Despite occasional assertions to the contrary,5i there is no supposedly presented as hcr own offspring the child prostitutes
evidence for governmcntal controls on pricing or other aspects whorn she owned, including Neaera, who allegedly came whoring
of thc sexual economy.s6 Prices for sexual services largely re- to Attica before reaching puberry. Nicarete's motivation: the
flected market factors-especially constlmer preferer-rce. Cor-rsider 'highest prices' might be obtained from customers desiring to have
Demosthenes 59, a presentation focused on Neaera, a wolrran sex with yourlg girls whom they believed to be the frcc offspring
(accorcling to the plaintift) long notorioLls as a whore but for of the woman providing the children's services.5e But customers
decades passing as an Atl'renian politis ('fernale citizen')-an would also pay higher fees for scxual relations with women of
improbablc (and theretore unpersuasivc) accusatory coupling if seemingly bourgeois pretension hving in a stable marital relation-
prostitution were truly incompatible with 'citizenship'.57 In fact, it ship6o-a market phenomenon (also cncountered in modern sexual
is precisely the possibility of large numbcrs of ferlale citizens commerce) of enhanced payment for denigration.6' Indeed, the
becoming courtesans that Apollodorus liypcrbolically warns cultural significance at Athens of 'zero-sum competition' would
against: politidcs lacking wealthy relatives to provide appropriate have further enhanced the market attractiveness of free prostitutes,
t' See Ilopper r97t): t4ot Finlcy r9t{r:99; Ehrenbcrg 1962: t(r2, ll-. Osborrre I995:3o. and especially of youths from established families: in the agonistic
i' For slavcs nraintirirtittg tltcir orvn ltottseltolds (ôoüÀor 1."pis oixoûvres), sce E. (lohcn environment of Athens, only to the extent that sexual submission
r998; Pcrotri r974.
5r Scc 1C II' r57o. 7tl-9 rvith rcgarcl to [ . . . lleidcs (whosc nrttrc lras bectr inconrplctcly is felt to dishonour and humiliare â person or his/her 'household'
preserved). Ownership ofslavcs by persons thenrselves errslavcd is not unique to Atltctrs: irr is the purchascr's selÊesteem and perceived selÊworth enhanced.6'
Rorne, lor cxarnplc, slrves routinely owuccl othcr sl;rvcs--stlrnctirncs in larqe nurttbers. See The resultant willingness of customers to lâvish huge sums on
Watson r987: 95. citizen prostitutes is exemplified by Simon, who supposedly con-
5r Scc, for cxanrplc, Isclrorttachus' lvilt at Xcn. O«. 7. 6.
55 For exaruple, Krenkcl (r97li; r988: 1294, tz96) rsscrts tlrrt polis oflicials irnposccl a
t8 Fr- zro (K-A) (= Ath. 13. zg (572a)). I am grateful to W. T. Loomis for calling this
'standtrd fce'of4 drachnras on malc prostitutes, unjustifiably gcneralizing lrom an isolated
citation to my âttention.
prostitute's claint for 4 clrachrnrs (Acsclrin. I. t 58). Frorn thc linritation ou llute-girls' con)- re Dem. 59. tg: 'iv' ,is peyiorous pLoîoùs rpdrrono roùs
pe r)sirtion (that ire attributes to the ngoranorrroi-se e lollowing note), I{re nkel incorre ctly BovÀopévovs rÀ1od.tetv
oüzois c,is èÀevùépats oüoats.
derivcs a general linritation on Ènrale prostitutcs' 'ctrarge lor a singlc visit' (I988: r.29.1). 6o Denr.59.4r: roùs ôê pro0oùs
yel{ous ènpd.trcro roùs BouÀopévovs airi rÀr1od.fcu,
56 Arist. ,4ti. Pol.
5o. z tlocs rcport thrt the alfrirrolroi sct a maxinrum lce ofz drachnras ôs èni npooX{lptoros {ô1 rrvôs orioo xoi rivôpi ouvotrcoôoa.
