Culture and Customs of Laos

Laos. Courtesy of Bookcomp, Inc.

Culture and Customs of Laos

ARNE KISLENKO

Culture and Customs of Asia

Hanchao Lu, Series Editor

GREENWOOD PRESS
Westport, Connecticut r London
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Kislenko, Arne.
Culture and customs of Laos / Arne Kislenko.
p. cm.—(Culture and customs of Asia, ISSN 1097–0738)
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978–0–313–33977–6 (alk. paper)
1. Ethnology—Laos. 2. Laos—Social life and customs. I. Title.
GN635.L28K57 2009
306.09594—dc22 2008040735
British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data is available.
Copyright 
C 2009 by Arne Kislenko

All rights reserved. No portion of this book may be

reproduced, by any process or technique, without the
express written consent of the publisher.
Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 2008040735
ISBN: 978–0–313–33977–6
ISSN: 1097–0738
First published in 2009
Greenwood Press, 88 Post Road West, Westport, CT 06881
An imprint of Greenwood Publishing Group, Inc.
www.greenwood.com
Printed in the United States of America

The paper used in this book complies with the

Permanent Paper Standard issued by the National
Information Standards Organization (Z39.48–1984).
10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
The author and the publisher gratefully acknowledge permission for use of the following material:
Thao Worra, Bryan. Touching Detonations: An E-Chapbook. Published On-line by Sphinx House Press,
2004, at http://members.aol.com/thaoworra/poetry.htm.
For McB—still the Queen of tom yam kung—and that guy with
the milkshakes in L.P.
This page intentionally left blank
 Contents

Series Foreword ix
Preface xiii
Acknowledgments xvii
Note on Transliteration, Names, and Dates xix
Chronology of the History of Laos xxiii

1 Introduction: Geography and People 1

2 A Brief History of Laos 17

3 Religion and Thought 51

4 Literature 65

5 Art 85

6 Architecture and Design 95

7 Theater, Dance, Music, and Film 107

8 Cuisine and Traditional Dress 117

viii CONTENTS

9 Gender, Courtship, Marriage, and Family 131

10 Festivals and Fun 145

11 Social Customs 159

Glossary 169
Chronology of Lao Kings 175
Suggested Readings 179
Bibliography 185
Index 193
 Series Foreword

Geographically, Asia encompasses the vast area from Suez, the Bosporus,
and the Ural Mountains eastward to the Bering Sea and from this line south-
ward to the Indonesian archipelago, an expanse that covers about 30 percent
of our earth. Conventionally, and especially insofar as culture and customs are
concerned, Asia refers primarily to the region east of Iran and south of Russia.
This area can be divided in turn into subregions, commonly known as South,
Southeast, and East Asia, which are the main focus of this series.
The United States has vast interests in this region. In the twentieth century,
the United States fought three major wars in Asia (namely the Pacific War of
1941–1945, the Korean War of 1950–1953, and the Vietnam War of 1965–
1975), and each had a profound impact on life and politics in America. Today,
America’s major trading partners are in Asia, and in the foreseeable future the
weight of Asia in American life will inevitably increase, for in Asia lie our
great allies as well as our toughest competitors in virtually all arenas of global
interest. Domestically, the role of Asian immigrants is more visible than at any
other time in our history. In spite of these connections with Asia, however, our
knowledge about this crucial region is far from adequate. For various reasons,
Asia remains for most of us a relatively unfamiliar, if not stereotypical or even
mysterious, “Oriental” land.
There are compelling reasons for Americans to obtain some level of concrete
knowledge about Asia. It is one of the world’s richest reservoirs of culture and
an ever-evolving museum of human heritage. Rhoads Murphy, a prominent
Asianist, once pointed out that in the part of Asia east of Afghanistan and
x SERIES FOREWORD

south of Russia alone lies half the world, “half of its people and far more that
half of its historical experience, for these are the oldest living civilized tradi-
tions.” Prior to the modern era, with limited interaction and mutual influence
between the East and the West, Asian civilizations developed largely indepen-
dent from the West. In modern times, however, Asia and the West have come
not only into close contact but also into frequent conflict: The result has been
one of the most solemn and stirring dramas in world history. Today, integra-
tion and compromise are the trend in coping with cultural differences. The
West—with some notable exceptions—has started to see Asian traditions not
as something to fear but as something to be understood, appreciated, and even
cherished. After all, Asian traditions are an indispensable part of the human
legacy, a matter of global “common wealth” that few of us can afford to ignore.
As a result of Asia’s enormous economic development since World War II,
we can no longer neglect the study of this vibrant region. Japan’s “economic
miracle” of postwar development is no longer unique, but in various degrees
has been matched by the booming economy of many other Asian countries
and regions. The rise of the four “mini dragons” (South Korea, Taiwan, Hong
Kong, and Singapore) suggests that there may be a common Asian pattern of
development. At the same time, each economy in Asia has followed its own
particular trajectory. Clearly, China is the next giant on the scene. Sweeping
changes in China in the last two decades have already dramatically altered
the world’s economic map. Furthermore, growth has also been dramatic in
much of Southeast Asia. Today, war-devastated Vietnam shows great enthusi-
asm for joining the “club” of nations engaged in the world economy. And in
South Asia, India, the world’s largest democracy, is rediscovering its role as a
champion of market capitalism. The economic development of Asia presents
a challenge to Americans but also provides them with unprecedented oppor-
tunities. It is largely against this background that more and more people in
the United States, in particular among the younger generation, have started
to pursue careers dealing with Asia.
This series is designed to meet the need for knowledge of Asia among stu-
dents and the general public. Each book is written in an accessible and lively
style by an expert (or experts) in the field of Asian studies. Each book fo-
cuses on the culture and customs of a country or region. However, readers
should be aware that culture is fluid, not always respecting national bound-
aries. While every nation seeks its own path to success and struggles to main-
tain its own identity, in the cultural domain mutual influence and integration
among Asian nations are ubiquitous.
Each volume starts with an introduction to the land and the people of a
nation or region and includes a brief history and an overview of the econ-
omy. This is followed by chapters dealing with a variety of topics that piece
 SERIES FOREWORD xi

together a cultural panorama, such as thought, religion, ethics, literature and

art, architecture and housing, cuisine, traditional dress, gender, courtship and
marriage, festivals and leisure activities, music and dance, and social customs
and lifestyle. In this series, we have chosen not to elaborate on elite life, ide-
ology, or detailed questions of political structure and struggle, but instead to
explore the world of common people, their sorrow and joy, their pattern of
thinking, and their way of life. It is the culture and the customs of the majority
of the people (rather than just the rich and powerful elite) that we seek to un-
derstand. Without such understanding, it will be difficult for all of us to live
peacefully and fruitfully with each other in this increasingly interdependent
world.
As the world shrinks, modern technologies have made all nations on earth
“virtual” neighbors. The expression “global village” not only reveals the na-
ture and the scope of the world in which we live but also, more importantly,
highlights the serious need for mutual understanding of all peoples on our
planet. If this series serves to help the reader obtain a better understanding of
the “half of the world” that is Asia, the authors and I will be well rewarded.

Hanchao Lu
Georgia Institute of Technology
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 Preface

During the Vietnam War an American diplomat working in Laos once re-
ferred to the country as “the end of nowhere.” Foreshadowing what became
the sad reality for Laos during nearly twenty years of war and revolution,
he added, “We can do anything we want here because Washington doesn’t
seem to know it exists.”1 In some respects he was right. Over much of its his-
tory Laos has been caught in a vortex of internal divisions, imperial rivalries,
and ideological struggles. Given its small size, population, and relatively iso-
lated location, many people outside the region know almost nothing about
the country. They are surprised to discover its rich heritage, a remarkable eth-
nic and cultural diversity, and the brutal fact that it was the scene of a long
“secret” war that saw it become the most bombed country in history.
Some are also surprised to learn that Laos is one of the few remaining com-
munist states in the world. Indeed, given the trappings of an ever-growing
tourist trade, many travelers to Laos probably do not realize that an authori-
tarian government is in power. Nor would they understand that in some parts
of the country an armed insurgency, more than thirty years old, against that
government continues today. The pace of development and the exposure to
foreign influences is such that few visitors can tell that the country opened
up to tourists only slowly over the past twenty years. Nor would many guess
that Laos today faces very difficult choices for the future. As one of the world’s
poorest nations its need for economic growth is obvious and immense. How-
ever, that necessitates outside involvement, which the current government
xiv PREFACE

views with suspicion, especially when it comes to managing its economic re-
sources or introducing new political ideas.
Yet despite all these enormously complicated issues, Laos is also a very sim-
ple and traditional place. It is a remarkably relaxed country to travel, with
places so beautiful, pristine, and remote that one really does feel that he or
she is in the middle of nowhere. Some people say that being there is like go-
ing back in time. The pace of things is noticeably slower than almost anywhere
else, even in relation to its Southeast Asian neighbors. The Buddhist faith has,
for many Lao, been the one constant over decades of turmoil, and it remains
a major influence for most people in everyday life. Various cultural traditions
and the central role of the family also remain strong, particularly in the face
of tremendous change.
This book is designed to introduce Laos and to present the traditional cul-
ture and customs of its peoples in the context of the twenty-first century
world. As it quickly should be apparent, defining the country and its culture
is a problematic exercise. With a population that represents multiple ethnic
and linguistic groups, establishing a national identity for Laos is no simple
task. Moreover, surrounded by much larger and more developed neighbors,
Laos has for centuries existed in the cultural, economic, and political orbit
of others. Devoid of the beaches, big cities, and high-profile tourist indus-
tries that draw millions to places like Thailand every year, Laos also has re-
mained off the beaten path for most Westerners, even in an age of increasingly
easy travel. Although there is a sizable expatriate Lao community, particularly
in the United States, it is dwarfed by other Asian populations like the Chi-
nese and Japanese. Even communities from other Southeast Asian countries,
like Vietnam and Cambodia, have a more established and recognizable pres-
ence abroad. Aside from the occasional news report or documentary on the
Vietnam War era, Laos rarely captures much international attention.
However, this by no means suggests that the country is unimportant.
Both historically and in the contemporary sense Laos is worth careful
study. In many respects it is a crossroads of cultures in Southeast Asia. Its
ancient history reveals an impressive kingdom that safeguarded some of the
most important Buddhist sites, relics, and traditions. In modern times the
revolution and war that ravaged its neighbors consumed the country, and
thus Laos offers much to those studying colonialism, decolonization, and
cold war conflict. The diversity of its people is quite remarkable and presents
a host of issues about identity and the state. Although it will never be a
major economic or political power, Laos has always been key in the complex
relationships of those on its borders, particularly Thailand and Vietnam,
and therefore it has considerable regional significance. With some of the last
 PREFACE xv

untouched wildernesses in Southeast Asia, Laos also will be an important case

for environmental protection in the midst of pressing economic development.
In fact, on many fronts Laos is a microcosm of globalization. The spread
of outside influences, although not all negative, threaten traditional ways of
life in the country. Democratic freedoms as they are known in the West do
not exist, and many both in Laos and abroad are anxious for fundamental
political change. Despite the ravages of war and a period of severe repression
under communist rule, Laos never witnessed the extremism of Cambodia or
Vietnam. In some respects it was the first Asian communist nation to experi-
ment with economic and political reforms, ahead of both China and Vietnam.
Today many problems remain, most centered on the fact that for nearly two
hundred years Laos lagged far behind other states in the region in terms of
development. Its commercial infrastructure is small, and it lacks major indus-
tries and exports. Corruption is a serious problem, as are prostitution and the
drug trade, albeit mostly for export. Human rights abuses are all too familiar.
Perhaps most difficult are questions about identity and a well-defined, inde-
pendent Lao culture after centuries of foreign domination. These matters are
all integral to the nature and existence of the state, particularly as it continues
to open up the country after decades of isolation.
Of course, the best way to understand Laos, its cultures, and the issues it
confronts is to go there. Even for the seasoned traveler Laos will impress and
amaze. In fact, many say that Laos is one of the last relatively untouristy places
left on earth, especially outside its few major cities and towns. Standing almost
anywhere in the country, one is struck not only by the physical beauty and
magnificent temples but also by the genuine friendliness and relaxed nature of
its people. To be sure, Laos today faces incredible changes that will continue
to challenge, if not undermine, its cultures and traditions. However, there is
still a certain mystery to the country that makes it one of the most interesting
places on earth—and far from nowhere.

NOTE
1. Charles A. Stevenson, The End of Nowhere: American Policy towards Laos since
1954 (Boston: Beacon Press, 1972), 240.
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 Acknowledgments

Many people have helped me in researching, writing, and editing this book.
I am grateful to two excellent research assistants at Ryerson University in
Toronto: Angela Wallace and Samantha Goodspeed. Angela got things off
to a great start, while Sam’s enthusiasm and dedication were indispensable
to see this project through. Another Ryerson student, Jeffrey Phisanoukanh,
showed me what learning is really about by attending my class all term, with-
out enrolling, just because he was interested. He and his family then gave me
valuable insight into Laos and its communities. Jeff and his family members—
Nene Phisanoukanh, Kham Wong, and Simon Wong—also contributed some
of the photographs for this book. Other photographs have been drawn from
gifted artists who deserve special thanks: Christina Smit, Martine Duprey,
Alfred Molon, Rick Madonik, Danny Callcut (Sticky Rice Travel Photogra-
phy), and several professionals coordinated by Bob Turner, of Art Directors
and Travel UK. I would also like to thank Jason Sahlani, Tony and Kerry
Barlow, and David Begg for contributing photos to the selection process as
well. I am grateful to Bookcomp Inc., which provided the map illustration,
and I would like to extend sincere thanks to librarians at the University of
Toronto, the Royal Ontario Museum, and the Freie Universität Berlin. Very
special thanks are owed to Bryan Thao Worra, who gave permission to include
some of his remarkable poetry in this volume.
Financial support for this project came from the Faculty of Arts and the
Department of History at Ryerson University, and I am grateful to both.
For her endless patience, kindness, and tremendous help in seeing this book
xviii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

through, I would like to warmly thank Kaitlin Ciarmiello, acquisitions editor

at Greenwood Press. I am also grateful for the assistance of my copy editor,
Katherine Faydash, at Aptara Corporation. Last but not least, I want to say
thanks to my family and friends for just about everything in life, and to no
one more than my wife, friend, travel partner, adviser, editor, and much more:
Christine McCullough.
 Note on Transliteration, Names,
and Dates

There is no official method or single convention for transliterating the

Lao language, which makes research on the country problematic. Many Lao
sounds do not have an equivalent in English. Some Lao vowels do not exist in
Western languages. Moreover, the first transliteration was based on the French
colonial system, which bears little semblance to how an English speaker would
phonetically sound out words. For example, the capital of Laos, Vientiane,
would be pronounced in English as Wieng Chan or Wieng Jan, given that
the v sound in Lao is closer to that of the English w. French does not have a
written consonant that corresponds to the w sound, so the v was employed
instead. Similarly, the ch or j sound in French is represented by ti. Confusion
continues with the vowel ou in French, which sometimes translates into En-
glish as u and other times as a w sound. Luang Prabang can appear as Louang
Prabang. An o is often used for a short aw sound in Lao, so Bo would be
pronounced baw.
Some scholars follow System for the Romanization of Lao, Khmer, and Pali,
published by the American National Standards Institute in 1979, and others
use a hybrid of this and the French systems. In the former, s is used instead of
the French x. Thus, Lan Sang can be Lan Xang, with identical pronunciations.
Both the public and the private sectors in Laos are adopting a more univer-
sal system based on the Royal Thai General Transcription, given similarities
between the two languages. However, problems still occur. Where an l or h
sound in Lao is appropriate, an r sound in Thai is often employed because
xx NOTE ON TRANSLITERATION, NAMES, AND DATES

Lao symbols closely resemble it, and an equivalent r in Lao does not exist.1
Accordingly, Luang Prabang can also appear as Luang (or Louang) Phabang.
This book tries to follow the sound-based system commonly used in
English-language works based on the Royal Thai General Transcription, al-
though occasionally other styles may be used. Alternate phonetic spellings are
given in brackets. The conventional contemporary spellings of Vientiane and
Luang Prabang are used in this book, while the more Lao spelling Phabang
is used in reference to the sacred image. Given their complexity to those un-
familiar with tonal languages, accents on Lao words have not been placed.
Lao refer to themselves by their first names, and that is reflected in this book.
Surnames and honorary titles are given when applicable. Proper names and
most place-names have not been translated, but alternative names and rough
English language meanings have been given when appropriate.
It is also important to note the usage of Laos, Lao, and Laotian. Given
that the Lao language has no s, some foreigners refer to the country as Lao.
The term Laos first appeared in the texts of Portuguese missionaries, and it
is probable that French and English explorers followed this source. Also, in
European languages the addition of the s is useful in transforming the adjec-
tive Lao into the country Laos. Some also use the term Laotian as an adjec-
tive. Literal translations of the Lao terms for their country are Muang Lao or
Pathet Lao, which mean simply “Lao land.” However, for reasons that remain
unclear, this reference never took root. The s in the word Laos for the Lao is
unnecessary because the word Lao is almost always joined with another word
that it describes. Thus, khon Lao refers to a Lao person. There is no official Lao
government position on the matter, although most publications, businesses,
and media sources in the country refer to the country as Laos.2 Historians and
anthropologists use the word Tai in referring to the people inhabiting Laos
and Thailand in the period before the creation of unified political entities.
This also signifies a common linguistic and cultural identity between peoples
in the region. In this book I refer to the Tai people prior to the establishment
of modern kingdoms and states such as Laos.
Dates in this book follow the Gregorian calendar, the (unofficial) global
standard. It uses the notations b.c.e. (before common era) and c.e. (common
era) in reference to year 1 of the calendar where the context requires specifi-
cation. Dates given without designation are otherwise all in the common era.
Where exact dates are unknown or a matter of dispute, the abbreviation ca.
(the Latin circa), indicating “approximate,” is used. Dates of rule are given
for most kings, while life spans are indicated for the most prominent political
figures in modern Lao history.
 NOTE ON TRANSLITERATION, NAMES, AND DATES xxi

NOTES
1. Joe Cummings, Lao Phrasebook (Footscray, Australia: Lonely Planet Publica-
tions, 2002), 11–16.
2. Grant Evans, A Short History of Laos: The Land in Between (Crows Nest, Aus-
tralia: Allen and Unwin, 2002), xiii–xiv.
This page intentionally left blank
 Chronology of the History of Laos

ca. 40,000 b.c.e. Permanent hunter-gatherer sites established in

Southeast Asia.
ca. 20,000–10,000 b.c.e. Agricultural settlements emerge in Southeast
Asia.
ca. 10,000 b.c.e. Language and culture differentiate in Southeast
Asia.
ca. 3,000 b.c.e. Iron working and pottery emerge in northeast-
ern Thailand, and wet-rice paddy growing in
Southeast Asia.
sixth century c.e. Chinese sources refer to Tai people living in
southern China and Southeast Asia.
ca. sixth to ninth centuries The rise of the Dvaravati civilization.
ca. eighth to ninth centuries The rise of the Nan-Chao kingdom in southern
China and northern Southeast Asia.
ca. ninth to thirteenth centuries The rise of the Khmer civilization.
ca. eleventh to thirteenth centuries The rise of the Pagan empire in Burma.
ca. eighth to thirteenth centuries Southern Tai peoples expand through Thai-
land, Laos, Burma, and northeastern India,
supplanting the Mon and Khmer.
xxiv CHRONOLOGY OF THE HISTORY OF LAOS

ca. eleventh to thirteenth centuries The rise of small Tai-speaking states on the
frontiers of pagan and Khmer empires.
1253–1300 Mongol armies invade Southeast Asia, under-
mining Pagans and Khmer.
1279–1298 Sukhothai Tai kingdom established.
1281–1292 Lan Na Tai kingdom established.
1353 Kingdom of Lan Xang is founded.
Fourteenth to sixteenth centuries Ayutthaya Tai kingdom enters expansion
phase.
1421–1520 A succession of weak rulers, internal divisions,
and wars occurs in Lan Xang.
1479 The Vietnamese invade Lan Xang.
1520 King Phothisarat reunifies the kingdom.
1545–1546 Lan Xang and Lan Na are unified briefly.
1558–1569 Burmese armies sack Tai kingdoms.
1560 Capital of Lan Xang moves to Vientiane.
1563–1575 Burmese armies sack Luang Prabang (1563),
Vientiane (1565), and Ayutthaya (1568–
1569).
1610–1688 The height of Ayutthaya’s expansion.
1638–1695 The golden age of Lan Xang during the reign
of Surinyavongsa.
1641–1642 The first Europeans to leave records appear in
Vientiane.
1688–1733 Ayutthaya further expands in Cambodia and
Laos.
1707–1713 Lan Xang separates into three kingdoms: Lu-
ang Prabang, Vientiane, and Champasak.
1760–1767 Burmese armies invade Tai kingdoms; Ayut-
thaya is destroyed (1767).
1763–1769 The Siamese control northern Laos, including
Luang Prabang, while the Vietnamese Nguyen
dynasty controls central Mekong, including
Vientiane.
1767–1768 Thonburi Tai kingdom founded.
 CHRONOLOGY OF THE HISTORY OF LAOS xxv

1768–1782 Thonburi campaigns against the Burmese; Chi-

ang Mai captured (1776); Tai influence ex-
pands in Cambodia and Laos (1778).
1785–1793 Wars continue with the Burmese; Tai king-
doms consolidated under Siam.
1800–1822 Siam controls most of Laos; Chao Anuvong at-
tempts to establish independent Lao kingdom.
1820–1840 Earliest Hmong migrations into Laos occur.
1826–1828 Chao Anuvong’s war fails and he is executed;
Siamese armies ravage central Laos.
1860–1885 Haw Wars in Laos; Vientiane sacked (1885).
1861 French explorer Henri Mouhot arrives in Lu-
ang Prabang.
1867 French expeditions take place to map the
Mekong River.
1875–1887 Three Siamese campaigns are carried out to
crush the Haw in Laos; the Haw sack Luang
Prabang (1887); the Lao King Unkham appeals
to the French for aid.
1893–1907 The Franco-Siamese conflict (1893); treaties
give France all Lao territories east of the
Mekong River.
1900–1939 The French encourage Vietnamese migration
to Laos; the territory becomes a colonial back-
water.
1908–1922 Ethnic minorities in Laos revolt periodically.
1933–1936 Kommadam rebellion occurs in the Bolaven
region.
1939–1945 World War II occurs, and Japanese gain control
of Southeast Asia.
1941 The nationalist government in Thailand (re-
named from Siam in 1939) launches attacks on
French Laos; Japan mediates treaty that gives
Thailand parts of Laos.
1945 Japanese overthrow the French government in
Laos and push for Lao declaration of indepen-
dence (September); Lao Issara provincial gov-
ernment formed (October).
xxvi CHRONOLOGY OF THE HISTORY OF LAOS

1946 French troops retake Laos (March–April) and

occupy west bank of Mekong following Thai
withdraw (November).
1947 Laos becomes a constitutional monarchy with a
national assembly under French rule (August).
1949 Laos declared independent within the French
Union (July).
1950 Laos receives international recognition; the
communist Pathet Lao reject the government
and ally with Vietnamese communists.
1952–1953 The Pathet Lao insurgency against the French
occurs in the Northeast; Vietminh communists
invade Laos (1953).
1954 French forces withdraw following the Geneva
agreements (July), leaving Laos divided be-
tween the Pathet Lao and royalists.
1955 Laos is admitted to the United Nations; the Lao
People’s Party is formed.
1956 The Lao Patriotic Front is founded.
1957–1960 Souvanna Phouma leads three coalition gov-
ernments; the United States periodically sus-
pends aid to Lao government and provides
covert assistance to right-wing militarists who
take power (1958–1960).
1960 A series of coups overthrow the right wing and
destabilize Laos; the Pathet Lao insurgency in-
tensifies.
1961 Neutral and Pathet Lao forces seize the Plain
of Jars region ( January); the John F. Kennedy
administration backs neutralization of Laos
(March); the Geneva Conference on Laos be-
gins (May).
1962 Right-wing forces are defeated at Nam Tha
(May); coalition government returns ( June);
Geneva Conference ends ( July).
1963 Communist forces in North Vietnam use the
Ho Chi Minh trail through eastern Laos to
fight in South Vietnam; U.S. forces respond
with covert military operations in Laos.
 CHRONOLOGY OF THE HISTORY OF LAOS xxvii

1964 A failed right-wing coup occurs (April); Pathet

Lao forces neutralists from Plain of Jars and
U.S. strategic bombing of Laos begins (May).
1965 First overtly deployed U.S. combat troops in
Vietnam (March).
1966 Political turmoil and new election in Laos con-
tinue (September); Pathet Lao gains more con-
trol.
1969 Hmong forces with American direction take
the Plain of Jars (September).
1970 Pathet Lao and North Vietnamese forces take
the Plain of Jars (February).
1971 South Vietnamese forces invade Laos to inter-
dict the Ho Chi Minh trail (February).
1972–1973 Multiparty negotiations on coalition govern-
ment lead to cease-fire (February 1973).
1973 U.S. forces begin withdrawal from Vietnam
and the secret war in Laos stops.
1975 Communists gain control of government; King
Savangvatthana abdicates (December); Lao
People’s Democratic Republic proclaimed (De-
cember).
1975–1989 Hard-line communist policies are imple-
mented, and many flee the country.
1977 Hmong uprising occurs (February); the king
is imprisoned (March); Laos and Vietnam
sign the Treaty of Friendship and Cooperation
( July).
1978 Forced collectivization program begins (May);
Laos supports Vietnam in conflict with Cam-
bodia and its supporter, China.
1984 Border conflict with Thailand breaks out (June).
1986 Economic reforms and market liberalization
introduced.
1989–1990 The collapse of the Soviet Union leads to eco-
nomic and political reform in Laos.
1992 President Kaysone Phomvihane dies, which
leads to further liberalization in Laos; émigrés
xxviii CHRONOLOGY OF THE HISTORY OF LAOS

are encouraged to return, and tourism and for-

eign investment begins.
1994 The Friendship Bridge linking Laos and Thai-
land across the Mekong opens.
1997 Laos is admitted to the Association of Southeast
Asian Nations (ASEAN).
1999 Vietnamese influence in Laos wanes as Thai in-
vestment and cultural links grow.
2001–present Reforms continue, as does the opening up of
the country; small-scale insurgencies and at-
tacks by rebel groups occur.

SOURCES
Griffiths, Clare, ed., Insight Guides: Laos and Cambodia (London: Apa Publications,
2005), 18–19.
Northern Illinois University Center for Southeast Asian Studies, “Resources for Lao
Studies,” http://www.seasite.niu.edu.
Stuart-Fox, Martin, A History of Laos (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
1997), x–xiii.
 1

Introduction: Geography and People

GEOGRAPHY
Slightly larger than Great Britain or the state of Utah, Laos is in the
heart of mainland Southeast Asia, covering an area of just more than 235,000
square kilometers (90,700 square miles). Laos borders the People’s Repub-
lic of China (PRC), Myanmar (Burma), Thailand, Cambodia, and Vietnam.
The country comprises sixteen provinces (Phongsali, Luang Nam Tha, Luang
Prabang, Udomxai, Hua Phan, Sainyabuli, Xiang Khuang, Vientiane, Saisom-
bun, Bolikhamsai, Khammuan, Savannakhet, Salavan, Sekong, Champasak,
and Attapeu) and the national capital, Vientiane. Officially known as the Lao
People’s Democratic Republic (Lao PDR), Laos is the only landlocked coun-
try in the region and thus has always been more insulated and remote than
its neighbors have been. The predominantly mountainous and forested ter-
rain adds to that isolation: More than 90 percent of the country is 180 meters
(585 feet) or more above sea level, and high plateaus dominate 70 percent
of that area.1 Rugged mountain ranges slice Laos into narrow river valleys,
particularly in the north, giving way to lowland floodplains in the south.
Most of the many rivers in Laos eventually flow into the Mekong River
(Mae Nam Khong, in Lao), the world’s twelfth-longest river, which forms
the borders with Burma and Thailand. The Mekong stretches 4,350 kilome-
ters (2,720 miles) from the Tibetan Plateau through China into Laos. It then
passes into Cambodia and Vietnam before emptying into the South China
Sea. The Mekong has the tenth-largest volume of water among rivers in the
2 CULTURE AND CUSTOMS OF LAOS

world, but that volume fluctuates considerably depending on the season. At

its widest in Laos, near Si Phan Don in the south, the river reaches 15 kilo-
meters (9 miles) across during monsoons, but it can be shallow and difficult
to traverse in its upper reaches in drier months.2 The Mekong has always been
the economic and cultural lifeline of the country. The word itself reflects that:
Me is an old Lao word meaning interchangeably “giver of life,” “chief,” “the
biggest of all,” and “female” (as in one who bears life). Kong is a Khmer word
meaning “river,” derived from the holiest river in India, the Ganges (Kong-ka,
in Khmer).3 Laos’s major cities and towns, including Vientiane, Luang Pra-
bang, Thakhek, Savannakhet, and Pakse, lie on the banks of the Mekong. The
river provides the lowland floodplains with fertile silts that enrich the soil, es-
sential for a predominantly agricultural country. As it has been for centuries,
the Mekong remains the major conduit for trade, transportation, fishing, ir-
rigation, and, increasingly, tourism.
Geographically, Laos is also defined by the jagged limestone peaks of the
Annamite Cordillera that runs through the country from northwest to south-
east and has historically provided a buffer from neighboring Vietnam. These
mountains extend nearly 1,100 kilometers (688 miles) and, in effect, divide
the Mekong from the South China Sea. Many peaks exceed 2,000 meters
(6,500 feet) in height, the highest of which is Phu Bia at 2,820 meters (9,165
feet). At the foot of the mountains is the Xiang Khuang Plateau, the sin-
gle largest geographical feature in the country. This series of rolling grassland
hills is best known for the mysterious stone “jars” that dot the landscape,
which has earned it the nickname the “Plain of Jars” (see Chapter 2).4 There
are also important plateaus in central and southern Laos, such as the Kham-
muan and the Bolaven, the latter extending 10,000 square kilometers (3,860
square miles) at an elevation of about 1,000 meters (3,250 feet). Much of the
country’s mountain rice, coffee, and tea cultivations are based here. Almost all
other rice and many other agricultural products are grown in the floodplain
between Sainyabuli and Champasak: the flattest and most tropical part of the
country.

ENVIRONMENT
Laos has a tropical climate with three distinct seasons based on the annual
monsoons. The wet season begins between May and July and runs through
November. Rainfall, particularly in the southern lowlands, can be heavy and
result in severe flooding, but without this period of intense precipitation,
rice cultivation—the staple of Lao agriculture—would be impossible. From
November to March is the dry season, during which most places are rela-
tively cool and precipitation is low. From March to May the hot season brings
 INTRODUCTION 3

substantially increased temperatures with little rain. It often reaches 40 de-

grees Celsius (104 degrees Fahrenheit) throughout the country. Mountainous
areas are almost always cooler and drier than the low-lying plains. During the
dry season the temperature can dip down to single-digit Celsius temperatures.
Among the most important environmental features of the country are its
forests. Laos still has extensive tracts of virgin forest, despite illegal logging over
the past few decades. According to the International Union for Conservation
of Nature and Natural Resources (IUCN), unmanaged vegetation covers as
much as 85 percent of the country, with 50 percent of that being native forest.
In terms of the percentage of natural forest cover, Laos ranks eleventh high-
est in the world. Only Cambodia has a higher proportion of natural forest
cover in Southeast Asia.5 It is not surprising that forestry is one of the most
important sources of revenue in the country, and the vast majority of timber
is destined for foreign markets like Thailand and Japan. Hardwoods like teak
and rosewood are particularly prized. About 50 percent of the gross domes-
tic product (GDP) of Laos comes from natural resource products, much of it
forestry, and agricultural production accounts for almost 40 percent. Nearly
80 percent of the labor force in Laos works in these two sectors, and the vast
majority in farming.6
The forests of Laos are also important for biodiversity and tourism, as they
are home to one of the most diverse collections of animals left in Asia. There
are an estimated five hundred wild Asian elephants in the country, probably
the biggest number left in the world. Laos is also home to a number of endan-
gered or threatened species, including macaques, monkeys, flying squirrels,
wildcat, deer, martens, tigers, gibbons, langurs, lesser pandas, pygmy lorises,
and raccoon dogs. There are 69 verified species of bats, 437 types of birds,
and numerous varieties of snake and lizards. To illustrate how remote some of
the forests in Laos are, as recently as 1994 new and rare animal species were
being discovered, such as the spindlehorn (nyang in Lao: a horned, deerlike
mammal thought to be extinct for centuries). A few Javan and/or Sumatran
rhinoceroses are thought to live in the Bolaven Plateau, while koupreys—wild
oxen extinct elsewhere in Asia—have been reported in areas around Attapeu
and Champasak.7
Laos does have a surprisingly extensive environmental protection program.
Since 1993 it has established twenty official National Biodiversity Conser-
vation Areas, covering nearly twenty-six thousand square kilometers (sixteen
thousand square miles), or 14 percent of the nation’s territory, much higher
than in most Western countries. The conservation areas are not technically
preserves but rather are managed environmental zones. Some are reserved for
forestry and others for conservation; the latter are particularly important to
the burgeoning tourism trade. Unfortunately, despite fairly substantial laws
4 CULTURE AND CUSTOMS OF LAOS

protecting the areas, illegal logging within their boundaries is increasing. Fur-
ther development of the Mekong River for hydroelectric power exacerbates
the problem, as large swaths of forest are cut down to make way for facilities
and roads connecting towns on the power grid. Slash-and-burn agriculture on
forest peripheries also threatens environmental balance.
Still, the majority of people in Laos today get their food from the forest and
not farms. Many environmental experts fear that this dependency will eventu-
ally destroy ecological systems. Overfishing of lakes and rivers and illicit inter-
national trade in wildlife adds significantly to the problem, as does rampant
government corruption, a weak judicial system, and a lack of environmental
awareness throughout the country.8 For example, Laos has still not ratified the
United Nations Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of
Wild Flora and Fauna (CITES) and does very little to educate the public
about environmental issues. Moreover, even today the environmental effects
of the Vietnam War era are unclear. Large tracts of northern and eastern Laos
were damaged from herbicides and chemical defoliants that American forces
used extensively for nearly twenty years. Tourism may in fact be the best tool
with which to protect the flora and fauna of Laos, but to date its effects seem
negligible. In fact, over the past few years the Lao government has yielded to
developers and allowed large-scale resorts, hotels, and even casinos aimed at
prospective tourists.

ECONOMY
Beyond forestry and hydroelectricity, the Lao economy’s main exports are
coffee, spices, tin, gypsum, garments, and handicrafts such as silver jewelry,
pottery, silks, carvings, and wicker. Agricultural production, for both domes-
tic consumption and export, includes rice, corn, tobacco, cotton, beans, and
fruits. Mining (tin and gypsum) along with cement manufacturing are the pri-
mary industrial activities, although the production of cigarettes, bricks, tiles,
and beverages has increased over the past few years. The chief export markets
are Thailand, Vietnam, China, Japan, and Europe. Laos imports almost all
other goods, including foodstuffs, fuel, manufactured goods, and machinery.9
After two decades of isolation under communism, Laos began opening
up to foreign investment in the mid-1990s. Since then Thais, who control
much of the current economic stimulus, have displaced Vietnamese interests.
Japanese and, more recently, Chinese investment, particularly in natural re-
source development, have also increased. In fact, external trade is growing at
an annual rate of 10 percent. Economic growth, driven largely by foreign in-
vestment, has averaged 6.3 percent annually since 2002. Real growth in the
GDP is projected to be about 7 percent between 2006 and 2010.10
 INTRODUCTION 5

However, Laos still ranks very low on the U.N. index for human develop-
ment; as of 2003, it placed at No. 135 of 175 countries. It ranks No. 23 on
the U.N. Least Developed Countries Index. Between 1966 and 2001, Laos
absorbed US$950 million in loans from just the Asian Development Bank
(ADB), and today it takes in more than $250 million annually in combined
aid, which is why some experts refer to it as a “sponge.”11 It also has a thriv-
ing black market, estimated to control nearly 20 percent of all wealth in the
country. Through a host of economic initiatives launched with the assistance
of the United Nations, the International Monetary Fund, the ADB, and the
Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), the Lao government rather
ambitiously hopes to end its status as a developing country by 2020. Planners
are hoping that Laos will emerge as the pivot point in expanding overland
transportation between China, Vietnam, and the rest of mainland Southeast
Asia. They are also hopeful that tourism, which paradoxically revolves around
the country’s isolation and untouched wilderness, will also provide for eco-
nomic development in the coming decade.

THE PEOPLES OF LAOS

As of 2007, the population of Laos had reached an estimated 6 million peo-

ple. One-third of the population lives in the Mekong River Valley, mostly in
four cities: Vientiane, Luang Prabang, Savannakhet, and Pakse. Another one-
third lives along rivers like the Nam Ou, Set Don, and Nam Seuang.12 With
slightly more than twenty people per square kilometer (nine per square mile),
Laos has one of the lowest population densities in Asia. Its annual growth rate
since 2000 has averaged 2.3 percent, but numerous problems, most stemming
from widespread poverty, continue to affect its population. Gross national in-
come per capita is only about US$400. More than 20 percent of the popula-
tion suffers from malnutrition. Life expectancy is just fifty-eight years for men
and sixty for women. Only a very small percentage of the population is over
the age of sixty, and slightly more than 45 percent of the population is under
the age of fifteen, which makes Laos’s population among the youngest in the
world. The mortality rate for children under five years of age is ninety-one
per thousand births, one of the highest in Asia. The literacy rate for men is 76
percent, but it is just 53 percent for women. Only 20 percent of the popula-
tion has access to electricity, and health care in the country is rudimentary at
best, even in the bigger towns and cities.13
The ethnic diversity of Laos is staggering. In fact, the exact number of
groups is a matter of considerable debate. In 1995 the government of Laos
recognized forty-seven separate ethnicities with 149 groups within them.
The opposition group Lao Front for National Construction (LFNC), which
6 CULTURE AND CUSTOMS OF LAOS

operates in exile, recognizes forty-nine ethnicities and 160 groups. Most in-
dependent research suggests that there are anywhere between 40 and 170 sep-
arate ethnicities in Laos. The range in estimates stems from a lack of in-depth
research on many groups given their physical isolation and the fact that revolu-
tion and war have made Laos a difficult place to conduct studies for the past
sixty years. Indeed, a definitive study of all the country’s ethnic groups and
their numerous branches has yet to be completed.14 Estimates are also wide
ranging because in some circumstances there exist only slight linguistic and
cultural differences between groups. Some observers merge groups together,
whereas others identify the groups as separate. However, it is clear that even
with the most conservative assessment, Laos has tremendous ethnic diversity,
which has given rise to the contention that the country is more of a collection
of tribes than it is a nation.
About 50 percent of the population is ethnic Lao, known locally as Lao
Lum (or Lao Loum), who are closely related to Lao speakers in northeast
Thailand and, more remotely, to the Thais. In fact, distinctions between the
Lao and Thai are historically blurry and relatively recent creations designed
for political purposes. There is no question among ethnologists that the two
groups are from the same family, but many Lao resent Thai suggestions that
they are their “little brothers.” The traditional defining lines between the Lao
Lum and other groups in the country have been location, agricultural practice,
and religion. The Lao Lum dominate the lowland river valleys and grow wet
rice, whereas most other ethnic groups live in the highlands and are sustained
by dry-rice farming, hunting, gathering, and slash-and-burn agriculture.15
The Lao Lum are also Buddhists, and most follow the Theravada practice (see
Chapter 3), but many other groups practice other religions. About 20 per-
cent of the population belongs to closely related ethnic subgroups of the Lao
Tai, who live at slightly higher elevations and farm dry rice. These include the
Tai Dam (Black Tai), Tai Daeng (Red Tai), and Tai Khao (White Tai). It is
important to note, however, that the Lao government considers the Lao Lum
and Lao Tai inseparable.
The Lao Theung (Lao Thoeng), literally “those Lao approaching the top of
the mountain” but more often called “upland Lao,” comprise another 15 to
20 percent of the population. They are also sometimes referred to derisively
as kha, or “slave,” by the Lao Lum. The Lao Theung are predominantly peo-
ple of Mon and Khmer lineage that live at still-higher elevations and practice
animism rather than Buddhism. About 9 percent of the country’s population
is Lao Sung (Lao Soung), or “high Lao.” The Lao Sung live in communities
more than 1,000 meters (3,200 feet) above sea level. Often referred to collec-
tively as “hill tribes” in Laos, Thailand, and Vietnam, this group includes quite
distinct ethnicities like the Hmong, Yao (Mien), Akha, and Lahu. Laos is also
 INTRODUCTION 7

home to sizable communities of ethnic Vietnamese (Viet Kieu) and Chinese

(Hua Chiao), both of which are concentrated in urban centers and are most
closely identified with commercial interests. There are small communities of
Chinese Muslims (Chin Haw), mainly traders living in low mountain areas,
and South Asian Muslims, who are primarily businesspeople in Vientiane.

ETHNICITY AND IDENTITY

The diversity of populations is an extremely important factor shaping Laos.

It has produced at times a violent history and remains a complicating factor
in the national identity of the country. Indeed, one of the foremost experts on
Laos, the anthropology professor and historian Grant Evans, points out that
the paradox about studying the country is whether a common identity even
exists. The historian Arthur Dommen once described Laos as a collection of
tribes. The respected journalist Bernard Fall characterized it in the 1950s as
“neither a geographical nor an ethnic or social entity, but merely a political
convenience.” A former official in the administration of the American Pres-
ident John F. Kennedy, Arthur Schlesinger Jr., said that the Lao state in the
1960s was simply a “diplomatic courtesy.”16 Not surprisingly, some national-
ist historians in Laos have claimed the opposite. Writing in 1995, the director
of the Institute of Culture in Laos, Houmphanh Rattanavong, argued that
Chinese texts confirmed the existence of Ailao, a clearly Lao kingdom dating
from the second and third centuries b.c.e. However, most experts believe that
the Lao are Tai people—historically, ethnically, and culturally extremely close
if not indistinguishable from their neighbors in Thailand. In this light, the
definition of Laos and the Lao people is a creation of more modern times.
Still, scholars like the historian Martin Stuart-Fox have tried to establish a
truly Lao identity through its diversities, arguing, in effect, that the country’s
ethnic and cultural mix has produced a unique “Lao-ness.”17 It is also impor-
tant to note that the question of identity is by no means only for Laos. Many
countries and people around the world confront similar dilemmas, often with
even more difficulty.
Complicating matters further, the geographic borders of Laos today are
creations of more than a century of French colonialism, regional wars, revolu-
tion, and foreign interventions. The boundaries of old kingdoms throughout
Southeast Asia have, for the most part, long disappeared, and they do not
reflect the ethnic dispersion of people in the region. The best illustration of
this is the fact that more Lao speakers live in northeastern Thailand (19 mil-
lion) than in Laos itself (3 million). Often referring to themselves as khon Isan
(people of the Isan region in northeastern Thailand) to be distinguished from
Thais, Lao speakers demonstrate the historical dislocation of Lao peoples.
8 CULTURE AND CUSTOMS OF LAOS

The current Lao government has done little to clarify questions of history
and identity. Officially, authorities in Vientiane consider the Lao Lum and
Lao Tai one large group, which thus constitutes a clear majority of the pop-
ulation (60 percent). The Lao Theung and Lao Sung are considered separate
groups, making up about 34 percent of the population, whereas the Viet-
namese and Chinese make up the remaining 6 percent. The government has
further distinguished populations by linguistic categorization. All ethnolin-
guistic Tai groups are considered Lao Lum. Thus, there is no official recogni-
tion of the Lao Tai at all. Those from the Mon-Khmer ethnolinguistic group
are deemed Lao Theung, whereas people from the Sino-Tibetan (Tibeto-
Burman) or Hmong-Yao (Mien) language families are considered Lao Sung.18
In doing so, it is apparent that government authorities have consciously tried
to create a Lao identity by downplaying divisions, and, in the process, they
have entrenched a dominant political, social, and cultural narrative in the
country. Vatthana Pholsena, a leading scholar of modern Laos, points out
that there are important cultural and political implications in definitions of
ethnic groups, nationality, and nation, particularly when used by the govern-
ment. She also notes the role that language has in determining such concepts.
The term Lao is often used to describe both ethnicity and nationality, and
thus applies to the whole population, despite the fact that in many respects it
refers to one specific ethnic group. Officially, however, the diversity of peoples
in Laos is recognized. The government still quotes its first communist leader:
“each ethnic group has a nice and beautiful culture and belongs to the Lao
national community, just as all kinds of flowers grown in a garden of various
colors and scents.”19 Recently, the government has begun to promote eth-
nic diversity, primarily to attract tourism and improve its international image
with respect to human rights.
For many who study Laos, the problem of whether Lao is even a legiti-
mate ethnolinguistic term remains. Countries like Vietnam and China define
dominant groups (Kinh and Han, respectively), but in both instances there
are well-documented historical references to support them. The absence of
a definitive separation from the broader Tai ethnolinguistic grouping makes
this much more problematic in the case of the Lao. These distinctions are
not simply academic. They speak to the very concept of national identity.
For example, although Laos and Vietnam have been extremely close politi-
cally since communist takeovers in 1975, traditional cultural and historical
animosities persist. Some experts see the Annamite Cordillera not just as a
mountain range or the boundary between the two countries but as a kind
of cultural fault line that divides Southeast Asia between its two greatest in-
fluences: India and China. Whereas the Lao (along with the Thai, Burmese,
and Khmer) have absorbed more Indic traditions, the Vietnamese are more
 INTRODUCTION 9

Sinitic, or closer to the Chinese. A number of proverbs reflect this division,

such as the old Lao saying “Lao and Vietnamese: Cat and Dog,” or the adage
“the Vietnamese plants the rice, the Khmers watch them planting, but the Lao
listen to the rice grow.”20
More pragmatic considerations have also played a part in shaping the rela-
tionship between Laos and Vietnam. The Vietnamese have always been more
numerous and expansionist, something the Lao and especially the Khmer view
with great suspicion. The period of French rule did little to change this, given
the primacy of Vietnam in all matters and the fact that Laos (like Cambodia)
was considered an appendage of its much larger neighbor. Moreover, French
administrators encouraged, and indeed forced, the migration of Vietnamese
into the rest of Indochina. Many came to dominate the commercial and bu-
reaucratic elites in Laos, with rather predictable resentment from the Lao.
This also dramatically changed the shape of Lao society as a whole. By the
time of independence from France in 1953, more than half of the population
of Vientiane was Vietnamese or Chinese. Thakhek and Pakse had even higher
proportions: 89 percent and 85 percent, respectively.21 Although many of
those immigrants have returned home over the past fifty years, there remains
a strong ethnically Vietnamese presence in places like Vientiane, and their
profile in the economy continues to draw Lao resentment. In contrast, most
ethnic Chinese in Laos have blended in over time and do not provoke the
same reaction.
Lowland Lao relations with Lao Theung peoples undermine the govern-
ment’s insistence that they are part of the same family. Although some have
been integrated into a more mainstream existence, most Lao Theung remain
culturally distinct with different languages, religions, and practices. The largest
of these groups is the Khmou (also spelled Khmu, Kmhmu, Khammu, Khamu,
and Kammu), who, according to a 1995 government census, number slightly
more than five hundred thousand, or 11 percent of the national populace.
Khmou means “person,” so many subgroups distinguish themselves by addi-
tional names, such as Khmou Rock, Khmou U, Khmou Khrong, or Khmou
Mae. The Khmou are among the oldest inhabitants of northern and central
Laos, having migrated during the first millennium c.e. from either Burma or
southern China. The Khmou claim to be the founders of the ancient Lao
capital at Luang Prabang. They speak a Mon-Khmer language and follow
animist religious beliefs. Other larger Lao Theung populations include the
Katang (roughly 110,000), Bru (70,000), Kui (52,000), Laven (40,000), Mal
(24,000), Phai (15,000), Katu (15,000), Lave (13,000), Ngae (12,000), Jeh
(8,000), Khuen (8,000), and Jeng (7,000). The Alak, Ir, Kasseng, and Khlor
all number between four thousand and six thousand people, whereas the
Aheu, Bo, Halang Doan, Hung, Xinh Mul, and Khua number between two
10 CULTURE AND CUSTOMS OF LAOS

thousand and four thousand people each. Smaller groups include the Arem,
Bit, Chut, Maleng, and a host of other tribes.22 Today, some of these tribes
live in very remote locations and have a traditional hunter-gatherer existence.
Many Lao Lum consider such remote groups to be strange peoples who en-
gage in black magic, bizarre rituals, and even human sacrifices. For example,
as traditional, nomadic hunters, the Mlabri are derisively referred to khon pa
(“jungle people”) by Lao who still view them as “savages.”23
Relations between the Lao Lum and Lao Sung, or hill tribes, have also
been problematic. The ethnic groups that make up the Lao Sung have con-
sistently been the poorest and most marginalized in the country. Some have
also forcibly resisted attempts to be integrated into the mainstream Lao Lum
majority. In fact, as discussed in Chapter 2, the Hmong were important com-
batants throughout French rule and the Vietnam War era, when many worked
with American forces against the communists. Not surprisingly, following the
communist takeover in 1975 the Hmong were persecuted.
The Lao Sung are relative newcomers to Laos, most having migrated there
in the early nineteenth century from southern China. As discussed in the sec-
tion on languages, the Lao Sung stem from two distinct linguistic families: Tai
and Sino-Tibetan. The Hmong make up the largest group, numbering about
320,000. They are best known to travelers by their array of colorful costumes
and unique handicrafts. There are actually four subdivisions of Hmong: the
White, Red, Black, and Striped Hmong. They live primarily in nine northern
provinces and are most concentrated in Hua Phan, Xiang Khuang, and Luang
Prabang. Most Hmong practice slash-and-burn agriculture to grow dry rice
and corn, as well as to raise livestock.24 However, many also cultivate opium
poppies, which are integral to the international narcotics trade of which the
Golden Triangle of Laos, Burma, and Thailand is a major producer. Despite
recent attempts by the Lao government to showcase the Hmong as part of the
country’s ethnic diversity, the reality is that they and other Lao Sung remain
problematic for authorities in Vientiane. They are notoriously independent
and suspicious of the Lao majority. Their history in Laos is a painful one,
full of betrayed promises and almost continuous war. Tens of thousands of
Hmong fled the country after 1975 and many still reside in camps in Thai-
land, which muddies relations between Vientiane and Bangkok and, from the
Lao point of view, constitutes a potential threat to national security. This is
particularly true in light of the intermittent insurgency led by Hmong who
reject accommodations with the Lao Lum and aspire to varying degrees of
autonomy within Laos.
The Yao (also known as the Mien, Lu Mien, and Man) come from the same
linguistic family as the Hmong but are generally more Sinitic, as they use
Chinese script for writing and incorporate Taoist deities into their faith. The
 INTRODUCTION 11

Yao number approximately fifty thousand, mostly in the north. They engage
in the same farming practices as the Hmong, including opium production.
There is also a population of about five thousand Kim Mun people, closely
related to but distinct from the Yao, in Laos. Within the Sino-Tibetan family
the Lao Sung are primarily represented by the Kaw (60,000), Lahu (10,000),
Kaduo (5,000), and Lisu (4,000). There are also smaller populations of Hani,
Phana, Si La, and Kado.25
No discussion on the peoples of Laos would be complete without mention-
ing sizable émigré communities outside the country. More than 10 percent of
the entire population, or some four hundred thousand people, fled the com-
munist takeover in 1975.26 Perhaps even more taxing was that this exodus
included nearly 90 percent of those with formal education.27 Some estimate
that as many as 50 percent of various Lao Sung groups left to seek save haven
elsewhere. The large ethnically Lao populace of northeastern Thailand and
the large Hmong communities scattered along the Laos–Thailand border are
of concern to authorities in Vientiane. So, too, are the considerable numbers
of Lao and Hmong who eventually resettled abroad, primarily in the United
States and France. By some accounts there are almost the same number of Lao
speakers in the United States as there are in Laos itself. One the one hand, the
Lao government has viewed these communities as potential threats. More re-
cently, however, it has come to view them as possible assets for the economic
development of the country, even encouraging successful Lao émigrés to re-
turn and open businesses. Moreover, as discussed in Chapters 4 and 5, overseas
communities, especially in the United States, are extremely important to the
literature and art of Laos.

