See discussions, stats, and author profiles for this publication at: https://www.researchgate.

net/publication/269518803

Cultivating body, cultivating self : a critical translation and history of the Tang
dynasty Yangxing yanming lu (records of cultivating nature and extending life)

Thesis · January 2006

CITATIONS READS

2 3,013

1 author:

Michael Stanley-Baker
Nanyang Technological University
33 PUBLICATIONS   27 CITATIONS   

SEE PROFILE

Some of the authors of this publication are also working on these related projects:

Digital and Critical Tools for the History of Medicine and Religion in China View project

Polyglot Medical Heritage in Maritime Southeast Asia: Foundational Resources and Digital Tools (National Heritage Board, Singapore, Grant Number NHB: 92.90 NTU:
020248-00001) View project

All content following this page was uploaded by Michael Stanley-Baker on 14 December 2014.

The user has requested enhancement of the downloaded file.

CULTIVATING BODY, CULTIVATING SELF: A CRITICAL TRANSLATION AND

HISTORY OF THE TANG DYNASTY YANGXING YANMING LU 養性延命錄

(RECORDS OF CULTIVATING NATURE AND EXTENDING LIFE)

Michael Stanley-Baker

Submitted to the faculty of the University Graduate School

in partial fulfillment of the requirements

for the degree

Master of Arts

in the Department of East Asian Languages and Cultures,

Indiana University

July 2006
ii
 © 2006
Michael Stanley-Baker
ALL RIGHTS RESERVED

iii
 Dedicated to

Richard Stanley-Baker
司徒恪

and

Joan Stanley-Baker
徐小虎

父兮生我， Father, you gave me life

母兮鞠我。 Mother, you raised me;
You both were tender to me and fed me;
拊我畜我，
You matured me and taught me;
長我育我， Looked after me and restored me;
顧我復我， In your comings and goings you bore me
出入腹我。 with you;
– Shi Jing 詩經 (Book of Odes) 2.5

iv
Acknowledgements

Acknowledgements are conventionally begun with thanking those whose support

comes in a professional or financial capacity. I prefer to begin with the heart by

acknowledging the person who has given the most of herself to me and this thesis, through

her time, patience, unfailing support and seemingly inexhaustible wellspring of love. Jennifer,

thank you. I am constantly amazed at your readiness to step in and be a steadying presence–

be it through kindness, focus, or picnics in the study.

I am also deeply grateful for the support and example given me by my advisor,

Stephen Bokenkamp. His command of the field of Daoist studies combined with his

geniality have not only helped me chart my way through the field of Daoist studies, but

allayed the hosts of graduate student fears that arise when confronting a topic of study this

different and challenging, and made the impossible possible. Not only running the Indiana

Chinese Texts Translation Group, but doing so with a sense of humour and excitement

about the material has turned one of the most challenging aspects of sinology into the

highlight of my week. His willingness to accept my phone calls at odd hours and crackly

dial-in connections to the reading group from afar have humanized the at-first-alien

processes of scholarship. Thank you.

Robert Campany’s keen critical insights have helped me shore up my arguments and

style at various points through the writing of this thesis, both through personal

communication and also through the model of his own scholarship. I now find myself

writing with him “in my head” and saying things like “Religion is itself a comparative term”

over casual beer. Robert Eno’s careful, detailed comments on the draft have greatly

improved the footnotes and many of the translations in this thesis. Dr. Eno also kindly gave

me a job teaching my own course on the body in Chinese thought at a critical juncture in the

v
writing process, without which I could not have returned to Indiana to receive all of the

above feedback.

Financial support for education is literally the bread and butter of scholarship,

without which none of this work could occur. I am grateful to the East Asian Languages

and Cultures Department who provided me with the McNutt Fellowship of three years of

support through stipend and teaching assignments, ant to the Big Ten Committee for

Institutional Cooperation who provided a Foreign Language Enhancement Program grant

enabling a summer’s study of Japanese in Ann Arbor, Michigan.

Access to texts, even in the digital age, can at times present insurmountable obstacles.

When all attempts at getting a copy of Mugitani Kunio’s 麦田邦夫 Yōjō enmei roku kunchū

生延命録訓註 through interlibrary loan had failed, Ute Engelhardt generously mailed me

one of her own copies. Simultaneously on the other side of the world, Akemi Miwamoto

went to the Kyōto Daigaku 京都大学 library and photocopied the entire work to mail to me,

at which point Dr. Mugitani kindly gave her one of his copies to send. Yōjō enmei roku kunchū

has been the single most useful resource for this thesis, one on which the great majority of

my textual comparative work has been based. Vivienne Lo shared a digital copy of her

dissertation with me during the final months of writing, and as the ensuing chapters

demonstrate, this work has been the inspiration which enabled me to write and flesh out the

theoretical aspects in my own work. Each person went out of their way to help a graduate

student on the other side of the world who they had never met or only knew briefly.

Thank you.

The Asian Studies Center at the University of Pittsburgh, through the persons of

Brenda Jordan and Richard Cohen, kindly took me under their wing while I was there,

making me an associate of the center, inviting me into the community of scholars, and

vi
giving me a library card. The very knowledgeable East Asian Librarians there have been

consistently helpful, particularly Zhang Haihui, who helped me find numerous early editions.

I have never met a librarian before who could recognize a text I was looking for, cite a

collection in which it could be found and know the date of the edition which the collection

used, all from her own memory. She is a hidden gem, who will hopefully be increasingly

discovered and recognized for her talents.

The extended community of the Asian Studies Center has also offered professional

support and the hand of friendship. Katie Carlitz provided much encouragement,

camaraderie and career guidance as well as the occasional chastisement for not having

finished, all of which are remembered with great fondness. Linda Penkower allowed me to

audit her seminar on East Asian Buddhism, subsequently gave me my first “real” job

teaching in the Department of Religious Studies, and continues to offer her support and

advice for which I am grateful.

The warm camaraderie in Pittsburgh’s Castle of Ruffians (Pizibao 痞子堡)

has also inspired me to grow in unexpected directions. I owe a great intellectual debt to

“Professor” Peng Rongbang 彭榮邦 whose rich knowledge of Western philosophy and

comparison of these categories with classical Chinese sources pointed me to the potent field

of phenomenological readings of Chinese texts. This thinking is at the heart of this thesis

and has set a direction for my future work. Rongbang also found and shared with me

incredible digital resources for sinology, and showed me how to find my own. Many people

have subsequently benefited from this, so I thank you on their behalf as well. Long

conversations with Li Yi-tze 李儀澤 have taught me much about anthropology in Taiwan,

and opened a door to current intellectual, popular and political trends in East Asia which

have would have been very hard work on my own. Yi-tze also repeatedly helped me via

vii
Internet Messaging when I was stuck on translations of terms, as did Rongbang. As anyone

who works on ancient texts knows, puzzling out opaque turns of phrase can be like facing a

solid wall. When Yi-tze didn’t break the wall down, he would often show me ways through

the cracks, or show me that I had already broken through myself. Li Shen’s 麗慎 earthy

reminders that book-intelligence is not the only kind, combined with incredible meals made

welcome relief from writing and a good dose of reality, as did the teasing, beatings and

invitations to play that I received from the other ruffians, An’gu ㄤ古, Beibei 貝貝 and

Youyou 佑佑. The Castle will always be a storehouse of fond memories and inspiration.

Not saving the least for last, the Indiana translation group has provided an invaluable

learning experience and broad net of shared knowledge. A richer community of sinologists

of religion would be hard to find in a single place. Gil Raz was a mentor for me during my

first year at IU, first offering me advice on book-purchases in Taiwan, and later giving me

advice on how to negotiate graduate school. Clarke Hudson took on this role in later years,

and our friendship and sharing of knowledge and digital and textual resources has created a

reservoir of material from which I will benefit for years to come. Steven Kory’s breadth of

study, professionalism and precision inspire great respect, and remain a model for me in my

writing and footnotes. Paul Amato’s humour and dogged persistence, Brian Flaherty’s wry

wit and Jiang Ling’s 江玲 beratings about my spoken Chinese have made fine company

along the graduate school road that I will hold dear for years to come. Erik Hammerstöm’s

companionship as an intellectual, contemplative and all-around good friend, and as a fellow

scholar seeking understanding of their faith has had a deep and long-lasting impact on me.

Johnathan Pettit offered to read the thesis in its nascent stages, and hosted the great pizza,

editing and beer extravaganza, which has helped me spot an embarrassingly large amount of

viii
typological errors. In attendance and busy proofing were Erik Hammerström, Steven Kory,

Clarke Hudson and Graham Bauerle. My gratitude goes to each and to all of you.

Finally, to those who have taught me the most about the body, spirit and qi, and

given me access to insights which feed into the fabric of this work, my indebtedness will

always extend. Gurumayi Chidvilasananda palpably demonstrated to me the interrelatedness

of the mind and body, and opened the road for me to develop and deepen my own

experiences of this. Pao Chinhuang painstakingly trained me in acupuncture and Chinese

herbs and showed me through two years of clinical training the effects of Chinese medicine

on real patients, emphasizing constantly the important distinction: “book is book, knowledge

is knowledge.” Those words are at the heart of this enquiry into Chinese health and

religious practices. Niu Yangwen taught me qigong 氣功 for two years for no personal reward,

showing me the importance of yangsheng practices to health, spiritual practice and martial arts.

While the writing of this thesis and my contact with each of them is distanced by time, as my

first “informants” of Asian self-cultivation practices, their perspectives and knowledge

deeply inform this work.

As the above thanks should show, far from being the work of one individual, a thesis

is something which grows out of and is nourished by the community of teachers, scholars,

friends and family that surround an individual. In the final analysis, the responsibility for

errors, oversights and plain dodgy Guwenglish relies on the one member of those

communities described as the “author” of a given text. For any of the above miscreances

which have failed to reflect what this greater community has offered I apologize, and

promise to continue to strive to represent more fully what you have already given so

generously.

ix
 Abstract

Michael Stanley-Baker

Cultivating Body, Cultivating Self: A critical

translation and history of the Tang dynasty Yangxing
yanming lu 養性延命錄 (Records of Cultivating
Nature and Extending Life)

This thesis contains an annotated translation of an eighth century Chinese health

manual and provides a philological history of all source material cited in the work. The
diversity of these sources provides a bird’s eye view into a broad array of earlier material,
mainly from the Han to the Eastern Jin periods, enabling readers to get a sense of its
scope and relationship to the larger fields of Daoist and medical literature. Through
attending to the parallels between concepts of xing 性 (inner nature) and the
phenomenological self described in modern philosophical literature, it becomes easier to
explain the relationships between the textually discrete fields of Chinese medicine,
religion and philosophy. The ambiguity of yangsheng 養生 (cultivating life) practices to
these textual categories, which are found both in modern history and in the imperial
histories comes about because of cosmological and spiritual mappings of inner nature and
the body found in all three. There is also a critique of the distinction in modern scholarly
literature between yangsheng and xian 仙 as one between “longevity” and “immortality.”
Although there is a loose and general sense of difference between the two which is never
rarely, if ever made explicit in the literature, it is never made along lines of “never
dying,” as the “immortality” translation implies. It is better understood as one between
normative claims and those which describe an “other” kind of reality, better indicated as
“transcendence.”

x
Table of Contents

Front Matter
Title Page i.
Signature Page ii.
Copyright iii.
Dedication iv.
Acknowledgements v.
Abstract x.
Table of Contents xi.

Thesis
1 Introduction 1
1.A Abbreviations 5

2 Philological Introduction: Dates, People and Texts 6

2.A Dating and Authorship of the Yangxing yanming lu 6
2.A.i. Tao Hongjing 陶洪景 or Sun Simiao 孫思邈
2.A.ii Terminus a quo: After Sun Simiao
2.A.iii Zhenguan 貞觀 Reign-Period
2.A.iv Zhiguan 止觀: Calming and Contemplation
2.A.v Ishinpō and Q27 prior to YXYML
2.A.vi Terminus ad quem: An Lushan Rebellion
2.B Authors in the Yangsheng yaoji 16
2.B.i Zhang Zhan 張湛
2.B.ii Daolin 道林
2.B.iii Huang Shan 黃山 and Zhai Ping 翟平
2.C Topics in the Yangsheng yaoji 養生要集 19

3 Theoretical Categories: The Danger of Simple Questions 22

3.A Contents of the YXYML 25
3.B Definition of Terms: Yangsheng 養生 Cultivating Life 28
3.C Categorical matters: Immortality & Longevity vs. 34
Transcendence & Yangsheng
3.C.i Significance of Claims
3.C.ii Medical Uses
3.C.iii Daoist cultivation
3.D Practices of the Self: Yangxing 養性 48

xi
4 Translation 61

4.A Preface 61
4.B Chapter One； Teachings and Prohibitions 67
4.C Chapter Four: Ingesting Qi to Cure Illness 102
4.D Chapter Five: Daoyin and Massage 111

5 Textual History 123

5.A Text Fragments 123

5.A.i Yangsheng yaoji 養生要集 by Zhang Zhan 張湛
5.A.ii Daolin 道林
5.A..iii Shennong jing 神農經
5.A.iv Hunyuan daodejing 混元道德經
5.A.v Zhuangzi’s 莊子 Yangsheng pian 養生篇
5.A.vi Liezi 列子
5.A.vii Xianjing 仙經
5.A.viii Hunyuan miaozhen jing 混元妙真經
5.A.ix Huanglao jing xuanshi 黃老經玄示
5.A.x Yan Junping’s Laozi zhigui 嚴君平老子指歸
5.A.xi Dayou jing 大有經 and Xiaoyou jing 小有經
5.A.xii Daoji 道機
5.A.xiii Hetudi shimeng 河圖帝視萌
5.A.xiv Luoshu baoyu ming 雒書寶予命
5.A.xv Huangting jing 黃庭經
5.A.xvi Zhongjing 中經
5.A.xvii Mingyi xubinglun 名醫敘病論
5.A.xviii Kongzi jiayu 孔子家語
5.A.xix Zhuan 傳
5.A.xx Lao Jun 老君 and Laozi 老子 texts.
5.A.xxi Suwen 素問
5.A.xxii 慎子 Shenzi
5.A.xxiii Yuanyang jing 元陽經
5.A.xxiv Fuqi jing 服氣經
5.A.xxv Daoyin jing 導引經
5.A.xxvi Anjing 按經

5.B Biographies 159

5.B.i Chen Ji 陳紀
5.B.ii Hua Tuo 華佗

xii
Bibliography 200
Classical Sources
Daozang Sources by HY Number
Modern Sources
Websites and Electronic Resources
(Print) Dictionaries and Reference Works

Appendix 1 Text titles and people cited in the YXYML 221

Appendix 2: Key Secondary Sources 223
Appendix 3: Digital Sinology 225

xiii
 1

1 Introduction
The history of yangsheng 養生 (cultivation of life) practices is as old as the history of

Chinese medicine itself. The attempt to acquire the substance of life through the medium of
the body and bodily practices is at the heart of Chinese medical, martial and religious
traditions. Rather than being distinct realms of thought, Chinese medicine, religion and
philosophy share deep common threads in their assumptions about the cultivation of life,
longevity and the circulation of qi. This thesis examines how early Chinese health practices

attempt to capture, preserve and nourish life itself, and how this attempt challenges textually-
based categories of Chinese thought. Focusing on how bodily experience renders these
categories malleable and porous reflects the insights of recent works on embodiment as a
site for resistance, agency and self-transformation.
The main material presented is a critical translation and history of the Yangxing
yanming lu 養性延命錄(Records of Cultivating Innate Nature and Extending Life, hereafter
YXYML)1 a text representative of the larger corpus of yangsheng manuals that can be found
in the Daozang. While its compilation is datable to the early Tang (唐 618-907) dynasty, the
sources on which it relies range from the Han (漢 206 BC.E.- 221 C.E.) to the Jin (晉 265-
420) and possibly later. An eclectic work, it contains citations from over thirty different
sources, many of which have not survived. It provides a unique view to the early history of
yangsheng, allowing us to see what different texts and practices were circulating from the Han
up to the Jin and beyond.
The exercises and other practices found in its pages are focused on increasing health,
vitality and longevity. Similar practices and beliefs still survive today and can be found every
morning in parks in China and the extended Chinese community. Modern manifestations of

1
HY837, Yunji qiqian 雲笈七籤 32. Hereafter when distinguishing between the two editions, HY837 is
referred to simply as DZ, short for Daozang 道藏 (Daoist Canon) edition, and YJ32 simply as YJ, short for
Yunji qiqian edition. All other texts in the Yunji Qiqian will be referred to by their volume number as YJ#.
HY is used to designate Daozang index numbers from the Harvard-Yenching index.
 2

this tradition, often coming under the umbrella term of qigong 氣功 (qi-exercise), are
considered integral parts of medicine, religious practice and of martial arts. As such,

yangsheng depictions of the body make a potent, polyvalent topic of study which speaks to
many areas of Chinese culture. The history of yangsheng practices is a growing field, to which
Donald Harper and Vivienne Lo have made significant contributions by outlining the history
of yangsheng thought and practices in the pre- and early Han dynasty, as have Catherine
Despeux, Ute Engelhardt and Sakade Yoshinobu, by giving sharper clarity to later

developments through the medieval period.2

The YXYML makes an ideal text to study for this subject because its sources are
comprised of a plethora of now lost yangsheng works, providing a synoptic view of the early
canon of yangsheng works which would be otherwise inaccessible. The philological and
biographical data on these sources can be found in brief in the notes of the translation
chapter and in more detail in the Textual History chapter. These are intended to as a
contribution to the work already done by the authors mentioned above.
There are three intentions which undergird this work. This first is to provide an
English translation for modern readers interested in techniques such as qigong, daoyin 導引
(guiding and pulling) and others yangsheng practices, and provide a rich description of the
tradition from the Han through the Jin and beyond.3 The second is the attempt an extensive

2
Harper, Early Chinese Medical Literature, 1998; Lo, The Influence of Yangsheng culture on early
Chinese medical theory, 1998; Lo “The influence of nurturing life culture on the development of Western
Han acumoxa theory,” 2001; Despeux, “Longevity” 1989; Engelhardt, “Qi for Life: Longevity in the Tang”
1989; Engelhardt, “Longevity,” 2000; Sakade 'Longevity Techniques in Japan: Ancient Sources and
Contemporary Studies,’ 1989; Sakade, “Chô Tan ‘Yôsei yôshû’ itsubun to sono shisô” 張湛｢養生要集｣佚
文とその思想, 1986; Sakade 坂出祥伸, “The Taoist Character of the ‘Chapter on Nourishing Life’ of the
Ishinpô 医心法,” 1986; Sakade Chyûgoku kodai yôjô shisô no sôgôteki kenkyû 中國古代養生思想の総合
的研究.

3
That yangsheng practices constitute a practice lineage that extends into modern day has been argued by Li
Yuanguo 李遠國, who includes the YXYML in his genealogical work Daojiao qigong yangsheng xue 道教
氣功養生學. The YXYML can be found cited in numerous modern books and websites on health and
longevity.
The term yangsheng is used by many as an umbrella category for a variety of practices including
sexual cultivation, breathing exercises, daoyin, ‘macrobiotic’ diet and other preventive health practices. It
is worth noting however, that this use of the term is anachronistic. It does not carry this meaning at all
 3

philological background to the text for historians of Chinese medicine and Daoism. This
includes providing page and line references of other instances of YXYML source texts,

detailed descriptions of the development and use of terms in medical and religious literature,
and a philological history of all texts cited in the YXYML chapters I have translated. Where
possible I have offered tentative date-ranges for the circulation of these texts. The third
intention for this thesis is that it be useful to comparativists interested in the body as a
critical locus of cultural study, and as such I present some literature on Chinese body-

practices.
The thesis takes the following structure: A philological introduction to the YXYML;
a theoretical chapter which discusses how the work is situated in larger fields of literature;
translated chapters of the YXYML with extensive philological notes; a “Textual History”
chapter which describes in further detail what can be known about the philological
background of the texts cited in the YXYML; and a critical edition of the YXYML itself.
The philological introduction describes the history of the YXYML’s composition and the
major figures and sources. Although most philological data is left for the “Textual History”
chapter, the sources which are most relevant to the dating argument are presented here.
These include the Yangsheng yaoji 養生要集, its author Zhang Zhan 張湛, and other figures
mentioned in the preface: Daolin 道林, Huang Shan 黃山 and Zhai Ping 翟平. The theoretical
chapter discusses critical terms for this field, such as immortality, longevity, yangsheng and
yangxing 養性 (cultivating inner nature), and draws parallels between the latter to modern
phenomenological concepts of the embodied self.

periods in history, most obviously in the chapter 3 of the pre-Han text, the Zhuangzi 莊子, which takes this
term for its title. Yangsheng here refers to cultivating an attentive awareness and practical skill in life.
Yangsheng is then used in the early medieval Baopuzi 包朴子 and Shennong bencaojing jizhu 神農本草經
集注 in relation to ingesting alchemicals and medicinals (respectively), practices which led to
transcendence. This latter use of the term yangsheng is very much at odds with its modern usage. This
problematic is discussed at greater length in chapter one.
I discuss daoyin and my reasons for not translating this term in footnote 9 of the translation of the
preface. As a rule, except where terms have larger theoretical significance, I try to keep discussion of
translation issues within the translation chapters.
 4

Three chapters of the YXYML have already been translated into English and so I
have not translated them. Chapters Two and Three were translated by Walter Switkin in a

self-published monograph titled Immortality, and chapter 6 has been translated by Douglas
Wile, in Art of the Bedchamber: The Chinese Sexual Yoga Classics Including Women’s Solo Meditations. 4
I have only translated the preface and Chapters One, Four and Five. Switkin’s translation is
a commendable work for a young scholar in the early 1970’s when the field of Daoist studies
and Chinese medicine was in a very different state. Given the vastly richer scholarship in

these fields thirty years later, there are areas of his translation that can be improved on, and I
considered revising those chapters and incorporating them into this thesis as well, but time
and page-limits prevent me. Wile’s translation is excellent, and there is little to amend, apart
from one mistranslation of the term daoji 道機.5 It refers to a text title that is cited elsewhere
in the YXYML and in the Ishinpô 医 心方(Essential Medical Methods). Not recognizing this,
Wile translates it simply as “the tao.” However, this is a lost text with limited distribution,
and should not be considered a serious omission on Wile’s part.
The Textual History chapter is intended primarily as a short reference work on early
yangsheng texts, and compiles available scholarship about the texts from which the YXYML is
constituted. Where the text is well-known, like the Zhuangzi 莊子, I only describe details
relevant to the YXYML. Where there has been debate about authorship or dating of texts in
current scholarship, I have tried to coherently and succinctly present these arguments. It is
very hard to write this material in a uniform, and/or narratively interesting way, so my
apologies and sympathies go to the reader. It is my hope that this material will assist later

4
Published in San Francisco in 1975, Switkin’s work derives from his 1973 MA Thesis for the University
of California, An annotated Translation of Chapters 2 and 3 of Yang-hsing yen-ming lu (Nourishing the
Vital Principle and Prolonging Life).

Wile, Art of the Bedchamber, 119-122.

5
DZ 2.6.12b3, Wile, Art of the Bedchamber, 122a. The Daoji is discussed in the Textual History chapter
below.
 5

scholars in reconstructing the development of yangsheng from the Han 漢(206 B.C.E. – 221
C.E.) through the Eastern Jin 東晉(317-420) dynasties.

The Critical Edition compares the two editions of the YXYML, and also compares
many fragments against other sources, such as the Heshangong zhu laozi 河上公注老子
[Commentary on the Laozi by the River-dwelling Sire], or the Ishinpô. I have adopted
conventions of notation similar to those in the Tripitika, as follows:6

Text A 字 1 = Text B 字 2: Where Text A has 字 1, Text B has 字 2 instead.

Text A - 字: Text A does not include 字.
Text A + 字: Text A adds 字 here.
1.A Abbreviations
Many of the text titles are repeated, and they are abbreviated as follows:
DZ Daozang edition of the YXYML
DZJH Daozang jinghua JH Daozang jinghua
GYCD Guoyu cidian
JH Daozang jinghua
Q27 Qianjin yaofang juan 27
SKQS Siku Quanshu
YJ Yunji qiqian edition of the YXYML
YXYML Yangxing yanming lu

医 Ishinpô

6
Taishô shinshû Daizôkyô 大正新修大藏經
 6

2 Philological Introduction: Dates, People and Texts

The YXYML is thought to be the locus classicus for early yangsheng texts, so much so

that it was considered by some to be second in importance only to the Daode jing and the

Huangting jing.7 Schipper refers to it as “the best-known representative of yangsheng

literature.” 8 There are two surviving source editions, one from the Song (宋 998-1126)

Yunjiqiqian, which was presented in 1026, and another from the Ming (明 1368-1644) edition

of the Daozang. The former is in one juan, with four pian 篇 [chapters], whereas the latter is

in two juan, with six pian, three for each juan. The content of each parallel pian is identical,

with some orthographic variances, described in the critical edition. Comparison of these two

versions against each other and earlier sources shows that the Song version is more accurate,

and indicates that chapters 2 and 6 most likely later accretions.

2.A) Dating and Authorship of the Yangxing yanming lu

The YXYML is a synoptic text comprised entirely of excerpts of famous yangsheng

and philosophical texts from the late Han to the Sui, so roughly between 100 and 500 CE.

Many of the works are well-known, such as the Shennongjing 神農經, Yan Junping’s 嚴君平

Laozi zhigui 老子指歸 , the Heshang gong 河上公 (Sire of the Riverside) commentary to the

Laozi, and so on, but many others have since been lost.9 Because it is comprised entirely of

earlier text fragments, it does not constitute a “book” as we commonly think of one,

composed by a single author with a coherent driving intention or perspective, but rather it is

7 (Taishang yangsheng taixi jing 太上養生胎息經 HY 818, Vol. 568. p. 1a) Author unknown.

8 Schipper, Taoist Canon, 344.

9 A complete Title and Authors list can be found in Appendix II.

 7

a point of condensation of a textual genre, gathering multiple fragments together and

presenting them as if they were a unified whole. Such a work is a cross-section of a

particular point in time, indicating the variety of texts in circulation then. The YXYML

represents a useful vantage point from which to get a bird’s eye view of yangsheng material of

this period, or at least, materials from that period that were considered canonical in the Tang.

For the same reasons, however, it also poses philological problems in tracking evidence of

the existence and authorship of these earlier works, as well as in dating the YXYML itself.

It is traditionally attributed to Tao Hongjing 陶弘景 (456-536), the famous Imperial

alchemist from the Qi 齊 (479-502) and Liang 梁(502-557) dynasties, well-known for his

compilation of the Zhengao 真誥 (Declarations of the Perfected) HY 1010, Dengzhen Yinjue 登

真隱訣 (Secret Instructions for Ascending into Perfection) HY 421 and the Bencaojing jizhu

本草經集注 (Annotated Compilation of [Shennong’s] Pharmacopeia). The YJ also has a

note at the end of the preface, attributing it to the famous Tang 唐 (618-907) medic Sun

Simiao 孫思邈 (581-681/2).10 I argue on the basis of lost texts cited in the YXYML that it

was compiled by an unknown author between 650 and 763 and is not, as some scholars have

claimed, a late Tang work.

2.A.i. Tao Hongjing or Sun Simiao

No dynastic histories before the Song宋(960-1127) have any record of the Yangxing

yanming lu, which is first mentioned in the the Bishu sheng xubian dao siku queshu mu秘書省續

編到四庫闕書目(1145).11 This catalogue, the Tongzhi通志(1149)12 and the Songshi宋史

10“Huo yun Sun Simiao 或云孫思邈 [Some maintain that this text was compiled by Sun Simiao].” YJ 序
11[Catalogue of Missing Books of the Siku quanshu Compiled by the Imperial Library as a Continuation (of the
Chongwen zongmu 崇文總目)] 2.29b, cited in van der Loon p. 159.
 8

(1345)13 all agree14 in attributing it to the famous imperial alchemist and head of the Shangqing

上清 Daoist sect, Tao Hongjing. The Daozang and the Yunji Qiqian also make similar

attributions.

In addition, the Tongzhi also mentions that there is a book by the same name

authored by the famous medic Sun Simiao孫思邈 (581-681/2) in two juan 卷. This is

reiterated in the preface to the Daozang道藏 edition of the Yangxing yanming lu, which states

in a commentarial note that this text is sometimes attributed to Sun.15

The majority of modern scholars writing in Chinese have either assumed Tao as the

author, or noted this controversial authorship and left the question open. Ren Jiyu, noting

the evidence given above, states that although we cannot be sure who the author is, it is

more likely to be Tao Hongjing:

On the basis of the books collated within, starting from Shennong and Huangdi 農黃, down
to the Weijin 魏晉(220-419), but not reaching the North-South period 南北朝(420-589), it
ought to be Tao’s collation – Sun’s collation may be another, related book.–Ren Jiyu,
Daozang tiyao, 604.

2.A.ii Terminus a quo: After Sun Simiao

In the introduction to his annotated translation of the Yangxing yanming lu into

Japanese, Mugitani Kunio (1987) maintains that it could not have been authored by Tao

12 [Comprehensive treatise on Institutions] Yiwen lue藝文略[Summaries of Arts and Letters] section in Ren
Jiyu, Daozang tiyao 604.

13 Song Histories 宋史 285.5191

14 van der Loon Daoist Books 1984, p. 159

15“Huo yun Sun Simiao 或云孫思邈 [Some maintain that this text was compiled by Sun Simiao 孫思邈 (581-
681/2)].” YJ 序.
 9

Hongjing because the kinds of materials Tao uses are so different, adding that the text is

most likely dated after Sun Simiao:

Simply put, the records of longevity practices in the Zhengao, compiled by Tao Hongjing,
have virtually no visible relationship with the texts cited [in the Yangxing yanming lu]. In the
Zhubing yuanhou lun 諸 病 源 候 論 (Treatise on the Etiologies and Symptomologies of
Numerous Diseases), the Qianjin Fang 千 金 方 and the Ishinpô 医 心 方 (Essential Medical
Methods) no mention of the book titled Yangxing yanming lu can be seen. 16 Moreover, since
the Ishinpô frequently cites the Yangsheng yaoji and the Qianjin yaofang, while making no
mention of the Yangxing yanming lu, one can surmise that there is a strong likelihood this
work was compiled after [the time of] Sun Simiao.- Mugitani Kunio, Yosei enmei roku kunchû,
p. i

2.A.iii Zhenguan貞觀 Reign-Period

However, Barrett17 notes that the characters 正觀(YJ序1b2.4) in the preface of the

Yunji qiqian edition of the Yangxing yanming lu are a Song宋(960-1127) pseudonym for a

tabooed reign-period in the Tang dynasty. On closer investigation we find that

宋時避君上諱最嚴…仁宗名禎，而貞觀改正觀
During the Song, the taboo of lords and superiors’ [names] was at its strongest… Renzong
(r.1023–1064) had the given name Zhen禎, and thus the Zhenguan貞觀 (627-650) reign
period was changed to Upright Vision正觀. –Wang Yankun, Lidai bihuizi huidian, 63.

These dates are significant. First, the Vision of Loyalty reign period is the period in

which both Tang histories agree that Sun Simiao refused court appointment by Renzong and

went into retreat, not reappearing until after the reign period was over:

When Taizong came to the throne, he summoned [Sun Simiao] to audience at the
capital. Struck by the extreme youthfulness of his countenance, [Taizong] said to him,
“Because [of you] I see that those who possess the Dao are truly to be respected…” He
wished to bestow noble rank [upon Simiao] but [Simiao] firmly excused himself from
accepting it.–Jiu tangshu 舊唐書 (Old Tang History) 191.8a-b; Sivin, Alchemy p. 98

16The Zhubing yuanhou lun was written by Chao Yuanfang 巢元方(550-630) and submitted in 610.
Qianjinfang, more properly the Sunzhenren beiji qianjin yaofang 孫真人備極千金藥方[Sun the Transcendent’s
Emergency Preparedness Formulae worth a Thousand Gold] HY 1155 was compiled by Sun Simiao and
submitted in 652. The Ishinpô was compiled and submitted to Emperor Enyu 円融 (969-984 ) of Japan in 984
by Tamba no Yasuyori 丹波康賴(912-995).

17 Barrett, On the Transmission of the Shenzi…1980 pp. 171 f.

 10

Anyone knowing Sun’s history would therefore know that at this point in his career

he was a) considered an established expert at longevity practices and b) was absent from

court during this entire period. Add to this the fact that he submitted his magnum opus, the

Beiji qianjin yaofang 備急千金要方 (Emergency Prescriptions worth a Thousand Gold)

HY1155 in 652, two years after Renzong’s reign finished, it is clear that he would have been

busy with extensive reading and compilation during this time.18

Secondly, the period in which this taboo was in effect (Song Renzong’s reign), was

also that in which the Yunji qiqian was compiled19, making it seem more likely that the Yunji

variance was a result of this taboo.

With this in mind, we can read the preface like so:

余因正觀微暇，聊復披覽《養生要集》。
Since I had a little free time during the zhenguan貞觀 reign period, I simply looked over the
Yangsheng yaoji once again.–YJ序1b2

The Yangsheng yaoji 養生要集 (Collected Essentials of Cultivating Life) was

compiled by Zhang Zhan 張湛 (stylename Chudu 處度, fl. 370) of Gaoping 高平 state (in

modern-day Zou 鄒 province in Shandong 山東). There is more to be said about the

Yangsheng yaoji later on, but it is enough to note here Sun Simiao cites heavily from this text

in the longevity chapter 27 of the Qianjin yaofang, and would therefore have been reading this

18The Beiji qianjin yaofang 備急千金要方 [Emergency Prescriptions worth a Thousand Gold] contains many
cross-citations with the YXYML. Composed by the alchemist and recluse Sun Simiao, and submitted to the
court in 650, this 30 juan work is a landmark medical text, portions of which are still used in Traditional
Chinese Medicine (TCM) practice today. Its highly eclectic compilation of herbal and alchemical formulæ,
massage techniques, exercises, dietary prescriptions, acupuncture theory and treatments was the most
comprehensive work of its kind. It clearly shows influences from Buddhist, Daoist and Confucian thought,
and is the only Chinese medical text to have seriously attempted to incorporate the four-element theory of
Ayurveda. (On Ayurvedic influences in his work, see Zhu Jianping “Qianjinfang zhongde fojiaoyingxiang” and
Sakade, “Sun Simiao et le Bouddhisme.”)

19 Skar Ritual Movements p . 419

 11

text at this time. Juan 27 is titled “Yangxing 養性” (Cultivating Inner Nature, hereafter

Q27), and contains many passages that are identical or very similar to passages in the

YXYML, and clearly come from the same sources.

Combined with other details about Sun Simiao’s life, it can be argued that the

Yangxing Yanming lu was written either by Sun or by someone familiar enough with his work

and biography to have made it appear so.

2.A.iv Zhiguan 止觀: Calming and Contemplation

It is worth noting that although the Yunji edition reads 正觀, the omission of a

stroke in the Daozang edition gives 止觀. Mugitani et al note this variance between the two

editions, but do not mention the Song taboo. Taking the Daozang character as their guide,

they consider it to be a reference to the Buddhist insight meditation practice of calming and

contemplation, œamatha-vipaœyan⠞˜ǒ”晓ȡ. In the notes to their translation, they cite

the Mohe zhiguan 摩訶止觀 (Great Calming and Contemplation) by Zhiyi 智顗(538 - 597),

Chapter 1:

法性寂然名止。寂而常照名觀。
When the Dharma-nature is still and simply being, this is Calming
When the eternal is illuminated in stillness, this is Contemplation.
Mohe zhiguan (CBETA, T46, no. 1911, p. 1, c29-p. 2, a1)

This practice is most famously known for having been systematized by Zhiyi, the

founder of the Tiantai 天台 sect, in a series of lectures, the Mohe zhiguan, which were

recorded by his disciple Guanding 灌頂 (561-632), and completed in 594.20 In this

20 “At its most basic level, religious practice guan in the Tian Tai tradition is organized according to the
ancient Buddhist concept of calming (œamatha) and contemplation (vipaœyanâ), although in its Tian Tai
adaptation this concept is considerably altered and enlarged… there is a group of three texts, each of
which is regarded as the theoretical statement for one of three different approaches to… calming and
contemplation zhi-guan. The Shi chan polomi zidi famen… the Liumiao famen… and the Moho zhiguan
itself.” –Donner and Stevenson, The Great Calming and Contemplation, 6-7.
 12

formulation, it is a two-pronged insight meditation practice, on the one hand stilling the

mind, and on the other, focusing the mind on an embodiment of the Dharma, such as

dependent origination.21

This practice, or one like it (dingguan 定觀 Stabilizing and Contemplation), also

became very influential in Daoist circles, being adopted by people like Sima Chegzhen 司馬

承禎 (581-672) - the 4th Patriarch of the Shangqing sect - and Du Guangting 杜光庭 (850-

933).22

Mugitani et al. thus translate the sentence as such:

余因止觀微暇，聊復披覽《養生要集》。
余止觀の微暇に因り、聊か復た養生の要集を披覽す。
Because I had some time spare from my calming and contemplation practice, I simply
looked over the Yangsheng yaoji once again.

Mugitani and Barrett disagree on their interpretation of this one character variance,

and Mugitani argues that the YXYML was composed after Sun’s lifetime (ie. after 681/2),

whereas Barrett’s argument could place it as early as 627. However, they agree in not

attributing the work to Sun Simiao. Barrett notes that Daoist text attributions are in the

main unreliable, and further argues that the Chongwen zongmu 崇文總目 attributes another

longevity text to Sun – the Yangsheng yaolu 養生要錄 (Records of Essentials of Cultivating

Life) – and that it is unlikely that Sun would have written two works of similar length on the

same topic.

On its own, Barrett’s is not such a strong argument, since out of the two of these

texts, the Yangsheng yaolu could just as easily be the falsely attributed text. But he is joined by

21 Charles Muller, Digitial Dictionary of Buddhism, May 30th, 2005. Also see Swanson, T’ien-t’ai philosophy 1989.

22 Kohn, “Taoist Insight Meditation” 1989.

 13

Nathan Sivin (Alchemy, p. 60), who, having found over eighty different attributions to Sun

Simiao in the Imperial and private bibliographies, maintains that the only texts that can be

reliably claimed to be Sun’s are the Qianjin yaofang and the Qianjin yifang 千金翼方 (Assistant

Formulae worth a Thousand Gold). I myself found 52 attributions to Sun, 11 of which were

related to longevity and self-cultivation. These indicate the popularity of Sun’s legend, and

the strong temptation for later authors to extend his charisma to their own works, as in the

case of the YXYML.23

2.A.v Ishinpô and Q27 prior to YXYML

Engelhardt follows Mugitani’s argument that the YXYML post dates Sun Simiao,

and adds further evidence based on their relative

distance from the Yangsheng yaoji.24 She compares

Yangsheng yaoji citations in the Ishinpô, in two texts by

Sun Simiao and in the Yangxing yanming lu.25

Observing that the Ishinpô and the Sun Simiao texts

are much closer to eachother, and the Yangxing

yanming lu is less similar, she agrees with Mugitani that the Yangxing yanming lu must have been

written after the two Sun Simiao texts.

The use of the Yangsheng yaoji by Sun indicates its increased circulation during this

time. It had already been used in Chao Yuanfang’s Zhubing yuanhou lun, and was listed as a

23 These are described in Appendix 1.

24 “Qi for Life”289-90.

25The two Sun texts are the Sheyang zhenghong fang 攝養枕中方 [Pillowbook of Methods for Cultivating Life]
YJ33 and a variant edition titled Zhenzhong ji 枕中記 [Records of the Pillowbook] HY836. They derive largely
from Q27, and much material from this chapter is repeated there. They are significant to Engelhardt’s
arguments about yangsheng exercises as an important part of Daoist spiritual regimes, and will be further
discussed below.
 14

medical work in the Sui 隨 imperial bibliography. In the Tang, it also becomes listed as a

Daoist work. The increased variety of interpretation indicates a wider readership, and thus

increased circulation, making it more likely to have been looked over and summarized by the

author of the YXYML during this time.

In summary, Barrett places the early date of the YXYML’s composition in the

zhenguan reign period of 627-650, while Mugitani and Engelhardt place it after Sun Simiao.

All agree that it was not composed by Tao Hongjing, or Sun Simiao. I have argued that if

the preface refers to the zhenguan reign-period, then it may indicate someone trying to make

the text look as if it was composed by Sun Simiao. Whether or not this is viable, I have also

argued that Sun’s use of the same material indicates its increasing circulation, and thus

increased likelihood that it be compiled. Taken as a constellation, all of these arguments

point towards a terminus a quo of 627 or later.

2.A.vi Terminus ad quem: An Lushan Rebellion

In addition to setting the Zhenguan reign period as the earliest date that the Yangxing

yanming lu could have been composed, Barrett also argues that it is not likely to be later than

the An Lushan rebellion 安史之亂 (755-763). His argument rests on a text-fragment in the

Yangxing yanming lu26 from the Shenzi 慎子.27 He argues that since it is unattested in any other

26 Yangxing yanming lu (DZ1.9a),and no. 123, p. 439, in Thompson’s Shenzi Fragments.

《慎子》云︰晝無事者，夜不夢。
One who has no tasks to attend to during the day, does not dream at night.
- trans. Thompson, 576.

27Loosely, the Shenzi asserts that power or authority (shih 勢), is derived from immediate circumstances (which
change according to the impersonal Way 道), rather than from any inherent moral order like that of the
Confucian universe. He is considered an influential predecessor to Xunzi.
A legalist text written by Shen Dao 慎到(350-275 B.C.E.. NB not all sources agree),
a Warring States philosopher originally from Zhao 趙 In his early years he studied the arts
of Huanglao. In 284 BCE, he left Qi to go to Han 韓, to serve as Grand Mentor (太傅
Taifu). He later became a legalist. The Shiji 史 記 states that he wrote 12 lun ( 論
discussions/arguments), whereas the Records of the Han (漢書藝文志 Hanshu Yiwenzhi)
 15

sources, the fragment must have originally come from an intact copy of the Shenzi. Here

Barrett is writing mainly in response to Thompson’s dissertation, and later book, The Shenzi

Fragments, which reviews a 16th century reconstruction of the Shenzi, and traces the history of

the “attested” and “unattested fragments” therein. Thompson (pp. 50-3) argues that the

Shenzi was intact beyond the An Lushan rebellion up until 960, partly because of fragments

surviving in Yang Liang’s 楊倞 819 commentary on the Xunzi 荀子. Barrett responds that

Yang Liang could well have been using citations from pre-An Lushan encyclopedias whose

authors had access to the complete text (Barrett p. 169-70). Since this has not since been

decided one way or the other, Thompson later offers “cautious dates” for the break in the

direct Shenzi tradition as “after 755 and before 960.”28

Since the Yangxing yanming lu makes extensive use of Zhang Zhan’s Yangsheng yaoji

and Zhang Zhan very likely had an intact Shenzi which he used in his other work, the Liezi列

子, Barrett argues that the Shenzi fragment in the YXYML is derived from the Yangsheng yaoji.

The Yangsheng yaoji does not appear in any bibliographies after the An Lushan rebellion, so it

too must have been lost in China during the upheaval.29 This would mean that the Yangxing

yanming lu, in order to have made such extensive use of the Yangshen yaoji, must have also

been composed before or during the rebellion. Barrett thus sets a period of composition

between 627 and 763.

records a copy of the Shenzi in 42 chapters (章 zhang). Only seven sections (篇 pian) remain
today. - Daojiao Wenhua Cidian 道教文化辭典, p. 157

It is not clear that the Shenzi has lost an entire 35 chapters, as the Daojiao Wenhua Cidian’s entry
implies, since measures for units of text are not consistent across editions. A juan in one edition can contain
the contents of 10 juan from another edition. Here the units themselves–lun, zhang and pian–also vary, so this
last line only tells us of an impression of severe decay of the transmitted text.

28 Thompson, Shenzi p. 401

29 See Bibliographic history.

 16

Sakade argues that the Yangsheng yaoji may well have been extant as late as the period

between the Five Dynasties 五代 (907-960) and the beginning of the Northern Song 北宋

(998-1126) when the Taiping yulan 太平御覽 (Imperially Reviewed Encyclopædia of the

Taiping Era, submitted 984) was being composed, because a number (five, to be precise) of

citations can be founding it.30 However, all of the entries in the Taiping yulan which cite the

Yangsheng yaoji can be found in the pre-Anlushan Chuxueji 初學記 (Writings for Elementary

Instruction, compiled 713-42), a known source for the Taiping yulan.31 That the Taiping yulan

offers no further citations indicates that the compilers were most likely not dealing with the

intact work, but rather using excerpts that could be found in the Chuxueji, and that there is

no certain evidence that the Yangsheng yaoji survived the An Lushan rebellion.32

In sum, Sakade and Mugitani have argued for a terminus ad quem in the late Tang or

pre-Song, and have been followed by Despeux, Engelhardt and others. I have argued,

following Barrett’s argument with my own citations from Tang and later encyclopædias , that

the terminus ad quem should be placed at 763, the end of the An Lushan rebellion.

2.B Authors in the Yangsheng yaoji

2.B.i Zhang Zhan 張湛

In the sentence after the one that caused the furor over dating above, the author of
the YXYML lists a few authors whose work he has relied on:

30Sakade, “Yôsei yôshû,” 7b-8a. The Taiping Yulan was compiled by Li Fang 李昉(925-96) et. al over 10 years,
and submitted in 984. (Wilkinson, Chinese History, 603).

31Taiping Yulan entries 28.10a1-2, 31.5a 4-5, 839.16a4-7, 903.9a6, 841.12b5-6 are identical to Chuxue ji entries
4.24b8, 4.14b4-5, 27.21a1-4, 27.22b4-5, 29.20a5 respectively. SKQS editions for both works.

32There is another ambiguity over whether it may have survived to a later date. Foon argues that the author of
the Zhiyan zong 至言總 HY1027 had his own copy of the Yangsheng yaoji. (p. 446-7 in Schipper, Daoist Canon),
and suggests that the book appeared after 763, basing this late date on Yoshioka’s argument in “Saikairoku to
Shigensô.” However, as Barret points out in “Mysteries,” Yoshioka sets the terminus a quo of the Zhiyan zong to
the early eighth century, still prior to the rebellion.
 17

…I simply looked over the Yangsheng yaoji once again. This collection includes [the work
of] ancient sages like Zhang Zhan and Daolin 道林, and those of the same ilk as Zhai Ping
翟平 and Huang Shan 黃山. –YXYML 序 1a9-10.