for females who phycd rced-pipes, harps, and/or lyres. Evett if we rsstttnc that these 6' Psychological elements-especrally of debasemcnt and abuse-not directly related to
nrtrsicians 'nright rlso be callcd on to provide sexual cntcrtaintncrrt' (Rlrodcs ÿ)81: 571),
genital sexuality are an important detenninalr of rnodern prostitutional compensation
this is far lronr proofofr gorcr;rl lirrritation orr the lccs of[enralc scxLtal lvorkers. (Ou tlrc (Rosen r98z: 97; Pateman r988: 2J9 n. 33). According ro some observers, denigration is the
'fluirliry'oflcnrrlc'cliscursive categories', sce Hcnry 1986: t+7, Kurkc r997: ro9; ott the
essence of purchased eroticisnt: 'prostitution atrd pornography erc acts of dominance
divcrsity arrd conrplcxitl, ofthc scxurl nrrrket for worncu in Athens, I)avidson t997:74-6.)
'I'he limitation <>n conrpcnsation here secms intended to avoid brawls on the street lrom expressed through sexuality' (Kitzinger r994: r97). Ilut purchased debasement does not lack
ideological defence: sado-masochistic lesbian groups valorize what others consider to be the
conrpeting revcllers: 'on thc strect tlrc flute-girls really c:nre into their clcnrcnt, itr tlte 'dehumanization of sexual relations' involved in customers' lrequent choice of'abusive'
pixlo-s, a conga of rcvcllcrs' (ibid.: 8I), where 'Wotnan is prcseut as Ittrtsiciatr, clartcer, llutist,
satisfactions. See Barry rgg5:69-73,79-9o; Leidholdt r99o: ix; Goode r978: 72. The con-
or parasol-bearer, not as hetaira' (Frontisi-l)ucroux rud Lissarrague r99o: zz8).
i? Whctlrer Neae ra hersclf actually was a forrner prostitutc is bcyond our knowledge , but tinued erotic centrality of power within ostensibly egalitarian female rclationships has
evoked considerable analytical concern (see Kitzingcr rggt; tgg4; Hoagland r988; Lobel
thc speaker's presupposition (that sucl.r â wolnan could pass for decades as an Atheniln
r 986).
citizcn) is sigr)ificant-scc n. r above. I:or the cquation of roÀlrrôes and Athenian 'citizelts', 6' On the centrality of'zero-sunr' competition in Athenian culture, sce (iouldner r965:
sce n.6 abovc.
49; Dover t964: 3r; Winkler r99o: r78; D. Cohen rggj: 61.
L28 Edward E. Cohen The Legal Context of Prostitution r29
tracted to pây the polites Theodotus 3oo drachmas-when his own against Timarchus)-acknowledges that male prostitutes were
possessions amounted to only z5o drachmas!63 But this desire to often said to work 'under \Mritten contract'.64 References to such
prevail-to enhance oneself by debasing another-could easily contractual arrangements were so commonplace that the phrase
lead to the would-be predator's victimization. Neaera supposedly 'whoring under contract' (syngraphe)-a usage popularized by a
would entice a 'wealthy but unknowledgeable foreigner' into a prominent polites who had worked as a prostitute-had become
sexual relationship, after which her 'husband' Stephanus, as an out- idiomatic in local discourse (Aeschin. r. 165). Requests were
raged cuckold, would extract a considerable cash settlement from routinely anticipated in court proceedings for written confirmation
the victim (Dem. 59. 4r). Similarly in Hyperides 3, Antigone (a of commercial sexual acts.6r As with written agreements for other
former prostitute, now a brothel-operator) in a complex con- commercial undertakings, contracts for sexual services appear on
tractual arrangement allegedly defrauds a young polites, Epicrates. occasion even to have been deposited for safeguarding with third
She and her metic confederate, Athenogenes, sell an entire per*
persons,66 and prostitutional obligations, as was the case with other
fumery operation to Epicrates, who had no interest in the business
contractual arrangements, were undertaken with a panoply of
but lusted after the son of the slave, a doulos'living independently'
witnesses to confirm the agreements.6T
who operated the enterprise. By purchasing the business and free- Even female courtesans are known to have entered into elabo-
ing the slaves, Epicrates hoped to gain the slave boy's gratitude and rate contractual commitments. In Plautus' Asinaria, an adaptetion
goodwill (Hyp. 1. 6). of a Hellenic original,6s there is presented, in comic version, but at
For the hetairoi of Athens, contractual arrângements for sexual considerable length, a contract in writing (termed syngraphus, the
services-whether directly explicit, as in Lysias 3, or constructed Latin rendering of the Greek syngraphe), providing for Philaenium,
with greatcr complexiry, as in Hyperidcs 3-were the norm. daughter of Cleareta, to spend her time exclusively with the
Aeschines-contrary to his own litigational interest (he was unable Athenian Diabolus for a period of one year at a price of 2,ooo
to provide written confirmation of his charges of prostitution drachmas, a 'gift' paid in advance.6e The contract contains
u, Lyr.