LANGUAGES
Given such ethnic diversity it is not surprising that there are at least eighty
distinct languages spoken by the different ethnic populations of Laos. Experts
differ on the precise classification of all languages, especially considering the
numerous groups, subgroups, and dialects found in the country. However,
most sources identify three major language families in Laos: the Tai-Kadai,
Austroasiatic, and Sino-Tibetan. Within the Tai-Kadai family there are two
groups: the Tai and the Hmong-Yao (Mien). Each is in turn divided into
branches and numerous sub-branches, making any discussion on language
in Laos rather complicated. For example, the Tai-Kadai has three principal
branches based on geographic region: the northern, southwestern, and “un-
classified” Tay-Tai. Within the northern branch are at least twenty-three sub-
branches, while the southwestern branch numbers approximately fifteen sub-
branches. The Austroasiatic family of languages is represented in Laos by only
12 CULTURE AND CUSTOMS OF LAOS

one group: the Mon-Khmer, which has six major branches and at least forty
sub-branches. Sino-Tibetan languages include two major branches, the Han
(Sinitic) and Lolo-Burmese, both of which have several sub-branches.28
The official language of Laos is Lao, part of the Tai-Kadai group, as spo-
ken and written in Vientiane. There are also a multitude of “tribal” languages
spoken among the many ethnic minorities in the country, representing the
other linguistic families and groups. Lao serves as the lingua franca between
these groups. Linguists identify five major dialects of Lao according to re-
gions: Vientiane, northern, northeastern, central, and southern. Northern
Lao dominates the provinces of Sainyabuli, Bokeo, Phongsali, Luang Nam
Tha, Udomxai, and Luang Prabang. Northeastern Lao is spoken primarily in
Xiang Khuang and Hua Phan, whereas central Lao is heard in Khammuan
and Bolikhamsai. The regions of Champasak, Salavan, Savannakhet, Attapeu,
and Sekong are home to the southern Lao dialect.29 There are many subdi-
alects and different vocabularies as well. As part of the Tai-Kadai family of
languages, Lao is similar to Thai. Spoken Thai is easily understood in Laos,
especially in the Mekong River Valley, given the influence of Thai culture.
Many of the words in both languages are the same, although the two are not
mutually intelligible given differences in grammar, usage, and pronunciation.
The Lao used in the Isan region in northeastern Thailand is exactly the same
as the standard or Vientiane form. However, the written languages diverge
slightly. Most educated Lao also understand written Thai given that the ma-
jority of texts used in Lao colleges and universities are from Thailand.
Lao is a monosyllabic, tonal language. Tones differentiate the meaning
of words. For example, the word sao means “girl,” “morning,” “pillar,” or
“twenty,” depending on the tone used.30 There are six tones in Lao: three
level tones (low, mid, and high) and three inclined tones (rising, high falling,
low falling). Languages like Thai, Mandarin, and Cantonese are similar in this
respect, although standard Thai has five tones, while Mandarin has four and
Cantonese has nine. The tones are relative to the speaker, in that each speaker
can give different pitches to each tone.
The Lao script is fairly new, first developed during the Lan Xang period.
It was devised from Tai script, which was itself based on Khmer and earlier
Indian scripts. Prior to the communist takeover in 1975 there were multiple
writing systems in Laos. As most published material was in French, Thai, or
Vietnamese, no standardized Lao script existed. Since 1975 government au-
thorities have established a common system, but variations based on region
continue. Although there is some debate, many scholars agree that the writ-
ten form today has thirty-three consonants based on twenty-one sounds and
twenty-eight vowels and diphthongs (various combinations of vowels used to
form special sounds) based on twenty-seven sounds. It has also four diacritic
 INTRODUCTION 13

marks used with other symbols to indicate the six spoken tones.31 As indicated
in the note on transliteration at the beginning of this book, translating Lao
words into a romanized alphabet can be extremely difficult because of unique
vowel sounds. It is important to note that other scripts are still in use today in
Laos, including lao tham (dhamma lao), for writing ancient religious scripture
in the Pali language of Theravada Buddhism, and assorted Thai tribal systems,
such as Thai Neua, the standardized language form of the Thai language in
southern China.
Languages of the Lao Theung all come from the Austroasiatic family and
are of Mon-Khmer origin, which many scholars consider indigenous to large
parts of Southeast Asia. Linguists count 147 separate Mon-Khmer languages
among the 168 in the Austroasiatic family, the most widely spoken of which
are Vietnamese and Khmer. Six major branches are found in Laos, including
the Bahnaric, Katuic, Khmuic, Palaungic, Viet-Muong, and Lavy. There are
at least thirty groups within these branches. For example, the Htin, Khmou,
and Mlabri are part of the Khmuic branch, whereas the Brau, Chieng, Sedang,
and Sou are Bahnaric.
Lao Sung languages stem from both the Tai-Kadai and Sino-Tibetan fam-
ily. The former is represented by the Hmong-Yao (Mien) group, which, as
the name suggest, has two principal branches. Hmong speakers are further
grouped into three categories—the Chuanqiandian, the Qiandong, and the
Xiangxi—upon which Hmong tribal divisions are based. The Hmong Do
(White Hmong), Hmong Lenh (Striped, Flower, or Variegated Hmong),
and Hmong Njua (Blue or Green Hmong), along with their further sub-
groups, are Chuanqiandian. The Qiandong sub-branch includes the Hmong
Du (Black Hmong), whereas the Hmong Si (Red Hmong) are within the
Xiangxi. Yao (Mien) speakers include exclusively the Yao (Mien) and their
subgroups. The Lao Sung also includes a small number of ethnic Cham
peoples, who belong to the Malayo-Polynesian group of the Austronesian
linguistic family. Sino-Tibetan representation within the Lao Sung includes
southwestern Mandarin–speaking Haw and ethnic Chinese, as well as Lolo-
Burmese speakers like the Akha, Lahu, Phanna, and Si La.32 It should be
noted that some scholars identify a Tibeto-Burman subfamily within the Sino-
Tibetan classification. There are an estimated 350 Tibeto-Burman languages,
the most spoken of which today is Burmese.
Chinese languages and Vietnamese are spoken in those ethnic communi-
ties, but many Lao also understand the latter given the two countries’ close
economic and political association over the past few decades. A few Lao, most
of whom worked with the government or military, also speak Russian, which
reflects Laos’s strategic alignment during the cold war. Many elderly Lao may
also speak French, which remains the official second language in the country
14 CULTURE AND CUSTOMS OF LAOS

and is used widely in government and business. However, English is the com-
mon tongue of tourism and international development and is fast supplanting
all others as the unofficial second language of Laos.

NOTES
1. Clare Griffiths, ed. Insight Guides: Laos and Cambodia (London: Apa Publica-
tions, 2005), 43.
2. Ibid., 44–45.
3. Houmphan Rattanavong, “What May Be in Store for the Mekong, Our Great
and Sacred Ganges?” Juth Pakai 2 ( June 2004): 37. See also Nguyen Thi Dieu, The
Mekong River and the Struggle for Indochina: Water, War, and Peace (Westport, CT:
Praeger, 1999).
4. Joe Cummings and Andrew Burke, Laos (Footscray, Australia: Lonely Planet,
2005), 45–46.
5. Ibid., 48.
6. U.N. Special Report, Blue Book of Laos (Japanese Bank for International Coop-
eration), www.un.org/special-rep/ohrlls/lde/ldc-rep/LaoDemRep.htm (retrieved Feb-
ruary 2008).
7. Cummings and Burke, Laos, 46–51.
8. Jeff Cranmer and Steven Martin, The Rough Guide to Laos (London: Rough
Guides, 2002), 376–383.
9. U.N. Special Report, Blue Book of Laos ( Japanese Bank for International Coop-
eration), www.un.org/special-rep/ohrlls/lde/ldc-rep/LaoDemRep.htm (retrieved Feb-
ruary 2008).
10. U.N. Common Country Assessment (CCA), Lao DPR, June 2006, 4.
11. Vatthana Pholsena and Ruth Banomyong, Laos: From Buffer State to Crossroads?
(Chiang Mai: Mekong Press, 2004), 70–72.
12. Cummings and Burke, Laos, 34.
13. U.N. Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD), Statistical Profiles
of Least Developed Countries, 2005, www.unctad.org (retrieved June 2007).
14. Northeastern Illinois University Center for Southeast Asian Studies, “Re-
sources for Lao Studies,” www.seasite.niu.edu/lao (retrieved January 2008).
15. Griffiths, Insight Guides, 51.
16. Grant Evans, “What Is Lao Culture and Society?” in Laos: Culture and Society
(Chiang Mai: Silkworm Books, 1999), 1.
17. Ibid., 1–3; see also Stuart-Fox, A History of Laos, chapter 1.
18. Grant Evans, ed. Laos: Culture and Society (Chiang Mai, Thailand: Silkworm
Books, 1999), 8–9. See also Vatthana Pholsena, “Ethnic Classification and Mapping
Nationhood in Contemporary Laos,” Asian Ethnicity 3, no. 2 (September 2002): 175–
197.
19. Vatthana Pholsena, Post-War Laos: The Politics of Culture, History, and Identity
(Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2006), 93–95, 173–177.
 INTRODUCTION 15

20. Griffiths, Insight Guides, 52–53.

21. Ibid., 54–55.
22. Visiting Arts Culture Profile Project, “Laos Cultural Profile,”
www.culturalprofiles.org.uk/laos (retrieved September 2007).
23. Cranmer and Martin, Rough Guide, 372–373; see also Joachim Schliesinger,
Ethnic Groups of Laos, vol. 1, Introduction and Overview (Bangkok: White Lotus Press,
2003).
24. Cummings and Burke, Laos, 36.
25. Schliesinger, Ethnic Groups of Laos, vol. 4, Sino-Tibetan Speaking Peoples
(Bangkok: White Lotus Press, 2003); see also Laurant Chazée, The Peoples of Laos:
Rural and Ethnic Diversities (Bangkok: White Lotus Press, 1999), 150–160.
26. Si-Ambhaivan Sisombat Souvannavong, “Elites in Exile: The Emergence of a
Transnational Lao Culture,” in Evans, Laos, 180.
27. Chithtalath Seng Ampone, “Education Improvement for Ethnic Children in
the Moksuk-Tafa Area,” Juth Pakai 7 (October 2005): 5.
28. N. J. Enfield, Linguistic Epidemiology: Semantics and Grammar of Language
Contact in Mainland Southeast Asia (London: RoutledgeCurzon, 2003), 45–72,
365–369.
29. Joe Cummings, Lao Phrasebook (Footscray, Australia: Lonely Planet Publica-
tions, 2002), 11.
30. Ibid., 17.
31. Northeastern Illinois University Center for Southeast Asian Studies, “Re-
sources for Lao Studies,” www.seasite.niu.edu/lao (retrieved January 2008); see also
Cummings and Burke, Laos, 290.
32. Schliesinger, Ethnic Groups of Laos, 1:85–95.
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 2

A Brief History of Laos

PREHISTORY AND THE TAI MIGRATIONS

The first permanent settlements in Laos developed approximately forty
thousand years ago. Little archaeological evidence of these peoples exists, al-
though it is known that they used stone tools and were primarily hunter-
gatherers. By about 10,000 b.c.e. inhabitants of the area were farming and
raising livestock. Evidence of agricultural activity near Ban Chiang in north-
eastern Thailand dates back to 4,000 b.c.e.—one of the oldest finds in
the world—pointing to the fact that Southeast Asia was a cradle of hu-
man civilization.1 By 500 b.c.e. people in the Khorat Plateau and Mekong
River Valley were using iron. Bronze drums from northern Vietnam sug-
gest that sophisticated metallurgy in the region appeared during the first mil-
lennium c.e.
The earliest Iron Age settlements in Laos were found in Xiang Khuang
Province on the mysterious Plain of Jars. Here, scattered across a plateau
roughly 15 kilometers (10.3 miles) wide are large urns, resembling giant jars,
more than two thousand years old. The largest are about 2 meters (6.1 feet)
tall and weigh up to ten thousand kilograms (ten tons). Their remote loca-
tion and decades of conflict made research difficult, but most archaeologists
think that they were used to hold the ashes of the deceased. Massive stone
pillars and underground chambers discovered more recently support this no-
tion. Although the exact purpose of the urns is unclear, there is no doubt that
the Plain of Jars was home to an advanced Iron Age civilization.
18 CULTURE AND CUSTOMS OF LAOS

Looking down on the Plain of Jars. Courtesy of Martine Duprey.

Broad linguistic and cultural differentiation in Southeast Asia began around

10,000 b.c.e., but it was not until the first millennium c.e. that distinct
groups began to emerge. The early inhabitants of Laos spoke Austroasiatic
languages, like Mon and Khmer. Tai peoples were still confined to south-
ern China. Confronting more numerous neighbors, between the sixth and
eighth centuries c.e. the Tai began to form larger units, called muang. These
were run by powerful men, called chao, who protected the muang in return
for labor or goods. The muang drew Tai peoples together. Gradually pushed
out by the Chinese and Vietnamese, the Tai migrated into present-day Laos
and Thailand. In turn they displaced indigenous inhabitants, who moved
into the mountains. By the ninth and tenth centuries Tai peoples occupied
upper Southeast Asia, centered on the kingdom of Nan-Chao in present-
day Yunnan, China, and a second state called Yonok in Bokeo Province,
northern Laos. However, they were surrounded by larger rivals—the Indi-
anized kingdoms of Champa in Vietnam, the Khmer of Angkor, and the
Mon of Burma—all of which had profound effects on the development of Tai
identity.
Indian cultures more than Chinese cultures influenced the Tai. As early as
the first century c.e. Indian traders crisscrossed the region en route to China
 A BRIEF HISTORY OF LAOS 19

by both land and sea. Traders and merchants helped to spread the Hindu
religion. Local rulers also likely invited monks and scholars from India to
come and help develop new a social structure and belief system. They brought
Pali and Sanskrit systems that form the basis of many modern languages in
the region. Hindu kingdoms like Funan controlled parts of Laos between the
first and sixth centuries c.e. Between the sixth and eighth centuries they were
held by Chenla, another Mon-Khmer, Hindu kingdom that stretched into
Cambodia.
One of the most important Indianized cultures that shaped the evolution
of Laos was the Dvaravati. Although never an empire in the true sense of the
word, the Dvaravati had enormous influence in the region, stretching from
India through to the Gulf of Thailand. Much of this civilization remains a
mystery, but it is clear that between the sixth and ninth centuries it established
profitable trade networks in the Chao Phraya River Valley of Thailand. Two
kingdoms—one called Sri Gotapura, near Thakhek, and the other known as
Muang Sawa, today’s Luang Prabang—controlled much of Laos between the
eighth and twelfth centuries. It is also known that the Dvaravati were Mon
people who converted to Theravada Buddhism. By the eleventh and twelfth
centuries Buddhism was solidly entrenched in Laos, as evidenced by relics and
statuary.2 The spread of Buddhism in turn reinforced the sense of uniqueness
among Tai peoples and strengthened the muangs.
This was especially important given the rise of the Khmer empire toward the
end of the ninth century. The Khmer are most famous for the massive temple
complex at Angkor in Cambodia, which today is one of the most important
ancient sites in the world. The Khmer pushed into southern Laos, northeast-
ern Thailand, and southern Vietnam. They were predominantly Hindus, al-
though under King Jayavarman VII (ruled 1181–1201) the empire adopted
Mahayana Buddhism. The Khmer built numerous temples, fortifications,
trade posts, and roads. They also controlled a vast trade network between
China and India, which brought them into direct contact with the Tai. Most
experts agree that by twelfth century the people of Laos were predominantly
Khmer, but war and the expansion of the Tai changed this.
Khmer culture dramatically influenced the Tai. Most important was the
Khmer political system, which the Tai adopted for themselves. This was based
on the mandala—a Sanskrit word meaning “essence” or “containing” that un-
derpins Hindu and Buddhist notions of the cosmos. In political terms, the
mandala is a spatial representation of the state as an organism made up of con-
stituent parts. In this respect, the mandala was consistent with the structure of
Tai muangs. Each could be a separate geopolitical entity while simultaneously
part of a larger state. Tribute, in the form of goods and armies, was given to
a centralized authority in exchange for defense and support. However, each
20 CULTURE AND CUSTOMS OF LAOS

tributary maintained independence and, theoretically at least, could withdraw

support from the mandala should the central authority fail. Mandalas were
designed to minimize warfare and conquest by force.3
By absorbing Dvaravati and Khmer cultures, the Tai became increasingly
diverse. However, Buddhism provided cohesion while the collapse of Khmer
rule provided opportunity for new Tai states to emerge. Khmer power faded
in the late thirteenth century as Mongol armies invaded Southeast Asia. Al-
most simultaneously two major Tai kingdoms developed, both in northern
Thailand. One was at Sukhothai, founded between 1279 and 1298 by King
Ramkhamhaeng (ruled 1279–1318), while the other was at Lan Na (Lanna),
established between 1281 and 1292 under King Mangrai (ruled two king-
doms, 1259–1317). Both were initially tributaries of the Mongol-Chinese
Yuan dynasty but quickly expanded their influence. Lan Na incorporated Tai
muangs in Burma, Laos, and southern China. Sukhothai eventually controlled
lands in Thailand and Laos, including Muang Sawa.4 It was there that the first
Lao muang began, originally called Xiang Dong Xiang Thong (“City of Flame
Trees beside the River Dong”). By the mid-fourteenth century the mandala
system allowed for the emergence of an even more distinctly Lao-Tai kingdom
there known as Lan Xang (Lane Xang).

LAN XANG
Lan Xang, “Kingdom of One Million Elephants,” is the historical center
of Laos. Legend has it that a young prince from Xiang Dong Xiang Thong
named Fa Ngum was exiled from the kingdom after his father attempted
to seize power and fled to Angkor to seek Khmer protection. He ended up
marrying a Khmer princess and mobilizing an army, first to conquer terri-
tories in the Mekong Valley and then to turn against his home. Capturing
Xiang Dong Xiang Thong in 1353, Fa Ngum renamed the kingdom Lan
Xang Hom Khao (“Kingdom of One Million Elephants and the White Para-
sol”) and ruled through 1368. During his reign the kingdom expanded into
northeastern Thailand and southern China.5
Although a magnificent general, Fa Ngum was a despotic ruler. He did not
tolerate dissent and disregarded the mandala system by demanding absolute
control of the empire. Fearing insurrections, his top advisers appealed to Fa
Ngum’s queen, Keo Keng Ya (Kaew Keng Nya), to intervene. She convinced
her husband to moderate his ways and seek the counsel of Buddhist monks
specially requested from Angkor. They came bearing holy scriptures known
as the Tipitaka (see Chapter 3) and one of the most important figures of the
Buddha, the Phabang (Prabang), sent by the king of Angkor. Reputedly then
already 1,400 years old and crafted in Ceylon (Sri Lanka), the Phabang was
 A BRIEF HISTORY OF LAOS 21

solid gold, weighed 40 kilograms (88 pounds), and was carried by eight at-
tendees. It came in a procession of almost ten thousand people: mostly crafts-
men, engineers, and attendants given to Fa Ngum. According to legend, the
Phabang made it as far as Vieng Kham (Phainam), north of Vientiane, but
mysteriously could not be moved further—thus convincing Fa Ngum that it
wanted to stay there. He built a temple to house it and the statue remained
in Vieng Kham and Vientiane for nearly 150 years before finally making the
journey to Xiang Dong Xiang Thong in 1512.
Fa Ngum did not introduce Buddhism to Laos. The religion was established
long before him. However, it is possible that he recognized Theravada Bud-
dhism as the religion of Lan Xang, and thus gave Laos its majority faith today.
Nor is it true that Fa Ngum single-handedly redeveloped the mandala system
or secured his kingdom’s frontiers. Both were achieved over nearly 150 years
following the establishment of Lan Xang. Nonetheless, Fa Ngum remains an
epic figure in Laotian history. In the search for a uniquely Lao identity today,
he and the kingdom of Lan Xang have become pivotal, leaving some prone
to mythology.6 Fa Ngum was succeeded by his eldest son, Sam Sen Thai (also
called Oun Heaun or Unheaun; ruled ca. 1373–1416), who was known as
the Lord of Three Hundred Thousand Tai, in reference to the number of men
at his disposal after a census was taken in 1376. He consolidated Lan Xang’s
power by strategically marrying into the royal families of both Lan Na and
the increasingly powerful kingdom of Ayutthaya (Ayudhya). He also mod-
eled the administrative, financial, and military systems of Lan Xang on other
Tai states, giving rise to the Tai people as a whole.
However, following his death in about 1416 Lan Xang declined. The fact
that there were eight kings in twenty-two years speaks to internal political
rivalries and a crippling succession crisis. Some scholars contend that dur-
ing this period a senior queen known as Maha Devi, or Great Goddess,
whose identity remains unclear, dominated Lan Xang.7 Then, in approxi-
mately 1438, the ruler of Vientiane and Sam Sen Thai’s only surviving son,
Vangburi, took over the kingdom. Taking the name Sainyachakkapat Phaen
Phaew, or Chakkapat—derived from the Pali term for “universal Buddhist
monarch”—he set about stabilizing Lan Xang. His most important contri-
butions were establishing a clearer line of succession and further entrenching
Theravada Buddhism.8 However, war with the Vietnamese ended his efforts.
The Vietnamese occupied parts of the kingdom and sacked Xiang Dong Xiang
Thong, forcing Chakkapat to flee.
Over the subsequent twenty years, his successors managed to regain con-
trol of the kingdom, force the Vietnamese to withdraw, and secure Lan Xang’s
frontiers through close relations with Ayutthaya, which by the early six-
teenth century was the most powerful Tai state. This was the golden age of
22 CULTURE AND CUSTOMS OF LAOS

Lan Xang. Government was reorganized, thus allowing for a centralized and
more efficient bureaucracy. Trade networks were expanded, bringing consid-
erable wealth. Buddhist temples, monasteries, and schools were built, making
the kingdom a major center not only for religion but also for literature and
the arts. The long-delayed arrival of the Phabang in Xiang Dong Xiang Thong
during the reign of Vixun (Visoun, Visunurat, Wisunarath; ruled ca. 1501–
1520) gave Lan Xang additional prestige. In fact, the Phabang became an
even more important religious and political symbol. Everyone was expected
to swear loyalty to the king before it, thus making it a representation of sacred
power and reinforcing the idea that the monarchy and the faith were insepara-
ble. Successive kings built temples, established elaborate rituals, and dedicated
servants to care for the Phabang. Phothisarat (Pothisarath, Phothisarath, or
Phothisalarat; ruled ca. 1520–1550) even abolished all other religious sym-
bols in the kingdom, like the lak muang (a guardian spirit), issuing a decree
against animist spirit shrines (ho phi).
Lan Xang also became more important in terms of regional politics. In 1520
Phothisarat took up residence in Vientiane, which was closer to trade net-
works with Vietnam, Cambodia, and Ayutthaya. It was also closer to the bulk
of his people, who had migrated from the Mekong Valley onto the Khorat
Plateau. From there Lan Xang exercised more influence, particularly as the
Khmer empire receded. Phothisarat also took advantage of rivalries within the
Tai world. He was married into the kingdom of Lan Na and, consequently,
decided to come to its aid when Ayutthaya invaded it in 1545. Victorious,
Phothisarat in effect controlled Lan Na. The following year he arranged for
his teenage son, Sethathirat (Sethathirath, Xetthathirat, or Setthathilat), to
ascend the throne there. When Phothisarat died shortly thereafter, crushed
under his war elephant during a demonstration of his riding skills, Sethathirat
returned to rule Lan Xang (ca. 1546–1571). With the new king gone, Lan Na
soon rebelled and regained its independence. However, many of its elite fami-
lies, scholars, and artisans followed Sethathirat, further enriching the cultural
development of Lan Xang. Another important Buddhist icon also followed.
Before leaving La Na, Sethathirat removed the sacred Pha Keo (Phra Kaew),
or Emerald Buddha, which today is the most revered symbol in Thailand. The
young king then ordered the construction of the most striking architecture in
Laos: Wat Pha Keo in Vientiane to house the Emerald Buddha; the massive
That Luang, or Grand Stupa, also in Vientiane, as the symbol of unity; and
Wat Xiang Thong in Xiang Dong Xiang Thong to mark his reign. Sethathirat
also moved the capital to Vientiane and renamed Xiang Dong Xiang Thong
for the venerable Phabang, Luang Prabang, in 1563.
The move was designed to secure a more strategic location for the political
center of the kingdom, especially with the rise of the powerful Pegu (Burmese)
 A BRIEF HISTORY OF LAOS 23

in the west. Frequent war with the Burmese dramatically effected Lan Xang,
and indeed all the Tai peoples, between the sixteenth and eighteenth cen-
turies. By 1560 the Pegu overran Lan Na and threatened both Lan Xang and
Ayutthaya, prompting an alliance between the two former enemies. How-
ever, even that did not provide security. For almost a decade, war with the
Burmese ravaged Tai lands. Luang Prabang was sacked in 1563, and Vien-
tiane fell two years later. The Burmese then lay siege to Ayutthaya between
1568 and 1569. Sethathirat led a rebellion against Pegu, forcing the Burmese
to withdraw. For a brief period he ruled the only remaining independent Tai
kingdom. The pressures of war had, however, greatly weakened Lan Xang and
produced internal revolts. Leading an army south into the mountains to sup-
press one, Sethathirat mysteriously disappeared in 1571, giving rise to another
succession crisis and continuing war.9 Burmese armies reclaimed Vientiane
and through a series of puppet kings extended their control of Lan Xang. For
nearly seventy years Lan Xang remained a vassal of Pegu.
The kingdom’s revival began under Surinyavongsa (Soulignavongsa or
Sourinyavongsa; ruled ca. 1638–1695). As Burmese power declined, he
reestablished family ties between Tai kingdoms through marriages. Bound-
aries with a resurgent Ayutthaya were negotiated, while peace between Lan
Xang and its eastern rivals was achieved through Surinyavongsa’s taking
of a Vietnamese princess as concubine. Trade flourished and the kingdom
regained its wealth and influence in the region. During Surinyavongsa’s
long rule temples and palaces were restored or built anew. Lan Xang once
again became a Buddhist cultural and religious center, with, as Dutch mer-
chant Gerritt van Wuysthoff noted, more monks than all the soldiers in
Germany.10
Indeed, foreign adventurers provide interesting insight on Lan Xang in the
sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. The first to arrive were probably Por-
tuguese traders accompanying Burmese envoys in 1545. An epic poem on
Portuguese colonies written in 1572 by Luı́s de Camões mentions the Lao
“in their lands and numbers strong,” with a “countless throng of tribes whose
names a man can scarcely tell.” However, van Wuysthoff and Italian mission-
ary Giovanni-Maria Leria are the first Europeans to leave a definitive record
of their travels; both arrived in the 1640s and published their work in the
1660s. They were struck not only by the kingdom’s prosperity but also by
the friendliness and beauty of its people. Writing in 1727, after the division
of the kingdom, the Scottish sea captain Alexander Hamilton wrote, “Lao
land . . . produces gold, raw silk, and elephant teeth [that] are so plentiful
that they stake their fields and gardens about with them.” He also noted that
with their “lighter complexions” Lao women “were little inferior to Portuguese
or Spanish ladies.”11
24 CULTURE AND CUSTOMS OF LAOS

By most accounts, seventeenth-century Lan Xang was a multicultural king-

dom. Its population included not only Tai but also Khmer, Mon, various
mountain people, Vietnamese, Chinese, and Indians. Pali, the ritual language
of Theravada Buddhism, was probably the official tongue, but it is likely that
many different languages operated in everyday life. Buddhism was the dom-
inant, if not exclusive, religion practiced openly. Those who did not follow
the faith were considered outsiders, often referred to as kha, or “slaves,” but
there is little evidence that any widespread religious discrimination took place.
Most scholars agree that beyond considering themselves Buddhists and Tai,
the population of Lan Xang did not have a particular sense of identity, and,
despite the contention of nationalist historians, definitely did not consider
themselves Lao. There are Western maps of Southeast Asia dating as far back
as 1613 that show both Laos and the Regnum Lao (“Lao kingdom”). However,
they were likely based on Chinese charts that were generic in their reference,
in that they applied to all peoples in the region. Vietnamese traders referred to
those Tai who lived Laos as Ailao (or Ai-Lao), although exactly why remains a
mystery.12 Still, as was true throughout the Tai world in the seventeenth cen-
tury, Lan Xang did flourish culturally, developing artistic traditions around
Indian epics like the Ramayana. In this respect many Lao consider Lan Xang,
particularly during its resurgence in the mid to late 1600s, a watershed of Lao
identity and the first Lao state.
Ironically, Surinyavongsa himself undid much of Lan Xang’s resurrec-
tion. Obsessed with maintaining the laws he laid down, Surinyavongsa had
his only son executed for adultery, ultimately giving rise to another succes-
sion crisis when he died in 1694. Over the subsequent twenty years the
Vietnamese and Ayutthaya vied for control of Lan Xang through factions
within its courts, producing almost constant conflict. A string of ineffec-
tive puppet rulers resulted. The kingdom also suffered from its relative iso-
lation. Lacking access to the sea, it could not secure expanded trade net-
works in Southeast Asia: an especially vital consideration in an era during
which Europeans were bringing new goods and advanced technologies to the
region.
By the early eighteenth century Lan Xang was in a steep decline from which
it would never recover. Between 1700 and 1713 the kingdom divided into
three parts centered on Luang Prabang, Vientiane, and Champasak. Rivalries
between them were intense, as each vied for more control by shifting alliances
with outside powers. Ayutthaya, which had dramatically recovered in the late
seventeenth century, was the most important. By the 1720s it had made all
three kingdoms vassal states in a powerful Tai empire. However, war with
the Burmese again changed the Tai world. Beginning in 1760, they invaded
all the Tai kingdoms. So deep were the animosities between the fragments
 A BRIEF HISTORY OF LAOS 25

of Lan Xang that Vientiane sided with the Burmese against Luang Prabang.
Ayutthaya sent its forces to repel them but to no avail. After nearly seven years
of war on its frontiers Ayutthaya was itself destroyed in 1767. Most of the royal
family was killed or carried away, and tens of thousands died or ended up as
Burmese slaves.13 In many respects it appeared that the Tai civilization had
come to an end.
Remarkably, that was not the case. Fleeing Ayutthaya, the Tai quickly set
up a new capital at Thonburi, near Bangkok. They established a new ruling
house, the Chakri dynasty, which is still today the royal family of Thailand.
Led by General Taksin (ruled 1767–1782), Thonburi’s armies finally defeated
the Burmese and forced their retreat. Then they regained lost lands before
turning to expansion. With little opposition Taksin took Lan Na in 1776.
His armies then swept east into Cambodia and southern Laos, conquering
Sikhotabong and Champasak. By 1778 Taksin laid siege to Vientiane. Ex-
acting revenge for Vientiane’s support of the Burmese, Luang Prabang joined
forces with him in destroying its rival. Thousands, including Vientiane’s rul-
ing family, were taken prisoner. From both Vientiane and Luang Prabang,
Taksin’s armies removed sacred Buddhist icons, including the Phabang and
Pha Keo. With this, even the symbolic importance of Lan Xang was gone.
As vassals on the periphery of the new empire, the successors of Lan Xang
became pale reminders of the first kingdom of Laos.

WAR WITH SIAM

Siam adopted a decentralized mandala system that afforded the remnants
of Lan Xang considerable autonomy. They maintained independent armies,
albeit after declaring their loyalty to the Chakri court, kept the rights to tax,
to administer a judicial system, and to conduct a limited foreign policy. Siam
insisted on approving succession in the kingdoms and appointing high offi-
cials, as well as commanding their armies in time of need. The vassals were also
prevented from declaring war. This was in part designed to prevent conflict
between the various kingdoms. In fact, the first of the Chakri kings in Siam,
Rama I (Phra Phutthayofta or Chaophraya Chakri; ruled 1782–1809), tried
hard to heal rifts between them. The king of Vientiane, Nanthasen (ruled
1782–1792), was allowed to take back the Phabang and people whom the
Siamese had enslaved. However, when he invaded Luang Prabang in 1792
to exact revenge yet again, Rama I removed Nanthasen from the throne. He
replaced him with Inthavong (Inthasom; ruled 1792–1804) who, by fight-
ing off Burmese invasions in both 1797 and 1802, strengthened ties with
Bangkok. They were cemented further when Inthavong gave Rama I one of
his daughters.14
26 CULTURE AND CUSTOMS OF LAOS

Following Inthavong’s death the crown fell to his younger brother, Anu-
vong (Anou, ruled 1804–1828), who had distinguished himself as a gen-
eral in the wars against Burma. He developed Vientiane’s standing as a re-
ligious and literary center and built some of Laos’s most important temples.
He was also, at least initially, a loyal ally of Siam, so much so that in 1819
Rama II (Phra Phuttaloetla, ruled 1809–1824) appointed Anuvong’s son Yo
to rule Champasak. Historians debate whether Anuvong aspired to re-create
Lan Xang or some new Lao-Tai kingdom. Some argue that he simply fell
under the influence of the Vietnamese, who coveted territories on Siam’s
periphery. Others contend that by the mid-1820s he had lost faith in the
Siamese and resented them for treating the kingdoms of Lan Xang as vassals.15
Whatever the reason, it is clear that Anuvong did not get along well with
Rama III (Phra Nangklao; ruled 1824–1851) and decided to go to war with
Siam.
In early 1827 Anuvong and Yo amassed their armies and marched into the
Khorat Plateau on the pretext of helping Siam against British encroachments
in Burma. Instead they attacked Siamese forces and made their way toward
Bangkok. A large army pushed the forces back and within a few weeks vio-
lently sacked Vientiane. Yo was taken prisoner, but Anuvong fled to Vietnam,
where he raised another army to try to retake his capital the following year.
This too failed, ending with Anuvong’s capture. Vientiane was destroyed and
its population was again forced to leave. The city was abandoned to the jungle
and remained in nothing but ruins for several decades.16 Anuvong was taken
in a cage to Bangkok and paraded before its residents as a trophy of war; he
died in captivity a short while later. Dreams of rebuilding Lan Xang died with
him.
Scholars like Martin Stuart-Fox argue that the story of Anuvong has mean-
ing in the search for Lao identity today, and that different interpretations of
the story continue to affect Lao-Thai relations.17 Although most Thai consider
Anuvong nothing more than a traitor who got what he deserved, many Lao
see him as a legendary hero who fought against oppressive Siamese rule. They
remember that in retribution for Vientiane’s rebellion not only the city but
also much of the region was depopulated and forcibly relocated to Siam. Thus,
the Lao population in northeastern Thailand today can, symbolically at least,
connect to the story in a very personal way. Moreover, many Lao see Anuvong
as the ultimate nationalist, irrespective of the fact that neither he nor his con-
temporaries understood the concept of statehood or nationalism as they are
known today. Grant Evans points out that it was not until the mass depor-
tations following Anuvong that the Laoization of the Khorat Plateau, and
therefore a Lao identity, began, at least in part facilitated by the relative sta-
bility Siamese protection afforded. Over the course of the nineteenth century
 A BRIEF HISTORY OF LAOS 27

a noticeable differentiation began between the “worldly and sophisticated”

Siamese and the increasingly remote and limited Lao.18
The destruction of Vientiane completed the collapse of the muang system
in Laos. Thereafter, only Luang Prabang could claim any degree of autonomy,
and at various stages it paid tribute to the Siamese, Vietnamese, and Chinese.
Its grandeur had also been significantly reduced. The French explorer Henri
Mouhot, famed for introducing the “lost” city of Angkor Wat to Westerners,
wrote in 1859 that Luang Prabang was “a delightful little town, covering a
square mile of ground” and inhabited by about eight thousand residents.19
Lao communities flourished on lucrative trade in everything from slaves to
spices, but none could regain the status of Lan Xang. There were also demo-
graphic shifts beyond the forced depopulation of Vientiane. New migrants
like the Hmong, Yao, and other Sino-Tibetan peoples drifted into north-
ern Laos beginning in the 1830s, substantially altering the ethnic and lin-
guistic composition of the area. The collapse of Lao muang also changed the
diplomatic landscape of the region. The Vietnamese expanded their hold on
Siam’s eastern vassals, moving soldiers and settlers into the areas depopulated
by Rama III’s troops. Within a few years they controlled the territory around
Vientiane, Champasak, and the semiautonomous kingdom of Xiang Khuang.
Luang Prabang, the Mekong Valley, and the Khorat Plateau remained within
the Siamese sphere. Tensions between the two empires remained high for sev-
eral decades, but all-out war was averted, largely because both had to contend
with pressures from European colonial powers.
However, neither was spared conflict. During the nineteenth century China
endured seemingly endless revolution that affected Southeast Asia. Beginning
in the early 1870s, Chinese soldiers fleeing the strife pushed into Laos, leav-
ing paths of destruction wherever they went. Known collectively as the Haw,
they were in effect gangs of marauders distinguished only by the color of their
battle flags. They defeated Vietnamese armies in Xiang Khuang and sacked
what was left of Vientiane before turning their attentions on Luang Prabang.
Even before the Haw arrived, some of the city’s vassal territories rebelled,
like the Kha chiefdom in 1875, prompting Siamese intervention. Rama V
(Chulalongkorn; ruled 1868–1910) ordered three separate expeditions
against the Haw between 1875 and 1887. The first, in 1875, forced their
evacuation of Vientiane but failed to defeat them. The second beginning in
1883 was an almost total disaster. The third, in 1886, was the largest: It aimed
not only to crush the Haw but also to expand Siamese territory in northern
Laos at Vietnamese expense. The plan nearly worked. However, White Tai
tribesmen did not surrender their insurrection as hoped and instead joined the
Haw in ravaging Luang Prabang in 1887. Attending the court was the French
vice-consul, Auguste Pavie, who was forced to flee.20 The affair aroused the
28 CULTURE AND CUSTOMS OF LAOS

attention of the newest power in the region and changed the course of Lao
history forever.

FRENCH RULE
French penetration of Southeast Asia began in 1858 with a military expedi-
tion to Vietnam. Taking advantage of rivalries between Vietnamese kingdoms,
the French took Saigon in 1859 and set up a base in Cochin China (South
Vietnam). They then began several decades of expansion, establishing mili-
tary garrisons at Haiphong and Hanoi by 1874. The Haw wars led France to
deploy even more soldiers, particularly after its commander in the area was be-
headed by the Black Flags in 1882. A large French military expedition forced
the surrender of the Haw and their Vietnamese allies at Hué in 1883. The en-
suing treaty gave France a protectorate over Vietnam and all its vassal states,
which included Laos.
Pavie and other colonial administrators were strong advocates of making
Laos a French colony adjacent to possessions in Vietnam. However, Laos itself
was never the priority. French interest was focused on Vietnam, a far larger,
more accessible, and profitable territory. By the 1880s the French also wanted
to push into Siam and build an empire in Southeast Asia similar to the British,
who had colonized India, Burma, and Malaya. In all of this Laos was simply a
tool. The long record of tribute between Lao–Tai kingdoms and Vietnamese
rulers served, in the French mind, as irrefutable evidence of their claim to
Laos. Numerous maps, publications, and statements by French officials make
it clear that empire was the question, and in this respect, the Haw attack
on Luang Prabang in 1887 provided an excellent opportunity to challenge
Siamese rule.
Pavie began his second expedition of Laos in 1888, along the way estab-
lishing French business interests and military outposts to further claims to
the region. Shrewdly, he refused to negotiate with the Siamese on boundary
issues, claiming that without proper surveys, the French government could
not proceed. Pavie and the governor-general of French Indochina, Jean de
Lanessan, pursued an aggressive foreign policy on Laos. In 1892 Pavie was
appointed consul general in Bangkok and led discussions with the Siamese
aimed either to force them to renounce their claims or to provoke a war.
The Siamese argued that natural boundaries, ethnic ties, and the traditional
muang system gave them claim to Laos. Pavie and Lanessan urged Paris to
reject any settlement along the Mekong, thus allowing the French to claim all
of Siam. However, the French government was worried about British reaction
to their plans. The British were interested in keeping Siam as a buffer between
French Indochina and their own colonies, but they were not prepared to fight
 A BRIEF HISTORY OF LAOS 29

over it. The Siamese, however, were confident that they had British support
and steadfastly refused to back down. A series of small incidents in the con-
tested area was all it took for Paris to respond with force, and in July 1893
French soldiers crossed the Mekong and attacked Siamese positions.21 While
the Siamese held their own along the river, French warships forced their way
up the Chao Phraya River and threatened Bangkok. Without British support,
the Siamese sued for peace.
An October 1893 treaty recognized all French claims east of the Mekong.
Laos was incorporated into French Indochina along with Cambodia and three
territorial divisions encompassing Vietnam: Tonkin, Annam, and Cochin
China. France also claimed areas that were formerly tributes to Luang
Prabang, along with most muang elsewhere in northern Laos. That, however,
was not the end of French ambitions. Over the subsequent fourteen years
Paris pushed for an extension of French rule in Laos and Siam. Through skill-
ful diplomacy the Siamese avoided France’s harsher demands, but in general
they were forced to accept numerous treaties that reduced their claim to Laos
even further. In this fashion, French rule was entrenched and the shape of
modern Laos emerged.
Laos was regarded as the most peaceable of French colonies in Indochina be-
cause it never witnessed the violence seen in Vietnam or Cambodia. Initially,
many in Laos welcomed French rule as liberation from the Siamese. However,
the French imposed rules and regulations never before seen in Laos that be-
came the source of discontent. Slavery was abolished and replaced with the
corvée, or indebted labor system, which disrupted traditional ideas of status
and business among the people, particularly in the south where the slave trade
was a major component of the economy. The French decided administrative
positions in government, long determined by hereditary rights, on the basis
of ability and need. Taxation, though not new, increased and became another
focal point for resentment.
However, violent opposition came more from the Lao Theung and Lao
Sung. As early as 1895 sporadic rebellions had broken out in the north and
south. By 1901 they were increasingly well organized and popular—known
collectively as the Holy Man’s Revolt in reference to a messianic Alak spiritual
leader in Salavan named Bak Mi (better known as Ong Kaeo). Drawing from
both Buddhism and local folk beliefs, he claimed to have supernatural powers
and to have been chosen by spirits to lead people against the French. Fearing
his influence, French authorities tried to arrest him, provoking an insurrec-
tion that spread into Siamese territory. Repeated failures to round up the rebels
only fed popular support for the revolt. In April 1902 several thousand Lao
Lum supporters attacked police and military positions in Savannakhet. Con-
vinced by Ong Kaeo that under his spiritual protection they were immune
30 CULTURE AND CUSTOMS OF LAOS

to bullets, his followers charged French and Lao troops, with several hundred
casualties.
For the next three years Ong Kaeo attacked the French throughout the
Bolaven Plateau. The French responded with repeated expeditions to round
up the rebels. In November 1910 Ong Kaeo was killed. The French beheaded
Ong Kaeo’s lieutenants and paraded the “holy man’s” head on a pike for all
his supporters to see. The last holdout in the rebellion was Ong Kommadam,
a fearsome Nya Heun tribal leader who escaped assassination during negoti-
ations with the French and kept the resistance alive well into the 1930s.22
Smaller rebellions flared up for decades, though none as serious as that of
Ong Kaeo. In 1914 Haw raiders from China again descended on Laos, fleeing
the republican revolution that overthrew the Qing dynasty. Resenting French
domination of the lucrative opium trade, the Haw tried to stir up Lao opposi-
tion to foreign rule. This and a simultaneous revolt of the Tai Lue threatened
French control of northern Laos and required sizable expeditions to restore
calm. Between 1918 and 1922 another rebellion spread from northern Viet-
nam led by a Hmong spiritual leader named Pachai (Pachay), who envisioned
an independent homeland for his people. In some respects the revolt was not
so much against the French as it was the Lao Theung and Lao Lum, who
were traditional enemies that tried to control the Hmong opium trade.23 Af-
ter several years of brutal violence on both sides, support for Pachai waned.
French campaigns, employing Lao Theung soldiers, wore down the revolt. In
November 1922 Pachai was killed in an ambush, which ended the uprising.
However, resistance continued sporadically for decades, illustrating both the
depth of opposition to French colonialism and the fragility of any unified
Laos.
More than just provoking resistance, the impact of French rule on Laos was
immense. To be sure, economic and political development was not a priority.
Other than constructing 5,000 kilometers (3,100 miles) of largely inadequate
roads, the French did little to stimulate growth. By the end of their rule in
1953, still 90 percent of the population were subsistence farmers. There was
almost no industry, no health care, and only a rudimentary primary school
education system. Part of the problem was that Laos was not a moneymaking
venture for the French and produced only enough wealth to cover the costs of
administration. However, the problem was also that France did not consider
the colony important. In fact, Laos was a backwater for the French. It was
known derisively as the Land of Lotus-Eaters—in reference to the strange,
lazy people that Odysseus encounters in Greek mythology—and considered
a career-ending appointment in the French civil service. Attentions in the
region were always on Vietnam. Yet perhaps because of this ambivalence Laos
did not endure the full scope of brutalities that often accompanied European
 A BRIEF HISTORY OF LAOS 31

colonialism. The corvée system existed in Laos but never to the same extent
that it did in other colonies. There were only ever a few thousand French
soldiers and never more than a few dozen French officials garrisoned in the
colony. Indeed, by 1940 there were only six hundred French citizens officially
in Laos.
French influence was greatest, however, in stimulating a Lao national con-
sciousness. As in all of France’s colonies, Lao elites received a French educa-
tion, and thus were introduced to Western ideas. Many later developed their
own notions of nationalism and moved for independence. French designs to
Vietnamize Laos also factored into the process. Considering them smarter and
harder workers, thousands of Vietnamese were moved to Laos to be merchants
and bureaucrats. Many Lao deeply resented the policy and, consequently, de-
veloped a sense of their own identity. Following the 1932 revolution against
absolute monarchy in Siam (renamed Thailand in 1939), and in response to
the rise of extreme nationalism there, the French encouraged the Lao to view
themselves as a separate people in an effort to ward off Thai ambitions in
the region. National symbols were introduced, such as flags, anthems, cere-
monies, and a written language.24 Through media, education, and the work of
revisionist historians, the French promoted the idea of a historical Laos, inde-
pendent from Thailand. With tremendous changes to the international order
after World War II, this process would again fundamentally reshape Laos.

WORLD WAR II AND LAO INDEPENDENCE

The war in Europe broke out in September 1939, but its origins in Asia pre-
date that, with the Japanese conquest of Manchuria in 1931 and invasion of
China in 1937. Preoccupied with the impending war in Europe, France could
not devote the resources needed to defend its eastern possessions, and Thai-
land took advantage of the situation to regain its lost possessions in Laos and
Cambodia. In June 1940, German armies invaded and defeated France. In
Indochina, that meant that the Japanese, allied with the Germans, could con-
trol the French government there. Having befriended the Japanese, the Thais
pushed their case further. In December 1940 Thai forces attacked French po-
sitions in the disputed territories. After a brief war the Japanese intervened
and brokered a settlement that returned Lao territories west of the Mekong,
Sainyabouli in the north and Champasak in the south, to Thailand.25 French
authorities tried to control the damage by reorganizing the political structure
of Laos. In August 1941 they assigned jurisdiction of the Xiang Khuang and
Vientiane provinces to the king of Luang Prabang, Sisavangvong, who was
a staunch French ally. They also set about modernizing the civil service and
putting it under the control of educated, pro-French Lao elites.
32 CULTURE AND CUSTOMS OF LAOS

Probably the most important Lao figure of the time was Prince Phetsarath
(Phetxarat) Rattanavonsga (1890–1959), who held a variety of prominent
political appointments before, in 1941, becoming uparat (ouparath, ouparaja,
or uparaja), a great deputy king in Buddhist dynasties who served as the king’s
top adviser. Phetsarath supervised the reorganization himself and was Laos’s
most popular leader, even more than the king. He was also responsible for the
nationalist propaganda aimed to develop a uniquely Lao identity. Although
he never actually joined or led it, Phetsarath is credited with sponsoring the
Movement for National Renovation, in many respects the first Lao nationalist
organization. Some contend that he also saved the Lao language by blocking
French attempts to romanize the script. In 1945 he became prime minister
just as Japanese forces took over Indochina. Rather than urge unconditional
support of the French, as did the king, Phetsarath favored accommodation
with the Japanese. When that failed, he redirected Lao nationalism from its
anti-Thai and anti-Vietnamese origins toward achieving independence from
France.26 In this respect he became the spiritual leader of several underground
movements that opposed both French and Japanese occupation, such as Lao
Pen Lao (“Laos for the Lao”), Lao Seri (“Free Laos”), and Lao Issara (“Free
Lao”).
The Japanese pressured King Sisavangvong to declare independence in April
1945. Phetsarath used the occasion to unify Laos by bringing southern ar-
eas into a confederation with Luang Prabang, but pro-French elements in the
kingdom who favored a renewed protectorate following Japan’s surrender that
September challenged the move. Undeterred, Phetsarath declared unification
of the Lao kingdom and as a result Sisavangvong dismissed him. Shortly there-
after the Lao Issara led a coalition of nationalist groups in a coup, upheld
the declaration of independence, and placed the royal family under house
arrest. Laos was in a state of complete confusion. Following the Japanese de-
feat Chinese nationalist soldiers occupied the north. British forces held the
south, while French government officials desperately tried to regain control of
their colony. Added to the equation was the Viet Nam Doc Lap Dong Minh
(“League for the Independence of Vietnam,” or Vietminh), the most powerful
movement in Indochina led by the Marxist revolutionary Nguyen Sinh Cung,
better known as Ho Chi Minh. Phetsarath hoped that the United States, the
world’s most important power in 1945, would support Lao independence.
Indeed, President Franklin Roosevelt had suggested this for all of Indochina
throughout the war. However, with his death in April 1945 and emerging
cold war tensions between Western powers and the Soviet Union, U.S. sup-
port was not forthcoming. Phetsarath feared that in the confusion the Viet-
namese would dominate Laos, but in 1945 the principal enemy was French
colonialism, so the Lao Issara and Vietminh formed an uneasy alliance.27
 A BRIEF HISTORY OF LAOS 33

Unlike the Vietminh, the Lao Issara was neither a communist nor a
communist-led organization, and it was based primarily in urban centers
among an educated elite. However, the Vietminh had great influence on the
Lao Issara. Vietnamese populations in Laos supported Vietminh nationalist
aspirations, if not communism. Moreover, some prominent Lao intellectuals
had joined its ranks during the war, including Phetsarath’s half brother Prince
Souvannaphong (Souphanouvong or Suphanuvong) (1909–1995). Named to
the Lao Issara government in 1945, he returned from Vietnam, where he
had married, studied, and developed strong communist convictions, which
earned him the nickname “Red Prince.” With support from the Vietminh,
between October 1945 and April 1946 he led Lao Issara forces against French
troops. Some bloody engagements ensued, particularly at Thakhek in March
1946, during which Souvannaphong was badly wounded.28 However, by
then the Lao Issara was a spent force. Ho Chi Minh and the Vietnamese
abandoned them in pursuit of a temporary diplomatic arrangement with
the French. Other prominent Lao, like the Champasak Prince Boun Oum
(Bunum) (1912–1980), joined forces with the French. Money and recruit-
ment dried up, and facing arrest, the Lao Issara leadership fled to Thailand,
where they were welcomed as anti-French propaganda tools. Phetsarath and
Souvannaphong followed to form a government in exile.
In August 1946 France reimplemented a constitutional monarchy in Laos
headed by King Sisavangvong. In partial payment for its support of the
Japanese during World War II, Bangkok agreed to return territory west of
the Mekong. This paved the way for national elections in Laos in Decem-
ber 1946, a new National Assembly, and a new constitution. Between 1947
and 1949 the French granted Laos greater autonomy, and with the offer of
a general amnesty many Lao Issara returned home. However, the movement
had splintered. One faction, led by Souvannaphong, rejected accommoda-
tion with the Thais and French and withdrew from the Lao Issara altogether
in 1949. Souvannaphong formed a new group called the Lao People’s Pro-
gressive Organization, later named the Neo Lao Issara (“Free Lao Front”) and
then the Neo Lao Hak Xat (NLHX, also the Lao Patriotic Front, or LPF),
which sought closer ties with the Vietminh. In 1950 it issued a manifesto
calling for a communist revolution in Laos, ending with the notation Pathet
Lao (“land of the Lao”), the name by which the group was best known. Wary
of the French, Phetsarath remained in Bangkok with a small following. He
hoped that by pursuing neutrality in the worsening cold war, an indepen-
dent Laos could survive internal divisions and avoid domination by either
the Vietnamese or Thais.29 He did not return until 1957, when the king
agreed to restore his title as uparat. Instead, leadership of the Lao Issara fell to
Souvanna Phouma (Suvanna Phuma) (1901–1984), a third half brother who
34 CULTURE AND CUSTOMS OF LAOS

became the country’s perennial prime minister over the subsequent twenty-
five years.
In February 1950 France surrendered more authority to the new Royal Lao
Government (RLG) and provided training and assistance for a national army.
In part this was a response to international developments that had significant
impact on Laos. First, in October 1949, the communist People’s Republic of
China (PRC) was proclaimed under Mao Zedong (Tse-tung). Then, in Jan-
uary 1950, the PRC and the Soviet Union recognized the communist Demo-
cratic Republic of Vietnam, or North Vietnam, headed by Ho Chi Minh, in
the midst of war with the French. In response the United States and Great
Britain recognized the independence of Laos and supported the French and
the Republic of Vietnam in the south. However, the Soviet Union blocked
Laos’s membership in the United Nations until 1955. Many nonaligned coun-
tries were reluctant to recognize it until full independence was granted. Laos’s
status took on added importance when, in June 1950, war broke out in Korea.
Washington viewed the struggle in Vietnam as part of a broader, international
effort to contain the expansion of communism. The war in Korea helped
make the link, and within weeks the administration of Harry S. Truman
(in office 1945–1953) committed aid to friendly states throughout Asia, in-
cluding Laos.30 With French and American tutelage Laos in the 1950s under-
went improvements in health care, education, agriculture, and transportation.
However, in many respects it was a nation in name only. There was little pop-
ular support for any political factions. Aside from Buddhism and a loose sense
of Lao history fabricated decades earlier, the people of Laos did not make a
nation. Nationhood came nonetheless. By 1954 the French admitted defeat
after eight years of war with the Vietminh, capped off by their humiliation at
Dien Bien Phu that May. Following the Geneva Conference the French began
withdrawing from Indochina. Laos gained full independence that December,
whether or not it was ready.