From quotation above, one might think that Zhang Zhan was merely one among the
authors cited in the Yangsheng yaoji instead of being its author. However, entries in the Sui
and Tang imperial bibliographies attribute authorship solely to him, and Sakade and Barrett
have argued convincingly for this identification as well.33 Attendant Gentleman to the
Secretariat (Zhongshu shilang 中書侍郎) in the Eastern Jin 東晉(317-419), Zhang Zhan is best
known for being the author of the earliest surviving commentary on the Liezi.34 His
grandfather was involved in the political unrest at the end of the Western Jin, and moved
south to Jiankang 建康 (modern day Nanjing 南京).35 Mather notes that he traced his
ancestry back to the great philosophical commentator, Wang Bi (王弼 226–249).36 In
addition to his philological accomplishments, the Jinshu 晉書 (Records of the Jin) reports
him to have been familiar with health exercises and their detailed history of transmission:

甯嘗患目痛，就 中書侍郎張湛求方，湛因嘲之曰：「古方，宋陽里子少得其術，
以授魯東門伯，魯東門伯以授左丘明，遂世世相傳．及漢杜子夏鄭康成、魏高堂
隆、晉左太沖，凡此諸賢，並有目疾，得此方云：用損讀書一，減思慮二，專內視
三，簡外觀四，旦晚起五，夜早眠六．凡六物熬以神火，下以氣簁，蘊於胸中七
日，然後納諸方寸．修之一時，近能數其目睫，遠視尺捶之餘．長服不已，洞見牆
壁之外．非但明目，乃亦延年．」

Zi Ning 子甯 once suffered eye pains, and asked Attendant Gentleman to the Secretariat
Zhang Zhan for a [herbal] formula, at which Zhang scoffed in reply: “As for ancient
formulæ, Yang Lizi 陽里子 of Song acquired these arts when young, which he passed on to
Old Man Lü Dongmen 魯東門伯. Old Man Lü Dongmen passed them on to Zuo Qiuming
左丘明, and they were passed down like generation to generation. This went on to Du
Zixia 杜子夏 and Zheng Kangcheng 鄭康成 in the Han Dynasty, Gao Tanglong 高堂隆 in
the Wei 魏 (220-265), and Zuo Taichong in the Jin. All of them were all worthies, who each
had eye diseases, and acquired this formlula which says: First, read books less; second reduce
your thoughts; third, focus on interior vision; fourth, reduce your exterior vision; fifth, rise

33 Suishu 隨書 [Records of the Sui] 34.1043, Jiu tangshu 舊唐書 [Old Records of the Tang] 47.2029 and
2048 and Xin tangshu 新唐書 [New Records of the Tang] 59.1520 and 1567. Barret “Mysteries,” Sakade
“Yôsei yoshû.”
34 For more information on this commentary, see Barrett, “Lieh tzu."

35 See Robinet, “Gymnastics” p. 228-29, and Sakade, “Yôsei yôshû”3-4

36 Mather, New Tales, 534.
 18

late in the morning; sixth, go to sleep early. Brew these six items in spiritual fire, sieve them
below by means of qi, hold them in your breast for seven days, and then absorb them all into
the heart. Having practiced this one time, up close you’ll be able to see your eyelashes, afar
you’ll see if a foot-long staff is too long. Take this recipe without cease, you’ll see through
walls. Not only will it improve your vision, it will also lengthen your years.” –Jin shu
75.1988-89

Here Zhang mockingly uses the idiom of herbal decoctions to describe his
“prescription” for Zi Ning, by using metaphors like brewing, sieving, holding and ingesting.
Some herbal formulas required the patient to hold it in their mouths for a period before
ingesting it. This passage is interesting because it represents a yangsheng prescription for a
specific disease, which predates Chao Yuanfang’s systematic application of such in his

Zhubing yuanhou lun. The message of moderation here is parallel to that in the Shaoyou jing 少
有經 which is cited in chapter one of the YXYML. Sakade observes that this approach to
health is parallel to Ji Kang’s, the author of the Yangsheng lun 養生論 (Discussion on
Cultivating Life), and moreover, that this kind of thinking is not new, but continuous with
similar approaches to mind and body practice in the Zhuangzi, Guanzi 管子, Lüshi qunqiu.呂
氏春秋 (Mr. Lü’s Annotations to the Annals), and Qin 秦 (255-206) and Han thought on
Yangsheng.37
2.B.ii Daolin 道林
Daolin has been thought to be the famous Chinese Buddhist monk and “clear
conversation” (qingtan 清談) expert who founded one of the six schools of early Chinese
Buddhism, Zhi Dun 支遁 (314-366), because he used the stylename Daolin.38 However,

37 Sakade, “Yôsei yôshû”5-6

38 Mather writes of Zhi Dun:

Probably the most admired and influential of the cultivated clergy living in the areas of
Jiankang 建康 (Nanjing 南京 city, Jiangsu 江蘇 province) and Kuaiji 會稽 (Now combined
with Shanyin 山陰 county to form Shaoxing 紹興 county in Zhejiang 浙江 province) during
the Eastern Jin. Originally from a northern gentry family named Guan 關, he spent his
youth in the Kuaiji area studying the “Smaller Version” of the Prajñâpâramitâ-sûtra, but was
not ordained until his twenty-fifth year. Thereafter he divided his time between monasteries
in the capital and Kuaiji, lecturing and participating in “pure conversation” sessions with the
great figures of the day… He is credited with founding on of the “Six Schools” of early
Chinese Buddhism, viz. the Jise 即色(The Emptiness of Matter-as-such). - Mather, New Tales,
543.
 19

when we look closely at the attributions to Daolin in the YXYML and elsewhere, it appears
that this cannot be the case. They display an intimate knowledge of sexual behaviour and

suggest sexual practice as a cultivation technique. I describe the arguments for this identity
with Zhi Dun and my own response to these in detail in the “Textual History” chapter.
2.B.iii Huang Shan 黃山 and Zhai Ping 翟平
Huang Shan is mentioned in the Shenxian zhuan 神仙傳 (Traditions of Divine
Transcendents) as a disciple of Peng Zu 彭祖, the longevist who lived to over nine hundred

years old by virtue of his sexual practice.39 He is thought to have lived in the Later Han 東
漢 (25-221CE).40 Zhai Ping is mentioned in Suishu 34.1049 as the author of a Yangsheng shu
養生術 (Arts of Cultivating Life), but I have found no more about him. Presumably this
text of his was already in circulation during Zhang Zhan’s time.

2.C Topics in the Yangsheng yaoji 養生要集

The Yangsheng yaoji is a synoptic text citing bodily cultivation practices from the late
Han onwards, but it has been lost since the An Lushan rebellion.41 Because of the broad
span of sources from this period that it represents, many of which are now lost, this work
has attracted considerable attention.42

39
“…there was a certain Lord of Yellow Mountain (Huangshan jun 黃山君) who cultivated the arts
[transmitted by] Peng Zu, lived to be several hundred years old, and maintained a youthful
complexion. He stdies to make himself an earthbound transcendent, and did not seek to ascend into
the clouds. <After Peng Zu had departed [the world], the Lord of Yellow Mountain recovered his
discourses and from his words compiled the Scripture of Peng Zu (Peng Zu jing 彭祖經)>.” – Campany,
To Live, 181.

40 Sakade, Honsô densetsu, 1985 and Despeux Gymnastics p. 229.

41 See Textual History for more details.

42See Despeux, “Gymnastics,” “YXYML” Engelhardt, “Qi for Life,” “Longevity,” Sakade, “Yôsei yôshû,”
“Daoist Character of the Ishinpô,” and Barrett, “Transmission of the Shen tzu”and “Mysteries.”
 20

The text concerns ten essentials of cultivating life, and these are categorized by
Zhang Zhan in a list which Despeux and Sakade argue represent the table of contents.43

Table 1
Yangsheng yaoji YXYML
1) 嗇神 conserving spirits; 1) 教戒 Teachings and Prohibitions
2) 愛氣 cherishing qi; 2) 食戒 Dietary Prohibitions
3) 養形 cultivating the body; 3) 雜戒忌禳害祈善 Miscellaneous
4) 導引 daoyin Prohibitions, Taboos, Rites against
5) 言語 [conserving] speech Calamity and Prayers for Blessings
6) 飲食 [moderating] food and drink 4) 服氣療病 Ingesting Qi to cure illness,
7) 房室 [arts of] the bedchamber; 5) 導引按摩 Daoyin and Massage.
8) 反俗 returning to simplicity
6) 御女損益 The benefits and dangers of Harem
9) 醫藥 medicinals Girls
10) 禁忌 prohibitions and avoidances
– YXYML 1.9b

The Yangsheng yaoji is relied on heavily by the YXYML–five of its categories

correspond to chapter headings in the YXYML: Prohibitions and avoidances, [moderating]
food and drink, cherishing qi, daoyin, and arts of the bedchamber. In the preface the author
refers to this work as his main source. Comparison with contemporary texts reveals that the
Yangsheng yaoji accounts for at least 30% of the passages in the YXYML.44
In summary, the YXYML is a text from the early-mid Tang based largely on the Jin
text, the Yangsheng yaoji by Zhang Zhan. It includes the works of earlier yangsheng authors such

43 Sakade “Yôsei yoshû” 9a-b and Despeux, “Gymnastics” 229. My translation of Zhang Zhan’s chapter titles
is informed by and different from Despeux’.
44 All of these passages are cited in the 10th century Japanese medical encyclopædia, the Ishinpô. This text is a

collection of medical formulæ and methods compiled from early largely Tang dynasty medical texts. The
structure and etiologies follow Sun Simiao’s Qianjin yaofang 千金要方 in the main, down to the fact that Tamba
cites Sun at the beginning of the book and in some chapters, to indicate his adherence to Sun’s thought. The
Ishinpô is very useful on two counts. Firstly, it preserves many medical and other works that have since been
lost. Secondly, Tamba was meticulous in his citations. Excerpts are cited first by the work Tamba had to hand,
and then by the original source of the text fragment. So where there are passages in the Ishinpô that match
those in the YXYML, we can know very clearly whether or not they derive from the Yangsheng yaoji. These are
listed in Mugitani’s Yôjô enmei roku kunchû, and in the annotations to the translation chapters in this thesis. The
edition I have used for comparison is the critical edition published by Huaxia in 1996, and edited by Gao
Wenzhu 高文鑄. This is based on the Nakarai 半井 family manuscript, which had been transmitted through
the Nakarai family from the time it was received from the emperor by Nakarai Mitsushige 半井光成 in the
sixteenth century, until it was acquired in 1854, edited by Tanba no Genken 丹波元堅 (1796-1857) and
published in 1860. A second edition of this in 1909 formed the basis of the republication in 1955 by Renmin
Weisheng publishing company, in a two-volume paperback edition. (Gao, Ishinpô, 2, and Sakade, “Longevity
Techniques in Japan,” 5)
 21

as Daolin, Zhai Ping and Huang Shan, known longevists from the Han. Daolin, however, is
not the famed Buddhist figure Zhi Dun. The focus of these works is on the cultivation of

the body through a variety of practices such as circulating qi, dietary proscriptions, arts of the
bedchamber, and other prohibitions. Many of the passages in the YXYML can be proven to
be from the the Yangsheng yaoji by comparing them with the Ishinpô and Q27.
 22

3 Theoretical Categories: The Danger of Simple Questions

Shylock: ...If you prick us, do we not bleed?

if you tickle us, do we not laugh? if you poison
us, do we not die? –William Shakespeare, Merchant of Venice III.1

When we look inside our own bodies, we see our own selves reflected there. Deeply

ingrained assumptions about the world and about ourselves are contained in and revealed by

the attitudes of the body. When we are feeling low, our shoulders slump, when we are

happy and delighted we laugh, when sad we cry. Modern biomedicine asserts that there are

uniformities of our physical existence that cross all cultures and races, bringing common

conditions to bear upon the human experience. Cognitive linguists argue that these

commonalities deeply condition our subjective experience, such that internally felt body-

states provide fundamental structures which condition the metaphors by which we interpret

the world around us, and give shape to our abstract thought.45

Yet what is that self which resides at the base of all of our perceptions, which affects

and nuances our daily activities whether we are aware of it or not? How do we approach it,

discern it, know it? Many religious traditions have developed complex and interesting

relationships between the body and the ideal self. To speak in very general terms, in

Christianity, the soul must quell the impulses of the flesh through the grace of the Lord in

order to free itself and attain the presence of God. In yogic practice, equanimity of mind is

established through calming and controlling the movement of the breath and fluctuations of

the body. In this state of equilibrium, the yogin realizes that the spark at the core of her

being is one with the absolute. In Daoist practice the body is a treasure to be protected and

preserved at all costs, and within which the pneumas of the Dao and numinous spirits

circulate and transform the practitioner into a divine transcendent. The establishment of the

45 See Lakoff and Johnson, The Metaphors we Live By and Philosophy in the Flesh.
 23

ideal self, the self which is coherent with doctrine, is achieved to a greater or lesser degree

through practices that involve the body.

This huge variety of practices and approaches makes clear that the relationship

between body and self is not the same everywhere, and that studies of these relationships

need to take into account highly specific cultural material. The body is shaped and

understood within the terms of discourse of each tradition. In Kuriyama Shigehisha’s

Expressiveness of the Body, a pregnant enquiry into the different assumptions about bodiliness

that underlie Greek and Chinese medicine, he points out that these assumptions are deeply

intertwined with local concepts of the self and its relationship with the cosmos. The

recognition of muscular anatomy by Greek doctors was influenced by a concept of

articulation or arthroi– be it of speech, ankles or muscular definition–that was associated with

maturity, with Greek ethnicity, and with a structured universe that reflected the order of the

realm of the real.46 The Chinese physician’s gaze was focused on the face, and the colours

that could be seen in it–a view of character and selfhood that reflected not only the cosmic

interchanges of the five elements (wuxing 五行) within the person’s body, but also his or her

character and basic nature.47

Shylock’s question in the opening quotation is not, then, as simple as he claims it

ought to be. His protest, while appealing to the universality of human nature, is made for a

very specific, local reason: he seeks to protest the wrongs heaped upon his people, to receive

proper justice at the hands of the state, and moreover, to exact revenge. The content of his

lament is universal, and tugs at our heartstrings, and yet the discrepancy between this and the

function of his claim leaves us with a sour taste in our mouths. There is something amiss in

46 Expressiveness, 134-43.
47 Ibid., 167-91.
 24

Shylock’s yearning to exert harm on another human–it seems an unjust use of the law, and

of the very claims to universality he wishes to make. Shakespeare develops this

problematique to its fullest in the character of Shylock, who demands a pound of flesh from

his debtor, in gory pastiche and critique of Old Testament justice: “An eye for an eye, a

tooth for a tooth.”48

At a higher level of representation, however, the identification of Shylock’s character

with a drive for vengeance and financial recompense shows an anti-semitic streak in

Shakespeare’s writing. Although revenge is a common plot motif in this period of literature,

the Jewish version here is not motivated by nobler callings such as love or righteousness,

protecting the poor and downtrodden or defending one’s homeland against invaders.

Shylock’s equation of flesh with gold, of personal property with bodily life, is at the heart of

Shakespeare’s attack on what he portrays as the essential Jewish self, one that is acquisitive,

money-grubbing and spiteful.

This should all show that representations of the body, particularly when they ascribe

universal qualities, are not neutral. These qualities play deeply into the local uses that

representation serves. When reading literature about the body, we must ask not only who is

speaking, but who is telling us about who has spoken, and what uses these multiple layers of

representation each have. What follows is a series of questions which wind around each

other, engaging the larger genre of Chinese yangsheng 養生 (cultivating vitality) exercises

through a single text, the Yangxing yanming lu, to inquire into bodily metaphors, their

relationship to selfhood. The questions are about the body, but the phrasing of each

question changes according to context. What is the difference between immortality and

48 Exodus 21:24, Leviticus 24:20, Deuteronomy 19:21.

 25

longevity, and how can it be known? How do yangsheng practices fit into Chinese medicine

and into Daoist practice? Is there a difference between yangsheng and yangxing 養性

[Cultivating innate nature]?

3.A Contents of the YXYML

A highly eclectic work, consisting solely of text fragments drawn from a total of

thirty-four works, and citing thirty different people, this work is difficult to categorize, being

itself almost a leishu 類書 (encyclopædia) of health admonitions.49 There is no authorial

commentary other than the preface. The theoretical foundations of the prescriptions in the

text are similarly varied; they range from five phases and yinyang theory to demonology, to

moral injunctions to food combination proscriptions, to simple social customs.

Chapter One, titled “Prescriptions and Prohibitions” (Jiaojie 教戒) contains a broad

collection of descriptions of the body and what kind of activities it should be engaged in. It

serves as an introduction to the rest of the text in a number of ways: firstly it describes the

structure of the body and predominant principles. These include descriptions of the souls

and qi in the body, philosophical arguments about transformation and impermanence, and

general statements about the state of man and his relationship to the universe. Then there is

a shift from description to prescription midway through the chapter, where it begins to

introduce warnings about dietary moderation, about restraint in speech, vision, hearing,

smelling, and sexual activity, and to advise practices such as swallowing saliva, accruing

hidden merit, and harmonizing the emotions and desires. These quotations are repetitive

and do not significantly add to the content of the other chapters–they appear intended to

demonstrate the authority of the text as much as to inform – this chapter has a total of forty-

five citations, whereas the chapters that follow have between 3 and 10 citations each. A

49 See Appendix 2 for a complete list of titles and individuals.

 26

number of well-known philosophical Daoist texts are placed conspicuously at the front of

the chapter.50

The second chapter is titled “Dietary Proscriptions,” (Shi jie 食戒) and contains two

citations by an anonymous perfected being (Zhenren 真人) and one by Daoist Master Azure

Cow (Qingniu Daoshi 青牛道師), all from texts now lost. The text is as much to do with the

state and use of the body before, during and after eating as it is with what is actually eaten:

the body should be hungry before meals, and walked afterwards. Prohibitions cover certain

kinds, quantities and combinations of foods, and rely on different theoretical bases. Advice

based in five phases theory recommends not eating the organs which correspond to the

season, whereas that based in yinyang 陰陽 theory advises against sudden extremes of hot

and cold food. Some prohibitions appear to be social in origin; for example the fatty meat

on the top of a pile of food is taboo “because everyone always first looks at that piece of

meat. Those who eat it will develop constipation and pestilential wasting diseases.”51 Others

spring from mythical tales – swallows are not to be eaten because they turn into a kind of

snake when they enter water, so it is inadvisable to kill them.52

Chapter Three is titled “Miscellaneous Proscriptions and Taboos, Rites against

Calamity and Prayers for Blessings” (Zajie jiranghai qishan 雜戒忌禳害祈善), and contains

one citation from the Xianjing mi yao and two from Lao Jun, which are not from the Daode jing,

50
See section below on “Daoist Cultivation” for implications of this.

51 YXYML 1.2.13b

52燕不可食，入水為蛟蛇所吞，亦不宜殺之。
Swallows cannot be eaten, because once you enter water you will be swallowed by a giant snake. One also
cannot kill them. YXYML 1.12b-13a
 27

and most likely come from a lost text in circulation during the early Tang. The chapter lives

up to its title in that is a highly eclectic collection of folk traditions and beliefs and therefore

quite hard to characterize. Advices range from the practical, such as not staring at the sun

for too long, not tiptoeing near wells or sitting on earthen walls, to the social–one shouldn’t

sing when going to bed at night, or bang chopsticks on one’s bowl. It includes tips from the

field of fengshui 風水, or geomancy–such as not sleeping under the cornices of windows–and

also advises how to address the demons one encounters in nightmares: one should face in

their direction and talk to them quietly, but certainly one shouldn’t go running to the front

of the house and shout loudly! There are visualization practices that will protect one from

pestilences, discussions of the tiny gods of the mouth who watch what one says and reports

one’s deeds to the underworld, and yearly incantations for longevity. It is in this chapter we

see the strongest similarities with religious Daoism.

Chapter Four, “Ingesting Qi to cure illness” (Fuqi liaobing 服氣療病), contains five

citations, which include the early Huanglao 黃老 text, the Huainan zi 淮南子, as well as a

medical text, the Mingyi lun 明醫論, or Discourses of Medical Luminaries. It is much more

focused, and will look familiar to readers and practitioners of modern qigong. It describes the

circulation of the qi, the principles of being empty, and filling one’s self up with qi,

conserving the seminal essence, and different kinds of breathing methods and sounds. 53

These practices are offered as an alternative to the straight medical techniques of

acupuncture and herbs, and as treatment therapy for somato-psychological illnesses which

originate from depletion of the qi of the organs. The image of the body here is much closer

53Jing is a generative substance common to both sexes, but expressed in males as semen and in women as
menstrual blood. By causing it to flow inwards and upwards, saturating the body, one can nourish the body
and spirits. Its excessive loss or expenditure via ejaculation, childbirth and menstruation is considered to
weaken the body and decrease the one’s life span.
 28

to that found in TCM, or Traditional Chinese Medicine of today, with its organs, emotions

and substances organized according to the five phases model of the Huangdi Neijing.

Chapter Five is a series of exercises for the body called the “Guding and Pulling

(Daoyin ) and Massage” (Daoyin anmofa 導引按摩). Among the four texts cited the one most

deserving note is the Daoyin jing 導引經, or Scripture on Guiding and Pulling, a compendium of

major figures in the daoyin tradition, which is dated to the Sui dynasty or just before. The

chapter includes the five animal play 五擒戲 by the late Han dynasty surgeon Hua Tuo

(110?-208? C.E.), and a number of massage practices which can also be found in Sun

Simiao’s Qianjin yaofang.54

Chapter six is called The benefits and dangers of Intercourse with Women 御女損益, and

among its ten citations the most notable are from Pengzu jing, a Han dynasty sexual

cultivation manual attributed to the Chinese Methuselah, Pengzu, who lived to the ripe age

of 900-odd years through retaining his semen and consorting with multiple concubines. The

chapter outlines the value of jing, and the illnesses and early death which result from

indiscriminate expenditure. This chapter solely concerns male cultivation practice, and

recommends practitioners to cultivate with as many women as possible.

3.B Definition of Terms: Yangsheng 養生 Cultivating Life

How are we to understand this material in the terms within which it was understood

by medieval Chinese practitioners? To get a better understanding of how any text operates

within its cultural context(s), it is essential to accurately represent the categories at work

there.55 My goal in this section is to describe the problems involved in the categorical term

54 See translation of Chapter Five and the Textual History.

55For a discussion about the accurate use of categories when describing early Chinese ‘religions’ see Campany,
"On the Very Idea of Religions.”
 29

yangsheng and to outline my reasons for distinguishing between this and “longevity” (changshou

長壽), a term that has been used as if synonymously. The YXYML is usually described as a

yangsheng text, concerned with the cultivation of a healthy body so that one can live a long

life.56 The typical range of yangsheng practices usually includes avoidance of grains (bigu 辟穀),

“guiding and pulling” (daoyin 導引) breathing exercises (tuna 吐納), sexual practices

(fangzhongshu 房中術), clacking the teeth (kouchi 叩齒) and clenching the fists (wogu 握固). 57

That these are the primary concern of the YXYML is reflected by its chapter headings and

those of the Yangsheng yaoji which, recall, constitutes at least 30% of the work. These can be

seen in table 1 of the introduction.

This thought is referred to by some as “longevity,” some as yangsheng and others as

“macrobiotic hygiene.”58 Which term is the most valuable? Harper’s use of “macrobiotic

hygiene” refers more to the actual practices than to the goals which, as he argues (see below),

can either be longevity or immortality. “Longevity” points to the goal of the practice but, as

I argue below, the kind of longevity intended is highly ambiguous. Yangsheng refers to the

principle of cultivating life on which the practices are based, and is a term used in modern

China today partially to indicate the contiguity of these modern practices with this ancient

tradition. At its most basic it references the idea that through a combination of abstentions

56Engelhardt, “Longevity Techniques,” “Qi for Life;” Despeux “Gymnastics,” “YXYML,” Sakade “Yôsei
yoshû,” Mugitani Yôsei enmei roku kunchu., Schipper, Daoist Canon.

57See Engelhardt, “Longevity Techniques,” 101-103. On the use of bigu to refer not only to grains, but to
various dietary restrictions as simple as meat and wine, and as stringent as living solely on mountain herbs, see
Campany To Live 22-26. On the larger social identifications inherent in those restrictions, see Campany, “The
Meanings of Cuisines.” On “guiding and pulling” texts and history, see Despeux, “Gymnastics.” On sexual
cultivation, see Harper, “The sexual Arts of Ancient China,” Early Chinese Medical Literature, 133-140 and Wile,
Chinese Sexual Yoga Classics. For all of these techniques, see translations in this thesis of chapters 1, 4 and 5 of
the YXYML, except for sexual cultivation, which is the topic of chapter 6, which is translated by in Sexual Yoga,
119-122.

58 See Harper, Early Chinese Medical Literature, Campany, To Live, and various authors in Kohn, Daoism Handbook.
 30

and exercises one can preserve and develop the life-force in the body, allowing one to live

longer and more healthily. I choose to use yangsheng for these reasons, but wish to distinguish

the definition above from a well-known early use of the term.

The title of the chapter 3 of the Zhuangzi 莊子 is Yangsheng zhu 養生主 (The Secret

of Caring for Life). In this chapter, part of the core text thought to be authored by

Zhuangzi himself, he describes various means to “care for life.” The most famous is the

first parable of Cook Ding’s ox-cutting practice, whereby he relies on his spirit rather than

his eyes to know where the path of least resistance is and, following this, is able to skillfully

separate huge carcasses while never needing to sharpen his knife. Lord Wen-hui exclaims on

hearing this: “Excellent!...I have...learned how to care for life (yangsheng)!”59 Zhuangzi

indicates the principle of this path quite clearly in the beginning of this chapter:

Follow the middle; go by what is constant, and you can stay in one piece, keep
yourself alive, look after your parents, and live out your years. – Watson, Complete Works, 50.

Yangsheng in the Zhuangzi, then, refers to a philosophical, ethical path of walking the

middle way, of not endangering one’s self, of the path of least resistance. It is also an

embodied wisdom, that knows without having to over-intellectualize, and by virtue of this

non-cogitating practice, is a much more effective means to live one’s life. It does not mean

the attempt to extend one’s life by special breathing practices, exercises or diets, such as

those I have included above, which are considered an unnatural attachment to the body.

The ‘syncretist’ writers of pian 12-16 of the Waipian 外篇 (Outer Chapters) are explicitly

critical of these practices:60

59
Graham, Complete Works, 51.
60The Waipian are thought to be collections of material about Zhuangzi or from his period, but not written by
him. The ‘syncretist’ chapters are thought to be composed either by Daoist compilers of the Zhuangzi in 180
B.C.E. or by members of the lost school of Song Xing 宋銒 (?360-?290 B.C.E.) and Yin Wen 尹文 (4th century
B.C.E.) (Roth, “Chuang tzu” 56-57). Without having done further research into this matter I assume that
Harper’s assertion below is correct, i.e. that it was the Daoist compilers. (Harper, Medical Literature, 115).
 31

To pant, to puff, to hail, to sip (chui xu hu xi 吹呴呼吸), to spit out the old breath and
draw in the new (tuna), practicing bear-hangings (xiongjing 熊經) and bird-stretchings (niaoshen
鳥申), longevity (shou 壽) his only concern–such is the life favoured by the scholar who
practices Induction (daoyin), the man who nourishes his body (yangsheng 養形), who hopes to
live to be as old as Peng-zu 彭祖 – Keyi 刻意 (Constrained in Will) 15.535; Watson, Complete
Works, 167-8.

Yangsheng techniques and the principles that underpin them were being developed as

early as 400 B.C.E., and it has been demonstrated that various philosophical works from the

Warring States were drawing on a widely accessible resource of physiological theory based in

yangsheng thought.61 All of the practices and the ambiguous goal of longevity (shou 壽)

described in the quote above are strongly recommended in the YXYML. It is these very

practices that constitute the backbone of the text. For Zhuangzi and later compilers of his

work, yangsheng was a “good thing,” related to cultivation of the inner self and spiritual,

mental perfection, and far superior to the cultivation of the body (yangxing 養形). Zhuangzi

was not alone in separating interiorized, philosophical and meditative cultivation from this

concern with preserving the body. The authors of the early Han dynasty Huainanzi 淮南子,

a group of fangshi 方士 (masters of formulaic techniques) under the Prince of Huainan (180-

122 B.C.E.) and roughly contemporaneous to the Daoist compilers of the Keyi chapter, voice

similar criticism that:

…the “realized man” zhenren 真人 focuses on the condition of the spirit; his spiritual
communion with the ultimate does not depend on exertion to “nurture the form” yangxing
養形 because he knows that physical decay is inevitable. Thus he is not distracted by
popular regimens. – Harper Medical Literature, 115.

So the sense with which yangsheng is used in the Zhuangzi and the sense with which I

use it are distinct, and fairly opposed. Yet that opposition was rarely recognized by later

users of this term. For example, the opening lines to Yangsheng zhu, chapter 3 of the Zhuangzi,

61 Sivin Traditional Medicine, 48 and Harper, Medical Literature, 113-125.

 32

is cited quite happily in a prominent place at the beginning of chapter 1 of the YXYML:

“This life of ours, it has its limits but intelligence is limitless. You are already in danger if

you chase the limitless by means of the limited. If you already know this, and still strive for

intelligence, then you are in danger for certain!”

These practices were nonetheless very popular, and increasingly so, such that by the

Han we find them in a number of regimens thought at the time to be quite distinct. Harper

describes two groups in the Han who set themselves apart from one another on the basis of

their practices and goals :

…we have the syncretistic Daoism reflect in the Huainanzi, which has a definite
program of cultivation–an amalgam of Daoist, xian, and medical ideas. Finally, there were
people who declared themselves followers of Wangzi Qiao 王子喬 and Chisongzi 赤松子
(Master Redpine). According to the Shiji 史記, Zhang Liang 張良 (d. 187 B.C.E.) wished to
“abandon affairs among men to wander with Chisongzi,” which led him to study “avoidance
of grains,” “guiding and pulling” and “body lightening.” (Shiji 55.12b). All three were also
part of what I shall call standard second century B.C. hygiene and are attested in the
Mawangdui macrobiotic hygiene texts… I do not doubt Chisongzi’s reputation among
enthusiasts, but I wonder how different from standard hygiene the practices were. I also
wonder whether everyone who professed admiration for the legendary xian adepts actually
participated in the xian cult or whether it was the convention to glamorize any form of
macrobiotic hygiene with a xian pedigree. –Harper, Medical Literature, 116.

There are two points worth noting here. Firstly in the Huainanzi the cultivation

program suggested is an amalgamation of transcendent, yangsheng and medical thought,

suggesting that these three categories were not thought to be separate strands of thought by

that group.62 Secondly, the practices that were used by adherents of transcendent cults to

attain their goals were the very same as those found in yangsheng manuals. It is this very

eliding of goals that characterizes the YXYML.

The same practices of body-lightening, grain avoidance and “guiding and pulling”

that Zhang Liang uses in his pursuit of immortality are referred to frequently in the YXYML,

sometimes as granting immortality and sometimes as just long life. I list only a few here:

62
My translation of the term fangji follows Kory’s in Five types of Fangji Accounts.
 33

Body lightening: 體中不快，因起作一禽之戲，遣微汗出即止，以粉涂身，即身體輕

便，腹中思食。
If the core of the body is not feeling sprightly, one should therefore rise and perform
one of the animal frolics. Stop once a light sweat is broken, and rub the body with powder –
this will make the body light and agile, and the stomach think of food. – YXYML 2.7b

Grain avoidance: 食良藥五穀克悅者，名曰中士，猶慮疾苦。食氣保精存神，名曰上士，與

天同年。
Those who ingest fine herbs, the five grains and curb their pleasures are called middle gentlemen;
they still [have to] worry about illness and pain. Those who ingest qi, protect their essence and
conserve their spirits are called superior gentlemen, their years match those of Heaven.–YXYML
1.2.14b

Guiding and pulling: 凡交，須依導引諸術。若能避眾傷人之事，而復[63]陰陽之術，則是

不死之道。
Whenever having sexual intercourse, you must rely on the arts of “guiding and pulling.” –YXYML
1.3.15a.

What I have tried to show in this section is the variation in status that yangsheng practices had

in their early history, ranging from scorn by philosophers like Zhuangzi to adulation

by Han aspirants to transcendence. I have also noted that in the Zhuangzi, the term

yangsheng was not applied to the health and longevity exercises, but rather to the

cultivation of intuitive and instinctual perceptual faculties, which, by virtue of their

wisdom, carry the “Secret of caring for life.”

63 YJ + 曉
 34

3.C Categorical matters: (Immortality & Longevity) vs (Transcendence &

Yangsheng)

What I have suggested above is that the categories applied in secondary scholarship

tend to make easy distinctions which are much harder to discern in the primary material.

Yangsheng is associated as if exclusively with changshou 長壽 (longevity), and chengxian 成仙

(transcendence) with immortality (wusi 無死). While these distinctions hold in the large,

macro-scale conceptualizations of the material and can be seen at work in the texts, to a

certain degree the texts do not easily lend themselves to simple categorizations based on

these terms.

Here I will discuss some problems with these equations and propose a set of

distinctions about claims to extended life that I believe will help the discussion of health and

bodily practices in early imperial China. This is intended to point in the direction of a more

detailed, rigorous history of the development of yangsheng practices and thought from the

Han onwards–as is the Textual History chapter.

It is maintained by many that there is a clear conceptual distinction between yangsheng

and immortality, or transcendence, which is the attainment of a life longer than one’s

naturally allotted lifespan, and most commonly refers to eternal life. In the field-defining

guide to Daoist studies and literature, the Daoism Handbook edited by Livia Kohn, there are

two separate chapters which discuss longevity and immortality by Ute Engelhardt and

Edward Penny. The Handbook has a uniform structure which allows for ease of comparison

across quite different fields, from early philosophical works to late ritual practice: each

chapter has sections on Description, History, Text(s), Worldview and Practices.

Engelhardt’s chapter on longevity techniques introduces specific terms that are used to
 35

differentiate the two approaches: shou 壽 (longevity) and changsheng 長生 (long life) refer to

living out one’s natural life span via the methods of yangsheng 養生 (cultivating life), whereas

“chengxian 成仙 (to become an immortal)” specifically refers to immortality.1 The list of

practices I have described above is also derived from this chapter. Penny’s chapter on

immortality and transcendence (xian 仙) distinguishes these from longevity by invoking a

variety of transcendent practices and texts. He discusses the following distinguishing terms:

changshou 長壽 (prolonged life), busi 不死 (no death), and wusi 無死 (deathlessness) to the

list of terms of “extended longevity.” Transcendence is associated with numinous places,

esoteric transmission of practices, special diets of herbs and alchemical products, ascension

to heaven in daylight, use of incantations and talismans, and most importantly, immortality.

The YXYML is not a xian text. The YXYML does not contain any of the more

dramatic elements that typify –alchemical products, miraculous powers, talismans,

ascendance into the sky, or descriptions of spirit paradises– is significant in other ways as

well.64 Each of these elements entails a certain kind of ‘othering,’ an intimation of a realm of

knowledge or existence which is deeply separate from the norm.65 This otherness is an

aspect of transcendent literature that is lacking in yangsheng literature. The YXYML at least,

is simple, down to earth and practicable at home; it is highly conservative material,

promoting moderation and moderate abstinence without suggesting exacting or austere

measures.

64 “The [Mawangdui] texts’ goal of long life is not identical to the xian-cult goal of immortality and
transcendence. The formation of the xian-cult in the third and second centuries B.C. remains unclear.
Eremetism, shamanic religion, and ideas about flight to spirit paradises each played a role, as did new ideas
about a drug of deathlessness and alchemical elixirs which began to circulate in the third century B.C. – Harper,
Medical Literature 116.

Also see Penny, “Immortality,” 123-127 who describes the full gamut of practices and associations.

65For more on this practice of social differentiation through magical foods or disciplines, see Campany,
“Cuisines.”
 36

However, I would like to suggest that while it is useful to paint broad sweeps of

history, the drawing of a clear, hard and fast line between longevity and immortality belies

the material and, I am inclined to believe, the ways in which extended life was conceived in

early China. Edward Penny’s attempt to make this distinction show the inherent problems

quite clearly:

Certain terms, such as changsheng (prolonged life) and wusi 無死 or busi 不死 (no death),
first appear in the Eastern Zhou 東周. They refer to an extended longevity on earth. In the
Warring States period, phrases like chengxian 成仙 (become an immortal) are found, which
imply a change in one’s state of being. The distinction between longevity and immortality is
fundamental and has remained so in relevant discussions over the dynasties.– Penny,
“Immortality,” 111. (non-Chinese italics added)

This formulation gets trapped in the very problem it is trying to resolve. Although

the conclusion states that there is a fundamental distinction between longevity and

immortality, the first two sentences elide the very distinction that is being made, claiming

that “prolonged life” and “no death” are both “extended longevity.” Wusi and busi do not

refer to “extended longevity,” but to immortality. Changsheng, of its own, is a highly

ambiguous term; it does not, prima facie, distinguish between a naturally long life, and one

beyond the natural limits of longevity. As with the pertinently named Taiwanese cigarette

brand, it simply and ambiguously means “Long life.”1 Whether that life is implied to mean

unnaturally long, or naturally so, is entirely dependent on the other implications we can glean

from the text. Compare the above claim of fundamental distinction with the following:

Most importantly, the physiological theories on which macrobiotic hygiene was founded
also furnished the rationale for immortality - to go from the belief that macrobiotic hygiene
can lengthen life to the belief that an individual can create an imperishable body is in many
respects a logical progression of ideas–Harper Medical Literature, 114.

The distinction is not fundamental–rather, the physiological theories at the heart of

yangsheng are the same as that immortality, and a number of practices are used for both.

Harper’s statement reflects exactly the sate of affairs in the YXYML. The text is populated

with a number of transcendent characters who appear in one of the definitive texts on
 37

transcendence, the 4th century Shenxian zhuan by Ge Hong 葛洪 (284 - 364), the unifier and

collector of diverse techniques and material on transcendence. They are: Peng Zu, Huang

Shan, Heshang gong, Liu Jun’an 劉君安, Qingniu Daoshi 青牛道士 (Daoist Masture Azure

Ox), and some anonymous transcendents (xianren 仙人) and perfected (zhenren 真人). 66

The majority of practices that they profess in the YXYML are only associated with limited

claims of extended life.

While on the one hand the text contains transcendents promoting practices with the

limited claims of longevity, on the other hand, some of the yangsheng practices in the work are

claimed to bestow immortal life:

河圖帝視萌曰︰春夏樂山高處，秋冬居卑深藏，吉利多福，壽考無窮。
The Hetudi shimeng 河圖帝視萌(Emperor of the River Picture examines the Sprout) says: In
Spring and Summer, enjoy the lofty locales in the mountains, in autumn and winter, live in
low places, store yourself away in deep (places). One’s auspices and benefits will be
abundant and blessed, one’s longevity descried without end. –YXYML 1.1.4b

彭祖曰︰道不在煩，但能不思衣，不思食，不思聲，不思色，不思勝，不思負，不
思失，不思得，不思榮，不思辱，心不勞，形不極，常導引，納氣、胎息爾，可得
千歲，欲長生無限者，當服上藥。
Pengzu says:. The way does not lie in vexation. If you can simply avoid thinking of clothes,
thinking of food, thinking of sounds, thinking of sights, thinking of victory, thinking of
defeat, thinking of loss, thinking of gain, thinking of glory or of humiliation – if you can
avoid labouring the mind and exhausting the body, but frequently practice daoyin, respiration
exercises, and embryonic breathing, then you can attain a thousand years. Those who yearn for
limitless life should ingest superior herbs. –YXYML 1.1.8b

若能避眾傷人之事，而復[67]陰陽之術，則是不死之道。
If you can avoid the hosts of things which harm humans and practice the arts of doubling
yin and yang (sexual practice), then this makes it an immortal method. –YXYML 1.3.15a.

It should be clear from these quotations that the categories of yangsheng and chengxian

do not map directly onto claims of longevity versus immortality, and these latter two

categories are not sufficient to define the YXYML as one thing or another. Taking this text

66 For more information on these transcendent figures, please refer to annotations of specific people in the
translation chapters, and entries in the Textual History chapter. These include Pengzu, Heshanggong, Huangfu
Mi, and others.

67 YJ + 曉
 38

and its cited material as emblematic of the genre (recall Schipper’s epithet of the YXYML as

the text “most representative” of yangsheng), we can make an extended claim that Yangsheng

texts do not automatically preclude immortality.

Moreover transcendent texts also do not equate immortality with transcendence, as

can be seen from examples in xian-literature. In the Shenxian zhuan 神仙傳 (Traditions of

Divine Transcendents), Peng Zu, the ancient sexual practitioner who lived from the

founding eras of China, is recorded as dying and his tradition being carried on by one of his

students Huang Shan, who is himself cited in the preface (see introduction and preface).1

Although Peng Zu (and his body) have transformed into a higher state of being than normal

humans, but he is not by virtue of this immune to death.

One oft-invoked distinction between longevity and immortality is the hierarchical

structure set up by Ge Hong in the Baopuzi 抱扑子 (Master who Embraces Simplicity). He

sets up clear distinctions between corpse-deliverance (shijie 尸解), earth transcendence

(dixian 地仙) and heavenly transcendence (tianxian 天仙). In the former, which Ge judges

to be the least worthy, the practitioner deceives the registers of life, often by supplanting

some object such as a shoe or stick for their “corpse” at the moment of his or her funeral,

and then skips off into the wild mountains to develop their practice.68 In the second level

the practitioner lives far beyond the normal span of human years, and may achieve

miraculous powers, but is limited to wandering about on the surface of the earth. In the

latter category, the most supreme in Ge’s view, the heavenly transcendent is one who

ascends into the sky in the middle of broad daylight, never to be seen again.69

68
For more on this, see Czedzich’s comprehensive article, “Corpse Deliverance.”
69
See Campany, To Live p. 75-76 for a translation and discussion of the passage where these distinctions are
made.
 39

This hierarchy is frequently invoked by modern scholars as evidence of a clear

distinction between longevity and immortality as understood in early China. Yet the

intensity with which Ge Hong defends these categories within the Baopuzi indicates exactly

the opposite; the distinction was not clearly held at all in his community. That he does so is

precisely because of the confusing plethora of practices and ideas in circulation at his time–

he works very hard to maintain his categories, citing numerous deluded people who

mistakenly imagine their practices to be immortal ones.70 The need for him to make these

categories clear indicates that they were not so for the majority of his peers, and this is

clearly visible in the YXYML.

There have already been numerous discussions about the translation of xian as

“immortal” versus “transcendent” in secondary literature. Some of the arguments against

the application of the Western concept of immortality are that it carries with it connotations

of an immutable state impervious to change and transformation once achieved. This is

leading misleading because xian are mutable, and do go through levels of succeeding

transformation once they have chengxian, or achieved lower levels of xian-hood or

transcendence.71 My similar conclusion that transcendence is a more accurate translation

agrees with these, although it should be clear my argument is somewhat different. Rather

than an issue of limiting nuances of translation so that they don’t erroneously imply Western

ideas which do not match early Chinese concepts, or misrepresent our understanding of

transcendents, my argument is that the use of ‘immortal’ as used to distinguish a set of

practices against those of yangsheng is untenable. It becomes very problematic when being

70
Quotation is from Engelhardt, “Longevity” 77. Robinet makes a similar statement in Taoism 87. These
are just two examples, however, and are indicative of widely held thought about transcendence in modern
scholarship.
71
For more see Campany, To Live, 4 and “Living off the Books;” Bokenkamp, Early Daoist
Scriptures, 21-23 and 27 n. 28.
 40

used to define two groups in distinction to one another within China, where the boundaries

between the two are highly permeable at the least, and at the worst, so permeable that the

distinction no longer makes sense.

Claims to the benefits of yangsheng practices were not limited to normal spans of

longevity. By normal, I mean biomedically possible, and thus what people in early imperial

China would have experienced to be the norm. They also aspired to supranormal lifetimes

of two, four, eight hundred years and so on, as well as to immortality as we have seen

above.72 Changsheng, on its own, is a highly ambiguous term; it does not, prima facie,

distinguish between a naturally long life, and one beyond the natural limits of longevity.

Whether it implies a normal long life, one that is supranormally long, or even immortality is

entirely dependent on the other implications we can glean from the text.

3.C.i Significance of Claims

Claims to longevity would have had varying social repercussions depending on the

contexts in which these claims were made. One has only to think of more conservative

intellectual environments, such as that promoted by the skeptic Wang Chong 王充 (ca 27 –

97) who wrote scathing critiques of the xian-cult, while at the same time composing his own

yangsheng manual, now lost.73 His critiques aim to set apart a group of people and their

practices and are based on excessive credulity. Compare this to Ge Hong’s requirement of

72
My choice of supernormal as opposed to supernatural is deliberate. The principle of yangsheng as
described above, that through protecting and cultivating the life principle one can improve the vitality of
the body and consequently its lifespan, is one which operates equally to benefit both biomedically possible
lifespans, and those which are longer. The impossible lifespans were not considered unnatural, in fact
much argumentation goes on to prove that they are natural, and it is early death which is unnatural. Cf
quotation from HDNJ below. That these lifetimes were not normally encountered makes them beyond the
norm, that is, people’s regular experience and expectation of reality.

73 On Wang Chong’s yangsheng manual, see Harper, Medical Literature 118.

 41

faith as a prerequisite for practice. His biographies of transcendents were intended to

bolster the faith of those who already believed within his family and extended community.

This ambiguitiy of yangsheng claims to longevity means that specific practices are

easily adopted by different groups, and can be attributed with different significance

accordingly. Claims of immortality or the opposite would have required very different kinds

of negotiation and carry different caché in each community, serving as ideological spurs and

rallying points for the sympathetic and defensive barriers against other-minded groups. A

doctor promoting yangsheng practice in a conservative environment could capitalize on this to

recommend his treatment strategies to members of any of these communities by nuancing

his claims to suit his clientele.74 In a more skeptical environment he could merely claim that

changshou meant to fully live out a normal lifetime. Yet given a clientele of transcendent

cultists, the same terminology can be used to imply something entirely other, the

supranormal existence, with transcendent possibilities. These fluctuations of nuance remain

entirely invisible if we blankly equate yangsheng with longevity and immortality with

transcendence.

As more detailed histories of yangsheng and its practitioners and teachers are written,

this kind of resolution as to their claims and the contexts in which they are made will make

significant differences to the picture of these individuals. Further research into individuals

who promoted different practices and how these promoting activities served them is the

next step forward. By providing a detailed philological history of the yangsheng and xian texts

cited in the YXYML, this thesis is a step in that direction.