extended provisions of humorous paranoia-for examplc, Philae-
3. zz-4. Lysias 3 identi6es Theodotus as a Plataean, and hence presumably an nium is not even to gaze upon another mân and must swear only
Athenian polites. But Dover (1989 0918): lz-ù has claimed that Theodotus was of
'marginal citizenship status', since some Plataeans may have been denied politeiawhenthe by female deities. Similar Greek contractual arrangements with
Athenians, prior to 427, bestowed their'citizenship' on the Plataeans and their descendants.
However, the relevant decree (prescrved at Dem. J9. ro4) makes no mention ofany excep- "a Locb translation of rord. ypoplLarcîov (Adams r9r9): for grammateion as written
tions, and explicitly provides not for 'marginal citizenship status' but for full equality with all contract, see Lys. 32. 7 ('rà ypd.pparu would include the contracts relating to the loans':
other Athenians. (On the authenticiry of Dem. j9. Io4, see Cuey rggz: r39; M. Osbome Carey 1989: zr4). Ct P. Ory. rorz, fr. 9 ii. r5. For the relevant text (Aeschin. r. 165), see
r98I-3: ii. I3-r6; Lamben r993: rr5-r6.) Although the original grantees could not hold n. 4r above. For the distinction berween hetairoi and pornol, see abovc n. 5.
certain administrative and religious offrces, their descendants were lully eligible for such 61 Aeschin. r . I6o: dày ô' èrry<tpàor \éye u
ôs oi,y firaipqrcev 6otc pfi xorà oryypa$às
positions: the 'young Plataean Theodotus' (as Dover calls him) some thirty-five years later èpto9ô1p, «ai ypappar<îov «ai pdprupas àÿùoi pe ro{rav nopaayéo|or . . . ('lfthey shatl
was necessarily such a scion. In any event, potential challenges based on defects in individual undertake to say that no man has been a prostitute who has not been hired under a written
entitlement at the time of the original decree would have been precluded by the rider of contrâct, and they urge me to produce written documentation and witnesses . . .'). Cf
Nicomenes attached in 4o3 to the resolution renewing the 'citizenship law' of Pericles, r. fi5: êporôol rwes et xarà ypappareîov .i1 npâ(ts y<ylvr\u ('some men ask if the act
specifically forbidding evaluation of the qualifications of those who had been accepted as has been done pursuant to written documentation').
politaibelore 4o3lz (schol. Aeschin. r. 39; cf. Dcm. j7. 3o). Lysias z3 demonstrates that after 66 Aeschin. t. 165: Àéyeru
rcarà ouv|iras firotpqxévu ràs nap' Avr«Àeî rerpéroe' ('He
4o3 a Plataean's claim to Athcnian 'citizenship' could be rebutted only by a showing that the is said to have been a prostitutc in accordancc with a contract deposited with Anticles'). For
claimant was in fact not a Plataean or ofPlataean descent: see E. Cohen rgg4: 146-9.Lamb safekeeping of maritime loan agreements, lor example, see Dem. 34.6; 56. 15.
has puzzled over the speaker's allusion to 'this child, who was capable of giving infomation 67 Aeschin. t. tz5:
àyopaîa rcxprjpta. Without witnesses, even written agreemer)ts wcrc
under torture' (Lamb's Loeb translation of§33): 'lfTheodotus was afreePlataean, he would unrecognized and unenlorceable until very late in the fourth century. See Thomas 1989:
have the same rights as an Athenian citizen, and could not be subjected to torture' (r93o: 86
4t-5; Pringsheim i955.
n. a.). Cf Carey I988. But Gagarin (1996: z) has shown that'clearly Bd.aavos, in some uses 68 For the validiry
of the use ofRoman comic rnaterial as evidence lor Athenian legal and
at least, is not thc same thing as its common moclern translation, "torture "', 'in the orators social practices, see Scafuro rggT: 16-19;Paoli 1976:76-7.