AMERICAN AID AND THE COMMUNIST ADVANCE

The fate of Laos as an independent nation was inextricably linked to Viet-
nam and the conflict that raged there for decades. Having established a state
in North Vietnam, Ho Chi Minh pursued a guerrilla war in the South aimed
to unify the country under communism. Laos played a strategic role in this
plan as a secret conduit for the movement of troops and provisions. As early as
1953 North Vietnamese troops operated in Phongsali, Hua Phan, and Xiang
Khuang provinces against the French. In effect they controlled these areas for
the next two decades. North Vietnam sponsored the creation of the Pathet
Lao movement and was instrumental in all its operations. The resistance
 A BRIEF HISTORY OF LAOS 35

government it established in the jungles of northern Laos included many

ethnic Vietnamese or those who, like Souvannaphong, spent the formative
years of their lives in Vietnam. Prominent among them was Kaysone
Phomvihane (Kaison Phomvihan) (1920–1992), a half-Vietnamese Lao who
had studied law in Hanoi. He became one of the first and few Lao members
of Ho’s Indochinese Communist Party in 1949 and later worked with the
Vietminh. In 1955 he became leader of the Lao People’s Party, the political
wing of the Pathet Lao. He was also the first prime minister and long-serving
president of communist Laos. Staunchly pro-Vietnamese, men like Kaysone
dominated the Pathet Lao and made it a tool of Hanoi.
Most scholars point out that communism had only a small following
among the Lao Lum. Strong religious convictions and support for monarchi-
cal rule made many Lao ambivalent at best. The Pathet Lao therefore recruited
heavily from ethnic minorities, capitalizing on their resentment toward the
RLG and most Lao Lum. Moreover, the Pathet Lao crafted a vision of the
communist state that incorporated the Lao Theung and Lao Sung, rather than
give them autonomous areas, which perpetuated division and exclusion.31
Following the Vietnamese model, the Pathet Lao also appealed to the people
through good works: building schools, developing rudimentary health-care
and education systems, and feeding peasants. Slowly they spread their influ-
ence in the Lao countryside throughout the 1950s.
In contrast, the RLG did little to extend its influence beyond the cities
and towns of the Lao Lum. It avoided questions about ethnic minorities and
focused instead on political consolidation. Government institutions such as
the police force and postal service were created. However, the Lao economy
remained critically underdeveloped. Nearly two million peasants lived at the
subsistence level. Unlike the Thai, Lao farmers were not part of any large-scale
agriculture, and food shortages, even in rice, were common. Opium produc-
tion, a major component of the national economy, curtailed at American in-
sistence, never filtered down to help those most needy. There was a lack of crit-
ical infrastructure in transportation and communications and few substantial
industries. Laos remained a backwater.
The United States hoped to change this by supporting the RLG in the early
1950s. The primary beneficiary was the fledgling Royal Lao Army (RLA),
which the Americans funded, trained, and directed in efforts to control out-
lying provinces where the Pathet Lao operated. However, there is no ques-
tion that American intentions were self-interested. The administrations of
Dwight Eisenhower (in office 1953–1961) and his successors over the fol-
lowing twenty years pursued the dominant notion in U.S. foreign policy that
communist expansion had to be stopped. This was particularly important
in the developing world, where many nations achieved independence from
36 CULTURE AND CUSTOMS OF LAOS

colonial masters and underwent profound political changes. Winning the

hearts and minds of people became the priority for U.S. foreign policy, es-
pecially given communist support for so-called wars of national liberation
against colonial empires. In this fashion the United States was gradually drawn
into the conflict in Vietnam: first in support of the French and then, as the
French withdrew, in defense of noncommunist South Vietnam. Laos was also
an important part of the puzzle. During the 1950s observers in Washington
saw Laos, not South Vietnam, as the focus of American efforts to contain
communism. In this light, Laos was the litmus test for U.S. credibility in the
region. It also was an obvious strategic buffer between North Vietnam, the
PRC, and the rest of Southeast Asia. Indeed, the Thais considered Laos a po-
tential dagger aimed for their hearts. They feared that, from Laos, Vietnamese
and/or Chinese communists could easily launch an offensive, supported by
ethnic Lao and Vietnamese in the Northeast.32
Strategic concerns, not humanitarian interests, drove U.S. aid to Laos,
which dramatically increased in the 1950s. Unfortunately, corruption and
government mismanagement meant that assistance often ended up in the
hands of black marketers, Chinese tradesmen, or the Lao political and eco-
nomic elite. Worse yet, the RLG became critically dependent on American
aid; by the 1960s, it existed only because of Washington’s largesse. In fact, be-
tween 1955 and 1963 Laos received more American aid per capita than any
other Southeast Asian country, including South Vietnam and Thailand. Most
of this was military aid, part of a larger defense program that sent American
personnel, equipment, and money throughout Asia. The net effect in Laos
was that elites were further reinforced. Family rivalries were entrenched even
more, leading to serious internal political problems. The RLA, which profited
most from American support, became a prominent player in Lao politics,
led by self-interested and notoriously corrupt commanders. In their efforts
to combat the activities of the North Vietnamese and their Pathet Lao allies
the United States also implemented an extensive network of covert opera-
tions, most based in northern Thailand, which made Laos part of a secret war
alongside the tragedy that unfolded in Vietnam.33

THE ILLUSION OF NEUTRALITY

Elections in December 1955 produced a new government under Souvanna
Phouma, who tried to bring all factions in Laos together. As cold war machi-
nations unfolded in his country, Souvanna Phouma was convinced that only
neutralism could save Laos. For the next two years he pursued negotiations
with his half brother, Souvannaphong, aimed to integrate the Pathet Lao
into government. In November 1957 an arrangement was made whereby two
 A BRIEF HISTORY OF LAOS 37

Pathet Lao members, one of them Souvannaphong, joined as ministers in

exchange for reassurances that Hua Phan and Phongsali provinces would be
returned to government control. Washington viewed this with great concern.
Many American officials, along with their Thai allies, considered Souvanna
Phouma naive in his dealings with the Pathet Lao, or worse, as a “crypto-
communist.”34 They worked first to prevent him from achieving his plan,
and then to undermine it once he succeeded. When national elections in
1958 showed surprising support for the NLHX, the Americans withdrew all
aid from Souvanna Phouma’s government and supported disaffected royal-
ists. The government collapsed, replaced by members of the newly created
Committee for the Defence of National Interests (CDNI), a right-wing front
sponsored by the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA).
Headed by Phoui Sananikone, the new government took office in Au-
gust, quickly declared martial law, and suspended the National Assembly.
Behind the scenes the CDNI was run by a CIA-appointed military strong-
man, Phoumi Nosavan (1920–1985), who was minister of defense. Souvanna
Phouma was sent away as Laos’s ambassador to France, while Souvannaphong
and other Pathet Lao leaders were arrested. Not satisfied with Phoui, in De-
cember 1959 Phoumi staged a military coup. He was not able to take power
himself, but maintained his hold on government and significantly intensified
factional politics in Laos. To make matters worse, in 1959 three of the most
respected politicians in the country died in rapid succession, all of natural
causes: Phetsarath, King Sisavangvong, and Katay Don Sasorith (Sasorit), an
early nationalist who was premier between 1954 and 1956.35 Hopes for a
peaceful resolution to internal conflict in Laos died too.
The Pathet Lao responded to the new government by redoubling efforts
among the people in the countryside. By 1960 an estimated 20 percent of
the country was under their control. They also managed the escape of Sou-
vannaphong and other detainees, who then made their legendary long march
through the jungles back to Pathet Lao headquarters. Other developments
also helped their cause. Following notoriously fraudulent elections earlier in
the year, in August 1960 a young army captain named Kong Le (Konglae)
(born 1934) led a surprising, bloodless takeover of Vientiane. He and his
men were angry with the CDNI for derailing neutralism and bringing more
violence to the country. With Phoumi in Luang Prabang to discuss funeral
ceremonies for King Sisavangvong with his successor, Savangvatthana (ruled
1955–1975), Kong Le forced the government to resign and demanded that
Souvanna Phouma be reappointed. No one, including American officials, ex-
pected the coup. Moreover, no one expected the enormous support Kong Le
received from the Lao public. He became an instant hero, a fact that illustrated
the depth of animosity in Laos toward most of its politicians.
38 CULTURE AND CUSTOMS OF LAOS

The Kong Le coup was another dramatic turning point in Lao history.
Souvanna Phouma returned to head a new government, without including
the CDNI. Opinions in Washington were mixed. Some feared that com-
munists had inspired the coup. However, others sympathized with Kong Le
and doubted the efficacy of supporting right-wing militarists in an attempt
to bring about peace. Yet U.S. official policy was only part of the equation.
In Thailand, the military government of Sarit Thanarat (Dhanarajata) (in of-
fice 1957–1963), himself half Lao and a cousin to Phoumi, responded with
an unofficial blockade of Laos, designed to collapse the new government in
Vientiane. He also secretly increased support for Phoumi in preparation for
a countercoup, aided by the CIA.36 An airlift of vital supplies into Laos or-
ganized by the Soviet Union drew international attention to the crisis and
embarrassed Washington. Officially, the Americans tried to broker a deal be-
tween factions, resuming aid programs to Souvanna Phouma’s government,
and distancing U.S. policy from Phoumi. Unofficially, they waited to see the
results of Phoumi’s attempts to take Laos by force: providing him with mu-
nitions, logistical support, and even U.S.-led Thai and Lao Special Forces to
get the job done.
Phoumi’s return came in December 1960, when CDNI forces clashed with
government troops in Vientiane. Over two weeks of fierce fighting nearly
six hundred people were killed. The capital was heavily damaged. Souvanna
Phouma fled to Cambodia, where he denounced U.S. policy and blamed it for
the violence in his country. Other government officials sought refuge in North
Vietnam or, like Kong Le, joined forces with the Pathet Lao in the north-
ern provinces. A new government under Boun Oum was formed. However,
any hopes that Phoumi could gain control beyond Vientiane were quickly
dashed. His troops were themselves divided by factional politics. More im-
portant, they were an ineffective fighting force. Even with clandestine U.S.
and Thai support they were no match for the Vietnamese-led Pathet Lao, who
received help from their Soviet and Chinese allies. By early 1961 a stalemate
ensued.
Various suggestions for international negotiations followed, but the real
turning point came not in Vientiane but in Washington. In January 1961
John F. Kennedy (in office 1961–1963) took over the U.S. presidency and
developed a different approach on Laos. He did not share his predecessor’s
conviction that Laos was so important to American credibility in Southeast
Asia, let alone the world, and, consequently, he threw his support behind the
neutralists. However, at exactly the same time Kennedy implemented an un-
official second-track policy aimed to increase covert operations in Laos and
Vietnam. He also prepared for a possible escalation of American military in-
volvement in Southeast Asia. Kennedy believed that neutralism in Laos was
 A BRIEF HISTORY OF LAOS 39

the best solution to the crisis, but he was not prepared to compromise friendly
anticommunist regimes in Thailand or South Vietnam to achieve it.37
Anxious to avoid the entrenchment of a large U.S. military presence in
the region, the Soviet Union responded positively to the official line. After
considerable resistance, it managed to convince the Pathet Lao and North
Vietnamese to negotiate, leading to the Geneva Conference on Laos begin-
ning in March 1961. Periodic talks between factions continued for a full year.
Then, in March 1962, fighting between Phoumi’s men and Pathet Lao units
broke out near the town of Luang Nam Tha (Namtha) in northern Laos.
Many suspect that Phoumi instigated the fighting, but he and the Thais ap-
pealed to Washington that this was a precursor to an invasion of Laos by Viet-
namese or even Chinese forces. As Phoumi’s troops retreated into Thailand,
Sarit, threatening to intervene, ordered Thai soldiers to the Mekong River.
Kennedy ordered the 7th Fleet to the Gulf of Thailand and deployed several
thousand U.S. soldiers in the northeast close to the Lao-Thai border. It was
the first overt deployment of American troops in Southeast Asia since the end
of World War II. Even though they were quickly withdrawn, two months later
Kennedy pledged support to Thailand beyond their alliance in the Southeast
Asia Treaty Organization (SEATO) in the event of communist aggression.
For Phoumi, however, this was the end of the road. The Americans saw him
as a diplomatic liability and a military failure. With no external support, he
reluctantly agreed to the talks and a final arrangement had been devised by
July.
Nineteen articles in the 1962 Geneva agreements on Laos specified exactly
how neutrality was to be implemented and safeguarded. Unfortunately, it is
debatable whether the factions and their foreign sponsors had any intention
of honoring them. For example, neither the Americans nor the Vietnamese
were anxious to withdraw their soldiers or advisers as required. Although most
U.S. military personnel temporarily withdrew in late 1962, an estimated seven
thousand North Vietnamese ground troops totally ignored the proviso. De-
spite agreements on things like prisoner exchange, the sides remained deeply
suspicious of one another, and factions continued to jockey for influence al-
most as the coalition Government of National Union (centered on Souvanna
Phouma, Souvannaphong, and Boun Oum) was announced.
Historians debate whether U.S. support for a neutral Laos was genuine.
Some argue it was the best that could be achieved given the strategic con-
ditions in the country that favored the communists. Others contend that
neutralism worked on flawed assumptions that the Soviet Union, rather than
North Vietnam, was the real power broker behind the Pathet Lao, and that
the communists had intentions of honoring any accord. Still others quote
U.S. General Maxwell Taylor, who characterized the Geneva agreements
40 CULTURE AND CUSTOMS OF LAOS

on Laos as a “tacit understanding” between the two sides that the country
would not be the major theater of struggle—that would instead take place in
Vietnam.38
With such a shaky foundation, the Government of National Union was not
long to survive. In early 1963 communists assassinated several prominent fig-
ures in the neutralist camp. Fearing reprisals, Souvannaphong fled the capital,
in effect dissolving the coalition. In April the Pathet Lao launched an offen-
sive against Kong Le’s forces, eliminating them as a military player. For more
than a year Souvanna Phouma tried desperately to keep the coalition alive by
meeting with Souvannaphong and his supporters in Beijing and Hanoi. Ex-
hausted and frustrated, he announced his intention to resign in April 1964.
Phoumi took the opportunity to launch yet another coup and arrest Souvanna
Phouma. However, sharp condemnation from the United States, as well as
from the Lao king, undermined the move. Souvanna Phouma returned to
office with the full support of Washington, but the coalition was shattered.
Moreover, by the end of 1964 the fate of Laos rested more with the war in
Vietnam than it did with politics in Vientiane.

THE SECRET WAR IN LAOS

President Lyndon B. Johnson (in office 1963–1969) escalated U.S. involve-

ment in Southeast Asia significantly with the bombing of North Vietnam be-
ginning in August 1964 and the deployment of ground troops in the South
starting in March 1965. The U.S. military involvement there lasted until
1973, by which point more than fifty-eight thousand Americans and up to
five million Vietnamese had been killed, the majority of them civilians. Many
of the American bombing missions were flown out of Thailand directly over
Laos, which put it in the middle of the conflict. However, most people out-
side the country did not realize that Laos was also a target. The Americans
and their Thai allies had flown covert aerial support for Phoumi’s forces for
years, and in 1964 they began similar cover for Lao government troops with
the blessing of Souvanna Phouma. Confronted with irrefutable evidence that
the communists were in violation of the Geneva agreements, he allowed for
U.S. combat aircraft to fly in defense of reconnaissance missions. As the op-
erations escalated, the RLG voiced concerns about U.S. planes firing on the
Pathet Lao, but in the face of a growing communist threat and periodic coup
attempts by the right wing, Souvanna Phouma was critically dependent on the
United States. In late 1964 he authorized armed reconnaissance flights over
Laos, which in effect gave the U.S. military unlimited authority to prosecute
its air war. The principal target was North Vietnamese supply lines crossing
into eastern Laos and then into South Vietnam: known as the Ho Chi Minh
 A BRIEF HISTORY OF LAOS 41

trail. As fighting intensified in Vietnam, the communists also used Laos as a

sanctuary, a training ground, and a logistical base. Washington’s solution for
this problem was simple: winning the war in Vietnam required the destruction
of large parts of Laos.
Over a nearly nine-year period the Americans did exactly that, running an
average of 177 sorties a day that dropped a total of nearly 2.1 million tons of
bombs on Laos: more than in all of Europe during World War II, or roughly
one planeload every eight minutes, every day, for nine years. At that pace, by
1973 more than a half ton of bombs had been dropped per person for everyone
living in the country. As a result, Laos has the unfortunate burden of being
the most heavily bombed country in the world. Some 260 million cluster
bomblets, each the size of a tennis ball, littered Laos. Nearly one-third failed to
go off. Known as “bombies” in Laos, today there are an estimated 86 million
of them unexploded. They claim lives on a regular basis.39 Since 1975, an
estimated five thousand people have been killed and seven thousand wounded
by ordnance in Laos from the Vietnam War era. Given the remoteness of many
towns and villages the numbers could be much higher. Experts believe that
approximately 40 percent of the victims are children. Chemical defoliants
and herbicides, like the famous Agent Orange, were also used in Laos with
catastrophic effect on people and the environment. With the support of the
American embassy in Vientiane the CIA orchestrated the bulk of the missions,
careful to conceal them to the public. Few listened to the North Vietnamese
or Pathet Lao radio broadcasts that covered the attacks. In fact, it was not until
after secret hearings from the 1969 Senate Foreign Relations Committee were
made public that anyone knew about the bombings in supposedly neutral
Laos. Still, as the war in Vietnam worsened, Laos remained a principal target
for another three years.
Bombing was not the extent of the secret war either. As early as 1959
American trainers were in Laos to develop an effective guerrilla force against
the communists. By 1961 the CIA and U.S. Special Forces had assembled a
nearly ten-thousand-strong armée clandestine that included soldiers from the
RLG alongside Thai volunteers and numerous ethnic minorities, nearly half of
them Hmong. Fighting for foreigners was nothing new for the Hmong. When
Laos was a colony, some had worked with the French to put down rebellions.
Others led those rebellions. Similarly, during World War II the Hmong were
divided between those who supported the Japanese and those who fought
for the Allies. The Vietnam War era was no different. Just as the Pathet Lao
and their North Vietnamese sponsors recruited heavily among the Lao Sung,
so did the Americans.
However, Washington had an advantage in Vang Pao (born 1931), a
Hmong officer in the RLG who began his career as a teenager, fighting with
42 CULTURE AND CUSTOMS OF LAOS

the French against Japanese occupation. By the early 1960s he had distin-
guished himself with the Americans for his courage and skill fighting the
Pathet Lao. The CIA groomed him as the most prominent Hmong comman-
der in the war. Starting with only a few hundred men, by the end of 1960s he
led an army of nearly twenty thousand, including Lao regular soldiers, Thai
volunteers, Hmong, Khmou, Yao, and other minorities. Most were based in
villages scattered in the mountains throughout territory held by the Pathet
Lao. His forces were extremely proficient in guerrilla warfare and inflicted
serious damage on communist forces. Vang Pao’s units also aided the Ameri-
cans through search-and-rescue operations, communications intelligence, lo-
gistical support, transportation, and flying aircraft.40 By many accounts Vang
Pao’s forces were the only real obstacle preventing the communists from taking
Laos much earlier than they did. Understanding this fact, the CIA developed
a massive operation around his secret army that stands today as the largest
and most costly covert paramilitary plan that the United States ever imple-
mented. Vang Pao’s remote mountain headquarters at Long Cheng, halfway
between Vientiane and the Plain of Jars, became a ramshackle city. With all
of the flights required for its supply and for missions elsewhere in Laos and
Vietnam, most run by the CIA’s top-secret Air America, Long Cheng was
home to some of the busiest runways in the world. As some scholars contend,
it also became the center of a large opium trade used to help fund Vang Pao’s
army.
Given its importance, the communists targeted Long Cheng, and in early
1968, they launched a major assault as part of the famous Tet Offensive in
South Vietnam. Heavy fighting ensued for more than a year, turning the Plain
of Jars into a battlefield. An estimated 150,000 refugees fled the area, many
dependent on American relief aid for their survival. To sustain Vang Pao in his
fight, deemed absolutely essential for the survival of the RLG and the Amer-
ican war effort in Vietnam, Washington dramatically increased bombing. In
the first few months of 1969 daily missions over Laos escalated from twenty a
day to between two hundred and three hundred. However, seeking shelter in
caves and mountain hideouts, the communists continued their advance. Vang
Pao’s army bore the brunt of it until peace talks in 1973 brought an official
end to the American war in Vietnam. An estimated 20 percent of the Hmong
population alone died in the process.41 Tens of thousands of ethnic minorities
were made refugees. Perhaps even more tragic and amazing is that some never
gave up the fight. Even after the Americans abandoned them, they continued
the struggle against the communists. In fact, as discussed subsequently, some
still operate today, hopeful that the United States and the rest of the world
have not forgotten them.
 A BRIEF HISTORY OF LAOS 43

The legacy of “the Secret War”: unexploded bomb. Courtesy of Martine Duprey.

THE COMMUNIST TAKEOVER

In February 1971, South Vietnamese forces invaded southern Laos with
U.S. support in another attempt to control the Ho Chi Minh trail. They were
forced to retreat within a few months. The U.S. withdrawal from Vietnam
beginning in 1973 sealed the fate of the RLG. Negotiations with the Pathet
Lao led to the formation of the so-called Provisional Government of National
Union that incorporated the communists, but with the departure of the last
American “advisers” in June 1974, it was just a matter of time. The fall of Cam-
bodia and South Vietnam to communist forces, both in April 1975, encour-
aged the Pathet Lao to launch one last military offensive against the RLG, and
by August of that year they had occupied Vientiane. Tens of thousands fled in
advance of their arrival. However, unlike in Cambodia and South Vietnam,
the takeover itself was relatively bloodless, and initially at least, there were few
reprisals against the defeated. In November the new Lao People’s Democratic
Republic (LPDR or Lao PDR) was established, with Kaysone Phomvihane as
prime minister (in office 1975–1992) and Souvannaphong as president. Sou-
vanna Phouma was made a special adviser, a job in which his first task was
44 CULTURE AND CUSTOMS OF LAOS

to broker the resignation of King Savangvatthana. All other political parties

were abolished as Laos officially became a communist state.
Within a few months the new regime began brutalizing the people. All in-
dependent media organizations were closed, businesses were shut down, and
schools became the exclusive domain of the Communist Party. Longtime res-
idents of Vientiane noted that the capital appeared as if it had gone back in
time; it lost any sense of vibrancy or modernity. In no small way this was be-
cause of the flood of people who continued to flee the new regime. Within a
few years more than four hundred thousand had left—10 percent of the en-
tire population—first for sprawling refugee camps in Thailand, and then, for
some, resettlement abroad. Most of Laos’s educated were among the exodus,
leaving the country with few professionals to run what little infrastructure
there was. Economic collapse followed, made worse by disastrous policies de-
signed to collectivize agriculture and obliterate private enterprise. The cultural
revolution, carried out under the auspices of the NLHX, eliminated foreign
influences and implemented a host of new standards by which the population
was expected to live. Literature, art, and music not authorized by the state
were banned. Extravagant clothing, makeup, and even certain hairstyles were
prohibited. Given its central place in Lao culture and society, Buddhism also
came under communist control. The United Buddhist Association was created
to work with government ministries to politicize the clergy (sangha) and dic-
tate rituals of the faith.42 Worst of all, many people were forced into samana,
political reeducation camps from which some never returned. This included
King Savangvatthana and most of his family, sent off in 1977. He, the queen,
and the crown prince are believed to have died in detention. Although little
is known about the extent of the camps or its victims, approximately forty
thousand people are thought to have spent time in them.43
The new regime also focused on ethnic minorities. Publicly, the government
portrayed the Lao Lum, Lao Theung, or Lao Sung as a united people in sup-
port of the communist revolution. Behind the scenes, however, it ruthlessly
punished those groups that had fought against the Pathet Lao. It also main-
tained military campaigns against those who refused to surrender. Although
Vang Pao fled the country, eventually seeking exile in the United States, many
of his troops remained. Some of them supported the Chao Fa, or “Soldiers of
God,” who led opposition to the new government in Vientiane. Much like
Ong Kaeo at the turn of the twentieth century, Chao Fa’s leader Yong Shong
Lue developed a religious cult around him, as they were convinced he was
a savior of, primarily, the Hmong people. In 1977 the Lao PDR launched
an offensive against him with the aid of thirty thousand Vietnamese sol-
diers, heavy bombing, and rumored use of chemical weapons. Many claim
that government soldiers engaged in indiscriminate killing of women and
 A BRIEF HISTORY OF LAOS 45

children. Within a year the Chao Fa had been broken, but, remarkably, pock-
ets of armed resistance continue right up to today.
Despite these brutalities, many scholars point out that Laos never witnessed
the atrocities seen under communism in Cambodia or Vietnam. Some argue
that this is because the Lao people are just not as naturally violent as others
in the region. Others point out that after decades of factionalism and the
long civil war, the new leaders wanted to put an end to the turmoil short of
exterminating their enemy, genuinely believing that communism was the only
vehicle that could achieve national unity. It is possible too that some of the
communist leadership worried about the prospect of Vietnamese domination,
and so it moved to distinguish the Lao PDR through any means, including the
extent of state repression. It may also have been different because of Kaysone,
who by most accounts was a fairly pragmatic leader.
This can best be seen through his economic and foreign policies beginning
in the late 1970s. He acknowledged the failures of collectivization and as early
as 1979 implemented changes. Long before the dramatic economic reforms
of Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev in the Soviet Union or Deng Xiaoping in
the PRC, Kaysone abandoned a purely communist model in favor of market
socialism. The capstone of this was the unveiling of his jintannakan mai, or
new thinking policies, in late 1986, which facilitated limited free enterprise.
With respect to foreign affairs, Kaysone learned that ideology could be sim-
ilarly problematic. Although relations with Thailand remained tumultuous,
even leading to brief border conflicts in 1977, 1984, and 1988, Kaysone grad-
ually improved bilateral ties. In part this was because of Laos’s exclusion from
world affairs and its dependency on Vietnam, which, following its invasion
of Cambodia in 1978 and subsequent war with the PRC in 1979 and 1980,
had become an international pariah. Kaysone also worked on improving Lao-
Chinese relations, which reached a dismal low during the Sino-Vietnamese
War. After many setbacks, better ties with Bangkok and Beijing ultimately
gave the Lao PDR an opportunity to move out from under the shadow of
Vietnamese domination and stimulate a near-dead economy through foreign
investment.
Corresponding political reforms were not as forthcoming, as Kaysone
maintained an iron grip on one-party rule. However, the samana were grad-
ually closed and many restrictions had been lifted by the end of the 1980s.
Religious controls were loosened, and in fact Buddhism was promoted as the
cornerstone of Lao national unity. Kaysone even began clamping down on
notorious government inefficiency and corruption. In 1991 a new constitu-
tion came into effect, reinstating rights to private property and guaranteeing
basic civil liberties. Although the communists retained the only legal politi-
cal party in the country, Kaysone reduced its control over the state and took
46 CULTURE AND CUSTOMS OF LAOS

away some of its symbolic power by changing national monuments and less-
ening ideological rhetoric.44 By the time he died in 1992, Laos was again a
fundamentally different place. His successors continued the reforms and over-
saw the country’s reintegration to the world community. In 1994 the symbolic
Friendship Bridge opened over the Mekong near Vientiane linking Laos and
Thailand. Then, in 1997, Laos was admitted to the Association of Southeast
Asian Nations (ASEAN), finally joining the family of nations in Southeast
Asia.

THE LAO PDR TODAY

Unquestionably Laos’ opening up has improved its economic situation and,
overall, led to a less restrictive regime. However, it remains among the world’s
poorest nations, heavily dependent on foreign aid. In attempts to move away
from the control of Vietnam, Laos has in many respects come to be dominated
by Thailand instead. Thailand not only is a major economic player but also is
the primary source for all media flowing into Laos. Although some Lao admire
and respect the Thais for their progress, after decades of isolation many Lao
have a difficult time adapting to Thai cultural influences, which they con-
sider offensive, corrupt, and immoral. Outside influences are also changing
the nature of politics and governance in Laos. The need to work within the
framework of ASEAN, the United Nations, and a host of aid agencies con-
tinues to shape the thinking of Lao leaders, but whether they can keep up
with the expectations of people increasingly exposed to foreign ideas remains
a question. This is particularly acute given the steady return of Lao and ethnic
minorities back into the country, some after decades living abroad, and an
increasingly young population that does not remember the revolution with
the same enthusiasm as their parents. Communist leaders have responded by
trying to shape cultural traditions and historical memory, in effect creating
a national identity that reinvents Laos as a kind of hybrid between ancient
traditions and more than thirty years of Marxist rule.45
Recent developments show that the current regime is still prepared to use
force to maintain its control. Although less obvious than they were previ-
ously, human rights abuses continue against political opponents and ethnic
minorities. Many Lao Sung, and especially the Hmong, face not only routine
discrimination and economic marginalization but also directed violence
aimed to eliminate a sporadic insurgency that has carried on for three decades.
Despite the fact that several thousand desperate Hmong resistance fighters
turned themselves in to Lao authorities in 2006 and 2007, the guerrilla
campaign continues, and so do violent government reprisals. In June 2007
there were even rumors of Vang Pao’s return. A plot to buy nearly US$10
million of illegal guns, rockets, and munitions for Hmong fighters in Laos
 A BRIEF HISTORY OF LAOS 47

was uncovered in the United States, implicating Vang Pao. Arrested, indicted,
and released on bail, he awaits trial on federal charges that could send him and
others accused to prison for life. The Lao PDR has called it great news and por-
trayed Vang Pao as a terrorist, while Hmong communities, particularly those
in the United States, have denounced the whole affair and used it to highlight
the abandonment of the Hmong and their continuing ill treatment.46 The
incident reveals how tenuous the notion of a national identity in Laos
remains and how a complicated history continues to affect the country today.

NOTES
1. Arne Kislenko, Culture and Customs of Thailand (Westport, CT: Greenwood
Press, 2004), 33.
2. Peter Simms and Sanda Simms. The Kingdoms of Laos: Six Hundred Years of
History (Richmond, UK: Curzon Press, 1999), 4–5. See also Jeff Cranmer and Steve
Martin, Rough Guide to Laos (London: Rough Guides, 2002), 328–329.
3. Martin Stuart-Fox, “On the Writing of Lao History,” in Breaking New Ground
in Lao History: Essays on the Seventh to Twentieth Centuries, ed. Mayoury Ngaosyvathn
and Kennon Breazeale (Chiang Mai, Thailand: Silkworm Books, 2002), 2–3. See also
Grant Evans, A Short History of Laos: The Land in Between (Crows Nest, Australia:
Allen and Unwin, 2002), 6.
4. Martin Stuart-Fox, A History of Laos (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
1997), 9.
5. Cranmer and Martin, Rough Guide, 330–331.
6. Stuart-Fox, History of Laos, 10.
7. Simms and Simms, Kingdoms of Laos, 47–48.
8. Martin Stuart-Fox, The Lao Kingdom of Lan Xang: Rise and Decline (Bangkok:
White Lotus, 1998), 90–97.
9. Evans, Short History, 16.
10. Stuart-Fox, History of Laos, 12–13.
11. Mayoury and Pheuiphanh Ngaosyvathn, “Early European Impressions of the
Lao,” in Breaking New Ground in Lao History: Essays on the Seventh to Twentieth Cen-
turies, ed. Mayoury Ngaosyvathn and Kennon Breazeale (Chiang Mai, Thailand: Silk-
worm Books, 2002), 105–108, 154.
12. Evans, Short History, 20–24. See also Mayoury and Pheuiphanh Ngaosyvathn,
“Early European Impressions,” 108.
13. Evans, Short History, 20–24.
14. Rong Syamananda, A History of Thailand, 5th ed. (Bangkok: Thai Watana
Panich, 1986), 4–9.
15. Stuart-Fox, History of Laos, 14–15. See also Evans, Short History, 26–29; Simms
and Simms, Kingdoms of Laos, 129–130.
16. Mayoury Ngaosyvathn, Paths to Conflagration: Fifty Years of Diplomacy and
Warfare in Laos, Thailand, and Vietnam, 1778–1828 (Ithaca, NY: Southeast Asian
Program Publications, Cornell University Press, 1998), 190–201.
48 CULTURE AND CUSTOMS OF LAOS

17. Stuart-Fox, History of Laos, 15.

18. Evans, Short History, 30–31, 37. See also Grant Evans, “Different Paths: Lao
Historiography in Historical Perspective,” in Contesting Visions of the Lao Past: Lao
Historiography at the Crossroads, ed. Christopher Goscha and Soren Ivarsson (Copen-
hagen: Nordic Institute of Asian Studies, 2003), 103–108.
19. Evans, Short History, 34.
20. Clare Griffiths, ed., Insight Guides: Laos and Cambodia (London: Apa Publi-
cations, 2005), 32–34. See also Tongchai Winichakul, Siam Mapped: A History of the
Geo-Body of a Nation (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1994).
21. Volker Grabowsky, “Chiang Kaeng 1893–1896: A Lue Principality in the Up-
per Mekong Valley at the Centre of the Franco-British Rivalry,” in Contesting Visions
of the Lao Past: Lao Historiography at the Crossroads, ed. Christopher Goscha and Soren
Ivarsson (Copenhagen: Nordic Institute of Asian Studies, 2003), 46–50.
22. Stuart-Fox, History of Laos, 24–25, 33–37.
23. Evans, Short History of Laos, 55–58.
24. Martin Stuart-Fox, “Historiography, Power and Identity: Historical and Polit-
ical Legitimization in Laos,” in Contesting Visions of the Lao Past: Lao Historiography
at the Crossroads, ed. Christopher Goscha and Soren Ivarsson (Copenhagen: Nordic
Institute of Asian Studies, 2003), 82–85. See also Craig J. Reynolds, Seditious His-
tories: Contesting Thai and Southeast Asian Pasts (Seattle: University of Washington
Press, 2006), 255–260.
25. See E. Bruce Reynolds, Thailand and Japan’s Southern Advance 1940–1945
(New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1994).
26. Vatthana Polsena, Post-War Laos: The Politics of Culture, History, and Identity,
66–70. See also Bruce E. Lockhart, “Narrating 1945 in Lao Historiography,” in Con-
testing Visions of the Lao Past: Lao Historiography at the Crossroads, ed. Christopher
Goscha and Soren Ivarsson (Copenhagen: Nordic Institute of Asian Studies, 2003),
129–164.
27. Evans, Short History, 82–86. See also Soren Ivarsson and Christopher E.
Goscha, “Nationalism and Royalty in the Making of Modern Laos,” Journal of South-
east Asian Studies 38, no. 1 (February 2007): 55–81.
28. Geoffrey Gunn, Political Struggles in Laos 1930–1954 (Bangkok: Editions
Duangkamol, 1988), 120–127.
29. Stuart-Fox, History of Laos, 66–74.
30. Daniel Fineman, A Special Relationship: The United States and Military Govern-
ment in Thailand, 1947–1958 (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1997), 230–
248.
31. Stuart-Fox, History of Laos, 74–82.
32. Arne Kislenko, “The Vietnam War, Thailand and the U.S.,” in Trans-Pacific
Relations: America, Europe, and Asia in the Twentieth Century, ed. Yoneyuki Sugita,
Jon Davidann, and Richard Jensen (Westport, CT: Praeger Publishers, 2003), 220–
222.
33. Arne Kislenko, “A Not So Silent Partner: Thailand’s Role in Covert Operations,
Counter-Insurgency, and the Wars in Indochina,” Journal of Conflict Studies 25, no.
1 (Summer 2004): 65–96. See also Timothy N. Castle, At War in the Shadow of
 A BRIEF HISTORY OF LAOS 49

Vietnam: U.S. Military Aid to the Royal Lao Government, 1955–1973 (New York:
Columbia University Press, 1993), 70–74.
34. Arne Kislenko, “Perhaps Vietnam: John F. Kennedy and Thailand,” in John F.
Kennedy and the Thousand Days: New Perspectives on the Foreign and Domestic Poli-
cies of the Kennedy Administration, ed. Manfred Berg and Andreas Etges (Heidelberg:
Universitätsverlag Winter Heidelberg, 2007), 122–123.
35. Stuart-Fox, History of Laos, chap. 4. See also Evans, Short History, 106–120.
36. Norman B. Hannah, The Key to Failure: Laos and the Vietnam War (Lanham,
MD: Madison Books, 1987), 10–13.
37. Arne Kislenko, “Perhaps Vietnam: John F. Kennedy and Thailand,” in John F.
Kennedy and the Thousand Days: New Perspectives on the Foreign and Domestic Policies
of the Kennedy Administration, ed. Manfred Berg and Andreas Etges (Heidelberg: Uni-
versitätsverlag Winter Heidelberg, 2007), 121–151. See also Noam Kochavi, “Lim-
ited Accommodation, Perpetuated Conflict: Kennedy, China, and the Laos Crisis,
1961–1963,” Diplomatic History 26, no. 1 (Winter 2002): 95–135.
38. Stuart-Fox, History of Laos, 118–126.
39. See Christopher Robbins, Ravens: The Men Who Flew in America’s Secret War in
Laos (New York: Crown Publishers, 1987); Roger Warner, Backfire: The CIA’s Secret
War in Laos and Its Links to the War in Vietnam (New York: Simon and Schuster,
1995).
40. See Timothy N. Castle, One Day Too Long: Top Secret Site 85 and the Bombing
of North Vietnam (New York: Columbia University Press, 1999).
41. See Keith Quincy, Harvesting Pa Chay’s Wheat: The Hmong and America’s Se-
cret War in Laos (Spokane: Eastern Washington University, 2000); Jane Hamilton-
Merritt, Tragic Mountains: The Hmong, the Americans, and the Secret Wars for Laos,
1942–1992 (Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 1993).
42. Evans, Short History, 174–183. See also Grant Evans, The Politics of Ritual
and Remembrance: Laos Since 1975 (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1998),
49–70.
43. See Nakhonkham Bouphanouvong. Sixteen Years in the Land of Death: Revo-
lution and Reeducation in Laos (Bangkok: White Lotus Press, 2003).
44. Evans, Short History, chap. 5; Stuart-Fox, History of Laos, chap. 6. See also
Ronald Bruce St. John, Revolution, Reform and Regionalism in Southeast Asia: Cambo-
dia, Laos, and Vietnam (New York: Routledge, 2005), chaps. 3–4.
45. Evans, The Politics of Ritual and Remembrance. See also Martin Stuart-Fox, Bud-
dhist Kingdom, Marxist State: The Making of Modern Laos (Bangkok: White Lotus
Press, 1996); Shigeharu Tanabe and Charles F. Keyes, eds., Cultural Crisis and Social
Memory: Modernity and Identity in Thailand and Laos (London: Routledge Curzon,
2002).
46. Kate McGeown, “Laos’ Forgotten Hmong,” July 2, 2003, BBC News On-
line, http://news.bbc.co.uk (retrieved January 2007). See also “Hmong Refugees
in Thailand: a Population in Danger,” Doctors without Borders (Médecins Sans
Frontières), June 29, 2007, www.msf.org.uk/news.aspx (retrieved July 2007); Tim
Weiner, “General Vang Pao’s Last War,” New York Times Magazine, May 11, 2008,
nytimes.com/2008/05/11/magazine (retrieved June 2, 2008).
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 3

Religion and Thought

BUDDHISM
The dominant religion in Laos is Buddhism, accounting for roughly
60 percent of the population. Buddhism came to Laos via traders and mis-
sionaries from India and spread over the course of several centuries, beginning
in the seventh century c.e. By the eleventh and twelfth centuries c.e. it had
taken firm root, and by the mid-fourteenth century it had become the dom-
inant religion in Lan Xang. It became the official religion of the kingdom in
the early sixteenth century and remained so in the separate divisions of Lan
Xang following its collapse. It was also the official faith of Laos under French
rule and as an independent country.
Following their takeover in 1975 the communists tried to undermine and
control the Buddhist clergy but met with limited success. Whereas in Cam-
bodia Buddhism was ruthlessly suppressed with the destruction of temples
and the execution of monks, in Laos the communists opted instead to toler-
ate and indeed co-opt the faith as part of the Lao national identity. Just one
year after coming to power, the communists reversed earlier bans on teach-
ing about Buddhism in school, feeding monks through traditional alms, and
forcing the sangha to work. Shortly thereafter the government began providing
monks with alms itself. In what was seen as a major concession to the religion,
in 1992 the Lao DPR changed its national flag by removing the communist
hammer and sickle and replacing it with an image of That Luang: one of the
most important Buddhist symbols in the country. Today the government’s
52 CULTURE AND CUSTOMS OF LAOS

The Golden Buddha in Vientiane. Courtesy of

Christina Smit.

Department of Religious Affairs oversees monastic training and liturgy but

has allowed more autonomy to the clergy, so long as it continues to “con-
form” with Marxist principles. There are still prohibitions on the worship of
spirits (discussed in a subsequent section) and certain monastic sects, like the
Thammayut, a sect founded in Thailand and long considered by Lao commu-
nists to be a tool of Thai political and cultural influences in Laos. However,
even these are subject to recent changes. Enforcement of the law forbidding
spirit worship is weak, and regulations restricting Thai language religious ma-
terials have all but disappeared. Now many Lao monks even go to Thailand
for training.1 Overall, with the relaxation of communist rule, Buddhism has
flourished and become a major component of everyday life in the country.
Buddhism is the fourth-largest religion in the world, claiming more than
three hundred million adherents. It originated in northern India in the sixth
century b.c.e. as a reform movement within Hinduism when a prince named
Siddhartha Gautama renounced his royalty and began a personal odyssey in
search of the meaning of life. He traveled around India developing a new
 RELIGION AND THOUGHT 53

philosophy that rejected material possessions, hierarchies, and formalities.

He also acquired a following of people who considered him a holy man.
According to articles of the faith, he endured many hardships before achieving
nibbana (nirvana): a state of enlightenment free from worldly demands and
desires. Taken from Sanskrit, nibbana literally means “to stop blowing” or “to
extinguish.” Rather than being a heaven, nibbana is a state of mind in which
all the emotions and passions of human existence are transcended by a pure
peace or ultimate happiness. Having achieved this state, Siddhartha Gautama
was renamed Buddha, which means “one who has awaken.” Following his
death in 483 b.c.e. his followers began recording his teachings and spiritual
journeys, and they formed the Tipitaka (Tripitaka), or scriptural basis of
Buddhism.
Buddhist teachings center on the dhamma (dharma) or “truth.” According
to the Buddha there are three dimensions to all life: the dukkha (unhappiness,
pain, or suffering), anicca (impermanence), and anatta (a state without ego).
Basically anicca is the notion that nothing lasts forever. The desire to think
that things do last forever and that objects, ideas, or personal experiences
can survive leads to dukkha. The final realization that nothing is permanent
is anatta. Buddhists believe that we go through these dimensions in five
skandhas, a Sanskrit word that means “bundles” or “heaps,” which shape
the mind and ego. These are form, perception, concept, consciousness, and
feeling. When humans are born there is no ego, but because the world around
us is so complex, we develop a sense of form, mostly out of feeling threatened.
Ideas and experiences that come out of this form are our perceptions, which
we try to label, categorize, or otherwise identify through concepts. The
consciousness comes when we realize and accept our egos, and this in turn
generates emotions or feelings that are the actions of realization.
The skandhas lead humans to six realms of thought. First, we try to possess
things. Our want becomes addictive and in effect comes to haunt us. This is
called the hungry ghost realm. The animal realm is where we act to protect
ourselves or get what we want out of fear, ignorance, and ego. The hell realm
is one in which confusion and pain torments us because our actions are often
frustrated. This is followed by the jealous God realm, in which we develop
pride, envy, and mistrust, defining ourselves through competition, external
gratification, and the opinion of others. Next comes the God realm, which is
in fact a trick, an illusion that forces us back through the other realms to basic
existence to begin the journey again. Buddha taught that only in the human
realm do people find their true selves and attain liberation.2
From the skandhas come the four noble truths of Buddhist teachings. First,
Buddha taught that all forms of existence have dukkha. Second, he identi-
fied tanha (“want,” or more literally “grasping”) that caused dukkha. Third,
54 CULTURE AND CUSTOMS OF LAOS

Buddha said that by abandoning the cause or source of one’s dukkha, the
tanha will stop. Fourth, Buddha laid out an eightfold path, the Atthangika-
Magga or Magga, to achieve this that included having the right understanding,
intentions, speech, discipline, livelihood, effort, mindfulness, and concentra-
tion; this is often collectively referred to as the Middle Way because the paths
avoid emotional extremes. The parts of the path each correspond to pillars of
the Buddhist practice: panna (wisdom), sila (morality), and samadhi (concen-
tration). Through these practices Buddhists attempt to rise above a material
view of life and transform their characters. Ultimately, if successful in the prac-
tice, they will achieve nibbana, which is where absolute truth and the end of
all suffering is found.3 More than just being a religion, the adherents of Bud-
dhism consider it a way of life. How it is practiced every day and how one
views the world are in fact the faith itself.
Like other major religions Buddhism does have rules. The sila contains five
major precepts or principles that include prohibitions against killing, steal-
ing, lying, promiscuity, and the consumption of alcohol and drugs. Buddhists
believe that only through a moral life can one develop panna. Karma is the
notion that all our actions affect our morality and, consequently, our search
for nibbana. Because there is no permanence, and in effect no end to time,
karma is considered to determine not only this life but also all lives; it is based
on the idea that enlightenment is not achieved in one lifetime but is possi-
ble only after many journeys or reincarnations. Humans must live through
many cycles of birth, life, death, and rebirth before shedding all their wants
and desires and accepting the truth of existence. With this in mind, Buddhists
try to gain merit in their lives by doing good things and living in accordance
with the sila. However, for them there is no God in the same sense that other
religions like Christianity or Islam preach. Buddha never claimed he was a
God, and he did not become one when he achieved enlightenment. The fact
that he and other important idols are often worshipped as such stems from
differing practices of the faith and its blending with local traditions specific
to adherents.
Without any real equivalent for heaven or hell concepts, Buddhism instead
presumes that only individuals themselves can determine and judge their be-
havior. There are no absolutely good or bad actions, just actions with differ-
ent consequences that are part of the journey to enlightenment. Rather than
encouraging a blind faith in religion as many other faiths do, Buddhism en-
courages a constant and critical questioning of everything. In theory at least,
it does not allow for discrimination based on other beliefs or condone at-
tempts to convert nonbelievers. The central notion is that people must come
to the faith through their own discoveries and that the toleration of other
beliefs is essential. In this regard, Buddhists are welcome to experiment with
 RELIGION AND THOUGHT 55

other religions, and many often do. In fact, as discussed subsequently, in Laos
Buddhism is intricately interwoven with animistic beliefs, folklore, and mys-
ticism without much contradiction.
Beyond these central elements of the faith there are three major divisions or
schools of Buddhism: Theravada (also known as southern Buddhism because
of its strong presence in South and Southeast Asia); Mahayana (also known as
northern Buddhism because of its following in the more northern reaches of
Asia); and Vajrayana (also known as Tantric). The main distinctions among
teachings and practices center on how Buddha and his life are interpreted.
Theravada Buddhists stress that Buddha was a man, not a God. They recog-
nize only one historical Buddha: the sakyamuni, or Siddhartha Gautama. In
this perspective icons and temples are designed to praise his teachings, and
practitioners demonstrate their gratefulness to his ideas rather than pray to
him in the sense familiar to other religions. In the Mahayana strain of Bud-
dhism Buddha is recognized and worshipped in several forms of existence
and considered more of a God than a man. Gautama, the “enlightened one,”
is just one of the many manifestations of Buddha. There are also numerous
other Buddhas and bodhisattvas: Beings that having nearly achieved enlight-
enment deny it to themselves to help others reach nibbana. They are all con-
sidered gods or demigods and invoked or prayed to for various reasons by the
faithful. Moreover, whereas Theravada Buddhism stresses individual enlight-
enment, the Mahayana school believes that the bodhisattvas are required to
help people in their quest. Followers of the Mahayana also believe in numer-
ous world systems based on cosmology.4 Language defines the two as well.
Theravada scriptures are in Pali, whereas those of the Mahayana school are in
Sanskrit and then translated into local languages. Vajrayana Buddhism em-
phasizes that there are certain practices or techniques that can expedite the
attainment of enlightenment: paying attention to one’s body, the environ-
ment in which one lives, acts of altruism, and enjoyment or pleasure free of
attachment. All three also follow sutras, or different writings on the faith.
Theravada is the oldest of the three traditions, and indeed claims to fol-
low the pure or original religion based on the teachings of Buddha. In fact,
Theravada means “way of the elders” in Pali. The Mahayana—or “greater
vehicle”—tradition began about five hundred years later in around 250 b.c.e.
following a split over interpretations of Buddha’s life. Despite being the older
of the two divisions, some Mahayana Buddhists derisively refer to Theravada
as Hinayana, literally “lesser vehicle,” in particular reference to its interpre-
tations of the bodhisattvas. Of the three major schools, Mahayana is the
largest, dominating Buddhism in China, Japan, Vietnam, Nepal, and Tibet.
Buddhism in Laos draws mostly from the Theravada tradition, which claims
about one hundred million, or one-third, of all Buddhists. It is also the
56 CULTURE AND CUSTOMS OF LAOS

majority religion in Thailand, Cambodia, Myanmar (Burma), and Sri Lanka.

Buddhism itself reached Southeast Asia around 300 b.c.e., but the Theravada
variety did not take full root until more than one thousand years later and
has been dominant since. In fact, Thailand claims to have the longest unbro-
ken tradition of Buddhism in the world, being the only country in which the
religion was never persecuted or disbanded.
In most Buddhist countries, including Laos, the Theravada and Mahayana
traditions operate side by side with no real difficulties. In fact, despite their
considerable differences they often draw from each other. Travelers are some-
times confused by the wide variation in Buddhist images, as well as the wor-
ship of other idols and even animistic spirits. This speaks primarily to the
flexibility of Buddhism and its followers. Especially among ethnic Chinese
and Vietnamese adherents of the Mahayana school, also well represented in
Laos, divinities from other religions like Taoism or Confucianism are often
incorporated with the variations of Buddha and the bodhisattvas to make up
a large array of gods and demigods. The “great vehicle” is consistent with both
the Taoist concept of individual oneness with the universe and the teachings
of the famous Chinese moral philosopher Confucius (551–479 b.c.e.). For
many, the three have in effect fused into one, sometimes known as the “triple
religion.”5 Theravada Buddhism in Laos and Thailand also adopted many be-
liefs and customs from the Hinduism of the Khmer empire that remain in-
tegral parts of the faith today. Although it is frowned upon by purists and
technically illegal in Laos, it is also common to see worshippers of both the
Theravada and Mahayana traditions incorporate spirits into their faith from
local folklore and animism. This is particularly true in more rural areas, where
such beliefs are strong.