74
As an example, see Chao Yuanfang’s Zhubing yuanhou lun, discussed below. The understanding of
different illnesses in this text has many overlaps with the YXYML, and it also cites the Yangxing yaoji
frequently. I have therefore referred to it frequently to explicate specific, as shown in the translation notes.
 42

3.C.ii Medical Uses

The preface of the YXYML limits the claims of longevity to a normal lifespan of up

to one hundred years, despite claims within the work which stretch up to 1,000 years, and

mention immortality. This would locate it within the provenance of medical concerns, and

as I demonstrate below, it does show strongly medical application and thought. By medical,

I mean the intervention of specialists to prevent or curb illness.

Yangsheng practices appear in tandem with medical practices from as early as 300

B.C.E., in the Mawangdui tomb manuscripts. The Yangsheng yaoji, the primary source for the

YXYML, first appears in the in the Medical Methods 醫方 section of the Suishu 隋書

bibliograpy (34.1043), then the Jiu tangshu 舊唐書, where it is cross-listed under Daoists 道

家 (47.2029) and Medical Arts 醫術類(47.2048). In 610, Chao Yuanfang submitted his

Zhubing yuanhou lun, which is the first instance of a medical work organized by etiologies and

which recommends specific yangsheng practices for specific illnesses.75 Much of the material,

as I demonstrate in the notes to the translations below, is to be found in the Ishinpô and in

Q27 and this indicates that these practices were utilized for medical therapies. Elena Valussi,

following Sivin’s work on Sun, has argued convincingly that Q27 reveals no intrinsically

“Daoist” thought, and that it is exclusively a medical work. Moreover, she argues that it is

much more Confucian than Daoist, because of the emphasis on moderation in all things,

reflecting the extremely conservative sensibilities for which Sun is so well known.76

The presence of medical thought is evidenced in the YXYML, which has numerous

measures to prevent different illnesses, particularly in chapters two and three. Incorrect

75
Despeux “Gymnastics,” 236-37, Engelhardt, “Longevity” 91-92.
76
Valussi, Nourishing Inner Nature (my edition is a digital copy provided by the author, so regrettably I
cannot provide page numbers for citation).
 43

eating and food combination is recorded as having the following symptoms, which can be

prevented by adopting the measures in chapter 2: asthma (nichuan 逆喘); bleeding gums

(xiechi 血齒); toothache (tongchi 痛齒); dry cough (kesou 咳嗽); bloody sputum (xietan 血痰);

hæmaturia (xueniao 血痰); food stagnation (constipation or indigestion) (pibing 癖病);

vomiting (tu 吐); backache (beitong 背疼); carbuncles and furuncles (yongju 癰疽); facial sores

(mian fa chuang 面發瘡). This list is all of symptoms, and does not indicate any complex

theoretical framework behind these observations.

The following illnesses, also from chapter two, are described in medical terminology

that implies a more complex etiological theory: “head wind” (toufeng 頭風);77 heat wind-

invasion (refeng 熱風); supra-diaphragmatic heat (geshang bian re 膈上變熱); steaming-bone

disorder (guzheng 骨蒸); pestilence 疰癘; knotted qi (jieqi 結氣); and catching a cold (cifeng 刺

風).

However, these theories are never explained and this indicates that it is most likely

the kind of non-specialist knowledge that countryside doctors, away from urban centres and

without institutional training would be aware of. It is also conceivable, although less so than

the symptoms described above, that these terms could also be part of the repertoire of folk-

knowledge.78

77 here it does not refer to insanity, or dementia (a result of internal wind), but catching external wind which
can cause symptoms of dizziness, sweating, alternating heat and chills –what is considered the onset of feverish
illness in Western etiology.
78
As mentioned earlier, this chapter is likely a later interpolation, because it does not appear in the earlier
YJ edition. Chapter 2 is not the only one which lists medical illnesses– the first half of chapter 3 and much
of chapter 4 are concerned with preventing specific diseases as well, but chapter 2 has the highest
frequency of illness terms. I have not looked into the various illnesses and when these arise as terms in the
medical tradition, although many of them are attested, as I have mentioned earlier, in the Zhubing yuanhou
lu.
 44

This being said, the YXYML’s focus is not strictly medical in the sense of being

oriented towards disease. Rather than preventing or curbing disease, the focus of the work

is on the cultivation and maintenance of vitality, (sheng 生). All of the descriptions of disease

serve this rubric. Given yangsheng theory’s primary focus on preserving and cultivating

vitality in order to extend life, the gravest danger of all to the body is simply “loss” or

“decline” (sun 損), a word which comes up 35 times in the work, far outnumbering any other

listed danger. The various illnesses are ultimately signs (or sometimes causes), of that decline,

and the differentiation of different illnesses is peripheral to the central concern of cultivation.

3.C.iii Daoist cultivation

This focus on cultivation is arguably one of the aspects which makes yangsheng such a

fluid category, able to be adopted in both medical and religious circles. One of the common

descriptions of yangsheng practices is that they participate in two traditions–medical and

Daoist. Englehardt writes of yangsheng practices which were used in cooperation with mental

disciplines such as in the Taoist master Sima Chengzhen’s 司馬承禎(647-735) Zuowang lun

坐忘論 [Sitting in Forgetfulness] HY1030 and the medic Sun Simiao’s Sheyang zhenzhong fang

攝養枕中方 [Pillowbook on Cultivating Life] YJ33. Both texts, composed in the Tang,

make useful comparative material, as they were composed in the same period by two quite

different kinds of practitioners. Where Sima Chengzhen, a celibate hermit and head of the

Shangqing sect, proposes physical practices as a preparatory step to the cultivation of mind,

the Sun Simiao, a highly literate and eclectic doctor, proposes the opposite, suggesting that
 45

without the right mental faculties and power of focus, physical cultivation exercises are

wasted.79

The prevalent attitude to yangsheng practices in Daoist literature is that while they are

everywhere emphasized, they are relegated to a lower status, just of maintaining the body.80

The emphasis in Daoist practice is reflected fact that the Daoist canon is a huge repository

of yangsheng texts and that is the sole place where any editions of the YXYML survived

appears to point to this. Much ink has been spent on the issue of defining something as

Daoist or not, and I do not wish to engage in the larger debates, but I take Sivin’s caution as

a guide when he advises scholars “to distinguish between Daoist and popular beliefs and

practices that are recorded in Daoist literature.” He goes on to say:

Surely there is nothing wrong with considering Daoism religious, poetical, magical,
scientific, democratic, and politically revolutionary, so long as we remind our readers that
these descriptions apply to a variety of phenomena which are Daoist in very disparate senses,
and that such a view of Daoism is not an assertion about any collectivity which interacted
with other collectivities to shape science or other aspects of Chinese history. – Sivin, “On
the word ‘Taoist,’” 328.

It is important to distinguish the ways in which any given work is Daoist, and the

ways it is not, so that we can understand more accurately how it functioned in society. The

YXYML can be shown to be Daoist by textual association, although that much of its ethos

of conservatism and moderation enables it to be adopted equally as comfortably in an

ethically Confucian environment. Like the pre-unification yangsheng literature that Harper

describes, the YXYML participates in a broader resource of knowledge that was accessible

to many sectors of literate, elite society.

When we look at the textual affiliation that is set up in the first chapter, it is clear that

the author wishes this to be considered part of an elite stream from the earliest, most elite

79
Engelhardt “Qi for life.” Also see Kohn Seven Steps to the Dao.
80
Maspero, Taoism, 445.
 46

philosophical Daoist sources. He follows what he perceives to be a chronological order, as

such:81

1. Shennong jing 神農經 (Divine Husbandman’s Classic)

2. Daode jing 道德經 (Classic of the Way and its Power– Commentary by Heshang gong 河上公)
3. Zhungzi’s 莊子 Yangsheng pian 養生篇 (Chapter on Nourishing Life: With Commentary by Guo Xiang 郭
象, Ji Kang 嵇康 and Xiang Xiu 向秀) 82
4. Liezi 列子
5. Huanglao jing xuanshi 黃老經玄示 (Explications of the Mysteries of the Scriptures of Huangdi and
Laozi)

These are not ritual texts, nor do they come from any of the major Daoist sects such

as the Celestial Masters (Tianshi dao 天師道), Supreme Clarity (Shangqing 上清) or Numinous

Treasure (Lingbao 靈寶), although each of these works has been influential to these traditions.

There are no significant cosmological claims about the origin of the universe or hierarchies

of cosmic forces or deities. Most significantly, there is no otherworldly soteriology towards

which the practices are aimed. So when considering it to be a Daoist text, we must be clear

that it is not a religious Daoist text, and by some criteria, not really Daoist at all.83

By quoting in this order the author is trying to set up a lineage of texts that stretches

back to the beginnings of time, demonstrating the continuity between the wisdom of the

early sages and the practices in the YXYML. The editions he uses, and he incorporates

commentary, selects the intellectual heavy hitters, densely packing them against one another
81
Modern textual scholarship has long demonstrated that this is not in fact a chronological order. The title
Shennong jing is first attested in some Daoist works from the Jin dynasty, and only enters imperial bibliographies
in the Suishu. (Unschuld History of Ideas, 113-14). The dating of the Daode jingand Zhuangzi is not resolved,
and it is far from clear that Zhuangzi was in fact participating in a lineage that stemmed from Laozi, as
tradition holds to be the case (see Roth, “Chuang tzu”). The Liezi has been demonstrated to date from the
Eastern Jin, due to incorporated textual material which reflects late historical events (Barrett, “Lieh tzu”).
This means that the Huanglao xuanshi may predate the Liezi, but so little evidence of the former title
remains that we cannot prove this to be true. However, the traditional construction of lineage is clearly
visible here.
82 For details on these, see translation of Chapter 1, and Textual History.
83
Everett Zhang kindly shared with me a comment made to him by Kristoffer Schipper, to the effect that
the YXYML isn’t “strictly a Daoist text.” This was based largely on the lack of liturgical and ritual
practices, as well as the homogeneity of the material with much non-Daoist cultivation literature. Personal
communication, Everett Zhang, 2006.
 47

as if to provide a vanguard of authoritative literature behind which the lesser known practice

texts follow. The very first citation comes from what is arguably a Daoist, but more

certainly transcendent stream of medical thought, Shennong’s herbal pharmacopœia.84 That

this is a deliberate attempt at textual affiliation is not in doubt, and clearly demonstrates

Daoist affiliation.85 I would therefore maintain this is a Daoist text by the simple criteria of

self-identification, but that little else in the matter of the work that distinguishes it from

other non-Daoist literature.

84 Later on in the chapter the author cites a passage virtually identical to the Shennong jing passage from a
different source, the Confucian Kongzi jiayu [Apocrypha from the School of Confucius]. This shows that the
function of the first citation is not to inform readers of its content, but to indicate its provenance, and the
lineage the YXYML participates in.
85
Unschuld argues that a distinction between Daoist and Confucian medicine can be made based on strong
social distinctions that be seen in the authoritarian, Confucian stream of five phases and yinyang-based medical
theory as evidenced in the four volumes of the Huangdi neijing 黃帝內經 (Yellow Emperor’s Classic of Internal
Medicine) and the mountain-based, non-agrarian and immortality-centred Bencao tradition, which he typifies as
Daoist. (Unschuld, History of Ideas 51-116), This broad use of the terms Daoist and Confucian in this way belies
more careful, sensitive understandings of those terms in religious scholarship (see Sivin, “On the use of the
word ‘Taoist,’” 1978, and much scholarship since). Campany (To Live, 2002, 6) refrains from unequivocally
equating transcendents with “Daoists,” as do others. While the terms Unschuld uses may not bear out on
closer inspection, his insight into the different approaches to society, nature and rationality do ring true at
certain levels, and may be better understood as “utopian” and “locative” views, perspectives which often, but
not always, map onto the distinctions associated with the terms “Daoist” and “Confucian.” (Campany, personal
communication, 2006). There is much more to say about these two categories, but I do not have the space to
discuss them here.
 48

3.D Practices of the Self

I have argued above that it is the focus on cultivation that enables these practices to

operate in both religious and medical milieux. Yet what is being cultivated? As the title of

the text tells us, the focus is cultivating xing (yangxing 養性), and it is this which extends life

(yanming 延命). But what is this xing which is to be cultivated? In this section I will argue

that the cultivation of xing refers in part to an interiorized awareness of the body, which

bears strong similarities to the bodily self described in modern phenomenological studies.

Further, through focusing on thie kind of awareness in early texts we can it is similarly

invoked in discrete textual fields of philosophy, medicine and religion. This overlapping of

genres reflects the kinds of discourse that can be heard in modern day qigong groups.

First, let us begin by looking at xing itself. Maspero provides us with this definition:

It is this necessity of conserving the body, as the common dwelling of all that
constitutes the life and self of man, which gives birth to all the physiological practices I have
mentioned above. Their variety is related to the fact that man is composed of a body (xing
形), inside which are essence (jing 精), breath (qi 氣), and spirits (shen 神), the sum of which
constitutes the person (shen 身). The development of each of these constituent elements
becomes the raison d’etre for numerous special procedures consisting of “nourishing” (yang 養)
them: a procedure of “nourishing the breath” (yangqi 養氣), of “nourishing the spirits”
(yangshen 養神), of nourishing the body (yangxing 養形), the totality of which make up what is
called “nourishing the vital principle” (yangxing 養性). – Maspero, Taoism, p. 448.

Maspero’s description closely matches the aggregate of body maps in the YXYML, a

text he discusses at length in the same chapter. He provides no source for his assertion, and

I have not been able to find a similarly convenient, simple definition in any source texts that

I have come across, making it tempting to imagine that Maspero gets this idea from the

YXYML itself.

From his concept of yangxing as an umbrella term for the totality of disparate

cultivation practices, we are led to understand that xing is itself an umbrella term for the

body comprised of disparate entities. Further instances in Tang and pre-Tang literature
 49

show that xing is a polyvalent term which takes different meanings in different contexts. I

will argue in this section that xing points not only to maps of the interior body, but also

points to a phenomenological self.86

The YXYML defines xing by citing the Zhuangzi. It also weaves multiple later

commentaries on the passage which oppose the intellect to xing, stating that it is the intellect

which, in its insatiable search for more knowledge or intelligence, injures the inner nature.87

In the Yangsheng pian 養生篇 (Treatise on cultivating life)88, Zhuangzi says:

This life of ours, it has its limits… Xiangxiu 向秀 (?221-?300 C.E.; stylename Ziqi 子
期) says: As for the endowment of life, each person is limited to different amounts. …but knowledge
is limitless. Ji Kang 嵇康 says: To [plainly] desire without calculating forethought is a movement of
one’s xing. [But] to first become aware of something and then to radiate feeling is a function of knowing
(zhi 智). When the xing moves, the desire is equal to the thing encountered, and when it is satisfied, there
is no additional movement. But knowing seeks on the basis of feeling, and even when exhausted, it is unable
to stop. Thus the problems of the world are always to be found in knowing, not in the stirrings of
xing. …You are already in danger if you chase the limitless by means of the
limited… Guo Xiang 郭象(d. 312) states: In seeking limitless knowledge by means of the bounded
xing, how can one not encounter difficulty? …If you already know this, and strive for

86 One point bears mentioning here. As I have argued in the previous chapter, the YXYML was composed
during the early-mid Tang, a period of initial foment of the precursors of Song Inner Alchemy (neidan 內丹)
traditions. As such the nuances of meaning that are brought to bear in the YXYML and contemporaneous
yangsheng texts may have implications for the development of these traditions, inso far as they deal with the
moving of vital forces in the body. In later Inner Alchemy texts, xing is consistently used as an apposite pair to
ming 命 (more usually life, but here it refers to the body) and sometimes to qing 情 (emotion). (Clarke Hudson,
personal communication, 2006). Xingming is used in the strongly Buddhist-influenced Quanzhen 全真
(Complete Perfection) school to indicate a mind-body duality, where ming refers to the body and xing to the
mind. This usage is widespread through that school, enough so that the term acts as a marker which
distinguishes Quanzhen texts from the other major Song dynasty school, the Zhong-lü 鐘呂 (Robinet, “Original
Contributions of Neidan,” 305-6).
Neidan thought relies heavily on binary oppositions to qualify and describe internal forces in the body. This
dualistic opposition of mind and body, while not necessarily mapping exactly onto Cartesian dualism,
problematizes discussion of these states as “phenomenological” in the sense that Merleau-Ponty and his
predecessors intend it as a response to Cartesian dualism. This bears much further discussion elsewhere, but
suffice it to say at this point that my discussion of xing in relation to interior states a phenomenological self is
limited purely to yangsheng literature, specifically the texts cited in this thesis, but I tend to think that the
conclusions would extend to most other works within this genre.

87For textual, authorial and translation matters, please turn to the translation of chapter 1. Notably, the term
xing does not appear in the inner chapters, from which this quotation comes. This does not appear to concern
Guo Xiang or the editor who interpolated the other commentaries (see below), as each commentary is used to
interpret the passage as a distinction between inner nature and the intellect. It is not clear that the author of the
YXYML did the interpolating – it is most likely Zhang Zhan, who is known to have written a commentary on
the Zhuangzi, and who was also dealing with these other authors.

88For textual, authorial and translation matters, please turn to the translation of chapter 1.
 50

knowing, then you are in danger for certain! Xiang Xiu says: Having already become
embroiled in knowing, and then to contest for [more] in the service of knowledge, one is doubly in danger!
YXYML 1.1.2b-3a.

The commentators’ arguments, when put together like the editor has done, maintain

that xing has a distinct mode of perceiving the world around it, one which is set in contrast

to that of zhi 智 (knowledge, intellect, wisdom). The spontaneous intuition of xing is an

entirely superior episteme to the calculating but never-satisfied zhi. Its responses are natural

and entirely appropriate to its surroundings, and it does not get caught up in excessive

intellection. The case woven here is quite important to the framing of the YXYML, as it

appears in the earliest portion of chapter 1, amidst fragments I described earlier which seek

to establish a textual lineage through Shennong, Laozi, Zhuangzi and Liezi. As such, this

passage plays an important role in constructing a layered series of metaphors of the body

and self which frames the whole work.89

The mode of knowing described in the Zhuangzi is deeply involved with the body,

and the body’s natural responses, unpolluted, as it were, by culture. Readers familiar with

the Zhuangzi will know that this passage is immediately followed by the parable of Cook

Ding (Bao ding 庖丁), someone who demonstrates his refined state of perception through his

practice of ox-cutting.

Xing is not a purely human phenomenon. For Zhuangzi it is even more easily seen

in animals, where it is the source of immediate, natural responses to the environment, the

reservoir of instinctual drives:

89 The first quotation is from the Shennong jing which discusses the effect of what one eats on one’s character
and abilities. The second set of quotations is from the Heshang gong commentary to the Daode jing which
portrays the body as the site where Heaven and Earth commingle through the mouth and the nose, through
food and the breath, generating the five organs and their corresponding spirits. I discuss certain aspects of this
passage later in this section. The Zhuangzi passage follows, thus taking an important place in the developing
sequence of body-images in the YXYML. This quotation is one of the most commentated passages in the
entire work, parallel only to the Heshang Gong, and carries the most complex layering of different commentarial
authors of any fragment in the YXYML. The editions and sources of these commentaries are discussed in the
translation notes, and in the “Textual History” chapter.
 51

Horses’ hoofs(sic) are made for treading frost and snow, their coats for keeping out wind and
cold. To munch grass, drink from the stream, lift up their feet and gallop – this is the true
nature of horses (此馬之真性也) - Watson, Chuang-tzu, 104; Zhuangzi 8.330.

We know from other early Chinese philosophers that the xing referred to one’s basic

nature, not divorced from moral qualities. Mengzi (385-304 BCE) thought that xing was

basically pure and without judgment, a pure nature within humans which could be shaped

and allowed to flourish through education and study.

孟子曰: 人性之善也猶水之就下也人無有不善水無有不下。
Mengzi said: The virtue of goodness of human nature, like water, simply descends. There are
no humans without goodness, there is no water which does not descend. – Mengzi 11.192

Moreover, for Mengzi cultivation of virtue was not limited solely to mental discipline.

Cultivation of flood-like qi (haoran zhi qi 浩然之器) in his body was a moral enterprise which

enabled him to participate in an ideal ethic.

Xunzi (310-237 BCE), on the other hand, maintained that human nature was

fundamentally evil and in need of discipline and training in order to manifest goodness.

人之性惡，其善者偽也.
Human nature is evil, its goodness is constructed.– Xunzi 23.538

For both of them, however, xing represented the innate qualities or character that lay

at the foundation of a human being. This debate about human nature, or renxing 人性,

indicates an ethical, personal quality inherent in the term xing. The Mengzi and Xunzi were

both concerned with the effects that acculturation, particularly through education, had on

cultivating the ideal moral person. For all later readers who would have been familiar with

these discussions, xing carries with it this implication of the interaction of basic human

nature with acculturated behaviour and rational thought.

The differences between Mengzi’s and Xunzi’s views on the nature of human nature

require me to reflect on the way I have been attempting to describe this concept. Obviously
 52

there was not a clear, stable idea of xing upon which all agreed.90 Rather, it was used as a

critical term in these philosophical systems that took on shades of the larger concerns of

each author. They strive for a closed definition of the term, exclusive rather than inclusive.

As I have mentioned above, the YXYML is an eclectic work, and does not present an

integrated system of thought, but rather overlays many different models and systems over

each other to create a composite of ideas. In contradistinction to Xunzi and Mengzi, the

depictions of the body/self are allusive in nature, pointing to a variety of models. They are

not from the “either-this-or-that” model of definition, but rather of the “both-this-and-that”

type.91 This mode of thinking is familiar to students of Chinese medicine where multiple and

sometimes contradictory models are used in conjunction with little discomfort about their

points of contrast.92 It thus bears looking into other descriptions of xing which would have

informed Tang dynasty readings of the YXYML.

In the Zhuangzi, xing takes on repercussions which are more than just ethical; they

affect the body. Xing can be concealed and corrupted by following popular pursuits and, by

implication, neglecting one’s own inner promptings. This makes one vulnerable to the evils

of desire and hatred, the consequences of which, in turn, are taken on by one’s body.

Having one’s attention drawn outside, one loses awareness of the interior nature and this

causes dramatic physical symptoms. The compilers of the Za pian 雜篇 (Miscellaneous

90
For an excellent discussion of the variety of Warring States concepts around the term xing, see Graham
“The Background of the Mencian Theory of Human Nature,” 1990.
91
These distinctions are coined by Paul Unschuld in Chinese Medicine. (I have had to return my copy of
the book back through ILL, so I do not have the page reference, but I believe it occurs one of the latter two
chapters of the book). He discusses this mode of thinking about Chinese medicine by early Chinese
physicians who adopt a plurality of models in distinction to the scientific researchers in the 20th century
who seek to establish a single model explanatory model for their data.
92
See Farquhar, “Multiplicity, Point of View, and Responsibility in Traditional Chinese Healing”, 1994.
She describes how doctors, presented with contradictory data from patient reports, tongue, pulse and facial
diagnosis, are forced to make a “courageous choice” about a patient syndromes. This choice is usually
determined either by the doctors’ own previous experience, or by social allegiances to their own teachers.
 53

Chapters) describe how toxins then exude from the body, as if the impurities of the inner

nature were literally pouring out of the skin and orifices.

People of today, when they come to ordering their bodies and regulating their minds… turn
their backs on the Heavenly part, deviate from the xing, destroy the true form, and annihilate
the spirit, just to be doing what the crowd is doing. So he who is slipshod with his xing will
find the evils of desire and hate affecting his xing like weeds and rushes. When they first
sprout up, he thinks they will be a comfort to the body, but in time they end by stifling the
xing. Side by side they begin to break out and ooze forth, not on just one part of the body
but all over. Festering ulcers and boils, internal fevers and pus-filled urine – these are the
results! Watson “Chuang-tzu” 286-7, Zhuangzi 25.899.

The close relationship between the state of one’s xing and the health of the body are clear

here.

However, after the Warring States periodi, a change in emphasis occurs regarding

inner nature. This can be seen in a distinction made between yangxing and yangsheng in the

earliest extant copy of the Bencao jing 本草經[Pharmacopœia Classic],93 which prioritizes

life(sheng 生) over xing.

上藥一百二十種為君，主養命以應天，無毒，多服久服不傷人，欲輕身益氣不老延
年者，本《上經》。中藥一百二十種為臣，主養性以應人，無毒，有毒，斟酌其
宜，欲遏病補虛羸者，本《中經》。下藥一百二十五種為佐使，主治病以應地，多
毒，不可久服，欲除寒熱邪氣、破積聚、愈疾者，本《下經》。
Superior herbs: 120 kinds. They serve as lords, governing yangsheng, and correspond to
Heaven. They are non-toxic,one can take them in quantity and repeatedly. They do not
injure humans, they make the body light, benefit the qi, prevent aging and extend the years
Middling herbs: 120 kinds. They serve as ministers. They govern cultivation of inner
nature yangxing 養性, and correspond to humanity. There are non-toxic and toxic ones.
Carefully consider their benefits. They check illness, tonify deficiency and triumph.
Low herbs: There are 125 kinds. They serve as messengers and adjutants. They govern
the controlling of illness 治病, and correspond to the earth. They have a lot of toxins, and
one cannot take them for long. They disperse heat and cold, pathogenic qi, break up
stagnationt accumulations, and heal illnesses.–Tao Hongjing Bencaojing jizhu 本草經集注 3b,
Okanishisi p.2

93
The dating of this excerpt is difficult to trace. Tao Hongjing was This is found in the Shennong
bencaojing jizhu 神濃本草經集注, an annotated collection by Tao Hongjing (456-536 CE), which comes
to us in an edition reconstructed by Mori Risshi 森立之 and others between 1849 and 1852, on which
Okanishi Tameto’s 岡西為人 1972 reproduction is based. There are two other Dunhuang 敦煌 fragments
of the text, a Dunhuang edition held at Ryukoku 龍谷 University and the other at the Staatsbibliothek zu
Berlin Preußischer Kulturbesitz Orientabteilung, which is from a fragment of animal skin parchment found
in the Turfan. For more information on the dating of this text and other fragments, see Mayanagi Makoto
(2005).
 54

Unschuld interprets yangsheng in this passage to mean “the transformation of the

body into the immortal condition of ethereal matter,” i.e. attaining transcendence, and

juxtaposes this against the function of the low class of herbs to treat acute illness. However,

he does not describe what cultivation of inner nature implies.94 Not surprisingly, since

yangxing is not defined clearly here other than its mediate position between curbing illness

and cultivating longevity. Yangsheng is the superior activity related to immortality whereas

yangxing (the cultivation of inner nature) is an activity characterized by binary actions–

balancing the body by checking illness and tonifying deficiency, properties properly

belonging to the two poles of superior and lowly herbs. The herbs which yangxing are

similarly both toxic and tonifying, demonstrating no innate quality distinct from the other

two kinds. This mediate ground between longevity and illness occupied by xing in the Bencao

usage reflects in some ways the corruption of the body seen in the Zapian passage above

where xing is the mediator between ethical corruption and physical decay, but clearly the

emphasis in the Bencao passage is on physical health and indicates little or nothing to do with

the inner nature as a moral entity.

To complicate matters further, in the Baopuzi there are a number of pasasages where

yangsheng and yangxing are used in place of eachother in various Tang editions. These usages

usually refer to transcendence, as they occur in conjunction with the taking of alchemical

products, which in the Baopuzi are the sine qua non transcendent materials. This indicates a

lack of distinction between the two terms, contrasting with what we saw earlier in the Bencao

and the Zhuangzi.

Xing also referred to sexuality. As Vivienne Lo points out, this relationship between

sexuality and cultivating vitality is as old as yangsheng thought itself. She describes how in the

94
Unschuld, History of Ideas, 115.
 55

paramount way to observe the cultivation of vitality is through sexual cultivation practice i.e.,

the buildup of sexual excitement and retention of semen. Many important yangsheng-derived

metaphors for describing the body in Chinese medicine and later literature arose through

phenomenological experience of sexual conjugation, the act of producing life.95 While the

entirety of the accreted chapter six of the YXYML (“Yunü pian” 御女篇) is devoted to

sexual cultivation, references to the importance of semen and to reverting semen to

strengthen the brain (huanjing bunao 還精補腦) are also peppered throughout the rest of the

work. The importance of sexual cultivation in the YXML cannot be underestimated. As

Wile eloquently points out, to have sex is not just to join two bodies, but to conjoin the

primordial vital principles of the cosmos (he yinyang 合陰陽).96 When we consider the sexual

aspect of cultivating xing we should remember that it refers not simply to a vital force within

the body, but to the creative forces of universe which, when conserved and collected ensure

longer life, and when spent, mean death for the individual even in the act of creating new life.

As Lo points out in The Influence of Yangsheng Culture, one of the primary sources for
yangsheng knowledge and practice is the phenomenological experience of the body.
Interacting with extant cultural norms and metaphors, the experiences of early practitioners

and observers of the body have helped to shape the thought of yangsheng culture, which itself
had extensive effects on Chinese medicine prior to full fleshing-out of the five phases system
in the Han that can be seen in the Huangdi neijing. The attention to the body’s internal
sensations of itself and its spontaneous responses to the world around it is a common thread
which can be seen in Chinese medicine, philosophy and religious practice, and explicating

95
Lo, The Influence of Yangsheng Culture, 3.1.(iii) and 4.2. (My copy of her dissertation is digital, and
does not reflect the page numbers of the print copy.)
96
Wile, “The Metaphysical Ground,” in Art of the Bedchamber.
 56

this can help unravel the categorical problems that Westerners have when approaching these
topics. One aspect of this which is pertinent to the YXYML is the notion of unending

longevity as a religious goal, a notion which appears at first sight to Western readers as
particularly at odds with received concepts of ‘religion.’
These Through attending Kuriyama has demonstrated in his study of Chinese and
Greek medicine that representations and practices of the body are deeply imbued with
concepts of selfhood.97 When we consider the nuances of xing as described above, as moral,

physiological, instinctual and sexual, all of which registers operate in the YXYML to a
greater or lesser degree, we can see similarities to what Merleau-Ponty describes as the lived-
body, Ots as the Leib, and Yuasa as the “dark consciousness.” 98 Each of these authors
argues strongly for the existence of an embodied self, whose knowledge of itself and the
world around it is founded in internal sensations and reactions of the body. This bodily self
resides in both the mind and body, and collapses the Cartesian distinction between the two:
it is at once emotional and tactile, subject and object, the place of visceral, unpremeditated
reactions to the body’s surroundings. The appeal to a non-dual model of the body/mind is
immediately obvious to students of pre-modern Chinese culture, since much ink has been
spent demonstrating the non-dual cosmologies of early Chinese philosophy. 99 The equation
of the mind with the heart (xin 心), and the cosmological, spiritual, mental and physical

97
Kuriyama, Expressiveness of the Body.
98
Merleau-Ponty “The Lived Body,” 1999; Yuasa, The Body, 1987; Ots, “The Silenced Body - The
Expressive Leib” 1995.
99
On non-dual thinking see Graham, Disputers of the Dao, and numerous works by Hall and Ames, among
others.
One of the leading scholars of phenomenological anthropology, Thomas Csordas, although not writing
about China, has been leading this direction in recent years with works such as Body/Mind/ Healing and
Embodiment and Experience among others. His work seeks to foreground the direct experience of his
subjects and the interaction between cultural forms and personal agency. His work has been influential on
leading writers on Chinese medicine, such as Lo (The Influence) and Elisabeth Hsu (personal
communication, 2006).
 57

dimensions of qi 氣 make non-dual models invaluable when dealing with self-cultivation

literature.

Ots, Yuasa and Chen have argued that bodily cultivation practices like qigong, karate,
ikebana, zen archery and the like provide powerful loci of retreat from social milieux, where
individuals drop their socially determined identities and self-representations, and get in touch
with their own spontaneously emerging, undetermined being.100 Ots interprets the
spontaneous shaking and emotional outbursts of Hexiang zhuang qigong 鶴翔莊氣功 (Flying

crane qigong) practitioners as expressions of their leib, freed from the repression of socialist
state cultural expectations. Yuasa interprets a range of traditional practices from karate to
ikebana (Flower arranging) to zazen (Zen sitting practice) as ways to discipline the “bright
consciousness” or rational mind so that the “dark consciousness” of the somatic self can
recover its agency and spontaneously express itself through the cultural forms of the practice.
Chen’s work focuses on qigong groups as sites of social resistance to the norms of the
Chinese Socialist state during the qigong rechao 氣功熱潮, and points to this resistance as a
factor in the crackdown on such groups in the late 1980’s. The attention in recent years
clamoured for by the Falun gong 法輪工 group points as well to complex negotiations of
religion, exercise and social resistance that take place in the site of individual bodies.
To argue that this interiority is a place of retreat from social milieux is not to say that
such an action is devoid of power relations. Rather, to retreat from society is itself an act of
power and of negotiation. These acts of retreat enable individuals to return to their social
millieux with a renewed sense of vigour and sense of self, empowered to act as agents within,
rather than subjects of, their cultural contexts. It is worth distinguishing two kinds of power,
however, which are often elided and cause considerable confusion in discussions of religious
expression and sectarianism. The first is power to express oneself, and the second is power
over others. The attempt to retreat and give expression to one’s emerging Leib, as Ots

100
Chen, Breathing Spaces, 2003.
 58

describes his informants, or as Yuasa describes practitioners of East Asian bodily arts, falls
under and act of power of the first order. The adoption of normalized patterns of

expression and articulation to demonstrate one’s inclusion in a social network, and skill in
which grants one access to increased power within that group would fall under the second.
It bears further exploration elsewhere whether this criteria matches up to assessments of
“true” and “false” practitioners. A key problem with observing these two expressions of
power is that they manifest through identical media, that is, the forms of bodily practice that

the practitioner has received in training.

It is the attempt to get at the first kind of spontaneous self-expression that motivates
Yuasa and Ots’ descriptions of the phenomenological self. Csordas puts it in this way:
No matter how successful literary scholars might be in animating texts, in bringing them
to life, textual(ist) interpretations remain inflections of experience, slightly to the side of
immediacy… If the body can be shown to be the existential ground of culture and self rather
than simply their biological substrate, the way would be clear for understanding the body as
not only essentially biological, but as equally religious, linguistic, historical, cognitive,
emotional and artistic. – Csordas, Body/Meaning/Healing, 3-5.

In describing the body as a site of resistance to and reformulation of social norms

these authors have looked to contrast individuals’ experiences of themselves and their bodies
in distinction to the normative cultural models they find themselves situated in. This
viewpoint is one that privileges the responses of living informants, sources of information
that those dealing with early texts do not have access to. Csordas claims that textual studies
are always limited by their distance from their subjects, and that they cannot describe the
experiences of their informants. Rather than showing how individuals respond to cultural
norms, texts are themselves the vehicles of those norms.
Can this really be said to be true? For surely, even anthropologists have no direct

access to the experiences of their informants. Those experiences are communicated via
expressions, bodily postures, verbal discourse and the like, which anthropologists in turn
communicate to their audience through written media and oral presentations. Even
spontaneous expressions of the phenomenological body are always mediated to second-party
observers through culturally recognizable forms, as Ots describes:
 59

I want to… suggest that the structure of culture is homologous with the basic ways our Leib
is perceived. It frames, diminishes, or even restricts our perception, awareness and
consciousness of the Leib. Under normal (cultural) circumstances, the Leib is thus hindered
in its self-expression. However, even in special situations (e.g. the cathartic effect of qigong in
our case), when the Leib is set free from cultural restraints, it becomes free in culturally
recognizable ways… Culture organizes our means of public expression of leibly renderings.

This reflects Yuasa’s understanding of cultural forms such as ikebana, karate

and the like, as vehicles for the expression of the “dark consciousness.” Ots and

Yuasa disagree on a major point, however. Ots interprets the cathartic expression of

the Leib in qigong practices as resoving latent tensions in the psyche. Yuasa is very

explicit in his claim that cultivation practices go “beyond” Freudian therapeutic

models (which are negative in that they focus on resolving illness), to establishing

communication between the conscious mind and deeper artistic and religious drives

of the human being. This positive model reflects more closely the idea of

“cultivation” which distinguishes yangsheng approaches to the body from medical

ones that intervene only when illness has arisen. Much more work needs to be done

on this attitude toward self-cultivation (xiuxing 修行 ) in East Asian cultivation

practices, but this is beyond the scope of this thesis.

This much of Csordas’ critique holds true: there is no way for us to go back

in time and observe the kinds of effects that yangsheng practices would have had on

people in the early Tang dynasty and earlier. We cannot access the subjectivities of

ancient peoples. However, using the phenomenological body as a critical lens, we

can get a richer reading of early texts which can answer important questions.

Vivienne Lo’s thesis amply demonstrates that experiences are in early texts, through

detailed descriptions of the changing states of the body. These observations, as she

points out throughout her thesis, inform, but are also shaped by literary and cultural

metaphors available to the authors, they show the interaction of people’s subjective
 60

observations with their attempts to categorize them in thought-structures available to

them at the time.

That subjectivity is a matter of concern in the YXYML is, I hope, shown by my

arguments above. This has implications for our understanding of the reception and

application of yangsheng texts. States of interiority are an important component of the

yangsheng practices I have described earlier, not only in the YXYML, but through yangsheng

literature from the earliest times on:

The imagination and experience of qi in the body inspired a literary culture that most closely
reveals the body as the subject, rather than object of the texts. By this I mean that qi (when
applied to a condition of the inner body) in both Maishu and Yinshu always reveals an
attempt to interpret and describe a phenomenological experience of one's own body,
whether in health or in illness. – Lo, The Influence, 3.1.(iii)

That the body is rendered a complex site where religious and medical

concerns are negotiated can be seen in the YXYML. In the Heshang gong fragment in

the YXYML, breathing meditation is described as that which connects Heaven and

Earth. The attention to the breath is a spiritual, as much as bodily experience:

This is known as the Mysterious Female. This refers to the way of immortality, which exists
within the Mysterious Female. Mystery is Heaven which, in humans, becomes the nose… As for Heavenly
food, people take in the five qi101 through the nose, and store it in the heart/mind. The five qi are pure –
they subtly transform into semen and spirit, intelligence, speech, and the five natures. The ghosts102 of Heaven
are known as the cloudsouls. The cloudsouls are masculine. Entering and exiting through the nose, they
communicate with Heaven; this is why the nose is called Mysterious… [Breathe] in an unbroken thread,
as if to conserve [the breath] The inbreath and outbreath of the nose and mouth ought to be subtle and
delicate, like a continuous thread, as if it could be conserved, and as if it has no form. Use it sparingly. The
qi ought to be easy and relaxed, not hurried or laboured. – YXYML 1a-b, Daodejing v. 6, (Heshang gong
is italics).

Attention to the experience of the breath moving in and out of the nose and mouth

is described as that which empowers the psychological faculties of spirit, intelligence and

speech. Retreat into interior awareness of the body is an action that revivifies the body and

101
The five phases or elements 五行 are: water, wood, fire, earth and metal. For a complete table of their
corresponding flavours, seasons and such, see Veith, The Yellow Emperor’s Classic of Internal Nature, 21.
102
Gui 鬼: Often translated as ghost, this term is etymologically related to gui 歸 (return), and hence refers
to a spirit that returns.
 61

empowers the whole person. This is reinforced soon after in a quotation from the Liezi 列

子, and becomes a theme which pervades the YXYML:

The Liezi says: …Quieten the spirits and extinguish thought, this is the way of life. When
the beginnings and endings are harmonious, then the spirits and will are not dissipated. – YXYML
1.1.3b.103

Yan Junping’s 嚴君平 104 Laozi zhigui 老子指歸 says: Let your heart roam in emptiness and
stillness, bind up your will with subtle wonders, contemplate desirelesness in a state of ease, guide
your strategies with non-action. Then you can master life, extend your destiny and live as long as the
Way. – YXYML1.1.3b

When we take this into consideration it becomes clearer why these practices are

adopted in religious regimes. To perceive the interior of the body is to have access to its

inner movements and sensations, and thus to contact the forces of life (sheng 生) itself. As

Lo states, descriptions of qi in early yangsheng texts are always associated with descriptions of

the body’s experience of itself, and these are always intertwined with the imaginative

metaphors that give shape and context to these interior sensations.

Chinese religions are not a Deus-ex-machina cosmologies. The Dao manifests itself as

and in the world. To be aware of the forces of life within oneself and to follow their

patterns is to participate in the divine. This belies Euro-centric conceptions of religion as

focused on an afterlife, of a God who is most fully encountered after death. Here, in the

living, breathing world the Dao can be known, through the patterns in the sky, the changes

of the weather, and the breath in the body. The quest for transcendence is the yearning to

remain permanently immersed in the Dao, to be close to it always by refining and subtilizing

the body so that it stands on par with the Dao, rather than a cowardly clinging on to life in

103
Commentary (italicized) appears to be by Zhang Zhan.
104
Junping, stylename Yan Zun 嚴尊(c. 80BCE – c.10CE), was a renowned diviner during his time. For
more information, see chapter 1.
 62

fear of death, in the way Feng-yu Lan portrays it, using the classic Confucian idiom.105 Even

where Daoist sects constructed complex images of the afterlife, the underworld and the

celestial bureaucracy, the living body is an indicator of one’s adherence to the Dao. In the

early Celestial Master (Tianshi dao 天師道) community, ill-health was a sign of sins against

the Dao, which needed to be purged by confession. In Shangqing Daoism the body became a

vessel for increasingly refined qi, and when sufficiently purified would allow one access to

the highest realms of Heaven (Shangqing 上清).106 Similar explanations have been offered as

to why Chinese medicine never developed an anatomical science– there is no point to

examining a dead body, as the forces of life that doctors want to understand have already left

the body.107

In this section, I have argued for yangsheng cultivation as an important lens into

Chinese ideas of bodiliness, selfhood and personal and physical development. Through a

clearer understanding of these, it becomes possible to see how the seemingly disparate

textual fields of philosophy, religious cultivation and medicine are deeply related in practice

through the medium of the bodily self. This can further be seen in the annotations to the

translation, which demonstrate the explanatory power of a wide range of philosophical,

medical and religious work to make clear key concepts at work in the pages of the YXYML.

105
Lan Fengyu, A Short History of Chinese Philosophy, 60-67.
106
See Bokenkamp, Early Daoist Scriptures.
107
In its simplest formulation this theory has suffered some criticism, but traces of it can still be seen in
current histories of Chinese medicine, such as Kuriyama’s prize-winning Expressions. In his chapter on
pulse diagnosis, he emphasizes that it is flow rather than the structure of the body that kept physician’s
attention in early China.
 63

4 Translation

4.A Preface to the Records of Nourishing Inner Nature and Extending Life
(Yangxing yanming lu xu 養性延命錄序)

Only humans regard received qi and inner numen108 as valuable. As for what people

value, they place the highest value on life.109 Life is the basis of spirit, and the body is spirits’

tool. When spirit is greatly used then it is exhausted, when the body is greatly laboured, then

it dies.110

108Bingqi huailing 稟氣含靈 refers to the physical constitution allotted before birth, also known as pre-heaven
or pre-natal qi (xiantian qi 先天氣):
人生稟氣，各有攸處，想示消息。
As for humans’ innate qi, each [one] has their [own] strengths, and wishes to display his or her
merits and faults. - GYCD citing Za tie 雜帖 by Wang Xianzhi 王獻之 （344-386）

This phrase also appears in Buddhist scriptures:

稟氣含靈，唯命為重。
As for received qi and inner numen, it’s only one’s allotted lifespan that is important.
– Lidai Sanbaoji 歷代三寶紀 (CBETA, T49, no. 2034,108, a13)

109 This high value placed on inner nature (xing 性) is evidenced elsewhere:
子曰：天地之性，人為貴。
Confucius said: As for the nature of Heaven and Earth, people are the most valued.–Xiao Jing 孝
經 (Scripture of Filiality, in Mugitani, Yosei yoshû, 59 n.1)

隆上疏對曰：臣聞天地之性，惟人為貴，人之所貴莫貴於生
Long submitted a memorial which responded: Your humble servant has heard
that as for the nature of heaven and earth, only humans are valued. And among
that which humans value, none is as valuable as life. –Qianjin Fang 1.8a3-4

This excerpt from the Qianjin Fang comes in a dialogue between Wei Wudi (Caocao) 魏武帝 and Huang
Fulong 皇甫隆 in Sun Simiao’s preface to chapter 27 on “Cultivating Inner Nature” (Yangxing 養性). Huang
Fulong is also attested as a figure from the Wei dynasty in the Hanwudi Waizhuan 漢武帝外傳 (Exoteric
Traditions of Han Emperor Wu) HY292, where he has a conversation with Liu Jing 劉京 in 222 or 223.
(Campany, To Live, 449).
The close similarity in wording with the Yangxing Yanming Lu here may indicate either copying from one
text into the other or an identical common source. I have not sought out further information on Sun’s source
text.

110 When located in a living body, shen 神 often implies spirits dwelling in the body and various organs, as can
be commonly found in visualization practices and incantations, as in the Huangting jing. It can also be a mass-
noun, at once the substance of consciousness, somewhat like the Sanskrit term manah (loosely “mind-stuff”),
and at the same time having volume: the Huangdi neijing suwen 黃帝內經素問 27 contains passages where shen
is thought of as a fluid substance that can leak out of acupuncture points at the end of needling treatment.
 64

If one can let the heart/mind roam in emptiness and stillness,111 cease thought112 and

not act,113 ingest primal qi114 in the early morning,115 regularly practice daoyin 導引116 in one’s

Exceptions to this would be when specific deities, or shen, are visualized in the body. These shen
take a greater distance from the self, and usually correlate with other, greater, powers within the larger
cosmos.
The sentence here echoes Sima Qian 司馬遷 (145 B.C.E.- 87 B.C.E.):
神大用則竭，形大勞則敝，形神離則死．死者不可復生，離者不可復反，故聖人重之．由
是觀之，神者生之本也，形者生之具也．
The spirit, when greatly used it is exhausted, when the body is greatly laboured it is worn out – when
body and spirit separate then death occurs. Those who die cannot be reborn, those who separate
cannot return again: thus sages value them. From this one can see that the spirit is the root of life,
and the body is the tool of life.– Shiji 史記 (Records of the Gand Historian), 130.3292.

111 Youxin xujing 遊心虛靜: This echoes an excerpt from Heshang Gong’s 河上公 commentary to the Daode
jing in chapter 2, and points to meditative practices:
致虛極，守靜篤。
To attain the pinnacle of vacuity, abide in silence with sincerity.–Daode jing 16

This in turn echoes the Zhuangzi’s use of the phrase to refer to contemplation practice. For a discussion of
emptiness and silence in early Daoist meditation practice, See Roth, “Early Mystical Praxis,” 74-78.