it sometimes retains the simple sense of a "test" (Andoc. t. 3o; Isae. 9. z9). . - an interoga- 6e LinesT5r-4: DiabolusGlauci filiusClearetae llenaededrtdonoargenti vigintiminas,
tion'. I Philaeniurn ut secunl esset noctes et dies I hunc ânnum torum.
r30 Ë,dward E. Cohen
kgal
The Context oJ Prostitution r3 r
courtesans are alluded to in a number of other Plautine comedies
Athenian use of written contract to provide for the individualized
and in a work of Turpilius (who seems often to have adapted plays
sale of sexual services (in a sociery where written contracts are
from Menander).7o From Athenian sources, we know directly of believed to have been relatively unimportantT3), prevailing modern
the complex financial arrangements made by the hetaira Neaera in juridical theory rejects prostitution as within the ken of employ-
Corinth with the Athenian Phrynion-and with Timanoridas the ment contracts, denying that 'the prostitution contract is exactly
Corinthian, Eucrates of Leucas, and other of her 'lovers'.7' The like-or is one example oÊ-the employment contract . . . . A
same woman later, acting on her own behalf in a private arbitration prostitute docs not . . . contract out use of sexual seruices' .7a
proceeding at Athens, reached agreement with two Àthenian But consensual arrangements for sexual services did not evoke
patrons requiring mutual consent for any alteration in the terms moral outrage at Athens. Prostitution enjoyed the goodwill of the
governing allocations of property and obligations of maintenance goddess Aphrodite, divinity of sex: 'in ancient Greece prostitutes
undertaken in exchange for her provision of sexual services clearly functioned as mediators of Aphroditc's power, their sexual
to both men (Dem. 59. +5-6).Although these arrangements are skills a sort of "technology" that canalized her potent force.'7s Attic
presented by the courtesan's opponent without comrnent and law, furthermore, mandated the recognition of 'whatever arrange-
with-out invective (in a speech otherwise replcte with personal- ments either party willingly agreed upon with the orher',26 apd
ized contumely directed at the hetaira), modern scholarship has some written contracts explicitly provided for the prioriry of such
been horrified. For the editor of the only commentary on the private agreements even over laws and decrees.TT The Athenian
speech available in English, the contractual provisions are 'a further government not only tolerated prostirution by politai-it sought to
indication of her degraded life that she can be shared in this share in the revenues! Each year the boule delivered to private
way . . . passed back and forth daily like an object' (Carey rggz: tax-collectors a list of prostitutes subject to the occupational le\ry
l ro-r r).
Such reactions reflect, at least in part, the chasm between
Athenian and modern conceptualizations of prostitution. Con- rà otbpart \"Q) Trpé.pyov ('they used the body of Timarchos . . who had chosen ro
temporary'Western thought and governmental regulation largely r. 5r: ilratprl«évar . . . èri prc9Q 3è r\v npâ{w notodpevos ('to be a prosti-
scll hirnself);
tutc . . . doing the act lor pay').
continue to 'embed' prostitution within prevailing social, political,
7r See, for example, Thornas tgg2: 89, r49; Harris r989: 68-7o. But, as Stroud argues
and religious values that see prostitution as morally degenerate and
persuasively (r998: 45-8), new evidence and fresh considerarion suggesr thar iyrgralthai may
humanly exploitative, a selling of one's self rather than a contract- have been used more frequently and earlier than has been acknowledged.
ing out of a particular rype of labour for a set period in exchange 74 Pateman 1988: r9r (her emphasis). C[ ltichards 1982.. tt5,
izr; Ericcson t98o:
for money and/or other consideration.T' In contrast with the 335-66; Mclntosh r978: 54.
7s Tlrornton rggT: t
52. For prostitutes as devotces and bencficiaries ofAphrodite, see, lor
example, Paus. 8. 6. 5; ro. rj. r; Ath. 588c, 59oe.
76 Dem.
7o See Plaut. Men. Cf 56. z: roîs vôpoLç roîs r3peréyors (sc. A1rlvaiots) oi'«eÀeüouot, îoo d.v rc éxàv
536ff; Bacch, fr. ro and 896fI; Turpilius Com. fr. r rz (I{ibbeck).
ircpoç üép<p époÀoyrlog «ipra elvat. Similarly: Dern. 42. 12,47.77i Hyp. :. ,3;Din. 3. 4;
Schonbeck I98r: t5o-r and zo3 n. 73; Hcrter i96o: 8r nn. t93 and I94.