OTHER RELIGIONS
If viewed as separate religions, Mahayana Buddhism, Taoism, and Confu-
cianism are the next most prevalent faiths in Laos after Theravada and “spirit
cult” worship. However, as discussed previously, they are largely integrated
into the dominant national religion. All three are found almost exclusively
among ethnic Vietnamese and Chinese populations. Numerous sects within
each also exist, such as the Cao Dai, a polytheistic blend of most major reli-
gions, spirits, and folklore created in the early 1900s that played an important
role in Vietnam’s many political conflicts throughout the twentieth century.
Catholic missionaries came to Laos with the first explorers and then again with
French colonialism, but the faith never took much root. It did have more
success in Vietnam, so when ethnic Vietnamese moved into Laos, a Chris-
tian presence developed. However, relatively few Lao Lum converted, and the
 RELIGION AND THOUGHT 57

appeal was even less among Lao Theung and Lao Sung. When the communists
came to power, all religions, especially those considered foreign, were banned
or heavily controlled. All missionaries and clergy were expelled. Today the
government has relaxed its control, and there are three officially recognized
Christian faiths operating in the country: Catholicism, Seventh-Day Adven-
tists, and the Lao Evangelical Church. The appeal of Catholicism is limited
mostly to ethnic Vietnamese populations and urban Lao Lum, specifically in
Vientiane, where a large cathedral from the French period remains. Current
estimates indicate that about forty-five thousand practicing Catholics live in
Laos. Protestantism, however, has spread considerably over the past twenty
years and now claims about one hundred thousand followers drawn from all
the major ethnic divisions in Laos, but it is particularly prevalent among Lao
Theung groups. In more rural areas the religion has again been mixed with
local animistic beliefs. Together Catholic and Protestant worshippers make
up about 2 percent of Laos’ population.
Although the Lao PDR permits the churches to exist, there are rather strict
laws governing their actions. All Christians have to technically belong to one
of the three. Other sects are illegal, although several, including the Mormons,
Jehovah’s Witnesses, Lutherans, and Baptists, are known to operate in the
country. The Lao constitution also prohibits the distribution of religious ma-
terials and bans proselytizing. Several Christian groups allege that their mem-
bers have been persecuted in Laos, with arrests and illegal detentions making
international news as recently as 2007.6 Some observers argue that the perse-
cutions are aimed especially at Lao Theung and Lao Sung adherents.
Islam has only a very small following in the country, with followers num-
bering about five hundred, both Shiite and Sunni. The vast majority of these
are ethnic South Asians, chiefly from India; some of them trace their ancestry
back centuries to traders and missionaries. There is also a small number of
Cham from Cambodia who fled the Khmer Rouge regime after 1975. Pock-
ets of Chinese Muslims, most from Yunnan, live in the far north, but their
numbers are difficult to gauge. An estimated eight thousand worshippers of
the Baha’i faith also reside in Laos, mostly in Vientiane and Pakse; they are
closely associated with South Asian groups as well.

ANIMISM
Spirits, known as phi (phii) are associated with natural elements and
phenomena and inhabit specific places like lakes and rivers, forests, and
other geographical features. Belief in them predates any organized religion in
Southeast Asia, and they are taken very seriously by those who consider them
a part of everyday life. Many people in Laos believe that there are thirty-two
58 CULTURE AND CUSTOMS OF LAOS

special phi, known as khwan (khouan), which are guardians that look after
one’s health and fortunes. Most are associated with elements like water, fire,
and the earth. Many special ceremonies are designed to keep the khwan happy
and watching over people, the most important of which is the soukhwan (sou
khouan or baci, basi)—a ritual performed on special occasions, as discussed in
later chapters. The khwan of those people killed by accident, murder, suicide,
or in childbirth are believed to become malevolent spirits; thus special rituals
must be performed to prevent them from escaping the dead.7 The most
identifiable symbols of phi worship are the haw phi (haw phii), or “spirit
houses,” which can be seen in almost all buildings in Laos, and the lak muang,
or “city pillar shrine,” in central Vientiane. Believers in phi, often referred to
as spirit cults, command the largest non-Buddhist following in Laos.
Phi worship is the central component of animistic belief systems among
the Lao Theung and Lao Sung. Almost all the different groups are animists
and most also practice some form of ancestor worship as well. Given that
most Lao Lum see no inherent contradiction between Buddhism and belief
in spirits, it is safe to say that phi worship is in fact a common thread among
all of Laos’ ethnic groups and thus forms a major component of any national
identity or culture.8 Although specific practices differ, most Lao Theung and
Lao Sung recognize spirits and their supernatural powers in natural elements
and specific locations. Each places special importance in locating structures
so as not to disturb the spirits or the ghosts of their ancestors. All groups also
have the equivalent of spirit houses and ritual offerings to appease those who
reside in them.
Animal sacrifice is still prevalent among many animists, particularly in the
more remote areas of Laos. However, some animals are also revered. The
Hmong, for example, deeply respect elephants for their strength and intel-
ligence. Some believe that elephants carry dead spirits to the afterlife. Tigers
and other predatory animals like bears were traditionally both feared and re-
spected. It was widely believed that, not properly treated, spirits of the dead
who could not make the transition to the afterlife took flight and entered the
bodies of man-eating tigers. In fact, most animals have specific meanings. For
the Hmong butterflies are considered souls of the dead. Frogs bring thunder
and live on the moon. Tortoises are the wisest of creatures and bring knowl-
edge. It is considered extremely bad luck for a snake to enter a house, as it
means someone who lives there will soon die. Birds that roost in the house
are similarly bad omens.9
Social hierarchies and practices among Lao Theung and Lao Sung groups
reflect the primacy of animistic beliefs. For example, within most Khmou and
Hmong communities there are different ranks of spiritual leaders, based on
their ability with or responsibility for certain phi—called hrooy by the Khmou
 RELIGION AND THOUGHT 59

and neeb by the Hmong. Only a very select few are allowed to conduct rituals,
and there are many prohibitions governing when, where, and why these take
place, as well as who can attend. There are also strict taboos in some groups
like the Khmou against interaction on different levels with people from certain
totems or clan groups. Rites connected to agricultural practices, particularly
rice cultivation, are very common throughout all communities, as are rituals
governing birth, death, marriage, illness, ill fortune, and traveling. A belief in
reincarnation, closely tied to ancestor worship, is prevalent among animists
as well.

BUDDHIST RELIGION IN EVERYDAY LIFE

Buddhism is an everyday philosophy and a guideline for living as much as
it is a religion. For Buddhists the most important consideration on a daily
basis is het bun, or “making merit.” They believe that individual acts in one’s
life affect their overall spirituality and ultimately determine karma for rein-
carnations on the path to enlightenment. The most basic and regular form of
het bun is the giving of alms to monks (khuu baa) every morning. This stems
from the fact that traditionally monks renounce material possessions and are
prohibited from raising livestock or growing food by the patimokkha: a set of
vows or rules that each must follow (discussed subsequently). Each morning,
shortly after sunrise, monks walk in a procession near their temples through
most towns and villages in Laos. People line the streets and give the passing
monks food, earning merit in return. The ancient practice has even become
a tourist attraction, often drawing curious travelers to watch and, in some
places, entrepreneurial food vendors to sell rice to give the monks. For men,
entering the monkhood (sangha) is also a means of merit making. Every man
is expected to join the monkhood at least once during his life, and most do
so for at least a few months. In fact, one is not considered a true man until he
has served in the sangha. This is not only for themselves but also their families,
which are honored by the service that, according to beliefs, collectively betters
their karma. For those who are ordained as monks, the merit is even greater.
Merit is also achieved through donations to temples and monasteries and by
leaving offerings before images of the Buddha: usually food, flowers, incense,
candles, or thin pieces of gold leaf, believed to be highly effective at warding
off evil spirits, which are applied to the statue.
Monks play an important role in everyday life in Laos. In addition to
leading the faithful in prayer, teaching, and administering to various func-
tions at the temple, they preside over many events: everything from blessing
new homes to the numerous major Buddhist festivals. The emphasis placed
on the monkhood stems from the Theravada belief that the main goal one
60 CULTURE AND CUSTOMS OF LAOS

Monks receiving morning alms, Thakhek. Courtesy of Jeff Phisanoukanh.

can achieve this to become an arhat, in effect, a saint who achieves nibbana
and is not reborn. The process of becoming an arhat is difficult and involves
several stages, each requiring great personal discipline. With this in mind,
Theravada Buddhism holds that it is extremely difficult, although not impos-
sible, for laypeople to reach the level of an arhat. Those who dedicate their
lives to the sangha have a much better chance of achieving this, which is why
Mahayana Buddhists refer to the Theravada school as the “lesser vehicle.”
Those who enter the monkhood on a temporary basis are known as samanera,
a Pali word that means “novice,” or in Lao as nehn (nen). Most men join before
the age of twenty and are therefore sometimes referred to as dip, or “unripe,” in
reference to their youth.10 Their service usually lasts only a few months and for
most today this coincides with agricultural seasons, when their work on farms
is not as required. Those who become fully ordained monks are called bhikku.
This is from the Pali word that means “beggar,” given the prohibitions of the
patimokkha. Only those over the age of twenty can become fully ordained.
In Thailand, one can see monks in both the brown-robed Thammayut and
the orange-robed Mananikai orders. However, in Laos only the latter is offi-
cially allowed given the government’s concern regarding the Thammayut as
previously outlined.
 RELIGION AND THOUGHT 61

As part of their ordination all monks take vows as prescribed by the Vinaya
Pintaka, or rules of monastic service. There are 227 in total, most dealing with
piety, celibacy, sobriety, and discipline. They are allowed few personal goods in
the service other than their robes, alms bowl, a cup for drinking, and hygienic
items. There are variations on the daily regiment from temple to temple, but
in general their lives are governed by codes of conduct in which almost every-
thing is regulated: meditation, prayers, lessons, eating, and sleeping. Although
contact with the outside world is allowed, it is still governed by the vows. For
example, monks are permitted to be in the company of women and speak with
them, but they (and their robes) are not supposed to have any physical contact
whatsoever: including shaking hands. Monks are also not supposed to handle
or have money, drink any alcohol, or smoke. However, Theravada monks are
not required to be vegetarians. There are differing interpretations of Buddhist
scriptures on the subject, but neither the Theravada nor the Mahayana pro-
hibit meat eating. There are restrictions on eating animals killed especially for
the monk’s consumption, times when meat can be consumed, and on overeat-
ing but nothing that bans the practice as a whole. Similarly, monks can watch
television, listen to music, and generally have fun, provided that these activi-
ties do not interfere with their studies or devotion. In general, monastic life in
Laos is more relaxed than in Thailand, in part because of the lack of more con-
servative Thammayut orders. There is no question that decades of communist
control have also undermined some of the more traditional precepts of the re-
ligion. In fact, many observers familiar with Theravada Buddhism have noted
the lack of discipline and decay of values in Laos among monks.11 Perhaps
in response to this some in the Lao sangha have emulated their Thai counter-
parts and started special, austere retreats in the jungles devoted to meditation,
which has earned them the nickname “forest monks.”
Theravada Buddhism does not officially recognize any monastic orders for
women. Interpretations of the Tipitaka and sutras differ widely on the subject,
but most conservative Theravadins believe that the Buddha did not intend
for women to become clergy. That said, the scriptures are clear that, however
reluctantly, he ordained his stepmother and several other women as bhikkhuni,
or female monks. Consequently, there is nothing strictly forbidding women
from joining, although to date there has been no significant movement in
Laos in this regard.12 Over the past few decades in Thailand there has been
a revival in the number of mae chii—Buddhist nuns who take vows and live
their lives similar to monks—and some discussion about the practice in Laos
as well.
For laypeople Buddhism remains largely informal and nonhierarchical.
There are few official days of worship, no formal masses or congregations, and
nothing that dictates absolutely when and where to pray. Many people go to
62 CULTURE AND CUSTOMS OF LAOS

their local temple, called a wat, at least once a day to make merit. They also go
on the basis of lunar phases, astrological, and sometimes numerological pre-
dictions. The regular visit involves meditation, either privately or in a group,
and offerings to the Buddha, such as incense, candles, or lotus buds, which
are a symbol of enlightenment representing the passage between darkness and
light.13 Some people, mostly elderly women, bring food to the monks. Do-
nations to the temple, including money, are also received. The monks often
conduct lectures or readings, but most worshippers go to the wat at their own
leisure as part of their own everyday routine. Temples are also the focal point
of most Lao communities. In addition to providing religious and spiritual ser-
vices, they usually serve as centers for education, local events, and even some
social services.
The faith is also practiced regularly at home. Spirit houses are found in
almost every structure, usually mounted on a pedestal or placed on a shelf.
Careful thought goes into planning the size, color, and especially the location
of the houses so as not to offend any phi. Daily offerings are also made to
appease them. The spirits of trees, rocks, and other natural elements are also
often honored with small gifts. It is not uncommon to see people affix small
clumps of sticky rice or special colored bands of cloth to trees to appease the
phi they represent. Almost every event in a Buddhist’s life, such as birthdays,
weddings, and funerals, is directed by his or her beliefs. Monks are usually
brought in to preside over ceremonies for these occasions. As in Thailand,
most people regularly carry amulets and other images to ward off evil spirits.
As discussed in Chapter 11, Buddhist principles also shape social conduct.
Modesty is extremely important to the Lao, and accordingly, overt displays
of affection, nudity or revealing dress, and loud or inappropriate behavior
are seriously frowned upon. Aggression of any sort, even arguing, is partic-
ularly offensive and considered contrary to the Middle Way. In this respect,
body posture, gestures, and facial expressions can be critical.14 Even with these
prohibitions Buddhism in Laos is remarkably open and tolerant. Foreigners
visiting the country are often welcome to participate in or at least observe re-
ligious rituals up close. Most major temples in places like Luang Prabang and
Vientiane encourage visitors to attend and even provide opportunities for for-
eigners to speak with monks so that they can practice their command of other
languages and enhance their education.

NOTES
1. Joe Cummings and Andrew Burke, Laos (Footscray, Australia: Lonely Planet
Publications, 2005), 38.
2. Buddhist Studies Dharma Education Association, “Basic Buddhism Guide,”
www.buddhanet.net/e-learning/basic-guide.htm (retrieved November 2002).
 RELIGION AND THOUGHT 63

3. Tom Lowenstein, The Vision of the Buddha: Buddhism—the Path to Spiritual

Enlightenment (London: Duncan Baird, 2000), 2–32.
4. Robert F. Gombrich, Theravada Buddhism: A Social History from Ancient
Benares to Modern Colombo (London: Routledge, 2006), 111–114.
5. Clare Griffiths, ed., Insight Guides: Laos and Cambodia (London: Apa Publica-
tions, 2005), 64–65.
6. U.S. Department of State, International Religious Freedom Report 2007: Laos,
September 14, 2007, www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/irf/2007/90142.htm (retrieved Decem-
ber 2007).
7. See Minako Sakai, “Reconfiguration of Village Guardian Spirits among the
Thai-Lao in Northeast Thailand,” in Founder’s Cults in Southeast Asia: Ancestors, Polity,
and Identity, ed. Nicola Tannebaum and Carol Ann Kammerer (New Haven, CT: Yale
University Press, 2003), 270–288.
8. Grant Evans, The Politics of Ritual and Remembrance: Laos since 1975 (Hon-
olulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1998), 77–78.
9. Norma J. Livo, Folk Stories of the Hmong: Peoples of Laos, Thailand, and Vietnam
(Englewood, CA: Libraries Unlimited, 1991), 4.
10. Jeff Cranmer and Steve Martin, Rough Guide to Laos (London: Rough Guides,
2002), 361–362.
11. Evans, Politics of Ritual, 68–70.
12. Mayoury Ngaosyvathn, On the Edge of the Pagoda, Paper No. 5, York Univer-
sity Working Series, Thai Studies Project, Women in Development Consortium in
Thailand, 1990, 10–27.
13. See Robert L. Brown, The Dvaravati Wheels of Law and the Indianization of
Southeast Asia (Leiden, the Netherlands: E. J. Brill, 1996); Yukio Hayashi, Practical
Buddhism among the Tai-Lao: Religion in the Making of a Region (Kyoto: Kyoto Uni-
versity Press, 2003).
14. Stephen Mansfield, Culture Shock! A Guide to Customs and Etiquette, Laos (Sin-
gapore: Times Editions 1997), 114–122.
This page intentionally left blank
 4

Literature

TRADITIONAL LITERATURE OF THE LAO LUM

As in Thailand, the arts in Laos are infused with what some refer to as
khati khong xaoban lao: a mix of customs, proverbs, songs, rhymes, riddles,
and games that might best be described as “folklore.”1 The similarity stems
from their common lineage, the near-identical dominant religions, and their
interconnected histories. However, there are variations that distinguish Lao
arts from those of its neighbor. This is particularly true in the literature of Lan
Xang, which, even though based on the same stories as other Tai kingdoms,
contained noticeably different interpretations.
Traditionally, literature as a whole in Lan Xang was referred to as “books
of search,” because to engage in or study writing was a search for meaning.
Prose and poetry were considered part of everyday life, ingrained in the re-
ligious and philosophical context that Buddhism provides. This differs con-
siderably from the more modern notion of research, which implies some sort
of analytical framework and is carried out for more academic purposes. Thus,
literature in Lan Xang was not just an art form but also the major intellectual
tradition for centuries. It became a primary vehicle for education as well as
the predominant form of entertainment. It was inseparable from religion and
folklore, and rather than being deemed creative was in fact considered knowl-
edge. The body of work created at the height of Lan Xang is, understandably,
often considered the best traditional literature in Laos’s history, although new
research shows that a large amount was in fact produced after the collapse
66 CULTURE AND CUSTOMS OF LAOS

of the kingdom.2 For the purposes of discussion here, traditional literature is

that produced prior to the establishment of French colonial rule in the late
nineteenth century. It is important to note from the outset that today the rel-
evance of traditional folktales in Laos is much greater than in most cultures,
especially those of Western societies. The communist government considers
them collectively “works of art of the labour class and of the tribal peoples”
that represent “the social struggles of the people as well as the instrument for
their struggles.” More pragmatically, it also considers traditional literature the
repository of “culture, customs, history, and everyday life of a people” in the
country.3
One of the most important cultural cornerstones of all traditional arts in
Laos is the Pha Lak Pha Lam (Pharak Pharam). This is the Lao version of
the famous Hindu Ramayana (“Rama’s Journey,” known in Thailand as the
Ramakian or Ramakien), which serves as the basis for much of the older lit-
erature, music, dance, and art of Theravada Buddhist cultures in Southeast

Wooden carving of Pha Lak Pha Lam in Vi-

entiane. Tibor Bognar/Art Directors & Trip
Photo Library.
 LITERATURE 67

Asia. Written in India between 700 and 500 b.c.e., the Ramayana is an epic
poem that consists of seven books and twenty-four thousand verses. Its major
themes are human existence; the search for dhamma, or truth; and the clas-
sic, universal battle of good against evil. The main plot revolves around the
Hindu God Rama and his wife, Sita, whom the demon king Ravana kidnaps.
Rama is aided in his quest to get her back by the monkey lord Hanuman, and
the poem accounts for their heroic journeys. The Ramayana made its way to
the Khmer empire sometime in the eighth century c.e. but did not take root
in Laos until much later, by which point it had been infused with uniquely
Khmer and Tai traits. It took on other interpretations while popularized at
the court of Lan Xang, often blending in references to local places, events,
and traditions. Oral and written versions of the Pha Lak Pha Lam had been
developed by the fourteenth century, with considerable impact on art, dance,
and music, as well as literature, over the next few centuries. Some scholars
contend that the Pha Lak Pha Lam was only popular with elites, and thus
never really reached “the masses.”4 However, as in Thailand, it is clear that
the Ramayana became an important feature of all traditional arts in Laos and
remains so today.
In some respects even more important, especially for literature, are the
jataka tales: a collection of 547 stories from Buddha’s previous lives written
in India around the fifth century c.e. Known as satok (saa-tok) in Lao, they
appear in the Tipitaka, the central Buddhist canon, and detail moral and eth-
ical lessons through the experiences of Siddhartha Gautama on his journey to
enlightenment. The most popular tale in Laos is about Prince Vessantara, the
penultimate of Buddha’s previous lives, whose charity and humility know no
bounds. The heir to the throne of an Indian kingdom, Vessantara is forced
into exile after giving away a magic white elephant that ensures rain. Before
he leaves, he gives away his worldly possessions: some to the people who made
him leave. He and his wife retreat to the wilderness and vow to live in chastity.
A wicked old priest looking for servants asks Vessantara for his two small chil-
dren, and, again in the spirit of absolute charity, he complies while his wife
is away. When she returns and learns of the children, she collapses with grief.
Fearing that Vessantara may give her away too and be left alone, the god Indra
takes the form of a priest and visits the couple. He asks Vessantara for his wife,
and when he gives her to him Indra immediately reveals himself and returns
her, making it impossible for Vessantara to give away that which a god has
given him. In the meantime, the king buys his grandchildren from the evil
priest, who then dies, and sets out in the wilderness to invite his son back to
the kingdom. Vessantara and his wife return, welcomed by the people, and live
happily ever after.5 As discussed in Chapter 10, today the story is celebrated
as a major festival throughout Laos.
68 CULTURE AND CUSTOMS OF LAOS

An additional fifty tales known as the panyasa jataka became particularly

important in the development of literature in early Tai kingdoms. Although
their origins are unclear, most experts believe that they came to Lan Xang
from Lan Na sometime in the late eighth or early ninth century. Of these,
twenty-seven are distinct to Laos. Even more than the Pha Lak Pha Lam they
merged with local folklore and eventually were revised and expanded in writ-
ten and oral form to appeal more to the Lao. Read or performed as poetic
stories, the panyasa jataka changed with every artist, and literally thousands
of versions of the same tale emerged. Departing considerably from the gen-
erally religious nature of Lan Na’s versions, the Lan Xang stories often incor-
porated sexuality, bawdy language, and humor. Both the satok and panyasa
jataka permeated literature and other arts in Lan Xang until its collapse. In
fact, dynastic chronicles from Lan Xang reveal just how important they were.
Ostensibly the official records of the kingdom, they often read more like a
jataka tale. Magic, miracles, and spirits of nature abound. Kings, warriors,
and even monks are portrayed as having special powers, including Lan Xang’s
founder, the legendary Fa Ngum, who had thirty-three magical teeth, a sign
of his divinity.6
Monks were responsible for acquiring, transcribing, and maintaining liter-
ary collections in Lan Xang, as well as for producing and performing creative
works of their own. Everything was written by hand on palm leaves and then
kept in monastery libraries or in the private homes of nobles and royalty. Re-
markably, some of these exist still today in the national museums of Laos and
Thailand. The act of writing on the palm leaves was known as an nangsu, lit-
erally “reading a book,” a term that is still used today to describe storytelling.7
Monks were also responsible for recording laws and important developments
in the kingdom, and for writing what, in effect, became the first histories of
Lan Xang. With such responsibilities, the prestige of the sangha was enhanced,
and major temples became politically powerful cultural centers.8
Folktales were a far less organized literary tradition in Lan Xang, but in
many respects they were even more important. They not only crept into more
official interpretations of satok, panyasa jataka, and even the Pha Lak Pha
Lam but also represent an older, more popular voice of the kingdom. More-
over, folktales change—especially in the purely oral context—which makes
for almost endless variations and a dynamic, if difficult to catalog, tradition
that continues to shape Lao culture today. Many folktales are drawn from the
satok and deal with both myths and legends, which literary scholars define
separately. Myths deal with creation, human relationships with the gods and
demigods, and the meaning of existence. They are generally regarded as sa-
cred texts given their implications for religion. By contrast, legends deal with
explanations for everyday life: natural phenomenon, animals, and sometimes
 LITERATURE 69

historical events. Legends are viewed more widely as real or truthful and are
secular in nature. Almost all folktales began in the oral tradition but were grad-
ually written down and became an even greater part of the literary culture.
One of the foremost experts on Lao folktales, Wajuppa Tossa, categorizes
them into subdivisions that have particular focal points. For example, there
are animal tales in which creatures have human traits and serve as allegorical
devices to explore our own lives. More serious by design are moral tales, usu-
ally involving deities and demons. Jataka tales are religious in scope, focusing
on the Buddha’s past lives. Humorous tales were designed for entertainment
purposes but also reinforced social values. Tales of the fool, tall tales, and riddle
stories were also for entertainment but often contained Buddhist teachings as
well. Some of the more lengthy and complicated folktales include epics ghost
stories, tales about god spirits, magic tales, and stories of the trickster, all of
which makes for a complex collection.9
Probably the best-known myth in Laos is the creation story “Great Gourd
from Heaven.” It tells the origins of Lao people, made from the god Thaen,
and their world Muang Lum. The story begins with Thaen’s decision to allow
the world to become populated with humans and to allow three lords to rule
there. He then sent down a messenger to remind the people to worship him.
When there was no response, he sent another messenger and then a third. Fi-
nally, an angry Thaen let loose a great flood on Muang Lum. The three lords
then built a raft and went to pay their respects. They were allowed to return to
the earth with a beautiful buffalo as a gift. When the buffalo died, a vine grew
out of its nostrils and from the vine grew three giant gourds. One of the lords
pierced a small hole in one with an iron rod and some people started to come
out, struggling, sooty, and dark after crawling through the narrow opening. A
second lord did the same with an axe, and many more people came out eas-
ily, cleaner and whiter than those before them. Other holes revealed animals,
forests, lakes and rivers, and jewels. The lords divided them all and taught
the people how to live, marry, and respect their elders. When they died, the
lords taught them different funeral customs. However, the people were too
many and in desperation the lords asked for Thaen’s help. Eventually he sent
down Khun Bulomrachathirat, or Khun Bulom (Burom), who brought with
him many advisers. When that did not solve the problem, Thaen sent down
commands on planting crops, weaving, tool making, and other crafts so that
the people could manage their own lives. Angered at being so bothered by the
lords, he then cut the bridge between Muang Lum and the heavens so that
humans could not cross it again. Khun Bulom came to be the people’s king.
He ruled wisely and divided his kingdom between seven sons, who became
the lords of seven cities. He counseled them to be peaceful, helpful, respect-
ful, and content with what they had, to ensure that the kingdom survived.
70 CULTURE AND CUSTOMS OF LAOS

These and other teachings became known as kod mai thammasat khun bulom,
or Khun Bulom’s law.10
The “Great Gourd from Heaven” and other myths like “The Giant
Creeper,” “Four Marvelous Brothers,” and “The Creation of the Mekong” are
tales about piety, respect, love, and honor. They seek to explain the origins and
meaning of life while reinforcing morality. However, they were also co-opted
by various rulers anxious to legitimize their rule and dictate political culture.
In the early sixteenth century King Vixun commissioned a written account of
Khun Bulom’s life to trace the line of Fa Ngum’s dynasty back to the mythical
lord. Both Phothisarat and Sethathirat supervised the interpretation of satok
tales and productions of the Pha Lak Pha Lam to ensure that they properly
portrayed royalty. Even the French used the popularity of satok and panyasa
jataka in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries to differentiate the Lao from
the Siamese, arguing that their unique characteristics suggested that a more
Indianized culture had developed in Laos.
Even more important, some scholars point out that myths like that of Khun
Bulom also served to separate the Lao Lum from other ethnic groups in Laos.
There are several cosmological references in the text that highlight the div-
ision of peoples: a universe divided into two (human and deities), two holes
in the gourd, and so on. In this respect the myth may have been intended to
justify the precarious, often cruel natural order of life between different com-
munities. The first people through the hole had a difficult time and came out
fewer, slower, and dark. This may be a reference to indigenous groups that the
ethnic Tai—more numerous, cleaner, whiter, and second to pass through the
hole—encountered as they moved into Southeast Asia. This would be con-
sistent with the traditional Lao Lum view of Lao Theung as kha, or slaves.11
However, other scholars believe that the myth had more noble intentions, and
they see the story as a reminder that, despite our differences, we all ultimately
come from the same place.
“Phadaeng Nang Ai” (“King Phadaeng and Princess Aikham”) is another
well-known myth. It tells the story of the Khmer Princess Aikham, who falls in
love with the Lao King Phadaeng. However, their love is unrequited because
of Phadaeng’s failure to win her hand in marriage in a rocket contest run by
her father to appease the rain god and end a long drought. During the contest
a naga (a mythological serpent) prince named Phangkhi falls in love with the
princess and tries to win her affections by turning into a white squirrel with
a bell. Aikham orders hunters at the court to shoot the squirrel so she can
keep it as a pet, but instead it dies—according to legend, the result of bad
karma in their previous lives. In his last words Phangkhi asks the gods that
the meat be shared with everyone in the kingdom—“about eight oxen carts
full and enough for all to eat”—and that “the people who eat my meat will die
 LITERATURE 71

like me.” Aikham shares the meat with all except widows of the kingdom, who
had no husbands serving in the army. When the naga King Suttho hears of his
son’s death, he orders his soldiers to kill everyone in the Khmer kingdom who
ate the meat. King Phadaeng tries to save his love, but Suttho captures her.
Despondent, Phadaeng kills himself but then becomes a ghost king who leads
a spirit army against Suttho. The epic battle stops only when the god Indra
intervenes and orders them to wait for the next incarnation of Buddha.12
Legends of the Lao Lum include love stories like “Bachieng and Malong”
and “Phu Phra Phu Nang” (“The Prince and Princess Mountains”), tales
about animals like “Dog and Pig,” and parables about human desires like
“The Blacksmith” and “Crow and Peacock.” Many also explain nature, such
as “Chakacan” (“The Cicada”). One day a cicada in the forest cried out. Fear-
ing that the cry signaled an attack, an owl shrieked. A startled deer ran away,
kicking seeds in a pheasant’s eyes. The pheasant tried to eat the seeds, pecking
at an ants’ nest. The ants ran out and bit a snake, which in turn bit a gourd
that fell on a lizard’s baby. The lizard went to the king of the forest, the lion,
to ask for help and, one by one, he summoned each of the creatures, who
recounted what had happened. Blame finally fell on the cicada, from whom
the lion demanded tribute in the form of his innards. That is why the cicada’s
body is hollow.13 “Maeng Nguan” (“The Singing Cricket”) and “The Dog’s
Urinating Habit” are similar stories about natural phenomena.
“The Tiger Retires” is an animal tale about an old king of the forest who
grows weary of chasing other creatures for his food. He asks the animals to
volunteer to be eaten because he has been such a good king. When none
accepts the invitation, he tells them that he will stop hunting and meditate in
his cave until he dies. Rather than miss their king, the animals of the forest
rejoice, until the pheasant and the rabbit fight over a hole in the ground.
They go to see the tiger to resolve the dispute. After much thought the tiger
suddenly grabs the pheasant and eats it. The rabbit is relieved, having won
the dispute. Drawing near to the king to extend his thanks, the king eats the
rabbit, too.14 The tale speaks simultaneously to relationships of power and to
the particular contexts of our own problems in life, and it simply describes the
basic nature of most animals. Other notable animal stories include “Monkey
and Crocodile” and “The Sick Deer.” Tales about the fool include “Thao Mon
Kew” (“The Ignorant Boy Mon Kew”), whereas tales about magic include
“The Mango Tree,” “The Magic White Swan,” and “If It Belongs to Us, It Will
Come to Us.” Ghost stories like “Phi Ya Wom” (“Grandmother Wom Ghost”)
and “Phi Kongkoi” (“The Ghost Kongkoi”) illustrate the role of spirits in Lao
religious beliefs.15
Poetry, prose, and even biographical accounts about Xiang Miang (Xiang
Mieng) are prime examples of the trickster tradition in Lao folklore; they
72 CULTURE AND CUSTOMS OF LAOS

essentially are spun from the jataka tales. In some renditions Xiang Miang
is a boy. In others, he is a man. However, he is always portrayed as clever
but routinely lazy, selfish, and mischievous—not at all the glorious hero one
might expect. A major theme of stories is that he regularly outsmarts elites,
including the king, and thus no doubt appealing to more common people.
In one story he follows the king everywhere he goes and carries his prized
betel nuts. He is ordered to listen to the king’s directives and to follow them
exactly. On one occasion Xiang Miang is chastised for being too slow behind
the king, so on the next trip he speeds up—dropping the nuts in the process.
When asked why he has not brought the nuts, he replies that he was simply
following the king’s orders to be fast, and that stopping to get the nuts would
slow him down. He is then ordered to pick up whatever falls behind the king,
and, being the trickster, collects droppings from the king’s horse and passes
them off as betel nuts.16 In another tale Xiang Miang kidnaps the king’s cat
and then cruelly trains it to eat rice rather than the fresh fish it was given each
day at the court. When the king comes looking for his missing pet, Xiang
Miang convinces him that the cat is his when it goes for the rice and not the
fish.
Not all Lao folktales are so well known. Many are disappearing from col-
lective memory, in part because they have been passed down only orally and
were never fully recorded. Others were in written form but did not survive the
test of time or the country’s numerous conflicts. Working under the auspices
of the Lao PDR government and international agencies, scholars have been
working since 1989 to locate, catalog, record, preserve, and promote various
works of traditional literature. One of the most important is the Cheuang
(Cheung, Thao Chreauang, Khun Cheaung), epic poems based on legends
that are generally shared throughout Tai cultures in Southeast Asia. Some
are also common to the Mon-Khmer people of the region. To date, very few
written examples in the Lao language exist. Most evidence is fragmentary
and almost exclusively in the Pali script. The famous Lao scholar Maha Sila
Viravong began research on the poems in 1942 with ancient palm-leaf texts,
long buried in the Bangkok library, dating between the thirteenth and six-
teenth centuries c.e., but there has been little subsequent research. The
Cheuang poems recount the life and times of Thao Hung (Cheuang), a Tai
ruler from near modern-day Chiang Rai, Thailand. They are part historical
chronicle and part legend, infused with Buddhist morality. Some twenty thou-
sand lines of poetry have been translated interpreted to date, but with artifacts
from almost every corner of Laos being located, the work is likely to take a
long time to finish.17
Traditional literature in Laos also includes proverbs, riddles, folk songs,
short poems usually put to music (lam), and poems meant for song (mohlam);
 LITERATURE 73

the latter two are discussed in more detail in Chapter 7. Traditional rhymes
in Lao literature and song include the waikhuu, a means of paying respect to
teachers; kon aan, epic poems used at special events like births and funerals;
kon phayaa, one-, two-, or four-line proverbs; nithaan phayaa, poems taken
from the satok tale about Prince Vessantara; kon lam, songs with musical ac-
companiment; kon hai, chants for Buddhist monks; khong, rhymes based on
the number of syllables and lines employed; and saan, rhymes in poetic verse
or song to send messages.18
Any discussion of traditional Lao literature must also reference nonfiction
narratives. These include writings about folk medicine, law, and history. Most
traditional Lao laws stemmed from two collections, originally transcribed by
monks on palm leaves, known as the khamphi phra thammasat luang (“Royal
Ruling Scriptures”) and the phra khamphi phra thammasat buhan lao (“Ancient
Lao Ruling Scriptures”). Historical chronicles include the Tamnan Phrabang
(“The Legend of the Prabang”) and the Prawatsat Lao Buhan Sikhotabong
(“Ancient Lao History”). There are also didactic chronicles—part proverb and
part story—and epistolary chronicles, which were used to send messages of
goodwill to readers. Didactic tales like “Puu Son Laan” (“Grandfather Teaches
the Children”) remind people to know their status in life, show respect, and
always be honest.19 Epistolary chronicles like “Saan Luep Sun” (“The Sun-
Blocking Message”), “Saan Som Thi Khud” (“The Message of Wishes”), and
“Saan Rak Samoenet” (“The Message of Love”) are basically metaphors used
to describe love and passion, but they also convey political meanings. For
example, “The Sun-Blocking Message” tells about how a giant garuda blocks
the sun and overshadows the moon. The poem ends with the verse:

Of these many trees in the forest, dense and thick,

There is no fragrant sandalwood tree at all.
Of these many people in the city, crowded and dense,
No one is my kindred spirit at all. 20

Far from being a love story, it is in fact a political statement. The garuda rep-
resents Siam, and the moon and its guardian, the naga, stand for Laos. The
closing line reflects the alienation of the Lao within the Siamese empire.

MODERN LITERATURE IN LAOS

The division and collapse of Lan Xang was a major threshold not only
politically but also with respect to literature. However, it did not produce
the definitive end of all ancient traditions. Peter Koret, a renowned expert
on Lao literature, points out that although kingdoms became increasingly
74 CULTURE AND CUSTOMS OF LAOS

dominated by foreign powers in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries,

literary traditions survived and indeed flourished. This was particularly true
in smaller towns and villages, where outside influences were less pronounced.
Monks played a critical role in this by transcribing and safeguarding
traditional texts.21
Under French rule, traditional Lao culture was largely ignored until colonial
administrators decided to encourage a separate identity for Laos in the face
of Siamese-Thai nationalism. For the most part the French considered Lao
language, religion, and cultural practices backward. They replaced them by
imposing French-language education, secularization of the state, and a defini-
tively European culture. Some of the best and brightest minds in Laos during
the early twentieth century were in many respects more French than Lao, in-
cluding major political figures like Souvanna Phouma, who preferred to speak
in his adopted language.22 Elites in Laos were more interested in modern
French literary works than in traditional Lao literature. The lack of a public
education system and a decline in the influence of the Buddhist sangha am-
plified this erosion of Lao culture. Technology, or the lack thereof, also played
an important role. Although printed books first appeared in the 1920s, it was
not until the late 1940s that they were commonly available, and the vast ma-
jority of those were in French or Thai. Similarly, Lao-language newspapers
were not published until the 1940s. In the 1920s and 1930s Siamese publish-
ers printed some accounts of traditional Lao literature in Thai, which monks
in Laos then copied onto palm leaves. During the first half of the twentieth
century the most prolific literature in Laos was therefore French: poems and
prose often penned by or about colonial administrators there that focused on
themes like race, sexual liaisons with the Lao, and the clash of cultures.23
It took World War II and radical changes in politics and society before mod-
ern Lao literature was born. The first novel, titled Phra Phoutthahoup Saksit
(“The Sacred Buddha Image”) by Somchine Nginn, was published in 1944. It
was a detective story with a half-Lao, half-French main character. A few other
Lao writers emerged in the same period, producing Western-influenced short
stories and novels. Newspapers were a major catalyst in this evolution. The
first Lao news agency, Agence Lao Presse, was established in the early 1940s.
Lao-language papers, Lao Nhay (“Great Lao”) and Pathet Lao (“Land of the
Lao”), also hit the presses then. Lao Nhay was released in 1941, set up by the
French government as a vehicle for Lao nationalism. Although it ran for only
five years, the biweekly paper was instrumental in reviving interest in tradi-
tional Lao culture by regularly featuring poetry and prose that highlighted
connections between Laos and Lan Xang. Lan Nhay also fueled new, politi-
cal prose dubbed “Samay Funfou Xat” (“National Renovation”) that inspired
Lao nationalists. Through the efforts of scholars like Maha Sila Viravong and
 LITERATURE 75

Nhouy Abhay, ancient works were finally classified and standardized rules for
poetry introduced. Their Methods of Composition of the Poetry of the Vientiane
People and Kap San Vilasimi (1942) was a landmark in this respect.24 Maha
Sila Viravong was also an influential historian, becoming the first Lao to write
a comprehensive, albeit nationalistic, modern history of the country in 1957.
However, this period was short lived. After World War II a sharp polariza-
tion developed within literary circles, again mirroring political developments
in the country. Most writers fell into two distinct camps: those who con-
tinued to write in the French colonial, and as independence was achieved,
Royal Lao government communities, and those who joined more ideological
causes such as the Pathet Lao. Writers like Maha Sila Viravong, Thao Ken,
Maha Phoumi Chittaphong, and Nouhak Sitthimorada championed the for-
mer through work in cultural magazines like Pheuane Keo (“Best Friend”) and
Khouan Heuane (“Soul of the House”). Writing under pen names, three chil-
dren of Maha Sila Viravong—Pakian, Dara, and Duangdueane Viravong—
also contributed. Duangdueane married Outhine Bounavong, another author
initially in the royalist camp. Many leftist Lao revolutionaries emulated writ-
ers in the communist world. The Pathet Lao used anti-imperialist literature,
primarily through its newspapers, to win over popular support. Traditional
poems and prose were adapted for the communist cause. They warned the
RLG of the coming revolution with the proverb, “Elephants do not step on
the birds even if you see that their mouths are small. When the birds gather
together and collect their strength, they will peck you to death.”25 Important
writers in this tradition included Phoumi Vongvichit, the future president
of the Lao PDR, who wrote Pathet Lao Suai Ngam Lae Hang Mee (“Beau-
tiful and Rich Lao Land”), and Souvanthone Bouphanouvong, who penned
Kong Phan Thisong (“Second Battalion”), as well as Senthang Sivith, Chanthy
Deuansavanh, and Theap Vongpkay.
Many of the same writers also produced fictional short stories, which were
a popular form of entertainment in the 1950s and 1960s. However, as late as
the mid-1960s Vientiane had only two bookstores: one specializing in Thai-
language works and the other specializing in French-language works.26 Most
writing was still circulated through newspapers and magazines. Two of the
most influential new publications were Mittasone (founded in 1967) and Phai
Nam (established in 1972), which focused on the many political and social
problems Laos faced in the shadow of the Vietnam War. A third periodical,
Nang (founded in 1972), became the first and only publication in Laos de-
voted to women writers. All three were also barometers of change in literary
circles, as many contributors, formerly advocates of the royalist or Western
camp, drifted to the left as conflict further engulfed their country. In the last
few years of the RLG collections of short stories and novels began to catch
76 CULTURE AND CUSTOMS OF LAOS

on with the Lao public, many written by Outhine Bounavong, Duangdueane

Viravong, and Seri Milamy. Published in 1973, Duangdueane Viravong’s “Fa-
ther Still Isn’t Dead” focused on the suffering of women in the war. Originally
published in French, Somphavan Inthavong’s 1969 poem “Un homme est
mort” (“A Man Is Dead”) spoke about similar loss and destruction:

A man is dead, and that is not all.

Fa Ngum is also dead,
And Anou and Pangkham too.27

New artists like Houmphanh Rattanavong, Phou Phounagsaba, and Soukhy

Norasinh also emerged in this period with narratives about feudalism, cor-
ruption, foreign influences, and Lao identity.
Not surprisingly, the communist takeover changed the literary scene in Laos
once again. Two months after the revolution, papers and magazines like Phai
Nam were shut down. The new government regulated literature heavily, ap-
proving only those stories that illustrated the sacrifice of revolutionaries or the
new regime’s ideas about ethnic unity and national identity. Many writers fled
the country, but some, like Outhine Bounavong and Seri Milamy, stayed on
and adjusted their work to conform to communist rule. Outhine eventually
became the head of the state publishing house, the chief government trans-
lator and editor, and a senior official with the Ministry of Information and
Culture. His works like Death Price, What a Beauty, and Dic and Daeng, fo-
cus on the negative impact of American culture and the divisions that it caused
within Lao society. He helped pen a 1982 compilation of short stories called
Sieng Kong Khong Latthi Vilason Pativat (“The Echoing Sound of the Doc-
trine of Revolutionary Heroes”), which celebrated the communist takeover.
He also reestablished Phai Nam magazine and created a new one called Van-
nasin, which today remains the main voice of government-sanctioned literary
culture in Laos. Outhine even created children’s fiction like Pa Kho Lopha
(“The Greedy, Striped, Snake-Headed Fish”) designed to promote socialist
morality. Reflecting the changes in Laos’s political climate, he also wrote about
environmental degradation and the disappearance of traditional Lao customs
in later works like Frangipani (1980) and Wrapped Ash Delight (1990).28 Writ-
ing under the pen name Dok Ket, Outhine’s widow, Duangdueane Viravong,
remains Laos’s best-known female literary figure, published collections of tra-
ditional folktales like Kam Pha Phi Noi (“The Little Orphan and the Spirit”).
Writers who had always supported the communist cause, such as Chanthy
Deuansavanh, were also prominent after 1975. He was editor of the literary
journal Xiengkhene Lao, chair of the Lao Writer’s Association, and a critically
 LITERATURE 77

acclaimed author; he won the 1999 Southeast Asian Writer’s Award for his
novel Khang Khun Thi Pa Leuk (“Overnight in the Deep Forest”).
The communist takeover also produced a new generation of writers, in-
cluding Saisuwan Phengphong, Viset Savengseuska, and Bounthanong Som-
saiphon. Thongkham Onemanisone was the first Lao to win the prestigious
Southeast Asian Writer’s Award in 1998 for the novel Pheua Hak Pheua (“For
Love for Her”). His other works include Phoum Pannya Sisawat (“Sisawat’s
Wisdom”) in 1997 and Dhamma Path Poems in 2000. Khamlieng Phonsena
won numerous awards in the 1980s for novels like Khwam Hak (“Love”) and
Chai Dieu Hak Dieu (“One Heart, One Love”). Theap Vongpakay is also a
Southeast Asian Writer’s Award winner for Pha Nhou Xivit (“Storm of Life”),
published in 2003. His other works include Ngao Muon Muang (“The Dis-
trict Sword”) and Pit Adit (“Poisoned Past”). One of the youngest contempo-
rary writers in Laos is Thongbay Photisane, whose 2004 novel Ngua Kap Kien
(“Cows and Carts”) also won a Southeast Asian Writer’s Award. Other influen-
tial writers include Phieu Lavanh, Bounseun Songmany, Othong Khaminsou,
and Sengphouxay Inthavikham. However, it is important to note that after
1975 all sanctioned writers in the Lao PDR became civil servants with very
limited artistic freedoms. Literature was applicable only to the political de-
signs of the state and in effect became propaganda. Political reforms of the
1980s loosened restrictions, but still today the government continues to con-
trol what is released. Some writers living in Laos have evaded this censorship
by publishing anonymously in Thailand.29

TRADITIONAL LITERATURE OF THE LAO THEUNG AND LAO SUNG

The study of traditional literature among Laos’s many ethnic minorities is
problematic for a number of reasons. First and foremost, the Lao Theung and
Lao Sung groups that developed written scripts did so relatively recently. The
Hmong, for example, did not have a writing system until the 1950s, when
Catholic missionaries translated and romanized their language. Most ethnic-
ities passed down their culture and customs orally, and they continue to do
so today. Second, most groups live on the fringes of Lao Lum society, eco-
nomically deprived and politically marginalized. Rudimentary services, such
as basic education, are severely lacking, let alone things like presses, libraries,
archives, and the people needed to manage them. Third, even within the field
of Southeast Asian studies, broadly defined, Laos and particularly the literary
traditions of the country have received comparatively little attention. This is
because of the size and isolation of the country, as well as the closed nature of
communist rule since 1975. War and persecution have added to this mix and
78 CULTURE AND CUSTOMS OF LAOS

made it difficult for any written traditional literature to exist among most Lao
Theung and Lao Sung.
Fortunately, oral arts do exist, and in the past few decades there have
been efforts both within the groups themselves and within academic com-
munities to record, preserve, and study literary traditions. Although schol-
arship on the topic is still fairly thin, there has been more interest in the
past few years. Some of that interest corresponds to a vocal and prominent
community of contemporary writers, especially among the Hmong, who bor-
row from or draw attention to older literary traditions. It also stems from a
greater awareness about the plight of Southeast Asia’s ethnic minorities. Most
of all, the survival of all traditional arts among ethnic minorities depends
on the pride and tenacity of the people to make sure their cultures do not
die out.
As one of the largest ethnic groups in Laos, the Hmong have probably the
best-known traditional oral literatures among ethnic minorities in the coun-
try. One of the foremost contemporary Laotian American writers, Bryan Thao
Worra, characterizes Hmong literature as “orphaned,” like “a ghost that keeps
bobbing up to the surface from a deep river.”30 Some Hmong ancient folk-
tales and stories have been recorded through pa ndau (paj ntaub), elaborate
and colorful needlework art. The art also symbolizes animistic religious be-
liefs, historical events, and family lineages. The folklore of the Hmong and
other ethnic groups is not dissimilar to that of the Lao Lum—or any other
people in the world—in that it seeks to explain creation, the meaning of life,
and the nature of humanity through myths and legends full of spirits, magic,
and powerful gods. In fact, there is considerable overlap of folkloric beliefs in
the various communities of Laos as a result of interaction over the centuries
and, particularly, the prevalence of phi worship.
Consider, for example, the Hmong tale explaining the creation of the earth
and the origin of the Hmong people, which is very similar to the “Great Gourd
from Heaven” in Lao mythology. A brother and sister orphaned by their par-
ents’ deaths are left to tend the family farm. They try to clear the fields of
weeds only to discover that each night the gods replant them. When they
confront one of the gods he tells them that there is no sense working on the
fields because a flood is coming. He tells them to instead build large funeral
drums and to hide in them. When the flood comes the brother and sister sur-
vive in their drum and are the only people left in the world. However, they
cannot repopulate the planet because of the taboo about sibling relationships.
The brother tries several times to convince his sister to marry him but she
declines. After many years she finally agrees, but only if they roll two rocks
down opposite sides of the mountain and the rocks came back together again.
In the middle of the night the brother cheats and arranges the rocks they had
 LITERATURE 79

rolled down together on top of the mountain. The sister agrees and a year
later they have a child. However, the child is an egg. Not knowing what to do
with this they cut the egg up and throw the pieces across their lands. Each of
the pieces then grew into many people, representing the different clans of the
Hmong.31
Other Hmong tales stress the virtues of hard work, respect, and the wis-
dom of elders in similar fashion to Lao folklore. In one, a dying farmer tells
his sons that treasure is hidden on their farm. After he dies, the boys look
frantically for the riches by digging up almost all the earth. They cannot find
any treasure, but their land does become rich with crops because of all the
digging. Most other Hmong folktales incorporate similar morality in stories
full of references to the natural world, phi, and other devices familiar to the
Lao. Groups like the Khmou have very similar traditions, albeit with slightly
different interpretations.32

CONTEMPORARY LAOTIAN AMERICAN AND HMONG

AMERICAN LITERATURE
No discussion of literature with respect to Laos would be complete without
reference to expatriate communities, especially in the United States. Almost
half of the approximately four hundred thousand people who have fled Laos
since 1975 ended up there. There are an estimated three hundred thousand
ethnic Hmong alone in the United States, slightly less than the population
of Hmong in Laos. About 85 percent of all Laotian Americans and Hmong
Americans live in California, Minnesota, and Wisconsin. A young, vibrant
body of Laotian American and Hmong American writers has emerged there
over the past two decades, and many reflect on questions of identity, the effects
of conflict, and the plight of people in Laos today. One of the most gifted
is Bryan Thao Worra, whose poem “Burning Eden One Branch at a Time”
is a powerful, personal testament to reconcile war in Laos with growing up
American:

My father, a skull before the wars were over,

Never saw my mother’s flight in terror
As our humbled kingdom fell to flame and shell
My mother was stripped to ink among bureaucrats,
A number for their raw statistics of jungle errors
Collated into cold ledgers marked “Classified”
My feet dangling in the Mississippi have forgotten
What the mud in the Vientiane feels like between your toes
While my hands hold foreign leaves and I whisper
80 CULTURE AND CUSTOMS OF LAOS

“Maple”
“Oak”
“Weeping Willow”
As if saying their names aloud will rebuild my home.33

In “A Crime in Xieng Khouang” he details the legacy of the so-called secret

war and the tremendous disparities between Lao and Americans today.

Someone stole my boots from

A Phonsavan porch
Around dinner time
In the dark.
I suspect it was my tour guide –
The one who trained to be a diplomat,
Whose future drained away
With the American departure.
When I first bought them,
The box proclaimed they were
“Hard to Kill”
And by extension, I assume,
So was I, though there were no
written words to that effect.
Forty dollars is a good price
But it’s nearly a year’s pay
In these parts.
I should have known
New American boots
In an Asian size
Don’t come by often near
The Plain of Jars.
He stole them from me,
And is now slogging through
The sucking muddy waste
Cluttered with tiny rusting bombies
My America dropped decades ago
For the good of Lao democracy.
His English is exceptional
But he knows he is going to die here
With his dreams
While I return home easily
To get a replacement.
 LITERATURE 81

I have to forgive him,

Feeling like a thief
Looking for shiny new boots
Just past the American flags in the aisle.34

An excellent range of Hmong American writers can be found in Bam-

boo among the Oaks: Contemporary Writing by Hmong Americans. Published
in 2002, this is the first anthology of second- and third-generation Hmong
American artists, including the editor Mai Neng Moua, as well as Vayong
Moua, Va-Megn Thoj, Bee Cha, May Lee, Kou Vang, Noukou Thao, Pacyinz
Lyfoung, Soul Choj Vang, Pa Xiong, Pos Moua, Chachoua Victoria Xiong,
and Mayli Vang.35 Many are the children or grandchildren of refugees who
fled during or after the Vietnam War and grew up in the United States. Mai
Neng Moua was also one of the founders of Paj Ntaub Voice, a Hmong Amer-
ican cultural journal established in 1994.
By no means are Laotian American and Hmong American writers restricted
to themes dealing with Laos, the war, or growing up “on the hyphen.” For
example, Thao Worra also writes dark fiction. It is also important to note
that the ethnic divisions seen in Laos do not have the same impact in the
United States or elsewhere abroad. There are a number of prominent commu-
nity organizations in the United States that support the arts among all people
from Laos, including the Laotian American Society, the Laotian American
National Alliance, and various regional and state Laotian groups. There are
also more specific community groups such as the Hmong American Partner-
ship, the Center for Hmong Arts and Talents, the Hmong-American Institute
for Learning, and the Hmong Cultural and Resource Center.