112 Xilu 息慮: A reference to meditation practice.

113Wuwei 無為: The literature on non-action is too extensive to be covered here. Suffice it to say that, in this
refers to a mode of activity where the agent responds to his or her environment spontaneously and perfectly,
having attained a quiescent state of being. Zhuangzi describes this in parable form in his many stories of skilled
and able craftsmen and workers, such as Cook Ding 丁 and the Cicada-catcher in chapter 3, Yangsheng zhu 養
生主. This term is used in works on politics, philosophy, literature and practical crafts and arts. For a recent
study of the different senses that wuwei implied in Warring States thought, see Slingerland, Effortless Action. Also
see Graham, Disputers of the Dao, Watson, Hall and Ames, Allen The Way of Water and the Sprouts of Virtue.

114Fu yuanqi 服元氣: The practice of imbibing qi either on its own or in medicines, and circulating it through
the body goes back at least to the Inner Chapters of the Zhuangzi, dated to about 320 B.C.E.. An extensive range
of practices and terms arose, of which this is one, including: daoyin 導引 (see note 9 and Chapter Five below);
ingesting qi (shiqi 食氣); circulation of pneumas (xingqi 行氣); expelling and absorbing (tuna 吐納) and foetal
breathing (taixi 胎息). (See Introduction and Campany, To Live, 19-22).
In this case, the ingestion is of primordial qi (yuanqi 元氣). Primordial qi, on the one hand, refers in
Daoist ritual contexts to one of the triune qis of Mystery (xuan 玄), Origin (shi 始) and Primordiality (yuanqi
元), breaths of the Dao which constitute the body of Lord Lao (Loajun 老君 and the universe (Schipper, Daoist
Body, 118, and Strickmann, Chinese Magical Medicine, 288 n.18).
On the other hand, in the microcosm of the body (in which context it is sometimes also written as yuanqi
原氣 or source qi), primordial qi is associated with the genitals, the kidneys, and jing 精(essence: for more on
essence, see below). It stimulates the functional (as opposed to structural) activity of the organs (for more on
organs or orbs, see below), facilitates the transmutation of ancestral qi (zongqi 宗氣) into true qi (zhenqi 真氣),
and of food qi (guqi 穀氣) into blood (xie 血). Macciocia considers yuanqi the subtle or energetic form of jing,
and maintains that it circulates around the body through the meridians (mai 脈) of the body. (Macciocia,
Foundations of Chinese Medicine, 41f. and see his sources for this in the Nanjing 難經(Classic of Difficulties) 66).
See also Eskildsen (Asceticism, 44-51) for a discussion of ingesting primordial qi in extreme fasting regimens
such as that in the Taiqing zhonghuang zhenjing 太清中黃真經 HY816 (Central Yellow True Scripture of the
 65

meditation chamber,117 nurture life without loss,118 and take a variety of fine herbs119 then

living to the old age of a hundred120 would be a common allotment.121 As for: being willfully

Grand Purity). He dates this regimen to the “fourth century or earlier” (44), placing it within the date-range of
many source texts of the Yangxing yanming lu. Switkin also describes the ingestion of primal qi as a stage of
purification, gradually replacing the unpurified qi of the body until the practitioner attains immortality. He cites
the main method for doing so as foetal breathing (Immortality, 16 ff, 25 n.22).

115 Zi 子, the time between 11pm and 1am, is considered the time of ascendance of yang 陽, the masculine
positive principle. Practicing in the afternoon and evening is thought to cause one to ingest yin qi 陰氣, which
is feminine and negative. Ge Hong states:
一日一夜有十二時，其從半夜以至日中六時為生炁，從日中至夜半六時為死炁，死炁
之時，行炁無益也。
A day and a night contains 12 watches. The six watches from midnight until noon manifest the
qi of life, and the six watches from noon until midnight manifest the qi of death. During the
period of death-qi, circulating qi is of no benefit. – Baopuzi 8.3a9-3b2.

116 Daoyin (guiding and pulling): An umbrella term for circulating qi around the body through a combination of
stretches and twists combined with breathing and some internal visualization or “tactilization” (internal
contemplations of the body which develop a tactile sensitivity to qi). The most accurate translation of this term
into Western cultural terms would be “yoga,” as hatha yoga bears a high degree of similarity and to daoyin.
However “yoga” as it is currently used in popular circles to refer simply to hatha yoga is a reduction of a
complex and rich term that spans many different practices and nuances within Indian traditions. To refer to it
as hatha yoga would also be incorrect. Similarly I avoid translating the term as “gymnastics” so as not to infer
the kind of athleticism exhibited in gymnastics as we know it today. The main goals of this are agility,
suppleness, and aesthetics of form based on Greek models of the body involving musculature, whereas daoyin
exercises are intended to cultivate qi.
The other English translation of daoyin as “Guiding and Pulling” being somewhat cumbersome I opt for
the Chinese, with the assumption that the kinds of exercise involved in daoyin are made clear from the
translation of chapter five. The term daoyin is already finding its way into Western usage as practitioners of
Chinese body cultivation are adopting it in wider circles in the wake of qigong, which itself is close to becoming
a word in the English vocabulary.
For further reading on the distinctions and parallels between Greek and Chinese bodily models, see:
Kuriyama, Expresiveness of the Body, Lloyd & Sivin The Way and the Word and for a survey of pre-Tang literature
on daoyin, see Despeux, (Gymnastics: The Ancient Tradition: 1989).

117Xianshi 閑室: This kind of structure, also known as “Chamber of Quietude” jingshi 靜室, jingshe 靜舍,
qingshe 清舍, and sometimes translated as “oratory,” was a separate building used for spiritual practices. Also
used for ritual petitioning of spirits, this was a small wooden hut detached from the main residence. In some
cases, entering the chamber had its own rituals, and those who were ritually unclean (by contact with the dead,
childbirth and such) were not allowed to approach it. (Nickerson, “The Great Petition for Sepulcural Plaints,”
232 & 251 n.4).

118 Sheyang 攝養: Another term largely synonymous with yangsheng 養生 and yangxing 養性. Sun Simiao’s
longevity text, the Sheyang zhenzhong fang 攝養枕中方 (Pillowbook Formulas for Nurturing Life) is an example.
“Without loss” presumably refers to not losing seminal essence (jing 精), as the loss of essence was thought
to bring about early death. See excerpts from the Pengzu jing 彭祖經 in Chapter One and also see Wile, Art of
the Bedchamber.

119
Jian’er 兼餌: Jianwei 兼味 means variety of food (M830, 115) thus I take jian’er to mean variety of prepared
medicinal herbs.
 66

absorbed122 in sensuous pleasures;123 employing one’s knowledge to scheme for fortune and

rank; constantly vexing one’s mind with gain and loss; being powerless to resolve hindrances

and irritations; laxity in propriety and regulation; eating and drinking without measure and so

on - it is preferable to avoid an early death, isn’t it?

Since I had a little free time for reading,124 I simply looked over the Yangsheng yaoji once

again. This collection includes [the work of] ancient sages like Zhang Zhan 張湛 and Daolin

道林, and those of the same ilk as Zhai Ping 翟平 and Huang Shan 黃山.125 They were all

120 Qi 耆. In the Zhuangzi Robber Zhi 盜跖 says:

人上壽百歲，中壽八十，下壽六十
The utmost in human longevity is one hundred years, the average is eighty and lesser longevity is
sixty years. – Zhuangzi 9.29.28

This is also the length of time suggested by Qibo to Huangdi in the first passage of the Huangdi
neijing suwen, quoted in Chapter 1. See introduction for a discussion of this length of lifespan as a
moderate claim for yangsheng practices.

121Fen 分. In Han and Wei/Jin 魏晉 Daoism, allotted lifespans were described in the idiom of bureaucratic
Daoism as the length of an individuals’ life as determined by the Celestial Bureaucracy on the basis of their
birth time and place. This allotment could be altered by judicial decree, as a result of petitions and other rituals
and was also affected by a person’s meritorious or sinful deeds during their lifetime (Campany To live, 47-52;
Bokenkamp Early Daoist Scriptures p 55, n. 107). On the whole, the Yangxing yanming lu operates outside of this
bureaucratic idiom, but the idiom’s influence can clearly be seen here in the term fen. Notably, allotment also
has valency within the qi idiom, as an apportionment of yuanqi. On the idioms of qi and bureaucracy in Daoist
writings, see Campany, To live).

122 Dan 躭 (Mo6029) is a variant for dan 眈, which means to stare, hence absorption.

123 Shengse 聲色: Sound and colour here refer to excesses in sensual stimulation.
太史公曰：夫神農以前，吾不知已．至若詩書所述虞夏以來，耳目欲極聲色之好，口
欲窮芻豢之味，身安逸樂，而心誇矜埶能之榮使．
The Grand Historian comments: I do not know what was before the Divine Husbandman
(mythical r. 2737 - 2697 B.C.E.). From the times of Yu and Xia which the Classics of Odes and
History describe, ears and eyes have longed for the ultimate in aural and visual diversion, while
mouths have yearned to exhaust the flavours of livestock. Even when one enjoys rest and leisure,
the heart/mind boasts of power and ability in glorious service.– Shiji 192.3523

124Zhiguan 止觀. This binome has been interpreted a number of ways. Barrett (1982) understands it to refer to
a substitute for the Zhenguan 貞觀 reign period(627-650) reign period tabooed during the Song. Mugitani
interprets it as referring to œamatha-vipaœyanâ, or Buddhist “Calming and Contemplation” meditation. See section on
“Dating and Authorship of the Yangxing yanming lu” in the introduction.
125
See Introduction for all four individuals. For the former two, also see the first two entries in Textual
History.
 67

of good conduct and exceedingly wondrous; their goal was the conservation and cultivation

of life. Some compiled the rules of longevity of the Perfected126 in transcendent scriptures,127

some were able to glean the ‘long-in-the-teeth’ (longevous) arts of Pengzu 彭祖128 and Laozi.

The compilation starts from the time of Shennong 神農 and Huangdi 黃帝,129 and extends

126The Perfected, some times translated as “true man” is category of holy person that takes different meanings
in different periods. In the Zhuangzi, for example, he appears with God-like powers, immune to all manner of
harm:
The Perfect Man is godlike. Though the great swamps blaze, they cannot burn him’ thought the great
rivers freeze, the cannot chill him; though swift lightning splits the hills and howling gales shake the
sea, they cannot frighten him. A man like this rides the clouds and mist, straddles the sun and moon,
and wanders beyond the four seas. Even life and death have no effect on him, much less the rules of
profit and loss!–The Complete works of Chuang Tzu 2.46

In the Eastern Jin 晉 dynasty (317-420), just before Zhang Zhan wrote the Yangsheng yaoji, the Perfected
become defined as denizens of the Supreme Clarity Heaven in Shangqing Daoist literature. They are pictured
as highly literate, very powerful spiritual beings with access to numinous realms, knowledge and qi that humans
are too impure to receive. To become a perfected in this schema is to surpass the level of mere transcendence,
of xian 仙. The Shangqing concept is not present in the YXYML, which accords much more closely to the
Zhuangzian ideal. See the Heshang gong 河上公 fragment from the chapter one, titled Hunyuan daodejing 混元道
德經.

127 Xianjing 仙經: A generic term for transcendent texts. See entry in textual background chapter.

128Pengzu, or Patriarch [of the] Peng, (given name Jian Keng 籛鏗), is a long-standing figure in transcendent
mythology. Traditions hold that he was the great-great grandson of Thearch Zhuanxu 顓頊, by the time he
was 767 he had not physically aged. The king of Yin 殷(another name for the Shang 商 dynasty) offered him
the post of Grand Master 大夫, which he refused, protesting illness. Most versions of the story have Yin’s
harem girl 采女 going to Peng to learn the arts of longevity and sexual cultivation from him, the exchange
between them constituting the bulk of those texts. (Campany, To Live, 172-3; Wile, Art, 228-9, n. 13,14).
Pengzu is referred to in reference to sexual cultivation in Han texts and later, most conspicuously in the
Baopuzi, but as he appears in the early 3rd century B.C.E in the health-related Shiwen 十問 (Ten questions), one
of the medical texts from the Mawangdui tombs (See Harper, “Sexual Arts” and Early Chinese Medical Literature
for more on his significance in these).
Pengzu was the fabled transcendent who achieved his longevity through sexual cultivation practices,
passed on to the “Simple Girl.” Where the DZ has Peng Keng 彭鏗, his given name, the YJ has Pengzu 彭祖.
See notes on Pengzu fragments in chapter one for more details.

129Shennong 神農 is translated as the Divine Husbandman, or the Divine Farmer. He is one of the legendary
founders of China, and is also known as Yandi 炎帝, the Fiery Thearch. According to legend, he reigned from
2737 to 2697 B.C.E., and among many other great accomplishments, is credited with discovering the medicinal
properties of many herbs in the Chinese pharmacopeia, known as the Shennong Bencaojing 神農本草經 (Divine
Husbandman’s Pharmacopeic Classic). See Textual History for further details.
The Yellow Emperor (Huangdi 黃地) is traditionally considered the ancestor of all China and credited
with the authorship of the Huangdi neijing 黃帝內經 (Yellow Emperor’s Classic of Internal Medicine) as well as many
other heroic acts. Twentieth Century scholarship has dated its composition the 1st, 2nd and 3rd centuries B.C.E.
 68

to the Wei and Jin dynasties. There are only benefits from cultivating life, and it furthermore

[prevents] injury from later diseases.130

I first made notes of these texts, and now have summarized and extracted the essential

methods, clearing away the numerous weeds of confusion, and categorized them into

chapters by topic, which comprise two volumes.131 Each volume has three chapters, and the

entire work is titled Yangxing yanming lu.132 I wrote it with the intention to be of assistance,

and hope that this record is a useful item to rely on. (Some maintain that this text was

compiled by Sun Simiao).133

(Unschuld, Medicine in China, 75; Sivin Huangdi neijing, 199). For in-depth discussion of this text, also see
Unschuld Huangdi neijing suwen, and forthcoming publications.

130The translation reflects the YJ text: 及無損於後患. The DZ has 及招損於後患: “while the ill-after effects
[of not doing so] invite decay.”

131 In the YJ the phrase about two volumes has been excised, since it is condensed into a single volume.

132The YJ has Yangxing Yannian lu 養性延年錄 (Records of Cultivating Life and Extending One’s Years)
here, even though the YJ is titled Yangxing Yanming lu. This title does come up in the Chongwen zongmu 崇文總
目 (1042) (van der Loon Taoist Books, 159), so it appears to have also circulated under this variant title.

133 See section on “Dating and Authorship of the Yangxing yanming lu.”
 69

4.B Yangxing Yanming Lu Volume 1

Compiled by Tao 陶 the Recluse of Huayang 華陽134

Chapter One: Teachings and Prohibitions (Jiaojie pian di yi 教誡篇第一)

The Shennong jing 神農經 (Classic of The Divine Husbandman) says:135

“Those who eat grains are wise and intelligent. Those who ingest stones are plump and

lustrous, and do not age (this refers to the practice of “five stones”).136 Those who eat

134
This refers to Tao Hongjing. Huayang Guan 華陽館 is the name of the hermitage he built on Mao Shan 矛
山 where he composed his three major works, the Zhengao 真誥, the Bencaojing jizhu 本草經集注 and the
Dengzhen yinjue 登真隱訣. (Strickmann, “On the Alchemy of Tao Hongjing,” 142).

135Although this title appears to be a shorthand for Shennong bencaojing, the early Daoist medical pharmacopœia,
extant editions do not contain this quotation, including reconstructions of Tao Hongjing’s Bencaojing jizhu.
(This is further evidence that Tao did not compose the YXYML).
In general this quotation runs along the same theme as the Kongzi Jiayu 孔子家語 quotation below, in
DZ1.5a. A very similar quotation is found elsewhere in the Kongzi jiayu:
食水者善遊而耐寒，食土者無心而不息 ，食木者多力而不治，食草者善走而愚，食桑
者有緒而蛾 ，食肉者勇毅而捍，食氣者神明而壽，食穀者智惠而巧，不食者不死而
神。
Those who drink water are good at swimming and resistant to cold; those who eat soil are
mindless and do not breathe; those who eat wood are strong and uncontrollable; those who eat
grasses are good at walking but dim-witted; those who eat mulberry produce thread and become
moths; those who eat meat are courageously resolute and rebellious; the spirits of those who
ingest qi are bright, and they live eternally; those who don’t eat at all are immortal and become
gods. –Kongzi jiayu (ICS) 25.49.5-6

This passage echoes nearly identical passages in the Dadai Liji 大戴禮記 (Second century C.E.)
Chapter 81, Huainanzi 淮南子 (179-139 B.C.E.) HY1176 7.8b1-7 and Soushenji 搜神記 juan 12 (For
translation, see Dewoskin and Crump, In Search of the Supernatural, p 142). This basic idea is also
repeated below in the excerpt from the Kongzi jiayu. See Textual History for more details.

136
Wushi 五石: “Five stones” often refers a decoction of five different minerals which is said to grant
miraculous powers. Recipes vary, but by Ge Hong’s time, this becomes largely stabilized (Sivin, Nathan
“Theoretical Background of Laboratory Alchemy” 1980 http://ccat.sas.upenn.edu/~nsivin/alch.html
December 31, 2005). The formula in the Baopuzi is:
五石者，丹砂，雄黃，白礜，曾青，慈石也。
The five minerals are: cinnabar, realgar, arsenolite, laminar malachite and magnetite. Bao Puzi 抱
朴子 4.11a5-6
 70

excrescences137 lengthen their years and do not die. Those who ingest primal qi cannot be

entombed by Earth, cannot be killed by Heaven. This is why those who ingest medicinals

transcend their nature, they stand on par with the sun and moon.” 138

The Hunyuan daojing 混元道經 (Primordial Chaos Scripture of the Way)

says:139 The spirit of the valley does not die. (Heshang Gong states: The valley refers to cultivation. If

The correspondence of the five minerals with the five elements, and their associated planetary powers is
discussed in depth in Sivin.

137Zhi 芝: As with many early Chinese medicinal references, it is difficult to establish exactly what entit(ies)
this term refer(s) to. As late as the sixth century, Tao Hongjing complained about the inaccuracy of herbal
identification, and the potential for falsification on the part of the collectors, herbalists and the prescribing
doctors who formed the chain of supply to patients in his time (Harper, Early Chinese Medical Literature, 100).
The lore surrounding zhi is extensive and rich. The most famous tale from official histories occurred
during Qinshi Huangdi’s 秦始皇地 (r. 255-209 B.C.E.) rule in 219 when he sent Xu Fu 徐福 with a large
number of young boys and girls to find the herb(s) of longevity on the island of Penglai 蓬萊. Xu has become
suspected by fabulists to have founded Japan. There are numerous temples to him on the east coast of
Honshû, where to this day, his arrival to Japan is celebrated with an annual matsuri festival.
Zhi had been famous for some time before Qinshi Huang’s fascination with their magical properties.
Needham and Lu (Vol 5.2, 114 ff) suspect that its entrance into China and association with longevity derives
originally from the Aryan Soma ritual, wherein hallucinogenic mushrooms were ingested during a ritual.
Campany (To Live, 27) notes the huge variety of zhi in the lore surrounding the transcendents of Ge
Hong’s Shenxian zhuan 神仙傳 (Traditions of Divine Transcendents). In this literature, zhi stands for any
number of “excrescences,” from “rocks, trees, herbs, fleshy animals, or fungi (including mushrooms).”
Traces of this tradition can be seen in modern TCM (Traditional Chinese Medicine), which has identified
one botanical species, Ganoderma Lucidum, as lingzhi 靈芝 (Numinous Fungus). It is used as a cooling tonic
herb, in much the same way as ginseng, albeit without ginseng’s heating properties.

138The DZ has , which could be the modern character yi 異 (different) or, less likely, bi 畢 (fulfill). I assume
the former. Where the DZ has yutian xiangbi 與天相 , the YJ has yutiandi xiangbi 與天地相 cgiving “cheats
Heaven and Earth” ie escapes their destiny.
The word tian 天 that I have here translated as “nature” also means “Heaven,” and thus builds on the
earlier statement about Heaven and Earth. In becoming different from, i.e. transcending, their nature, sages
also transcend the limits of Heaven as well. Note that this gives them a “heavenly” status, on par with other
celestial bodies. This sentiment echoes the phrase quoted elsewhere in the Yangxing yanming lu, the rousing cry
of longevists who attempted to defy their naturally allotted destiny:
我命在我，不在與於天
[The length of] my lifespan lies within me, not in Heaven” – DZ 1.9b2-3

139This passage quotes verse 6 of the the Daode jing 道德經 with embedded commentary by Heshang gong (1.4b-
5a.). The YJ gives the alternate title of Laojun daojing 老君道經 (Lord Lao’s Scripture of the Way).
Commentary is printed in smaller font to differentiate it from the main text. See Textual History for further
details.
 71

one can cultivate spirits, then one will not die. “Spirits” refers to the spirits of the five organs:140 the liver

houses the cloudsouls (hun 魂); the lungs house the whitesouls (po 魄);141 the heart houses the spirit(s) (shen

神);142 the kidneys house essence (jing 精);143 and the spleen houses the will (zhi 志).144 When the five organs

are injured through deficiency, then the five [types of] spirit depart.).145

140 The term “organs” is used here and elsewhere to translate both the the zang 臟 and the fu 腑, which are
Chinese cognates of viscera in Western anatomy. The very different conceptions of internal physiology
between Chinese and Greek-based biomedicine has been the subject of extensive literature, which there is not
room to discuss here. (see the work of Joseph Needham, Manfred Proket, Lu Guei Djen, Nathan Sivin,
Shigehisha Kuriyama, Charlotte Furth, Paul Unschuld and Elizabeth Hsu to name but a few). Suffice it to say
that the organs were organized according to five phases, or five elements, correlative theory, a systematic set of
relationships which related each organ to specific constituent elements of the person, the body, and the world
at large. In this instance, the author refers solely to the zang, or yin 陰 organs, the kidneys, liver, heart, spleen,
and lungs. These are considered to be full (shi 實), and are paired in binary relationship with the hollow (kong
空) yang 陽 organs, the fu: the bladder, gall-bladder, small intestine, stomach and large intestines, respectively.
The term zangfu is simple and somewhat intuitive, being etymologically related to the words storehouse
(zang 藏) and palace (fu 府). As such, they reflect the contrasting functions and operational modes of the
organs, i.e. storing fluids in a still and enclosed atmosphere, versus channeling large quantities of stuffs (be it
blood, food, waste matter) through open conduits. This concept has been unfortunately translated in other
scholarship as “Orbs.” Prokert began the use of “orbs” to point towards the fact that zangfu govern specific
spatial areas, but this is does not reflect the etymological sense of storing and housing pertinent in the original
terms. Nor does it reflect the governance of these “orbs” over territories spatially separate from the “orbs”
themselves: such as kidneys governing bones, and lungs governing skin. The terms serves more to obfuscate, it
seems, than to clarify the cross-cultural distinctions between Chinese and bio-medicine. Porkert himself says as
much: “The ambiguity of the technical term ‘orb’ (orbis) reflects almost exactly that of the Chinese term zang
臟…” (Porkert, Theoretical Foundations, 105)
I therefore follow the convention of late twentieth-century English-language textbooks of acupuncture
and Chinese herbology which translate zang and fu as “organ.”

141The three hun and seven po were associated with Heaven and Earth, respectively, and were thought to return
to their respective domains at the time of death, resulting in numerous practices to retain them - either for the
continued life of the individual, or for the use of their spiritual power by the family of the deceased. Zheng
Xuan 鄭玄 (127-200 C.E.) considered the cloudsouls to be the basis of the intelligence, and the whitesouls the
power to hear and see clearly. (Yu Ying-shi, “O Soul Come Back!,” 376).

142 When residing in the body of a living person, the shen 神 or spirit is considered the foundation of the
intellect. After death, it is the ethereal constituent most commonly associated with the identity or personhood
of the deceased, in contrast to the hun and po which are, in comparison, more like motive powers. Somewhat
paradoxically to Western readers, spirit also has a material quality, while at the same time being the power of
consciousness in an individual. The following quote from one of the earliest medical texts, the Huangdi neijng
黃帝內經, describes the technique to be used in acupuncture practice when tonifying the patient’s vital
substances. The qi and spirit are treated as a fluid which flows within the body and which can be sealed in or
allowed to leak out:
帝曰：不足者補之奈何？ 岐伯曰︰…… 外引其門，以閉其神。呼盡內針，靜以久
留，以氣至為故。如待所貴，不待日暮，其氣以至，適而自護，候吸引針，氣不得
出；各在其處，推闔其門，令神氣存，大氣留止，故命曰補。
The Thearch asked: As for those who are depleted, how does one tonify them? Qibo
replied: … On the outside, pull its doors to, in order to close off its spirit 閉其神. At the
end of the exhalation, insert the needle, and leave it quietly for some time, taking the arrival
 72

This is known as the Mysterious Female. (This refers to the way of immortality, which exists

within the Mysterious Female. Mystery is Heaven which, in humans, becomes the nose. The Female is Earth,

which, in humans, becomes the mouth. As for Heavenly food, people take in the five qi146 through the nose,

and store it in the heart/mind. The five qi are pure – they subtly transform into semen and spirit, intelligence,

of the qi as your goal. If you wait on it as if it were a noble (i.e. without concern for any
preconceived schedule), and do not wait for the end of the [work]day, then the qi arrives
with ease and shelters itself. Watch for the inhalation and withdraw the needle, then it won’t
be able get out. Putting everything in its place, push the door completely closed, to cause
the qi and spirit to be preserved 令神氣存. Because great pneumas are stayed within, it is
called “tonifying.” –Huangdi neijing, pian 27.

In the example above, as in much medical literature, shen appears to be thought of terms of a mass-noun, a
malleable substance like water which flows through the acupoints,and which can be gathered and cultivated.
This is also the case when we recall shen as one of the three treasures of qi, jing, and shen, (氣精神), where the
first is refined into the second, and the second then transmuted into the third. Shen is a substance within the
body/mind complex, which communes with Heaven and strengthens and stabilizes the mind. However,
Daoist interior visualization texts such as the Huangting jing 黃庭經 (Scripture of the Yellow Court) refer to
numerous deities within the body, and clearly conceive of the term as referring to discrete, plural entities.
When translating this term, one must be careful not to interpolate a Euro-centric idea of a singular soul,
requiring a sensitive choice to render it either as a mass or a plural noun, but not a singular noun.

143Essence refers to the biospiritually potent substance which manifests in men as semen and in women as
menses. It is considered the physical constituent of the body with the most spiritual power. Believing
themselves to have been bestowed a limited amount, which corresponds to the yuan qi 元氣, or primal qi, male
practitioners strive to retain seminal essence during sexual intercourse, in order to live a long and healthy life.
They do so by channeling it up the spine rather than out through the urethra, a practice known as “reverting
the semen to tonify the brain” (huanjing bunao 還精補腦). This then supplements the brain and allows the
semen to circulate throughout the body, nourishing the organs, making the complexion full and lustrous and
lengthening one’s years.
For a detailed and extensive discussion of sexual cultivation practices, see Wile, Arts of the Bedchamber.

144The spleen is also considered the organ which governs the digestion, not only of food, but also of
thought – it is that which governs mentation, study and concentration (Macciocia, Foundations of Chinese Medicine,
91).

145The yinyang relationship between fluids and more ethereal substances, like qi is visible here. In medical blood
and qi are described as a pair – the yin nature of blood houses and nourishes the qi, whose active yang qualities
enable the blood to circulate through the body. Here, it is the fluids of each organ that enables it to house its
respective spirit.
Alan Chan describes how this statement also reflects an overarching theme in the Heshang gong:

What may not be immediately clear [in the Laozi] and which the [Heshang gong] commentary
serves to explain, is that embodying the Dao means literally possessing spiritual essences in one’s
body. So long as they remain in the body, death simply cannot happen. –Chan, “A tale of two
commentaries,” 95.

146The five phases or elements 五行 are: water, wood, fire, earth and metal. For a complete table of their
corresponding flavours, seasons and such, see Veith, The Yellow Emperor’s Classic of Internal Nature, 21.
 73

speech, and the five natures. The ghosts147 of Heaven are known as the cloudsouls. The cloudsouls are

masculine. Entering and exiting through the nose, they communicate with Heaven; this is why the nose is

called Mysterious. As for Earthly food, people take in the five flavours148 through the mouth, and store them

in the stomach. The five flavours149 are turbid: they stagnate, becoming the bodily frame, the bones and flesh,

the blood vessels and the six emotions.150 The ghosts of Earth are called whitesouls. Whitesouls are feminine.

They enter and exit through the mouth and communicate with Earth. This is why they are called the Female.)

The gate of the Mysterious Female is known as the root of Heaven and Earth. (The root is the

origin. This is discussing the gates of the nose and mouth, and these are the places where the primordial qi

comes and goes.) [Breathe] in an unbroken thread, as if to conserve [the breath] (The inbreath and

outbreath of the nose and mouth ought to be subtle and delicate, like a continuous thread, as if it could be

conserved, and as if it has no form.)151 use it sparingly. (The qi ought to be easy and relaxed, not hurried or

laboured.)

147Gui 鬼: Often translated as ghost, this term is etymologically related to gui 歸 (return), and hence refers to a
spirit that returns.

148 These are: salty; sour; bitter; sweet; and pungent respectively. (ibid.)

149 The Heshang gong has ‘five natures’ 五性 here.

150 The six emotions referred to here correspond to the six qi system, which was often used in conjunction with
the five-element system – the two systems correspond to the ten heavenly stems and twelve earthly branches
system used in Chinese calendrics, for example. The six qi are described in medical systems such as the Huangdi
neijing, as great yin (taiyin 太陰), lesser yin (shaoyin 少陰), terminal yin (jueyin 厥陰), great yang(taiyang 太陽),
Yang-brightness (yangming 陽明), and lesser yang (shaoyang 少陽).
The Heshang gong commentary suggests that emotions, while an inevitable part of being alive, needed to be
overcome in order to attain longevity. These are juxtaposed against the five natures:
守五性，去六情，節志氣，養神明。
Conserve the five natures, discard the six emotions, regulate one’s aspirations, and cultivate
intelligence.– Heshang gong 12.

151 This comment is a good example of how the Heshang gong commentary takes highly abstract passages from
the Laozi, and interprets it in terms of meditation, taking absolute, cosmic principles and localizing them in the
body, accessible through breathing practice. My translation of the Laozi fragment mianmian ruocun 綿綿若存
reflects this by assuming breath to be the unspoken subject. Also see Chan’s translation of this comment and
his discussion in “Tale of Two Commentaries,” 97.
Thanks to Clarke Hudson for also pointing out that modern qigong manuals commonly refer to this verse
to describe a type of breathing that is so delicate and subtle that if you put a feather up to the nose, it won’t be
disturbed.
Breath-practices take a central role in chapter four, such as wogu 握固 (lit. gripstrong), or “clenching the
fists” which involves holding the breath for measured lengths of time while making a fist and gripping the
thumbs.
 74

The Hunyuan daode jing 混元道德經 (The Primordial Chaos Scripture of the

Way and its Power) states:152 Emerging into life (this refers to when the emotions and desires

emerge from the five interior (organs), and the cloudsouls are stable and the whitesouls still – then one lives)

and entering death (this refers to when the emotions and desires enter one’s breast, and semen is scattered

and the spirits bewildered – then death ensues). There are thirteen153 companions of life, and

thirteen companions of death (To say that those of death and those of life each number thirteen refers to

the nine apertures and the four gates.154 Their life lies in the eyes not gazing recklessly, the ears not listening

recklessly, the nose not smelling recklessly, the mouth not speaking recklessly, the hands not grasping recklessly,

the feet not traveling recklessly, and not spending the semen recklessly. Their death lies in the opposite of this.)

In human life, there are thirteen actions which are the realm of death in human life. (People

want to seek life, yet their actions oppose it – these are the thirteen155 realms of death.) Why is this?

Because they seek longer life. (Their actions lead them to the realm of death because they seek life too

strenuously : Extreme ways offend Heaven, reckless behaviour goes out of control.) It has been said that

152 The YJ gives the alternate title of of Laojun daodejing 老君道德經. The character 德 has been added to the
title to indicate that this passage comes in the second half of the Daode jing, which is usually divided into two
sections, regarding the Way 道 and its Power 德. This passage is a quotation of verse 50 of the Heshanggong
zhangju (2.9a-b).

153The translation of shi you san 十有三 as “thirteen” agrees with Lin Yutang’s rendering (The Wisdom of Laozi,
233) and with the total number of nine orifices and four “gates” in the commentary, as opposed to Willhelm’s
rendering of it as “three in every ten.” (Tao te ching, 49) In one instance, the YJ and the Heshang gong drop the 有,
giving 十三 (see note below).

154Zheng Canshan (“Heshanggong zhu,” 97) notes that this combined term of nine orifices and four gates was
popular in the Han dynasty, and indicated the seven orifices of the head and two orifices of excretion. He notes
that the nine orifices are referred to multiple times in the Han Feizi, and cites Zhengxuan’s commentary on
juan 1 of the Zhouli 周禮 describing them as:
陽竅七，陰竅二。There are seven yang orifices and two yin orifices.

He also notes that Gao You’s 高誘(168-212 C.E.) commentary to Huainanzi juan 8, which states:
四關，耳目心口。 “Four gates” refers to the ears, eyes, heart and mouth.

155 The Heshang gong and the YJ have 十三 here.

 75

those skilled in guarding life do not meet with tigers or buffalo156 on land and are not

harmed in battle when entering the ranks of the enemy. Buffalo are unable to lift their horns

[against him], tigers unable to slash [him] with their claws, enemy troops unable to weild

their weapons. Why is this? It is because the realms of death do not lie within him. (Because

he does not transgress the thirteen realms of death).

In the Yangsheng pian 養生篇 (Treatise on cultivating life), Zhuangzi 莊子

says:157 Our lives have their limits… (Xiangxiu 向秀158 says: As for life which has been bestowed, each

person has different limits.)159 …but there is no limit to what can be known.160 (Ji Kang 嵇康161 says:

156Si 兕: The meaning of this character has come under considerable debate in the 20th century.. It has
been thought to refer to unicorn, rhinoceros, buffalo. See Jean A Lefeuvre’s article “Rhinoceros and Wild
Buffaloes” for a complete survey of the debate, and his convincing argument that it indicates a water
buffalo, Bubalus Mephistopheles Hopwood. Thanks to Johnathan Pettit for this reference.

157 This fragment comes from the opening of juan 2.3.1a (titled Yangsheng zhu 養生主 in the received text). This
is very likely a Yangsheng yaoji fragment, since in his edition of the Liezi, Zhang Zhan had incorporated Guo
Xiang’s (d. 312) and Xiang Xiu’s commentaries on the Zhuangzi (Barrett, “Lieh tzu,” 301). However, the
comments by Xiang Xiu and Ji Kang that appear here are not in Zhang Zhan’s Liezi, indicating that Zhang
Zhan may have also edited a commentarial edition of the Zhuangzi, which is now lost–see notes below. My
translation is informed by Watson (Complete Works, 51) but is not identical.

158Xiang Xiu’s (?221-?300 C.E. stylename Ziqi 子期) commentary to the Zhuangzi, which survived until the
Tang dynasty, and has traditionally been thought to have been incorporated into Guo Xiang’s. However,
recent scholarship has cast doubt on this latter theory. (Roth, “Chuang tzu” 58-60). Xiang Xiu was one of the
fabled “Seven Worthies of the Bamboo Grove” 竹林七賢, and thus knew Ji Kang. The philosophical dialogue
between the two survives in the form of Ji Kang’s treatise on longevity, the Yangsheng lun 養生論 (Essay on
Nourishing Life), Xiang Xiu’s Nan yangsheng lun 難養生論 (Refutation of Ji Kang’s Essay on Nourishing Life),
and Ji Kang’s further Danan yangsheng lun 答難養生論 (Answer to Xiang Xiu’s Refutation of My Essay on
Nourishing Life, DNYSL).

159 Limits: YJ has 涯, whereas the DZ has 極.

160 The term zhi 智 is particularly difficult to translate consistently throughout this passage, since the various
authors use the term in different ways. I understand both Zhuangzi and Guo Xiang to be using it as a passive,
quantifiable substance which can be acquired without limit, hence Watson translates it as “knowledge.”
However in the Ji Kang fragment which follows, it is clearly an active dynamic aspect of the intellect, so that
Henricks (see below) translates it as “intelligence.” The term is central to the epistemological concerns in each
text, at times referring to the ‘content’ of knowledge and at others to the act of knowing itself. Hence I have
translated it as knowledge or knowing throughout, as this also spans the quantifiable and the dynamic aspects
of meaning.
 76

To [plainly] desire without calculating forethought is a movement of one’s nature. [But] to first become aware

of something and then to radiate162 feeling is a function of knowing. When inner nature moves, the desire is

equal to the thing encountered, and when it is satisfied, there is no additional movement. But knowledge seeks

on the basis of feeling, and even when exhausted,163 it is unable to stop. Thus the problems of the world164 are

always to be found in knowing,165 not in the stirrings of one’s nature.) …You are already in danger if

you chase the limitless by means of the limited… (Guo Xiang 郭象166 states: In seeking boundless

knowledge through bounded inner nature, how can one not encounter difficulty?) …If you already know

this, and [still] strive for knowledge, you are in danger for certain! (Xiang Xiu says: Having already

become embroiled in knowledge, and then to contest for [more] in the service of knowing, one is doubly in

danger!)

The Zhuangzi says:167 He who has mastered the ideal attitude towards life does

labour over what life does not do. (Xiang Xiu comments: That which life does not do is [merely] the

superficial activity of inner nature. Zhang Zhan comments:168 The principles of life are complete in

161 Also pronounced Xi Kang. This excerpt of Ji Kang’s 嵇康 (stylename Shuye 叔夜 223-262) comes from
his DNYSL. The comparison of this with Ji Kang’s DNYSL is based on an edition in the Jizhong sanji 嵇中散
集 4.6b8-7a3, in the SKQS.
The translation is informed by Henricks’ translation (Philosophy and Argumentation in Third-Century China, 44-
5) but with variance. Henricks adds an alternate subject in places, a “one” which desires and seeks satisfaction.
I choose to keep the subject as “intelligence” which has agency – it desires and seeks satisfaction.
This text does not appear to reply in any way directly to the Xiang Xiu comment above. For more
information, see Textual History, section on Zhuangzi.

162 The DNYSL has er hou gan 而後感 (and then to become aroused).

163 The DNYSL has juan 勌 here where the YJ and DZ have juan 倦.

164 The DNYSL adds guozhi suo you 禍之所由 (and the causes of disaster) here.

165 The DNYSL has zhiyong 智用 (the functioning of the intelligence) here.

166Guo Xiang’s commentary is the textus receptus of the Zhuangzi, and his interpretive commentary was
widely popular, ensuring the success of his edition. (Roth “Chuang tzu,” 56-66). This text is almost identical,
and can be found in his 莊子注 (Commentated Edition of the Zhuangzi) 2.1a8. For more information see
Textual History and Biographies.

167 Zhuangzi 7.19.1a: Da sheng 達生 (Mastering Life) (Watson, Complete Works, 197)

168
Zhang Zhan’s commentary on the Zhuangzi has commonly been thought to derive from his more well-
known commentary on the Liezi, a text which shares material with the Zhuangzi. However, this Zhuangzi
 77

themselves; to act in service of that which is beyond one’s fate is to chase the limitless by means of the limited.)

He who has mastered the true nature of fate does not labour over what knowledge cannot

do. (Xiang Xiu comments: This refers to the occurrence of death once one’s fate has been exhausted. Zhang

Zhan comments: As for grasping the principles of flowing with life and using up one’s inherent allotment [of

life], what can knowledge know of this?)

The Liezi 列子 says:169 Not studying [good] behaviour when young, not competing

for time in one’s middle age,170 at ease with poverty when grown, divested of desires171 in old

age, resting the heart and taxing the body – these are the methods of cultivating life.

The Liezi says:172 A body’s fullness or emptiness, waxing and waning,173 are all in

communication with Heaven and Earth, responding to the myriad kinds of things. (Zhang

Zhan comments: people complete their qi with yin and yang.) Harmonize it with the

beginning, harmonize it with the end. Quieten the spirits and extinguish thought, this is the

passage is not to be found in any recensions of the Liezi, suggesting that Zhang Zhan may have written an
independent commentary, lost before it could be recorded in any major bibliographies.. (Barrett, “Taoist and
Buddhist Mysteries,” 40)

169This passage is not a direct quotation from the Liezi, but rather a summary of the encounter between Zi
Gong and Lin Lei in the first chapter of the Liezi, ‘Heaven’s Gifts’. Cf Graham, Book of Liezi, 24-25 and Liezi,
24-25.

170 Zhuang 壯: Thirty to forty years old:

人生十年曰幼學；二十曰弱冠；三十曰壯，有室。
When men reach ten years of age they are called ‘young students’, at twenty years they are called
‘capped youths’ and ‘stalwarts’ or ‘householders’ at thirty.–Liji 禮記 ( ICS) 1.8.1.26.

171
Guayu 寡欲: Being divested of desires: 養心莫善於寡欲。
For cultivating the heart-mind, nothing is as good as being divested of desires.–Mengzi 孟子 7a Jinxin
盡心

172This fragment agrees with the received Liezi through Zhang Zhan’s first comment (Liezi jishi 3.102.13-14).
See Graham The Book of Liezi 66. However, the second half of this citation and its commentary is not to be
found there, and neither Mugitani nor I have found a source for it anywhere else.

173 Xiaoxi 消息: The Yijing hexagram for Abundance (豐 feng) says: 天地盈虛，與時消息。
The fullness of all things in the world ebbs and flows according with the season. Zhouyi 周易 (ICS)
55.65.6-7
 78

way of life. (When the beginnings and endings are harmonious, then the spirits and will are

not dissipated).

The Hunyuan miaozhen jing 混元妙真經 (The Chaotic Prime Scripture on

Miraculous Perfection) states:174 It is humans who frequently lose the Way, not the Way

which loses people.175 It is humans who frequently lose life, it is not that life discards

humans. Therefore, cultivators of life are careful not to lose the Way, and practitioners of

the Way are careful not176 to lose life. They act so that the Way abides within life, and life is

protected by the Way.

The Huanglaojing xuanshi 黃老經玄示 (Explications of Mysteries within the

Huanglao Scriptures) says:177 The exertions and the transformations of the Heavenly Way

mingle among the myriad things without end. The use and transformations of humans cause

the body and spirits to wither and die. As for circulating spirits and using semen178 – loss of

174 混元 is written in the YJ edition as 老君. This text was venerated by the Louguan Daoist sect, which was
formed in the mid-Wei dynasty, but has since been lost. It can be found cited in other works, and this
particular passage is found in the Zuowang lun 坐忘論 (Discourse on Sitting in Oblivion) and in YJ94, where the
citation is also from a Miaozhen jing 妙真經. It is also cited with greater variance in YJ56 Zhujia qifa 諸家氣法
(Qi-methods from all schools) and YJ92 Xianji yulun yaoji 籍語論要記 (Essential Record of Dialogues and Discourses from
Transcendent Texts). These texts give the source of the citation as the generic Xianjing 仙經, or “Transcendent
Scriptures.” See Textual History for further details.

175 Note the similarity of this statement with Lunyu 論語 15: 子曰: 人能弘道，非道弘人。
The master said: “Human beings can broaden the way, it is not the way that broadens human
beings.”–Slingerland, Confucius Analects, 185.

176The YJ, agreeing with the Zuowang lun quotation, has wu 勿 (not) here, whereas the DZ has yi 已, making it
further from the original than the other two.

177This text has been lost, and is not cited in any of the Imperial bibliographies. Du Guangting 杜光庭(850-
933) cites a title Xuanshi 玄示 in eight juan as part of a commentary on the Daodejing, and the Baopuzi mentions
a Xuanshi jing 玄示經 in ten juan. For further information, see Textual History.

178 Although the details are not specific, this refers to circulating energy through the body during sexual practice.
The phrase could be interpreted two ways: using semen in the practice of circulating spirits (some form of
reverting the semen up the spine to tonify the brain or huanjing bunao) or using semen as understood within the
discourse of circulating spirits. Note that the term for ejaculation hinges on the same word “action,” correlating
the actions of the Heaven and the actions of male sexuality.
 79

semen causes decline. The root of the body produces semen, and semen manifests itself as

spirit. If you do not exert your semen,179 your power can be united with Heaven. If you do

not transform into spirit, you can be the same ilk as the Way.

The Xuanshi 玄示 states:180 Those who transform via the body, are “corpse

deliverance” types.181 Spirits leave the body and, not using a second (body), fly like a bird

into the sea, where it becomes an oyster, following the season of Autumn and the qi of yin

and yang.182 Those who transform by qi, can increase their life, those who transform by the

body are very fearsome!

Yan Junping’s 嚴君平 Laozi zhigui 老子指歸 (Pointing Back to the Essentials

of the Laozi) says:183 Let your heart roam in emptiness and stillness, bind up your will in the

179 The DZ has 生 in place of 精, giving 不以生施 “Not spending one’s life.”

180 Presumably this is a shorthand title for the previous text.

181 Corpse deliverance (shijie 尸解) was an important longevity practice and method of transcendence popular
in the Weijin period. While the scope of the term is clear–some form of survival after death due to ascetic
practices–the methods are various and include: casting off the body like a cicada shell in order to wander freely
through the cosmos; preservation of the corpse after death as if still alive; a complete decaying of the body,
with the rejoinder that the adept’s energies survive in the bodily remains until they can be revived; or the
substitution of something else for their body, such as a stick or a sword, which would be discovered in the
tomb or grave later on, signifying the departure of the now-transcendent, avec le corpse, into the hills. For an
excellent state of the field article on this see Czedzich, “Corpse Deliverance.”

182This transformation is not sui generis but follows the patterns of birds according to Warring states theories of
natural law (see quote below). The abilities described here then do not indicate a mutation of nature, but the
ability to adopt patterns of bodily change that were thought to be accessible, just beyond the bounds of normal
human practice. This particular transformation of bird into oyster is early used in a motif of regret for human
limitations:
趙簡子歎曰：雀入于海為蛤，雉入于淮為蜃。黿鼉魚鱉，莫不能化，唯人不能。哀夫！
Zhao Jianzi sighed, saying : Sparrows enter the sea and become oysters, pheasants enter the river
Huai and become clams. Soft-shelled turtles, alligators, fresh-water turtles, none of these are unable
to transform – only humans are unable. What a tragedy!-Guoyu, Jinyu 晉語 15.16
Its use in the Xuanshi thus points to a transcendence that acknowledges and resolves the anxiety
earlier expressed in the Guoyu.