7' I)em. 59.29-32. Pl. Syrnp. r96c.
77 The maritime-loan document presencd at Dcm.
7' See, for example, Barry r995: zzo-42; Rosen r98z; Walkowitz Ig8o. Neither of the 35. ro--r3, thc solc suruiving tcxt of
an actual Athcnian sea-finance âgreernent, provides explicitly that âs to the matters encom-
two principal Àthenian clusters of words for persons and acts relating to prostitution-those
passed therein, 'nothing else has greater validity than (this) contract' (xuprâtepov 6è nepi
cognate to pernanai ('to sell') and those cognate to hetairein ('to be a companion') (above, n.
roiruv tiÀÀo pq6èv elvu û1s ouyypa$fis). This clause is characterized in the text of Dem.
5)-inherently denominate prostitution as a sale of sexual services alone or as a sale of the
35. 39 as giving the contract prioriry ovcr laws and decrees: i1 pèv yàp ovyypa$i1 oi,6èv
body itself, Scholars, however, have generally interpreted and translated both terms as
rcvpuirepov è8 elvot rôv èyyeypaypévav, où3è rpoo$ép<o oüre v6pov oijre r[fi$Lopa oi)r'
though they both canied the solitary meaning, in Dover's words, of 'sale of one's own ,iÀÀ'orlô' ôrrcî» npàs rilv ouyypa$i1v.('lor the written agreemenr does nor permit anything
body': Dover i989 (r978): zo. But cf. Henry (r996), who explicitly deems prostitution an to have greater validiry than the provisions sct forth therein in writing, nor that any law or
exchange of'sexual seruice'for'other resource'. Greek usage is equivocal: cf. Aeschin. t. z9:
decree or anything at all take priority over the written contrâct'). (On the authenticity of
'fitary1rcas' ' Àv yàp À oôSra rà éawoô è$' ilpp<t rcnpardra ('to be a Prostitute: one who
this docunrent, see Purpura ry87: 2q-6.) A sirrilar provision was found in the written
has sold his own body lor hubris'); r. 3r'. KqrayÉ^é.or-s pèv xeyplpévou rQ éauroû o,lpart
âgreenrent whiclr is the subject of litigation in Dcnrosrhenes 56 (see sz6). CÎ. ICXII 7.27,
('who has uscd his own body despicably'); t. 4o: naÀeîv airàv npolprlpévos . . . èypfioavro 67, and 76.
r32 Ë,dward E. Cohen
The l4al Context of Prostitution r33
on courtesans (Aeschin. r.
rr9).78 The names of citizens must
and Neaera reflected this liberating ideal, as did rhe avoidance
have been found routinely among those listed, for Timarchus' by free persons of sexual labour in a brothels3 or financial work in
defenders, seeking to show that he had not prostituted himself, a bank.sa
argued that his name was absent from these lists (Aeschin. r. r l9)- Antagonism to work under a master should not be confused
â nugatory contention if the names oî politai had not regularly with antipathy to labour itself.si But in the fourth cenrury a sector
appeared on the annual registers. Indeed, one polites engaged of Athenian opinion did object to any form of endeavour that,
in prostitution, the orphan Diophantus, in seeking to collect 4 violating Athenian traditions of selËsufliciency and non-monerery
drachmas owed as payment for a sex act, even sought the active aid reciprociry, sought monetary aggrandizernent through exchange of
of the archon (who was charged with protecting minors who had services or goods, or that promofed non-traditional, especially
lost their fathers) (Aeschin. r. t58). flagrant, expenditures. Aeschines' speech against Timarchus
Athenian moral outrage, howcver, was reserved for forms invokes an Athenian law that prohibited participarion as a speaker
of labour, in particular, 'gainful employment', 'useful labour', in the Assembly by those who had, inter alia, accepted compensa-
'the work ethic', that are extolled under modern socialism and tion for sex, wasted family assets or inheritances, or had failed to
capitalism.Te Although many free Àthenians were ellgaged in a provide for a parent.86 Aeschines emphasizes Timarchus' dual eco-
great varieÿ of occupations, unable or unwilling to attain the nomic crimes: although financially able to pursue the Athenian
philosophically expressed ideal of leisurely dedication to cultural ideal of selÊsufiiciency, in order to palliate his addiction to ex-
and social activities, Athenians abhorrcd extended labour for a cessive consumption (expensive meals, luxurious women, and
single employer.so Employment by a master for brief periods, a gambling), Tirnarchus had enslaved himself by accepting com-
day or rwo, might have been acceptable to a few citizens,s' but pensation for sexual services, and had wasted his paternal estate
prolonged scrvice was intolerable. In Aristotle's words, 'the (Aeschin. t. 42,75-6, r54).