NOTES
1. Wajuppa Tossa, “Lao Folk Literature Course,” Resources for Lao Studies,
Northeastern Illinois University Center for Southeast Asian Studies, www.seasite.
niu.edu/lao (retrieved January 2008), chap. 1.
2. Peter Koret, “Books of Search: The Invention of Traditional Literature as a Sub-
ject of Study,” in Grant Evans, ed., Laos: Culture and Society (Chiang Mai, Thailand:
Silkworm Books, 1999), 226–257.
3. Wajuppa Tossa, “Lao Folk Literature Course,” Resources for Lao Studies,
Northeastern Illinois University Center for Southeast Asian Studies, www.seasite.
niu.edu/lao (retrieved January 2008), chap. 5.
4. Jeff Cranmer and Steve Martin, Rough Guide to Laos (London: Rough Guides,
2002), 385. See also J. M. Cadet, The Ramakien: The Thai Epic (Tokyo: Kodansha
International 1970), 30–44.
82 CULTURE AND CUSTOMS OF LAOS

5. Visiting Arts Cultural Profiles Project, “Laos Cultural Profile,” www.

culturalprofiles.org.uk/laos (retrieved December 2007). See also Sachchidanand
Sachai, The Rama Jataka in Laos: A Study in the Phra Lak Phra Lam (New Delhi: B.
R. Corporation, 1996); Manas Chitakasem, ed., Thai Literary Traditions (Bangkok:
Chulalongkorn University Press, 1995); Rafe Martin, The Hungry Tigress: Buddhist
Legends and Jataka Tales (Berkeley, CA: Paralax Press, 1990).
6. Grant Evans, A Short History of Laos: The Land in Between. Crows Nest, Aus-
tralia: Allen and Unwin, 2002), 23. See also John Garrett Jones, Tales and Teachings of
the Buddha: The Jataka Stories in Relation to the Pali Canon (Boston: Allen and Unwin,
1979).
7. Visiting Arts Cultural Profiles Project, “Laos Cultural Profile,” www.
culturalprofiles.org.uk/laos (retrieved December 2007).
8. Northeastern Illinois University Center for Southeast Asian Studies, “Re-
sources for Lao Studies,” www.seasite.niu.edu/lao (retrieved January 2008).
9. Wajuppa Tossa, “Lao Folk Literature Course,” Resources for Lao Studies,
Northeastern Illinois University Center for Southeast Asian Studies, www.seasite.
niu.edu/lao (retrieved January 2008), introduction.
10. Ibid. See also Xay Kaignavongsa and Hugh Fincher, Legends of the Lao: A Com-
pilation of Legends and Other Folklore of the Lao People (Bangkok: Geodata System,
1993).
11. Vatthana Polsena, Post-War Laos: The Politics of Culture, History, and Identity
(Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2006), 22–26.
12. Visiting Arts Cultural Profiles Project, “Laos Cultural Profile,” www.
culturalprofiles.org.uk/laos (retrieved December 2007). See also Wajuppa Tossa,
trans. and ed., Phadaeng Nang Ai: A Translation of a Thai-Isan Folk Epic in Verse
(Lewisburg, PA: Bucknell University, 1990).
13. Wajuppa Tossa, “Lao Folk Literature Course,” Resources for Lao Studies,
Northeastern Illinois University Center for Southeast Asian Studies, www.seasite.
niu.edu/lao (retrieved January 2008), chap. 3.
14. Steven Jay Epstein, Lao Folktales (Chiang Mai: Silkworm Books, 1995), 99–
103.
15. Peter Koret, “Laos,” in Traveller’s Literary Companion to Southeast Asia, ed.
Alastair Dingwall (Brighton, UK: Print Publishing, 1994), 120–157. See also P. B.
La-Font, “Laos” in Southeast Asian Languages and Literatures: A Select Guide, ed.
Patricia Herbert and Anthony Milner (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press), 67–76.
16. Epstein, Lao Folktales, 1–4; see also Herbert and Milner, Southeast Asian Lan-
guages.
17. Duangduene Nettavong, Foreword to Lao Folk Literature Course, Resources
for Lao Studies, Northeastern Illinois University Center for Southeast Asian Studies,
www.seasite.niu.edu/lao (retrieved January 2008).
18. Wajuppa Tossa, “Lao Folk Literature Course,” Resources for Lao Studies,
Northeastern Illinois University Center for Southeast Asian Studies, www.seasite.
niu.edu/lao (retrieved January 2008), chap. 11.
 LITERATURE 83

19. Wajuppa Tossa, “Lao Folk Literature Course,” Resources for Lao Studies,
Northeastern Illinois University Center for Southeast Asian Studies, www.seasite.
niu.edu/lao (retrieved January 2008), chaps. 8–9.
20. Wajuppa Tossa, “Lao Folk Literature Course,” Resources for Lao Studies,
Northeastern Illinois University Center for Southeast Asian Studies, www.seasite.
niu.edu/lao (retrieved January 2008), chap. 10.
21. Koret, “Books of Search,” 226–257.
22. Bounheng Inversin and Daniel Duffy, eds., Mother’s Beloved: Stories from Laos
(Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1997), 7–15.
23. Evans, Short History, 65–67.
24. Visiting Arts Cultural Profiles Project, “Laos Cultural Profile,”
www.culturalprofiles.org.uk/laos (retrieved December 2007).
25. Koret, “Books of Search,” 245.
26. Visiting Arts Cultural Profiles Project, “Laos Cultural Profile,” www.
culturalprofiles.org.uk/laos (retrieved December 2007). See also Bounheng and
Duffy, Mother’s Beloved, 13–15.
27. Evans, Short History, 152–153.
28. Bounheng and Duffy, Mother’s Beloved, 29–33.
29. Peter Koret, “Contemporary Lao Literature,” in Texts and Contexts: Interac-
tion between Literature and Culture in Southeast Asia, ed. Luisa Mallari-Hall and Lily
Rose R. Tope (Quezon City: University of the Philippines Press), 77–103. See also
Visiting Arts Cultural Profiles Project, “Laos Cultural Profile,” www.culturalprofiles.
org.uk/laos (retrieved December 2007).
30. Mai Neng Moua, ed., Bamboo among the Oaks: Contemporary Writing by
Hmong Americans (St. Paul: Minnesota Historical Society, 2002), 10–11.
31. “Hmong Folk Art Presentation,” Hmong Studies Internet Resource Center,
www.hmongstudies.org (accessed November 2007).
32. See Norma J. Livo, Folk Stories of the Hmong: Peoples of Laos, Thailand, and
Vietnam (Englewood, CO: Libraries Unlimited, 1991).
33. Bryan Thao Worra, Touching Detonations: An E-Chapbook (Sphinx House
Press, 2004), members.aol.com/thaoworra/poetry.htm (retrieved April 2007), 3.
34. Ibid., 12.
35. See Mai Neng Moua, ed., Bamboo among the Oaks. See also Shirley Geok-lin
and Cheng Lok Chua, eds., Tilting the Continent: Southeast Asian American Writing
(Minneapolis: New Rivers Press, 2000).
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 5

Art

TRADITIONAL ARTS
Some scholars have said that the arts in Laos are nothing more than an
extension of those in Thailand.1 Unquestionably that is an extreme and pejo-
rative viewpoint. However, most scholars would agree that the traditional arts
of Laos never rivaled the quality or quantity of other countries in Southeast
Asia. The relative isolation of Laos from major trade routes affected its artistic
communities. So too did long periods of war and foreign domination, dur-
ing which invading armies either destroyed or looted many artifacts. Whereas
in Cambodia and Vietnam French colonial administrators made concerted
attempts to promote indigenous artistry, chiefly for export, little effort was
made in Laos. However, traditional arts did exist in Laos, and examples that
survive illustrate characteristics distinct from others in the region. Such works
have become important symbols of Laos’s past as well as its national identity
today.
Buddhism has indelibly shaped all the traditional arts of Laos. Religious
influences dominated sculpture, painting, architecture, and many decorative
arts. In fact, none of these areas was originally conceived of as art but was
rather designed to educate and help inspire people to achieve enlightenment.
They were created in part with the belief that both artists and the wealthy pa-
trons who commissioned them earned merit in honoring the Buddha through
such images.
86 CULTURE AND CUSTOMS OF LAOS

Sculpture
The most numerous examples of traditional art in Laos are sculptures,
which have survived far better than other works have over time. Sculptures
also had particular religious importance, given that just before his death Bud-
dha told disciples anxious to honor him that they could take something from
his body and set it in “a mound of dirt.”2 The oldest-known Buddhist statues
in Laos are those of the Mon and Khmer, which date to the first millennium
c.e. A rock wall at Vangxang, just north of Vientiane, bears carved images
of the Buddha that are among the oldest in the country. Despite the legends
surrounding it, most scholars believe that the Phabang is in fact Khmer in
origin, dating to the thirteenth century. The massive head and torso of the
fourteenth-century Buddha at Wat Manorom in Luang Prabang are the best
examples of a more indigenous image. Between the fourteenth and sixteenth
centuries a distinctly more Lao style evolved in sculptures, most of them styl-
ized versions of the Phabang. This is particularly true of those created during
the reign of King Vixun, who was a great patron of the arts. The golden age
for traditional sculpture in Laos came between the sixteenth and eighteenth
centuries, during the height of Lan Xang. Works from the period can be found
in the National Museum in Luang Prabang, or Ho Pha Keo, Wat Sisaket, and
Wat Ong Tu in Vientiane.3
Most sculptures depicting the Buddha in Laos are not terribly different
from those found elsewhere in Southeast Asia given the religious standards
that define symbolic representations and the influences of the Khmer, Lan
Na, Sukhothai, and Ayutthaya kingdoms. Images of the Buddha, or lakshanas,
were laid out in ancient texts and Sanskrit poetry. Pali language texts describe
32 lakshanas, with 108 characteristics of his feet alone. The position of the
Buddha was also derived from religious scripts. Throughout Theravada Bud-
dhist countries there are three types of sitting, or maravijaya, Buddhas; one
with both soles of the feet upward, one with one leg on top of the sole of
the other foot, and one of him sitting on the throne with both feet on the
ground. There is also a walking Buddha, unique to the Sukhothai era of an-
cient Thailand, and a reclining Buddha capturing his last moments on earth
before dying. There are also forty hand gestures, or mudras; each depicts vari-
ous meanings or events according to Buddhist philosophy. Six are most com-
monly seen in Southeast Asia: preaching, bestowing charity, being called to
earth, setting in motion the Buddhist faith, meditating, and calming or dis-
pelling fear.4 The mudra known as “defeating Mara” or “victory over Mara” is
seen more than any other in Laos. It depicts Buddha sitting in a lotus position
with his left hand palm-up on his lap and the right hand pointing down with
 ART 87

fingers extended. It symbolizes Buddha’s victory over the evil Mara, who tried
to distract him from enlightenment.
However, there are two more mudras unique to Laos. One shows him with
both arms at his sides and fingers pointing downward, often called the “beck-
oning rain” pose. The other depicts him with arms crossed at the wrists, re-
ferred to as the “contemplation” pose. Sculptures of the Buddha from Laos
are also distinct in other ways: the ears are usually flatter and longer, the eye-
brows are arched, the nose appears thinner, and the bottom of Buddha’s robe
curls up symmetrically.5 These characteristics first appeared during the early
sixteenth century and became “classically” Lao, even though the variations
diminished following the collapse of Lan Xang and were replaced by more
Siamese influences.
Bronze was the preferred medium for sculptures in Laos, although some-
times gold, silver, precious stones, or jewels were used. The Phabang is solid
gold, whereas the famous Pha Keo that formerly resided in Vientiane and now

Buddha statue at Haw Pha Kaew, Vientiane.

Tibor Bognar/Art Directors & Trip Photo
Library.
88 CULTURE AND CUSTOMS OF LAOS

Buddha statue at Wat Xieng Khuan, a Bud-

dha park near Vientiane. Brian Vikander/Art
Directors & Trip Photo Library.

sits in Bangkok as Thailand’s holiest image is made of solid jade. Another

famous statue, the Pha (Phra) Phuttha Butsavarat, is made of crystal. It was
crafted and resided in Champasak, but the Siamese took it in the nineteenth
century to Bangkok. Stone, ceramic, and terra-cotta were popular for the
images designed to grace smaller shrines or niches, whereas wooden Buddhas
were put inside caves, such as the spectacular Pak Ou network overlooking
the Mekong River outside of Luang Prabang. Bricks and mortar were used
for giant statues.
Earlier images were often solid bronze, although as Buddhism spread, faster
and more economical means of production were necessary. As a result, most
were made hollow. The sculptor began by making a mold with sand and clay
shaped into a basic image. Shellac and beeswax were then applied as a cover
and medium for carving. Mud or cow dung was used to fill any cracks. The
image was then covered in clay and baked. When it was cooled, the mold was
filled with bronze. The pieces at Wat Manorom suggest that giant images were
 ART 89

Hindu demon at Wat Xieng Khuan, near Vientiane. David Sutton/Art Directors &
Trip Photo Library.

constructed in parts rather than as a single whole. As is still true, the image
was not a Buddha until monks blessed it. Moving or replacing an image also
required blessings, and destroying one was strictly taboo. Even today they are
instead repaired, reshaped, or used in other sacred forms.6
The importance of sculpture in Laos is underscored in somewhat strange
fashion by the popularity of Xiang Khouan (Xieng Khuan), better known
as “Buddha Park,” just outside of Vientiane. Begun in the 1950s by a self-
proclaimed holy man, the riverside park is crowded with giant concrete statues
depicting all sorts of figures from Buddhist and Hindu mythology. It is more
of a tourist trap than anything else, but it is surprisingly popular with both
foreigners and locals.

Painting
With its tropical climate, paintings in Laos did not survive well prior to the
development of modern conservation techniques. The best remaining exam-
ples of traditional Buddhist painting in Laos can be found on bas-reliefs and
prayer or preaching cloths. As in sculpture, strict rules regarding the depic-
tion of the Buddha, colors, forms, and content matter governed painting. The
satok tales and Pha Lak Pha Lam (Pharak Pharam) were the most common
90 CULTURE AND CUSTOMS OF LAOS

subjects. By today’s standards painting was fairly rudimentary, with simple

lines and solid blocks of color. Shading and the use of shadow were rare. Un-
fortunately, the bas-relief works found in Laos today were almost all painted
on stucco that was laid over surfaces, which made them more susceptible to
damage over the centuries. Many have been restored numerous times. The best
examples of bas-relief paintings are found in Wat Sisaket in Vientiane and Wat
Pa Heuk in Luang Prabang.7 There are some examples of painting on other
mediums such as furniture or shutters and door frames. Some painters also
created illustrations for palm-leaf books. Red and yellow ocher, ground min-
erals, charcoal, and the dye from vegetable greens were among the materials
used to make paint. Brushes were made from animal hairs or fibers and roots
from trees.
Scholarship on traditional painting in Laos is thin. Most experts treat the
subject as an extension of Thai art history given the preponderant influences
of the Lan Na, Sukhothai, and Ayutthaya kingdoms on Lan Xang and then
Siamese domination from the early eighteenth century. However, as with
sculpture, there were regional variations in painting. By the late eighteenth
century art in Laos showed more experimentation in topic matter with the
portrayal of nature, everyday life, and even humor. The traditional paintings
of northern Thailand and Laos also tend to show brighter colors, blacker out-
lines, and simpler topics than those found elsewhere.8

Other Decorative Arts

The mysterious giant urns found in the Plain of Jars (see Chapter 2) are
clear evidence that sophisticated techniques for ceramics existed in Laos at
least two thousand years ago. Excavations at Sisattnak, near Vientiane, have
uncovered pottery from the second and third centuries c.e. Some scholars
contend that kilns found here made between the fifteenth and seventeenth
centuries are different from those found elsewhere in Southeast Asia, which
suggests that Laos was a major center for glazed ceramics during the height
of Lan Xang. Similar excavations at Ban Xang Hai outside of Luang Pra-
bang reinforce this argument, although few definitive archaeological stud-
ies have been completed to date. The manufacture of gold and silver wares
dates back to between the ninth and thirteenth centuries, when Laos was part
of the Khmer empire. However, neither gold nor silver was abundant un-
til the sixteenth century, when skilled craftsmen followed King Sethathirat
from Lan Na to Luang Prabang. Gold and silver wares from the Lan Xang era
are best seen in jewelry, funeral urns, decorative boxes, and Buddhist votive
items.9
Wood carving is one of the most recognizable traditional arts in Laos. It
predated the spread of Buddhism but became more important as a religious
 ART 91

art, used in temples and palaces to adorn door frames, roofs, pillars, and
decorative panels. Wood-carvers were also employed to make furniture for
the wealthy. The most skilled made the magnificent royal barges, palanquins,
and howdahs that royalty used for their transportation. Unfortunately, tradi-
tional woodworking skills are dying out in Laos, and in recent years the Lao
PDR has implemented programs to preserve and revive them. Woodwork-
ing is also a traditional art of many Mon-Khmer and Hmong-Yao groups.
Their work is more evident in everyday items like spears, bows, pipes, bowls,
spoons, carved figures, and toys. Some groups also make musical instruments
from wood, bamboo, and gourds. Bronze drums are particularly artful work
in some tribes.
Paper arts are also traditional in Laos, as they are throughout Southeast Asia.
Papermaking revolved around the sa (saa), or mulberry tree, the bark of which
was crushed, mixed with water, and made into a paste before being drained
and dried into thin sheets. It was then used for sacred texts, gradually replacing
palm leaves. It was also used for festive occasions in decorating temples or
homes, and in making artistic kites and fans. Sa was also originally used in
the manufacture of lacquerware, an art closely associated with Thailand and
Burma. Woven baskets or dry wood were carved or pressed into various shapes
and sizes before being covered in a mix of ash, clay, and rice husks. The latex
from rubber trees was then boiled and cooled into a black paste that was then
spread over top. After repeated coats, sanding, and polishing, colorful designs
were engraved or painted on. There are examples of traditional lacquerware
in Laos, but for reasons that are not entirely clear, it never developed into a
major center for the craft. Traditionally, and still today, bamboo and rattan
were also employed in decorative arts: They are used in making furniture,
baskets, containers, and musical instruments. Some of the Lao Theung and
Lao Sung also have established histories of basketry.

TEXTILES
Although some people consider them more handicraft than art, textiles rep-
resent one of Laos’ most important traditions, and one of the few that extends
to nearly all ethnic groups. Some of the most recognizable textiles come from
the Lao Theung and Lao Sung. This in part stems from the ancient belief that
men are considered transitory, as they leave home to build new lives, look
for work, or fight wars. Women, on the other hand, traditionally remain and
serve as the heart of home life. Consequently, throughout many ethnic groups
in Laos, men’s dress is simpler, whereas women wear more colorful and elabo-
rate clothes to distinguish where they come from and to represent their tribes
or villages. Clothes demonstrate wealth, social standing, and above all, skill.
92 CULTURE AND CUSTOMS OF LAOS

Weaving and embroidery skills are highly prized by men seeking brides, as
well as by traders who exchange other valuable goods for textiles. The Hmong
weave elaborate paj ntaub, or “story cloths,” to record momentous events, such
as births, marriages, and deaths. Stitch work is taught to girls as young as five
years old and is considered one of the most important skills in a woman’s life.
The pattern and color of textiles vary not only between but also within
ethnic groups, often right down to villages and individual families. There are,
however, more than a dozen clearly identifiable major styles found across Laos,
which depend primarily on region, materials used, and the type of loom em-
ployed. These are discussed in detail in Chapter 8. Unfortunately, among some
groups in the Mon-Khmer language family, the art of traditional textiles has
declined. The Lao government has recently implemented various programs
to correct this, and together with demand from increased tourism, there are
hopes for a revival.10

MODERN ART
Laos is not known for its modern art or design. Again, the small popu-
lation, relative isolation, and decades of conflicts factor into this. However,
especially before 1975, there was a small but vibrant modern artistic commu-
nity, especially in painting. Under French rule in the nineteenth century Laos
was exposed to Western techniques and styles, and a handful of painters exper-
imented with oil and watercolors. The first Lao school dedicated to modern
arts was not established until 1940, when a Frenchman named Marc Leguay
(1910–2001) started a small community at Sala in Champasak Province.
There he taught drawing, graphic art, and metalwork before the Japanese im-
prisoned him in 1945. When the war ended, he moved the school to Vien-
tiane and continued teaching. The school was shut down in 1949 for lack of
funds, but Leguay remained in Vientiane as an art teacher for nearly three
decades. His own work focused on scenes of everyday life in Laos, renowned
for its colors and rich textures. He became known as the Gauguin of Laos
and achieved considerable local fame. More important, Leguay helped estab-
lish the National School of Fine Arts at Vientiane in 1962, which allowed
many Lao artists to train at higher levels. Two other provincial schools were
established in 1975 at Luang Prabang and Savannakhet. They taught tradi-
tional and modern painting, drawing, sculpture, woodwork, metalwork, and
pottery.
Decades of conflict and communist rule have seriously affected artistic
communities in Laos since then. The persecution of artists in Laos did not
reach anywhere near the extent seen in Cambodia, but some still faced intern-
ment in political reeducation camps after 1975. The communist government
 ART 93

imposed restrictions on all creative arts. Social realism became the mandate,
following the same pattern imposed in the Soviet Union, the PRC, and Viet-
nam. This meant that all arts had to reinforce communist ideology or the revo-
lutionary struggle. Paintings and drawings glorifying the new regime adorned
banners, posters, books, newspapers, and virtually all other visual media. Im-
ages of healthy, smiling peasants working in fields reaping bountiful harvests
became standard, as did pictures of handsome soldiers and government offi-
cials protecting the people from foreign threats, and those depicting strong,
agile workers building an industrial Laos for the future. Anti-Western and es-
pecially anti-American themes were also very common in portrayals of average
people fighting against ruthless imperialism.
However, there were also somewhat typically Lao artistic anomalies in the
new regime. A prominent example is the giant statue of King Sisavangvong in
Vientiane. In other communist states vestiges of the former government were
usually destroyed or removed, but not in Laos. The Lao PDR allowed it to re-
main, although the plaque identifying the statue as Sisavangvong mysteriously
disappeared. Some suggest that this is because the sculpture was a gift from the
Soviet Union, given following the king’s son’s state visit there in 1972. Others
believe that it remained because the leadership in Laos was more pragmatic
than its counterparts elsewhere in the communist world and understood that
sympathies for the royal family ran deep. Perhaps with the same nostalgia in
mind, the new regime entertained some more traditional arts and co-opted
them as part of the “new” Lao socialist identity. For example, artists at the na-
tional academy continued reproducing classical or early-modern Western art-
works despite their “bourgeois” connotations. Unlike Cambodia, in Laos the
academies teaching fine arts were kept open. In fact, the communist govern-
ment opened a new one, the National Arts Teacher Training School, in 1982,
to train educators of art and music at the primary and secondary school lev-
els. However, given their focus on copying rather than creating artistic works,
the Lao schools have failed to produce a genuine artistic community in the
country. Although political restrictions have been lifted, most artists, even
those with elite training, have no market for their talents. Laos has too small
and poor a population to support art on any commercial level. Only very
recently has the government encouraged a few Lao artists to sell their work
overseas.
Prominent Lao artists today include Khamsouk Keomingmuang, whose
paintings focus on rural scenes and women in traditional costume, and Kong-
phat Luangrath, who works in both printmaking and painting. He and his col-
leagues May Chandavong and Anoulom Souvandouane recently established
the Mask Gallery in Vientiane to showcase local art. These artists and oth-
ers, like Kanha Sikounnavong and Nirad Chounramahy, have had increasing
94 CULTURE AND CUSTOMS OF LAOS

international exposure through exhibitions. There are also several well-known

Lao artists working overseas, such as Vong Phaophanit and Phet Cash.11

NOTES
1. Jeff Cranmer and Steve Martin, Rough Guide to Laos (London: Rough Guides,
2002), 368.
2. Steve Van Beek, The Arts of Thailand (London: Thames and Hudson, 1991),
26.
3. Visiting Arts Cultural Profiles Project, “Laos Cultural Profile,” www.
culturalprofiles.org.uk/laos (retrieved December 2007).
4. Robert E. Fisher, Buddhist Art and Architecture (London: Thames and Hudson,
1993), 174–186. See also Philip Rawson, The Art of Southeast Asia (London: Thames
and Hudson, 1967), 145–153.
5. Cranmer and Martin, Rough Guide, 365–366.
6. John Hoskin, “The Subtle Art of Casting Sacred Statues,” Sawasdee Magazine,
June 2002, 29–33. See also Rawson, Art, 22–28.
7. Visiting Arts Cultural Profiles Project, “Laos Cultural Profile,”
www.culturalprofiles.org.uk/laos (retrieved December 2007).
8. Jean Boisseler, Thai Painting (Tokyo: Kodansha International, 1976), 110–
113. See also Wattana Wattanapun, “The Use of Traditional Tai Images in Con-
temporary Thai Painting,” in Traditional Tai Arts in Contemporary Perspective, ed.
Michael Howard, Wattana Wattanapun, and Alec Gordon (Bangkok: White Lotus
Press, 1998), 193–196.
9. Visiting Arts Cultural Profiles Project, “Laos Cultural Profile,” www.
culturalprofiles.org.uk/laos (retrieved December 2007).
10. Cranmer and Martin, Rough Guide, 368–396. See also; Patricia Cheesman
Naenna, “Change as a Method of Identification and Dating Tai Textiles,” in Tradi-
tional Tai Arts, chap. 3.
11. Visiting Arts Cultural Profiles Project, “Laos Cultural Profile,” www.
culturalprofiles.org.uk/laos (retrieved December 2007).
 6

Architecture and Design

HISTORICAL ARCHITECTURE AND ARCHITECTURAL TRADITIONS

Traditional architecture in Laos reflects many influences: Indian,
Khmer, Burmese, Thai, and Chinese. Unfortunately, much of the country’s
ancient heritage was lost over the centuries to war and neglect, but there are
still sites that illustrate its past grandeur. In particular, Laos has a diverse range
of Buddhist temples that rank among the most interesting and important in
the world. Considering the mix of more recent French, Vietnamese, commu-
nist, and Western influences, the architectural history of Laos is even richer,
so much so that Luang Prabang is listed as a United Nations Educational,
Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) world heritage site.
The oldest-known human-made structures in Laos are a series of stand-
ing stones dating to between 1000 and 500 b.c.e. found in Hua Phan and
Luang Nam Tha provinces. The giant containers on the Plain of Jars date
between 300 and 100 b.c.e. Cave and earthworks from the same period sug-
gest rudimentary fortifications made of thatch and wood. The ruins of Hindu
and early Buddhist temples indicate that stonework and masonry gradually
replaced wood as the primary building material during the first millennium
c.e. By the third century c.e. the Mon established a kingdom west of modern-
day Bangkok that became the focal point of the Dvaravati empire. By the late
eighth century, it stretched into Laos, where the Mon built the original set-
tlements at Luang Prabang and Vientiane. Khmer influences date to the same
period, and between the ninth and thirteenth centuries became dominant,
96 CULTURE AND CUSTOMS OF LAOS

particularly in the south. Built between the fifth and seventh centuries, the
Hindu and later Buddhist temple Wat Phu Champasak is a good example of
Khmer architecture in Laos. Together with other temple complexes in the area,
UNESCO designated it a world heritage site in 2002. By the eleventh century
the Khmer empire reached Vientiane, where fragments of their temples exist
at Pha That Luang and Wat Simuang.
The architectural achievements of Lan Xang are more abundant, although
little is intact from the earliest era. Fragments and foundations suggest that
there was a vigorous approach to temple construction in the kingdom from its
inception. A good example of this was the sanctuary at Viengkham, built in
1359 to house the Phabang during its journey to Fa Ngum’s capital. Between
the fourteenth and sixteenth centuries, his successors continued the tradition.
However, it was not until the sixteenth century that Lan Xang began its archi-
tectural golden age. During the reigns of Vixun, Phothisarat, and Sethathirat
there was a dramatic expansion, particularly evident in temples such as
Wat Vixun in Luang Prabang. Built around 1502 to house the Phabang,
it required an estimated four thousand trees. According to legend, the
main twelve pillars—each one 30 meters (98 feet) tall—were taken from
different forests in the kingdom. Sketches from European travelers show
that Wat Vixun was a truly magnificent temple. It held the sacred idol
between 1513 and 1707, and again between 1867 and 1887, when Haw
raiders destroyed it. It was reconstructed in the late nineteenth century
using modern materials but in accordance with the original design. Other
temples from this period include Wat May and Wat Pak Khan in Luang
Prabang, Wat Phonesay in Vientiane, and Wat Sayasathanh in Vientiane
province.1
As discussed in Chapter 2, during the reigns of Phothisarat and Sethathirat
stronger ties between Lan Xang and Lan Na led to a period of even greater
artistic and architectural achievements. A spectacular example is Wat Xiang
Thong in Luang Prabang—probably the most famous temple in Laos. Built
in 1560, it has remained largely untouched since. It was the only temple in
the city that the Haw did not destroy in 1887, owing to the fact that one of
their leaders had studied there earlier in his life.2 In fact, Wat Xiang Thong
survived all conquering armies and conflict Laos has endured. It remained the
religious centerpiece of the Lao royal family until the communist revolution
and today is one of the country’s top tourist attractions. So too is Pha That
Luang in Vientiane, the most important symbol of national unity in Laos.
Originally built between 1565 and 1571, the temple was abandoned following
the Siamese conquest of the city in the late 1820s. French explorers found it
overgrown with jungle in the 1867, and the Haw raiders destroyed it some
 ARCHITECTURE AND DESIGN 97

twenty years later. The one standing today is a reconstruction made in the
1930s, inspired by the French promotion of a Lao national identity.
Sethathirat also presided over the construction of Wat Mixay, Wat Tay Noi,
Wat Tay Yai, Wat Ong Tu, and Ho Pha Keo, all in Vientiane and the latter
would house the famous Emerald Buddha. He also built Wat Phia Wat in
Xiang Khuang and That Sikhottabong in Khammouane, as well as recon-
structing the ancient city of Souvannakhomkham in Sayaburi. However, his
death in 1571 put an end to the golden age of Lan Xang. Many of the temples
and buildings were destroyed or fell into disrepair during the nearly seventy
years of conflict that followed. It was not until the reign of Surinyavongsa
in the mid-seventeenth century that Lan Xang regained its glory. During his
rule Vientiane was restored and became a major center in the Buddhist world.
European accounts attest to the magnificence of its palaces and temples. Un-
fortunately, the city declined again following his death. Because of the divi-
sion of Lan Xang, little is known about eighteenth-century architecture in
Laos. Several major temples like Wat Nong, Wat Sene, and Wat Xiang Lek
were built at Luang Prabang in the early 1700s, while Wat May, Wat Phone-
say Sanasongkham, and Wat Pha That Chomsi were constructed late in the
century. By the time the Haw invaded, there were sixty-five wat in Luang
Prabang. Vientiane witnessed less activity until the early nineteenth century
when King Anuvong refurbished the city and constructed the famous Wat
Sisakhet.3 It was one of the few major buildings in the city not destroyed
during the Siamese invasion of 1828.
The architectural influences of both Siam and France dominated the nine-
teenth and twentieth centuries prior to the communist revolution. French
styles are best seen in Cambodia and Vietnam, where more money was made
available for the construction and maintenance of buildings. However, the
French did leave their imprint on Laos. The most obvious example is the
Royal Palace compound in Luang Prabang, built between 1904 and 1909
for King Sisavangvong. It incorporates traditional Lao and period French de-
signs throughout, even including the three-headed elephant emblem of the
royal family alongside the fleur-de-lis. There is also the Résidence Supérieure,
built in 1900 as the seat of the colonial government in Vientiane, and the
Service des Travaux Publics, constructed in 1907. It now serves as the French
embassy. Other examples of French architecture in Vientiane include Bureau
de la Résidence (1915), the Lycée Auguste Pavie (1920), the Hôtel du Com-
missariat (1925), and the Église de Sacré-Coeur (1930). Today most house
offices of the Lao PDR government or serve as schools and museums.4 The
former private residences of French colonial officials—multistory brick and
stucco villas with large verandas and balconies—still stand out today in centers
98 CULTURE AND CUSTOMS OF LAOS

Haw Pha Bang, Royal Palace, Luang Prabang.

Tibor Bognar/Art Directors & Trip Photo
Library.

like Luang Prabang. Some are now refurbished hotels and private residences
again.

THE LAO WAT

The best-known example of Laos’ classical architecture is the wat (vat). Al-
though the term is interpreted in English as “temples,” wat can actually refer
to a single structure or a complex. There are thousands in the country, and they
are very important to every town. Most wat are built in fenced-off areas central
to the communities they serve, but their exact design is varied. Some wat ap-
pear crowded and disorganized because of an ad hoc approach in adding to the
complexes over time. Building materials and techniques have also changed,
producing distinct differences among wat. For example, originally wood was
used for their construction, but the wood decayed over time. Bricks and plas-
ter make up the majority of wat built since the fifteenth century.
 ARCHITECTURE AND DESIGN 99

The wat in Laos are very similar to those elsewhere in Buddhist Southeast
Asia. They all contain a consecrated chapel known as a sim or uposatha, where
religious ceremonies take place and the main Buddhist statuary are kept. They
also have a vihara or wihann, where sacred images and texts are kept. Both the
sim and vihara sometimes have verandas, small galleries, or gardens around
them. The sim is further demarcated by boundary stones, called sii maa (bai
sema), which mark sacred ground at the corners of the building. Wat com-
plexes also have that (thaat or tat) or stupa: solid cones, bells, or lotus-shaped
towers that symbolize the strength of the religion. These designs reflect the
Hindu and early Buddhist influences from India and Ceylon that were incor-
porated by Khmer, Mon, and later Tai builders. That function as reliquaries.
Many wat take their name from the relics the that holds. Those holding relics
associated with the bodhisattvas are identified by the title Pha That, or “Bud-
dhist relic” in their name. Those from the Buddha himself are called Maha
That (Mahathat), or “great relic.” Some wat also have a mondop: a square
or cube-shaped building with a pyramidal roof that houses other important
objects of the faith. Lectures, meetings, and social functions are held in the
sala (saala), special buildings in the wat compound. The monks’ residences
or kuti are also nearby. Larger wat may have a library (haw tai or ho tai), bell
towers (haw rakhang or ho rakhang), drum towers (haw kawng or ho kong),
and buildings that serve as schools, community centers, and even health clin-
ics. Demonstrating the importance of phi worship, many wat also have spirit
houses.5
There are different construction styles illustrated in the wat throughout
Laos, most based on the time they were built, their location, and the materials
used. Architectural historians generally identify three schools named after the
cities and regions where they originated: the Vientiane, the Luang Prabang,
and the Xiang Khuang. The main difference between them is with respect to
the roofs of the sim. In the Vientiane style front verandas of the sim are open
with large pillars that support an elongated, overhanging roof. The edges of
the roof have high, multitiered peaks that look like flames, often referred to
as dok so fa (“pointing to the sky”) or jao fa (“sky hooks”). They represent dif-
ferent levels of Buddhist cosmology and are tipped with dramatic naga: the
mythical sea serpent that protected Buddha. There is often an ornate decora-
tive screen over the front entrance depicting mythical creatures from Buddhist
cosmology or carvings of the Buddha. The Luang Prabang style features sim
with low sweeping roofs, characteristic of those found in northern Thailand
as an illustration of Lan Na influences over the centuries. Wat Xiang Thong
is an excellent example. Roofs of the Xiang Khuang school also sweep low
but are wider and lack the tiers and ornamentation of the others. The sim is
also usually raised on a platform. Unfortunately, American bombing during
100 CULTURE AND CUSTOMS OF LAOS

the Vietnam War destroyed most temples in this style—found mainly in the
north.6 Collectively, Lao wat can also be distinguished from those in Thailand.
Overall they are more modest and restrained. Decorative features like carvings
often appear against a background of flames or flowers called lai lao: literally,
the “Lao pattern.” It is also more common in Laos to see Hindu deities and
other Khmer influences, particularly carved in the upper lines of the roof.

A QUICK TOUR OF Wat IN LAOS

Given the tremendous variety of wat in Laos, it is safe to say two things
emphatically: No two are exactly alike, and everyone has their own choice as
to the best. That said, two wat in the country are worth particular mention for
their historical significance, unique construction, and religious symbolism. At
the top of that list is Wat Pha That Luang, “The Great Sacred Stupa,” which
now adorns the Lao PDR flag. Officially known as Pha Chedi Lokajulamani,
or “World Precious Sacred Stupa,” That Luang is the most important reli-
gious architecture in the country. King Sethathirat had it built over the site of
Khmer ruins, which may have included an even older that dating back to the
fourth century b.c.e. when, according to legend, monks returned home with
a bone from Buddha’s body. They convinced the lord of Vientiane to build
a massive stone edifice for the faithful to worship around the bone. Today,
many Lao believe that the original that is encased within the outer shell of the
one standing. Covered in gold leaf, the visible structure is surrounded by a
square of thirty smaller that resembling the guard towers of a fort. The inner
sanctuary has high walls with small windows, separated by beautifully made
red-lacquer doors.7 Ornamental naga, images of the Buddha, and stylized lo-
tus flowers appear throughout. Four important wat were later built around
That Luang. The entire complex was restored in 2005 to coincide with the
thirtieth anniversary of the Lao PDR. In front of That Luang a giant statue
of Sethathirat sits guard with a long, curved sword symbolizing his protection
of the heart of the nation. Recently cracks have appeared in the facade of the
that, caused by the vibrations of heavy traffic all around the complex.
Most visitors to Laos are struck even more by Wat Xiang Thong, the
“Golden City” monastery, built by King Sethathirat at the confluence of the
Mekong and Nam Khan rivers in the mid-sixteenth century. The sweeping
roof represents a bird with graceful, outstretched wings: a mother hen pro-
tecting her chicks according to most locals. Gold designs are stenciled onto
the black and dark-red walls of the sim, most depicting tales from the satok or
Pha Lak Pha Lam. There are also graphic portrayals of people punished for sins
against the faith. The rear wall of the sim is covered with a beautiful mosaic of
animals in the forest, centered on a legendary tree of flames that purportedly
 ARCHITECTURE AND DESIGN 101

Pha That Luang, Vientiane. Tibor Bognar/Art Directors & Trip Photo Library.

stood there before the temple was constructed. Dubbed the “Red Chapel”
because of its red and gold reliefs, a small building directly across from the
sim houses the sixteenth-century bronze reclining Buddha and unique glass
artwork. The funerary hall is adorned with carved teak walls that show more
characters from the Pha Lak Pha Lam (Pharak Pharam) along with the carriage
used to take King Sisavangvong to his cremation.8

TRADITIONAL HOUSES
There is an old saying that a Lao lives in houses built on piles, eats sticky
rice, and listens to the khaen: a musical instrument made from bamboo. The
saying plays on the fact that the Lao Theung and Lao Sung more commonly
live in houses on the ground and eat dry rice. Indeed, there is truth to the
notion. The traditional Lao house, or heuan, sits on stilts raised above the
ground to adapt to seasonal rains, which is particularly important for those
living along riverbanks. The space underneath is used for storage, cooking,
or keeping livestock. Outward-leaning walls and a slightly more rectangular
shape distinguish Lao and northern Thai homes. The traditional house is made
from wood. Teak is preferred, but now other hardwoods, bamboo, and thatch
are more common. Still today, most heuan are made by hand, although in
larger towns prefabricated wood panels are often used.
102 CULTURE AND CUSTOMS OF LAOS

The simplest structures have only one room, but many are larger with spaces
for cooking and bathing. The roofs of the house are curved, often sharply, to
handle heavy rains. A high roof pitch allows for greater room inside, and the
openness permits better air circulation, which in a hot climate is an absolute
necessity. Sometimes corrugated tin is used as roofing tile, although the tra-
ditional design calls for tightly woven bamboo mats or thatch. Tin conducts
heat and can make the home very hot, but it is better than other materials for
funneling rainwater, used for drinking. It is also more durable and less sus-
ceptible to insects, which often nest in thatch. The traditional home has no
furniture, only a mat for sitting on the floor and for sleeping. There is usually
no running water, no electricity, and no other amenities, especially in rural
areas. Kerosene or oil lamps are still widely used today.
Despite its simplicity, the traditional house is constructed with strict adher-
ence to spiritual beliefs and functionality. No construction takes place without
the consultation of astrologers, who advise on the location, the timing, and
even the materials used. Careful attention must be given to make sure spirits
are not disturbed. Rituals and prayers still begin construction of homes in Laos
today. The positioning of the house and its internal design revolves around the
position of those sleeping, with the direction of the head being particularly
important. Buddhists believe that one’s feet should not point toward another’s
head, so homes were set up to have everyone sleep in one direction. In many
villages it is common to see neighbors line up their homes in accordance with
these principles: back-to-back with the next house so that no one points their
feet at anyone’s head. This concept also stems from the belief that phi can
travel only in straight lines, so one can avoid lying parallel under horizontal
beams. The notion applies especially for the dead, who must be moved with
their feet facing the front gable from the upper part of the house to the lower
by a special ladder to ensure that its phi does not return.9 Most Lao homes
have altars to honor both Buddha and the phi.
Given that many ethnic minorities live in remote, rural communities that
are economically disadvantaged, architecture and design among them tends
to be quite simple and similar to the Lao Lum. Generally speaking, the Tai-
Kadai and Mon-Khmer groups live in stilted or partially stilted homes. Those
from the Hmong-Yao groups live in houses set squarely on the ground. How-
ever, this is not an absolute rule. Some, like the Akha, also employ the use
of stilts. Architectural styles have transcended ethnic boundaries, and it is not
uncommon to see a fusion of traditions. Some Tai groups, like the Tai Daeng,
Tai Dam, and Tai Khao, are noted for larger homes with tortoiseshell-shaped
thatched roofs. Some Katuic- and Bahnaric-language family groups construct
their homes around a communal house at the center of a village. In areas where
access to materials is easier, some traditional homes of the Lao Theung and
 ARCHITECTURE AND DESIGN 103

Traditional wooden house with leaves in the Bolavan plateau near Thateng. 
c Alfred
Molon–www.molon.de.

Lao Sung have adopted modern buildings materials, whereas those in remote
areas continue to reside in houses that have not changed their basic style in
hundreds of years. In the more traditional villages of Mon-Khmer groups, a
bamboo spirit gate guards the entrance and an area for animal sacrifice is often
nearby.

MODERN ARCHITECTURE
Under French rule the construction of houses in urban areas incorporated
new materials, such as bricks and stucco, as well as European design influ-
ences. However, this was just for the wealthy. Most Lao continued to live in
traditional homes. In fact, many French-style homes adopted Lao designs to
better deal with the climate. By the mid-twentieth century cities like Luang
Prabang and Vientiane had a curious mix of traditional Lao and French neo-
colonial architecture, dotted with a few Indian-, Chinese-, and Vietnamese-
style buildings.
In the 1950s there was a relative boom in the construction of public build-
ings, most following Western designs. The National Assembly, now the office
104 CULTURE AND CUSTOMS OF LAOS

of the prime minister, the National Stadium, and the Mahosot Maternity Hos-
pital are a few examples. However, the most recognizable structure from this
period is the massive Patuxai Monument in Vientiane. Built in 1957, it was
designed to be the Lao equivalent to the Arc de Triomphe in Paris. Indeed, it
is situated at a roundabout along the capital’s main thoroughfare, Lan Xang
Avenue, in exactly the same fashion as the Arc de Triomphe stands along the
Champs Elysées. Some refer to the monument as the “vertical runway” be-
cause it was made from cement purchased in the United States that was sup-
posed to have been used for the construction of a new airport. The only other
major project begun before the revolution was the presidential palace, also in
Vientiane: it was started in 1973 and finished in 1986.
The Lao PDR has not considered architecture—old or new—much of a
priority, primarily given the country’s poverty. However, by the late 1980s
monies were freed to create new office buildings in Vientiane. Similarly, a
new National Assembly was built in 1990 and Luang Prabang received an in-
ternational airport terminal in 1997. However, some of the new construction
has raised concerns about planning, costs, utility, and the environment. The
fourteen-story Don Chan Palace Hotel, built on an island in the Mekong, is
an example. Even more pressing is the fact that, with economic reforms, the
Lao government has initiated a construction boom that is poorly regulated.10
It is unlikely to stop any time soon, particularly as the population of Laos
grows and becomes more urbanized. With, albeit small, Western-style towers
and complexes slowly appearing on Vientiane’s skyline, it may be just a matter
of time before the traditional heuan is relegated to the most remote parts of a
modernized Laos.

NOTES
1. Visiting Arts Cultural Profiles Project, “Laos Cultural Profile,” www.
culturalprofiles.org.uk/laos (retrieved December 2007).
2. Joe Cummings and Andrew Burke, Laos (Footscray, Australia: Lonely Planet
Publications, 2005), 118–119.
3. Daigero Chihara, Hindu-Buddhist Architecture in Southeast Asia (Amsterdam:
E. J. Brill, 1996), 220–223.
4. Visiting Arts Cultural Profiles Project, “Laos Cultural Profile,” www.
culturalprofiles.org.uk/laos (retrieved December 2007).
5. Arne Kislenko, Culture and Customs of Thailand (Westport, CT: Greenwood
Publishing, 2004), 148–149.
6. Cummings and Burke, Laos, 41. See also Clare Griffiths, ed., Insight Guides:
Laos and Cambodia (London: Apa Publications, 2005), 72–73.
 ARCHITECTURE AND DESIGN 105

7. Northeastern Illinois University Center for Southeast Asian Studies, “Re-

sources for Lao Studies,” www.seasite.niu.edu/lao (retrieved January 2008). See also
Cummings and Burke, Laos, 70–71, and Griffiths, Insight Guides, 75.
8. Jeff Cranmer and Steve Martin, Rough Guide to Laos (London: Rough Guides,
2002), 154–157.
9. Northeastern Illinois University Center for Southeast Asian Studies, “Re-
sources for Lao Studies,” www.seasite.niu.edu/lao (retrieved January 2008). See also
Roxana Waterson, The Living House: An Anthropology of Architecture in Southeast Asia
(New York: Whitney Library of Design, 1998).
10. Visiting Arts Cultural Profiles Project, “Laos Cultural Profile,” www.
culturalprofiles.org.uk/laos (retrieved December 2007).
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 7

Theater, Dance, Music, and Film

TRADITIONAL THEATER, DANCE, AND MUSIC

Music, dance, and theater are closely connected in traditional cultures of
Laos. The lam or khap folk songs and the lam luang classical opera are based
on traditional music but are theater as well. The lam requires audience par-
ticipation, whereas the lam luang is highly theatrical performance art. As is
true with most arts in Laos, these forms are ultimately expressions of folktales
and/or the satok and Pha Lak Pha Lam (Pharak Pharam). The influence of an-
imism is also pronounced, as many songs, dances, and performances involve
the phi. Probably the best example of this connection is seen during Lao New
Year celebrations at Wat Vixun in Luang Prabang. Animistic dances in full
costume are performed to honor servants of the mythological Khum Bulom,
Phou Nheu, and Nha Nheu, who are the spirit guardians of the city. Many
songs, dances, and plays also incorporate myths, legends, cosmological beliefs,
and Buddhist morality tales.

KHON AND LAKHON

A traditional, nonmusical theater culture never fully emerged in Laos. Dra-

matic performances of the satok, Pha Lak Pha Lam, and folktales date back
to Lan Xang, but outside the preview of royal audiences they never really
caught on. Much more commonly, theatrical performances were set to music
and dance and known as khon and lakhon. Both are rooted in the Pha Lak
108 CULTURE AND CUSTOMS OF LAOS

Pha Lam, but the latter, less formal art, also draws from the satok tales. Khon
and lakhon are famous for their colorful and elaborate costuming, especially
masks. Made from paper and decorated with gold, lacquer, and imitation jew-
els, the masks represent traditional monsters, demons, and gods from the Pha
Lak Pha Lam. Characters are identified by the colors they wear; the hero Pha
Lam (Rama) always wears deep green, whereas Hanuman, his monkey-god
ally, wears white. Dance movements are meant to be fluid, delicate expres-
sions of the hands and upper torso, and to communicate emotions.1 Most
scholars believe that both the khon and lakhon originated during the early
stages of Lan Xang, derived from similar performances in Khmer culture. Af-
ter the collapse of the kingdom Siamese influences took over, and today there
is little difference between Thai and Lao renditions of either theater.

LAM AND MOHLAM

Lam is a form of oral literature. The word means to sing, but lam is probably
best described as a kind of chant. In effect, its performers chant lyrical folk po-
etry, and the melody or tune comes from intonations in their pronunciation
and voice. It is likely that the tradition began long before Buddhism as a means
of oral history—passing down tales from generation to generation—and as a
way to communicate with phi. Lam performances are call-and-response in
that the performer chants out and the audience replies. There are numerous
different styles of lam as well as regional variations within Laos and Thai-
land. For example, mohlam (molam or maw lam) is an expert form of the
art, prized for its creativity and precision. Artists in this genre do not work
from a memorized script but rather make their lam up each time, drawing
on folk beliefs, tricks of phrase, and contemporary culture for their material.2
Training to become a mohlam artist is difficult and a lengthy process, but the
best are regarded highly in their community and some have star status in Lao
society.
There are also subdivisions of lam based on the subject matter, the number
of performers involved, the poetic form and rhythm used, and the regional
variations. Lam kiaw is best described as “courting poetry,” in that it is tra-
ditionally performed by a man and woman and is almost always about ro-
mance. Lam naaw is “long” poetry because it takes a long time to perform.
Lam pheun is generally interactive with the audience and employs more hu-
mor than drama. There is also lam khuu or “paired” poetry, which involves
separate dialogues woven together in the same performance. Lam employs
both formal and informal language, and it seldom takes the shape of a di-
rect conversation between performers. Instead, artists respond to each other
indirectly by singing about themes like unrequited love, loss of a loved one,
 THEATER, DANCE, MUSIC, AND FILM 109

or worry about one’s relationships. Buddhist principles about minimizing de-

sire have a strong current in lam. Most performances end without definitive
resolution, but rather are meant to engage the audience’s emotions about the
impermanence of everything in life. One line from a lam kiaw laments, “I will
only be satisfied if I can die and be reborn under a tree trunk, blocking the
way so that you will walk across it.”3
Most Lao can identify the region from which the lam originates in the first
few lines of the performance. Lam saravane and lam siphandone are among
the best known regional variations. There are also numerous styles of lam and
khap performed by ethnic groups of the Lao Theung and Lao Sung, effectively
making the art form national. Examples include the khap Tai Daeng (Red
Tai), khap Tai Dam (Black Tai), lam Meuy (Tai Meuy), and lam Phu Tai (Phu
Tai) variations. These employ local instruments or musical accompaniment
by hand clapping. It is, of course, almost impossible to accurately gauge all
the variations of lam and mohlam in Laos, although in its recent efforts to
showcase the cultural diversity of the country the government has identified
at least one hundred major melodies among the different ethnic groups.

LAM LUANG
Lam luang is Lao opera. It originated as a more theatrical way of per-
forming lam and mohlam long ago but did not become popularized until
the late nineteenth century. Siamese, Cambodian, Vietnamese, Chinese, and
Malaysian theatrical influences also stimulated its development. By the early
twentieth century lam luang performances involved large troupes—often as
many as thirty people—with elaborate sets, costume changes, and orchestral
accompaniment. However, it was not until 1972 that a professional lam luang
organization—the Central Lao Opera—was formed, not by the RLG but by
the Pathet Lao. They hoped to promote the tradition as the national art of a
communist Laos. In the Lao PDR the troupe has continued and today per-
forms about various social issues like HIV-AIDS and drugs as much as it does
about more traditional themes. There are also a number of smaller amateur
lam luang groups in Laos.