183An important Han commentary on the Laozi, this text emphasizes yinyang theory and non-action, without
advising programmatic longevity practices. Junping is the stylename of Yan Zun 嚴尊 (ca 80 B.C.E. – ca 10
C.E.), a renowned diviner (Chan, “Daode jing,” 2). This fragment is not found in any surviving recensions.
(Barrett, 1982 Mysteries, 36) For more information, see Textual History.
 80

subtle and wondrous, entrust your concerns to desirelesness, guide your strategies with non-

action. Then you can master life, extend your destiny and live as long as the Way.

The Dayou jing 大有經 (Scripture of Greater Existence)184 says: The Doubter

said, “In the beginning, we all arise into this world beyond which nothing exists;185 in the end,

we receive qi from yin and yang,186 carrying body and soul throughout Heaven and Earth and

supporting our growth with food and breath, and yet there are the foolish and the wise, the

weak and the strong, the longevous and the short-lived. Is this of Heaven? Is this of Man?

The Resolver [of Doubts] replied, “The life, the body, stupidity and wisdom – these

are ordained by Heaven. Strength and weakness, longevity or short life, these are ordained

by man. The way of Heaven is naturally so, the way of Man is so by one’s own doing.

Those for whom: the foetal qi is replete and full to begin with; have ample milk and food

after birth; do not satisfy their sense of taste when mature; and are moderate in tone and

expression in their thirties – they are strong and longevous. Those for whom: the foetal qi is

paltry and deficient to begin with; who have insufficient milk and food after birth; who

indulge their sense of taste when mature; who, in their thirties, freely give vent their tone and

expression – they are weak and short-lived. Growing to complete maturity, and adding

cultivation practice to this – one’s years will be immeasurable.”

184 Ge Hong claims he received both this and the Xiaoyou jing (see below) through very specific lineages of
textual transmission. They are thought to have later been incorporated into the Sanhuang wen, a set of ritual and
talismanic manuals later used (according to some sources) as an ordination text until it was ordered to be
destroyed in the Tang. For more details, see entry for this title in Textual History.

185The multivalent term wuwai 無外 refers at times to the cosmos (liuhe wuwai 六合無外 – the six directions
beyond which naught exists), and at the same time to a spiritual principle which all participate in:
靈氣在心，一來一逝。其細無內，其大無外。
The spiritual force within the mind, sometimes arrives and sometimes departs.
So fine that nothing can exist within it; so large that nothing can exist beyond it.- Guanzi 管子 XIII 36,
Xinshu shang 心術上 Rickett trans., 55.

186There is a parallel between this and Zhang Zhan’s commentary to the Liezi above “people complete their qi
by means of yin and yang.”
 81

The Daoji 道機 (Trigger of the Way)187 states: The length or brevity of human life

is not a spontaneous occurence. It is all due to lack of dilligence in using the body, such as

excessive errors in eating and drinking, excessive licentiousness without measure, deliberate

offense of yin and yang, not protecting the cloudsouls and spirits and the decline of one’s life

through using up one’s jing. Thus a life is not lived to its full.

The Hetudi shimeng 河圖帝視萌 (The Emperor of the River Picture

examines the Sprout)188 says: Those who insult the times of Heaven are vile; those who

accord with the times of Heaven are auspicious. In Spring and Summer, enjoy the lofty

locales in the mountains; in autumn and winter, live in low places, store yourself away in

deep [places].189 Then one’s auspices and benefits will be abundant and blessed, one’s

longevity descried without end.

The Luoshu baoyu ming 雒書寶予命 (Luo-river text of Protection and

Bestowal of Life)190 says: The methods of the ancients for curing illness are: to harmonize

187 This text is no longer extant. It is mentioned by Ge Hong (Bao Puzi 19.5a7-8) whose bitter invective
criticizes it and its author for the text’s limitation to qi- circulation practices and arts of the bedchamber, with
no understanding of the Great Medicines. Another citation occurs in Chapter six of the YXYML. Both of
these passages are cited in the Ishinpô as Yangsheng yaoji excerpts, although the Yangsheng yaoji attributes the
second passage to another text. See Textual History for further details.

188This fragment can be found in Ishinpô 27.575a as a Yangsheng yaoji citation. A Han divination text no longer
extant in its original form, it has been reconstructed by 安居春山. Although this title is not cited in any
imperial bibliographies, a number of encyclopædias maintain this title is a recension of the original Hetu
diagram received variously by Huangdi or Yao.

189Shencang 深藏. To store deeply. This idea of wise retreat, not exposing one’s self to harm is very prevalent in
early Chinese culture, having resonances of political astuteness, and Confucian ideals of humility:
良賈深藏若虛，君子盛德，容貌若愚。
As a good merchant hides [his goods] deeply to appear depleted of stock, so a gentleman of
flourishing power makes himself appear dull-witted.–Shiji 史記 Laozi Hanfei zhuan 老子韓非傳
63.2140

190
This passage is also found in the Zhiyan zong section of the Zaxiushe 雜修攝 (Miscellany of Cultivation and
Garnering) YJ35.5b4-6.
 82

[the body] with sweet springs (Liquan 醴泉),191 and moisten it with primordial qi. [Their]

herbs are neither sharp nor bitter, [they were] sweet, mellifluous and abundant in flavour,

and can be taken frequently.192 They caused the bodily fluids to course through the five

organs, to bind within the heart and lungs193 [so that] they were trouble-free until the end of

their days.

The Kongzi jiayu 孔子家語 (Teachings from the School of Confucius)194 states:

Those who eat meat are brave and daring but ferocious (like tigers and wolves). The spirits

of those who ingest qi are bright, and they live eternally (these are transcendents, they are

numinous tortoises).195 Those who ingest grains are intelligent and wise but short-lived

(these are humans). Those who do not eat do not die and become gods (they simply attend to

the inbreath and outbreath, and do not contemplate or think).

191 In Daoist cultivation texts (see Laojun yinshi neijie below) this refers to the saliva that has been swished
around in the mouth, sometimes for a set number of times, before being swallowed, sometimes also in pre-
determined numbers of swallows. It can also refer to the salivary glands or the area beneath the tongue where
saliva collects. This term was used to refer to the auspicious portent of sweet springs bubbling out of the
ground, signifying the just rule or accession of a particular monarch.

192
This echoes the description of “superior herbs” 上藥, in the opening passage of the Bencao jing jizhu, Tao
Hongjing’s edition of the Han dynasty pharmacopœia (Tao, Bencao, 2a)

193The concept of binding the fluids within the heart and lungs is most likely evident in contemporary medical
texts, but I have not found a source for this concept yet.

194This fragment corresponds to 25.49.l6 in the Kongzi jia yu zhu zi suo yin 孔子家語逐字索引 . However, the
fragments appear to originate from the earlier Huainanzi 淮南子. See entry in Textual History for more details.
Also see Campany’s discussion of this as part of the general oeuvre of dietary culture in “Cuisines of
Transcendence” 33-34.

195Linggui 靈龜 The numinous tortoise image includes nuances of mantic power as well as individual talent.
Tortoises are generally considered signs of longevity, and were also thought to have ritual significance –
probably dating back from the use of tortoise shells for oracle bones in Shang divination practice. It later also
refers to a talented official or trained person. This use dates back to Zhuangzi’s protestations at being called to
office by the King of Chu 楚. Zhuangzi compares such a posting to the fate of the sacrificial tortoise, whose
carcass is enshrined in the palace, dressed with ribbons and honoured by ritualists. Zhuangzi goes on to say
that he would prefer the fate of a live tortoise, wagging its tail in the mud by the river. Watson 187-188.
 83

The Zhuan 傳 (Traditions)196 states: The various foods concentrate the hundred

illness and demonic evils. The more one’s eating decreases, the more one’s heart opens and

years lengthen; the more one’s eating increases, the more one’s heart clogs up and years

decline.

The Grand Scribe Sima Tan 司馬談197 said: Spirits are the root of life, and the

body is its tool. The spirits, greatly used, get used up; the body, greatly laboured, thus dies. I

have never heard that someone whose spirits and body have become prematurely weak,

could live as long as Heaven and Earth. Therefore, people live by means of their spirits –

that which their spirits casts off is the body. The body and spirits, in separating, die - the

dead cannot live again, and that which has separated cannot return back [to its undivided

state]. Therefore sages value them!

As for methods of cultivating life, there are those who grasp the primary commands

and great founding principles, but are unable to gain complete understanding. However,

they can attain more than half of the merit [just by] always thinking against the common

196There is no fuller information about the title. A similar passage to this can be found in the SKQS edition of
the Bowu zhi 博物志(5.5a4-5), under the title Xian zhuan 仙傳. (Also see Mugitani, Yosei yoshû, 69 n. 17.1).
For more details see Textual History.

197Sima Tan (d. 110 B.C.E.) was the father of Sima Qian 司馬遷 (ca. 145-86 B.C.E.), the author of the first
comprehensive historiographic work in China, the Shiji 史記 (Records of the Grand Scribe), and this text is
comprised of excerpts from Tan’s famous discourse on the six schools of the pre-Han era, which invokes the
problematic category of “Daoism” 道家. His privileging of Daoist thought is considered to be due to his own
proclivities towards Huanglao 黃老 Daoism. The first paragraph reflects Shiji 130.3292, although the phrases
are in a different order, and can be found in numerous other places, Taiping Yulan 太平御覽 360.6a included. I
have not found the second paragraph, and it appears to be added by a later compiler.
Taishi 太史: Hucker renders this title as Grand Astrologer during the Han to indicate a change in
responsibilities and lack of the clerical functions attached to the position in the Zhou, which he titles Grand
Scribe. Sivin and Lloyd (The Way and the Word), following Cook (“Scribes, Cooks and Artisans”), maintain that
although the duties had changed in the Han, the term was still understood to carry the Zhou meaning, and
keep the term “Grand Scribe.”
The YJ replaces 論 (discussion) for Tan 談.
 84

grain, and blindly following the tracks of earlier attainers. Can sincere students not attend to

this?

The Xiaoyou jing 小有經 (Scripture of Lesser Existence)198 says: Think less,

study less, desire less, do less, speak less, laugh less, worry less, take pleasure in less, be less

joyful, be less angry, be attached to less, and hate less. These twelve moderations are the

primary contracts when cultivating life. Excessive thinking endangers the spirits; excessive

study disperses the will and excessive desire depletes it;199 excessive activities tire the body;

excessive speech causes competitiveness;200 excessive laughter injures the organs; excessive

worry fills the heart with dread; excessive pleasures cause one’s thoughts to overflow;

excessive joy causes mindless mistakes and deluded chaos; excessive anger makes the

hundred meridians unstable; excessive attachments make one absorbed in addictions without

self-control; excessive hatred makes one haggard and without joy. Not eradicating these 12

excesses, makes you lose the foundation of life. Some of those who have few excesses, are

among the ranks of the Perfected.

The [so-called] “lazy and indulgent” live long, and the “thrifty and hard-working” die

young: this is the difference between a life of relaxed leisure and one of parsimonious

overwork. The longevity of farmers and the short lives of the rich and lofty proves that the

198A companion text to the Dayou jing (see above excerpt). This passage can also be found in Ishinpô
27.1.563b-564a, where the Yangsheng yaoji cites the variant title, Shaoyou jing 少有經, as noted by Veith et al.
(Essentials of Medicine, 141 n. 4). For other translations which inform my own, see ibid. 81 and Engelhardt (“Qi
for Life” 281-82).

199The connection between willpower and (sexual) desire lies in Chinese physiology. Each of the five organs,
or storehouses (zang 臟), i.e. the liver, heart, spleen, lungs and kidneys correspond to its own emotion, as
determined in the five phases system. The kidneys are considered the seat of the will. The kidneys also govern
sexual function, and most particularly the generation of seminal essence (jing 精). Excessive lust or sexual
fantasy was thought to burn this up, and thus diminish the willpower.

200Qizheng 氣爭 could also be rendered as a mood or atmosphere of competitiveness (GYCD). The standard
use of this phrase reverses the two characters zheng qi 爭氣 to mean personal aspiration and progress.
 85

former have few penchants and the latter have many desires. That hermits rarely sicken and

travelers are frequently ill, shows the difference between complexity and simplicity. Thus it is

commoners who compete for profit, while Daoists rarely seek for gain.201

Hu Zhao 胡昭202 says: The eyes should not gaze at immoral sights, the ears should

not listen to foul and crude speech, the nose should not point towards the qi of rotting fish

or mutton, the mouth should not taste poisonous and pernicious flavours, and the mind

should not hatch schemes of deceitful trickery. These insult the spirits and reduce one’s

lifespan. Again, to abide in constant moaning and sighing, or whistling and singing without

stop,203 is just an invitation for evils. Ah, most people don’t attain desirelesness. They ought

to harmonize their minds and study less, still their bodies and reduce their thoughts, first

discarding the affairs204 which disturb one’s spirits and go against one’s inner nature. This is

the foremost method for hoarding one’s spirits.

201
This last paragraph is somewhat complex in thought, and acts as an anti-Confucian polemic, and argument
for a “Daoist” approach to life. It begins with epithets which are loaded negatively (“lazy and indulgent”
(shelan 奢懶)) and positively (“thrifty and hard-working” (qianqin 慳勤)), but then spends the next few lines
inverting these associations, showing how these “positive” lifestyles contribute to an early death. The author
focuses on particular virtues as the primary sources for the longevity of each lifestyle, finishing by categorizing
the Daoist life as the ideal.

202This fragment is cited in Ishinpô 27.2.566a.

Hu Zhao’s (stylename Kongming 孔明 d. 250) biography can be found in San Guo Zhi 三國志 11.362,
where it states he was offered and declined the position of Minister of Works for the Counselor-in-Chief at the
end of the Han and retreated to Mount Luhun 陸渾山 (on Songshan song 松山, southeast of Loyang). There
“he gave himself to the ploughshare and reveled in the Dao, enjoying his studies. The people there cherished
him and regarded him with respect.” During local rioting in 218, his house was occupied by the local elder and
his henchmen after rebellions in the local fief. Guan Yu 關羽 (ca ? – 219) sent his seal and word that Hu
should be protected as a worthy gentleman. Once the Wu dynasty was established, many officials
recommended Zhao, saying: “True like heaven and of the highest purity, old and completely sincere.
Mysterious like the void, he is calm and sullied. He is easygoing, yet his virtue is pure white, suitable for
fulfilling the a call to office.” He died in 256, while under special appointment by the Gate Traffic Control
Office.

203 The DZ version has qianzheng 千正, whereas the YJ has buzhi 不止 here.

204 The DZ does not have zhishi 之事 here.

 86

The Huangting jing 黃庭經 (Scripture of the Yellow Court)205 says: Irrigating

the spiritual root206 with pure water from the jade pool207 - if you are careful and can practice

this, you can live for a long time. (This means that one should eat and drink what is natural. What is

natural is the Floriate pool. Floriate pools refers to the saliva in the mouth. Inhaling and exhaling according to

the method, then swallowing [the resultant saliva], one will not go hungry.)

The Laojun Yinshi neijie 老君尹氏內解 (Yinxi’s 尹喜 Esoteric Explanations

of Lord Lao’s [Daode jing])208 says: Regarding saliva: swilling it creates sweet springs;209

gathering it creates jade ichor; flowing, it creates floriate pools; spreading, it creates foaming

essence; descending, it creates sweet dew. Thus the mouth is a floriate pool, the centre of

which contains sweet springs. Gargling and swallowing these irrigates the viscera and

moistens the body, facilitates the flow of the hundred meridians, transforms and nourishes

205The Huangting jing is a poem spoken by Lord Lao, describing the interior visualization of the body. Its
prosody and rhymes date it to the late Han (25-220 C.E.) or Three Kingdoms (220-265 C.E.). (Schipper, Taoist
Canon, 96).
The passage cited can be found in the Taishang huangting waijing yujing 太上黃庭外景玉經 (Jade scripture of the
Exterior Landscape of the Yellow Court) 1.1a4. Mugitani (Yosei yoshû, 72 n.23.1) attributes the commentary to
Wu Chengzi 務成子. For details, see Textual History.

206Linggen 靈根 As with the imagining of many interior locales these terms are ambiguous and open to
reinterpretation even within the same traditions. This term is often interpreted as referring to the penis,
although Bo Lüzhong 白履忠 (nickname Lang Qiuzi 梁丘子, fl. 722-729) goes against this standard by
interpret it as the tongue (Huangting waijing yujing zhu 黃庭外景玉經駐 (Commentated Jade Scripture of the
Exoteric Lumens of the Yellow Court) HY263.58.2b4-5) (Schipper, Daoist Canon, 348)

207Yuchi 玉池 In this literature this usually refers to the salivary glands or the area under the tongue, as well as
the saliva produced there. The swallowing of this was considered highly beneficial, and one can find examples
of it associated with images of “moistening” or “flushing” the internal organs. See Harper, “Sexual Arts,” 551
n. 25.

208 This passage is found under the same title as a Yangsheng yaoji extract in Ishinpô 27.4.570a, and is possibly
from the same text as the Laozi neijie 老子內解 (Robinet, Kusuyama). This text may also have been known to
Du Guangting (Zhu Yueli). Zhu notes that Du Guangting references a commentary on the Laozi by Yinxi
which explains it in terms of internal cultivation. We can assume that this text comes to the YXYML by way of
the Yangsheng yaoji, because it comes to the Ishinpô via this source. See section on Laojun and Laozi texts in
Textual History for further details. This excerpt is also found in the Zhujia qifaYJ56, in the section on primal qi
元氣.

209 See earlier notes on sweet springs.

 87

the myriad spirits, and makes all the limbs and joints, the hair of the body and the head

completely alive.

The Zhongjing 中經 says:210 The quiescent are longevous, the wild short-lived. The

quiescent who cannot cultivate reduce their lifetime; whereas the wild who can extend their

years. It is the case that quiescence facilitates sexual cultivation, wildness impinges holding

[on to the semen].211 Among those who completely follow the dictums of [sexual]

cultivation, the quiescent can cultivate and the wild can also cultivate.

Han Rong Yuanzhang 韓融元長 says: 212 As for wine, the florescence of the five

grains and extreme flavours, these can also harm people.213 It’s true that beautiful things are

difficult to use, and easy to transgress – when cultivating inner nature, one should be very

circumspect about this.

Shao Zhongkan 邵仲堪 says:214 The five grains can fill up the body, but cannot

lengthen one’s life.215 The hundred herbs can cure disease and extend one’s years, but

210This title is a shorthand for the Huangdi zhongjing 黃帝中經 (Yellow Emperor’s Scripture of the Middle), and
can be found cited more fully in the Zhiyan zong 至言總 (Summation of the Discourses on the Ultimate) HY
1027. The extended fragment is also in the Ishinpô 27.563a-b as an excerpt from the Yangsheng yaoji. (Mugitani,
Yosei yoshu, 73 n. 25.1) See Textual History for further discussion.

211The YJ has 持 whereas the DZ has 將. The YJ variation reflects discussions in Chapter 6 that encourage
semen retention and warn of the difficulty of suppressing ejaculation during strong arousal. Different textual
fragments in chapter 6 also recommend repeated and dynamic dual-cultivation over quiescent practice, if it can
be maintained. See C6 and Wile, Arts of the Bedchamber.

212Han Rong 韓融, stylenamed Yuanzhang 元長, lived during the Eastern Han, 穎川, and was the son of 韓韶,
whose biography can be found in the juan 62 of the Hanshu. He is also mentioned in the Bowuzhi and the
Baopuzi (Mugitani, Yosei yoshu, 78 n. 26.1). This text is also cited in the Ishinpô in the chapter on cultivating life,
where it is cited as from the Yangsheng yaoji. For more details, see entry on Chen Ji in Textual History.

213“Grains”穀 was often used synechdochally to mean all food, and the cutting off of grains often referred to a
diet of pure qi. This practice was thought to enable the practitioner to purify their body that they could
become a transcendent.

214The DZ has Shao Zhongzhan 邵仲湛 here, and similar texts cited a variety of similar names. A citation in
the Ishinpô also refers to this person as Shao Zhongkan 邵仲堪, leading Zhu Yueli to choose this name, and
 88

cannot sweeten the mouth. That which sweetens the mouth and fills the body is the

commoner’s pearl. That which is bitter to taste and extends the years is the Daoist master’s

treasure.

The Suwen 素問 (Simple Questions) states:216 The Yellow Emperor asked Qibo,

saying: I have heard that the people of early antiquity, after experiencing one hundred

springs and autumns, their agility never waned. (This refers to blood and qi remaining

abundant). As for the people of today, as soon as they reach fifty, everyone’s agility wanes.

Have the times changed or is this loss due to the people’s negligence?217

Qi Bo replied: As for the people of early antiquity, their knowledge of the Way was

modeled on Yin and Yang, and harmony by means of arts and stratagems. (Methods of
218
conjoining within the bedchamber). They were restrained in eating and drinking, regular in their

daily patterns of rising and sleeping, and their behaviour was not wanton. By this they were

attribute the text to a figure by that name in the court of Xiao Wudi 孝武帝(r. 373- 397 C.E.) of the Eastern
Jin. (Zhu, “YXYML tong kao,” 110).

215 Formulations of the five grains are not uniform, but one of the more common variations is rice, wheat,
millet, panicled millet, and pulses.
216 This opening statement of the HDNJ corresponds to 1.6b.4-7b.1 of the Chongguangbo buzhu huangdi neijing

suwen 重廣補註黃帝內經素問 (Complete and Broadly Encompassing Annotated Simple Questions from the Yellow
Emperor’s Classic of Internal Medicine compiled by Wang Bing 王冰 in 762), and has also been translated by
Unschuld (Medicine in China, 277), whose version, as well as that of Ilsa Veith (Yellow Emperor), has influenced
my own. See notes below.

217Zhuangren zhi shi 將人之失. The HDNJ has Renzhuang shi zhi 人將失之 here: “Aren’t the people about to
lose this?”

218Shushu 術數: This term is quite open-ended. It refers either to political strategies or prognostication
techniques. (GYCD) The commentary interprets the term as sexual cultivation practice (fangzhong jiangjie zhi fa
房中交接之法), partially on the basis of interpreting he 和(harmony) as he 合(union).
Wang Bing does not go as far as the commentary. While he refers to self-cultivation, he does not link
them to sexual cultivation. His commentary states:
知道，謂知修養之道。夫陰陽者，天地之常道。術數者，保生之大倫。故修養者必謹先
之。
Knowing the Way – this refers to the ways of practicing cultivation. Yin and Yang – these are the
eternal ways of Heaven and Earth. Hygienic arts and prognostication – these are the main principle
of protecting life. Thus, those who practice self-cultivation must be sure to make this their first
priority. –HDNJ 1.6b.7-8
 89

able to unite their bodies with their spirits, live out their natural lifespans, which were over a

hundred years. As for the people of today, their standards are unnatural: using wine for

condiments, taking wantonness as the norm, they enter the bedchamber while drunk and

exhaust their semen through their lust. Dispersing their true nature through attachments219

they are ignorant of how to maintain fullness of attainment220 and do not control their spirits

according to the seasons; they make their minds race with busyness, dallying in sexual

intercourse.221 Their governance of life and rhythms of rising and sleeping222 are without

restraint or order, and this is why they decline at fifty.

Laozi 老子 says: 223 A long human life is limited to one hundred years, but those

who regulate and protect their life can reach a thousand years old. It is like using candlefat –

219 The HDNJ has the homophone 耗 hao (idleness) here, where the YXYML has 好.

220持滿: This term refers to not spilling when carrying a pot full of water, a metaphor for being able to
maintain one’s high performance even when one has reached the pinnacle of attainment.
子路曰： ｢ 敢問持滿有道乎？ ｣ 孔子曰： ｢ 聰明聖知，守之以愚；功被天下，守之以
讓；勇力撫世，守之以法，富於四海，守之以謙。｣
Zilu 子路 said to Confucius: “Please, what is the proper way to maintain contentment 持滿?”
Confucius responds: “Those who are intelligent, and possessed of sagely knowledge, protect it by
means of stupidity; those whose success is honoured under Heaven, protect it by means of
deference; those who have valorous strength nurture the world in compliance with law; and the
wealthy amongst the four seas protect it by means of humility. – Xunzi 荀子: Chapter 28 宥坐(cited
in the GYCD).
It is possible to interpret this in terms of sexual cultivation i.e. some form of coitus interruptus, or
locking the semen at the height of sexual pleasure, but this would run contrary to Pengzu’s advice in
chapter 6:
有強鬱閉之，難持易失，使人漏精尿濁，以致鬼交之病。
Locking [the essence] when there is a strong build-up, this is hard to grasp and easy to lose,
causing leakage of essence and turbid urine, and results in illnesses from ghostly intercourse.
YXYML 2.9a.7-8.

221 The DZ version has you yu yinyang 遊於陰陽, “dallying in sexual intercourse.” The YJ, however, has ni yu
yinyang 逆於陰陽, “betraying the principles of yin and yang,” which is closer to the Huangdi neijing’s ni yu shingle
逆於生樂, “go against the [true] joy of life” (Unschuld, Medicine in China, 277).

222 Qiju 起居: Rising and retiring, or rhythms of daily life.

223This passage is not in the received versions of the Laozi, and from the style, it seems unlikely to be from any
earlier edition of the Laozi. The YJ has Laojun 老君 here. See section on Laozi and Laojun texts in Textual
History. A very similar passage can be found in Qianjin yifang 千金翼方 (Assistant Formulæ worth a Thousand
Gold) Juan 27.
 90

simply burn a small wick in a large lamp. Common folk talk big, but I speak in a whisper;

common folk have lots of vexations but I remember very little; the common folk throb with

rage, but I do not get angry. I don’t tire my thoughts with human activity, I don’t perform

work which pays me an official salary. Unconcerned and non-acting, my spirits and qi are

naturally full. By taking the herbs of immortality – this knowledge of mine can’t be found in

this world! Without uttering secret profundities, my heavenly nature harmonizes with my

human one. Without speaking dark obscurities, my spirits manifest in a human form. Even

when the heart-mind speaks in whispers, ghosts hear the sounds of humans; and as for those

who transgress a thousand prohibitions – the earth takes their bodies: when one openly

performs good deeds, the lucky recipients report them; when one performs good deeds in

secret, then ghosts and spirits report them. When one openly commits wicked acts, one’s

enemies224 control them; when one performs wicked acts in secret, then ghosts and spirits

punish him. Thus, by means of shadows Heaven ensures people are not cheated, and by

means of sound the Earth ensures people are not cheated.

Laojun 老君 (Lord Lao) says:225 When people perform merit and accumulate

virtue, but meet with unlucky disasters, [it is because] they have received the karmic

calamities226 of earlier people. When people transgress laws and perform evil deeds yet meet

224 The YJ has 正人“ upright people” here.

225 As with the previous fragment, the origin of this is uncertain. See Textual History for details.

226 Yuyang 餘殃. The Wenyan 文言 (Writings and Discourse) of the 2nd trigram of the Yijing, 坤, the Female,
says:
積善之家‧必有餘慶‧積不善之家‧必有餘殃‧
Those who store up virtues, will surely receive extra praise. Those who store up vices, will surely suffer
extra calamities.
The Wenyan is a commentary on the Yijing dating from the Warring States to the Qin/Han period
(Shaughenessy, “I Ching” in Loewe, Chinese Texts, 279). This use therefore likely predates Buddhism, but in the
Laojun citation, it is clearly being used in a Chinese, post-Buddhistic understanding of karma.
The concept of hidden merit yinde 陰德 appears at least as early as the Zhengao (dates 363-368C.E.),
where it refers to the merit or faults of previous generations. It is probably safe to assume that “earlier people”
 91

with good fortune, [it is because] they have encountered the karmic fortunes of earlier

people.

The Mingyi xubing lun 名醫敘卒病論 (Discourse on Description of Illnesses

by Famous Doctors) says:227 The fact that people of this generation don’t live ‘till the age

of sixty, or they die when very young, is all due to: not loving and cherishing one’s self;

furious competition and willful abandon:228 seeking fame and aiming for fortune. [These]

amassed poisons attack one’s spirits,229 injuring the bones and marrow on the interior,

causing one’s tendons and flesh230 to atrophy231 on the exterior. When the qi and blood are

about to vanish, then the channels become clogged. The orderliness of the flesh becomes

depleted and decrepit, simply an invitation for parasitic diseases.232 Their upright qi

here refers to ancestors, and not to “previous incarnations” in the strictly Buddhist sense, which accrue only in
relation to one particular individual. Clearly, then, this passage cannot be from an early recension of the Laozi,
since that text long predates the entry of this concept of karma to China with the introduction of Buddhism.

227Zhu Yueli (“YXYML Kao,” 108-9) surmises that this refers to the work of Zhang Zhongjing 張仲景(150-
219) and comes from the Shanghan lun 傷寒論. This passage is cited with variance in Sun Simiao’s Qianjin yifang
千金翼方(Yifang)15.1.1a, prefaced by the phrase lunyue 論曰. Other lunyue citations in the yifang point to the
Shanghan lun, although this passage cannot be found in current recensions. This may, therefore, represent a
lost fragment from that work. See Textual History for further details.

228 The Yifang has jieqing jinyi 竭情盡意, meaning “extreme emotionalism and willful abandon.”

229 The JH has “body”身 here instead of “spirits”神.

230See Kuriyama, Expressiveness, for an excellent discussion of the contrast between the Greek concept of
“muscles” and the Chinese concept of “flesh.” The importance here is that 肉 doesn’t point to discrete units
localized in definable anatomical locations, but rather a type of tissue present all around the body.

231 貶. YJ has 乏, which means “exhausting.”

232蠱疾 In the Tang, this was recognized to be merely an infectious, although possibly lethal worm.
甄權診曰: 腹有蠱，誤食髮而然。
Zhen Quan (541－643) diagnosed, saying: There are Gu-worms in the abdomen. Avoid eating
hair and you will be back to normal. - Xin Tang Shu 新唐書 204.5799
However, in earlier times, the Gu worm was thought to be a fearful magical parasite, which could infect
and attack one without one’s knowledge. The earliest reference is a hexagram title from the Yijing, which,
prognosticates rot and decay (Willhelm, Yijing, 75). In the Zuozhuan 左傳 and the Mozi 墨子 the term is used to
refer to confusion. Later, in the Han, it was a term for an evil curse which was widely feared:
是時… 疑左右皆為蠱祝詛，有與亡，莫敢訟其冤者。
 92

(immunocompetence)233 daily declines, and pathogenic qi (immunocompromise) daily

increases. To say that this is not different from raising ocean waves to extinguish a torch-

flame, or from toppling the peaks of Mount Hua234 to stop the flow of a rivulet, merely

describes the ease with which these [offenses to the body] occur, but it is even easier than

this!235

Pengzu 彭祖 says: 236 The way does not lie in vexation. If you can simply avoid

thinking of clothes, thinking of food, thinking of sounds, thinking of sights, thinking of

victory, thinking of defeat, thinking of loss, thinking of gain, thinking of glory or of

humiliation – if you can avoid labouring the mind and exhausting the body, but frequently

practice daoyin,237 respiration exercises,238 and embryonic breathing239 then you can attain a

thousand years. Those who yearn for limitless life should ingest superior herbs.240

At this time… it was suspected that among the ministers of the left and right, all were using the
gu curse. And for those who had dead [relatives], there were none who dared submit plaints in
protest. – Han shu 漢書 (Records of the Han) 45.2179

233正氣: primal qi. ZGYYXDCD 779.1 “[Upright qi] is not really another type of qi, but simply a general term
to indicate the various qi having the function of protecting the body from invasion by exterior pathogenic
factors.” (Maciocia 1989: p. 46)

234 Huashan 華山. The westernmost of the five Marchmounts, this is also the tallest, standing at 2,200m tall. It
is located in Shaanxi in Huayin 華陰 county, in the south of the Weihe 渭河 river basin.(GYCD)

235 Where the DZ has juan 涓 (rivulet), the YJ has yu 淯, a river now known as the White River (baihe 白河),
the source of which lies in southwestern Henan (GYCD). The distance from Mount Hua makes it appear to
be a copyist’s error.

236This passage is also found in Sun Simiao’s Qianjin yaofang, 82.27.5.4b10-5a3 and Sheyang zhenzhong fang YJ 33
10a and in the Taiqing daolin shesheng lun 太清道林攝生論 (Dao Lin’s Discussion of Sustaining Life from the
Grand Clarity, hereafter Daolin lun) HY1416 18b1-4. These passages describe the proscriptions in pairs, as
opposed to here in the YXYML where they are listed singly. The final clause about immortality and ingesting
superior herbs does not appear in them.
Despeux notes (“Gymnastics” p. 231f.) that the Daolin lun contains many passages from the Yangsheng yaoji,
which can also be found in the Zhiyan zong, and the Yangxing yangming lu. Since the Daolin lun does not appear in
bibliographies until the Song, Despeux surmises that it was compiled directly from the Yangsheng yaoji. It is
therefore quite probable that this and other Pengzu citations come to the YXYML via the Yangsheng yaoji.

237For more on this type of practice, see note 9 in the translation of the Preface and the translation of Chapter
Five.
 93

Zhong Zhangtong 仲長統 says:241 Roaming in the six emotions and five natures242

is: to have a mind but not use it to think; to have a mouth but not use it to speak; to have a

238
納氣. The YJ has 內氣, “interior breathing.” I opt for the DZ version here because of the precedent in
Zhuangzi 15 of the term 吐納 (See Introduction for translation of this passage).

239 胎息 “In the practice of embryonic breathing, one does not use the nose or the mouth. Instead
one breathes in the manner of an embryo inside the womb: whoever realizes this has truly
attained the Dao.” – Sun Simiao’s Sheyang zhenzhong fang 攝陽枕中方 9b, trans Englehardt,
“Qi for Life” p. 287

240上藥 Sun Simiao (ibid.) has 金丹打藥, “Alchemical elixirs and great drugs” instead of “superior herbs” 上
藥 here, This equation corroborates the hierarchy between the three different kinds of pharmaka in the
Shennong bencao jingzhu.

241A polemicist in the Latter Han, Zhong (180-220) wrote a number of works, and this excerpt is likely from
the Changyan 昌言 (Frank Words).

242 Liuqing wuxing 六情五性. The YJ has dang liuqing zhi zhe 蕩六情之者 “As for those who even out the six
emotions.”
There appears to be a Confucian discourse about the six (bad) emotions and the five (good) natures in
Han and post-Han literature, but I have been at pains to locate a specific source from which this idea arose, or
at least which brought into articulate form the set of concerns about these. The six emotions 六情 are: Joy,
anger, grief, happiness, attachment and loathing (xi 喜、nu 怒、ai 哀、le 樂、hao 好、e 惡). (GYCD)
We can find in the Sanguo zhi a passage which mentions them, which is cited in later encyclopædias:
夫六情五性，同在於人：嗜欲廉貞各居其一，及其動也交爭于心。欲彊質弱，則縱濫
不禁；精誠不制，則放溢無極。夫情之所在，非好則美；而美好之集，非人力不成，
非榖帛不立。情茍無極，則人不堪其勞，物不充其求。勞求並至，將起禍亂；故不割
情，無以相供。
As for the six emotions and five natures, they are the same in [all] people. Penchants and desires,
honesty and chastity, they all live in the one [person], and their movements struggle and contend
within the heart-mind. If one’s desires are strong, and character weak, then he will indulge
himself without restraint. [Even] if one is pure and sincere, yet without self-control, he will let
loose with unlimited abandon. When the emotions arise it is either due to delights or beauty, and
the accumulation of these is accomplished only through effort and expense. Where there is
unending emotionalism and sloppiness, people do not endure their labours, and goods cannot
fulfill those people’s desires. When labour and desire both manifest, then disaster and chaos are
about to arise. Thus, without excising emotionalism, there is no way to contribute to [the
country] together.–Sanguo zhi: Wei shu 三國志。魏書 (Annals of the Three Kingdoms, History
of the Wei) 25.713 (Thanks to Dr. Robert Eno for help with this translation.).
These terms can be found in Buddhist translations from around the same time, but six emotions and five
natures don’t come as a pair, so far as I’ve been able to find. The concepts are quite different, as you can see
below, but there appears to be some corresponding relationship between the Buddhist six emotions and the
YXYML as regards to control of the senses.
其事有六。以治六情。情有內外。眼耳鼻口身心。謂之內矣。色聲香味細滑邪念。謂
之外也。
Their work is sixfold, in order to control the six emotions. The emotions exist internally and
externally. The eyes, ears, nose, mouth, body and mind are their internal [aspects]. Colour,
sound, fragrance, flavour, the fine and smooth (probably implying skin), and evil thoughts – these
 94

body but not use it to rest; to rest it, and still be able to move; to enjoy it but not to love

with it. The search for this does not account for the passage of time or the transformation

of things. If those worthies Pengzu and Laodan 老聃243 were not so, how could they [on the

one hand] be of the same ilk as humans, yet [on the other] have such different lifespans?

Chen Ji 陳紀 (Stylename Yuanfang 元方) says:244 That the hundred illness lay

people low before their time, is largely due to food and drink. Illnesses of food and drink

are graver than those of sound and colour (indulgence in sensuality). Sensual pleasures can

be abstained from for years on end, but food and drink cannot be stopped for even a day.

While the benefits of food and drink are many, the dangers are also severe. (Consuming in

quantity leads to severe injury, and in moderation leads to increase and benefit.)

Zhang Zhan 張湛 says:245 As for all those who have lost their wealth, power and

influence,246 even though pathogens haven’t infected their interior,247 their essence and spirits

are their external [aspects]. –T55n2145_p0043a02-3 by Kang Senghui 康僧會 Saṅghavarman (fl.
252).
Thanks to Dr. Aaron Stalnaker for help in sourcing this quotation.
There are five natures in the Yogcâra school, which were thought to determine the type of attainment a
practitioner could reach: œrâvakas 聲聞; pratyekabuddhas 辟支佛; bodhisattvas 菩薩; the indeterminate nature 不
定性; and the nature lacking capacity for enlightenment (一闡提 icchantika) (Muller, Digital Dictionary). This
conceptual scheme does not appear with the six emotions.

243This refers to the identification of the author of the Daode jing with the historical figure Laodan who was an
archivist during the Eastern Zhou who was purported to have advised Confucius in Confucius’ youth (Shiji
63.2140), although Sima Qian notes that this cannot be confirmed (ibid. 2142). Since Sima Qian had
associations with the Huanglao 黃老 movement, this hagiographic detail most likely indicates beliefs of the
Huanglao tradition.

244Chen Ji (ca 130-200) was an official in the Latter Han, and a disciple of Han Rong (see above). This
fragment is cited from the Yangsheng yaoji in Ishinpô chapter 29. There are interesting alternate narratives about
Chen Ji, which are described in the Textual History chapter.

245Author of Yangsheng Yaoji, the primary source for the YXYML. See introduction and Textual History for
details.
Apart from the final passage, this is a passage from the Huangdi neijing suwen 23.77.10a (SKQS) with
commentary, apparently by Zhang Zhan.
 95

are internally injured, and their minds and bodies die. (This is not due to evil magic or

external disasters, it simply arises from the fusion of extreme heat and cold in the interior,

causing internal prolapse and hæmatemesis).248 They have abundant health in the beginning

but become impoverished in the end, so even though they are not struck by pathogens,249

their skin becomes scorched and their tendons protrude, and they atrophy, weaken and

develop contracture. (Whether people are rich or poor, benefit and harm still lie in power &

influence, and this is the cause for illness and rashes depleting the body). Movement

overcomes cold, and stillness overcomes heat. Since one can move or be still, one can live

long by this. Purifying and cleansing the essence and qi, one can thereby unite with the

Dao.250

Zhuangzi says:251 The Perfected do not dream in their sleep.

Shenzi 慎子 says:252 Those who have no tasks to attend to during the day, have no

dreams at night.253

246HDNJ has gu gui tuoshi 故貴脫勢 (Thus the wealthy cast off their power). The YJ has fan gui shi zhe 凡貴勢
者 (all those with wealth and power) and the DZ has fan tuo gui quan shi zhe 凡脫貴權勢者 (All those who have
cast off power, wealth and influence). I slightly twist the translation of 貴(nobility) to “wealth” because this
captures the usage of the HDNJ authors, who use metaphors of economic class to indicate levels of health.
This quantitative metaphor alludes also to abundance of qi and essence.

247中邪: Literally “beset by evils.” Given the prevalence of widespread infectious plagues during the Eastern
Jin when Zhang Zhan was alive, and the types of disease he describes here, it’s likely he is referring to infection
by epidemic plagues (although the concept of infection did not occur as a concept in Chinese medicine until
much later.). Here the principle idiom would be the invasion of pathogens (such as wind or heteropathic qi)
into deeper, more interior levels of the body.

248 Ouxue 嘔血 (to vomit blood).

249 HDNJ has sui bu shang xie 雖不傷邪 “although they are not injured by pathogens.”

250 This last fragment is not in the Neijing, and could possibly come from Zhang Zhan’s commentary.

251 Zhuangzi 3.6.2b

252Attributed to Shen Dao 慎到, one of the philosophers of the Jixia 稷下 school, which lasted from around
the fourth to the second century B.C.E. This text is thought to have disappeared between the An Lushan
rebellion 755 and the end of the Tang 960. (Thompson, “Shen Tzu” pp. 399-400).
 96

Daoist Zhang 張道人,254 who at one hundred and ten, was tall and strong, said:

The way to cultivate inner nature, is to not walk, sit, lie down, gaze or listen for extended

periods of time, to not eat and drink to excess, or to become greatly drunk, worried and

vexed, or grief-stricken. This method is supposed to harmonize the interior. Those who

can harmonize the interior live long for sure.

The Xianjing 仙經 (Transcendent Scriptures) say:255 My life is within me, it does

not lie in Heaven.256 But fools are unable to know this: the Dao is the essence of life. Those

who suffer hundreds of contagions and evil winds have all gotten them through wanton

intentions, extreme passions and not knowing how to cherish the self. Thus they empty and

253 This translation is informed by Thompson, The Shen-tzu Fragments 1970 p. 575.

254 This fragment can also be found in the twenty-seventh chapter (hereafter Q27) of the Qianjin yaofang
81.27.2.10a1-6 in the Daolin 道林 section, where the source is referred to as zhenren 真人. The idea is more
fully represented there, with extra prohibitions. The YXYML citation appears to be a summary of the Daolin
citation. Mugitani notes the similarity to the Qianjin yoafang, but does not offer any suggestions as to the
identity of Daoist Zhang (79 n. 38.1). Nor does Zhu Yueli, apart from the observation that he must have
flourished before the Period of the North-South Divide 南北朝, i.e. 420 C.E. Presumably Zhu thinks this
because Zhang Zhan flourished during the Jin period.
The name Daoist Zhang is generic, and can be found in different texts referring to completely different
people (there are thiry-nine instances in the SKQS – some of which are cross-citations, but most of which
point to local characters in various gazetteers). None of the biographies I came across offered any
distinguishing similarities to the citation here. Nor is there is any indication that this name is connected to
Zhang Daoling 張道陵 (fl 140 C.E.), the founder of Celestial Master Daoism.
The source for the Daolin section of Q27 (see Textual History), is the Yangsheng yaoji, so it is likely to be
the source for this excerpt as well. Similar material can also be found in at least two texts related to Q27, the
Daolin lun (see Daolin section of Textual History chapter) and the Zhenzhong ji 枕中記 HY 836, another smaller
text by Sun Simiao, largely based on Q27.

255A generic title for Daoist texts, there is a slim possibility that this could be a reference to the Zhongjing 仲經.
See Textual History for further details.

256 This rousing call of the longevist, which is found in chapter 16 of the Baopuzi, and juan 3 of the Xisheng jing.
龜甲文曰：我命在我不在天，還丹成金億萬年。
The Guijia Wen reads: “The span of life is up to me, not heaven. The reverted cinnabar becomes
gold, and millions of years are mine.” – Baopuzi 16.16b9-17a1, Ware p.269

我命在我，不屬天地。
The Xisheng Jing 西昇經 (Scripture of Ascent to the West) reads: “The span of my life is up to me, it is
not determined by Heaven or Earth.” Xisheng jing HY 666 3.26.6a9
 97

deplete their life. Take dried and rotted wood for example, which breaks on meeting a

breeze; or a dam about to collapse, which falls just as the water reaches it. Now, if

medicinals are unavailable, then know to cherish your semen and regulate your passions. By

this you can also reach one or two hundred years of age.

In the preface to the Yangsheng ji 養生集 Zhang Zhan said:257 These are the main

essentials of cultivating life: the first is called conserving spirits; the second is called

cherishing qi;258 the third is called cultivating the body; the fourth is called daoyin; the fifth is

called [conserving] speech; the sixth is called [moderating] food and drink; the seventh is

called the [arts of] the bedchamber;259 the eighth is called going against custom; the ninth is

called medicinals; the tenth is called the prohibitions. Only after these can cultivating life be

properly described.

Daoist Master Azure Ox 青牛道士 says:260 People should not yearn to indulge in

pleasures – hedonists don’t live long. However, they also should not force themselves into

exertions beyond their capacity, such as lifting heavy things and pulling with force, digging

earth and other hard labour, as well as not resting when tired. These things will simply

257 A shorthand title for the Yangsheng yaoji.

258
Conserving qi, as well as essence or semen, was considered essential to longevity. Ge Hong says 寳 精愛炁
最其急也 “Treasure your seminal essence and love your qi. These are most urgent matters.” (Baopuzi6.3b1).

259 Fang shi 房室 lit. “bedchamber.” This term was considered a metonymy for sexual cultivation practices.

260This is a Yangsheng yaoji passage, as cited in Ishinpô 27.3.567. The end of this passage is also summarized in
Zhubing yuanhou lun 27.10a8-b1 in a passage titled Yangsheng fang, which therefore probably refers to the same
text.

The epithet Daoist Master Azure Ox was a title used for Feng Heng 封衡 Stylenamed Junda 君達. He
was a longevist known for eating coptis root (huanglian 黃蓮) and liquid silver (Campany, To Live, p. 149).
Further source materials about Feng Heng are listed in Campany, p. 397-400, who also notes that sources on
Feng Heng can be dated as early as the Tang. Given that this passage is in the Yangsheng yaoji, we can now
place date earlier to the 5th century, based on the date for the Yangsheng yaoji.
 98

exhaust them to their sinews and bones. Actually, hard labour is better261 than indulgence

and hedonism. It’s good if they have something to do from dawn to dusk, and do it without

rest, but when they feel they’ve reached their limits and ought to rest, they should rest and

then go back to work. Daoyin is no different from this. Flowing water never stagnates and

door hinges never rust262 because they work so much. Having eaten their fill, people

shouldn’t sit or lie down, they should walk and pace, or do some work in order to disperse

their repast. Not doing so causes indigested accumulations and masses,263 numbness and

atrophy264 of the limbs, and a jaundiced, sallow complexion and irises, which undoubtedly

take years off one’s lifetime.