rrrt,r.. of the free man prevents his living under the control of ln the monetized economy of fourth-century Athcns, conserva-
another'.8' Because prostitution was often promiscuous, involving tive opinion yearned for an earlier period when services were pro-
numerous customers for short periods of time, or at least might be vided not as a commodity to be paid for, but more 'naturally'
pursuant to negotiated terms memorialized in writing, personal through the selÊsufticiency of households.sT In the Politics,
provision of sexual services was not inherently incompatible with
Athenian values. The contractual arrangements of Theodotus 8l Prevailing scholarship âssumes that 'houses' were stafled by seruile labour.
Krenkel
7s From the time of Caligula (first century ao) to the late fifth century, the Romans like- r988: lz95: 'slavc boys were ftrrccd into prostitution; they would ply their tradc in brothels
and in privatc lodgings called stegoi by Aeschines (r. 36)'. Cf. Davidson -tg97: B3jt.
wise imposed a tâx on Prostitutes (and on pimps): see McGinn 1989. 84 For the ope ration
7e The academic inclination to vicw ancient societies through modernizing lenses has of trupezai-even at the highest lcvels of financial responsibility and
remuneration-exclusively by slaves and farnrly members, see E. Cohen rgg2..7crïz.
a long and deleterious pedigree. 'we are badly in need of compârative studies which 85 For the distinction, and an analysis ofits historical
basis, see Wood r988: r26-4J, esp.
overcome the tendency to basejudgment on the standards ofthe nineteenth and twentieth
r 39.
centuries, which in hct constitute the exception in terms of universal history' (Nippel r985: 86 Aesclrin.
r. z8-32: 'ïoxtpaoia §1répuv. èdv rs Àéy1 èv rQ 6i1pq ràv nanlpa rirrav
4Iù.
8" While 'metic-stâtus was autonomous, ambiguous, and did not "naturally" gravitate ) riv pqrépa, i pi1 rpé$av, i p\ napiXav oixrlotv', roôtov oùx êÇ \éyeu. . . 'r) zàs
orpareiaç p) èorparcupévoç . . ,ï r\v àoniio ànopepÀqxos' .'fi nenopveupévos fi
either down toward slaves or up toward citizens'(W'hitehead tg77: rr5), metics of free
i1rary1xôs' . . . 'r) tarpôa xareôqïorci,s, { ôr, àv xÀr1povépos yévryat' . . .'ïoxqraolav
Greek ongin would likely havc harboured the same attitudes as Athcnian citizens toward ",i
,seruile, employment. Aeschin. r.4z emphasizes that Timarchus was under no financial pév ènayyeÀdto A9lvatav é BovÀ|pevos, ots ë{eorw'('scrutiny ofOfllcial Speakers: If
sonleone should speak in the Asscmbly who beats his father or mother, or does nor support
pressure to work as a prostitute.
8' Although most of those standing daily for hire at Colonus Àgoraeus in Athens were them, or does not provide lodging lor them', (the law) docs not pemit (him) to speek . . .
'nor someone who has avoided military scruice' . . . 'or has thrown away his shield' . . . ,or
slaves, some might havc been free men: see Pherecrates, fr. I 34 (Edmonds 256 = K-A r 42)'
has bcen a prostitutc or a courtesan' . . . 'or has wasted his fantily's estate, or that ofwhich
Cf. Fuks tg1r: t7r-3.
s' Arist. R[er. t367\z: èÀeu\épov yàp rà p]1 rpàs dÀÀov [i1v. It was not rnanual labour he has been hcir' 'let anyone who wislres, of those Athenians who ere qualified,
challenge his Scrutiny'). Eeyond participation in the Assembly, a number ofother positions
itsele but dependence on a master that was despised. See Isae. 5. 39. Cf. Isoc' 14. 48; Dem. oflronour or opportlrnity were also foreclosed to prostitutes: Aeschin. t. rg*zo.