TRADITIONAL FOLK DANCE

With such diverse populations it is not surprising that Laos has many tra-
ditional folk dances, known collectively as fon phun muang. Most are derived
from Buddhist teachings or mythologies. They are best known for precise, styl-
ized movements of the hand and head, based on the Buddhist mudra. One of
the most popular Lao Lum dances is the lam vong, or “circle dance,” in which
110 CULTURE AND CUSTOMS OF LAOS

an individual begins and is then joined by a partner, then by other couples,

until the whole crowd forms three connected circles. The fon uay is also well
known as a welcome dance, as is the fon dab men’s martial arts dance. Lao
Theung and Lao Sung dances include the Hmong fon bun kin chieng, or “New
Year” dance, the fon pao bang Khmou courtship dance, the Red and Black Tai
“bamboo pole” dance, and the bell and drum dances of the Yao.4 There are
numerous regional variations in both name and style, particularly among Lao
in Isan, but overall there is great continuity in Laos and Thailand with respect
to folk dances.
Most tourists to Laos today see folk dances performed with elaborate cos-
tumes and staging under the impression that the traditional art is thriving.
In fact, dance has declined dramatically over the past few decades. Economic
hardship and political repression have undermined the interest of average cit-
izens, and as elders die, the skills involved have not been easily transferred to
a new generation. The Lao PDR has tried to revive dance culture in an at-
tempt to “customize tradition” for a new era with the opportunities tourism
provides.5

TRADITIONAL MUSIC
Music for lam, lam luang, and fon phun muang is, of course, essential. By
far the most important instrument in traditional music in Laos is the khene
(khaen), one of the country’s definitive national symbols. Variations can be
found among all ethnic groups. This is a large mouth organ made from bam-
boo tubes specially fitted into a sound box made of wood. Sometimes seven
or eight pairs of the tubes are required for each khene. Each tube is fitted with
a reed, usually made from silver. The player, called a moh khene, blows into
the box and blocks small holes in the tubes to force the vibration of the reeds
and produce a characteristic droning sound. Overall, the khene is similar to
the Chinese sheng, from which it is likely derived. It is used in all traditional
theater and dance and has found a home in more modern music in Laos.
There are a range of other instruments used in Lao music. The pi is a wood-
wind instrument similar to a clarinet. The bamboo or wood flute is known
as the khoui, whereas the ranaat is a bamboo xylophone. The phin is a small
guitar. Specially tuned gongs, called khong wong yai, cymbals (sing), and hand
drums known as ta phon are also commonly used. The ensemble used to play
for events was traditionally known as piphat as it still is in Thailand. After 1975
the Lao government tried to distance the arts of the country from its south-
ern neighbor and renamed traditional musical ensembles mahori. Technically,
this term applied to smaller groupings in which stringed instruments like the
jakhe—a kind of zither—dominated.6 Mahori generally played community
 THEATER, DANCE, MUSIC, AND FILM 111

Man playing a traditional flute in a village near

Pakse. Courtesy of Jeff Phisanoukanh.

functions and were considered more of a “commoner’s” orchestra, which is

why the government favored the name change.
Similar instruments can be found among almost all the ethnic groups of
Laos. There is in fact a wide range of just bamboo flutes, varying in size,
shape, and composition. In more remote areas it is common to see animal
horns or hollowed gourds turned into instruments.7 Drums and gongs are also
well represented and inventive, as they are made from almost every material
imaginable.

MODERN MUSIC
French colonialism introduced Western-style music to Laos in the early
twentieth century. By the 1920s Vientiane boasted several nightclubs, bars,
restaurants, and dance halls that played contemporary music. Some musicians
experimented and mixed traditional lam with French music. Many songs in
the 1920s, 1930s, and 1940s were translated and performed in Lao. New Lao
songs were also produced, most designed to encourage nationalism in the face
112 CULTURE AND CUSTOMS OF LAOS

of Siamese threats. Popular songs included “Lao Houam Samphan” (“Joining

Together the Lao People”), “Lao Houam Vong” (“Unifying the Lao People”),
and “Teuan Chay Lao” (“Thoughts of the Lao Heart”). Less politically mo-
tivated songs like “Xao Noum” (“Lao Youth”), “Deuane Ngam Nham Nao”
(“Moon in Winter”), and “Nay Ta Bok” (“Written in Your Eyes”) were also
popular during this period.
Independence and increasing American influence in Laos brought even
more exposure to modern music. The National School of Music and Dance,
established in 1959, introduced voice and instrumental training. A new
wave of musicians and popular songs followed. Prominent artists included
Bounkhong Pradichit, Phoui Siharath, Nang Kongmi, and Soukanh Vi-
laysane. In the 1970s Malivanh Voravong, Phomma Phimmasone, Kor
Viseth, and Chanthala Outhenesakda were popular. The communists put an
end to Western music in the country, deeming it both counterrevolution-
ary and culturally decadent. In their place patriotic songs were commissioned
to celebrate the new Lao PDR. “Pathet Xat” (“Nation Country”), “Thang
Lek Kao” (“Road Number 9”), “Hak Muang Lao” (“I Love Laos”), “Sieng
Phleng Bontong Nga” (“The Sound of Singing in the Rice Fields”), and “Xom
Xeui Kong Pong Kan A Kad” (“Congratulate the Antiaircraft Gunner”) were
among dozens of revolutionary anthems on the post-1975 music scene.
The relaxation of government restrictions on the arts has led to a more
vibrant musical culture. In addition to the resurgence of traditional music,
foreign influences have returned. Most evident is the influx of CDs from Thai-
land. The music industry also has moved in, with companies like Valentine
Music, Mega Studio, and Indee Records competing for the new market. West-
ern, Thai, Japanese, Chinese, and Vietnamese music comes into Laos via both
legal and illegal means and is particularly accessible in Vientiane. However,
local modern music is also popular and played widely on Lao radio. Artists
like Alexandra Bounxoui, Pan, Noi Sengsourigna, Sithiphone, and Ting ap-
peal to mainstream audiences, whereas boy bands like Y Power and A Pack are
aimed at the teen crowd. Heavy-rock artists include Sapphire, Bohaln, and the
Lao-Canadian band Exile. More alternative music can be found with the Cell,
Awake, Smile Black Dog, Punky Dolls, and Eighteen.8 Sysumonk Xayawong,
Sopha Thanakone, and Kularp Meaungpiey are popular folk artists.
However, even with globalization and Western influences, lam remains the
No. 1 music in Laos. Today, the most popular form of lam uses satire and com-
edy, especially bawdy humor. In some parts of Laos variations of lam kiaw
known as lam pa nah (lam pa nyah) are especially well received. The court-
ing is more humorous and the performers test one another more with wit.
Another variation known as lam glawn is highly theatrical, usually staged at
large events with many performers, and is the one that foreign tourists most
 THEATER, DANCE, MUSIC, AND FILM 113

often see. Although khap is very similar to lam, there is a basic distinction
in that it involves a repetitive chorus sung by performers. Over the past few
decades both lam and khap have incorporated Western musical instruments,
producing a relatively new hybrid in Laos and Thailand known as lam luang
samay (luuk thung). It is most accurately described as a cross between Western
pop music and traditional Lao lam, including electric guitars, bass, drums,
and keyboards. It is often linked to lam vong thammada, a modern hybrid of
traditional and Western dance moves.

PUPPETRY
As in Thailand, puppet theater, or lakhon tukkata, is an ancient art. It was
long associated with the royal family and its court. Traditionally, the large
puppets were carved from wood, painted, and costumed to look like charac-
ters from satok tales and the Pha Lak Pha Lam. Performance artists who did
the gestures and voices operated them from below. However, the popularity
of puppetry was never widespread in Laos, and outside of Luang Prabang it
never quite caught on. In 1978 the Lao PDR government tried to resurrect
interest by creating the Central Puppet Troupe, but performances have been
rare, owing to a lack of funds and public attention. In recent years a vari-
ation of the old art hun kabong has been better received. It involves actors
in costumes with hand puppets performing similar ancient tales with modern
spins from popular culture. A troupe called Théâtre d’Objets Kabong Lao was
established with aid from the French government.

MODERN THEATER
The French also have inspired modern theater in Laos. During the 1930s
and 1940s Lao productions were put on by the Laotienne Artistique et
Sportive, a cultural organization founded with French support. Most of these
were Western-style musicals. There were few Lao-language dramatic produc-
tions until the communist takeover in 1975. Borrowing from their Viet-
namese allies, the Pathet Lao used dramatic theater troupes as a means of
propaganda, even employing them at the front during the war. After the rev-
olution the Lao PDR created the Central Spoken Drama Troupe to continue
the tradition. Contingent with political reforms in the late 1980s, it also began
producing less ideologically driven theater. However, historical and political
themes remain very popular. In 2003 the play King Fa Ngum was staged to
commemorate the seven-hundredth anniversary of a Lao state. Lao legends,
folktales, and Buddhist mythology also account for theatrical productions
today.
114 CULTURE AND CUSTOMS OF LAOS

FILM
Aside from some rare documentary footage taken during French rule, there
is no real film heritage in Laos of which to speak prior to independence.
During the 1950s both the RLG and Pathet Lao produced numerous news-
reels and propaganda films. In fact, one of the earliest known films taken
in the country is a communist production dating to 1956. The first feature
films in Laos were Khukhak Pheunkhaen (“The True and Untrue Friend”) and
Phaenedin Khong Hao (“Our Land”), both produced in the early 1960s by the
RLG. A small commercial filmmaking industry began shortly thereafter but
lacked critical infrastructure. It is believed that only nine feature films were
made in the country between 1960 and 1975, about which little other than
the titles is known, as most were destroyed.
As with all other arts, after the revolution ideological considerations dic-
tated film. The Ministry of Culture took over all production and established
a cinema department to oversee it. Approved propaganda films included the
1980 Muangkhao Lao Sivithmay (“New Lives in the Old Town”), Phoum-
lamnao Khong Saokhongsang (“Place of the Elephant Hunters”) in 1982, and
Sangsha Pathet Xat (“Building the Country”) in 1987. However, the best-
known feature film from the period is the docudrama Siengpeun Chak Tong-
hai (“Sound of Gunfire from the Plain of Jars”), a 1983 coproduction with
Vietnam about the escape of a Pathet Lao unit surrounded by RLG forces in
1958. This was followed up in 1988 with Bouadeng (“Red Lotus”), directed
by the Czech-trained director Som Ok Southiphonh. Set in 1972, the story
focuses on a family ravaged by war and the clash of traditional and modern cul-
tures. Neither of the films succeeded and the cinema department was closed in
1988. Shortly thereafter the State Cinematographic Company was opened to
manage foreign film distribution, and in 1991 the National Film Archive and
Video Centre was established to produce documentary films with the aid of
the Japanese government.9 However, no other feature film was made until the
2007 movie Sabaidee Luang Prabang (“Good Morning, Luang Prabang”). It is
the first commercial production ever filmed in Laos and the first feature made
in twenty years. Directed by the Thai filmmaker Sakchai Deenan, it is a joint
Thai–Lao production that stars the Lao-Australian actor Ananda Everingham,
already very popular in Thailand, and a Lao actress named Khamly Philavong.
The movie is about a Thai photographer who falls in love with a Lao tour
guide. It is scheduled to debut in Bangkok in June 2008, although the timing
of screenings in Laos are still unclear—especially because the country has only
two movie theaters and no film production or distribution company.10
Films about or set in Laos are almost as rare as movies made there.
American-made action pictures like Uncommon Valor (1983), Missing in
 THEATER, DANCE, MUSIC, AND FILM 115

Action II (1985), and Bat 21 (1988) center on rescue attempts of downed

pilots or prisoners of war held captive in Laos after the U.S. withdrawal from
Vietnam. The 1983 movie, part action and part love story, Love Is Forever fo-
cuses on an Australian journalist deported from Laos and his journey back
to reach the love of his life. Air America (1990) is a comedic look at clan-
destine CIA support for the RLG during the 1960s. Rescue Dawn (2006) is
a dramatic, action film about the real-life story of Dieter Dengler, a German
American pilot shot down over Laos during the Vietnam War. It is based on
Werner Herzog’s 1997 documentary Little Dieter Needs to Fly.
The 2006 Thai comedy Mak Tae Loke Talueng (“Lucky Losers”) originally
featured Laos as the setting for a hapless national soccer team commandeered
by a Thai superstar player turned coach. However, Lao PDR Foreign Ministry
officials strenuously complained about the portrayal of Laos in the movie,
forcing the producers to use a fictitious country, Arvee, instead. This followed
serious anti-Thai protests in Cambodia after the release of another film, La-
Tha-Pii (“Ghost Game”), in 2006. The teen-horror flick showed a reality-TV
program set in an abandoned military prison that closely resembled Cambo-
dia’s infamous Tuol Sleng, the scene of many Khmer Rouge atrocities.
In 2007 the Australian-made documentary Bomb Harvest was released to
much critical acclaim. It follows Laith Stevens and teams working under the
auspices of the Mines Advisory Group and the Lao National Unexploded
Ordnance Programme in their efforts to clear the country of unexploded ord-
nance. It shows the many often-unknown problems of bomb removal, includ-
ing the dangers of impoverished people trying to dig shells out to sell as scrap
metal. Another documentary film about Laos, Nerakhoon (“The Betrayal,”
2007), has also been well received. Directed by Ellen Kuras and Thavisouk
Phrasavath, it follows a family forced to flee Laos in the 1970s and their jour-
neys since. Kuras spent twenty-three years working on the project to highlight
the human tragedy of people caught up in the shadows of the Vietnam War.

NOTES
1. Mattana Rutnin, Dance, Drama, and Theatre in Thailand: The Process of Devel-
opment and Modernization (Chiang Mai, Thailand: Silkworm Books, 1996), 12–20.
2. Carol J. Crompton, Courting Poetry in Laos: A Textual and Linguistic Analysis
(Detroit: Cellar Book Shop, 1979), 95–120.
3. Ibid., 59.
4. Visiting Arts Cultural Profiles Project, “Laos Cultural Profile,” www.
culturalprofiles.org.uk/laos (retrieved December 2007).
5. For an interesting discussion on this process, see Grant Evans, The Politics of
Ritual and Remembrance: Laos since 1975 (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press,
1998), 129–140.
116 CULTURE AND CUSTOMS OF LAOS

6. Terry E. Miller, Traditional Music of the Lao: Kaen Playing and Mawlum Singing
in Northeast Thailand (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1985), 131–139.
7. Visiting Arts Cultural Profiles Project, “Laos Cultural Profile,” www.
culturalprofiles.org.uk/laos (retrieved December 2007).
8. See www.laopress.com (retrieved June 2007).
9. Visiting Arts Cultural Profiles Project, “Laos Cultural Profile,” www.
culturalprofiles.org.uk/laos (retrieved December 2007).
10. Australian Broadcasting Corporation, online news, June 9, 2008, www.abc.
net.au/news/stories/2008/06/09/2268852.htm.
 8

Cuisine and Traditional Dress

LAO CUISINE
Any discussion about Lao cuisine cannot be limited to Laos. There are
approximately six times more ethnic Lao in the Isan region of northeastern
Thailand than in Laos itself, which makes it necessary to go beyond national
boundaries in search of definitively Lao food. In fact, with the recent droves
of migrants from Isan further south to Bangkok, the Thai capital has in many
respects become the epicenter of Lao cuisine. Some estimate that more Lao are
there than in any other city in the world, including Vientiane. There are also
sizable expatriate communities in places like the United States and France that
make for numerous culinary variations abroad. Moreover, when one speaks
about cuisine in Laos, the ethnic and regional diversity of the country must be
taken into consideration. Last, it is important to note that Laos does not have
the range of markets, stores, or restaurants found in its larger neighbors. The
outside world is just now discovering Lao food, which has not transformed or
fused with other culinary traditions in the same way that Thai or Vietnamese
cooking has. In this respect cuisine in Laos is still a very traditional, simple,
and personal art.
Although there are similarities between Lao and Thai food, there are also
notable distinctions. The main similarity, one shared with all mainland South-
east Asian cuisines, is the focus on rice. The main difference is that, unlike in
the rest of the region, the Lao use sticky rice. Known as khao niaw (klao niaw),
sticky rice is a short-grained, glutinous variety and is usually rolled into small
118 CULTURE AND CUSTOMS OF LAOS

balls and eaten by hand. Long-grained rice, called khao jao (klao jao), is widely
available, but sticky rice remains the Lao staple. Lao Theung and especially the
Lao Sung use long-grained rice more. Every Lao meal features rice. Indeed,
no meal would be complete without it. It accompanies everything: fresh veg-
etables, meat or fish dishes, dips, salads, and soups.1 Rice is usually served as
a centerpiece of the meal in a traditional bamboo container called a tip khao.
It is considered very bad luck to leave off the lid of the tip khao. Some believe
that it means a divorce will occur, and others think that it signals that hunger
will come to the family. Some Lao have smaller portable versions of the bas-
ket full or rice and other ingredients that they take with them to work for
lunch. Whereas sticky rice is always eaten with the hands, long-grained rice
is always eaten with a spoon and fork. Chopsticks are not familiar to the Lao,
but they can be found in the ethnic Chinese and Vietnamese communities.
Eating rice with chopsticks is considered quite odd, something that foreign
travelers often find out quickly.
Another staple of both Thai and particularly Lao cuisine is a strong-tasting
fermented fish paste, called paa daek (pa daek) in Laos. The primary difference
is that in Thailand it is often made from saltwater fish, whereas in land-locked
Laos it comes from freshwater species. Manufactured versions are also more
common in Thailand, whereas many Lao still make theirs from scratch. Paa
daek is served with every meal as an accompaniment to rice or to flavor the
vegetable, meat, or fish dishes served. A thinner, slightly less fishy variation of
this, nam paa, is also used, particularly in Isan. Even more than in Thai food,
Lao cuisine often contains liberal amounts of chilies, known collectively as
maak phet. Other common ingredients include cilantro (coriander), mint, dill,
lemon grass, galangal, ginger, tamarind, sesame seeds, peanuts, soy sauce, lime
juice, dried shrimp, vinegar, and garlic. Herbs like dill and mint and spices
like galangal are used more commonly in Laos than in Thailand. Special sauces
and pastes like nam phak kaat, made from fermented lettuce leaves, also are
popular.
Lao food is very fresh and generally quite healthful. Most ingredients are
obtained on a daily basis at the local market (talat or talad). Every town has
at least one, and they are the best place to learn about Lao food. Most dishes
contain some sort of vegetable. Unlike in Thai cuisine, vegetables are often
served raw. The Lao also have more of a preference for sour, bitter vegetables
than do the Thai. A Lao proverb advises, “Sweet makes you dizzy, bitter
makes you healthy.”2 Various kinds of beans, peas, and cabbages are steamed,
stir-fried, or served raw either in dishes or on their own. Cauliflower, root veg-
etables, and gourds also are popular. Numerous greens—spinaches, cresses,
and lettuce, as well as some unique to the forests of Laos—appear in many
dishes. Foreign travelers may see bamboo shoots, daikon, lotus root, and
bitter melon for the first time, but the Lao eat tomatoes, potatoes, eggplants,
 CUISINE AND TRADITIONAL DRESS 119

Woman selling vegetables at a vegetable market in Pakse. 

c Alfred Molon—www.
molon.de.

cucumbers, corn, onions, and other vegetables more familiar to the Western
palette, too.
Meats regularly consumed by the Lao include chicken, duck, pork, beef,
and water buffalo. Freshwater fish and prawns are also eaten throughout the
country.3 Goat and lamb are part of the South Asian diet in other places more
than in Laos, although some Lao Theung and Lao Sung eat them. Outside of
the main towns where hunting is a regular part of life, meat includes deer, wild
boar, birds of all sorts, rats, lizards, small jungle cats, and wild dog. Much of
it is served raw in salads with vines, leaves, and herbs from the jungle. Not
surprisingly, some refer to this as jungle food. As elsewhere in Asia and in
other parts of the world, insects are eaten in Laos. It is not uncommon to see
them offered, cooked or raw, in markets or being prepared by street vendors.
Grasshoppers, cockroaches, ants, and other insects are a good source of protein
and many people in Laos consider them quite delicious.
The volume of ingredients makes for enormous variation among dishes in
Lao cuisine. Some of the most popular include som tam or tam maak hung, a
green papaya salad made with crab, hot chilies, garlic, tomatoes, peanuts, lime
juice, and fish sauce. It often comes with ping kai, which is grilled chicken mar-
inated in a mix of coriander root, garlic, pepper, and salt. The national dish
120 CULTURE AND CUSTOMS OF LAOS

of Laos is laap (larb), spicy minced meat, chicken, or fish mixed with lime
juice, garlic, onion, mint, and chilies. Variations known as laap seau (“tiger
laap”), or laap dip in Isan, contain raw meat, chicken, or fish.4 One of the
more interesting spins on the dish is found around Pakse. Raw ant eggs are
used in place of the meat, sometimes with live ants mixed in. Another fa-
vorite is or lam, made from dried and salted buffalo meat, chilies, eggplants,
lemongrass, and paa daek, stewed together and eaten with crispy pork skin and
sweet basil. Curries include khao laat kaeng—made with long-grained rice—
which is especially popular in Isan. Street vendors hawk noodle dishes like
khao pun—flour noodles with a sweet and spicy coconut-base sauce—as well
as barbecued pork meatballs, spring rolls, various stir-fried dishes, and klao
poun, served with raw chopped vegetables covered in coconut sauce flavored
with meat and chilies. Miang lao is another popular snack. It is pork fried
with garlic, ginger, tamarind, sugar, and fish sauce, served with lemongrass
and cilantro in a wrap of pickled cabbage or lettuce leaves.
The Lao are very fond of fish, but an old saying has it that the fish they eat
cannot come from the sea because they do not smell like the earth. There are
numerous species eaten that come from the Mekong and other rivers in Laos.
Carp, eel, stingray, sheatfish, snakefish, and especially the common catfish
(paa duk) are usually on the menu. The giant Mekong catfish, called paa beuk
in Lao, is increasingly rare and theoretically protected, but people still fish
for it. Known to grow up to nearly 3 meters (9.84 feet) and to weigh 200
kilograms (440 pounds), it is a massive meal. Fish is often served fried crispy
(jeun paa), grilled (piing paa), steamed (neung paa), or sweet and sour (paa
som waan). Prawns, called kung, are prepared the same way. Some of the more
popular fish dishes are pa tod kateam (fried fish with garlic sauce), ho mook pa
(steamed catfish in banana leaf ), and koy pa (raw fish salad).5
Soups are an important part of Lao cuisine. Tom khaa kai is a slightly sour
chicken soup made with lime, galangal, coconut milk, and lemongrass. It is
also made with fish, called tom yam paa, or prawns, known as tom yam kung.
Kaeng jeut is a fairly mild soup made with pork and bitter melon. Other popu-
lar soups include kaeng no may, made from fresh bamboo shoots, and kaeng het
bot, with fresh mushrooms.6 Even more unusual to the Western palate are kang
youk, made from a young banana tree, and keang khai mood, or ant-egg soup.
Vietnamese pho, or noodle soup, is eaten throughout the country, usually as
breakfast or for a snack. Pho features vermicelli noodles with beef, mixed in
with fresh basil, cilantro, lime juice, bean sprouts, chilies, sugar, shrimp paste,
or sesame paste. The Vietnamese influence is also tasted in spring rolls, either
the yaw jeun deep-fried variety or the yaw dip served fresh.
Ethnic Lao widely consume Chinese-style food, usually with chili or other
accompaniments. Most of it is Cantonese or Hokkienese, although Yunnanese
 CUISINE AND TRADITIONAL DRESS 121

Woman selling fish at a market in Pakse. Courtesy of Jeff Phisanoukanh.

food is found in larger centers like Vientiane. Chinese deep-fried dough, pah
thawng ko, is particularly popular in the north. South Asian food is found
almost exclusively in Vientiane, but all the larger towns offer Thai and, to a
lesser extent, Italian and French cuisine. A testament to the colonial legacy,
pâté, omelets, croissants, and French baguettes, called khao jii, are extremely
popular in Laos. Other Western food has not fully made its way into Laos
yet, although more restaurants and cafés are starting to cater to foreigners. As
a sign of economic and political reform, a few top-end restaurants—clearly
aimed at tourists—have opened over the past few years in Vientiane and
Luang Prabang.
Desserts are not as common or varied in Laos as in the West, although
there are some notable sweets, most involving coconut milk or cream. Banana
in coconut milk (nam wan mak kuay) and coconut pieces in coconut milk
are especially popular. So are colored gelatins mixed with ice and coconut
and often other ingredients. Khao niaw mak muang is mango with coconut
milk served over sticky rice. Khao lam is sticky rice and coconut milk mixed
with red beans and cooked in small sticks of bamboo. Fruit (mak mai) is
grown primarily in the Mekong Valley, and the best quality and variety is
found there. During the hot season it is common to see markets full of fruit
122 CULTURE AND CUSTOMS OF LAOS

familiar to most foreign travelers, like oranges, mangos, bananas, papayas,

coconuts, watermelons, and pineapples. However, a more exotic mix can also
be found, including durian, rambutan, mangosteen, starfruit, jackfruit, guava,
longan, tamarind, rose apple, and lychee.
Drinks in Laos are plentiful and include the standard fare of bottled wa-
ter and soda pop found almost everywhere. Sugarcane and fresh fruit juices
are also widespread. Milk products are less common, given the dearth of
dairy production and consumption in Laos, but they can be found in ma-
jor centers. Coffee is grown in Laos but it came to popularity first with
the French. It is found almost everywhere in several styles. The Lao vari-
ety, called kafeh pakxong, is quite strong. It is usually drunk hot or cold
in a glass with condensed milk, similar to the style in Vietnam. Tea is also
very common and is a major export. Most restaurants serve it free of charge
to their customers. Alcohol is abundant. Imported wines and hard liquors
are found in towns and cities, as are the far more potent—and sometimes
dangerous—homemade rice whiskies, known as lao-lao or lao-hai, which are
regularly served after meals. Refusing a drink in someone’s house is consid-
ered rude. Most Lao will pour a drink on the ground or in a special glass for
the phi.7
Beer is also easily found. Particularly popular is the locally made Beer Lao,
which many travelers regard as the best beer in Asia. In fact, Beer Lao is to-
day one of the most ubiquitous symbols of the country. Its trademark tiger
logo adorns posters and T-shirts, bought mostly by young Westerners as sou-
venirs of their stay. Far from being simply touristy, Beer Lao speaks to some of
the major political transitions in Laos. Established in 1971, the Lao Brewery
Company was a French venture originally known as Brasseries et Glaci è Res
du Laos. The Lao PDR took it over in 1975 and renamed it. In 1993 the gov-
ernment sold part of its control to two companies: the Chinese-Thai Loxley
Co. and Italian-Thai Production Co. Their investment made Beer Lao a sizable
venture with three hundred employees and up to thirty million liters of pro-
duction a year. In 2002 the two companies withdrew and returned Beer Lao
to government control. However, in 2004 the major Danish brewer Carlsberg
bought 25 percent of the shares in the corporation through its Asian division.
Production has risen to 120 million liters, due as a result of Beer Lao’s 99
percent control of the domestic market. Its assets are approximately US$60
million.8

THE ART OF EATING

The typical Lao kitchen is, by Western standards, extremely basic and may
not even have electricity or running water. It is, however, an important part
 CUISINE AND TRADITIONAL DRESS 123

of the home and the center of much activity. The stove, or tao-lo, is usually
charcoal fired. It resembles a bucket over which a grill or metal plate is put
on to cook. A wok (maw khang) or pot (maw nung) is used for most cooking.
Sticky rice is cooked in a bamboo steamer called a huad. Everything is served
in a common room, usually on a slightly raised wooden or bamboo platform.9
Family meals are an important part of everyday life in Laos. Few Lao like to eat
alone. Meals take a long time to prepare and are seldom planned. The menu
depends on whatever is available. Fresh ingredients are absolutely essential,
especially considering that most homes lack refrigeration. Typically, the Lao
home has a small garden to grow vegetables, fruits, and herbs. Breakfast usu-
ally consists of sticky rice, sometimes with pieces of meat, chicken, or fish,
and coffee. Lunch involves soup, rice, a meat, chicken, or fish dish, vegeta-
bles, and hot sauce. Dinner is often a variation of lunch, but considering the
large number of ingredients used in Lao cooking, the variations in flavor are
almost endless.
Visitors to a Lao house are rarely asked to eat. Instead, food is offered au-
tomatically with the expectation that they will eat no matter what. All dishes
are shared and meting out portions is offensive. Everything is served at once.
Courses as they exist in the West do not exist. Most food is served at room
temperature, stemming from the fact that rice is eaten with the hands. People
serve themselves everything, and not eating is considered rude. It is customary
to leave a small amount of food on one’s plate to avoid appearing gluttonous.
Drinks are generally consumed afterward. The whole event is informal and
personable: conversation and laughter, as well as a hearty appetite, are en-
couraged.

CUISINE OF THE ETHNIC MINORITIES

There are just as many variations of cuisine are there are ethnic groups in
Laos, which makes it almost impossible to account for all the food habits of the
Lao Theung and Lao Sung. Many cuisines are very similar to that of the Lao,
both in terms of ingredients and means of preparation. Those living in more
remote areas of the country do not, of course, have access to stores or other
amenities, and their food reflects that. People in such areas use the forests
more than people who live in towns. Needless to say, poverty also plays an
important role in this respect. Everything from an animal is used. Innards are
considered a delicacy, as they are with the Lao Lum. Dried water buffalo rind,
cow placenta, and other things generally considered repulsive to Westerners
are commonly eaten upcountry. A traditional northern dish called luk-andong
is prepared by wrapping a small bird in banana leaves, and then leaving it for
a week or more to marinate.10
124 CULTURE AND CUSTOMS OF LAOS

Some ethnic groups have a particular inclination for spicy food, whereas
the Hmong have generally milder, even bland, cuisine. Boiled and steamed
vegetables are prevalent. All groups use herbs, sauces, and dips, drawing on
the influence of Thai, Lao, and Vietnamese cuisine. Few of the ethnic mi-
norities rely on any manufactured or packaged foods; almost everything is
grown, raised, or caught. Sweets are extremely rare and not part of the usual
diet. The exception for most is a fairly unsweet rice cake, reserved for spe-
cial occasions. Fruit is a preferred and much healthier alternative. Much like
the Lao, in most ethnic groups, all meals are communal and involve several
dishes. Unlike the Lao, however, some groups, like the Hmong and Yao, con-
sider eating with your hands rude. This stems from the difference in rice, as
they use long-grained rice, eaten with a fork and spoon, rather than the sticky
variety.

TRADITIONAL DRESS
Laos does not have an official national dress or costume. However, until the
1975 revolution there were particular styles reserved for the royal court that
in effect represented an official dress. For women, this was the sin (sinh), a
wraparound skirt similar to a sarong. For men it was the sampot, a wraparound
cloth for the lower body pulled up through the legs and tucked in at the back.
Both are of Khmer origin and remain today the official dress in Cambodia.
Ancient bas-reliefs on the temples at Angkor Wat show intricate sin and sam-
pot designs dating to the thirteenth century that remain in vogue today. It is
likely that the Khmer in turn took the designs from the Indian sarong and
dhoti—a kind of billowed trouser—even earlier. Although the names, weav-
ing techniques, color, and design might vary, the basic style of both the sin
and sampot are still found today throughout parts of Asia.
Tai-speaking peoples made changes to production of the garments in sev-
eral ways. First, they employed a freestanding, framed loom. Second, they
cultivated silkworms for silk. Third, they introduced a three-stage design for
the sin, making it distinct from the sarong. Men’s garments were made of
thicker silk or cotton than women’s garments, but both were crafted from el-
egant and colorful material, often with block or checked designs. Sin in Laos
and northern Thailand became noted for their intricate patterns around the
edges at the foot of the skirt. A biang, or shawl, made from the same material
was often added to accompany the sin. Longer shawls, or hom, were used to
wrap around the upper torso in colder climes. More recently the sin has been
substituted for a nung, a tube-style skirt.
Each ethnic group in Laos has its own traditions when it comes to dress. The
variations in style and design are incredible and well beyond the scope of any
 CUISINE AND TRADITIONAL DRESS 125

discussion here. However, techniques and patterns are unique not just within
groups, but sometimes within villages and even families. Traditions have been
passed down for generations. Weaving is a means of identification; designs
and colors represent the tribe that the wearer comes from. Groups like the Tai
Daeng have numerous variations that experts have not entirely mapped out.
Classification, reclassification, and the discovery of different styles continue
today.11 Moreover, some designs and techniques have transferred between
groups over time, which makes strict identification difficult. Some scholars
focus on twelve major traditional styles of weaving known in Laos, basically
divided by region. Those in the South usually use foot looms instead of frame
looms and produce intricate designs that show Khmer influences, like temples,
elephants, and apsara dancers. Most sin are one piece and often incorporate
beadwork or embroidery. In the Northeast, many Tai tribes use raw silk or
cotton, employing a tie-dye style known as matmii or ikat. Diamond patterns
and continuous weft brocade (khit) on the skirts are very popular. Central
Laos is known for its indigo-dyed cotton matmii and minimal weft brocade
(chok). Typical of the Luang Prabang style is gold and silver brocade with
elaborate designs. Most skirts are sewn together from separately woven pieces.
Traditionally, dyes throughout Laos are made from indigo, ebony, terra-cotta,
tamarind, lacquer, and turmeric, each of which provides a basic color. Bark
from trees like the khaki, sappanwood, and jackfruit are also used to make
other shades.12
There are notable distinctions in dress between ethnic groups in each re-
gion. For example, Khmou women generally wear a cotton sarong decorated
with simple horizontal stripes, accompanied by a long-sleeved black blouse
that flares at the waist. It usually has a closure at the side decorated with em-
broidery, silver coins, or sequins. The Katu and Alak are renowned for their
weaving skills, and they make sarongs, blouses, and loincloths for other tribes
as well as for themselves. Some textiles have lots of beads—a trademark de-
sign of the Alak in particular. Sarongs with horizontal stripes are popular and
usually accompanied by two-part sleeveless blouses joined by seams at the side
and center. Silver and brass jewelry is also worn.
The Hmong-Yao, Lahu, Akha, and Lisu dress is similar to that of their rel-
atives elsewhere in Southeast Asia, particularly in Thailand. Fine stitch work,
elaborate design, and extensive use of silver and other ornamentation are typ-
ical of these groups. Blue Hmong women wear pleated skirts with bands of
red, white, and blue embroidery on them. They also wear black satin jack-
ets with wide cuffs of orange and yellow embroidery. White Hmong wear
black pants with a broad blue slash across the waist and more simple jack-
ets with blue cuffs. Yao women wear a long black jacket with lapels of bright
red wool, loose trousers, and a richly embroidered black turban. Black Lahu
126 CULTURE AND CUSTOMS OF LAOS

Thai Lu tribeswoman in traditional dress in

Luang Prabang. Tibor Bognar/Art Directors &
Trip Photo Library.

women are known for their distinctive black cloaks with diagonal white stripes
and red and yellow decorations on the sleeves. Red Lahu women wear black
trousers with white edges and sleeves decorated with red and blue stripes.13
Akha women wear leggings, short black skirts with a beaded sporrans, and
a loose black jacket with decorated cuffs and lapels. They are probably best
known for their black caps with silver coins. The Lisu wear very colorful cos-
tumes of green and blue tunics embroidered at the cuffs and shoulders with
bands of red, blue, and yellow fabric. They are often also adorned with silver
ornaments.
Men in the Sino-Tibetan linguistic groups tend to wear long black pants
tied at the waist with a plain or embroidered band. On special occasions men
wear white shirts with embroidered vests, while women wear a black or mul-
ticolored shirt, long pants, striped or white skirts, and a colorful headband.
Specific coloration and design depends on the occasion. As evidence of the im-
portance of textiles to traditional peoples in Laos, Hmong groups even took
 CUISINE AND TRADITIONAL DRESS 127

Akha tribeswoman, Muang Long. Jane

Sweeney/Art Directors & Trip Photo Library.

their names from the different patterns in clothing. However, many ethnic
minorities have increasingly adopted Lao-style sin and blouses.

MODERN DRESS
Clothing styles in Laos today reflect the political and social climate of the
country, but this is nothing new. Textiles have always illustrated economic,
social, and even political changes in Laos. During the Lan Xang era, textiles
were used in trade and as tributes received from or paid to other kingdoms.
They were also used to reinforce social hierarchies in that only select few were
allowed to wear certain garments of particular designs and colors. The court
at Luang Prabang commissioned expert weavers to design textiles made from
imported European, Chinese, or Vietnamese fabrics. Chinese jackets and
shirts were particularly fashionable in the decades just prior to the arrival of
the French.14 By the early twentieth century, French and other Western-style
wear became the sign of a new royalty for those who had money, education,
128 CULTURE AND CUSTOMS OF LAOS

privilege, and Western inclinations. In fact, by the 1950s and 1960s Western
clothes almost entirely replaced traditional dress among the Lao elites. More
traditional voices in the country lamented the decadence of certain fashions,
particularly women’s pants and skirts above the knee, although traditional
weaving continued creating new designs and outside influences changed the
nature of Lao textiles.
During the Vietnam War era many people abandoned traditional textiles
altogether. Looms were sold or hidden because of the ravages of war, and in
some instances the unique skills of families and even tribes were lost over
the twenty years of conflict. Many people, even in rural areas, became de-
pendent on foreign textiles, especially from Hong Kong. Fashions from the
United States were particularly popular among Lao youths, represented best
by tight pants, T-shirts, dark sunglasses, and even cowboy hats. Communism
made things even worse by eliminating the export market for locally made
textiles and, in some cases, prohibiting the production of silk and the man-
ufacture of clothes.15 Although traditional sins were allowed, colorful ones
were considered bourgeois and banned. Blue jeans and other Western cloth-
ing were also prohibited, as were long hair for men, short hair for women,
and makeup. A standard, solid and dark-colored pants and shirt combina-
tion became the official dress for everyone in accordance with the proletarian
principles of the new regime. In 1994 the mayor of Vientiane even issued
instructions for proper Lao culture, stipulating that “men should wear inter-
national suits, or national, ethnic or some other appropriate outfit. Women
should wear Lao traditional skirts and wear their hair in a bun or some other
proper and appropriate manner.”16
With the relaxed government of recent years, the Lao PDR has encouraged
a resurgence of the indigenous arts, in part to increase self-sufficiency and to
attract tourism. However, continuing economic deprivation and government
repression of some minorities counteract such attempts. Both traditional and
contemporary textiles are sold to local buyers, who in turn retail them to for-
eign buyers, mainly Thai and Japanese, or tourists. Several shops in Vientiane
and Luang Prabang employ local cooperatives to make their products. Increas-
ing international attention over the past few years has driven the price up, so
much so that now only foreigners can afford many handmade Lao textiles.
Western-style clothes like blue jeans have made a dramatic comeback and are
now available in major centers alongside more traditional wear.

NOTES
1. Charmaine Soloman, The Complete Asian Cookbook (Vancouver: Raincoast
Books, 1992), 320–323. See also Jeffrey Alford and Naomi Duguid, Hot, Sour,
 CUISINE AND TRADITIONAL DRESS 129

Salty, Sweet: A Culinary Journey through Southeast Asia (New York: Artisan, 2000),
13–16.
2. “Lao Cuisine,” www.laocuisine.net (accessed October 2006).
3. Daovone Xayavong, Taste of Laos (Hong Kong: SLG Books, 2003), 5–12.
4. Clare Griffiths, ed., Insight Guides: Laos and Cambodia (London: Apa Publica-
tions, 2005), 79–82.
5. Daovone, Taste of Laos, 58, 72–90.
6. Soloman, The Complete Asian Cookbook, 192–194. See also Alford and Duguid,
Hot, Sour, Salty, Sweet, 268–269.
7. Joe Cummings and Andrew Burke, Laos (Footscray, Australia: Lonely Planet
Publications, 2005), 55.
8. Beer Lao, www.beer-lao.com/aboutlbc/.
9. Solomon, The Complete Asian Cookbook, 323. See also, Cummings and Burke,
Laos, 52–57.
10. Mansfield, Culture Shock, 150.
11. Patricia Cheesman Naenna, “Change as a Method of Identification and Dat-
ing Tai Textiles” in Traditional Tai Arts in Contemporary Perspective, ed. Michael
C. Howard, Wattana Wattanapun, and Alec Gordon (Bangkok: White Lotus Press,
1998), 47–56.
12. Penny Van Esterik, “Fabricating National Identity: Textiles in Lao PDR,” Mu-
seum Anthropology 23, no. 1 (Spring 1999), 48. See also Cummings and Burke, Laos,
43.
13. Virtual Hilltribe Museum, www.hilltribe.org (accessed June 2007).
14. Patricia Cheesman, Lao Textiles: Ancient Symbols—Living Art (Bangkok: White
Lotus Press, 1988), 44–46.
15. Carol Ireson-Doolittle, The Lao: Gender, Power, and Livelihood (Boulder, CO:
Westview Press, 2004), 71–72.
16. Grant Evans, A Short History of Laos: The Land in Between (Crows Nest, Aus-
tralia: Allen and Unwin, 2002), 207. See also Grant Evans, The Politics of Ritual and
Remembrance: Laos since 1975 (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1998), 85–86.
This page intentionally left blank
 9

Gender, Courtship, Marriage,

and Family

TRADITIONAL ROLES OF THE SEXES

Academic research on women, gender relationships, and family in Laos is
very thin. Government restrictions, the physical remoteness of some groups,
and various cultural and linguistic barriers continue to present formidable
challenges to researchers, especially those from outside the country. What re-
search does exist has been focused mostly on the Lao Lum, leaving out almost
half the population of Laos. Even with its relaxation of travel restrictions and
increasing freedoms within the state, the Lao PDR remains sensitive about
studies of the inequities women face, particularly among ethnic minorities.
Officially, Laos recognizes full gender equality in keeping with its social-
ist egalitarianism. Shortly after coming to power, the communist government
pledged to “realise equality between men and women in all fields, political,
economic, cultural and social, and to do away with all acts of contempt or op-
pression toward women.”1 From a legal standpoint women have equal rights
in all respects including labor, land ownership, wealth, and inheritance. They
received the right to vote in all elections in 1957, ten years after men. Beyond
the legal sphere, women also exercise power in practical, everyday terms. Most
Lao families are, in effect, run by women. Not only are they responsible for
childrearing, tending the home, cooking, and other domestic duties, but they
also usually control the household finances and run the family business. In
more traditional communities men engage in the same work as women, in-
cluding childrearing. Women and men take equal responsibility for farming,
132 CULTURE AND CUSTOMS OF LAOS

animal husbandry, and other daily tasks. However, among those who engage
in the practices, hunting is generally the domain of men only, whereas weav-
ing or sewing is exclusively women’s work. Moreover, many societies are ma-
trilineal. Lineage, and therefore cultural and social power, is traced through
women.2 Even when they are patrilineal, most ethnic minority groups have
similar gender relations. Consequently, in many respects women are the back-
bone of the country.
Women make up more than half of the labor force and indeed dominate
several economic sectors. They constitute approximately 60 percent of work-
ers in agriculture and handicrafts; more than 50 percent in commerce, edu-
cation, and public health; and nearly 25 percent of those in the public sector
and industry. In fact, women are an economic engine in Laos. Recent reforms
have enabled some to profit from things like traditional weaving and agricul-
ture, and in turn they have invested in critical infrastructure like irrigation
canals, machines, and more tools, not only furthering their own ends but also
stimulating the country’s economy.3 Yet as is true in most countries, women
generally earn lower incomes than men. They also work longer hours and

Elderly woman and child near Phosavan. 

c Alfred
Molon—www.molon.de.
 GENDER, COURTSHIP, MARRIAGE, AND FAMILY 133

have fewer avenues for advancement where such opportunities exist. Signif-
icant numbers of women work in family-run businesses but do not receive
any direct wages. Different from Western countries, it is quite common for
women to work alongside men in construction jobs and other strenuous oc-
cupations, although they rarely receive the same wages for it. In agriculture,
most women (and men) in Laos earn income below basic subsistence lev-
els. Compounding these problems is the fact that women remain the primary
child-care givers and attend elderly or sick family members. Considering that,
on average, families in Laos number seven people, this is no small task. Perhaps
most significant is the fact that women endure dramatically higher illiteracy
rates and have lower educational qualifications than men. About 60 percent
of the overall population of Laos is literate, but when the sizeable majority
is male. Of males over the age of six, nearly 28 percent have never been to
school. For females that ratio is 47 percent, and it is even higher in rural ar-
eas. Nearly 32 percent of males outside of towns have never attended school,
whereas for females the number jumps to 53 percent.4
Economics, family dynamics, and gender discrimination all hinder the de-
velopment of women’s education in the country. This is particularly true with
respect to ethnic minorities. In almost all groups girls are expected to stay
at home and tend to the family. Many girls marry and have children at very
young ages, which makes formal education difficult. Some, like the Hmong
and Yao, disapprove of female education altogether. Among others there are
concerns about the safety of girls traveling long distances between villages and
schools. Compounding matters is the fact that the Lao PDR still mandates
that all primary education be conducted in Lao, thus presenting ethnic mi-
norities with a language barrier. Poor infrastructure, a lack of properly trained
teachers, and poverty contribute to the problem. A host of initiatives under-
taken by the Lao PDR in conjunction with the United Nations, the Asian
Development Bank, foreign governments, and other international partners
have been in place since the early 1990s, but progress is slow. Today, even
in urban areas, many women still do not see the advantage of education and
consequently either never enroll or drop out early.
Despite its declared intentions, the Lao PDR has not facilitated the political
empowerment of women. Although their numbers in the civil service are gen-
erally good, few women hold any senior government positions. Those who do
hold positions only in sectors deemed suitable for women, like education and
health care. Women are well represented in the ranks of the ruling Commu-
nist Party, but few can compete for leadership positions given the constraints
that their family duties impose. Overcoming the prejudice of male colleagues
is another matter. The Lao Women’s Union (LWU) is a primary vehicle within
the party for the advancement of women, but it suffers from a chronic lack of
134 CULTURE AND CUSTOMS OF LAOS

Children at a Lao-Chinese school in Pakse. Courtesy of Jeff Phisanoukanh.

funding and expertise. Also, it is focused primarily on women in terms of re-

productive and sexual health rather than on the women themselves and their
socioeconomic, cultural, and political power.5
Women in Laos also confront other serious problems. Desperate poverty
and the lure of money in neighboring Thailand have increased prostitution.
The industry in Thailand is huge: Some estimates indicate that two million
sex workers there generate US$10 billion a year for the criminal enterprises
that control them. Anyone familiar with Bangkok or Pattaya knows that they
are world famous for prostitution and make Thailand one of the biggest des-
tinations, if not the biggest, for sex tourists. There is big business in teenage
wives and in girls who are rented for a few days or weeks. Prices are cheap, and
the supply, sadly, is readily available. Most young Thai girls (and boys) in the
business are from desperately poor homes. Many, especially from rural areas,
are tricked into believing that they can become famous singers or actresses in
the big city, or that they will make money working as domestics, nannies, and
restaurant workers. Occasionally, girls are even sold into the business by their
parents in the hopes of helping the family. Few women in the trade ever really
escape it. Notwithstanding Thailand’s recent efforts to combat prostitution,
it remains a major social problem.6 In recent years women and even children
 GENDER, COURTSHIP, MARRIAGE, AND FAMILY 135

from Laos have become increasingly involved in the trade; many of them are
even poorer and more desperate than the Thais. Experts fear that with gov-
ernment corruption, the lifting of restrictions, and an expanding tourist trade
in Laos, it may be just a matter of time before a similarly brisk trade opens
within the country itself. To date prostitution remains rare and subject to se-
vere criminal prosecution within Laos. Related to prostitution is the specter
of diseases such as HIV/AIDS. Although only a few thousand cases have been
documented in Laos, there are serious concerns that infection might expand
with increased prostitution. Moreover, there are legitimate worries that most
cases go unreported given social stigma, lack of education, and inadequate
health care.

WOMEN IN BUDDHISM
As discussed in Chapter 3, traditionally only men join the Buddhist sangha.
However, on a daily basis it is women who are responsible for many societal
functions of the religion. Women give the morning alms to monks. They also
attend wat more often, volunteering time and labor, bringing food, and tak-
ing care of the family’s spiritual needs through worship. Women also provide
the bulk of health care and other social services that the temples direct. All
of these activities are considered means to make merit, and most women take
them very seriously. On top of that, even though there are few bhikkuni in
Laos, women do play an active role in the administration of the faith. Most
of the spiritual healers, or shamans, in Buddhist Laos are women.7 Inter-
estingly, in non-Buddhist communities men usually dominate the ranks of
spiritualists.
Buddhism is sometimes seen as the main reason why women in Laos en-
dure inequities, as it serves as a kind of moral framework to perpetuate male
domination. Activists in Thailand argue that Buddhism gives women less sta-
tus by implying in its practices that they are inferior. However, many scholars
note that Buddhist texts and rituals are, in fact, more complicated and give
paradoxical images of women. In some jataka tales, women are heroic and
often more virtuous than men. Buddhist scholars also argue that there is no
real differentiation between men and women on the path to enlightenment.
They contend that women can reach nibbana without having first been born
as males, and that beliefs to the contrary have nothing to do with the religion.8
Also, in some Buddhist texts women are presented as full equals of men. Given
the concept of karma, sexual identity in Buddhism is not fixed for eternity.
One can switch genders in different lives. Still, as critics note, in none of
Buddha’s past lives was he a woman. Many Lao still believe that women have
to be reborn first as men to have any chance at reaching nibbana. Superstitions
136 CULTURE AND CUSTOMS OF LAOS

about the effect women have on a man’s spirituality also remain strong. There-
fore, the role that religion plays in gender issues is convoluted. It is as difficult
to blame Buddhism for the problems women face in Lao society as it is to
blame other religions for the inequalities women confront elsewhere.

SEXUAL ORIENTATION
Homosexuality is illegal in Laos. Until the late 1980s there were reports
of homosexuals being interred in reeducation camps and persecuted. Many
people in the country also consider homosexuality to be an affront to reli-
gious practices. However, perhaps surprisingly, most Lao are fairly ambiva-
lent toward homosexuals, bisexuals, transsexuals, and transvestites. As is true
elsewhere in Buddhist Southeast Asia, there is a more private and quiet tolera-
tion with respect to sexual orientation. This is consistent with Buddhist beliefs
that individuals should avoid judgment. It also stems from a belief that, re-
lated to karma, all people have both male and female tendencies, if not past
incarnations. That said, unlike in neighboring Thailand, gay, transsexual, and
transvestite communities in the country are definitely underground. The soft-
ening of government restrictions in Laos has resulted in the recent influx of
fairly open, mostly Lao or Thai homosexuals in Vientiane and Luang Prabang.
Gay travelers are also visiting more given this toleration.

DATING AND MARRIAGE

By Western standards romantic relations between the sexes in Laos are ex-
tremely conservative. Dating—particularly multiple partners—is rare. Most
Lao consider casual attitudes toward sexuality to be immoral. Overt acts of af-
fection in public are considered rude, especially between unmarried couples.
Kissing and touching are offensive. Even holding hands is frowned upon. For-
eign travelers are shown greater leeway with respect to such matters, but most
people in Laos still consider public acts of affection between tourists insulting.
Relations between foreigners and any Lao citizen are illegal. Special permission
from the government is needed for those who want to get married. It is even il-
legal to have a Lao in one’s hotel room or accommodation late at night. Dating
among Lao is usually a very slow and “innocent” process, in that there is not
much physical contact. It is also frequently public, in that young couples as-
sociate with one another within a larger group. Most serious courtship begins
when men are in their early twenties. Women are often teenagers. The legal
age for consent in Laos is fifteen. The average age for both men and women
varies between ethnic groups, but overall many Lao Theung and Lao Sung are
even younger than their Lao Lum counterparts when courtship begins.
 GENDER, COURTSHIP, MARRIAGE, AND FAMILY 137

Among the Lao Lum there is considerable freedom in selecting partners.