261 The Ishinpô has “far better” here.

262 We can find this image in the Lüshi chunqiu 呂氏春秋 and the Zhuangzi:
流水不腐，戶樞不螻,動也。形氣亦然。形不動，則精不流，精不流則氣鬱。
Flowing water does not stagnate, and a door hinge that doesn’t become not worm-eaten is one
that is always in motion. The body and qi are also the same. If they do not move, then jing does
not flow. If jing does not flow, then the qi becomes stagnant. –Lüshi Chunqiu 3.2.4b-5a.

The image of the hinge (pivot, or axis) takes on philosophical and cosmological nuances in other
Daoist texts such as the Zhuangzi:
樞始得其環中以應無窮。
When the hinge is fitted into the socket it can respond endlessly. – tr. Watson, Chuang Tzu, 40.
.
263 Accumulations and masses are often translated as “constipation,” but more accurately refer to palpable

lumps in the body. Accumulations were distinguished from masses, the former being static, easily palpable
lumps within the body, whereas the latter are more mobile and less well-defined in shape. (Nanjing 難經
(Classic of Difficulties) Section 55). While they can arise from multiple causes, in transcendent literature, they
are often associated with eating:
凡食過，則結積聚。飲過則成痰癖。
Whenever one overeats, it results in accumulations and masses, and when one drinks too much,
it results in phlegm-based fatigue. –Baopuzi 13.9a9-b2.

264Bijue 痺蹷 . The development of this image of the limbs being weak and stumbling parallels the progression
of the passage from the Lüshi chunqiu cited above, which goes on to say:
處足則為痿為蹷 (痿不能行蹷 逆疾也)
[When stagnant qi] locates in the feet they become weak and unstable. (Weak means being unable
to walk; stumbling is an illness of counter-circulation.) – Lüshi chunqiu (ICS) 3.2.13.9.
 99

Huangfu Long 皇甫隆265 asked Daoist Master Azure Ox 青牛道士 (Daoist Master

Azure Ox’ surname is Feng 封 and his stylename is Junda 君達. His methods and regulations for cultivating

inner nature are practical and useful.), who, making a general summary said: The body should

always be labouring, food should always be moderate, labours should never exceed one’s

limits, and moderation should never be excessive. Get rid of with fat and strong flavours,

regulate the salty and sour, reduce thoughts and cogitation, decrease joy and anger, dispense

with rushing and chasing, and be circumspect in affairs of the bedchamber. Wei Wudi266

practiced this and had results.

Pengzu says:267 As for people’s received qi,268 even if they do not know any esoteric

265
The passage cited here can also be found, with variance, in Sanguozhi buzhu 三國志補注 (Additional
Commentary on the Annals of the Three Kingdoms) (SKQS) 4.16b5-8, the Sheyang zhenzhong fang 攝養枕中方
YJ33.4a5-7, the Shenxian shiqi jinguilu 神仙食炁 金櫃錄 HY835 16b2-4, and the Zhenzhong fang 3a5-8.
Records of Huangfu’s actions can be found in the Sanguozhi 三國志 16.513 (Records of the three
Kingdoms) and the Jinshu 晉書 (Records of the Jin Dynasty) (ref. Mugitani p. 81, n. 42.1).
其後皇甫隆為敦煌太守，敦煌俗不作耬 犂 ，及不知用水，人牛功力既費，而收穀更
少。隆到，乃教作耬犁，又教使灌溉．歲終率計，所省庸力過半，得穀加五，西方以
豐。
Afer this, Huangfu Long became the governor of Dunhuang. The commoners in Dunhuang did
not make seed casters, nor did they know about irrigation, so that the strength of both man and
beast went to waste, and their grain crops were less [than they might have been]. Long arrived,
taught them to make seeders and hoes, and how to construct irrigation ditches. At the end of a
year calculations showed that while conserving over half the employed labour, he had harvested
five times the grain, and the Western Region flourished due to this. –Jinshu 26.785.

266Cao Cao 曹操 (stylename Mengde 孟德, d. 220), the well-known general in the Sanguozhi and founding
monarch of Wei, also annexed the territory commanded by the early Celestial Masters, and drove them out,
instigating the sect’s widespread dissemination. (Bokenkamp, Scriptures, pp. 34-35, 149-55) He was also known
to have hailed numerous practitioners of esoterica to his court or arrested them, in order to learn their
techniques. (Campany, To Live, pp. 172, 300).
Mugitani cites a version of Feng Heng’s Shenxian zhuan biography where it is Wei Wendi, rather Huangfu
Long, who asks for instructions (Mugitani, 82, n. 42.2). This is not the case in the Siku quanshu edition, one of
two primary sources for modern copies, so I assume it is present in the other major source, the Guang Han Wei
congshu 廣漢魏叢書 edition. (See Campany,To Live, pp. 118-124 for a discussion of variant editions of the
Shenxian zhuan). Campany’s description of the various biographies of Feng Heng (397-400), finds the Wudi
version to be exception. He notes earliest extant source of this variance to be the Song dynasty Sandong qunxian
lu 三洞群仙錄 HY1238 15.11b. The YXYML version here appears to comingle the two, as it is Huangfu Long
who asks, but Wei Wendi who concludes the fragment by putting the teachings into practice.

267This Yangsheng yaoji fragment is cited as such in Ishinpô 27.4.570a and in Pengzu’s biography in Taiping guangji
2.5b1-3, and Shenxian zhuan 1.5b 4-6. The Taiping guangji cites the Shenxian zhuan as its source for this passage.
 100

techniques,269 if they get some of the principles of qi-cultivation, they will have long life up to

one hundred and twenty years of age. Anyone who doesn’t attain this, has injured their qi.

Those who understand the Dao a little more, can reach two hundred and forty years old.

Those who have further subtlety and add medicinals270 can reach four hundred and eighty

years old. (Ji Kang 271 also comments: Knowing the principles of cultivation through “guiding and

cultivating,”272 at most one can live up to a thousand years, at the least one hundred.)

Pengzu says:273 The method of cultivating longevity, is simply to never harm it,

that’s all. Keep warm in the winter and cool in the summer, while not losing harmony with

the four seasons, and in this way keep the body in optimal condition.

Campany (op. cit. p. 123) notes the problems regarding reliability of Shenxian zhuan versions. The two
source editions from which modern versions derive are 1) the Guang Han Wei congshu, compiled in the late Ming,
and 2) the edition published by Mao Jin(1599-1659) which is also the version used in the SKQS. Because of
this our most accurate picture of early edition of the Shenxian zhuan comes from earlier texts which cite it, such
as the Taiping guangji, which, being earlier, is closer to the early editions of the Shenxian zhuan than the editions.
Note that this does not imply a concept of an ideal “original edition” of the text, but is consistent with their
being multiple variants in circulation, even in the earliest stages. This translation is informed by Campany, To
Live, p. 177.

268The qi people receive at birth. This is cognate with the opening of the preface: bingqi huailing 稟氣含靈
(received qi and inner numen).

269 Fangshu 方術. The esoteric arts were “technical skills in medicine, divination, and magic combined with
talent for storytelling, and political persuasion” popular “from the third century B.C. to the fourth or fifth
century A.D.” (DeWoskin, Doctors, Diviners and Magicians, p. 1). See DeWoskin, Kory, Five types of Fangji,
Campany, To Live, and Harper, Early Chinese Medical Literature, for more on the esoteric arts, their development
and changing significance across different periods.

270 The Taiping guangji version does not mention medicinals or subtlety.

271 This is an abbreviated fragment from the Yangsheng lun

至於導養得理以盡性命，上獲千餘嵗 ，下可數百年。
As for those who acquaint themselves with the principles daoyin in order to fully live out their
natural and allotted destiny, the best of them gain over a thousand years, and the least several
hundred. – Yangsheng lun, in Ji Kang zhongji 3.4a3-4.

272 Daoyang 導養. Cognate with daoyin and yangxing, this term implies both exercise and cultivation.

273This Yangsheng yaoji fragment is cited as such in Ishinpô 27.1.564a, and is also found in Taiping guangji 2.4b4-5.
Also see Campany, To Live, 177.
 101

Pengzu says:274 The use of heavy clothes and thick mattresses, and when the body

doesn’t endure physical labour, these can bring about wind-cold invasion syndromes. Rich

flavours and dried meats, drunkness and gluttony to surfeit, lead to masses and knots

syndrome.275 Filling one’s chambers with beautiful succubi, luscious beauties and

concubines, all lead to the plight of deficiency and decrease. The sounds of licentiousness

and plaintive tunes, in pleasing the mind and delighting the ear cause the confusion of

license.276 Galloping and racing, traveling and seeing the sights, shooting and hunting in far

wilds: these all lead to the tragedy of madness.277 Scheming for victory in battle, relying on

[the enemy’s] weaknesses to incite chaos: these lead to defeat by arrogance and over-

cleverness.

Occasionally the highest sages and worthies lose their reason. Actually, the sum of

cultivating life can be likened to fire and water - you cannot lose their harmony, opposing

them only causes injury.

274This passage follows the one above in Ishinpô 27.1.564a, but with a passage on sexual cultivation in between
them. That latter passage is moved to chapter 6 in the YXYML. It does not appear in the Taiping Guangji.
Translation here is informed by Engelhardt (“Qi for Life” 1989, 282-83).

275
Jujie 聚結 Cognate with accumulations and masses, massing and knotting appears to further imply painful
contraction. This term was in use as such in the Sui dynasty:

癥者，由寒温 失節，致府蔵 之氣虚 弱，而食飲不消，聚結在内 ，染漸生長。

Constipation arises from [interior] warmth becoming blocked and unregulated, which weakens
and depletes the qi of the yin and yang organs, causing inability to digest solids and fluids, and
interior masses and knots which slowly spread and grow. – Zhubing yuanhou lun 19.7a2-3.

276
Huangdan zhi huo 荒耽之惑: The image of being mired has an old association with sensuality, as in this
image from the Dadai liji 大戴禮記 (The Greater Dai’s Records of Rites).
桀不率先王之明徳 ；乃荒耽于酒，淫泆于樂。
Jie didn’t follow the lead of earlier kings’ bright virtue, and became mired in wine and immersed
in licentious pleasures. – Dadai liji 11.17a4.

277 This is an echo of Laozi 12: 馳騁畋獵，令人心發狂。

 102

Pengzu 彭祖 says:278 When people take medicinals without knowing the Daoist

scriptures, they will become depleted and injured. If their qi and blood are deficient, their

meridians will be empty and vacuous. When the brain and marrow279 are not replete, then

the interior has already become ill. When people [in this condition] become compromised

by external influences–such as wind, cold, alcohol and sensuality– the interior illness simply

breaks out. If one’s foundation is replete and full, how can illness appear?

The Transcendents (xianren 仙人) say:280 There is no crime greater than

licentiousness, no calamity greater than covetousness, and no guilt greater than that of

slander. These are the three vehicles of calamity. If minor they endanger the body, if major,

they endanger the family. If you want to extend your life and reduce illness, then ejaculation

is proscribed, lest your life come to a short and brutal end. Avoid great heat, lest your bone

marrow dissolve.281 Do not become very cold, lest you injure your tendons and flesh.282

278This passage, with variance, is in Taiping Guangji 2.6a4-6, and my translation is informed by Campany, To Live,
p. 178.

279Suinao 髓腦 (Brain and marrow). This compound comes from the belief that the brain was another kind of
marrow, both being dependent on essence for their health and abundance. If the cranial cavity is not full,
therefore, then this implied that the kidneys, which govern essence, are insufficient.

280 Mugitani finds the first two sentences in the Wushang Biyao 無上祕要 HY1130 (Mugitani p. 83 n. 47.2).
He also finds a few of the proscriptions which follow the first two sentences in Ishinpô 27.11.575b, in a
Yangsheng yaoji fragment titled Shenxiantu 神仙圖 (Picture of Divine Transcendents), but the language and style
is quite different.
Transcendent(s) is a generic term, so I have not sought out a possible source text.

281
Gusui 骨髓: Bones and marrow are correlative to the kidneys and essence. The abundance or lack of bone
marrow is indirectly an indicator of the amount of jing in the body:
腎生骨髓(腎之精氣生養骨髓)。
Kidneys produce bone marrow. (The jing and qi of the kidney produces and nourishes bone
marrow). – Suwen 5.

282 The Suwen states:

冬刺肌肉，陽氣竭絕，令人善忘。
When winter penetrates the flesh, then yang-qi becomes depleted and exhausted, causing people
to be forgetful. – Suwen 18.63.13a2-3.
 103

Don’t cough up sputum lest you lose your fat and fluids.283 Don’t suddenly exhale, lest you

shock your whitesouls (po) and cloudsouls (hun).284 Don’t cry for extended periods, lest your

spirits become depressed and mournful. Don’t vent your rage, lest your spirits become

unhappy. Don’t meditate on your interior lest your willpower become muddled and

confused.285 If you can practice this way, then you can live forever.

283Feiye 肥液: Fat was not, as in the modern West, considered a sign of ill-health, but rather, in moderation,
one of good nourishment and blossoming health. Fluids were considered very important in cultivation
practices to nourish and moisten the internal organs. Spitting here is thus proscribed because it would deplete
the body of needed resources. Note the contrast here between folk practice of spitting that can be seen in
many Chinese urban centres, which is also reflected in contemporary TCM thought that advises against the
collection of too much phlegm in the body. While currently I don’t know the point at which this custom
entered common practice, presumably it would indicate the influence of a different paradigm than the ones at
play here.

284Concepts about the hun and po varied across periods, and as with most imaginings of the spirit in folk
practice, were vague and inconsistent. Most versions agree with the following synopsis: There are three hun,
and seven po. The hun reside in the liver, the po reside in the lungs. The hun contain more of the consciousness
of the person, whereas the po are more related to visceral motive forces. At death the hun rises up and flies off,
or scatters, whereas the po descends into the ground.
Yu Yingshi, “O Soul Come Back!,” describes the evolution of these concepts and related practices across
different regions, such as the Zhaohun, or Soul-summoning rites from the Zhou through to the Han. Also see
Brashier, “Han Thanatology,” for an examination of Han burial practices and their concern to preserve these
powers of the departed within the tomb.

285This sentence is somewhat surprising, as “muddled” states of meditation are usually valorized in
transcendent literature.
 104

4.C Chapter Four: Ingesting Qi to Cure Illness

(Fuqi liaobing pian disi 服氣療病篇第四)

The Yuanyang jing 元陽經 (Scripture of the Primordial Yang) states:286

Frequently inhale through the nose, hold the breath and then gargle, filling the tongue,

lips and teeth, and swallow it. It’s really excellent if you can swallow a thousand times in

a day and a night. One ought to drink and eat little – eating a lot goes against the flow of

qi, obstructing the hundred meridians. If the hundred meridians are obstructed then the

qi won’t flow. If the qi doesn’t flow, then illness ensues.

The Xuanshi 玄示 says: “The will is the instructor of qi. Qi is that which fills

the body.”287 The virtuous follow the [direction of] life, but the wicked lose their bodies.

Therefore, practice methods of circulating qi, eat little, be self-disciplined, exercise your

body, and harmonize your qi.288

286 This excerpt can be found in the Ishinpô 27.4.570a, where it is cited within the Yangsheng yaoji. It also
appears in 13b3-6 of the Shenxian shiqi jingui miaolu 神仙食氣金櫃妙錄 HY835. A Jinggui lu 金匱錄 is
cited in the medical formulae 醫方 section of the Suishu 隋書 34.1048, where it is attributed to the Master
of the Capital District, Jingli xiansheng 京里先生. This is corroborated by Tongzhi 67.24b6-7which
attributes a Shenxian shiqi jingui miaolu to Master Jingli.
Despeux (1989: 232-3) points out that because this citation is found in the Ishinpô as a Yangsheng yaoji
excerpt, that the Yangsheng yaoji was also a source used by Master Jingli. Jean Lévi (Shenxian shiqi jingui
miaolu, 355) observes similarities between 14a-18a of this text and the YXYML, including other citations
identified as Yangsheng yaoji material in the Ishinpô. These confirm Despeux’s idea that the Yangsheng yaoji
served as a source for the Jingui lu. Lévi’s citation should be amended to 15a-18a however, as 14a-b does
not reflect material in the YXYML.
Despeux also argues (p. 230) that the Shenxian jingui miaolu is a pre-Sui text,citing van der Loon (Taoist
Books 130, also cited by Lévi). However, in this citation, van der Loon merely points to its citation in
various Song catalogues,and does not indicate that it was pre-Sui. Taking Sakade’s estimate that Zhang
Zhan, the author of the Yangsheng yaoji flourished circa. 400 C.E., we can conservatively say that the Jingui lu
was composed between ca 400 and the end of the Sui in 618 C.E.

287This is a quote of Mengzi 孟子 2.1.2.205 Zhongguo wen hua jiben jiaocai vol. 2, Taibei: Sanmin shuju
yinhang.

288 The YJ does not contain the following lines which occur in the DZ, which, may indicate that they are a
later interpolation:
 105

Make the body properly upright, focus the thoughts as one,289 fixedly monitor

the [breath in the] interior and exterior, and completely seal it off above and below.290

[Doing this will] attune and clear the bodily frame and spirit-orbit291 of obstructions,

completely refines and protects [the bodymind], and fills up the dantian292 until it is

completely full. When this has occurred, the masses of pathogens will leave by

themselves.

血因輕而止之，勿過失突。復而還之。其狀若咽。正體端形。
As for blood, it is light, so slow it down–do not make the error of letting it run rampant. Replace
it and return it–this is similar to swallowing [practices].

289 The YJ has “focus one’s thoughts and will” (zhiyi zhuanyi 志意專一).

290 Gushou zhongwai, shangxia ju bi 固守中外，上下俱閉. This method appears to refer to breath
retention, presumably so that the qi does not move in and out. We see similar methods in chapter five,
such as wogu 握固 (clenching the fists and holding the breath. See notes in Chapter Five for more details),
and in descriptions of embryonic breathing (taixi 胎吸), a classic practice mentioned frequently in
Daozang cultivation texts. Compare the following description by Maspero:
“Being able to hold the breath firmly in (biqi 閉氣) is one of the most important points: not
only is it necessary to prevent the breath from escaping through the mouth or the nose, but it
must also be ‘held in firmly and not allowed to escape below (xiaxie 下瀉)’.” (Taiqing tiaoqijing
太清調氣經 HY 819.13a) – Maspero, “Methods” p. 463.
The description of this technique bears similarity to pranyama practices in India, where breath
retention is a focal practice. Specific “locks” or bandhah are still taught in Yogic ashrams today,
such as mulabandhah (Root Lock), which involves contraction of the perineal muscles below and
and jalandara bandha (Throat Lock), achieved by tilting the head downwards and constricting the
œsophagus above. In combination these are used to still the mind and concentrate and purify the
prana within the body. (Personal field observation, Gurudev Siddha Peeth Ashram, 2000).
I am as yet unaware when these practices came into play in Indian cultivation texts, although
the composition of Patanjali’s Yoga Sutra would be a starting point of investigation These instances
in our text do not in themselves constitute proof that Indian pranayama were being used in Chinese
cultivation texts, but the similarity is provocative and deserves further investigation.

291 Shenzhou 神周. The parallelism of this passage suggests that shenzhou is a technical term parallel to
xinghai 形骸 (bodily frame), but I have not found any similar usages of this term.

292The text actually has guanyuan 關元, a name for the acupoint on the ren 任 meridian (or conception
vessel), three inches below the navel, which corresponds with the dantian. The use of medical body-
topographical terms may indicate a medical audience, and possibly competition with medical paradigms, as
can be seen in the following Pengzu passage, where visualization is advanced as an alternative to
acupumoxa therapy.
 106

Pengzu says:293 Make a habit of closing off the qi and doing breathing exercises

from dawn to midday. Then sit in a kneeling posture and wipe the eyes, massage the

body, lick the lips and swallow the saliva, swallow qi ten times,294 and then get up, walk,

talk and laugh. For presentations of fatigue and anxiety, practice daoyin and seal off the

qi.

In order to combat illness, one must preserve the body: the head and face, the

nine apertures, five viscera, the four limbs, even to the tips of the hair.295 When

beginning this practice, completely cause all the qi-clouds that you can feel to move to

the centre of the body, rise into the nose and mouth, and descend to the tips of the ten

fingers. Thus one clarifies, harmonizes and perfects the spirits, without needing the

pricking of needles, herbs or moxa.

Whenever circulating qi to get rid of any number of illnesses, do contemplations

according to where they are located. If the head hurts, contemplate the head, if the foot

hurts, contemplate the foot; unite your qi and send it to attack [the pain] for as long as it

takes. Then you can resolve it by yourself.

If you contract internal cold due to seasonal weather, hold the breath in order to

induce sweating: when the body completely sweats all over, then the interior cold will be

resolved.

293This excerpt can be found almost verbatim in Pengzu’s biography in the Shenxian zhuan.
294Fuqi 服氣. Here this appears to imply swallowing gulps of air, a practice that can be found elsewhere in
Daoist literature. As the title of this chapter and the Fuqi jing 服氣精 (below), the term appears to
generally imply all manner of breathing practices.

295The idea of preserving even the hair refers back to Yang Zhu’s 楊朱 proto-Daoist ethos of self-
preservation. He advised total protection of the body, not even sacrificing a hair for the nation, was
heavily criticized for this by Mengzi (Mengzi 7A26). The primary emphasis in Pengzu’s passage is on a
thorough meditation on the body, but this reference reflects larger political implications that have been
woven into the ideological fabric of the text.
 107

Although [the practices of] circulating qi and holding the breath are essential to

governing the body, it’s important to first understand their principles and various points.

They also resolve empty deficiency, but [in doing so] you shouldn’t become stuffed full.

If the qi becomes knotted and stagnant, and doesn’t flow clearly, this could cause

eruptions of sores and acne;296 like a wellspring it shouldn’t be blocked and stopped up.

If you eat sashimi, raw vegetables, or fatty meat and then circulate qi without resolving

[excessive emotions of] happiness, anger, worry or rage, and, then this will cause

[breathlessness due to] rising qi.297 Whoever wishes to study qi-circulation ought to

become thoroughly immersed in it.

Liu Jun’an 劉君安 says:298 “Consuming life and spitting out death enables one

to live long.”299 This means that inhaling through the nose causes life.300 Common

296 The YJ adds “and acne” jie 癤.

297Shangqi 上氣. When breathlessness occurs, this is thought to be due to excess qi rising and interfering
with this function.
肺主於氣。氣為陽。氣有餘，則喘滿逆上。
The lung governs qi. Qi is yang. When there is excess qi then this causes breathlessness, fullness and
of counterflow of rising qi. – Zhubing yuanhou lun 7b7.
The Pengzu passage demonstrates a considerable fluency with Chinese medical theory, and vice versa,
the complex theory evident in this yangsheng literature is thoroughly incorporated in Chinese medical theory.

298 This passage is quoted in the Ishinpô (27.4.570a) as a citation from the Yangsheng yaoji, where what is a
single unified passage here, appears to come from two separate, extended passages in the Yangsheng yaoji.
(ref Mugitani p. 108 n. 5.1).
Although the YJ has 劉安, he DZ version has 劉君安, the stylename for Liu Gen 劉根 of Chang’an,
a transcendent who appears in both the Baopuzi and the Shenxian zhuan. The Baopuzi passage indicates
that Liu’s text is a rescension from an earlier Mozi wuxing jiben 墨子五行記本 (Mozi’s Notebook on the Five
Phases):
墨子五行記本有五卷。昔劉君安未仙去時鈔取其要，以為一卷，其法用藥用
符，乃能令人飛行上下，淪無方，含笑即為婦人，蹙面即為老翁，踞地即為
小兒，執杖即成林木。
The Mozi wuxing jiben was in five fasicles. Before he became a transcendent, Liu Anjun
of old copied its essentials into one fascicle. The methods there used medicines and
talismans, and could enable people fly up and down, to hide themselves without a trace,
to become a woman merely by smiling, an old man by wrinkling his face, a little boy by
merely kneeling on the ground or a tree by merely grasping his staff. – Baopuzi 19.9a6-8.

For more on Liu’s hagiography, see Campany, To Live, pp. 240-249.

 108

people can’t ingest qi. [You must] frequently practice from dawn ‘till dusk without rest,

slowly lengthening the breath, always301 inhaling through the nose and exhaling through

the mouth, this is called spitting out the old and inhaling the new.302

The Fuqi jing 服氣經 (Scripture on Ingesting Qi) says:303 The Way is qi.

Protecting qi, one attains the Way. Attaining the Way, one is thus well-preserved. Spirits

are seminal essence. Protecting seminal essence, one’s spirits become intelligent/bright.

Illuminating one’s spirits, one lives long. Seminal essence is the river-flow of the blood

vessels, and the numinous spirit which protects the bones. Discarding seminal essence,

one’s bones become brittle and brittle bones result in death. It is true that the business

of the Way is treasuring one’s seminal essence. From midnight to noon is the qi of life,

from noon on till midnight is the qi of death. Just at the beginning304 of the qi of life

period, one ought to lie flat and square on one’s back,305 close the eyes and practice

299This quotation can also be found in volume four of the Zhujia qifa 諸家氣法 (All Schools’ Methods of
Qi) YJ59. This text contains methods of ingesting qi from a number of different works. This citation
comes from the section titled 項子食氣法 Xiangzi shiqifa (Master Xiang’s Methods of Ingesting Qi).
常以清旦，鼻内 氣嚥之。經行勿休。口口吐之，所謂「食生吐死。可以長生。」
In the pure dawn, frequently inhale qi through the nose and swallow it. Do this regularly
without rest. Exhale through the mouth – this is called “eating life and spitting out death.”
One can attain longevity by these means. - Zhujia qifa YJ59.4.17b4-5.

300
The DZ adds “and exhaling through the mouth works [out] death.” 口吐氣為死也. This is clearly a
misinterpretation, as the practice is to exhale the ‘dead’ air through the mouth.

301 The YJ has “but” dan 但 instead of “always” chang 常 here.

302Tugu naxin 吐故納新. This breath practice dates back at least as early as the Zhuangzi where it is listed
as a longevity practice in chapter 15 (see Introduction).

303Possibly a work from before the fifth century, to do with ingesting qi. See Textual History for more
details.

304 The DZ has “frequently” chang 常 instead of “just at the beginning” dang 當 here.

305 The DZ has jiangwo 僵臥, whereas the YJ has yanwo 偃臥 here.
 109

clenching the fists.306 (Clenching the fists is like the way a child curls up its hands, using the four

fingers to grasp the thumb.) Close off the qi and stop breathing, mentally count to two

hundred, and then exhale through the mouth. Repeat this practice daily, and in this way

the body and spirits become complete, and the five viscera become peaceful. If you can

hold your breath for a count of two hundred fifty, the flowery canopy becomes

luminous.307 If the flowery canopy becomes luminous, then eyes and ears become

bright and clear, strengthening the body so it is without illness and immune to pathogens.

306
Wogu 握固: This practice emulates the posture of a foetus, and is thought to recover or store
the primal (yuan 元) qi, an image which first appears in the Daode jing 道德經. (Engelhardt, “Longevity”
103) The commentary above echoes the verse from the Daode jing which says:
[The infant] has flexible bones and soft muscles; he clenches his hands into fists. –Daode jing 55.

The end point of the lung meridian is located at the proximal lateral corner of the thumbnail (lung 11
shaoshang 少商 [minor transaction point]). In addition to closing the mouth and nose to cut off circulation
of lung qi, holding the thumbs presumably would have been thought to seal off the meridian, preventing
all outlets of circulation.
This method is well known and frequently refered to. It is mentioned in the fourth fascicle of Zhujia
qifa bu 諸家氣法部 YJ59, the Mozi biqi xingqi fa 墨子閉氣行氣法 (Mozi’s methods for Holding the Breath and
Circulating Qi), and in the Zhengao which say:
行氣名煉氣，一名長息。其法正偃臥，握固，漱口咽之三。
Qi-circulation is called ‘refining the qi’and another name is the ‘eternal breath.’ Its methods are as
follows: lie square on one’s back, hold the thumbs, gargle and swallow it three times. – Zhujia qifa
bu YJ59.4.9a5-6.

君曰。昔在莊伯微漢時人也。少時好長生道。 常以日入時，正西北向，閉目握固，想
見崑崙。 積二十一年，後服食，入中山學道。猶存此法。
The lord said: In the past, Zhuang Bowei was a man of the Han dynasty. While young he was
fond of the methods of longevity. At dusk he would always squarely face the northwest, close his
eyes, grip his thumbs, and think of seeing Kunlun mountain. At the age of twenty-one he left the
eating food behind, entered the central mountains and studied the Dao. He is still practicing this
method. – Zhengao 5.6b9-7a1.

307 Huagai 華蓋： This visual image refers to at least two different locations in medical and body
cultivation topography. Although the most common usage refers to the lungs, the TPYL and the Ishinpô
citations of this fragment contain commentary that states it refers to the eyebrows. This interpretation is
no doubt influenced by the following statement in the Taishang huangting neijing yujing 太上黃庭內景玉經
HY 331 (Hereafter Neijing jing):
眉號華蓋覆明珠。 The eyebrows are referred to as “flowery canopies” because they cover the eyes.
Neijing jing 3b4.

However, the Neijing jing is ambivalent on this interpretation, since elsewhere in the same text it
reflects huagai’s more common usage in medical and Daoist cultivation literature to refer to the lungs:
肺部之宮似華蓋，下有童子坐玉闕。
 110

Whenever circulating qi, inhale through the nose, exhale through the mouth,

drawing the breath softly – this is called the Breath of Eternity. There is one kind of

inbreath, and six kinds of outbreath: The one kind of inbreath is called xi 吸 (inhalation).

As for the six kinds of outbreath they are chui 吹 (blowing), hu 呼 (exhaling), xi 唏

(sobbing), he 呵 (huffing), xu 噓 (sighing), and xi 呬 (panting).308 They all expel the qi.

Normal people’s breathing consists of one exhalation and one inhalation: this was the

original breath-count. In order to perform the exhalations of the Breath of Eternity,

when the weather is cold, you can blow, when warm you can exhale. To delay and cure

illness, blow in order to expel heat, exhale in order to dispel wind, sob in order to dispel

vexations, huff in order to cause qi to descend, sigh in order to disperse stagnation, pant

The palace of the lung portion resembles a flowery canopy. Beneath it sits a child in a jade tower. –
Nneijing jing 3b4.
肺為五臓 之華蓋 。 The lungs are the flowery canopy of the five organs. – Qianjin yaofang 17.54.1a7.

In medical literature huagai is also the name of an acupoint on the ren meridian (CV20), located at the
centre of the breastbone, parallel with the space between the first and second ribs (Ellis, Wiseman & Boss,
Fundamentals, 361). This location dates back to at least Huangfu Mi’s 皇甫謐, (fl. 282) Zhenjiu jiayi jing 鍼灸
甲乙經 (The ABC of Acumoxa Therapy). Its function is almost exclusively to do with governing illness in
the lungs. The lungs are also considered the first line of defense against pathogenic invasion.

308This Six-word formula (liuzi jue 六字訣) can still be found in many modern yangsheng texts and websites.
The YXYML is often cited as the locus classicus for this although the Shenxian shiqi jingui miaolu 5b6 also
contains this formula, wherein the character 唏 is written 嘻. A similar formula can also be found in the
Mohe zhiguan 摩訶止觀, which uses these variant characters 吹呼 呵噓 . (CBETA, T46, no. 1911, p.
108, b28). Both of these texts postdate the Yangsheng yaoji, so it appears this formula dates to the Eastern
Jin if not before. The variant characters indicate the prioritization of oral over written transmission. The
Keyi 刻意 chapter in Zhuangzi 15.535 (see note 193 above and introduction) mentions only four: chui xu hu
xi 吹呴呼吸.
Meditation on the sound of the breath was also, and still is, a practice widely used in India.
Whereas in China the sound of the inhalation and exhalation were hu and xi respectively, the sounds of
ham and sah were used in the 400-600 C.E. Kashmir Úaivite text the Vijñana Bhairava (Reflective
Knowledge of Úiva vv 155a-156). The mantra in sanskrit has a semantic content, meaning “I am That,”
but Úaivite language philosophy contended that the sound of the breath and the semantemes were one and
the same. The breath was considered the embodiment, or physical manifestation of the ‘meaning’ of the
mantra (Muktânanda, 1992, 30ff).
 111

in order to resolve the ultimate.309 For normal people, if they are exhausted they ought

to practice the sighing and panting breaths more often. Daoists, because they circulate qi,

do not need to sigh and pant. Those who sigh and pant have an aptitude for the Breath

of Eternity. The complete method for male-female cultivation can be in the Xianjing.

When circulating qi, first remove the nose-hairs. This is called “clearing the spirit road.”

Don’t practice in bad weather, fierce winds, or during times of great cold or great heat.310

The Mingyi lun 明醫論 (Discourses by Famous Doctors) says:311 The place

from which illnesses arise is naturally called the five fatigues. The two organs which the

five fatigues have already used are the first to decline – the heart and the kidney suffer

evils, and the bowels all become ill. The five fatigues are: 1 – fatigue of the will; 2 –

fatigue of thought; 3 – fatigue of the heart/mind; 4 – fatigue from worry; 5 – physical

fatigue. The five fatigues then generate the six exhaustions: 1 – qi exhaustion; 2- blood

exhaustion; 3 – tendon exhaustion; 4 – bone exhaustion; 5 – exhaustion of seminal

essence; 6 – exhaustion of marrow. The six exhaustions then cause the seven injuries.

The seven injuries then change into the seven pains. The seven pains become illnesses,

which cause: toxic pathogens (evil qi 邪氣) to increase; immuno-defenses (upright qi 正

氣) to decrease; rapid mood changes from joy to anger to depression; lack of appetite for

food and drink; the skin not to grow; and the complexion to lose it’s lustre, becoming

pale and haggard. In extreme cases this causes the following: people with hemiplegia312

309 Jieji 解極: I have not been able to find any clearer meaning than the one above.
310
These last few sentences do not demonstrate the same continuity of thought in the rest of the passage,
and appear to be accretions, or spliced together from different parts of the Fuqi jing.

311 This work could possibly be Zhang Zhongjing. See Textual History for further details.

312Dafeng pian 大風偏 Wind is thought to be a major cause of stroke, which results in hemiplegia, or
partial paralysis of the facial muscles.
 112

and dry shrunken tendons, the four limbs to become extremely constricted and curled up,

the hundred apertures to be blocked and closed, emaciation and shortness of breath, and

aches and pains in the waist and feet. The original causes of early marriage, the error of

excessive use of seminal essence, and insufficient blood and qi are what bring one to the

extremes of exhaustion. The coming of illnesses is not that different a matter from the

five organs, and these affairs require that one recognize their correspondences.313 If one

doesn’t know them, one simply cannot cure them. Illnesses of the heart: the heat or cold

in the body are expelled by the two breaths – the hu-exhalation and the xi-inhalation.

Illnesses of the lungs: fullness and distention in the chest and back,314 this is expelled by

xu-sighing. Illness of the spleen: when traveling wind breezes about315 in the upper body

and it gets itchy,316 sore and congested, xi-sobbing expels them. Illnesses of the liver:

pain in the eyes, worry, anxiety and distress are expelled by he-huffing. In the above

twelve kinds of method for attuning qi, always317 breathe in through the nose, and expel

the breath from the mouth. One ought to make the sound of the breath following the

words chui hu xu he xi xi (blow, exhale, sigh, huff, sob and pant) when exhaling. If a

patient relies on these methods, he or she must completely perform them mindfully, with

reverence and respect. There are none who aren’t cured, and these are the essential arts

for curing illness and long life.

313 The YJ has “… recognize the root. Not recognizing it, one cannot cure illness.”

314 The YJ has “chest and diaphragm” xiongge 至膈 here.

315 Whereas the DZ has xixi 習習, the YJ has xixi 飁飁.

316Whereas the DZ has yang 癢 (itchiness), the YJ has the variant orthography 痒 here. When 痒 is not a
substitute for 癢, it can mean either sores and lesions on the skin, or a form of depression (GYCD).

317 Whereas the DZ has yi chang 依常, the YJ has dan chang 但常 here.
 113

4.D Chapter Five: Daoyin and Massage

(Daoyin anmo pian diwu 導引按摩篇第五) 318

The Daoyin jing 導引經 (Classic of Daoyin) says: Before rising at the pure

dawn, first319 clack the teeth twenty-seven times, close the eyes and clench the fists,320 rinse

the mouth completely with saliva, and swallow three gulps of qi. Seek to close off the breath

and not breathe, until your limit. Upon reaching the limit, then steadily and softly exhale –

perform this completely three times. Then get up, and perform wild-wolf321 squats and owl

neck-twists: rock yourself to the right and the left without breathing until your limit. Repeat

this three times, then rise and get down from your bed. Clench the fists322 without breathing

and stamp the heels in three circles with one hand raised and one lowered, also not breathing

until you reach your capacity. Repeat this three times. Another practice: join the hands

above the neck, and twist323 to the right and left without breathing three times. Another

practice: stick out both feet and cross your hands in front of your feet. Perform to capacity

three times. One should always perform this at dawn and dusk. It is very good if you can

318
This entire chapter corresponds exactly to the Daoyin anmofa 導引按摩法 chapter in the Guxian daoyin anmofa
古仙導引按魔法 (Hereafter GXDAF: Daozang Jinghua vol. 1 p. 6.57.7-59.12), apart from one character. It
appear to be a copy of the YXYML chapter.

319 The YJ excludes the character xian 先 (first).

320 See note on wogu in Fuqi jing above.

321 The GXDAF leaves out the word ye 野 (wild).

322 See note on wogu in Fuqi jing above.

323
了戾: To twist and turn. The Shuowen jiezi zhu 說文解字注 (Commentary on the explanations of scripts
and letters) says this about the character .
凡物二股或一股結糾紾縳不直伸者曰了戾。
Whenever living creatures knot up and tangle one or two of their legs without straightening them, this
is called a “full twist.” S.v. 了 Shuowen jiezi zhu.
 114

do this a number of times.324 At dawn, rub your palms together to warm them up and press

the eyes three times. Again, use your fingers to press325 the four corners of the eyes – this

brightens the eyes.326

The An jing 按經 (Massage Classic) states:327 Constrain hunmen 魂門 BL 47328 and

control pohu 魄戶 BL 42.329 This is known as clenching the fists330 and shuts the doors and

324 That this practice, or one like it, is found in the Zhengao 真誥 (Declarations of the perfected) HY 1010.
«大洞眞 經精景案摩篇»曰：臥起當平炁 正坐。先叉兩手，乃度以掩項後。因仰面視上。擧
項使項與兩手爭，爲 之三四止；使人精和血通，風氣不入。能久行之，不死不病。
The Dadong zhenjing jingjing anmopian 大洞眞 經精景案摩篇 (Great cavern perfected scripture chapter
of essential visions and massage) states: Arising from sleep, one ought to balance the breath and sit
upright. First cross both hands, then move them so as to grasp the back of the neck. Look up by
raising the face upwards, raise the neck and press the neck against the pressure of the hands. Do this
three or four times and then stop. It causes human jing and blood to be unblocked, prevents entry of
wind-qi. If you can practice this for a long time, then you won’t die or suffer illness. – Zhengao 9.3b1-4.

325 Where the YJ has “press” (an 按), the DZ has “scratch” (sao 搔) here.

326
This practice is found in the Zhengao. Note how the attainments and explanations in the Zhengao are much
more supernatural than the YXYML, referring to lights, illuminations and spirits.
以手按目四眥二九過。覺令見光分明。是檢眼神之道。久爲 之。得見百靈。
Take the hands and press the four corners of the eyes eighteen times. Sense how this causes one to
see light and discern illuminations – this is the way to examine the spirit of the eyes. Doing this for
a long time, one receives visions of the hundred spirits. – Zhengao 9.7b4-5.

327This passage is cited in the Ishinpô 27.5.572a as an excerpt from the Yangsheng yaoji, but it is given the subtitle
Yangsheng neijie.
328
Literally translated as “Cloudsoul Gate,” this acupoint, BL 47, is on the bladder meridian, located
“in the depression three inches either side of the spine, below the ninth vertebra. The point is found in sitting
posture.” (Yang Jizhou 楊繼洲 Zhenjiu dacheng 針灸大成 (1601); trans in Ellis, Wiseman and Boss, Fundamentals,
224).
Both hunmen and pohu are mentioned as acupuncture points at least as early as Huangfu Mi’s Zhenjiu jiayi jing,
juan 3 section 9.

329Literally translated as “Whitesoul door,” this acupoint is on the bladder meridian, located “below BL-41,
three inches either side of the spine, below the third vertebra. The point is found in the sitting posture.” (Yang,
Zhenjiu dacheng, trans in Ellis, Wiseman and Boss, Fundamentals, 221).
A practice of constraining and controlling the cloudsouls and whitesouls is also mentioned in the
Baopuzi:
治飢止渴，百痾不萌，逍遙戊巳，燕和飲平，拘魂制魄，骨填體輕，故能策風雲以騰
虛，並混輿而永生也。
Controlling hunger and stopping thirst, the hundred diseases do not sprout. Wandering at ease in
wusi 戊巳 (an astrological or calendrical designation), they swallow harmony and drink peace.
Constraining their cloudsouls and controlling their whitesouls, their bones fill up (with marrow) and their
 115

the gates of the cloudsouls and whitesouls. This strengthens the essence and brightens the

eyes – it is a method which retains one’s years and returns white [hair to its normal colour].331

If one can hold this through the entire day, then pathogenic qi and the hundred toxins will

not gain entry. (The method for clenching the fists is to place the thumb underneath the four

fingers, and hold it. Practice this repeatedly without stopping. The eyes should also not

open again. One sources states: This causes people not to be subject to demons and sprites.)

bodies become light. Thus they can predict the galloping of wind and clouds through the void,
and, riding the carriage of chaos, live forever. – Baopuzi, 5.2b8-3a1.

This use of these points is referenced elsewhere in Daoist liturgical tracts. The Lingbao dongxuan ziran
jiutian shengshen zhangjing 靈寶洞玄自然九天生神章經 (Natural Generation of Spirit from the Nine Heavens
Scriptural Chapters of the Numinous Treasure Cavern Mystery) YJ16 mentions a thousand-day long fast,
wherein upon entering the chamber, one should recite particular texts. It goes on to describe the uses of these
different repetitions as such:
一過徹天，胞原宣通；二過響地，胎結解根；三過神禮，魂門練仙；四過天王降仙，魄戶
閉關…
The first pass penetrates Heaven, sending a summons to the placenta-source. The second pass makes
the earth resound, untying the root of the umbilical knot. The third pass is a spirit-rite – cultivate
transcendence in hunmen acupupoint. In the fourth pass the Heavenly King sends downs
transcendents – closed off the pohu acupoint. – YJ 16.3a7-8.

330 See note on wogu in the Fuqi jing above.

331Huanbai 還白: The YJ has hun 魄 where the DZ has 白. The YJ appears to be the miscopy, as there are
multiple references to 還白 in earlier literature. On the one hand for Ge Hong it refers to returning white hair
back to a healthy and youthful black colour, yet the term could refer to circulating white semen back up the
spine, as it seems to do in the Zhengao,. In both references we see hair mentioned, and it is worth noting that
whitening of hair, a universal sign of old age, was considered a sign of depleted jing-essence, so the two
interpretations are related.
In the Zhengao, the Ninefold-Floriate Perfected Consort 九華眞 妃 states:
腦減則髮素。所以精元内 喪，丹津損竭也。妾有童面之經。還白之法。
When the brain-matter decreases, then the hair turns white. The jing and primordial qi are lost by the
decreasing and harming the fluids in the cinnabar field. [This celestial] concubine is in possession of
the Scripture of Youthful Visage, it is a method for recovering the white. –Zhengao 2.6a9-10
Ge Hong also mentions a recipe for “returning white” which refers to returning one’s hair
colour back to black. Here essence is not part of the equation, and the sympathetic magic
以還白藥食白犬，百日毛盡黑。
Eat white dog as a medicine for returning white. After a hundred days the hair will be completely
black. – Baopuzi 2.6a1-2.
 116

The Yangsheng neijie 養生內解 (Inner Explanations of Cultivating Life)

says:332 The first is called essence, the second is called spittle, the third is called tears, the

fourth is called nasal mucus, the fifth is sweat and the sixth is urine.333 All of these deplete

humans, but those which deplete do so in varying degrees, that’s all. If a person can, for the

whole day, not cry or have nasal drip, and at the same time gargle a full mouth and swallow it,

if they could always keep a date stone in their mouth and swallow the saliva it generates, this

can cause one’s loving qi to generate bodily fluids, and this is very crucial.(It is said that in

order to derive fluids, one should not swallow the stone).

Being in the in the habit of clacking the teeth thirty-six times every morning is

thorough, but three hundred times is complete and excellent, causing one’s teeth to be firm

and free from pain. Then stir up the saliva in the mouth with the the tongue, swallowing it

in three gulps until it’s all finished. Then stroke the shaoyang meridians334 until warm in order

to soothe the eyes. Doing this fully twenty-seven times makes the eyes bright.

332This passage is given the abbreviated title of 內解 in the YXYML, but it is cited in the Ishinpô 27.4.570a as
Yangsheng neijie 養生內解, a text cited by the Yangsheng yaoji. A few scholars have mistakenly conflated this
passage with the Laojun yinxi neijie. See Textual History for more details.

333 Mugitani (p. 115 n. 3.1) notes that the Zhujia qifa also cites this categorization, but as Dao Lin’s thought:
道林云：此道亦謂玉醴金漿法。玉醴金漿，乃是服鍊口中津液也。一曰精，二曰淚，三曰
涶 ，四曰涕，五曰汗，六曰溺。人之一身，有此六液，同一元氣，而分配五藏，六腑，九
竅，四肢也。
Daolin says: This way is also called the Method of Jade Liquor and Golden Ichor. Jade liquor and
golden ichor is actually the drinking of bodily fluids and refining them in the mouth. The first is
called essence, the second is called spittle, the third is called tears, the fourth is called nasal mucus, the
fifth is sweat and the sixth is urine. The single human body has these six fluids and one primordial qi,
which are distributed among the five yin solid and six yang organs, the nine orifices and four limbs. –
Zhujia qifa YJ56.1.15a7-b1.