57. 45;Xen. Mem.2.8. t-5. See also Humphreys 1993: Io. 8u 'Naturally': rcatà
$Joo (Arist. Pol. rzs8l'r).
r34 Eduard E. Cohen The Legal Context oJ Prostitution r35
Aristotle notes the relatively recent development of a new type of became widespread in the fifth,ea only in the fourth century were
economic activiry which had adversely affected traditional values there substantial issues of fractional coinage appropriate for retail
and methods.ss The 'monied mode of acquisition' (khtematistike trade,ei and only after 3So did Athens produce a regular bronze
ktetike (tekhne))8e had arisen from the new dominance of economic coinage.e6 A torrent of recent studies has explored the revolu-
activiry by persons motivated by profit considerations ('making tionary impact of this dissemination of coined money, which was a
money from one another').oo This individualistic pursuit of profit catalyst for the resultant commoditization of wealth and economic
reflected society's new functioning through the exchange of goods âctivity, a process that culminated ultimately in the detached
and services for money, a process superseding the prior system of monetary transactions of fourth-century Athens.e?
household production/consumption supplemented by barter based A law purportedly limiting the political activiry of men selling
on social and political relations. Although Aristotle longs for the sexual services (or violating other traditional standards of economic
former affangement, its replacemcnt by impersonal coined money conduct) must therefore be seen in the context of conservative
is what he actually portrays-and rues.e' Modern scholars likewise objection to all profit-making endeavour.es According ro Àrisrorle,
sharply differentiate the nature of economic activiry at Athens in many oligarchic states absolutely prohibited citizens from engaging
the fourth century from that prevailing earlier.e'While coinagc of actively in business.ee Aristocratic thought also condemned as
high value (useful only for settling largc transactions) was intro- inherently incompatible with'citizenship' all'banausic' pursuits-
duied into mainland Greece by the late sixth century,el and production or trading of goods, labour for monetary com-
pensation, even professional acting or musical performances.Ioo
88 Aristotle sees the introduction ofcoinage rs thc precondition to the developtnent of Theophrastus is dismissive not only of operating brothels, but even
retail trade (rà rcaoqÀtxdv), but explicitly separf,tcs an carlier, 'simple'state ofthis tradc from of innkeeping (ancl tax-collcction!).'o' Plato joins as disreputable
the pro{it-sceking, complcx markct activity cxisting in his own time: noproqérros oûv iià.1
,o1rio1roro, è* rf,s àroy*oios riÀÀoy1s ïarpov etïos rfis Tpqpattor«fis èyév<.ro,'à xarl-
prostitution, shoemaking, and fish-marketing (Chann. l63b).
Ài*6r', rà pèu npôror'àtÀôs ïoas ywïpevov, eÈa 6t' èpretpias ffà1 'eXw«ircpov, n60ev Xenophon finds the commercializatiorr of sex no less disgusting
xui nô)s petap;aÀÀôpevov nÀ.eîorov notioet xép\os ('oncc a supply of money came into than charging for educatton (Meru. r . 6. r 3). And prostitution was
being, for the neccssities of exchange, that other fonn of money-making arose-coln-
the paradigmatic cornmercial exchange of sex for compensâtion.
mercial trade-ar firsr perhaps arising simply, then through experience becoming morc
sophisticated, [focusing on] whence and how trade [lir. (an item) being exchanged] will
llowgego t995: z-6; Kroll 1997: t75 (who considers von Redcn's chronology improperly
' te the most profit') (Pol. rz57bt-5).
yield
xprlparrorr<"{, an adjective, is derived fror:r the noulr 1pr1po, which
camed^a dual late).