When it comes to marriage, it is expected that couples consult their parents
and elders. They often propose matches, but formal and binding arranged
marriages are rare. Traditionally, a bride-price is required, although since the
communist revolution the practice has been officially discouraged. The values
vary widely, but generally men are expected to pay their bride’s parents for
marrying her. The price reflects both the social standing of the groom and the
desirability of the bride. It is quite common that the bride’s parents return
the money to the couple after their wedding as a gift. Bride-price customs are
common throughout Asia and stem from the ancient belief that if a man does
not spend money on his wife, he will not have the motivation to care for her
or his family. They also originated in an even more pragmatic sense as a means
of compensating a woman’s family for the loss of her labor.
There are considerable distinctions among the Lao Theung and Lao Sung
with respect to finding a partner and the bride-price custom. For example,
selecting a partner is a fairly independent and open process for the Khmou.
Traditionally, Hmong courtship begins at New Year, when young men move
between villages to visit relatives. Marriage within one’s clan group is strictly
forbidden, so going beyond the village is necessary. Everywhere the young
men go they are introduced to young women at festivals. The two sexes then
line up and play a game called pov pob with a fabric ball, during which they
come to know each other better and focus their attentions on particular in-
dividuals. Sometimes couples attracted to each other play tunes or speak to
each other through small mouth harps as a sign of further interest. When the
two agree to be together, respected members of different clans negotiate the
bride-price to ensure the fairness of the process.9 Not all unions are success-
fully negotiated. For Hmong and Yao it usually involves substantial amounts
of money or silver. Sometimes the price equates to several hundred U.S. dol-
lars, a considerable sum in Laos. For the Akha and Lahu there is no formal
bride-price, although the groom is expected to pay for the wedding and give
a gift to his new wife’s parents. The bride-price has broken down barriers be-
tween some ethnic minorities in Laos by encouraging men to seek wives from
those groups that do not require large amounts of money. Intermarriage is
increasingly common, especially between Lisu men and Akha women.10
Some Lao Sung groups practice a variation of this known as bride cap-
ture. By definition bride capture is kidnapping, taking and confining a young
woman against her will. Indeed, in the past it was carried out with full se-
riousness and considered a regular, albeit unfortunate, dimension of rivalry
between tribes. Although it is strictly illegal in Laos today, there are occa-
sional reports of the practice continuing. However, for the most part today
it is a ceremonial practice, found particularly among the Hmong. If a young
138 CULTURE AND CUSTOMS OF LAOS

couple wishes to marry but fears that either they will not receive their parents’
blessings or that the bride-price is too high, they will stage a capture. The
young man is aided by friends, who smuggle the girl away and then tell both
families what has happened. This leads to negotiations between the fathers of
the couple. The usual result is that the young man works for his prospective
wife’s father to pay off the bride-price.11

WEDDINGS
Western-style ceremonies and receptions are becoming common among
affluent and urban Lao. However, most still have traditional weddings. The
process begins when a community elder or spiritualist is consulted on when
to marry. This is done with consideration for the birth dates of the couple, as-
trological signs, and auspicious times of the Buddhist calendar. Traditionally,
among the Lao Lum the prospective groom then takes a present to his bride’s
parents. On the actual wedding day, he and his male friends form a parade
and walk to the bride’s parents’ house. The groom wears traditional dress and
carries a candle and flowers—both important Buddhist symbols—while the
rest of the party carries gifts for her family. These are usually determined in
advance during bride-price negotiations. Music, song, and laughter are the
hallmarks of a good procession. The entourage is met by the bride’s parents,
who then ask questions of the groom—usually traditional ones about iden-
tifying himself and his intentions. The groom is expected to answer them all
and show respect for his new family.
After this, a friend of the groom—usually someone older and already
married—escorts a special elder, a phone khuane, to the door. This is some-
times a Buddhist monk but is more often a spiritualist familiar with both
Buddhist and animist rituals. The phone khuane performs the wedding cere-
mony, which involves the recitation of Pali scriptures and, most important, the
baci (baasi or sukhwan), an ancient tradition, predating Buddhism, to honor
the phi. The baci usually takes place in the bride’s parents’ house and revolves
around ritual offerings called the phakhuane. These are conical-shaped sym-
bols made from banana leaves and flowers, and placed in bowls of rice. Two are
brought in, symbolizing the unity of the couple. Guests bring other offerings
to lay around them. The phone khuane recites blessings and prayers and then
takes up two white cotton strings attached to the phakhuane to tie around the
wrists of the bride and groom. The tying, or phuk ken, is then repeated for
everyone in the wedding party. It is considered extremely bad luck to remove
the string before it falls off of its own accord. When the ceremony is finished
everyone yells aloud, “Please come spirit,” to call forward and bind the khwan
spirits to them.
 GENDER, COURTSHIP, MARRIAGE, AND FAMILY 139

The baci is the most common and important ceremony in Laos. It is per-
formed not just at weddings but also on numerous other occasions, including
births, deaths, the building of homes, beginning or ending of long trips, and
festivals. The idea is that the community, however defined, is strengthened
through unity with the khwan.12 With its rooting in animism, non-Buddhists
perform the baci in similar fashion. Initially banned by the communists, the
baci was reinstated given how important it is for the Lao people. Now the baci
is practiced openly, even at state functions. In fact, no event in Laos would be
complete without the baci.
For Buddhists a wedding also involves a trip to the wat, ritual blessings from
a monk, prayers, and offerings at a temple. Because a phone khuane performs
the baci, monks may not even be invited to the wedding ceremony. If they
are, traditional numerology dictates that an odd number must be present,
with nine being especially auspicious. Large dinners, music, and dance follow
all ceremonies. Weddings last a full day and sometimes two. In non-Buddhist
countries, Laotian communities usually hold traditional ceremonies as well as
Western-style weddings, or they go to city hall and get married in accordance
with local laws.

SEPARATION AND DIVORCE

Rituals of courtship and marriage are important means of unifying clans
and reinforcing communities. They are integral to lineage, and therefore to
family, ancestor worship, and the basic concepts of existence. Marriage is an
important goal for many in Laos, regardless of their gender or ethnicity. It
connects them to their community and, in effect, empowers them. Unmar-
ried people, particularly women, are viewed as having nothing. Among many
families they are considered to have failed. Not having children brings a sim-
ilar shame. Voluntarily childless couples are a great oddity to most people in
Laos.
However, there are no such taboos about separation and divorce in Laos.
Both are common and allowed under law. Either party can initiate the process.
The practice is more prevalent among the Lao Lum and more urban, educated,
and wealthier people. Remarriage, including the same rituals of bride-price, is
frequent. All ethnic groups strongly discourage divorce, but most allow either
party to leave the union. Of course for women this is much more difficult be-
cause of their responsibilities to the family and the social stigma attached to di-
vorce in some communities. Many people believe that it is never acceptable for
the woman to leave. Others would consider it acceptable only if the husband
was especially cruel. For some groups like the Hmong, if a woman was seen
to have behaved badly, the husband might demand the bride-price back, thus
140 CULTURE AND CUSTOMS OF LAOS

humiliating her family and making it very difficult for her to marry again. If
the husband was seen acting badly, then elders would rule dissolve the union
and deny his claim to the bride-price. Rules for divorce vary among the many
ethnic groups, but it is common for the party that initiates the dissolution to
either pay a fine or forfeit the bride-price.
Custody issues vary from group to group, but generally they follow either
the matrilineal or patrilineal traditions of the tribe. Therefore, among the pa-
trilineal Hmong, any children of a divorce would go to the husband. Although
it is illegal in Laos, polygamy continues among some groups, including the
Hmong. By definition, however, it is restricted to only those who can afford
multiple bride-prices, which means that incidences are low. Traditionally, in
polygamous households the first wife has higher status than any others and
is in charge of the household. Her children are also entitled to special re-
cognition.

THE FAMILY IN LAOS

In most ethnic Lao families a group of related women forms the basis of
kinship. The eldest daughter and her husband usually live in her parents’ house
until their next daughter gets married, when they will move out. It is common
for family members to live very close to one another, even when in separate
houses and often within the same compound, village, or immediate neigh-
borhood. The youngest daughter is responsible for the care of her parents and
inherits their home when they die. Elderly family members almost always live
with their children or other relatives. It is not so much a question of economics
or that the health-care system of Laos is so poor, but it is rather about respect
for the elderly and the sanctity of family. Over time, the daughters within
a family form new extended families of their own, but the process remains
intact—connecting members through matriarchs to the central family line.
Sons generally move away from home and become parts of their wife’s family,
but they remain connected. They entrust their rights to land or other family
possessions through their sisters.13 Lao Lum lineage is traced through both
parents, but aside from ancestor worship, in general, there is no particular
emphasis on genealogy.
Among patrilineal groups in Laos brothers are usually the focus of extended
families, although in some—particularly in the southern highlands—women
again form the connections. Men are recognized as the spiritual head of the
family. Inheritance of land and animals is through sons, but daughters are
expected to receive dowries as well. Most groups, like the Hmong and Khmou,
trace their lineages through men.14 However, because they marry outside their
clans this becomes easily blurred.
 GENDER, COURTSHIP, MARRIAGE, AND FAMILY 141

Throughout Laos child care is considered a family responsibility in which all

members take part. In some communities extended families and even whole
villages help look after children. As discussed in Chapter 6, most traditional
homes are built with few, if any, individual rooms, so children and parents
sleep together. Even in more modern homes, private rooms for children are
rare. In this fashion children are incorporated into everyday life and taught at
a very early stage about their responsibilities to family. In most homes young
children help raise younger children, do household chores, work on farms,
or help with small businesses. Western travelers are sometimes surprised to
see how independent children in Laos are. Foreigners are also surprised to see
how little indulgence is given to children. They are expected to work, play in-
dependently, or simply accompany their elders wherever they go. Crying for
attention and similar behavior common for children elsewhere is compara-
tively rare in Laos. Once they have reached an age of understanding, children
in Laos are taught about respect for their elders, Buddhist and/or spiritual
beliefs, and the rules of good behavior. They are also taught about duty and

Girl with backpack and a baby in a typical vil-

lage. Courtesy of Rick Madonik.
142 CULTURE AND CUSTOMS OF LAOS

Young village girls. Courtesy of Rick Madonik.

obligation, concepts that apply not just to the family but to the local village,
their community, the country, and its culture as well. The result is that, later
in life, children are accustomed to responsibility and more naturally accept
the obligation of taking care of their elders.
With Laos’ increasingly young population, family planning is an important
issue. The lack of adequate education and health care makes this extremely dif-
ficult. Premarital sex is on the rise throughout the country, although access to
and the use of contraceptives is rare. A major survey in 2004 found that just
3 percent of teenagers aged fifteen to seventeen who had engaged in sex ever
used a condom. The number for adolescents aged eighteen and nineteen rose
to 6 percent, and for young adults aged twenty to twenty-five it was just 12
percent.15 Most young people in Laos receive little or no sexual and reproduc-
tive health education. Moreover, owing to cultural taboos, concerns for their
family or reputation, and a general shyness, few of them, especially women, are
willing to discuss such matters when given the opportunity. In recent decades
many people in Laos have come to associate the topics with negative cultural
influences from Thailand and the West. Abortion is illegal, but it does occur
under secretive and usually dangerous conditions. Most abortions are driven
by economic conditions or concerns for the family over pregnancies conceived
outside of marriage. There are very few studies on sexuality and reproductive
health among ethnic groups in the country.
 GENDER, COURTSHIP, MARRIAGE, AND FAMILY 143

NOTES
1. Sheila Thomson and Sally Baden, “Women and Development in Laos,” Re-
port No. 9, prepared for Women, Health and Population Division, Australian Inter-
national Development Assistance Bureau, February 1993, Institute of Development
Studies, University of Sussex, www.bridge.ids.ac.uk/reports/re9c.pdf (retrieved Jan-
uary 2007), 1.
2. See Carol Ireson-Doolittle, The Lao: Gender, Power, and Livelihood (Boulder,
CO: Westview Press, 2004).
3. Loes Schenk-Sandbergen, “Lao Women: Gender Consequences of Economic
Transformation,” International Institute for Asian Studies (IIAS) Newsletter 9 (Summer
1996), www.iias.nl/iiasn/iiasn9/iiasn9.html.
4. UNESCO Report, “Girls’ and Women’s Education in Laos,” February 1993,
www.unescobkk.org/fileadmin/user upload/appeal/gender/laos.pdf (retrieved Octo-
ber 2007), 2–5. See also Chithtalath Seng Ampone, “Education Improvement for
Ethnic Children in the Moksuk-Tafa Area,” Juth Pakai 7 (October 2006): 4–5; Suk-
savang Simana, “Ethnic Minority Education,” Juth Pakai 2 (June 2004): 28–35.
5. Thomson and Baden, “Women and Development,” 13–14. See also Ireson-
Doolittle, Lao, 14–29.
6. Arne Kislenko, Culture and Customs of Thailand (Westport, CT: Greenwood
Publishing, 2004), 179–180.
7. Mayoury Ngaosyvathn, On the Edge of the Pagoda, Paper No. 5, York Univer-
sity Working Series, Thai Studies Project, Women in Development Consortium in
Thailand, 1990.
8. Penny Van Esterik, Materializing Thailand (Oxford: Berg, 2000), 67–71. See
also Chitra Ghosh, The World of Thai Women (Calcutta: Best Books, 1990), 24–30.
9. Robert Cooper, The Hmong: A Guide to Traditional Lifestyles (New York: Times
Editions, 1998), 55–58.
10. Virtual Hilltribe Museum, www.hilltribe.org (accessed June 2007).
11. Robert Cooper, The Hmong: A Guide to Traditional Lifestyles (New York: Times
Editions, 1998), 61.
12. Mansfield, Culture Shock!, 123–124.
13. Mayoury Ngaosyvathn, Lao Women Yesterday and Today (Vientiane: Mayoury
Ngaosyvathn, 1995), 15–30.
14. See Stephen Mansfield, Lao Hill Tribes: Traditions and Patterns of Existence (Ox-
ford: Oxford University Press, 2000).
15. Vanphanom Sychareun, “Meeting the Contraceptive Needs of Unmarried
Young People: Attitudes of Formal and Informal Sector Providers in Vientiane Mu-
nicipality, Lao PDR,” in Reproductive Health Matters 12, no. 23 (Summer 2004):
155–165, www.rhmjournal.org.uk (retrieved July 2007).
This page intentionally left blank
 10

Festivals and Fun

TRADITIONAL CELEBRATIONS
Festivals, known as bun (boun), are an important part of culture through-
out Laos. As in Thailand, there are numerous holidays and celebrations based
primarily on the Buddhist faith and animistic spirituality. In fact, almost every
month has a national festival. May, for example, hosts three large national hol-
idays, and there are two each in February, March, and October. Since coming
to power in 1975, the communist government of Laos has both influenced
the nature of traditional celebrations and invented some new ones in keeping
with its ideological beliefs.
All of the major festivals in Laos involve music, dance, singing, theater, pa-
rades, games, food, and drink. Most bun are similar to those held in Thailand.
They coincide with agricultural seasons, the Buddhist calendar, or the lunar
calendar, in which December is the first month of the year. Many festivals are
aligned with full moons. As a result, precise dates change every year. Some are
based on a combination of Buddhist beliefs, Hindu mythology, ancient astro-
logical configurations, and local traditions, which often makes the meaning
of the festival unclear to most visitors. Some are centuries old, with uncertain
origins, whereas others have been more recently invented.

BUDDHIST CELEBRATIONS
Buddhist celebrations are the biggest and most important in the country.
Following the 1975 revolution, the new government tried to ban them for
146 CULTURE AND CUSTOMS OF LAOS

being too closely linked to the monarchy and old elites. However, protests
from the public and efforts to reinvent a new Lao national identity conspired
to bring them back. Still today the government is anxious to avoid any con-
nection between religion and the old regime, and in this respect Buddhist
celebrations in Laos differ considerably from those in Thailand.
Makha Busa (Magha Puja) is marked on the full moon of the third lunar
month, in February or March, and marks the gathering of Buddha’s disciples
to hear him speak without being summoned. It involves prayers and readings
from scripture, as well as a communal candle ceremony. The first candle is lit
by someone of high rank within the sangha on the sacred boundary stones
of a wat. That candle is then used to light others in the rest of the congrega-
tion lined around the sim. Special bread made of sticky rice is the traditional
gift. The best places to see the ceremony are Vientiane and Wat Phu, near
Champasak.
Bun Pha Wet (Bun Mahachaat) is held on different dates throughout the
country in March, and it marks the birth of Prince Vessantara, Buddha’s
second-to-last incarnation, as commemorated in the satok tale. The three-day
celebration focuses on monks who recite the story in a long chant consist-
ing of one thousand verses, originally recorded on fourteen sets of palm-leaf
manuscripts, from morning until night. This begins when a story cloth fea-
turing the tale is paraded through town to the wat. The procession also carries
one thousand balls of sticky rice to symbolize each verse. Because the festi-
val takes place during one of the hottest months in the region, rain is prayed
for to Prince Vessanatara’s magical white elephant, which made water in the
tale. This is followed by more regular festivities. Lao use the occasion to visit
family or friends in other towns and villages, which is why the celebration is
staggered throughout the country. Given its importance, many young men
choose this time to be ordained as monks.1
Visakha Busa (Visakha Puja) is held on the fifteenth day of the sixth lunar
month, so May or June, and is regarded as the most important of religious hol-
idays. It represents the birth, death, and enlightenment of Buddha. Prayers,
sermons, and chants at the wat are accompanied by processions of the faith-
ful, who circle the temple with candles, lotus flowers, and incense. This is
followed by Bun Khao Phansa (Khao Watsa), which marks the three months
of the rainy season, beginning in July. Monks wander as part of their spiri-
tual discovery, but during this period they stop and reside at particular wat
so, according to tradition, they do not trample the crops. In practice this is
the primary occasion for the ordainment of monks and for them to begin a
retreat for study and prayer, representing the period Buddha spent in heaven
preaching to his mother, who died when he was just seven days old. Sermons,
chants, and prayers again mark the occasion. However, over time this has
 FESTIVALS AND FUN 147

become more of a festival for everyone, featuring a special candle procession

and a large parade accompanied by food, drink, and dance. Bun Awk Phansa
(Ok Watsa) ends the three-month retreat in October. People celebrate by mak-
ing small boats out of banana leaf that carry candles and incense on rivers.2
For a month between Bun Awk Phansa and the next full moon (October to
November) the nation marks Bun Kathin, named for the device used to keep
monks’ robes tight while they are being made. During this period monks are
given robes, bowls, and other items they need in monastic life. Music, dance,
and food follow.
Not all Buddhist events are so celebratory. Bun Haw Khao Padabdin (Bun
Khao Padap Din), held during the full moon between August and September,
commemorates the dead. It coincides with the rainy season, when the land is
lush, and is designed to remind the living to be grateful. Over two days people
attend wat with offerings for monks to pray for their dead ancestors. It is an
auspicious time for cremations to take place, and often bones of the dead
are exhumed for this purpose.3 The similar Bun Haw Khao Salak follows in
mid-September.

OTHER CELEBRATIONS
New Year’s festivities are very big in Laos. Many people consider Bun Pi
May (Bun Pi Mai) the biggest party of the year. Even though technically
the lunar calendar begins in December, celebrations are not held until April,
which is considered more auspicious. The three-day New Year event in mid-
April signifies the beginning of the lunar year. Buddhists mark the occasion by
cleaning house, buying and wearing new clothes, and making special offerings
of fruit and flowers at the local wat or by setting up special altars made of sand
and stone near their homes. This stems from the ancient belief that ancestors
would guarantee someone as much luck as the grains of sand if they were prop-
erly honored.4 As true with all celebrations, prayers and sermons are part of the
ritual. However, what makes Bun Pi May unique and fun is water. Water plays
an important role throughout Buddhist cultures for its religious significance
as well as for its connection to agriculture. It symbolizes purity and cleansing.
The New Year signifies a new beginning, and so Bun Pi May is a time celebrat-
ing the purifying nature of water. Buddhists demonstrate this by ritually wash-
ing images of the Buddha. In Luang Prabang, throngs of people bathe the holy
Phabang. The guardian spirits of the city, Pu Nyoe and Nya Noe, lead a proces-
sion through town. The baci follows. The real fun begins after the ceremonies,
when people soak one another, symbolically washing away their sins and puri-
fying their spirits. The entire community partakes in good-natured splashing
and everyone gets wet. Considering that April is usually the hottest month of
148 CULTURE AND CUSTOMS OF LAOS

Garuda on Bun Pi May parade, Luang Prabang. Sally Hunt/Art Directors & Trip
Photo Library.

the year, the practice is generally welcome. Unwary tourists are a prime target.
In some areas of the country water is followed by talcum powder and smears
of red lipstick.5 The festival is accompanied with the usual food and dance, as
well as big parades. In Luang Prabang there is also a beauty contest.
The large ethnic Vietnamese and Chinese populations in Laos also mark
their own New Year at the end of January or early February. They are best
known for large displays of fireworks, special cakes, and large parties, partic-
ularly in Vientiane, Thakhek, Pakse, and Savannakhet. Hmong New Year’s
celebrations, called Nor Chia, come in November. Women wear their best
clothes, usually made from green, red, and white silk, along with ornate silver
jewelry. Music and food are part of the events, as are ox fighting, archery con-
tests, and other traditional games. Most other ethnic groups in the country
commemorate New Year’s events in similar fashion. Always looking for a rea-
son to celebrate, many people in Laos also mark the Western New Year on
December 31 with big parties.
Festivities centered on agriculture are also prominent in Laos. The annual
harvest is marked in late January or early February with Bun Khun Khao
(Bun Khoun Lan), during which villagers across the country take part in
rituals to thank the spirits who protected the rice crop. A baci ceremony is the
most important. However, the biggest agricultural celebration is Bun Bang
 FESTIVALS AND FUN 149

Bun Pi May festival, Luang Prabang.


c Danny Callcut/stickyrice.co.uk.

Fai (Bun Bangfai), better known as the Rocket Festival, held in May. It
marks the beginning of the planting season by calling for rains. As discussed
in Chapter 4, the entire event is taken from folklore. Everyone begins by
praying in the local wat for rain to nourish the year’s crops. In the afternoon
people then partake in a competition of homemade rockets. Only two types
are allowed: one with a tail and one without. In each category there are several
variations based on the amount of gunpowder that each rocket contains.
Awards are given to those that look the best and travel the highest. In some
areas of Laos the Bung Bang Fai is more competitive than fun, with sizable
wagers bet on which rocket will go the greatest distance. Men then perform
a lam dance, dressed as women, with large wooden phalli that are supposed
to anger the god Thaen into unleashing the rains.6
Other national events include Lai Heau Fai, or the Festival of Lights, held
simultaneously with Bun Awk Phansa in October. Large floats replete with
many lights are built and then paraded through town to be judged for their
color and design. At night they are put on boats and paraded on the river.
Smaller individual floats made from banana leaves with candles, flowers, and
150 CULTURE AND CUSTOMS OF LAOS

Little girl holding flowers in the Little Miss

Luang Prabang pagaent.  c Danny Call-
cut/stickyrice.co.uk.

incense atop are also set loose on the water. The event is most spectacular at
Luang Prabang. The Boat-Racing Festival, or Bun Souang Heau (Bun Nam),
is held the next day in Vientiane, Savannakhet, and Champasak. One of the
most important events in Laos is the weeklong Bun Pha That Luang, held in
November to celebrate the national monument in Vientiane. On the first day
of the festival hundreds of monks gather at Pha That Luang to receive offer-
ings. A massive procession follows from there to Wat Si Muang. A candlelight
ceremony and large baci close off events. In between there are parties, fire-
works, and games. In recent years the Lao government has used the occasion
to host an international trade fair and various culture events.
Local or regional festivals are also common in Laos. In Luang Prabang, a
Bun Souang Heua celebration precedes the somber Bun Haw Khao Padabdin
with characteristic Lao flare: boat races on the Nam Khan River and a large fair
in the city center. A similar boat-racing festival coincides with Bun Haw Khao
Salak in Khammuan Province. In late October or early November residents
of Luang Nam Tha Province celebrate at Wat That Chieng Theum stupa, just
 FESTIVALS AND FUN 151

outside the regional capital of Muang Sing. In Savannakhet Province a four-

day festival in early December is held to honor Wat That Inhang. In the past
few years it has become a sizable sporting event with soccer, boxing, tennis,
and more traditional Lao sports. Dancing and drumming competitions are
also held. An international trade fair coincides with the celebrations.7 Other
local festivals focus on Wat Sikhottabong in Khammuan and Wat Phou in
Champasak.
With so many festivals it is easy to forget that the Lao PDR is a communist
state. However, since 1975 it too has gotten into the business of celebration
and commemoration. Public holidays have been created to remind the public
of the proletarian struggle and communist revolution. These include Pathet
Lao Day (January 6), Army Day (January 20), Lao Women’s Day (March 8),
the Lao People’s Revolutionary Party Day (March 22), International Labour
Day (May 1), Lao Issara Day (August 13), Liberation Day (August 23),
Freedom from the French Day (October 12), and Lao National Day (De-
cember 2).8 Through these events the government has tried to shift public
commemorations away from religious and spiritual influences and position
itself as the keeper of a national identity.

EVERYDAY FUN
Travelers often feel very relaxed in Laos. Part of this has to do with the fact
that it is small, less developed, and relatively untouristy. Indeed, it is often
likened to Thailand in the 1960s. However, much of the charm and appeal
of Laos rests with its people. They are welcoming, friendly, and easygoing, so
much so that foreigners working in Laos joke about how difficult it can be
to get anything done. The pace of life and the approach to work are very dif-
ferent from the West. Everyday life in the country revolves around the same
basic elements as anywhere else in the world. Work, family, and friends are the
pillars for most people. Music, dance, and singing are very popular leisure ac-
tivities. Widespread access to media, like movies, television, and the Internet,
remains restricted by the government and a lack of economic development.
Consequently, more traditional exercises, like conversation, storytelling, and
games, are still a big part of relaxation and entertainment.

MEDIA
Since 1975 media has been the exclusive domain of the government. Print
media and radio have been the principal elements for propaganda and infor-
mation control. Television is a relative newcomer in this respect, with the first
Lao language station launched in 1983. The Internet came even later, with
152 CULTURE AND CUSTOMS OF LAOS

full connectivity established in 1997 and access limited in most areas of the
country today. Regulation of the media is the responsibility of the Ministry
of Information and Culture, the Ministry of Communications, the Prime
Minister’s Office, and the Ministry of Public Security. There are laws gov-
erning all media and, theoretically, government controls of it. However, final
authority rests with the Ministry of Public Security. The licensing, operation,
practices, and content of all media are ultimately subject to the ministry.9 The
ministry is also responsible for controlling access to foreign media, which with
the lifting of political and economic restrictions and improved technologies
has become more problematic in recent years.
The French set up the first radio station in Laos, Radio Nationale Lao,
in 1939. It was renamed Royal Lao Radio upon independence in 1953 and
Lao National Radio after 1975. Provincial stations were established in the late
1960s and early 1970s, with more added in the 1980s and 1990s. Today, na-
tional radio has two channels: one that broadcasts news and entertainment
and one that is exclusively dedicated to entertainment. The former carries
carefully selected news aimed at target groups within the country, like farm-
ers or youths. English-language news is offered twice daily. Entertainment
programs, mostly traditional music, comedy, and drama, are produced and
broadcast by Lao National Radio, but in some areas locally scripted material
is also aired. In 2003, the station began limited broadcasting through its Web
site, following that up in 2004 with English and Hmong language shows. To-
day there are thirty-one radio stations in Laos, the most important of which
is Vientiane Capital Radio. The government has always had difficulty com-
peting with much freer and more diverse Thai radio programming, but in
recent years it has combated this influence by broadcasting to the large ethni-
cally Lao population in northeastern Thailand. Other foreign broadcasters in
Laos include Voice of Viet Nam, Beijing International Radio, Radio France
International, BBC World Service, and Voice of America.
Television in Laos is increasingly important and widespread, but it
remains limited outside larger towns and is almost nonexistent in some
areas of the country. When first launched in 1983, Lao National Radio and
Television aired only three hours a day because of its poor infrastructure.
In 1993 Lao National Television was established as a separate entity, with
financial and technical support from Japan and Vietnam. Today, it runs
two government-controlled stations: TV1, covering mostly news, and TV3,
which airs more entertainment. Neither broadcasts around the clock. TV1
airs Lao- and English-language news, whereas TV3 broadcasts entertainment
shows and some Western programs, mostly drama and comedy reruns. In
2002 the Lao government contracted a Chinese company to help set up
Lao Cable Television. It offers about thirty foreign channels including BBC,
 FESTIVALS AND FUN 153

CNN, French TV5, German DW TV, Italy’s RAI, MTV, and various others
from Thailand, China, and Vietnam. There was a short-lived third station,
TV5, which ran French-language broadcasts between 2002 and 2004. There
are also plans for a new joint Lao–Chinese channel.
The Lao PDR restricts satellite transmissions by requiring that the Ministry
of Information and Culture preauthorize all dishes in the country. However,
enforcement of the rules is lax. Those with cable can access signals from Thai-
land and watch Thai television much more than anything local. In fact, it is
estimated that 75 percent of Lao who watch television regularly see only Thai
programming. Soap operas, game shows, and Thai movies are particularly
popular. Worried about too many negative influences being spread by Thai
television, in May 2004 the Lao PDR banned their showing in public venues.
Individuals with private access can still watch them, but bar, restaurant, and
hotel owners faced jail terms for showing Thai television. There were accu-
sations from the Lao Women’s Union that shows from Thailand encouraged
incorrect dress and manners. Thai media was blamed for spreading capitalist
ideas, which, the Lao government argued, led to crime.
In some respects television, and by extension popular culture, shape the
context in which Lao identity is determined today. A Lao journalist noted,
“Differences between the Thai and Lao identities are exacerbated during con-
flicts and periods of tensions, because they boost patriotic feelings. In peaceful
times, however, Lao youngsters follow the Thai, because they don’t have any
idols in the country.”10 The Lao scholar Vatthana Pholsena argues that for
many in Laos, especially the government, Thailand serves as a model of what
not to become. The Lao PDR compensates for being less developed econom-
ically and politically by positioning itself as the more authentic Tai state—
and a more moral, virtuous place to live. This plays to the idea that Thailand
has become utterly decadent, corrupt, and decidedly un-Buddhist. Even some
younger Lao, particularly women, are afraid to go to Thailand. They fear being
forced into prostitution, raped, or jailed.
The Lao government has reinforced such beliefs, discouraging Lao from
traveling to Thailand and using media to remind citizens about the sex trade,
drugs, and other social ills there. An excellent example of this tense cultural
relationship came in April 2000, when the Thai pop singer Nicole Theriault
allegedly said that Laos was dirty and not worth visiting. The Vientiane Mai
newspaper retorted that she “intentionally meant to harm Laos’ dignity and
reputation” and that the Lao, “morally and intellectually, are not inferior to
any other people.”11 In 2007 the Lao government lodged formal complaints
against Thailand’s Channel 7 TV over its soap opera Pleng Rak Song Fang
Khong (“The Mekong Love Song”). Authorities were offended by scenes that
portrayed Laos in unflattering light, particularly one in which a Thai actor
154 CULTURE AND CUSTOMS OF LAOS

dropped the national flower of Laos, a frangipani, in the river. In this light it is
not clear what the Lao government thinks of the animated American television
show King of the Hill, which features as peripheral characters a Lao family in a
Texas town. Regularly assumed by ignorant locals to be Chinese or Japanese,
the family’s father, Khanh, is a fast-talking, acerbic character generally scornful
of American culture.
The Lao government’s concern about cultural pollution from Thailand and
the West is so great that in the 1990s it established “village of culture” and
“family of culture” programs designed to combat the ills of foreign influence
and promote a uniquely Lao identity. The idea was derived from mass cul-
ture movements developed in Vietnam and put in place as early as the 1950s
in communist-controlled Laos. Social evils such as drugs, prostitution, and
pornography are discouraged, while traditional Lao values in dress, music,
dance, and other artistic venues are promoted. In a village of culture, people
are supposed to send their children to school, lead a healthful lifestyle, follow
traditions, and shun Western influences. Each village has a wat, government
center, school, and basic health-care facilities. By the mid-1990s there were
eighty-five villages and sixteen thousand families throughout the country with
these designations.12
Recently, the Lao government has also tried to appear more proactive in
its approach to combat foreign culture. Magazines like Update, Mahason, and
Laoteens carry images of young, attractive, Lao looking very modern and even
Western. Some of the articles even include English translations. They are all
geared toward teenagers and those in their early twenties. However, they offer
stories designed to promote Lao idols rather than foreign ones and to extol
the virtues of Lao society in general. There is also more open political content,
albeit behind the facade of pop-culture entertainment. For example, the
December 2006 issue of Update featured an attractive young woman on the
cover looking somewhat coy, while running a special report on the National
Assembly and changes in the Lao PDR government. Similarly, Culture maga-
zine offers tips on traditional clothes, beauty aids, and other issues, often with
English-language articles alongside the Lao-language articles. The fact that all
the magazines together have a circulation of no more than a few thousand and
that the English-speaking population in Laos is extremely small, speculation
on the motives behind publishing them is natural. Some observers note
that this is a government attempt to make the Lao, and therefore Laos, look
important alongside English while simultaneously trying to manage youth
culture.13 Despite their attempts to vilify Western culture, Lao authorities
recognize its power and may have decided to manage rather than fight it.
After all, many young Lao have generally positive views of the West, even
after years of government propaganda.14 It is also a response to pressures of
 FESTIVALS AND FUN 155

modernization as seen particularly in Thailand, which some Lao see as a

cultural role model.
Although access to foreign newspapers and magazines is restricted, copies
of the Bangkok Post, Asiaweek, and other English-language publications are
found in bigger centers. The Lao Ministry of Information and Culture also
oversees the only English-language daily newspaper in the country, the Vien-
tiane Times, established in 1994. The new frontier for Lao culture in the media
will almost certainly play out on the Internet. There are an estimated twenty
thousand Internet users in the country, all channeled by government con-
trol of just two providers, LaoTel and LaoNet. Some users connect through
Internet service providers in Thailand to avoid controls. Although Web ac-
cess is increasing in keeping with the economic reforms and opening up
of Laos, the infrastructure remains very minimal.15 Moreover, most peo-
ple in Laos cannot afford personal computers, let alone gain access to the
Internet.

SPORTS
Lao love to watch sports of all kinds in public or on television, but few can
afford to participate in any organized events themselves. Football (soccer) is
gaining appeal in the country, no doubt connected to both increasing media
access and the fact that it requires little equipment or training. The infrastruc-
ture for all sports in Laos is poor. There is just one major stadium, the Lao
National in Vientiane, and no real facilities for development of sports within
the country. Most athletes move to Vietnam for access to better coaches, train-
ers, and athletic facilities. Vietnamese planners are also helping Laos prepare
to host the 2009 Southeast Asian games. Recently, some nations have voiced
concern about Laos’ plans to scale back the number of events to twenty-five
from the forty-three offered at the last games in Thailand.
Yet despite these difficult conditions, there are professional sports and ath-
letes in Laos. The country has participated in the Olympics since 1980 in
events like the marathon, 100-meter sprint, swimming, and archery, albeit
with just a handful of athletes. It has never won any medals. Laos also sent
two athletes to the 2000 Paralympics in Sydney. The biggest and best-known
professional sport in the Lao PDR is soccer. Founded in 1995, the Lao League
has ten teams, including the Lao-American College Football Club (FC), Vi-
entiane FC, the Ministry of Public Safety, the Lao Journalists’ Association FC,
and the perennial champions Army FC. The Lao Football Federation operates
a national team in the Asia division of the Fédération Internationale de Foot-
ball Association (FIFA). It qualified for the second round of Asian qualifying
matches during the 2006 World Cup but did not advance further. As of June
156 CULTURE AND CUSTOMS OF LAOS

2008 it ranked No. 189 of 199 national teams in the world. There also are
national basketball and rugby teams.
Most Lao play traditional sports like kataw (takraw). Popular in other parts
of Southeast Asia, the game is an artistic volleyball for the feet, played with
a tightly woven wicker or rattan ball. Played in teams of varying size, the
objective is to keep the ball up in the air with the feet and head only. Points
are scored for both length of time the ball is kept aloft and the style of acrobatic
moves. The game is played both with and without a net, and variations also
use a basketball hoop.
Muay Lao, or Lao kickboxing, has not developed into a major sporting in-
dustry like its muay Thai cousin. It is, however, still popular among amateurs.
The sport originated in the fifteenth century as a means of military combat.
Fighters (nak muay) use their fists, elbows, shins, knees, and feet in an effort to
knock opponents down and out. Tripping with the feet and legs and forcing
the opponent to his knees are also permitted. However, blows to the head or
striking while the opponent is not standing are prohibited. The entire sport is
in fact highly ritualized. Apprentices learn from masters only after they have
proved that they are committed to the sport. There are ceremonies to mark the
maturing of a fighter and to commemorate his first fight. Spirits are regularly
consulted and worshipped. Traditionally, before the fight begins, both boxers
perform a dance and ceremony to thank their trainers and honor the spirits.
The entire fight is accompanied by music, which becomes progressively louder
and faster as the match goes along. International boxing (muay saakhon) also
is fairly popular in Laos.
Much to the dismay of animal rights activists, cockfighting remains one
of the country’s most popular sports. It originated in Southeast Asia and is
found throughout the region. However, unlike in some other countries, the
cocks in Laos are not equipped with small knives attached to their feet and
consequently last longer in the ring. Everyone wagers on the event and cham-
pion roosters command both respect of the audience and sizable revenues for
the owner. Fighting between rhinoceros beetles is another spectator sport that
involves betting. Large beetles with clawlike horns attack each other and try to
push their opponents over. The winner is the last one standing or whichever
one does not run away. The beetles are collected while breeding in the rainy
season and trained by owners in preparation for fights. They are sometimes
seen for sale and trade in town markets. The sport is thought to have origi-
nated with Tai peoples centuries ago.16
Illustrating the impact of tourism on the country, sporting opportunities
for tourists are considerably better developed and growing more rapidly than
those for average Lao. Eco-tours in Laos’ twenty national parks are a major
attraction for tourists. So is trekking, with some of the best opportunities
 FESTIVALS AND FUN 157

in the world, particularly in the north, to see both pristine natural environ-
ments and the lives of relatively untouched ethnic groups. The best infras-
tructure for organized treks in the area is found in Luang Prabang, Nam Tha,
and Muang Sing. Independent trekking is also possible but more dangerous,
given the rugged terrain of the country and unexploded ordnance from the
Vietnam War era. Rafting, canoeing, and kayaking are quite popular along
the Mekong, Nam Tha, Nam Khan, Nam Theun, Se Kong, and other rivers
in the country. Whitewater rafting is also big business, with opportunities on
the Nam Ou, Nam Xuang, and Nam Ming. Mountain biking and recreational
cycling are increasingly popular, although conditions are quite varied and dis-
tances between areas with any facilities can be great. Caving and rappelling
are posed to be the next major sports catering to tourists, especially as access
and infrastructure to remote areas develops.17

NOTES
1. Visiting Arts Cultural Profiles Project, “Laos Cultural Profile,” www.
culturalprofiles.org.uk/laos (retrieved December 2007).
2. Ruth Gerson, Traditional Festivals in Thailand (Kuala Lumpur: Oxford Univer-
sity Press, 1996), 1–20. See also Joe Cummings and Andrew Burke, Laos (Footscray,
Australia: Lonely Planet Publications, 2005), 253–255.
3. Cummings and Burke, Laos, 254.
4. www.laopress.com (accessed June 2007).
5. Jeff Cranmer and Steve Martin, Rough Guide to Laos (London: Rough Guides,
2002), 55.
6. Visiting Arts Cultural Profiles Project, “Laos Cultural Profile,” www.
culturalprofiles.org.uk/laos (retrieved December 2007). See also Northeastern Illi-
nois University Center for Southeast Asian Studies, “Resources for Lao Studies,”
www.seasite.niu.edu/lao (retrieved January 2008).
7. Visiting Arts Cultural Profiles Project, “Laos Cultural Profile,” www.
culturalprofiles.org.uk/laos (retrieved December 2007).
8. Grant Evans, The Politics of Ritual and Remembrance: Laos since 1975 (Hon-
olulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1998), 57.
9. Visiting Arts Cultural Profiles Project, “Laos Cultural Profile,” www.
culturalprofiles.org.uk/laos (retrieved December 2007).
10. Vatthana Polsena, Post-War Laos: The Politics of Culture, History, and Identity
(Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2006), 53.
11. Asiaweek Magazine, April 28, 2000, www.asiaweek.com/asiaweek/magazine/
2000/0428/as.people.html (accessed June 2003). See also Vatthana Polsena, Post-War
Laos, 73–75.
12. Visiting Arts Cultural Profiles Project, “Laos Cultural Profile,” www.
culturalprofiles.org.uk/laos (retrieved December 2007).
158 CULTURE AND CUSTOMS OF LAOS

13. New Mandala: New Perspectives on Mainland Southeast Asia, Australian

National University, rspas.anu.edu.au/rmap/newmandala (accessed January 2007).
See also Lao Voices, laovoices.com (accessed January 2008).
14. Vatthana Polsena and Ruth Banomyong, Laos: From Buffer State to Crossroads?
(Chiang Mai, Thailand: Mekong Press, 2004), 49–70, 155–183.
15. Cummings and Burke, Laos, 255. See also Visiting Arts Cultural Profiles
Project, “Laos Cultural Profile,” www.culturalprofiles.org.uk/laos (retrieved Decem-
ber 2007).
16. Cranmer and Martin, Rough Guide, 56–57.
17. Ibid., 68–70. See also Cummings and Burke, Laos, 247–248.
 11

Social Customs

LAO ATTITUDES
Most travelers to the Laos would agree that its people are among the
friendliest in the world. They are genuinely interested in foreigners and are
usually curious about why they have come to their country. Most people are
very relaxed and expect that outsiders do not know much about their cus-
toms, so much so that some visitors might be tempted to think that there are
no cultural taboos at all. The reality, of course, is that there are many. Some are
found throughout Laos, whereas others are specific to certain groups. Most
foreigners never encounter these customs, in part because their hosts are un-
likely to draw attention to them. That said, an awareness of and respect for
attitudes, practices, and taboos in Laos are likely to help open up the various
cultures of the country and significantly enrich the traveler’s experience.
As the previous chapters have discussed, the people of Laos are generally
quite religious, spiritual, and conservative when it comes to social behavior.
Public displays of affection, nudity, or lewd behavior are considered rude. As
difficult as it may be in a hot country, modest dress to cover the body is impor-
tant, especially for women. Arrogant or brash behavior also is offensive. Most
people will try to avoid confrontation and anger, especially in public. This
is consistent with many Asian cultures, which stress the idea of saving face.
Shouting, pointing, and posturing aggressively is considered a humiliating af-
front to one’s dignity, particularly in the presence of others. Westerners who
expect professional service standards similar to those at home often become
160 CULTURE AND CUSTOMS OF LAOS

frustrated and more demanding. Rather than push someone into action, this
has the opposite effect in Laos and people retreat entirely. Many of the eth-
nic minorities are also sensitive about displays of material wealth. Everyone
knows that foreigners who travel to Laos are much wealthier than the average
citizen, but those who wear abundant jewelry or fancy clothes are considered
condescending.
Overly familiar behavior may also be misconstrued as disrespectful, espe-
cially to the elderly and those in authority. Although travelers often are asked
questions, joked with, and even invited to participate in events with locals,
respect for social hierarchies requires a more detached association. The Lao
are renowned for their sense of humor, but joking in return can potentially
humiliate someone and cause that person to lose face. Physical contact famil-
iar to Westerners in such circumstances, like slapping people on the back or
rubbing their head, is considered rude. The Lao also rarely show surprise, plea-
sure, or gratitude like Westerners do. Emotional extremes like this are muted,
especially in public. For example, opening a surprise gift in front of the giver
would be considered a sign of one’s greed and expectation. Thanking the giver
profusely is uncomfortable for both the giver and the receiver.1 It also creates
a sense of obligation to return the gesture. Similarly, Lao do not feel the need
to fill every conversation with talk. Silence is considered respectful and a sign
that one is attentive.
The Lao expression koi koi bai, or “slowly, slowly,” is often cited as evidence
of the laid-back attitudes in the country. The pace of life is much slower than
most places. The French, Japanese, Vietnamese, and Americans who played
such large roles in the history of the country thought the Lao were lazy. Many
foreigners who work in Laos today still think that people avoid hard work.
There is even a running joke that the acronym PDR stands for “please don’t
rush.” Although this is rather unfair, it is true that the Lao are more concerned
with fun—or muan. Ambitions related to one’s work are not so pressing.
Everything must have some sense of muan. Hard work is considered bad for
the brain. People with high-paying, stressful jobs or advanced education are
not necessarily the role models that they might be in other countries. Peo-
ple tend to pity those who have to “think too much” and sacrifice time with
friends or family.2 This feeds directly into the notion of bo penh ngan, which
loosely translates as “never mind,” “no problem,” or “forget about it.” It is
used widely and illustrates the depth of people’s fatalism.
Discussions of a personal nature familiar to friends in the West are less
common in Laos. Often people relay a matter by invoking third parties, even
if everyone knows they are fictitious. Saving face is again the priority. How-
ever, many people in Laos routinely ask questions that in the West would be
considered overly personal or rude, about age, marital status, children, and
 SOCIAL CUSTOMS 161

Everyday life on the street—a family on a moped. Courtesy of Rick Madonik.

even income. These are not meant to be intrusive but rather are consid-
ered a demonstration of interest. Discussions of a more general nature on
things like history, politics, religion, or society are trickier in Laos. Although
the government has relaxed its grip over the past few years, people are still
acutely aware of censorship. Talk about the royal family, for example, re-
mains controversial, even though nostalgia for the long-deposed monarchy is
surfacing.
However, when conversation turns to other countries and people, most
Lao will voice strong opinions. The case in point is Thailand, which heavily
influences culture and society in Laos. Many people, especially the young, see
Thailand as a role model through its music, film, clothes, and other facets
of modern culture. Moreover, since the mid-1990s the Thai king, Bhumipol
Adulyadej, has emerged as a kind of patron for the Buddhist Sangha in Laos
as he is in his own country.3 However, many Lao also see Thailand as deca-
dent, corrupt, and increasingly un-Buddhist. Prostitution, drugs, and crime
are seen as the consequences of too much Western culture. Some also point
to the depletion of Thai forests, pollution, and other environmental ills as a
cautionary tale in economic development modeled on that of their neighbor.
An uneasy relationship between the two countries remains: The Thai view the
Lao as their little brothers or country bumpkins, whereas the Lao see the Thai
as arrogant and condescending.
162 CULTURE AND CUSTOMS OF LAOS

POWER AND CLASS

Theoretically, the communist revolution put an end to status and hierarchy
in Laos. However, in reality it just transferred power to a different elite. Still,
with communism came a different code of behavior and language in reference
to hierarchies. Honorific titles denoting noble lineage or educational status
were abandoned in favor of the more proletariat comrade. Today, things are
changing again, and increasingly people are reverting to a more traditional
recognition of social standing. This is best reflected in language. People are
less addressed as banda sahay (“all comrades”) as they are banda tan (“all sirs”).
The egalitarian pronoun hao ni (“we” or “I”) has been replaced by the old
khapachao (literally, “I, slave of the Buddha”).4 People with wealth, educa-
tion, and influence are again being distinguished from the masses and afforded
special recognition. As discussed in Chapter 3, the same is true of the Sangha,
which, after initially suffering under the communists, is again the pillar of Lao
culture.
Social status is important in Buddhist cultures. It may be based on respect
for elders or masculinity and leadership in the traditional family and village
unit. It is also based in Buddhist thought, in which a sense of duty and moral-
ity are deeply ingrained. Moral goodness is considered a means of spiritual
growth that ultimately helps one to achieve wisdom, inner peace, and even-
tually liberation from dukkha. Social standings reinforce respect, obedience,
kinship, and community. People in positions of power are considered to have
achieved a greater degree of moral goodness, and thus to be wiser. Power and
rank are still subject to karma, so that the boss in this life may not be the boss
in the next. Many believe that people who abuse their positions will, in turn,
be abused by others in another existence. Similarly, some Lao accept their
lower position with the belief that in a previous life they may have abused
power. Despite socialist ideology, age, rank, and power or influence still influ-
ence social hierarchies in Laos.
Among the Lao there is a general acceptance that the individual is insignif-
icant, not so much through any notion of communism but rather because of
Buddhist teachings that downplay the self. In fact, Buddhism’s emphasis on
individual responsibility and its connection to karma on the path to enlight-
enment contradicts the communist idea of collectivism. Behavior that many
outsiders mistake for ideological conformity is in fact rooted in Buddhist ac-
ceptance of one’s life. As a result, most Lao tend to be deferential, quiet in the
face of authority, and anxious to avoid any conflict. The questioning of author-
ity and other obvious challenges are fairly rare. Instead, most Lao work quietly
and passively resist when they confront difficulties. Disagreements, particu-
larly in a professional setting, are often resolved subtly and with a minimum
 SOCIAL CUSTOMS 163

of comment. In the workplace volunteerism and other individual initiatives

are also far less common than in the West.

BODY LANGUAGE
Like other Buddhists, the Lao are sensitive about physical contact. The
head, hands, and feet are off limits, especially in public and in the company
of strangers. The head is sacred and used to communicate. Lowering the head
slightly in the company of elders, monks, or those deemed to have a higher
social standing is a sign of respect. Touching the head, even of children, is con-
sidered condescending. Pointing and gesticulating is an insult. When motion-
ing to someone, a palm turned downward is preferable. Both hands should
be used in the giving or receiving of items. As is true in many cultures, the
left hand is associated with bodily functions. Positioning of the feet is also
very important. Feet are considered dirty, so keeping them away from people
is important. Pointing of the feet, even accidentally, is taboo. People sitting
with their legs stretched out or cross-legged, common among Westerners, are
in fact pointing their feet, even if unconsciously. Most Lao will keep their feet
tucked under the body or on the ground at all times to avoid inadvertently
pointing them at someone. Putting feet up on tables or chairs and touching
people with feet is considered extremely rude. Leaving shoes on when entering
someone’s house or a wat also is a grave insult. Many Lao also will avoid direct
eye contact, especially when discussing serious matters. Staring is considered
aggressive behavior.
Many Lao and ethnic minorities believe that women should never be phys-
ically higher than men. Consequently, women are expected to be positioned
below men. Visitors traveling on buses, trucks, and boats in Laos often are
confused when operators move women from sitting atop the vehicles. It is
considered very bad luck. The superstition even extends to things like laun-
dry. Hanging women’s clothes above men’s clothes on the line to dry is taboo.5
Under no circumstances is a woman supposed to touch a monk or even his
robes. Even when giving alms, great care must be taken to avoid physical con-
tact. When passing items to a monk, male intermediaries are used or the object
is placed within the monk’s reach.
Touching images of the Buddha is in most cases very rude. An exception
is when laying gold leaf during worship. Pointing at the Buddha, surprisingly
common among visitors in the wat, is also unwelcome. The Lao are under-
standably upset when the occasional tourist decides to climb large Buddhas
or pose for photos with them in unflattering positions. Touching any part of
spirit houses, gates, or totems in Lao Theung or Lao Sung villages is similarly
offensive. Although most Lao enjoy being photographed and are quick to offer
164 CULTURE AND CUSTOMS OF LAOS

a smile, it is always polite to ask permission first. Among some Lao Theung
and Lao Sung photography is viewed with suspicion. Some people consider
it a means of capturing their spirit and do not welcome photos of any sort.
Taking pictures of spirit houses, gates, and other sacred objects in some areas
is taboo.

THE NOP
Increasingly, Lao in cities like Vientiane may offer a handshake to foreign
tourists as a means of greeting. However, the traditional gesture is the nop.
Similar to the wai in Thailand, the nop is an artful, surprisingly complex,
all-purpose social action. The hands are held together, palm to palm, as if in
prayer and kept close to the body, held in front of the neck, chin, or nose. A
slight lowering of the head accompanies the act. It is most commonly a way
to say hello and good-bye, but it is also used as deference to show respect for
the person being greeted. Age, gender, social rank, and the specific context in

A woman in traditional dress giving the nop

at Wat Xieng Thong, Luang Prabang.  c
Danny Callcut/stickyrice.co.uk.
 SOCIAL CUSTOMS 165

which it is given determine the style of nop. Even after decades of commu-
nism the nop remains distinctly hierarchical. Between equals, or when given
to strangers of unclear status, the nop is at neck level and the head is kept
straight. When directing the nop at someone of lower status, the hands are
held lower and the head kept straight. When addressing a superior, the nop
reaches the nose and the head and neck are slightly bent. Before monks the
traditional nop is supposed to be given by dropping to one’s knees, sitting on
the heels, and putting the hands ahead as you lower your head to the floor,
although this not commonly seen today. Before images of the Buddha this
should be done three times.
It is usual for someone junior or “inferior” to be the first to give the nop,
so the receiver must be careful when responding. Traditionally, it is not used
to express thanks and is not given in everyday affairs. It is, therefore, not sup-
posed to be addressed to servants, children, or people who sell you something.
Giving a nop in these contexts can be seen as insulting, a reminder of the per-
son’s lower status. Although this all seems rather daunting, for foreigners the
nop is in fact a simple act of respect. It is greatly appreciated by the Lao and
viewed more as a greeting than a suggestion of rank and class. The origins of
the nop are not entirely clear, although it probably developed as a mudra in
India long ago. Some suggest that, like the Western handshake, it evolved as
a way of showing one’s enemy that no weapon was being carried.

LAO HUMOR
The Lao have an excellent sense of humor, and it is a big part of their every-
day culture. A keen wit is highly regarded, especially when in verbal expres-
sions. Clever wordsmiths who can use humor without alienating anyone are
considered truly funny. Indeed, humorous verbal exchanges are the basis for
lam and mohlam oral literature and folk songs popular throughout the coun-
try. A good storyteller, especially one who uses outrageous tales, bawdy jokes,
and even slapstick comedy is always well received in Laos.