334Shaoyang meridians: There are six types of meridian Taiyin 太陰, Shaoyin 少陰, Jueyin 厥陰, Taiyang 太陽,
Yangming 陽明 and Shaoyang 少陽 which extend either to the hand or foot. Usually this meridian would be
termed hand shaoyang 手少陽 or foot shaoyang 足少陽, so the possible reading of the text as ‘finger
shaoyang’指少陽 to mean hand shaoyang, or the Triple Burner meridian, would be atypical. Since both
Shaoyang meridians, the Triple Burner and the Gall Bladder, meet at the outside corners of the eyes, and are
located on the side of the head, it seems that the text points towards the fingers rubbing along the meridian.
 117

At the beginning of every dawn, take two hands and press them on the eartips,

rubbing them up and down to warm them, twenty-seven times – this causes them not to go

deaf. Then again clash the teeth and gargle jade ichor335 in three gulps, squeeze the nose and

hold your breath, and pull the left ear with the right hand and vice versa twenty-seven times

each. These all extend the years and prevent deafness.336 Next, pull the two temples so that

they face upwards, seventeen times each, then grab all of your hair with both hands and pull

it upwards seventeen times – this clears out the blood and qi, and keeps the hair from going

white. Another method is to rub the hands and make them hot and, using them to massage

the face, move from the top to the bottom – this is called a ‘dry bath’ and it causes people to

overcome wind-cold, seasonal fevers and headaches. The hundred illnesses can all be cured.

When you are about to sleep at night, always take two hands and massage your body, wiping

it with your two hands – this is called a dry bath, and it keeps out pathogenic wind.

335 Saliva that has been used to rinse the mouth.

336Even today, Traditional Chinese Medical lore has it that pulling on the ears grants longevity. The reason for
this is that the ears resemble the kidneys – the store house and generator of jing-essence. By the same token,
transcendents and sages of both Buddhist and Daoist origin are represented as having large ears – a sign of
health, longevity, and hence, wisdom. (Personal communication, Bao Qinhuang, 1998).
 118

Sitting with your legs spread out before you,337 use the left hand to support the head

and look upwards. Use the right hand to press firmly on the top of the head, so that the

hands and body shake for a count of three. Use the right hand to support the head and

shake it again for three times – this gets rid of sleepiness and muzziness. Before the sun has

risen, face the south and sit with the legs spread, and press on the thighs, shake with all your

strength for a count of three – this causes the face to have a lustrous sheen. When the sun

has risen, before washing and combing, sit with your legs crossed and, using the left hand to

hold the right one on the left thigh, lean forward towards the foot pressing the left thigh

with all of your strength for a count of three. Repeat on the right side. Then link your

hands and face forwards, and push with all of your strength three times. Then fold your

hands in front of the chest so that the elbows face forwards, and push with all your strength

for a count of three. Pull the left arm straight, curl up the right arm, as strongly as if drawing

337 Junzuo 峻坐: The Ishinpô (27.6.573a) states: 峻坐以兩足作八字 “Sitting like a tall mountain: Sit with both
legs making the shape of the 八 character.” From the description this could either mean sitting with one’s legs
spread, and straightened before one, with one’s legs folded over one another in half or full lotus, or in a
kneeling posture with the legs spread.
This entire practice can be found in the Zunsheng bajian 遵生八牋 (Eight Letters on Accord with Life) (SKQS)
in a section called “Twelve Brahmanic Daoyin-Exercises” 婆羅門導引十二法:
第二，龜引：峻坐兩足如八字，以手拓膝。行搖動，又左顧右顧，各三徧 。
Number 2: Turtle pulling. Sit like a tall mountain, with one’s legs [stretched wide] in a 八 shape, using
one’s hand to spread the thighs. While making a rocking motion, look back to the left and look back
to the right three times. – Zunsheng bajian 9.4a8-b1.
Many of the descriptions of exercise in chapter 5 are somewhat ambiguous, and can be interpreted in
different ways. Descriptions of bodily states and positions in many genres are often vague and accompanied
with a physical model or demonstration to “flesh out” the communication where language fails. My
translations of these, with no reliable living model or demonstration are therefore an approximation of what
was actually going on.
 119

a 15-peck bow, using all your strength to do it. 338 Pull the bow with the right hand in the

same way.339

Then, using your right hand to press on the ground, stretch your left up

towards the sky using all your strength. Repeat on the left side. Next, make

two fists, and strike towards the front thirty-seven times each. Next, making a

fist with the left hand, hold it behind the back for a count of three and then

repeat with the right hand. This relieves fatigue of the back and arms, including the upper

arm and forearm. The more you do it, the better.

As the day is coming to an end, clasp a pole in the armpit, dangle your left

foot in front of bed, gently raise it, and pull as hard as you can on the left

foot for a count of fifty-seven.340 Repeat for the right foot. This resolves the

pain and stuffiness of foot-qi disease,341 and cold qi in the waist and kidney

338一斛五斗: This presumably refers to the tension-weight of the bow. At the time the text was written, one
hu 斛 was ten 斗, or pecks, although this later changed in the Southern Song. (Guhanyu changyongzi zidian 古漢
語常用字字典 p.119).
339
Note the resemblance this bears to the picture below, no. 4 from the Mawangdui 馬王堆 Daoyin tu 導引圖
(Hanmu boshu vol. 4; 51, 95). The title to this picture has been lost in the decay of the document. This image is
a reconstruction I found on the internet, from a page on the 1999 exhibit of Mawangdui materials in Taiwan:
http://issue.udn.com/CULTURE/HAN/a9.htm [retrieved on July 26, 2006]

340 One of the exercises in Daoyin tu, shown in the insert, uses a pole to keep the arms straight in twisting
postures. (no. 30, Yi zhang tong yinyang 以杖通陰陽 [using a pole to connect Yin and Yang], Hanmu boshu v. 4;
51 and 95). The image here in the insert was retrieved from
http://en.olympic.cn/china_oly/ancient_sports/2003-11-16/11199.html on July 26, 2006. Unfortunately, this
is the clearest image of this figure I have found.

341 Zuqi 署氣. Later this became a term for beri-beri, but was quite prevalent during the Wei-Jin period. The
4th century Zhouhou beji fang 肘後備急方 (Emergency-preparedness Formulas to Keep at Hand) (SKQS) by Ge Hong
(and later compiled by Tao Hongjing), describes it as follows:
脚 氣之病：先起嶺南稍來江東。得之無漸。或微覺疼痺，或兩脛小滿，或行起忽
弱，或小腹不仁，或時冷時熱，皆其候也。不即治轉上入腹便發氣則殺人。
Beriberi: It first arose in Lingnan 嶺南 (modern-day Guangdong 廣東 province) and
traveled to Jiangdong 江東 (the south bank of the Yangzi river around Wuhu 蕪湖 and
Nanjing 南京). It is contracted suddenly. Its symptoms include: subtle feelings of pain or
numbness; slight fullness in the calves; sudden weakness while walking; discomfort in the
lower abdomen and alternating hot and cold. If not quickly treated, it will travel upwards
 120

areas. It can also control numbness from cold and cold in the knees. If performed three

times at dusk, it’s even better. Do not perform when very full or while keeping oneself from

urinating. If when stretching you do not need a post, but your foot does doesn’t touch the

ground, then holding something in the hand will suffice.

Each morning and evening, comb your hair for one thousand strokes. This greatly

disperses wind in the head and prevents white hair. After combing, rub the crown of your

head with a pinch of salt and uncooked sesame oil. This is very good. If you have

Intelligence Ointment342 and rub that, it’s even better. When you are getting cleaned up for

the day, clack the teeth 160 times, and swallow the saliva that results from that. This done,

rinse the mouth with water, wipe the teeth with salt, and take a sip of clear, slightly

fermented grain broth343 - half a mouthful or less will do – and completely rinse with it. Get

some salt water344 and spray345 the eyes with it. When finished, shut the eyes and use cold

water to wash the face, but do not allow cold water to enter the eyes. This practice makes

the teeth firm and clean, the eyes bright and free from tears, and gum disease.346 When you

into the lower abdomen and then radiate qi there, killing the patient. – Zhouhou beji fang
3.30a5-7
Treatments for this disease were sought after in all quarters, including among ayurveda-
derived Buddhist medicine. One of the elements of Buddhist medicine that Sun Simiao is well-known
for incorporating into the Qianjin yaofang was a remedy for Beriberi (Zhu Zhianping, “Sun Simiao,”
Sakade “Sun Simiao et le Bouddhisme”).

342A formula for this can be found in juan 19 of the Waitai biyaofang 外臺秘要方 (Essential Secret Formulas
from the Outer Terrace) by Wang Dao 王燾 (702-772).

343Zuo 酢 is a fermentation made of rice, wheat or sorghum into a sweet, alchoholic, slightly sour liquid. This
can be found today most commonly in jiuniang 酒酿, a fermented rice condiment served with glutinous rice
balls at festival times.

344 Note the parallel use with modern saline solution.

345 Lit. “wash by spraying” (tuxi 吐洗).

346 Whereas the DZ has 礑齒, the YJ and JH have 齒.

齒方五首: 病源齒者，是蟲蝕齒至齗膿爛汁臭。如蝕之状 故謂之齒
 121

wash your face and rinse your mouth during the day, take one or two sips of cold water –

this causes the heart-mind to be clear and bright, and disperses heat in the chest area.

Hua Tuo 華佗347 from the country of Qiao 譙348 was good at cultivating inner

nature.349 His disciples included Wu Pu 吳普 of Guang Ling 廣陵350 and Fan Ah 樊阿 of

Peng Cheng 彭城351 and taught their arts to Tuo. Tuo once said to Pu:352 “The human body

needs exercise, but not to extremes. Frequently swaying and rocking the body causes

digestion of grain-qi,353 unobstructed flow of the blood-vessels, and keeps illness from arising.

Five formulas for nì (eroding) teeth: The etiology of nì-stricken teeth is that parasites feed on the
teeth until the gums become rotten and pussy and their fluids stink. Since it appears like erosion, it is
called nì teeth. – Waitai Biyao 22.42a-5-7.

This parasite was understood differently in different contexts. Modern dictionaries (SKQS,GYCD)
describe it either as parasitic invasion or as 虻虫, a gadfly. In the Zhubing yuanhou lun, Chao Yuanfang describes
it as a bowel-consuming parasite.
者，蟲食人五臟及下部也。若食下部則令穀道生瘡。瘡而下利，名為利。
The nì worm is a parasite which feeds on the five yin organs and the lower region. If it eats the lower
region it causes abscesses along the alimentary canal, which cause diarrohea. – Zhubing yuanhou lun
9.9b8-10a1

347 Stylenamed Yuanhua 元化, also named Fu 旉 (110?-208? C.E.), Hua Tuo was a famous surgeon in the
latter Han dynasty. None of his works survive, but among his other achievements, including famous surgical
procedures, he is credited with developing the Five Animal Frolic (wuqin shu 五禽戲), which are described
below in some detail. The first paragraph of this section is cited almost verbatim from the Sanguozhi Weishu 三
國志:魏書 29.804. See Biographies for more details.

348A country under the Pei 沛 prefecture during the Han, and its own prefecture during the Wei, this areas is
famous for being the home of the Warring States General, Cao Cao. It is located in today’s Bo 亳 county in
Anhui 安徽 Province. (GYCD)

349 Where the DZ has “cultivating inner nature” (yangxing 養性) the YJ and the JH have “cultivating life”
(yangsheng 養生).

350 Nearby the modern town of Yangzhou 揚州 in Jiangsu 江蘇 province.(Zhonggou lishi ditu ji, Vol 3, pp. 26-27)

351 Now Tongshan 銅山 (Copper Mountain) country of Jiangsu 江蘇 Province. (GYCD)

352 The YJ and JH have “once” (chang 嘗) where the DZ does not.

353Grain qi is a substance thought to be produced by the stomach and spleen through the process of digestion.
This qi is then sent up to the lungs and heart, where it is transformed into, respectively, a fine mist that
descends from the lungs to moisten the organs, or into blood, which is circulated through the body to nourish
the limbs.
 122

This is like a door-hinge which does not rust (because it is constantly in motion). Among

the transcendents of antiquity, up to Han times, there have been Daoist masters, lords and

fellows, who performed the arts of daoyin, performed bear-hanging354 and the sparrow-hawk

reverse look, drawing an pulling the inguinal crease, moving all the joints, in search of

delaying the aging process. I have one art, called the Five Animals Frolic: The first is called

tiger; the second, deer; the third, bear; the fourth, gibbon; the fifth, bird. These also cure

disease, benefit both the hands and the feet – one should use these frequently to practice

daoyin. If the core of the body is not feeling sprightly, one should therefore rise and perform

one of the animal frolics. Stop once a light sweat is broken, and rub the body with powder –

then the body will be light and agile, and one’s stomach will have appetite.” Wu Pu

practiced them, and reached an age of over ninety years, remaining both sound of hearing

and bright of eye. Possessed of a complete set of strong teeth, he ate food like a youth.355

Tiger Frolic: Crawl356 on the earth with four limbs. Take three leaps forwards, and

crawl backwards for two. Expand and contract (長引) the waist, stick out a foot towards the

sky, and then crawl backwards and forwards for a total of seven times each.

Deer Frolic: Crawl on the earth with four limbs; pull the neck and look backwards

three times to the left, and twice to the right; extend the right and left feet, extending and

contracting three times on the left, and twice on the right.

354 Xiongjing 熊經: Whereas the DZ has bear-hangings here, the YJ and JH have 猿經: monkey-hangings. The
former appears to be the more accurate, referring to the practice mentioned in Zhuangzi 15 (see Introduction).
It is also found among the forty-four drawings of daoyin exercises in MSII.C of the Mawangdui texts (Hanmu
Boshu vol.4, 95 and 41-see below).
This form is still being used among taiji and qigong professionals in Taiwan today. During a stay in Taiwan
in 1998-2000, I studied a qigong form by this name, although the form varies quite a bit from the description
of “bear frolic” given below.

355 The Sanguo zhi passage ends here.

356Judi 距地 This often refers to distance of separation, but ju 距 can also refer to claws (GYCD) or feet
(SKQS). I have chosen this interpretation here.
 123

Bear Frolic: Stand upright, looking upwards, and clasp below the knees with the

hands. Raise the head and lean to the left for seven, to the right for seven, and

then squat on the ground. Support yourself by your left and right hands.357

Gibbon Frolic: Suspend yourself from a climbing frame,358 extend and contract your

body, up and down seventeen times.359 Hook your feet to an item and suspend yourself

from it, from the left foot and then from the right seven times each. Stand up while holding

onto the feet, pressing the head seven times.

Bird Frolic: Raise both hands, and raise one foot, extending both arms, raising and

flapping360 them vigorously twenty-seven times each. Sit with the legs extended, touch the

toes seven times and extend and contract the arms seven times.

When practicing the methods of the Five Animals Frolic, make a strenuous effort,

and stop when you break a sweat. When you sweat, rub powder over your body – this is

good for digestion, tonifies your qi and strength, and cures a hundred illnesses. Those who

can maintain their practice will assuredly live longer.

Another method: Sit in a stable posture and massage yourself before eating.

Interlock your hands and extend your arms and thighs, guiding and pulling (daoyin 導引) all

the meridians. This is better than361 taking herbal decoctions.

357
The figure to the right is no. 41 from the Mawangdui Daoyintu, titled Xiong jing 熊經.

358 Panwu 攀物 I am unsure what this refers to – possibly scaffolding, or else some sort of climbing frame.

359This appears to refer to doing something like modern leg-raises, where the practitioner suspends him or
herself from a frame and raises the knees to the chest and repeats for a pre-set number.

360The DZ and YJ both have yangmei 揚眉 (raise the eyebrows), which appears to be a copyists error for
yangshan 揚扇 (raise and flap), which is found in Taiqing laojun yangsheng jue 2a3.

361 The DZ has “as good as” shengru 勝如 whereas the YJ and JH have “better than” shengyu 勝於.
 124

Sit squarely, face upwards towards the sky and exhale – this will immediately dissolve

all the qi of excess eating, drinking and drunkenness. Perform this in the summer – it makes

people cool and prevents heat.362

362 The YJ and JH do not include “reduces heat” bure 不熱.

 125

5 Textual History
This portion of the thesis records philological background for the sources of the

many fragments in the YXYML. As such, it has the least narrative structure of the thesis,

and is intended primarily for reference purposes. Reader beware! Not all the fragment

sources are covered here – those which are either self-evident or which appear in chapters

untranslated by me are not included. The order in which they appear follows largely the

order in the YXYML. Each entry is listed in the table of contents for the reader’s

convenience.

5.A Text Fragments

5.A.i Yangsheng yaoji 養生要集 by Zhang Zhan 張湛

See introduction.

5.A.ii Daolin 道林

The figure of Daolin has attracted special attention. A number of scholars have

proposed that this person is Zhi Dun, the fourth century founder of the “Emptiness as

Matter” school. However, Zhi Dun cannot possibly be the Daolin who is cited in the

YXYML, or nor is he the author of the other texts attributed to him.

The name Daolin 道林 is mentioned twice in the YXYML, first as the name of an

‘earlier sage’ of the same calibre as Zhang Zhan,363 and secondly as the title of the source of a

text-fragment in chapter six, the “Yunü sunyi pian” 御女損益篇 (Benefits and Dangers of

Concubines).364

363 序 1a10 and 2.12a4-12b3.

364This chapter has been translated in full by Douglas Wile (Sexual Yoga; 119-122). It concerns sexual hygiene
and cultivation practice, with the primary focus being on retaining semen, and the risks of orgasmic
brinksmanship, or continuing coitus in strong states of arousal. Other prescriptions include having sex on
 126

Barrett first proposes that Daolin 道林 is a shorthand for Dao Daolin 刀道林, the

Han transcendent from the Liexian zhuan 列仙傳 (Arrayed Biographies of Transcendents).365

Dao Daolin 刀道林 also appears on page 22b4 of Tao Hongjing’s Dongxuan lingbao zhenling

weiye tu 洞玄靈寶真靈位業圖 (Cavern-Mystery Portrait of the Perfected and Numinous

Ranks and Offices of the Numinous and Treasured) and in the Zhen’gao 真誥 (Declarations

of the Perfected), where a short hagiographic descriptions occurs:

伯高後從仙人刀道林，受服胎炁之法，又常服青飢方。託形醉亡。隱處方臺。師定
録君也。
Bo Gao’s later follower, the transcendent Dao Daolin studied the methods of ingesting natal
qi, and also frequently imbibed the Azure Formula [for] Starvation. He cast off his body,
and died of drunkenness. He entered seclusion in the Square Terrace (方臺 Fangtai). He was
teacher to Ding Lujun. – Zhen’gao 14.2b4-6
Barrett later revises this idea, saying that it is possibly Zhi Dun, noted for an interest

in herbal medicine.366 In his poem the Ode to Fasting in the Eight Passes (八關齋詩 Baguan

zhaishi) in the Guang hongming ji 廣弘明集 (Expanded Anthology of the Magnificent and

Brilliant), Zhi Dun describes the pleasure he takes wandering far into the mountains to pluck

herbs:

從容遐想逸。採藥登崇阜，崎嶇升千尋。蕭條臨萬畝，望山樂榮松。
Calmly and easily I drift in reverie;
Plucking herbs, I mount the lofty hills. Craggy peaks! I loft them eight thousand feet.
Desolate wastes! I look out over ten thousand acres.

astrologically appropriate days, locking the jing, multiple (female) sexual partners, absorbing yin from one’s
partner, and reverting semen to the brain.
Hucker notes that Yunü 御女 is a variant term for Nüyu 女御 (Secondary Concubine) (H4351), which, by
the Tang, had become a stably-ranked position beneath the Empress, the four Consorts, the Nine Concubines,
and four other ranks of concubine. (Hucker, s.v. 女御). The word yu 御, in addition to referring to imperial
servants, also has connotations of meeting someone, of defending from an enemy and of driving a chariot –
each of which can be used as metaphors for the arts of the bedchamber. (GYCD, s.v. 御). The nuances of
meeting another and of driving chariots have obvious potential for double entendre. The notion of defense is
relevant to some traditions of arts of the bedchamber wherein women are referred to as the enemy because
they pillage the seminal essence (jing 精) of males during coitus. Also see Wile, Sexual Yoga; and van Gulik, Arts
of the Bedchamber.

365 Barrett, “Transmission of the Shen tzu,” 173.

366 Barrett, “Mysteries,” 41.

 127

Gazing at the mountains, I revel in the flourishing pines. – T52, no. 2103, p. 350, b10-11
By the beginning of the fifth century he is considered a Daoist immortal.367

Sakade, noting too the entry in Guang hongming ji, also argues that the Daolin of the

Yangxing yanming lu and Zhidun of the Jin dynasty are the same person.368 He observes that

we can get an idea for the scope and content of his original text from a section titled Daolin

yangxing 道林養性 in Q27, while pointing out that this section bears remarkable similarity to

the Taiqing daolin shesheng lun 太清道林攝生論 (Great Clarity Discourse on Protecting Life

by Master Daolin, hereafter Daolin lun) HY 1416, a parallell text elsewhere in the Daozang,

thus contesting Tang Yongtong 湯用彤’s assertion that the latter text was composed by a

different author.369

Despeux agrees that the structure and content of Q27 exhibits extensive similarities

to the that of the Daolin lun.370 The argument is twofold: firstly, she refers to a set of

massage techniques in Daolin lun 13bff titled Ziwo anmofa 自我按摩法 which is cited in Q27

82.1a and in the Shesheng zuanlu 攝生纂錄 HY578 2a-3a as “Indian Massage Techniques of

the Brahmins” (Tianzhuguo anmofa bolomen 天竺國按摩法婆羅門) and “Brahmanic

Gymnastics” (Poluomen daoyinfa 婆羅門道引法) respectively. She argues that these

techniques appear to have been transmitted via Buddhist associates of Zhi Dun who brought

Indian methods with them into China, and may indicate a large body of health practices

367 Yoshioka, Dôkyô keiten shiron 道教經典史論¸ 199-200.

368 Sakade, “Yôsei yôshû,” 8b.

369 湯用彤は、｢ 讀道藏扎記｣ で、道林を｢ 道藏｣ 所收の｢ 太清道林攝生論｣ に比定し

てえるが、これは無理だろう。
Tang Yongtong states in the Xu Daozang Zhaji 讀道藏扎記 that it is certain that [Zhi Dun] is the
Daolin who collated the Daolin lun in the Daozang, but this seems impossible. –Sakade, “Yôsei
yôshû,” 22 n. 11.

370 Despeux, “Gymnastics,” 231-32.

 128

being imported at that time. The second argument is that the Daolin lun as it exists today is

derived from the Yangsheng yaoji, mentioning numerous other quotations of text from the

Daolin lun which are cited as being from the Yangsheng yaoji.

These arguments from Barrett, Sakade and Despeux point to a longevity specialist

who lived prior to or around the time of Zhang Zhan, whose name was Daolin, and whose

work was incorporated into the Yangsheng yaoji. In the wake of their work, it has become

generally accepted that this is the case. In the recently published Taoist Canon, Jean Lévi and

Franciscus Verellen make the same assumption, following Despeux’s chapter,

“Gymnastics.”371

It becomes clear however, when we look closely at the Daolin quotation in the

YXYML, that it is highly unlikely that this person could have been the Buddhist Zhi Dun.

The only quotation that refers to Daolin by name comes towards the end of chapter 6, the

Yunü sunyipian 御女損益篇, a chapter solely concerned with arts of the bedchamber.

《道林》云︰命本者，生命之根本也，決在此道。雖服大藥及呼吸導引，備修萬
道，而不知命之根本。根本者，如樹木，但有繁枝茂葉而無根本，不得久活也。命
本 者，房中之事也。故聖人云︰欲得長生，當由所生。房中之事，能生人，能殺
人。譬如水火，知用之者，可以養生；不能用之者，立可死矣。交接尤禁醉飽，大
忌， 損人百倍。欲小便，忍之以交接，令人得淋病，或小便難，莖中痛，小腹
強。大恚怒后交接，令人發癰疽。
Daolin states: The foundation of alloted destiny is the root of life; it certainly lies in the
following way: Although people take great medicines, practice breathing exercises and
internal circulation, and thoroughly practice the myriad ways, they do not know the root of
destiny. The root is like a tree: if it has manifold branches and lush foliage but no root, it
will not be able to live long. The foundation of destiny is the affairs of the bedchamber.
This is why the sages say: “Desire to achieve longevity ought to arise from that which gives
birth.” The affairs of the bedroom can give life to people and can kill them. This is like fire
and water: those who how to use them can cultivate life; those who do not, may die a
sudden death.
When having intercourse, it is especially prohibited to be drunk and have eaten one’s fill –
this is a major prohibition, it harms one hundredfold. If one supresses the desire to urinate
in order to have intercourse, this causes one to get incontinence, dysuria, penile pains, and
fullness in the lower abdomen. Intercourse after bouts of great rage causes carbuncles and
ulcerations.

371 Lévi and Verellen, “Taiqing daoyin yangsheng jing” in Schipper, Taoist Canon, 96.
 129

372
- YXYML 2.12a4-12b3
This passage gives sexual cultivation practices a central place in its portrait of

longevity practice – maintaining that they are “the foundation of life” – and demonstrates a

familiar intimacy with the kinds of scenarios in which couples engage in sexual activity.

Moreover, the Daolin lun con tains other passages on sexual cultivation which could not have

been produced as part of a Buddhist monk’s writings.

抱朴子曰﹕或問曰：「所謂傷之者，豈色欲之間乎？」抱朴子曰：「亦何獨斯哉？
然長生之要，其在房中。上士知之，可以延年除病。其次不以自伐，若年尚少壯而
知還陰丹以補腦采七。答於長俗者，不服藥物而不失；一百二百歲也，但不得仙
耳。不得其術者，古人方之於凌杯之盛湯，羽堂之蓄火也。
Baopuzi states: The interlocutor asked: “Is the cause of injury found amidst sexual desires?”
Baopuzi replied: “And why only in this? Actually, the essentials of longevity are to be found
in the bedchamber. The highest masters, knowing this, can use [these arts] to extend their
years and purge illnesses. The next highest don’t injure themselves [through having sex], and
are strong like youths. They know the “plucking seven” practice of reversing feminine elixir
in order to tonify the brain. To speak about commoners, they do not take medicinals, but
also do not spend their [seminal essence]. They can live to one or two hundred years, but
they simply will not become transcendents. As for those who don’t acquire these arts at all,
the ancients thought they were like cups of ice used to ladle hot water, or fire kept in a hall
of feathers. –Daolin lun 2b6-3a3373
This passage contains a clear four-part hierarchy about the proper use of sexual

practice. The highest masters, practicing properly can extend their years and purge illness.

The next stage are those whose practice of cultivating feminine yin keeps them young and

healthy like young men.374 The next are commoners who practice retention, but despite this

cannot become transcendents because they have not taken medicinals. Finally those who do

not know these arts are at great risk of losing health and longevity.

372
This translation is informed by Ware, Arts of the Bedchamber, 121-22.
373
This passage cites Baopuzi 13.8b6 ff. Also see Ware 222-3, which informs my translation, but not
completely.

374“Pluck seven responses” (cai qi 采七) appears to refer to the sexual cultivation practice of the previous
clause, the reversing of “feminine elixir to tonify the brain.” Sexual cultivation literature advocates the
absorbing of elixir from women at the time of the woman’s orgasm, such that the man must refrain from
ejaculating until this occurs. After absorbing it he channels it up the spine to rejuvenate the brain and organs in
much the same process as “reverting seminal essence.” While the man should absorb as many as possible, it
was also thought by some that excessive semen retention could cause blockage, and that men should not retain
ad infinitum.
 130

It is highly unlikely that Zhi Dun would have written this kind of material, thus

bearing out Tang Yongtong’s opinion that the Daolin lun wwas not composed by Zhi Dun.

If Dun, a celebrated monk and founder of the “Emptiness of Matter” school, promoted

sexual practices this would require a considerable revision of current understandings of the

behaviour of Chinese Buddhist monks. This aside, Despeux’s observations about the

“Brahmanic” nature of the Daolin lun’s “Self-massage techniques” are very convincing, given

the indic headings these practices are given in Q27 and the Shesheng zuanlu. This is useful

because it means it is unlikely to have been composed prior to the flourishing of Buddhist

medicine in China. Given that the text comes to us via the Yangsheng yaoji, then it also could

not have been composed later than 370. Whoever Daolin was, it appears that he was in

contact with immigrant health practices during the Wei-Jin period, a time of extensive

foreign influx and influence.375

5.A..iii Shennong jing 神農經

The excerpt with this title opens the Yangxing yanming lu proper, and is found on page

1.1a. An abbreviated title for the earliest Chinese medical pharmacopœia, which in later

recensions is known as the Shennong bencao gangmu 神農本草綱目, this text was composed in

the Eastern Han,376 but has been lost since. The earliest edition of the text is the Shennong

bencaojing jizhu 神濃本草經集注, an annotated collection by Tao Hongjing 陶弘景 (456-536

CE), but this edition does not contain the passage cited in the Yangxing yanming lu, which

375
See Holcombe, In the Shadow of the Han, pp. 26-27 for a discussion on population movements and foreigner
contact during the Weijin period.

376 Zhu Yueli, p. 108.

 131

may therefore represent a fragment lost to the Shennong jing by Tao’s time.377 The fact that

Tao’s edition does not contain this passage is further evidence that Tao could not have been

the compiler of the Yangxing yanming lu.

The passage echoes other major texts in the tradition, however. The Huainanzi 淮

南子(HY 1176) contains a similar passage:

食 草 者善走而愚，食葉者有絲而蛾，食肉者勇敢而悍，食氣者神明而壽，食穀者
知慧而夭，不食者不死而神。
Those who ingest grasses are good at running, although stupid. Those who eat leaves
produce silk and become moths, those who eat meat are brave, although vicious, those who
ingest qi are intelligent and longevous, those who eat grains are wise but die young, those
who do not eat do not die but rathbecome gods. – Huainanzi 7.8b1-7

Identical or highly similar passages are also found in the Baopuzi 15.1a-b, the Soushen

ji 搜神記 Fascicle 12, Dadai liji 大戴禮記 Fascicle 13(SKQS), and the Bowu zhi 博物志

Fascicle 5 (SKQS).

5.A.iv Hunyuan daodejing 混元道德經378

These two fragments are excerpts from the Heshang gong commentary to the Daode

jing. The first excerpt is simply titled Daojing because it is the verse and commentary on

verse six, which comes from the Dao 道 portion of the received the Daode jing. 379 The

second excerpt is titled Daode jing because it is from verse 50 of the De 德 portion.380 The

DZ and YJ editions have different prefixes–the DZ edition fragments are titled Hunyuan

377Tao’s edition comes to us in a reconstruction by Mori Risshi 森立之 and others between 1849 and 1852, on
which Okanishi Tameto’s 岡西為人 1972 reproduction is based. There are two other Dunhuang 敦煌
fragments of the text, a Dunhuang edition held at Ryukoku 龍谷 University and the other at the
Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin Preußischer Kulturbesitz Orientabteilung, which is from a fragment of animal skin
parchment found in the Turfan. For more information on the dating of this text and other fragments, see
Mayanagi Makoto “The three juan edition of Bencao.”
378 YXYML 1.1a7-2a1 and 1.2a1-2b4

379 Heshang Gong 河上公 6.1.4b-5a

380 Heshang Gong 河上公 2.9a-b

 132

daojing, and Hunyuan daodejing, where the YJ gives them the alternate title of Laojun daojing and

Laojun daodejing.381 The text excerpts, however, correspond to commentary to verse six of the

the Daode jing.382 The Heshang gong takes the format of Han dynasty zhangju 章句

commentarial literature, and intersperses short phrases with detailed interpretive

commentary. The text approaches the Daode jing as a manual for cultivation of health and

good government. Each verse of the Daode jing is given a title which refers to its purported

meaning: verse six is titled “The Manifestation of Form” 成象 and verse fifty is titled

“Honouring Life” 貴生. Mysterious terms such as “The spirit of the valley” (v. 6) and the

“thirteen companions of death” (v. 50) are corporealized by interpreting them as very

specific aspects of the body, personality or as cultivation practices.

The figure of Heshang Gong, or the River-dwelling Sire, is associated with a

transcendent whose hagiography can be found in Ge Hong’s 葛洪 Shenxian zhuan 神仙傳.383

He is said to have refused an early Han Emperor’s384 summons to comment on the Daode jing,

in response to which the emperor came down to the hut by the river where he was living.

When the emperor challenged his audacity for refusing his summons, the River-dwelling Sire

381 In 1014, Emperor Zhenzong 真宗 (993-1023) of the Song established Laozi’s formal title as Taishang
laojun hunyuan shangde huangdi 太上老君混元上德皇帝 (August Emperor of Supreme Virtue, Grand
Supreme Old Lord of the Chaotic Prime). Songshi 104.2538 The titles Laojun and Hunyuan both reflect this title,
but it appears that either they were interchangeable, or that the naming convention of Hunyuan was popular
earlier on when the YJ edition was copied, and then superseded by the Laojun title, closer to the time of the
compilation of the Daozang.

382The edition I have compared it with is the Sung jianan yushi jiashu 宋建安虞氏家塾, which Boltz shows to be
transmitted with the least corruptions and errors (Boltz “Lao tzu” p. 276). This edition can be found in Feng
Lingyan’s 峯 靈嚴 edited compendium of Daode jing versions, the Wuqiu Beizhai Laozi jichengbian 無求備齋老子
集成初編 Laozi daodejingxia: Heshang Gong zhangju diyi 老子道德經下：河上公章句第一.

383 (Traditions of Divine Transcendents. See Campany, To Live, pp. 305-307.

384 Accounts vary. Some say it was Emperor Wen 文帝 (r. 180-157 B.C.E.) and others say Emperor Jing 景帝
(r.157-140 B.C.E.)
 133

floated up into the air, demonstrating his transcendence of the political realm, and asserting

his “biospiritual authority.”385 He then gave his commentary on the Daode jing to the

Emperor, claiming that he he had composed it 1700 years earlier, which would have been

around the time the Daode jing was written.386

Apart from this account, there is no evidence of the existence of such a person.

Boltz notes a Heshang Zhangren 何上丈人 or River-dwelling Elder, who is mentioned by

Sima Qian 司馬遷 (135-87 B.C.E.) as the head of a Huanglao teaching lineage in the Shiji

史記 80.2436, but Qian also says he knows nothing of his origins. Boltz posits that there

may have been a tradition of a Heshang Zhangren in the early Han, which later took another

shape as the Heshang Gong commentary tradition.387

Shima Kunio argues, based on the Heshang gong’s reference to an early fifth century

Daode jing commentary by Gu Huan 顧歡 (390-453) and a reference to the commentary in

juan 13 of the Lunyu Yishu 論語義疏 by Huang Kan 皇侃(488-545), an early sixth century

work that the Heshang gong must have been composed around the end of the fifth century.388

However, Robinet argues that the Heshang gong was cited in 243,389 and Chan argues that he

sees no reason to consider it any later than 2nd century, noting that its format locates it

squarely within the zhangju 章句 (chapter and verse) commentarial literature popular in the

385 Campany, To Live, 307.

386 This implies a date for composition of the Laozi around the beginning of the Shang 商 dynasty.

387 Boltz, “Lao-Tzu,” 273-277.

388 Shima, Rôshi kôsei cited in Boltz, p. 275

389 Robinet, Les Commentaires, 27 n.3.

 134

Han.390 The text is often accompanied with a preface attributed to Ge Xuan 葛玄 (164-244),

which is considered by some to be a later attribution, and thus unreliable for dating the

text.391

5.A.v Zhuangzi’s 莊子 Yangsheng pian 養生篇392

The three citations from the Zhuangzi all occur in chapter one of the Yangxing yanming

lu and correspond to the received Guo Xiang edition, including one comment by Guo Xiang

郭象 himself.393 However, the comments by Xiang Xiu 向秀 and Ji Kang 嵇康 in the first

fragment are taken from their own works and added by another hand, possibly Zhang Zhan.

There were known to be editions of the Zhuangzi with commentary by Zhang Zhan,

the compiler of the Yangsheng yaoji, which is the primary source for the YXYML. It is

therefore not surprising to find commentary by Zhang Zhan here. However, as mentioned

in the notes to the translation of chapter one, the comments by Zhang Zhan that appear

here disprove an earlier theory about Zhang Zhan’s work. Barret mentions that traditionally,

Zhang Zhan’s commentary on the Zhuangzi have been understood to derive from

commentaries on shared material in the Liezi that appear in the Wenxuan 文選.394 The

comments in the YXYML passage, however, are not found in the received Liezi, and don’t

390 Chan 2000, p. 11

391In Boltz, “Lao tzu,” the argument follows as such: Although the content of the preface is also reflected in
the Shenxian zhuan, and demonstrates, argues Takeuchi Yoshio 武內義雄, consistency with the “metaphysical
millieu” of his and Ge Hong’s thought, it has been suggested that the preface and the story in the Shenxian
zhuan were written by later writers. (Boltz, 274). Ofuchi Ninji 大淵忍爾 notes that the preface exists as part
of a larger text, the Laozi daodejing xujue 老子道德經序訣 (Introduction to the Secrets of Laozi’s Daode jing) HY
395, which anachronistically argues for a lineal transmission associated with the Lingbao 靈寶 legacy. (Ofuchi,
Tonko Dôkyô, 246-250). Pelliot dates the preface to somewhere between the third century and the early Sui.
(Pelliot, “Traduction sanscrite,” 369)

392 In the received edition of the Zhuangzi, the title is Yangsheng zhu 養生主.
393 YXYML 1.2b, 1.3a and 1.9a. and Zhuangzi zhu 2.3.1a, 7.19.1a and 3.6.2b respectively.
394 Barrett, “Mysteries,” 40.
 135

bear out this theory. Barrett posits that this passage could thus indicate the existence of a

Zhang Zhan commentary on the Zhuangzi which was lost before it could be recorded in any

bibliographies, by the mid-Tang at the latest.

5.A.vi Liezi 列子
The Liezi takes its name from it purported composer, Lie Yukou 列禦寇, (?fl.

400BCE), a figure mentioned in the Zhuangzi, and in the pages of the Liezi itself. Liezi is

said, in the manner of pre-Han immortals, to have been able to ride the wind to the eight

directions. He advocated a mirror-like mind, which neither anticipated events or was moved

by them.

The first reference to a text by this name is by Liu Xiang 劉向 in 79-8 BCE, who

describes it as a rare work in eight pian 篇. The first commentary was written in the fourth

century CE, by Zhang Zhan, the composer of the Yangsheng yaoji. There is some doubt

about whether the entirety of Zhang Zhan’s text represents the earlier work, because of

inclusions of stories very similar to texts either discovered or translated into Chinese at the

end of the third century CE. Zhang Zhang’s commentated edition is the only one to have

survived. The edition I have used, the 1979 Zhonghua shuju by Yang Bojun 楊伯峻, uses

Wang Jipei’s 王繼培 (b. 1775) Huhai lou congshu 湖海樓叢書, which is based on the earliest

surviving edition from the Song, and the Daozang edition.395

5.A.vii Xianjing 仙經

395 Barrett, Liezi

 136

There are five references in the Yangxing yanming lu396 to this title, a generic term for a

general category of texts, rather than referring to a specific work. (There are a total of 29

titles in various Daoist collections with the words xianjing in the title.)397 Mugitani offers no

suggestions as to the identity of any of the citations, and Zhu398 merely notes that the

Baopuzi also cites a similar title. Sun Simiao’s Qianjin yaofang also cites one or some Xianjing

at least four times and one of these quotations corresponds to a fragment in the YXYML.399

The YXYML and Q27 both describe a visualization, during sexual cultivation, of red colour

in the cinnabar field(dantian 丹田) area which should be the size of a chicken egg, followed

by an exhortation to withdraw the penis if too excited.400 The Q27 version is much

lengthier and contains other material not cited in the YXYML, so it appears the latter

fragment is a summary.

This fragment, however, is problematic. It appears in the critical edition titled

Qianjinfang 千金方,401 which is based on an Edo 江戶 period (1603-1867) medical academy

copy of a Song edition, and in a digital edition published by the Taiwan Xingzhengyuan

weishengshu zhongyiyao jiyuanhui 行政院衛生署中醫藥委員會 (The Committee for Chinese

396序 1b1, 1.9b2-7, 1.7b5-9, 2.3a7, 2.11b5-9. One title is slightly different, the Xianjing miyao 仙經秘要 (Secret
Essentials of the Scriptures of the Transcendents) (1.16b), but there is no clear evidence that the other titles are
abbreviations for, or in any way related to this fragment. I have not found any further information on this text.

397These can be found in the Zhengtong Daozang 正統道藏, Zhonghua daozang 中華道藏, Zangwai daoshu 藏外道
書, Daozang jinghua 道藏精華, and the Daozang quejing zonghe mulu 道藏闕經目録 綜合目録 (Mugitani,
Concordance for Sinology http://www.zinbun.kyoto-u.ac.jp/~dokisha/sakuin.html June 24, 2005).
398 “YXYML kao” p. 114.25
399 DZ2.11b5-9

400The location of the cinnabar field varies in different texts. Sometimes it is said to reside three inches, or
finger-breadths, beneath the navel, while other texts describe three, at the aforesaid region, the chest and the
forehead, as well as other locations.

401 Liu Gengsheng 劉更生 and Zhang Ruixian 張瑞賢 ed. Qianjinfang , 27.8.389a.
 137

Medicine in the Department of Health, Executive Yuan, hereafter Weishengshu).402 This

passage is missing from the the Daozang and the SKQS editions, and may have been excised

to suit the prudery of Ming and Qing censors.

The Qianjinfang titles the fragment as Xianjing 仙經, but the Weishengshu edition

gives the title Zhongjing 仲經, a work cited elsewhere in the YXYML.403 Among the multiple

editions of Q27 then, there are some which exclude the passage, some which include it,

giving the title variously as Xianjing or Zhongjing. This latter title raises questions about the

relationship between the Xianjing and the Zhongjing, and may indicate that they are the same

text. However, I have been unable to find any information about any of the four other

passages.

5.A.viii Hunyuan miaozhen jing 混元妙真經

This text was venerated by the Louguan 樓觀 Daoist sect,404 among other texts which

included, in addition to the Daode jing, the Laozi huahujing 老子化胡經405, Laozi xishengjing 老

子西升經,406 and the Laozi kaitian jing 老子開天經.407

402 http://www.ccmp.gov.tw/public/public.asp?selno=712&relno=712&level=C Feb 20 2006.

403 See entry in this chapter for more details.

404This sect began in the Northern Wei, grew strong in the northern Zhou, and flourished in the Sui and Tang,
after which it began to decline following the An Lushan rebellion, and eventually merged with Quanzhen
daoism in the Yuan. It adhered to the 化胡 theory that Laozi went to India and founded Buddhism after
leaving his first, and purest text with Yinxi 尹喜, whom this sect identified as its founding patriarch.
http://www.taoism.org.hk/general-taoism/major-taoist-sects/pg1-3-10.htm, May 20, 2005 (The author of this
page draws from a number of Daoist dictionaries which are cited on the page. Please refer to this link to check
his sources.)

405 (Scripture of Laozi’s Conversion of the Barbarians)

406 (Scripture of Laozi’s Ascent to the West)

407 (Scripture of Laozi Opening the Heavens)

 138

Although a Miaozhenjing occurs as one work within the Daozang compilation Taishang

sanshiliubu zunjing 太上三十六部尊經 (August Scriptures of the Grand Supreme in Thirty-

Six Sections) HY 8 and the phrase is embedded in the title Taishang laojun shuaihuangdi

miaozhenjing 太上老君說黃妙真經,408 the YXYML fragment is not to be found in either

work.

The fragment does occur in Sima Chengzhen’s 司馬承禎(647-735 ) Zuowang lun 坐

忘論,409 where it is also cited from a Miaozhen jing as well as in Zhujia qifa 諸家氣法410and

Jiyulun yaoji 籍語論要記411 where it is given the generic citation Xianjing, or “Transcendent

Scriptures.” The text appears to have survived at least into the Song dynasty, as it is cited in

the bibliographic section on Daoist works in the Tongzhi 通志, and in the Taiping yulan.412

5.A.ix Huanglao jing xuanshi 黃老經玄示

There are three citations of this title in the YXYML.413 This text no longer exists

under this title – it cannot be found in the dynastic bibliographies or any of the Daoist

canons. The Baopuzi mentions a Xuanshijing 玄示經 in ten juan,414 and Du Guangting 杜光

庭(850-933) describes an eight juan text called the Xuanshi 玄示 in a list of Sui and Tang

408(Grand Supreme Miraculous Perfection Scripture of Laojun converting the Yellow Emperor) in Zangwai
daoshu 藏外道書 (ZWDS) 80.3.778-80
409(Discourse on Sitting in Oblivion) Yunji qiqian 94.1a2-5 See Kohn’s study of this text in Seven Steps to the
Dao.

410 (Qi-methods from all the schools) YJ56

411 (Essential Record of Discourses from Texts and Tales)YJ92

412 (Comprehensive Treatise on Institutions) (1149) 67.17a2

413 1.3b7-10, 1.3b10-4a3 and 2.1a7-1b2

414 19.5a6. This is also echoed in Guang bowu zhi 28.27a3-4

 139

commentaries on the Daode jing.415 However, these two citations do not carry any scraps of

the text itself, so we cannot get a clearer picture of the nature of the text from them, other

than the fact that Du Guangting includes it in a list of commentaries on the Daode jing.

Barrett notes that the Xuanshi jing is among those listed by Zhang Zhan as sources

for his compilation of the Liezi. He argues that it was lost by the “second quarter of the 9th

century because Yin Jingxun 殷敬訓, commenting on Zhang Zhan’s preface at that period,

suggests two possible identifications for it: a fairly certain indication that he knew of no

work called Xuanshi which mentioned the Liezi.416

This title is cited in the 10th century Taiping Yulan 太平御覽,417 however. It says:

玄示經曰：夫形體者，持生之具也，非所以生生也。生生乃以素朴為體，以氣為
元，以神為形；此乃生之宮庭 也。以無為育其神舒釋妙之門，徃來無形之間，休
息於無隣 ；此所謂得明之生源。又云：外想宜絕內注真，然後長生可保。
The Xuanshi jing says: As for the body, it is a tool for holding on to life, but it is not that by
which life itself comes into being. When life comes into being, it takes simplicity as its body,
qi as its origin, spirit as its form – these are the palace and courtyard of life. Taking non-
action to educate your spirit, spread wide the doors of the school of miracles, come and go
within the realm of the formless, take your rest where there are none nearby – this is known
as attaining the luminous well-spring of life. The Xuanshi also says: On the exterior,
contemplate the utmost in propriety, within, attend to perfection. Only then can longevity
be preserved. –Taiping Yulan 668.5b7-6a3
The Taiping Yulan relies on earlier encyclopædias, so this mention does not

guarantee that the Xuanshi jing survived to this period as a complete work. The Xuanshi jing is

also cited in two other texts in the Yunji qiqian, the Zhuzhen yunlunbu 諸真語論部418, and the

415Daode zhenjing guangsheng yi xu 道德真經廣聖義序 (Preface to the Broad and Sagely Meaning of the Perfect
Scripture of the Way and Its Power) Y 725 X.3b6.