.r.".üg of 'moncy' or of 'properry' (goods, c6attcls, ctc ) When applied to the fourth- e{ Rutter r98r. Cf Howgego 1995: 6-8; Kraay ry76: 3t7.
century narket, o, i. th. Aristotelian phrasc f rct,1ttr\ gplpatrcrwi1 QéXw) (Pol' e5 Kraay r964. In Asia Minor, and in a ferv cities in southern ltaly and Sicrly, there may
Iz5Ob4o-r), the monctary Dotation is clearly prese nt. Cf HurDphreys rqg3: 12:'chrenntistilee, havc been significant earlier issues offractional coins (see Kim r994; tg97;Price 1968; tg79).
the art of money-rnaking'. e1' Kroll r979: 24. In the areas ro the north and west
of the Black Sea, Stancomb rg9-1
e. Arist. Pol. i z5 8b r-4-: rfis 6è p<raBllr«î1s ,leyopérys ârroios (oJ yàp xarà $dow à\X' races a sinrilar rnonetilry developrncnt bctwen the rnid sixth and mid-fourth centurics.
àn' àÀÀi1Àov dorrz). For Aristotle's view on the appropriatc role of money, see .Eti. Nir. e7 For thc 'fundamental difference between the social consequcnces ofexchangc based
rt 3^ rg-29, r I 3 3b ro-28.
3 on coinage orr the one hand and on gilt exchange on the othcr' (von Reden t997: t54) and
e, Aristotle, however, recognized the dichotorny between focus on the ideal (repi t1s similar paradigmatic economic alterations, see Kurke 1994: +z; Seaford r994: 199. Cf. Gill,
peÀÀotiorls *or' eili, ouveoré-vat néleas: Pol. l3z5b36-8), and recognition of actual Postlethwaite, and Scalord r998; von Rcden r995; Stciner 1994; Kurkc rg89. Thc cultural
phenomena (rôv yryvopévav àà rî1s aia1ilocas: t3z8'zo-t). independencc ofmoney is analysed critically, from an anthropological perspective, in Bloch
' c, tg57,67 ('in Aristotle's writings we possess an eyewitness account . . . of
Polanyi et and Parry r989.
^1. It '[T]he trade of Atherrs, its monctary commercialism, its naval policy, and its dcmo-
incipient market trading at its very first appearance in the history of civilization'). Cf. Meikle
r995a: I53-O (critical ofFinley t97o); von Reden r995: Io5-6; I)avies r97r: 38-87' Mossé cratic tendencies. . . were hated by the oligrrchic parties ofAthens'(Popper r95o: r73, with
.*pii.i,ly connccts fourth-century developrnents in commercial banking with 'l'apparition regard to the fifth century).
d'une mentalité nouvelle en contradiction avec I'ethique dc la cité' (1972: t43)' ee yplpari(eoîar (Pol. r3r6b3-5). CC Ober tggt: rz5.
e3 von Rcden (tgg5: 17t-g4) dâtcs'the establishment ofstate coinage in the proper
'* On the virulent opposition to banausia, see, e.g,, Arist. Pol. t337btB-22., tz58bz5-7,
scnse' to the introduction ofthe Athena/owl pieces late in thc sixth century. Vickers I985, 33-g; tz6o"4r-b2i rz77'36-7i rz77b33-rz78 t3; tz77^32-b7., r34rb8-r8. Cf. Humphreys
opposing the general preference lor a sixth-century attribution, dates the earliest Athenian r978: esp. r48j.
,o*ls' tà sometime between 47g and 462. For rhe opinio tommunis, see Karweise I99r;
'"' Char.6. 5. Acschines is likewise critical ofthe business ofbrothel-keeping (r. 188).
r36 Edward E. Cohen
The kgal Context of Prostitution r37
Although the Athenian state did not ban this business, the exist-
ence of a law forbidding such economic activity by its political
leaders, albeit often dismissed as a 'dead letter',Io' gave Aeschines References
the opportunity to strike at Demosthenes through the indictment
of Timarchus. Aoanas, C. D. (ed.) ryry. The Speeches of Aeschines. Cambridge, Mass.
But Athens was not monolithic, and such views-even where AttEw, D. rgg7.'Imprisonment in Classical Athens', CQ +2, r2r-35.
legitimated by the force of traditional law (patrios nomos)-could Auporo, C. 1986. 'Il pane quotidiano delle città ântiche fra economia e
coexist with the realiry of a'city [that] lived entirely by cash trans- anthropologia' , Opus 5: 143-5 r .
actions', an Athens whose politai werc'farmers, fishermen, shgp- AnoN, R. rg5o. l-a philosophie citique de l'histoire, essai sur une théoie
keepers, market gardeners and small craftsmen' (Humphreys 1978: allemande de l'histoire. Pa;ns.
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