FRIENDSHIPS
The Lao consider personal relationships extremely important to both busi-
ness and family life. Friends are as valuable as any education or wealth and
form the fabric of one’s community. In fact, when it comes to friendships,
the Lao even distinguish between moo linh (“play friends”) and moo tai (“die
friends”). The former are more casual acquaintances, and the latter are con-
sidered family. Friendships of this nature are expected to be maintained for
life. Moo tai share in everything and are integral parts of each other’s lives.
166 CULTURE AND CUSTOMS OF LAOS

They share not only their feelings but also their personal possessions, family
life, space, and money. Dropping by a friend’s house anytime without prior
notice, something often considered rude elsewhere, is common among moo
tai in Laos.6 Face-to-face communication is considered the only acceptable
means of conversation, especially between good friends and about serious is-
sues. Private phones are relatively new in Laos and are considered impersonal.
Access to personal computers and e-mail is rare.

BIRTH AND DEATH

As one might expect of a country with so many different cultures, customs
with respect to births and deaths vary throughout Laos. However, everywhere
they are considered important events and are marked by both ceremony and
superstition. Talk about babies is generally muted before their birth, in part
because of the high infant mortality rate and folk beliefs that evil spirits may
become jealous of the new arrival and mean him or her harm. Names and gifts
for the baby are never given before birth. As with other auspicious occasions
in Laos, a baci ceremony is needed to ensure the new child’s fate. Among the
Lao Theung and Lao Sung there are other traditions to respect. The Hmong
place a leaf at the door of houses to mark a new birth, and everyone is expected
to remove their hats before entering. The hu plig, or “soul-calling” ceremony,
is performed by a shaman to ensure that the new baby has the right spiritual
essence and that no other spirits get into it. It is also customary to tell the
parents how ugly the child is to dissuade evil spirits lurking nearby from be-
coming jealous and harming it. A name is not selected for a new child until
three days have passed. The placenta is always buried under the house. For
girls, it is placed under the parent’s bed and for boys it is put under the main
pillar. Traditionally, these are then exhumed and buried with the person when
he or she dies.
The baci is also performed for funerals, along with a host of other rituals
designed to honor and release the departed’s spirit. Money is often collected
for the dead person’s family. Silence, rather than condolences or expressions
of grief, is the norm. In keeping with Buddhist teachings, death is simply a
necessary step on the path to enlightenment, and mourning excessively for the
deceased is considered bad for his or her karma. A celebration involving food,
drink, and laughter often follows cremation as a means of bringing happiness
back into a home. For those who cannot afford festivities, a simple burial or
cremation in the woods is standard practice. The dead are never commemo-
rated with plaques or markings in case their spirit becomes angry and uses the
site to harass local villages.7
 SOCIAL CUSTOMS 167

Khmou tradition dictates that the deceased is buried the same day that he
or she dies. A short ceremony is held during which men wearing only loin-
cloths carry the body on a bamboo mat to the gravesite. Poems and folk songs
are recited in honor of the dead. The party then walks back to the village in
purposely roundabout fashion to confuse any evil spirits that might follow
them. Among most Lao Theung and Lao Sung, animals are ritually sacrificed
to ensure that the dead are not hungry in the afterlife. Colors play an impor-
tant role in death and funerals among Laos’ many ethnic groups. They are
closely tied to the phi and are believed to have specific meanings. The Hmong
consider red the color of death and wear it only at funerals. Black represents
happiness and health. Conversely, the Mien view red as the color of life, much
as the Chinese do, and associate black with death. Similarly, the Lisu and Akha
see both black and white as colors of loss and do not wear either.

NOTES
1. Mansfield, Culture Shock!, 129.
2. Ibid, 174–177. See also Joe Cummings and Andrew Burke, Laos (Footscray,
Australia: Lonely Planet Publications, 2005), 33.
3. Grant Evans, The Politics of Ritual and Remembrance: Laos Since 1975 (Hon-
olulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1998), 88–113.
4. Ibid., 88.
5. Joe Cummings, Lao Phrasebook (Footscray, Australia: Lonely Planet Publica-
tions, 2002), 54.
6. U.N. Development Programme, Working with Your Lao Partner, 2003 report,
www.seasite.niu.edu/lao/undp/wwyLp.htm (retrieved January 2007).
7. Mansfield, 136.
This page intentionally left blank
 Glossary

Ailao term used for a controversial ancient Lao people claimed to have existed in
the second and third centuries b.c.e.
an nangsu storytelling
anatta in Buddhism, a state of mind without ego
anicca in Buddhism, the impermanence of all things
arhat in Buddhism, a kind of saint who achieves nirvana and is not reborn
ASEAN the Association of Southeast Asian Nations: founded in 1967, and today
the most important regional economic and political forum
Atthangika-Magga (or Magga) in Buddhism, an eightfold path to eliminate
dukkha
baci (baasi or sukwan) a very important ceremony used widely to honor the phi
bhiang traditional female shawl
bhikkhu an ordained monk in the Theravada order
bhikkuni female monk
bo penh ngan concept similar to “never mind” in Western cultures
bodhi the tree of enlightenment in Buddhism
bodhisattva in Mahayana Buddhism, a being that assists others in achieving
enlightenment; in Theravada Buddhism, someone on the path to individual
enlightenment
bun (boun) festivals
Bun Awk Phansa (Ok Watsa) major Buddhist celebration in October
170 GLOSSARY

Bun Bang Fai (Bun Bangfai) agricultural festival, better known as the “rocket fes-
tival,” in May
Bun Haw Khao Padabdin (Bun Khao Padap Din) Buddhist commemoration of
the dead in August and September
Bun Haw Khao Salak Buddhist commemoration of the dead in mid-September
Bun Kathin Buddhist celebration in October and November
Bun Khao Phansa (Khao Watsa) major Buddhist celebration in July
Bun Khun Khao (Bun Khoun Lan) agricultural celebration in January
Bun Pha Wet (Bun Mahachaat) major Buddhist celebration in March
Bun Pi May (Bun Pi Mai) Lao New Year
Bun Souang Heau (Bun Nam) boat-racing festival
CDNI Committee for the Defence of National interests (CDNI): a right-wing
movement supported by the United States
Chakri the ruling dynasty of Thailand
chao traditional leader of a muang
Chao Fa “Soldiers of God”: an anticommunist guerrilla movement
Cheuang (Cheung, Thao Chreauang, Khun Cheaung) ancient Lao literary
works
Chin Haw Chinese Muslims
Dhamma Buddhist teachings about “truth”
dukkha in Buddhism, pain or suffering from want
fon phun muang folk dances
Garuda in Hindu and Buddhist mythology, a giant bird
haw kawng (ho kong) drum towers of a Buddhist temple
haw phi (haw phii) spirit houses
haw rakhang (ho rakhang) bell towers of a Buddhist temple
het bun the practice of making merit
heuan traditional Lao house
Hinayana Sanskrit for “lesser vehicle”: a derogatory reference to Theravada
Buddhism
hrooy Khmou equivalent of phi
hu plig soul-calling ceremony of the Hmong
Hua Chiao ethnic Chinese population in Laos
jao fa ornamental hooks on buildings
Jataka 547 stories of Buddha’s previous lives
karma the affects of all deeds in life, shaping one’s reincarnation and path to
enlightenment
 GLOSSARY 171

kataw (takraw) traditional sport played with a wicker ball

khao jao (klao jao) long-grain rice
khao niaw (klao niaw) short-grain, or sticky, rice
khati khong xaoban lao folklore, proverbs, songs, riddles, games, and other
customs
khene (khaen) traditional instrument: a large mouth organ made from bamboo
khon traditional dance theater based on the Pha Lak Pha Lam
Khon Isan the Lao population of northeast Thailand
khwan (khouan) guardian spirits in folkloric beliefs
kuti monks’ living quarters
kuu baa Lao word for “monks”
laap (larb) the national dish of Laos: a salad of spicy minced meat or fish
Lai Heau Fai festival of lights in October
lai lao decorative pattern on temples
Lak Muang guardian deity prominent in folkloric beliefs
lakhon traditional dance theater based on the Pha Lak Pha Lam and the satok
lakhon tukkata traditional puppetry
lakshanas artistic images of the Buddha
lam (khap) oral literature best known as folk-song performance art
lam luang classical Lao opera
lam luang samay (luuk thung) a blend of traditional lam and Western-style pop
music
lam vong the most popular folk-dance style
Lao Dhamma ancient Lao script used to translate Pali Buddhist scriptures
Lao Issara the Free Lao nationalist movement during World War II
Lao Lum (Loum) lowland ethnic Lao, making up about 50 percent of the
population
Lao PDR acronym for the official name of Laos: the Lao People’s Democratic
Republic
Lao Sung (Soung) the so-called hill tribes of Laos
Lao Tai ethnic groups closely related to the Lao Lum
Lao Theung (Thoeng) a loose grouping of Mon-Khmer people living at higher
elevations
LPF Lao Patriotic Front: a communist political party formed in 1955 and
the vehicle for the Pathet Lao (also known as Neo Lao Hak Xat, or
NLHX)
LPRP Lao People’s Revolutionary Party
172 GLOSSARY

maak phet chilies

Mae Nam Khong Mekong River in Lao
Mahayana Sanskrit for “greater vehicle”: the largest division of Buddhism
Makha Busa (Magha Puja) major Buddhist holiday in February
mandala a Hindu and Buddhist concept that the state is a kind of body
maravijaya artistic depictions of Buddha sitting
matmii (ikat) tie-dye pattern used in textiles
mohlam (molam, maw lam) expert form of lam
mondop square-shaped building in a Buddhist temple complex that houses articles
of the faith
moo tai “die friends”: close friends for life
muan “fun” in Lao
muang territory, district, or traditional definition of a political entity
muay Lao Lao kickboxing
muay saakon boxing
mudra artistic or symbolic depictions of Buddha’s hand gestures
naga (ngeuak or nak) mythological sea serpent
neeb Hmong equivalent of phi
nibbana (nirvana) in Buddhism, the state of enlightenment
nop traditional Lao greeting
Nor Chia Hmong New Year celebrations in November
pa ndau (paj ntaub) Hmong needlework art that often depicts folklore and other
traditional literature
paa daek (pa daek) fermented fish paste used in Lao cuisine
panna in Buddhism, the practice of wisdom
Panyasa Jataka Fifty “extra” stories of the jataka
Pathet Lao literally “Land of the Lao”: a communist group founded in 1950 out
of the Lao Issara
Patimokkha set of rules for monks
Pha Keo (Phra Kaew) the “Emerald Buddha”: one of the most important symbols
of the faith and today a national treasure of Thailand
Pha Lak Pha Lam (Pharak Pharam) Lao version of the Ramayana
Phabang (Prabang) one of the most important Buddhist icons and a symbol of
Lao heritage
Phakhuane offerings to the spirits given during the baci
phi (or phii) spirits or ghosts important in folkloric beliefs
 GLOSSARY 173

phone khuane elder or spiritualist who traditionally performs the baci

Phuk ken tying of symbolic white strings during the baci
pov pob Hmong courtship game played with a fabric ball
Ramayana epic Indian legend
RLG Royal Lao Government
Sa (saa) mulberry tree, used for traditional papermaking
sakyamuni Theravada Buddhist emphasis on the historical Buddha
sala (saala) lecture or meeting halls of a Buddhist temple complex
samadha in Buddhism, the practice of concentration
samana political “reeducation” camps established under the communists
samanera (nehn or nen) novice or apprentice monks
sampot traditional male garment
sangha Buddhist clergy
sarong wrap-around skirt
Satok (saa-tok) Lao word for the jataka tales
sii maa (bai sema) sacred “ordination” stones
sila in Buddhism, the practice of morality
sim (uposatha) ordination hall of a Buddhist temple
sin (sinh) traditional female garment
skandhas Sanskrit for “bundles” or “heaps”: in Buddhism, the dimensions
of existence
som tam (tam maak hung) green papaya salad
soukhwan (sou khuan, baci or basi) special ceremony to protect individuals by
restoring their khwan
sutras traditional writings on Buddhism
talat (talad) market
tanha in Buddhism, the “want” that drives dukkha
Thai Neua standardized Thai language system used in Thai regions of southern
China
That (Thaat or Tat) also known as a stupa, large cones, bells, or lotus-shaped con-
structs in a temple complex
Theravada Pali for “the way of the elders”: a major school of Buddhism and the
predominant religion in Laos
tip khao traditional Lao rice container
Tipitaka (Tripitaka) collection of sacred Buddhist scriptures
Uparat (Ouparath, Ouparaja, or Uparaja) “Great Deputy King” in Buddhist
dynasties: a principal adviser to the king
174 GLOSSARY

Varjayana (Tantric) a division in Buddhism that emphasizes certain techniques

to speed up one’s enlightenment
Viet Kieu ethnic Vietnamese population in Laos
Viet Minh Viet Nam Doc Lap Dong Minh (“League for the Independence of Viet-
nam”): a nationalist/communist organization influential throughout Indochina
Vihara (Wihann) part of the Buddhist temple in which sacred images and texts are
kept
Vinaya Pintaka rules of monastic service
Visakha Busa (Visakha Puja) major Buddhist celebration in May
wat (vat) Buddhist temple
 Chronology of Lao Kings

This chronology includes only the Lan Xang kingdom and Laos under French
rule. In many instances exact dates are unknown or are disputed by scholars.
The most commonly agreed-on dates are prefaced by the abbreviation ca. The
period between about 1427 and 1440 is particularly unclear, given the rapid
succession of possibly seven kings: most killed by rivals. In the mid–fifteenth
century there was an interregnum during which no king ruled. Most scholars
agree that a council of monks and royal officials managed the state. There was
another interregnum in the late sixteenth century. Given its isolation and the
lack of foreign travelers in the eighteenth century, little is known about the
separate kingdoms and their rulers following the decline of Lan Xang. Names
with alternative spellings and aliases are given in parentheses.

Kings of Lan Xang

ca. 1353–1368 Fa Ngum
ca. 1368–1416 Sam Sen Thai
ca. 1416–1428 Lan Kham Deng
ca. 1427–1429 Phommathat (Phommathad)
ca. 1429–1430 Mun Sai
ca. 1430–1432 Fa Khai
ca. 1433–1434 Khon Kham
176 CHRONOLOGY OF LAO KINGS

ca. 1434–1435 Yukhon

ca. 1435–1437 Khai Bua Ban
ca. 1437–1438 Kham Keut
ca. 1438–1479 Chakkaphat (also Sao Tiakaphat)
ca. 1479–1485 Souvanna Banlang (Suvama Banlang, also Theng Kham)
ca. 1485–1495 La Sen Thai (Lahsaenthai)
ca. 1495–1500 Som Phou (Sompou)
ca. 1500–1520 Vixun (Visoun, Visunurat, or Wisunarath)
1520–1550 Phothisarat (Pothisarath, Phothisarath, or Phothisalarat)
1550–1571 Sethathirat (Setthatirath, Xetthatirath, or Setthathilat)
1571–1574 Sen Soulintha (also Saensurin)
1574–1580 Mahaupahat (under Burmese rule)
1580–1582 Sen Soulintha (also Saensurin)
1582–1583 Nakhon Noi (under Burmese rule)
1583–1591 interregnum
1591–1596 Nokeo Koumane (Koumone)
ca. 1596–1622 Thammikarath
1622–1623 Upanyuvarat (Oupagnouvarath)
1623–1627 Phothisarat II
ca. 1627 Mone Keo
ca. 1627 Tone Kham
ca. 1627–1638 Vichai
ca. 1638–1694 Surinyavongsa (Soulignavongsa, Sourinyavongsa)
ca. 1694 Tian Thala (usurper)
ca. 1694–1695 Ong Lo
ca. 1695 Nantharat
ca. 1695–1707 Sai Ong Hue
ca. 1707–1713 division of Lan Xang into kingdoms of Luang Prabang, Vientiane,
and Champasak; all vassals to Ayutthaya
ca. 1713–1893 individual kingdoms under Burmese, Vietnamese, Siamese, and
French rule
 CHRONOLOGY OF LAO KINGS 177

Kings of Laos (since 1893)

1893–1904∗ Unkham
1904–1959∗ Sisavangvong
1959–1975 Savangvatthana

∗ King of Luang Prabang and (after 1945) Laos.

This page intentionally left blank
 Suggested Readings

GENERAL INFORMATION
Chazeé, Laurant. The Peoples of Laos: Rural and Ethnic Diversities. Bangkok: White
Lotus Press, 1999.
Cranmer, Jeff, and Steve Martin. Rough Guide to Laos. London: Rough Guides,
2002.
Cummings, Joe, and Andrew Burke. Laos. Footscray, Australia: Lonely Planet Publi-
cations, 2005.
Dakin, Brett. Another Quiet American: Stories of Life in Laos. Bangkok: Asia Books,
2003.
Evans, Grant, ed. Laos: Culture and Society. Chiang Mai, Thailand: Silkworm Books,
1999.
Griffiths, Clare, ed. Insight Guides: Laos and Cambodia. London: Apa Publications,
2005.
Hmong Studies Internet Resource Center, www.hmongstudies.org.
Karber, Phil. The Indochina Chronicles: Travels in Laos, Cambodia, and Vietnam.
Singapore: Marshall Cavendish, 2005.
Kremmer, Christopher. Bamboo Palace: Discovering the Lost Dynasty of Laos. Sydney:
Harper Collins Australia, 2003.
Mansfield, Stephen. Lao Hill Tribes: Traditions and Patterns of Existence. Oxford:
Oxford University Press, 2000.
Northeastern Illinois University, Center for Southeast Asian Studies. “Resources for
Lao Studies,” www.seasite.niu.edu.
Rehbein, Boike. Globalization, Culture, and Society in Laos. London: Routledge,
2007.
180 SUGGESTED READINGS

Schliesinger, Joachim. Ethnic Groups of Laos, 4 vols. Bangkok: White Lotus, 2003.
Stieglitz, Perry. In a Little Kingdom. Armonk, NY: M. E. Sharpe, 1990.
Vatthana Polsena and Ruth Banomyong. Laos: From Buffer State to Crossroads? Chiang
Mai, Thailand: Mekong Press, 2004.
Virtual Hilltribe Museum, www.hilltribe.org.
Visiting Arts Cultural Profiles Project, “Laos Cultural Profile,” www.culturalprofiles.
org.uk/laos.

HISTORY
Castle, Timothy N. At War in the Shadow of Vietnam: U.S. Military Aid to the Royal
Lao Government, 1955–73. New York: Columbia University Press, 1993.
. One Day Too Long: Top Secret Site 85 and the Bombing of North Vietnam. New
York: Columbia University Press, 1999.
Daum, Andreas, Wilfried Mausbach, and Lloyd C. Gardner, eds. America, the Viet-
nam War, and the World: Comparative and International Perspectives. New York:
Cambridge University Press, 2003.
Evans, Grant. A Short History of Laos: The Land in Between. Crows Nest, Australia:
Allen and Unwin, 2002.
. The Politics of Ritual and Remembrance: Laos since 1975. Honolulu: University
of Hawaii Press, 1998.
Goscha, Christopher E., and Soren Ivarsson, eds. Contesting Visions of the Lao Past:
Lao Historiography at the Crossroads. Copenhagen: Nordic Institute of Asian
Studies, 2003.
Gunn, Geoffrey C. Political Struggles in Laos, 1930–54. Bangkok: Editions Duang
Kamol, 1988.
Hamilton-Merritt, Jane. Tragic Mountains: The Hmong, the Americans, and the Secret
Wars for Laos, 1942–1992. Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 1993.
Hannah, Norman B. The Key to Failure: Laos and the Vietnam War. Lanham, MD:
Madison Books, 1987.
Maha Sila Viravong. History of Laos. New York: Paragon Book Reprint, 1964.
Mayoury Ngaosyvathn and Kennon Breazeale, eds. Breaking New Ground in Lao His-
tory: Essays on the Seventh to Twentieth Centuries. Chiang Mai, Thailand: Silk-
worm Books, 2002.
Nakhonkham Bouphanouvong. Sixteen Years in the Land of Death: Revolution and
Reeducation in Laos. Bangkok: White Lotus Press, 2003.
Quincy, Keith. Harvesting Pa Chay’s Wheat: The Hmong and America’s Secret War in
Laos. Spokane: Eastern Washington University, 2000.
Robbins, Christopher. The Ravens: The Men Who Flew in America’s Secret War in Laos.
New York: Crown Publishers, 1987.
Stuart-Fox, Martin. A History of Laos. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
1997.
. Buddhist Kingdom, Marxist State: The Making of Modern Laos. Bangkok:
White Lotus Press, 1996.
 SUGGESTED READINGS 181

. The Lao Kingdom of Lan Xang: Rise and Decline. Bangkok: White Lotus, 1998.
Vatthana Polsena. Post-War Laos: The Politics of Culture, History, and Identity. Ithaca,
NY: Cornell University Press, 2006.
Warner, Roger. Backfire: The CIA’s Secret War in Laos and its Links to the War in
Vietnam. New York: Simon and Schuster, 1995.

RELIGION AND THOUGHT

Brown, Robert L. The Dvaravati Wheels of Law and the Indianization of Southeast Asia.
Leiden, the Netherlands: E. J. Brill, 1996.
Buddhist Studies Dharma Education Association, www.buddhanet.net/e-learning/
basic-guide.htm (accessed November 2002).
Gombrich, Richard F. Theravada Buddhism: A Social History from Ancient Benares to
Modern Colombo. London: Routledge, 2006.
Harris, Ian Charles, ed. Buddhism, Power, and Political Order. London: Routledge,
2007.
Lowenstein, Tom. The Vision of the Buddha: Buddhism—the Path to Spiritual Enlight-
enment. London: Duncan Baird, 2000.
Northeastern Illinois University, Center for Southeast Asian Studies. “Resources for
Lao Studies,” www.seasite.niu.edu.
Swearer, Donald. The Buddhist World of Southeast Asia. Albany: State University of
New York Press, 1995.
Visiting Arts Cultural Profiles Project. “Laos Cultural Profile,” www.culturalprofiles.
org.uk/laos.

LITERATURE
Bounyavong, Outhine. Mother’s Beloved: Stories from Laos, ed. Bounheng Inversin and
Daniel Duffy. Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1997.
Dingwall, Alistair. Traveller’s Literary Companion to Southeast Asia. Brighton, UK:
Print Publishing, 1994.
Geok-lin Lim, Shirley, and Cheng Lok Chua, eds. Tilting the Continent: Southeast
Asian American Writing. Minneapolis: New Rivers Press, 2000.
Herbert, Patricia, and Anthony Milner, eds. Southeast Asian Languages and Literatures:
A Select Guide. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1989.
Livo, Norma J. Folk Stories of the Hmong: Peoples of Laos, Thailand, and Vietnam.
Englewood, CO: Libraries Unlimited, 1991.
Mai Neng Moua, ed. Bamboo among the Oaks: Contemporary Writing by Hmong Amer-
icans. St. Paul: Minnesota Historical Society, 2002.
Northeastern Illinois University, Center for Southeast Asian Studies. “Resources for
Lao Studies,” www.seasite.niu.edu.
Sachai Sachchidanand. The Rama Jataka in Laos: A Study in the Phra Lak Phra Lam.
New Delhi: B. R. Corporation, 1996.
182 SUGGESTED READINGS

Thao Worra, Bryan. Touching Detonations: An E-Chapbook. Sphinx House Press,

2004, available at members.aol.com/thaoworra/poetry.htm.
Visiting Arts Cultural Profiles Project. “Laos Cultural Profile,” www.culturalprofils.
org.uk/laos.
Xay Kaignavongsa and Hugh Fincher. Legends of the Lao: A Compilation of Legends
and Other Folklore of the Lao People. Bangkok: Geodata System, 1993.

ART
Cheesman, Patricia. Lao Textiles: Ancient Symbols—Living Art. Bangkok: White Lotus
Press, 1988.
Fisher, Robert E. Buddhist Art and Architecture. London: Thames and Hudson, 1993.
Ginsburg, Henry. Thai Art and Culture. London: British Library, 2000.
Giteau, Madelaine. Art et archéologie du Laos. Paris: Picard, 2001.
Howard, Michael C., Wattana Wattanapun, and Alec Gordon, eds. Traditional Tai
Arts in Contemporary Perspective. Bangkok: White Lotus Press, 1998.
Rawson, Philip. The Art of Southeast Asia. London: Thames and Hudson, 1967.
Visiting Arts Cultural Profiles Project. “Laos Cultural Profile,” www.culturalprofiles.
org.uk/laos.

ARCHITECTURE AND DESIGN

Chihara, Daigero. Hindu-Buddhist Architecture in Southeast Asia. Amsterdam:
E. J. Brill, 1996.
Clément-Charpentier, Sophie, and Pierre Clément. L’habitation Lao: Dans les regions
de Vientiane et de Louang Prabang. Paris: Peeters Diffusion and J. Vrin, 1990.
Fisher, Robert E. Buddhist Art and Architecture. London: Thames and Hudson, 1993.
Waterson, Roxana, ed. The Architecture of Southeast Asia Through Travellers’ Eyes. Kuala
Lumpur: Oxford University Press, 1998.
Visiting Arts Cultural Profiles Project. “Laos Cultural Profile,” www.culturalprofiles.
org.uk/laos.

THEATER, DANCE, MUSIC, AND FILM

Lao Voices, laovoices.com.
Lockard, Craig A. Dance of Life: Popular Music and Politics in Southeast Asia.
Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1998.
Mattana Rutnin. Dance, Drama, and Theatre in Thailand: The Process of Development
and Modernization. Chiang Mai, Thailand: Silkworm Books, 1996.
Miller, Terry E. Traditional Music of the Lao: Kaen Playing and Mawlum Singing in
Northeast Thailand. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1985.
Northeastern Illinois University, Center for Southeast Asian Studies. “Resources for
Lao Studies,” www.seasite.niu.edu.
 SUGGESTED READINGS 183

Visiting Arts Cultural Profiles Project. “Laos Cultural Profile,” www.culturalprofiles.

org.uk/laos.

CUISINE AND TRADITIONAL DRESS

Alford, Jeffrey, and Naomi Duguid. Hot, Sour, Salty, Sweet: A Culinary Journey through
Southeast Asia. New York: Artisan, 2000.
Bunce, Frederick W. Buddhist Textiles of Laos, Lanna, and the Isan: The Iconography of
Design Elements. New Delhi: D. K. Printworld, 2004.
Chaleunsilp Phia Sing. Traditional Recipes of Laos. London: Prospect Books, 1995.
Daovone Xayavong. Taste of Laos. Hong Kong: SLG Books, 2003.
Virtual Hilltribe Museum, www.hilltribe.org.

GENDER, COURTSHIP, MARRIAGE, AND FAMILY

Cooper, Robert. The Hmong: A Guide to Traditional Lifestyles. New York: Times Edi-
tions, 1998.
Hmong Studies Internet Resource Center, www.hmongstudies.org.
Ireson-Doolittle, Carol. The Lao: Gender, Power, and Livelihood. Boulder, CO: West-
view Press, 2004.
Mayoury Ngaosyvathn. Lao Women Yesterday and Today. Vientiane: Mayoury
Ngaosyvathn, 1995.

FESTIVALS AND FUN

Australian National University, “New Mandala: New Perspectives on Mainland
Southeast Asia,” rspas.anu.edu.au/rmap/newmandala.
Cranmer, Jeff, and Steve Martin. Rough Guide to Laos. London: Rough Guides, 2002.
Cummings, Joe, and Andrew Burke. Laos. Footscray, Australia: Lonely Planet Publi-
cations, 2005.
Gerson, Ruth. Traditional Festivals in Thailand. Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University
Press, 1996.
Griffiths, Clare, ed. Insight Guides: Laos and Cambodia. London: Apa Publications,
2005.
Lao Voices, laovoices.com.
Mansfield, Stephen. Culture Shock! A Guide to Customs and Etiquette, Laos. Singapore:
Times Editions, 1997.

SOCIAL CUSTOMS
Cranmer, Jeff, and Steve Martin. Rough Guide to Laos. London: Rough Guides, 2002.
Cummings, Joe, and Andrew Burke. Laos. Footscray, Australia: Lonely Planet Publi-
cations, 2005.
184 SUGGESTED READINGS

Griffiths, Clare, ed. Insight Guides: Laos and Cambodia. London: Apa Publications,
2005.
Lao Voices, laovoices.com.
Mansfield, Stephen. Culture Shock! A Guide to Customs and Etiquette, Laos. Singapore:
Times Editions, 1997.
 Bibliography

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Perspectives on the Foreign and Domestic Policies of the Kennedy Administration.
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Bounheng Inversin and Daniel Duffy, eds. Mother’s Beloved: Stories from Laos. Seattle:
University of Washington Press, 1997.
Brown, Mervin. War in Shangri-La: A Memoir of Civil War in Laos. London: Radcliffe
Press, 2001.
Brown, Robert L. The Dvaravati Wheels of Law and the Indianization of Southeast Asia.
Leiden, the Netherlands: E. J. Brill, 1996.
Bunce, Frederick W. Buddhist Textiles of Laos, Lanna, and the Isan: The Iconography of
Design Elements. New Delhi: D. K. Printworld, 2004.
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Castle, Timothy N. At War in the Shadow of Vietnam: U.S. Military Aid to the Royal
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. One Day Too Long: Top Secret Site 85 and the Bombing of North Vietnam. New
York: Columbia University Press, 1999.
Chaleunsilp Phia Sing. Traditional Recipes of Laos. London: Prospect Books, 1995.
Chazeé, Laurant. The Peoples of Laos: Rural and Ethnic Diversities. Bangkok: White
Lotus Press, 1999.
Cheesman, Patricia. Lao Textiles: Ancient Symbols—Living Art. Bangkok: White Lotus
Press, 1988.
186 BIBLIOGRAPHY

Chihara, Daigero. Hindu-Buddhist Architecture in Southeast Asia. Amsterdam: E. J.

Brill, 1996.
Clément-Charpentier, Sophie, and Pierre Clément. L’habitation Lao: Dans les regions
de Vientiane et de Louang Prabang. Paris: Peeters Diffusion, J. Vrin, 1990.
Cooper, Robert. The Hmong: A Guide to Traditional Lifestyles. New York: Times Edi-
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cations, 2005.
Dakin, Brett. Another Quiet American: Stories of Life in Laos. Bangkok: Asia Books,
2003.
Daovone Xayavong. Taste of Laos. Hong Kong: SLG Books, 2003.
Daum, Andreas, Wilfried Mausbach, and Lloyd C. Gardner, eds. America, the
Vietnam War, and the World: Comparative and International Perspectives. New
York: Cambridge University Press, 2003.
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1999.
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and Unwin, 2002.
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Hamilton-Merritt, Jane. Tragic Mountains: The Hmong, the Americans, and the
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Wyatt, David K. Studies in Thai History. Chiang Mai, Thailand: Silkworm Books,
1994.
. Thailand: A Short History. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1982.
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Xay Kaignavongsa and Hugh Fincher. Legends of the Lao: A Compilation of Legends
and Other Folklore of the Lao People. Bangkok: Geodata System, 1993.

WEB SOURCES
Buddhist Studies Dharma Education Association at http://www.buddhanet.net/e-
learning/basic-guide.htm.
Hmong Studies Internet Resource Center, www.hmongstudies.org.
Lao Voices, http://laovoices.com.
Laos WWW Virtual Library (Coombes Australian National University Asian Stud-
ies), http://home.vicnet.net.au/∼lao/mainvl.htm.
New Mandala: New Perspectives on Mainland Southeast Asia website, Australian Na-
tional University, http://rspas.anu.edu.au/rmap/newmandala.
Northeastern Illinois University, Center for Southeast Asian Studies. “Resources for
Lao Studies.” www.seasite.niu.edu.
United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) web-
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Virtual Hilltribe Museum at www.hilltribe.org.
Visiting Arts Cultural Profiles Project. “Laos Cultural Profile,” www.culturalprofiles.
org.uk/laos.
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 Index

abortion, 142 painting, 89–90; sculpture, 86–89;

affection, displays of, 62, 136, 159–60 textiles, 91–92, 124, 125, 127, 128;
Agent Orange, 41. See also herbicides woodworking, 90–91
agriculture: crops, 2, 3, 4, 6, 10, 122; Arts Teacher Training School,
festivals, 148–49 93
aid, foreign, 5, 34–36, 46 ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian
AIDS, 109, 135 Nations), 5, 46
Ailao (ancient kingdom), 7 Asian Development Bank (ADB), 5
airports, 104 attitudes, 159–61
Akha (ethnic minority), 102, 126, 137.
See also Lao Sung baci (ceremony), 138–39, 166
Alak (ethnic minority), 9, 125. See also Beer Lao, 122
Lao Theung beliefs, 10, 51–62, 102. See also
alcohol, 122–23 Buddhism
alphabet, 12 beverages, 122–23
animal sacrifice, 58, 103 Bhumipol Adulyadej, King (Rama IX)
animism, 57–59, 107, 139 of Thailand, 161
Anoulom Souvandouane, 93 biking, mountain, 157
Anuvong, 26 birth, 166
architecture: foreign influences on, birth control, 142
97–98; houses, 101–3, 122–23; bisexuality, 136
modern, 103–4; temples, 95–101 body language, 163–65
archives, 114 bombs, 40, 41
arts, 85–94; ceramics, 90; communism bride–price, 137–40
and, 44, 92–93; modern, 92–94; Britain, 28–29
194 INDEX

Bru (ethnic minority), 9. See also Lao China: cuisine, 120–21; ethnic
Theung communities, 7, 9; fashion, 127; Haw
Buddha: in literature, 67; statues of, raiders, xxv, 26, 30, 96–97
86–89, 96–97, 163 Christianity, 56–57
Buddhism: art, 85–90; ceremonies, CIA (Central Intelligence Agency), 37,
145–47; children, 141–42; 38; secret war, 41–42
communism and, 44, 45; history of, cinema, 114–15
in Laos, 21, 51–53; literature, 65, CITES, 4
66–68; marriage, 138–39; practice of, civilizations, ancient, 19–20, 95. See also
59–62; sects, 55–56; social status, empires; kingdoms
162; songs, 107; teachings, 53–55; climate, 2–3
water, 147; women, 61, 135–36. See clothing, 124–28
also monks; temples cockfighting, 156
Bun Bang Fai (Rocket Festival), 148– coffee, 2, 122
49 cold war, xiv, 32; colonialism, 7, 28–31,
Bun Pi May (New Year’s celebration), 33–34. See also France
147, 149 colors, 167
Bun Souang Heau (Boat Racing Festival), Committee for the Defense of National
150 Interests, 37–8
Burma, 22–23, 24–25 Communications, Ministry of, 152
“Burning Eden One Branch at a Time,” communism: art, 92–93; class, 162;
79–80 contemporary politics, 46–47; dress,
128; ethnic minorities and Lao Lum,
Camões, Luis de, 23 35; literature, 66, 76–77; music, 112;
caving, 157 religion, 44, 45, 51–52; revolution,
celebrations, 145–51. See also 33; takeover of, 43–46; women, 133.
ceremonies See also Lao PDR; Pathet Lao;
censorship: art and literature, Vietnam War
44, 77; attitude towards, computers, 155
161; media, 153, 155. See Confucianism, 56
also propaganda conservation, 3–4
Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), contraception, 142
37–8; secret war, 41–42 corruption, xv, 4, 36, 45, 135
Ceremonies: birth and death, 166–67; corvée system, 29, 31
wedding, 138–39. See also coups, 32, 37, 40
celebrations courtship, 136–37
Chakkapat, 21–22 crime: corruption, xv, 4, 36 45,
Chakri Dynasty, 25 135; drug trade, 10, 30, 35, 42,
Cham (ethnic minority), 13, 57. See also 109
Lao Sung “Crime in Xieng Khouang, A,” 80–81
Chanthy Deuansavanh, 76 cuisine, 117–24
Chao Fa, 44 cultural pollution, 154
chemical warfare, 4, 41 cultural revolution, 44
children, 131–32, 140, 141 Culture, Ministry of, 114
 INDEX 195

dance, 107–8, 109, 110, 156 Fall, Bernard, 7

dating, 136–37 family, 131–32, 140–42. See also
death, 166–67 marriage
democracy, xv farming, 4, 6, 131–32
dialects, 12 fauna, 3
discrimination, 10, 46–47, 133 festivals, 145–50. See also celebrations
divorce, 139–40 films, 114–15
documentaries, 115 flag, 51, 100
Dommen, Arthur, 7 flora, 3
dress, 124–28 folksongs, 107, 108–9, 112–13, 165. See
drug trade, 10, 30, 35, 42, 109 also music
Duangdueane Viravong, 76 folktales, 66–73, 107; women in, 113,
Dvaravati (civilization), 19, 20, 95 135. See also literature
food, 117–22
economy, 3–4; upon communist football, 155–56
takeover, 45; under French, 30; under forests, 3
RLG, 35; and women, 132 France: architecture, 97–8, 103–4;
eco-tourism, 156–57 colonialism, 7, 28–31, 34; cuisine,
education, 133, 142 121; literature, 74; media, 152;
Eisenhower, Dwight, 35 theater, 113
Emerald Buddha, 22, 87–88, 97 frangipani, 154
emigration. See émigré communities; Free Lao Front, 33
refugees French Indochina, 29. See also
émigré communities, 11, 79–81, 139 colonialism; France
empires, ancient, 95; Ayutthaya, 24–25; Friendship Bridge, 46
Khmer, 19–20; Mongol, 20. See also friendships, 165–66
civilizations; kingdoms funerals, 166–67
endangered species, 3, 4
environment, 2–4 gambling, 156
ethnic diversity, 5–6, 7–9. See also ethnic gender, 131, 135–36. See also women
minorities; identity Geneva agreements, 39
ethnic minorities, 5–6; communist Geneva Conference, 34
takeover and, 35, 44; cuisine, 123–4; geography, 1–4, 7
discrimination toward, 10, 46–47, globalization, xv
133; dress, 124–27; gender relations, Golden Triangle, 10
132; language, 13; marriage, 136–37, government, modern, 43–47. See also
139. See also Lau Sung; Lau Theung; Lao PDR; Pathet Lao
individual ethnic groups Government of National Union,
Evans, Grant, 7, 26 39, 40
expatriates, 11, 79–81, 139 “Great Gourd from Heaven,” 69–70
exports, 4, 122
extremism, political, xv Hamilton, Alexander, 23
handicrafts, 91. See also arts
Fa Ngum, 20–21, 68 Haw, xxv, 26, 30, 96–97
196 INDEX

health care, 5, 135 invaders, 20, 26, 30, 96–97

herbicides, 4, 41 Isan (region of Thailand), 7, 118, 119
hill tribes. See ethnic minorities Islam, 57
Hinduism, 56, 66
history: ancient, 17–19; communist jakatas (Buddhist tales), 67–68, 135. See
takeover, 43–6; French rule, 28–31; also literature
Lan Xang kingdom, 20–25; as oral Japan, 4, 31–32
tradition, 108; wars with Siam, 25–8; Johnson, Lyndon, B., 40–41
World War II, 31–33; Vietnam War,
34–42 Kaduo (ethnic minority), 11. See also
Ho Chi Minh, 32, Lao Sung
Holy Man’s Revolt, 29 Kanha Sikounnavong, 93
HIV, 109, 135 Katang (ethnic minority), 9. See also Lao
Hmong: art, 92; colonialism, 30; Theung
cuisine, 124; dances, 110; dress, kataw (sport), 156
125–27; expatriate communities, Katay Don Sasorith, 37
79–81; language, 13; literature, Katu (ethnic minority), 9, 125. See also
78–79; marriage, 137–38, 139–40; Lao Theung
migration, 27; as resistance fighters, Kaw (ethnic minority), 11. See also Lao
46–7; secret war, 41, 42; social Sung
hierarchy, 58–59, 167; women, 133. Kaysone Phomvihane, 35, 43, 45–46
See also Lao Sung Kennedy, John F., 38–39
“homme est mort, un,” 76 Khamlieng Phonsena, 77
homosexuals, 136 Khamsouk Keomingmuang, 93
Houmphanh Rattanavong, 7 Khmer (kingdom), 19–20, 22; dress,
human rights, xv, 8, 46 124–25; Hindu influence, 56, 100
humor, 165 Khmer Rouge, 57, 115
hydroelectricity, 4 Khmou (ethnic minority), 9; animism,
58–59; dance, 110; dress, 125; family,
identity, 7–9, 26, 46; celebrations, 146; 140; funerals, 167; marriage, 136;
colonialism, 31; expatriates, 11; social hierarchy, 58–59. See also Lao
independence movements, 32; Theung
literature, 74; media, 153; public khon Isan (people of Isan), 7
holidays, 151; songs, 112 kickboxing, 156
indentured labor, 29, 31 King of the Hill, 154
independence, 31–32, 34 Kingdom of One Million Elephants, 20.
India, 18–19 See also Lan Xang
Indochinese Communist Party, 35 kingdoms, ancient: Ailao, 7; Khmer,
Information and Culture, Ministry of, 19–20, 22, 56, 100, 124–25; Lan
76, 152, 155 Xang, 20–25; Sukhothai, 20. See also
Institute of Culture in Laos, 7 civilizations; empires
internet, 151–52, 155. See also Kong Le, 37–38, 40
censorship; media Kongphat Luangrath, 93
Inthavong, 25–26 Koret, Peter, 73–74
 INDEX 197

Kui (ethnic minority), 9. See also Lao ethnic minorities; individual ethnic
Theung groups
Kuras, Ellen, 115 Lao Tai, 6
Lao Theung, 6–7, 9, 29; architecture,
labor force, 132–33 102; communism, 35, 44; cuisine,
lacquerware, 91 118, 119, 123–24; languages, 13;
Lahu (ethnic minority), 11, 125–26. See literature, 77–78, 109; marriage,
also Lao Sung 136–37; religion, 58–59. See also
Lai Heau Fai (Festival of Lights), ethnic minorities; individual ethnic
149–50 groups
lam (oral literature), 107, 108–9, Lao Women’s Union, 133–34
112–13, 165. See also music Lao Writer’s Association, 76–77
Lan Xang (ancient kingdom): Laotienne Artistique et Sportive,
architecture, 96–97; art, 86; class 113
structure, 162–63; ethnic minorities, Lave (ethnic minority), 9. See also Lao
58–59; history, 20–25; literature, Theung
65–67; religion, 51 Laven (ethnic minority), 9. See also Lao
languages, 11–14 Theung
Lao Front for National Construction laws, 73, 131
(LFNC), 5–6 Least Developed Countries Index,
Lao Issara, 32–34 United Nations, 5
Lao Lum (ethnic Lao), 6, 140, 70; legends, 68–69, 71. See also folktales
communism, 35, 44; cuisine, 118, Leguay, Marc, 92
119, 123–24; marriage, 136–37, 138; leisure activities, 151
minorities and, 10, 70; poetry, 109; Leria, Giovanni-Maria, 23
women, 131–35 life expectancy, 5
Lao National Radio, 152 limestone, 2
Lao Patriotic Front, 33 Lisu (ethnic minority), 11, 126, 137. See
Lao PDR (People’s Democratic also Lao Sung
Republic), 1; architecture, 104; arts, literacy, 5, 133
91, 93; Beer Lao, 122; censorship, 77, literature: communism and, 44, 66,
153, 155, 161; current government, 76–77; expatriates, 79–81; modern,
46–47; education, 133; inception of, 73–77; oral, 72, 78, 108, 165;
43–46; oral literature, 72; public traditional folk, 65–73, 107; women
holidays, 151; religion, 51, 57; in, 113, 135. See also lam
Western culture, 154–55; women, Lotus-Eaters, Land of, 30
133–34. See also communism; Luang Prabang, 2, 96, 99, 104
propaganda
Lao People’s Party, 35 magazines, 75, 81, 154–55. See also
Lao Sung, 10–11, 29; architecture, media
102–103; communism, 35, 44; Maha Devi, 21
cuisine, 118, 119, 123–24; languages, Maha Phoumi Chittaphong, 75
13; literature, 77–78; marriage, Maha Sila Viravong, 72, 74, 75
136–37; religion, 58–59. See also Mahayana Buddhism, 55–56, 60, 61
198 INDEX

Makha Busa (Magha Puja) (celebration), newspapers, 74–75, 153, 155

146 Ngae (ethnic minority), 9. See also Lao
Mal (ethnic minority), 9. See also Lao Theung
Theung Nhouy Abhay, 75
“Man Is Dead, A,” 76 Nirad Chounramahy, 93
manufacturing, 4 nop (traditional gesture), 164–65
markets, 118 nuns, 61. See also monks
marriage, 136–37; divorce, 139–40;
wedding ceremonies, 138–39 Olympic Games, 155–56
matrilineage, 132 Ong Kaeo, 29–30
May Chandavong, 93 Ong Kommadam, 30
media, 151–55. See also censorship opera, 109
Mekong (river), 1–2, 120, opium, 10, 30, 35, 42
Mines Advisory Group, 114 opposition group, 5–6
mining, 4, Outhine Bounavong, 76
minorities. See ethnic minorities
mohlam (sung poetry), 72–73, 108–9 Pakse, 2, 9
Mon (ancient empire), 95 panyasa jataka (Buddhist tales), 68
monks, 51, 59–62; female, 61; papermaking, 91
literature, 67, 74 Pathet Lao: Hmong resistance to,
Mouhot, Henri, 27 41–42; overthrow of RLG, 43;
Movement for National Renovation, 32 propaganda, 113–14; rise of, 33–47,
movies, 114–15 40, 44. See also Lao PDR; Vietnam
Muay Lao (Lao kickboxing), 156 War
music, 44, 107–13 patrilineage, 132, 140
Muslims, 7, 57 Patuxai Monument, 104
myths, 68–71. See also folktales; Pavie, Auguste, 27, 28
literature Pegu (Burmese), 22–23
People’s Progressive Organization, 33
Nanthasen, King of Vientiane, 25 peoples, 5–11, 18–20. See also Lao Lum;
National Film Archive and Video Lao Sung; Lao Theung; individual
Centre, 114 ethnic groups
national identity, 7–11, 26, 46–47; periodicals, 75, 81, 154–55
celebrations, 146; colonization, 31; Pha Chedi Lokajulamani (temple),
independence movements and, 32; 100
literature, 74; popular culture, Pha Keo (Emerald Buddha), 22, 87–88,
153–54; public holidays, 151 97
National School of Music and Dance, Pha Lak Pha Lam (epic poem), 66–67,
112 107–8. See also jataka
National Unexploded Ordnance Pha Phuttha Butsavarat (Buddha
Programme, 115 statue), 88
natural resources, 3 Pha That Luang (temple), 96, 100
Neo Lao Hak Xat (NLHX), 33, 44 Phabang (Buddha statue), 20–22, 86,
Neo Lau Isra, 33 87, 96
 INDEX 199

Phai (ethnic minority), 9. See also Lao Rocket Festival, 149

Theung Roosevelt, Franklin, 32
Phet Cash, 94 Royal Lao Army (RLA), 35, 36
Phetsarath Rattanavongsga, Prince, 32 Royal Lao Government (RLG), 34–36;
photographs, 163–64 collapse of, 43
Phoui Sananikone, 37 Royal Palace, 97
Phoumi Nosavan, 37–38, 39, 40
Phoumi Vongvichit, 75 sangha (monkhood), 59–61, 135, 162
Phuttaloetla, King (Rama II) of Siam, 26 satok (Buddhist tales), 67–68, 135
Phutthayofta, King (Rama I) of Siam, 25 Savangvatthana, King, 31, 44
Plain of Jars, 2, 17, 18, 90, 95 Savannakhet (city), 2
poetry, 76, 79–81, 108–9. See also Schlesinger, Arthur, Jr., 7
literature School of Fine Arts, 92
politics, contemporary, xv, 46–47 script, 12–13
polygamy, 140 sculpture, 86–89. See also statues
popular culture, 153–54 SEATO, 39
population, 5 secret war, 40–42; poem about, 80. See
poverty, 46, 133, 134–35 also Vietnam War
Prime Minister’s Office, 152 Seri Milamy, 76
propaganda: anti-Western, 32, 154–55; sex education, 42
film, 114; literature 77; media, sexual orientation, 136
151–52; theatre, 113 shamans, 135
prostitution, xv, 134–35 Siam: architecture, 97; arts, 87–90;
proverbs, 9, 73, 118 literature, 70, 73; theatre, 108; wars
public holidays, 151. See also with, 25–29. See also Thailand
celebrations silk, 124
Public Security, Ministry of, 152 Sisavangvong, King, 32, 33, 37
publishing, 74 Sita, 67
puppetry, 113 slavery, 29
soccer, 155–56
racism, 46, 133 social hierarchy, 162–63; ethnic
radio, 151–22 minorities, 58–59
rafting, whitewater, 157 Somchine Nginn, 74
Rama, 67 Somphavan Inthavong, 76
Ramakian (epic poem), 66–67 songs, 107, 108. See also music; poetry
Ramayana (epic poem), 66–67 Southeast Asian Treaty Organization
rappelling, 157 (SEATO), 39
reeducation camps, 44 Southeast Asian Writer’s Award, 77
refugees, 10–11, 42, 44, 79, 81 Souvanna Phouma, 33–34, 37, 38;
religions, 10, 51–62, 102. See also communist takeover, 43; secret war,
Buddhism 40
Religious Affairs, Department of, 52 Souvannaphong, Prince, 33, 40, 43
revolution, 33, 43–46 Souvanthone Bouphanouvong, 75
rice, 2, 117–18, 121 Soviet Union, 34, 38, 39, 45
200 INDEX

spirit houses, 163–64 Truman, Harry, S., 34

sports, 155–57
State Cinematographic Company, 114 UNESCO, 96
Stevens, Laith, 115 unexploded ordnance, 41
Stuart-Fox, Martin, 7, 26 unions, 133–34
superstitions, 118, 135–36, 163–64 United Nations, 5, 34, 46
Surinyavongsa, 23, 24 United States: aid from, 34–36;
expatriate communities in, 79–81;
Tai: as ancient peoples, 7, 18–20, 21, secret war, 40–42; Vietnam War,
124; as ethnic minorities, 6, 110, 37–39; World War II, 32
102, 125
Taoism, 10, 56 Vajrayana Buddhism, 55
Taylor, General Maxwell, 39–40 Vang Pao, 41–42, 44, 46–47
tea, 2, 122 Vatthana Pholsena, 8, 153
teak, 3 vegetarianism, 61
television, 151–53 Vientiane Capital Radio, 152
temples, 95–101 Vientiane Times, 155
Tet Offensive, 42 Vientiane, 9, 11, 111; architecture,
textiles, 91–92, 124–25, 127, 128 96–97, 99
Thailand: Buddhism, 56; cultural Viet Nam Doc Lap Dong Minh
influence of, 46, 153–54, 161; Lao (Vietminh), 32–33, 34
people in, 7, 44; prostitution, Vietminh, 32–33, 34
134–35; Vietnam War, 39, 40, 41. Vietnam War, xiii, 34–42; effect on
See also Siam environment, 4. See also Vietminh
Thakehek (city), 2, 9 Vietnam: cuisine, 120; ethnic
Thao Ken, 75 communities, 7, 9; relations with,
Thao Worra, Bryan, 78, 79–81; 8–9; sports, 155; trade with, 3–4;
“Burning Eden One Branch at a Vietminh, 32–33, 34
Time,” 79–80; “A Crime in Xieng Visakha Busa (celebration), 146
Khoung,” 80–81 Vong Phaophanit, 94
Thavisouk Phrasavath, 115
Theap Vongpakay, 77 Wajuppa Tossa, 69
theater, 107–8, 113–14 wars: Pegu (Burmese), 22–23; Siam,
Theatre d’Objects Kabong Lao, 113 25–29; Vietnam (ancient), 21. See
Theravada Buddhism, 55–56, 59–60, also Vietnam War; World War II
61 wat (temples), 95–101
Thongbay Photisane, 77 water: hydroelectric power, 4;
Thongkham Onemanisone, 77 significance to Buddhism, 147
Tipitaka (Buddhist canon), 20, 53, weather, 2–3
67 weaving, 125
tourism, 4, 5, 156–57 weddings, 138–39
transsexuals, 136 women, 61, 75, 131–37, 142, 163
transvestites, 136 wood, 3
trekking, 156–57 World Cup, 155–56
 INDEX 201

World War II, 31–33 Xiang Thong, Wat, 96,

writers: effects of politics upon, 74–77; 100–101
expatriates, 79–81. See also
literature Yao (ethnic minority), 10–11; cuisine,
writing system, 12–13 124; dress, 125; houses, 102;
language, 13; marriage, 137;
Xiang Khouan (Buddha Park), 89 migration of, 27. See also Lao Sung
Xiang Khuang (city), 99 Yong Shong Lue, 44
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About the Author

ARNE KISLENKO is Associate Professor of History at Ryerson University

and an Adjunct Professor in the International Relations Programme at
the Munk Centre for International Studies, University of Toronto. His
other publications include Culture and Customs of Thailand (Greenwood,
2004), The Uneasy Century: International Relations 1900–1990 (with Margaret
MacMillan), and numerous book chapters and articles on modern Southeast
Asia and other topics in international relations history.
Recent Titles in
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