416 Barret, “Mysteries”, p. 41

417 (Imperially Reviewed Encyclopædia of the Taiping Era)

418 (Dialogues and Discourses regarding All the Perfected) YJ89.5a.9ff

 140

Xianji yulun yaoji bu 仙籍語論要記部.419 These entries both have a fragment which discusses

the importance of proper mastery of lanuage and knowledge of the Dao when transmitting

esoteric texts.420

5.A.x Yan Junping’s Laozi zhigui 嚴君平老子指歸

The zhigui is a Han dynasty commentary on the Daode jing by Yan Zun 嚴尊, stylename

Junping 君平(c. 80BCE – c.10CE). Although originally surnamed Zhuang 莊, Ban Gu 班固

(32-92) changed his name to Yan due to taboos in place during Ban Gu’s time. Yan Zun is

noted as a learned recluse of great integrity, with exceptional divining skills and considerable

literary talent. The zhigui, like the Heshang gong, evidences Han Yin-yang cosmological theory,

but unlike the Heshang gong does not prescribe a program of life-cultivating practices. Rather

it recognizes that the Way “lives forever and does not die” and that the man of the Way,

“enjoys long life”. While a high value is placed on the spirit and qi, the Laozi zhigui stresses

that cultivation should not violate the principle of non-action 無為.421

There are two extant recenscions of the Zhigui: the Daozang recenscion HY 693, which

carries commentary by Gu Shenzi 谷神子, and one derived from Hu Zhenheng’s 胡震亨

(1569-1645） Mice huihan 祕冊彙函.422 The Daozang version clearly indicates that it was a

work originally in thirteen juan, the first six of which have been lost, and is the only version

419(The Essential Records of Discussions and Discourses regarding the Texts of the Transcendents)
YJ92.8b4ff

420 Barrett, Mysteries, p. 43 n. 37.

421 Chan, “The Daode jing” p. 12 f.

422 (Secret Works in Categorized Sets)

 141

to contain the original Laozi text, suspected by Shima Kunio to be the one edited by Liu

Xiang 劉向.423

This text is only quoted once in the Yangxing yanming lu, a quotation which is unattested

in any extant versions of the text,424 and thus represents a remnant of the lost portions of the

zhigui. In the YJ, it is given the alternate title of Laojun zhigui 老君指歸. Since we know that

the zhigui was available to Zhang Zhan, as he cites it in his preface to the Liezi,425 it is

possible that the YXYML citation comes via the Yangsheng yaoji.

5.A.xi Dayou jing 大有經 and Xiaoyou jing 小有經

These two texts have been lost, and are unattested in any of the court bibliographies.

Citations of these works can be found in the Zhiyanzong 至言總 HY 1027 (fasc. 703), and the

Ishinpô. 426 However, sources claim they were once part of the now lost Sanhuang wen 三皇內

文 (Esoteric Writs of the Three Emperors) so named as it was divided into three sections,

corresponding to Heaven, Earth and the Human realm. The Sanhuang wen are famous for

being banned by imperial decree in 648. The Buddhist encyclopædia, the Fayuan zhulin 法苑

珠林 (Bower of Pearls from the Dharma Park ), states that it was found in the hands of the

wife of a convict, and that an inscription within claimed that any woman possessing it would

become emperor.427 She claimed under interrogation that she received it from a Daoist priest,

after which it was taken taken to court. There, two priests from the Daoist belvedere Xihua
423 Reigel, “Lao-tzu,” 271-3.

424 Mugitani, Yôsei yôshû,”, 67.

425 Barrett, “Mysteries,” 36.

426
The Zhiyan zong was compiled by Fan Xiuran 范翛然 in the late Tang. (Kwong Hing Foon, “Zhiyan zong,”
446-7 in Schipper, Daoist Canon.)

427 (CBETA, T53, no. 2122, p. 708, a18-25).

 142

guan 西華觀 claimed that it had been written by a Daoist of an earlier age, was not a recent

work, and that this copy was an illegitimate one. It was banned by court officials, but not

before it was pointed out that this text was used in the official ordination rites of Daoists,

which resulted in the Daode jing taking its place as an ordination text and a decree that all

copies of this text be destroyed.428 Nonetheless, within a hundred years it was in circulation

again, such that a text titled Yinchangsheng sanhuang jing 陰長生三皇經 429 in one juan is

recorded in the Song bibliography.430

Ge Hong 葛洪 notes that the Sanhuang wen was first received by Bo He 帛和,

stylenamed Zhong Li 仲理 of Liangdong 遼東 during the Three Kingdoms 三國 period.431

Zheng Yin 鄭隱 later transmitted it to Ge Hong, along with another volume, the Xiaoyou jing.

Ge later received another set of texts, called the Dayou Sanhuang wen 大有三皇文,432 or

Daoyou jing from Bao Jing 鮑靚 while studying on Mount Song 嵩山. Afterwards, Lu

Xiujing 陸修靜, Sun Youbing 孫游岳 and Tao Hongjing 陶弘景 each possessed these texts,

Tao combining them with other Daoist scriptures into a compendium of 30 fascicles, called

太上洞神經.433 The Sanhuang wen was largely a talismanic text, which allowed the adept to

summon deities in order to solicit their protection.

428 Barrett, Daoism under the Tang, 24.

429 (Three Emperors’ Scripture of Longevity in Seclusion).

430 Songshi 宋史 205.5195.

431 Campany, To Live, 66-69.

432 (Writs of the Three Emperors of Greater Existence)

433Zongjiao Dacidian 宗教大詞典 p. 653, Zhonghua Daojiao Dacidian 中華道教大辭典 p. 636, Daojiao Shouce 道教
手冊 p. 319. Also see Li Gang’s 李剛 summary of such at http://www.taoism.org.hk/taoist-scriptures/major-
scriptures/pg4-2-8.htm April 2005.
 143

5.A.xii Daoji 道機
This title is not listed in any dyanstic histories, nor do any titles in Daoist compendia

contain this binome. There are two titles in the YXYML with this term. The first is simply

titled Daoji, and occurs in the Ishinpô.434 The second carries the extended title of Daoji

fangzhong jinji 道機房中禁忌 (Prohibitions and Avoidances of the Bedchamber) and also

occurs in the Ishinpô, with the variant title Daoji fangnei jinji 道機房內禁忌.435 It is possible

that the former title could be a contracted reference to the latter text, but this cannot be

proven.

The former passage gives general warnings against excess of food, drink and sex and

makes general comments about preserving jing and following yin and yang. The latter passage

regards correct sexual intercourse, however the concerns are not focused on internal

cultivation of body fluids and qi, but on sexual prohibitions related to cosmic and calendric

events of the larger universe outside the body. These are the:

first and last days of each moon, the first and last quarters of the moon, solar and lunar
eclipses, great winds or excessive rain, earthquakes or lighting and thunder, great heat or cold,
and the five days when spring, summer, autumn and winter are changing and are being sent
off and welcomed. The taboos of the month and day are especially important during one’s
Terrestrial Branch birth year. (One must not unite when yin and yang are crossing, for this
injures one’s vitality and causes one to expel the healthy and absorb the foul influences. This
particularly injures the positive qi and should be carefully avoided.) One must not engage in
affairs of the bedroom when one has just washed the hair, is fatigued from travel, or when
feeling great joy or anger.
- DZ 2.20b3-9, trans. Wile Arts p. 122

A Daoji jing 道機經 is cited once more in Yunji qiqian, and this passage, while not

identical to either of these passages, reflects similar content to the second passage:

道機經云：天有三光：日月星。人有三寳：三丹田。中氣左，青右，黄上，白下黒
也。
The Daoji jing states: In the heavens there are three luminescences: the sun, moon and stars.
Humans have three treasures – the three cinnabar fields. The central qi is azure to the left,

434 YXYML 1.4b3-6 and Ishinpô 27.1.564a.

435 YXYML 2.12b3-9 and Ishinpô 28.24.593a.
 144

yellow on the right, white above and black below. – Sandongjing jiaobu 三洞經教部 YJ
11.17a4-6
The correlation between celestial forces and inner bodily locations is in keeping with

the second citation in the YXYML, indicates that the Daoji jing was concerned with asterisms

and bodily cultivation.

Ge Hong mentions a Daoji jing 道機經 in five juan and elsewhere tells us that:436

無一人不有道機經，唯以此為至秘，云是尹喜所撰。余告之曰，此是魏世軍督王圖
所撰耳，非古人也。圖了不知大藥。正欲以行氣入室求僊，作此道機經。謂道畢於
此，復是
誤人之甚者也。
Not one person is without the Daoji jing, they take with utmost secrecy, saying that it
was composed by Yin Xi 君喜.437 I tell them that this was only composed by Hereditary
Troop Supervisor Wang Tu, not by one of the ancients. This guy Tu didn’t know the truth
about the Great Medicines. He wanted to attain transcendence by means of circulating the qi
while performing sexual practices, and composed this Daoji jing. To say that the Dao is fully
desribed therein, is moreover a gross deception of men. – Bao Puzi 4.1a3-7
This tells us it was a popular text in circulation during Ge Hong’s time. Ge does not

consider it good material for transcendence practice, as it does not mention the “Great

Medicines” i.e. gold or cinnabar 金丹. If Ge Hong is referring to the same text as that

mentioned YXYML, we can hazard that it was concerned with circulating qi during sexual

cultivation, practiced in correlative harmony with celestial asterisms.438

Ge states that although it was attributed to Yin Xi, the gatekeeper of the pass who

received the Daode jing from Laozi, its author was actually Hereditary Troop Supervisor

Wang Tu 王圖. This person appears in the Wei Shu 魏書 (Records of the Wei) as

436
Baopuzi 19.5a7-8. This is also noted in the Guang bowuzhi 廣博物志 (Broad Treatise on Research into
Nature) 8.27a5
437 The gatekeeper of the pass who interviewed Laozi as he ascended into the western mountains.

438Ge Hong was ambivalent about sexual practices. While in some places he advocated sexual practice as a
natural mirroring of the daily copulation of Heaven and Earth, the suppression of which could lead to great
harm, on the other, he warned readers off practices that were either lethal if incorrectly performed, or did not
give the promised results. For more on Ge’s taxonomies of practice, see Campany, To Live, entries for Laozi
(pp. 194-204), Pengzu(pp. 172-86), and Liu Gen 劉根 (pp. 240-248).
 145

“Commander of the Protecting Troops, General Wang Tu 領護軍將軍王圖” but little else

about him is mentioned there.439

5.A.xiii Hetudi shimeng 河圖帝視萌

The Hetudi shimeng does not exist as a text today. It is not cited in any dynastic

bibliographies. However, the Yiwen Leiju 藝文類聚 maintains it is the Hetu, which it claims

was a received by Huang Di, one of the legendary founders of China: 440

帝王世紀曰．黃帝出遊洛水之上．見大魚．殺五能牲以醮之．天乃甚雨．七日七
夜．魚流于海．始得圖書．今河圖帝視萌之篇是也．
The Diwang shiji441 says: The Yellow Emperor was traveling on the Luo river, and saw a big
fish. He killed five cattle for a sacrifice to it. The skies then rained heavily for seven days and nights,
and the fish were swept into the sea. This was the first reception of Tu Shu 圖書. It is the text now
[called the] Hetudi shimeng - Yiwen Leiju 99.22b (SKQS), section on fish 魚.442

This story can be found in the Jingyi kao 經義考, Tang Kaiyuan zhanjing 唐開元占經,

Yuhai 玉海 and the Yuding yaojian han 御定淵鑬函. The Hetu was thought to be divinatory

text, asserted by some to be the origin of the Yijing 易經 and variously ascribed to Fuxi 伏羲,

the legendary founder of China, or Yu 禹, the controller of the great flood.443 Another

comparable story has it that:

禹觀於河見長人魚身，出曰｢吾河精也｣，呼禹曰：「文命治淫．」言訖，授禹河
圖，言治水之事，乃退入於淵.
Yu looked into the river and saw a long merman, who arose from the waters saying “I am
the essence of the river.” He cried out to Yu: “A cultured life controls excesses!” When he
finished speaking thus, he taught Yu the hetu 河 圖 (river chart), discussed affairs of
controlling the waters, and then retreated into the depths. - Songshu 宋書 27.263
Veith, Xia and Geertsma summarize the text in this way:

439 Weishu 1.40

440 Yiwen leiju (Collection of Literature Arranged by Categories), 604 CE, Ouyang Xun 歐陽詢 et al.

441 帝王世紀 The Records of Past Emperors and Kings.

442This story can also be found in a number of encyclopædias, such as the Jingyi kao 經義考 (Investigations
into the Classics and their Meanings) 164.28a-b and others (SKQS).

443 See Wu, The Daoist Tradition, p 183 ff. for a discussion of competing theories.
 146

This term first appeared in the Shu Jing 書經 (Book of History), one of the Confucian
classics. Originally it meant footprints or tracks left on river banks, bottoms or beaches by
prehistoric reptiles (dragon or dinosaur). The line patterns were later used for symobls in
the eight trigrams bagua 八卦, and probably also for written characters. Some historians took
it to be the title of a book which has long been lost and hence constituted a very
controversial topic. The titles of a number of books compiled during the Later Han period
by the Neo-Daoists were preceded with He Tu or Lo Shu, evidentially to attach antiquity or
mysticism to them, rather than authenticity. – Veith, Xia & Geertsma, Essentials of Medicine, p.
146 n. 36

The quotation in the Yangxing yanming lu appears almost verbatim in the Ishinpô444,

where it is cited as a quotation from within the Yangsheng yaoji. I have not come across any

other references to this text, and given the assertions of Veith, et al., that this is a common

title used “to attach antiquity or mysticism” all we can say about it is that is that it appears to

have been a fabricated text, and that it was in circulation from the time the Yangsheng yaoji

was compiled in the late fourth century to the time the Yiwen leiju was compiled in 604 CE.

5.A.xiv Luoshu baoyu ming 雒書寶予命

Zhu Yueli identifies this with a weft text mentioned in the Xu houhanshu 續後漢書.445

I find no other information about it.

5.A.xv Huangting jing 黃庭經

The Huangting jing is one of the oldest and most celebrated works in the interior

visualization tradition of Daoism. A work in three portions, tt concerns the interior

visualization of the body, painting the landscape with interior courts, jade palaces, golden

towers and red fortresses filled with deities wearing resplendent colours. Saliva and

swallowing, as well as preservation of semen are also important practices. The text is in

seven-syllable rhyming verse, and was likely used for chanting. There are two main works in

this stream, with the epithets waijing 外景 (Exterior Landscape) and neijing 內景 (Interior

444 27.10.575

445 (Extended History of Latter Han Dynasty) 1.20a7-8

 147

Landscape) given to distinguish, respectively, the older text from the later, Shangqing 上清

text, which expands on the ideas and is written more clearly than the former work.

The earliest copy of the former, waijing, is attributed to the calligrapher Wang Xizhi

王羲之(303-379), and carved on to a stele, from which a number of rubbings have been

preserved. The Huangting jing is older than this however– its prosody and rhymes

correspond to Later Han and Three Kingdoms usage, and it was included in Ge Hong’s

library. 446

The YXYML citation comes from the older text, and can be found in the Huangting

waijing yujing 黃庭外景玉經 (Jade Scripture of Exterior Landscape Scripture of the Yellow

Court) HY332 1.1a4 although the commentary, beginning with 名曰, is ambiguous.

Mugitani (p. 72 n.23.1) attributes the commentary to Wu Chengzi 務成子, the Han

transcendent, but gives no evidence for his conclusion. Although the fragment and

commentary do exist elsewhere in the YJQQ and the Daozang, I have not found one with a

clear attribution.447

5.A.xvi Zhongjing 中經
This passage448 can be found in the in Zaxiushe busi 雜修攝部四449 where it is cited

within a section from the Zhiyan zong.. This citation is more complete than the YXYML

version, and the full title is given (in both works) as the Huangdi zhongjing 黃帝中經 (Central

Text of the Yellow Emperor). This fuller passage is also cited in the Ishinpô 27.1.563a-b.

446 Schipper, Taoist Canon, p. 96 Also see entries on commentarial literature pp. 347-350.

447Shenxian shiqi jin’gui miaolu 神仙食炁 金櫃妙錄 (Wonderful Records from the Golden Casket regarding Qi
Ingestion by Divine Transcendents) HY 835.3b3-5, and Zhujia qifa YJ61.12b6-7.

448 YXYML 1.6b7-9

449 (Section 4 of the Miscellaneous Practices for Preserving Health) YJ35.6b-7a

 148

I have found no other mention of the extended title of Huangdi zhongjing apart from a

passage in the late Han work, Wuyue qunqiu 呉越春秋 4.2b7ff where the author(s) refer to a

passage from this work describing Yu’s 禹 ascent of Mount Heng 衡山 to perform sacrifices

in order to receive a text.450 This passage is frequently cited in later encyclopædic works.

From the title alone, it is easy to suspect that it comes from the more well-known

Taishang laojun zhongjing 太上老君中經 (Scripture of the Most High Lord Lao) HY1160 but

it does not correspond to received editions of that text. The Laozi zhongjing focuses on

internal visualization but also contains some passages on sexual cultivation like the one from

the Huangdi zhongjing.451 Given the similar focus on the body, it is possible that these texts

come out of a similar Huanglao 黃老 tradition, and that the Huangdi text focuses on more

“external” aspects of the body, and the Laozi text privileges more interiority. However,

given the paucity of evidence about the Huangdi zhongjing, this must remain speculation until

more evidence comes to light.

It is clearly not, as Veith, et al. maintain, one of the texts excavated in Ji 汲

Commandery in 279, and later grouped into a category called “intermediate classics” 中經.452

As mentioned in the section on Xianjing 仙經 above, there is a possibility that another

450The purported first commentator of the Wuyue chunqiu is Zhao Ye 趙曄 (fl. Latter Han), but it is possible
this reference could be by later interpolaters and editors, such as Yang Fang 楊方 (early fourth century) or
Huangfu Zun 皇甫尊 (seventh century). I assume until further research that the reference to the Zhongjing
comes from the Zhao Ye layer. See Lagerway, “Wu Yüeh ch’un ch’iu” for more.

451 Schipper, Daoist Canon, 92-4.

452Veith at al. p. 141, n. 3. As they mention, in the Tang this category included the Shijing 詩經, Zhouli 周禮,
Yili 儀禮,and was later expanded to included the Shujing 書經, Yijing 易經, Chunqiu gongyang zhuan 春秋公羊
傳,Chunqiu guliang zhuan 春秋穀梁傳. On the one hand the content and focus of these texts does not point
towards Longevity cultivation practices. Secondly, it would be very unlike Yasuyori to cite a large collectanea
or category of texts, given his meticulous attention to detail evidenced throughout the Ishinpô.
 149

passage from chapter six of the YXYML comes from this text, because it is cited in some

editions of Q27 as Xianjing, and in others as Zhongjing 仲經.

5.A.xviiMingyi xubinglun 名醫敘病論

There are two passages in the YXYML which appear to be by the hand of the famous Han

physician Zhang Zhongjing 張仲景(150-219). The first passage, titled Mingyi xubin lun 名醫

敘病論453 appears very likely to be a lost passage from either the Shanghan cubing lun 傷寒卒

病論(Treatise of Acute Cold-Induced Diseases hereafter Shanghan lun) or the 金匱要略方論

(Discussion of Recipies from the Essential Summaries of the Golden Cabinet).

Firstly, the 名醫 passage from chapter one can be found, with character variances, in Sun

Simiao’s Qianjin yifang 千金翼方 15.1.1a, where the citation is prefaced with “Lun yue 論曰

(The Treatise says).” Whereas other Lun yue passages in the Yifang correspond to the

Shanghan lun, this passage does not.454 It is possible it was lost in later recensions, but the

version that survived until Sun Simiao’s time appears to have contained this passage. Zhu

Yueli argues that the xù 敘 in the citation title sounds similar to the cù 卒 of the Shanghan lun,

and is likely a copyists error for this title.455

The second passage, which occurs in YXYML 2.4.3a-4.ab is titled Mingyi 明醫. It

does not appear verbatim in any other texts that I have come across, but the topics it

discusses, the five exhaustions, six fatigues, and seven injuries, are mentioned in the Jin’gui

453 Hereafter “名醫 passage.”

454The Shanghan lun has gone through major collations since it wias first issued, first by Wang Shuhe 王叔和
(210-285), then by Linyi 林億 and Sunqi 孫奇 (presented 1065 ), and finally by Xiao Kaimei 趙開美 and Chen
Lin 沈琳 (presented 1599). The editions I have used of both the Shanghan lun and Jin’gui yaolue are by the
Liaoyuan shuju yingyinben 1988.
455 YXYML Kao, p. 109
 150

yaolue at the end of the first chapter. Zhu Yueli assumes that the 明 in the attribution title is

a mistaken 名, and that it refers again to the work of Zhang Zhongjing.456

5.A.xviii Kongzi jiayu 孔子家語

This is a 44 juan collection of parables surrounding the life of Confucius and his disciples

Zilu 子路, Zixia 子夏, Yan Hui 顏回, handed down within the Ruist school. Confucius’

teachings are illustrated through parable and metaphor, and the most frequent topics are the

rites and their relationship to social order and proper conduct. Dating from the Warring

States and early Han, this text also contains later textual layers from as late as the 3rd Century

C.E. The text consists of two main parts: 1) A compilation made up from pre-Han and

early Han traditions about Confucius, handed down by ruists with the purpose of

accompanying the Lunyu. 2) Interpolated passages, probably by Wang Su 王肅 (195-256

CE), the editor of the text, in order to furnish arguments against the thought of Zheng Xuan

鄭玄 (127-200). Modern scholars tend to agree that Wang Su could not have written it all

himself, but rather selected from numerous older texts in order to compile these stories,

many of which are virtually identical passages from the Dadai Liji 大戴禮記.457

The passage cited in the YXYML bears a strong similarity to the opening quotation

of the chapter, attributed to the Shennong jing. The passage is well-known, and is cited in the

Dadai liji 大戴禮記 13.21b, Bowu zhi 博物志 5.5a, and the Huainan zi.458 The commentary in

the passage is not by Wang Su. A commentarial edition of the Huainan zi in the SKQS, the

Huainan honglie jie 淮南鴻烈解 4.7b has notes which match in tone and content, although

456 Op. cit.

457 Kramers, “Kongzi jiayu”, p. 258
458 Zhu Yueli “YXYML kao”p. 111
 151

not verbatim, the first two in the fragment. This indicates that this passage may originate in

the Huainanzi, the commentary to which was amended in the Kongzi jiayu and then lost from

later editions of the latter text.

5.A.xix Zhuan 傳

This passage is elusive. The first sentence appears in Bowu zhi 5.4a4-5, where it is

given the header title of Xianzhuan 仙傳. However, it does not appear in the Liexian,

Shenxian or Xuxian zhuan. This fragment represents either a lost text, or a lost portion of the

aforementioned works.

5.A.xx Lao Jun 老君 and Laozi 老子 texts.

There are seven fragments which refer either to Lao Jun or Laozi in the title,

although none of them come from any of the received Daode jing versions. The first one is

the Laojun yinxi neijie 老君尹氏內解 (Yinxi’s Esoteric Explanations of Lord Lao’s [Daode

jing]) 459 and the other titles are simply Laojun or Laozi yue(曰 says). It is possible that these

refer back to this title, or that they refer to other texts. I will first discuss the Laojun yinxi

neijie (Yinxi neijie), and then the later ones.

The Laojun yinxi neijie is quoted in the Ishinpô460 under the same title, as a Yangsheng

yaoji excerpt. There appears to be have been some controversy about whether this work

could be identified with the Laozi neijie 老子內解 or the Laozi jiejie 老子節解. Barrett461

describes a disagreement between Robinet462 and Kusuyama463 about these texts. While they

459 YXYML 1. 1.6b

460 Ishinpô 27.4.570a

461 “Mysteries,” p. 38

462 Commentaires, p. 50
 152

agree that the Laozi neijie is the same as the Laojun yinxi neijie, Kusuyama asserts against

Robinet that the Laozi neijie cannot be identified with the Laozi jiejie.464 It appears, however,

that these two titles do point to the same work, since the Yinxi neiji passage from the

YXYML is quoted, with some variance, in the Zhujia qifa465 under the Laozi jiejie title.466 If

the Yinxi neijie and the Laozi neijie are the same, and the Yinxi neijie and the Laozi jiejie are the

same, then all three must be the same work.

The Jiejie is listed as a work in 2 juan in the bibliographic treatises of the Suishu 隨書,

Jiu tangshu 舊唐書, and the Tongzhi 通志, but there are no records after this. Both the early

Tang Fengdao kejie yingshi 奉道科戒 and Du Guangting, writing in the 10th century, refer to a

Neijie in two juan.467 I have not found any later records than these. It appears, then, that this

work was composed within about century of the Baopuzi, either before or after, that it

develops the thought of the Heshang gong, and that it fell out of circulation in the Song

dynasty. It clearly cannot have been composed later than the mid-fifth century, because it is

cited by Zhang Zhan in the Yangsheng yaoji.

There is some further confusion about the title Neijie 內解 in the YXYML that

needs clarifying. This abbreviation occurs in chapter five, with no distinguishing features to

463 Rôshi densetsu, p. 233-6

464I will not speak to their second argument about their further disagreements about whether the work can be
dated to before or after the Baopuzi, except to say that work is currently being done in China on the poetics of
the Heshang gong which supports Robinet’s earlier date. (Personal communication, Stephen Bokenkamp, January
2006)
465 YJ56.15b4-6

466 Ref. Mugitani p. 72 n. 24.1

467Sui shu, 34.29.100; Jiu tang shu, 417.2027; Tongzhi, 67.2b4; Dongxuan lingbao sandong fengdao kejie yingshi 洞玄靈
寶三洞奉道科戒營始 (Establishing the Beginnings: Rules and Precepts for Worshipping the Dao according
to the Three Caverns of the Cavern Mystery Numinous Treasure) HY1117 juan 4, cited in Zhu Yueli “YXYML
kao,” 114; Du Guanting, Daode zhenjing guangshengyi 道德真經廣聖義 HY 725.
 153

separate it from the Yinxi neijie.468 This has thus been conflated by Barrett, Xiao Tianshi and

in his wake, Veith et al. to be the same text. 469 However, when we look at these fragments

in the Ishinpô, where they appear side by side, it is clear that they are not the same.470 The

passage simply titled Neijie in the YXYML is given the title Yangsheng neijie 養生內解 in the

Ishinpô. I have not found any further information on this title.

This last point demonstrates the need for caution when claiming abbreviated titles

refer to specific texts. There are two or three citations of Laozi and three or four of

Laojun.471 The first two472 are concerned with the doctrine of karmic retribution. The

second two,473 found in chapter three, are concerned with an incantation to the Mysterious

Portal of Supreme Clarity (太清玄門 Taiqing xuanmen),474 and unlucky directions and omens.

The last two, in chapter six, are concerned with reverting the semen up to the brain (huanjing

bunao 還精補腦) and flaccid entry (ruoru chiangchu 弱入強出).

The origin of this (these) text(s) is uncertain. Given that there is no extended title in

the YXYML for which these might be a shorthand, other than the Laojun yinxi neijie, it is

tempting to assume that they indeed refer to this text. However, when we recall the neijie

abbreviation above, which refers to a title not mentioned in the YXYML, we cannot be sure.

468 YXYML 2.5a1-7a7

469Veith et. al are ambivalent on this point. While they cite Xiao and claim identity between the two on p. 144
n. 27, they also suggest that the texts are different on p. 120 n. 17.
470 27.4.570a

471 One of the Laozi citations (1.1.7b) is Laojun in the YJ edition.

472 YXYML 1.1.7b

473 YXYML 1.3.17a-b

474Switkin (Immortality, p. 56, n. 61) notes that this may be a reference to the gate of primordial feminity, the
genetrix of the universe, mentioned in the Daode jing, or to the prenatal 先天 state.
 154

5.A.xxi Suwen 素問

This citation, as mentioned in Chapter One, comes from the first chapter of the

Suwen, or Simple Questions, a treatise on internal medicine that takes the form of a dialouge

between the Yellow Emperor and his trusted advisor, Qibo.

This work is one of four medical texts commonly given the prefix Huangdi neijing 黃帝

內經,475 the others of which are the Lingshu 靈樞, Taisu 太素 and Mingtang 明堂. Scholars as

far back as Shao Yong 邵庸 (1101-77) have thought that the Huangdi neijing was unlikely to

have been composed earlier than Warring States period, and work in the 20th Century has

limited that claim to the 1st, 2nd and 3rd centuries B.C.E., most particularly because of the

excavation of the Mawangdui medical manuscripts in 1972. Texts from this tomb, which are

datable to 168 B.C.E. do not reflect aspects of the Huangdi neijing, such as the use of metal

needles, a total of 12 meridians, and the circulation of qi, indicating that these ideas were not

widespread at the time. The earliest instance of the title Suwen is around or before 220 C.E.,

in the Shanghan zabing lun 傷寒雜病論.476 I have compared the YXYML against the earliest

edition of the Suwen I could find, the Guangbo buzhu huangdi neijing suwen 重廣補註黃帝內經

素問 (762, compiled by Wang Bing 王冰 ).

5.A.xxii 慎子 Shenzi

475 (Yellow Emperor’s Classic of Internal Medicine)

476 Unschuld, Medicine in China, p. 75ff; Sivin “Huangdi neijing,” 196 ff.
 155

The Shenzi is a tract attributed to Shen Dao 慎到(?350-?275 B.C.E.)477 of Zhao 趙,

one of the philosophers of the Jixia 稷下 academy, where he was well-received. In 284

B.C.E., he left Qi to go to serve in Han 韓. His work was very influential in the Legalist

school; his concepts of both law (fa 法) and power (shi 勢) are developed in the Hanfeizi 韓

非子 and the Xunzi 荀子. However, the Shiji 史記 describes him as studying the arts of

Huang and Lao.

The first mention of this title occurs in the Shiji, where it is described as a work in 12

lun 論.478 Liu Xiang 劉向 (79-8 B.C.E.) later collated and recopied it, and it is recorded in

the Hanshu Yiwenzhi 漢書藝文志 as a work in 42 pian. It was later held in the library of

Liang 梁(502-557) dynasty, this text being the likely ancestor of the manuscripts listed in the

collections of the Sui and Tang courts, which, Thompson maintains, survived to the end of

the Tang.479 Barrett counters this, claiming that the transmission of the complete text ended

in the An Lushan rebellion.480 Thompson later replies to Barrett with a compromise,

placing the terminus ad quem between 755 and 960.481

Barrett further argues that since the Yangsheng yaoji is a frequently cited source for

other Shenzi quotations, and since the YXYML relies heavily on the former, that the

Yangsheng yaoji is the likely source for the YXYML fragment. The YXYML fragment is

477There is some disagreement about his dates. Whereas Paul Thompson (“Shen Tao,” p. 399 in Early Chinese
Texts) and Chad Hansen (http://www.hku.hk/philodep/ch/shendao.htm March 12th 2006 ) agree on the
above dates, Chen Guofu and Pan Yuyan give 395-315 BCE in Daojiao dacidian (p. 157).

478 Shiji 74.2347

479 Thompson, The Shenzi Fragments, pp. 84-6

480 Barrett, “Transmission of the Shen tzu,” pp. 168-71

481 Thompson, “Shen-tzu” in Loewe, Early Chinese Texts.

 156

unique in that it is unattested an any encylopædias or other sources.482 By virtue of this fact,

it must have come from the intact text, which placing the terminus ad quem of composition of

the YXYML to between 755 and 960.

5.A.xxiii Yuanyang jing 元陽經

The Yuanyang jing from which this excerpt derives is not extant, however there are a

variety of references to it from which we can get a picture of its content and context.

It is mentioned in the Six Dynasties (220-589) work by Zhang Pan 張泮,483 the

Taishang laojun kaitianjing 太上老君開天經 (Grand Supreme Scripture of Laozi Opening the

Heavens) HY1425 which describes the transformations of Laozi as he incarnates in various

ages of Chinese history, and composes certain scriptures, such as the Yuanyang jing:

伏羲之時，老君下為師，號曰無化子，一名鬰華子。敎示伏羲推舊法，演隂陽，正
八方，定八卦。作元陽經以敎伏羲。
In the time of Fuxi, Laozi descended as an avatar, who was nicknamed Changeless Master,
and given the name of Master of Floral Luxuriance. In teaching Fu Xi, he showed how to
promote the old law, to circulate Yin and Yang, to rectify the eight directions and define the
eight trigrams. He wrote the Yuanyan jing in order to teach Fu Xi. – Laojun Kaitian jing 4b4-
6.484
The Guang Bowu zhi485 repeats this tale and adds that the Yuanyang jing was a thirty-

four juan work – one much larger than the ones that survive in Daoist canons today.486

From this information it would appear to have been a large Yijing text composed in the Six

Dynasties.

482 Thompson, “Shen-tzu” in Loewe, Early Chinese Texts.

483 Verellen, “Laojun kaitian jing,” 108-9 in Schipper, Daoist Canon.

484This passage can be found in other texts, such as YJ2.12b3-5 and others. It appears to be quite well-
circulated. One variation, claiming to cite the preface to the Xishengjing 西昇經, claims that a second text of the
same name Yuanyang jing was also written during the time of Yu 禹 by Laozi’s incarnation at that time, Master
Li 李子. (Shigutang shuhua huikao 式古堂書畫彙考 7.53a1-2). This dual mention of the Yuanyang jing may be an
attempt to explain two different versions in circulation. I do not find any version of this tale in either of the
Xisheng jing editions, HY666 and HY726.

485 28.30b8-31a2 and 29b.6-8

486 See below.

 157

The citation we have in the YXYML, which is repeated in the Ishinpô as a Yangsheng

yaoji citation, has a very different focus, foregrounding breath exercise, swallowing saliva,

dietary restrictions and openness of the meridians. This confirms that the text must have

been composed in the Six Dynasties period. It is also cited in the Shenxian shiqi jin’gui miaolu

神仙食炁金櫃秒錄, a Sui dynasty text by Mr. Jingli 京里先生.487

It also appears, from the schematization described above, that it drew the attention

of people writing schematics of Daoist literature, even at that early stage. The story about

the transformations of Laozi in the Laojun kaitian jing was not a neutral one, and was most

likely used to assert Daoism in court debates alongside other such narratives, 488 like the

Huahujing 化胡經.489 By the Tang dynasty, the Yuanyang jing was categorized as a text from

the Lingbao, or Numinous Treasure Sect, and used in anti-Buddhist polemics:

靈寳經曰: 迦羅山樹下有三天人講元陽經。
The Lingbao scriptures say that beneath a tree on mount Kapilavastu, there were three
heavenly people who lectured on the Yuanyang jing for three days. – Taiping yulan 679.78.

This locates the origin of the text in Kapilavastu, the birthplace of the Buddha,

thereby indicating a Huahu jing type of argument that places the Daoist Yuanyang jing in a state

of priority to the development of Buddhist scripture.

Not surprisingly, we find the Yuanyang jing implicated in responses to these

arguments from Buddhist quarters, again stressing textual primacy and precedence, and

487 Jean Lévi p. 355 in Schipper, Daoist Canon.

488 Verellen, op. cit.

489 (Scripture of Laozi’s Transformation of the Barbarians) This work asserted that after leaving the court of
Zhou, and going west into the mountains, Laozi transformed himself into the Buddha, and disseminated a
lesser form of the teachings contained in the Daode jing. This moves serves to set up Daoism as more
primordial, and thus more primary, than Buddhism, and was used in polemical debates between the two
religions.
 158

criticizing Daoist texts for plagiarizing Buddhist scripture. The argument below is likely

developed in response to that in the Laojun kaitian jing and the Lingbao scripture cited above:

五通觀道士輔慧祥改涅槃為長安經。被殺不行。今復取用改為太上靈寶元陽經。
Daoist Master Fu Huixiang of the Five Perceptions Monastery changed the concept of
Nirvana and wrote the Chang’an jing. He was killed and the text wasn’t transmitted. It has
recently again been drawn on and fixed up as the Taishang lingbao yuanyangjing. – Fayuan
zhulin (T53, no. 2122, p. 703, b21-23)490

Because of the polemical interests of the author, we cannot be sure of the authorial

attribution here, but it does confirm the Taiping yulan location of this text within the Lingbao

corpus, and shows how it was used as a foil in debates between Lingbao Daoists and

Buddhists.

As for its modern manifestations, the title Taishang yuanyang jing 太上元陽經 can be

found in the Dunhuang daozang 敦煌道藏491 Zhonghua daozang 中華道藏,492 Zangwai daoshu

藏外道書,493 and as a volume among the TaishangSanshiliubu zunjing HY 8. The excerpt from

the YXYML citation does not appear in the latter three, so the identity between them and

the YXYML source text can not be verified. The last work is a compilation of 36 separate

texts, referred to in the Zhenzang jing494 as a scripture that had been written to demonstrate

that the Taoist books of the Six Dynasties, and their division into three canons of twelve

sections each, had been superseded by a new literature. The work as a whole includes

elements that point to a Song composition, and because of this, Lagerway considers the

490 This argument is also noted in the Fozu lidai tong zai 佛祖厯 代通載 12.24b

491 (Canon of Daoist Texts found in Dunhuang) 024

492 (The Chinese Daoist Canon) 04-099

493 (Extra-canonical Daoist works) 21.138-147

494Wushang neibi zhenzang jing 無上內秘真藏經 (Unsurpassed Esoteric and Secret Scriptures of the Canon of
Perfection) HY4, 4.1b, cited in Lagerway “Taishang sanshiliu bu zunjing.”
 159

collection to have been deliberately composed to correspond to the early catalogue structure

of the Zhenzang jing.495

Ren Jiyu notes that as a whole, the Sanshiliubu zunjing foregrounds accumulation of

merit, offering incense, performing rituals, incantation, prayer, establishment of Daoist

centres and performing meritorious deeds over and above breathing exercises, cycling

cinnabar, swallowing qi, meditative absorption and other such interior, bodily practices.496

This emphasis is quite at odds with the focus of the Yuanyang jing fragment in the YXYML,

which asserts the centricity of breathing practice, and swallowing the breath and saliva, and

points to the likelihood that the work cited in the YXYML is not the same as the one which

survives today.

5.A.xxiv Fuqi jing 服氣經

This text is not mentioned in any dynastic histories or major encyclopædias. Some of

the fragment is cited in the Ishinpô, where it is identified as a Yangsheng yaoji fragment. There

are only two titles with this name in the Daoist canons, both are the Yanling xiansheng ji xinjiu

fuqijing 延陵先生集新舊服氣經.497 A scan through this work does not reveal the any direct

similarities except for the opening line of our fragment, “道者，氣也,”498 so we can

conclude they are not related.

The first few lines of this fragment are cited in the Buddhist Tripitaka,499 and a larger

portion is cited in the Taiping yulan.500 The former citation gives the title 養生服氣經, and

495 Lagerway “Taishang sanshiliu bu zunjing,” 1086.

496 Daozang tiyao, 0008.10-11

497 (Old and New Scriptures on Ingesting Qi, collected by Mr. Yan Lu) HY824 and Daozang Jinghua 6.4.1.9

498
HY824, 1b.10
499
Guang hongming ji 廣弘明集 (Extended Collection of Grand Luminaries) (CBETA T52.2103.187a10-13)
compiled by Dao Xuan 道宣(596-667); and the Bianzheng lun 辯正論 (Discourses of Debate and Rectification)
(CBETA T52.2110.536c29- 537.a4) compiled by Fa Lin 法林(572-640)
 160

whereas the Taiping yulan gives 養生要伏 (sic) 氣經. The Song imperial bibliography, the

Chongwen zongmu 崇文總目501 lists a Fuqi jing in 2 juan as lost.502 The Tongzhi lists a Fuqi jing as

a work in 2 juan and a Chisongzi fuqi jing 赤松子服氣經 in 1 juan.503

We can thus conclude that it was in circulation from before the mid-fifth century,

that it probably disappeared in the Song dynasty, that the full name was Yangsheng fuqi jing 養

生服氣經, and that it was a distinct work from the Chisongzi fuqi jing. It either did not carry

this full title at this time, or Zhang Zhan, the compiler of the Yangsheng yaoji, neglected to

include it.

5.A.xxv Daoyin jing 導引經 (Classic of Guding and Pulling)

The Baopuzi mentions a Daoyin jing in 10 juan,504 so this title appears to have been in

circulation from at least the fourth century. Although the YXYML fragment does not turn

up in any other texts, the title is cited in the Ishinpô505 as a Yangsheng yaoji excerpt, and is

attributed to 寧先生.506 This seems to indicate that the YXYML draws its Daoyin jing

citation from the Yangsheng yaoji as well.

500 720.14a5-b8

501 (Comprehensive Catalogue of Lofty Literature) After a fire in the Chongwen yuan 崇文院 imperial library
in 1015, there were considerable attempts to replace the lost works, and a catalogue was submitted in 1042.
Although full of errors, it was not replaced throughout the Northern Song. It notes the texts that were still not
replaced at the time of submission. The edition which survives today is a reduced version, printed in 1144 to
facilitate the recovery of lost works, which are marked 闕. However, it does not describe the authors or
content of the works, which the original catalogue did. (van der Loon, Taoist Books, pp. 6-7)

502 Chongwen zongmu 9.12b1

503 Tongzhi(1149) 67.19b3 and 67.21a1.

504 Baopuzi Neipian 19.4b8 (SKQS).

505 27.571b and 572a

506 For his biography, see Kaltenmark, Lie-sien tchouan, 43-47 (Cited in Campany, To Live, p. 244 n. 411).
 161

Catherine Despeux notes the appearance of Ning Fengzi 寧封子 in another work on

daoyin, theTaiqing daoyin yangsheng jing 太清導引養生經.507 Describing Ning as the Minister of

Fire to the Yellow Emperor, it lists some of his practices among excerpts from numerous

other early masters, such as Chisongzi 赤松子, Pengzu 彭祖, Wang Ziqiao 王子喬 and Dao

Lin 道林, each representing different daoyin schools. Although most of these practices are

datable through cross-citation to before the Sui dynasty, the text itself does not appear in

catalogues before the Song. Despeus suggests that it may be a late compilation derived from

earlier works, possibly relying on the Yangsheng yaoji.

5.A.xxvi Anjing 按經 (Massage Classic)

This passage is cited in the Ishinpô508 as an excerpt from the Yangsheng yaoji, but it is

given the subtitle Yangsheng neijie, a work which appears elsewhere in chapter five.509 I have

not found any more information on this work.

5.B Biographies

5.B.i Chen Ji 陳紀

Chen Ji 陳紀, stylename Yuanfang 元方, (ca 130-200) is an interesting figure of the

Latter Han dynasty. He is the subject of both Confucian and Daoist forms of biography.

His official biography states that he was a very filial eldest son of 陳寔(104-187 C.E.) from

Xu 許 in Yingzhou 潁川, and received wide acclaim for his poetic airs 風 after passing his

jinshi 進士 exams.510 The Han general Dong Cho 董卓 (d. 192) consulted him about moving

507 (Great Clarity Scripture on Gymnastics and Nourishing Life) HY817

508 27.5.572a

509 I have no further information on this title. See entry on Laojun and Laozi texts.

510 Houhan shu 62. 2067-8

 162

the capital to Chang’an in 190, but obtained a negative reaction. He died as president of the

Imperial Secretariat, having refused the title of Grand Marshal.511

Other narratives of his life can be found. The Shishuo xinyu 世說新語 contains

numerous references to the same character, where he is celebrated for his quick repartee or

for his filial piety.512 These agree in the main with assessments of him in the Houhan shu.

However, Daoist sources give a quite different story. Two comparable versions can be

found in the Bowu zhi and Ge Hong’s Baopuzi513:

潁川陳元方韓元長，時之通才也。所以並信有仙者。其兒時，所傳聞河南密縣有成
公。其人出行，不知所至。復來還語其家云：「我得仙！」因與家人辭訣而去。其步
漸高良久乃没而不見。至今密縣傳其仙去二君並信有仙，蓋由此也。
Chen Yuanfang and Han Yuanzhang (Han Rong) of Yingchuan were comprehensive talents
of their time. It was believed by both of them that transcendents existed. During the time
of their children, they heard that in south of the river in Mi 密 county, there was one
[transcendent named] Attained Duke. He went out, and no one knew where they went.
When he returned, he said to his family: “I have attained transcendence!” and thus took
leave of his family and departed. Their steps gradually rose higher [into the sky] for a long
time until they disappeared without a trace. The current tradition in Mi county that their
transcendents were two lords who departed, and the [general] belief in the existence of
transcendents likely arises from this tale. – Bowu zhi 博物志 3b4b8

The Houhan shu identifies Chen as the disciple of Han Rong 韓融,514 and identifies

the stylename Yuanzhang 元長 with Han Rong of Yingchuan, so he appears to be the same

person referred to in the Daoist narratives.515

511 Details from Mather’s New Tales of the World (p. 537) are included in these notes.

512 Shi-shuo Xinyu 1.6, 1.8, 1.10, 2.6, 3.3, 5.1, 9.6, 10.3, 12.1 While a number of these are fairly generic tales,
readers may recall the episode where Chen Ji’s father, having made an appointment to go somewhere with a
friend, goes off after having waited some time for the tardy fellow. The latter then arrives one the scene, and
criticizes the father to his 11-year old son, who smartly rebukes him not only for his tardiness but also for not
recognizing the impropriety of inviting a son to criticize his father. The fellow tries to make amends, but the
young boy retreats into the house with ne’er a look behind him. See Mather, New Tales for more.

513 Baopuzi 5.7a9. Also see Ware, Alchemy, p. 108, which informs this translation.
514 Hou Hanshu 72.2326

515Hou Hanshu 74.2376. The reference cites the Hainei Xianxian zhuan 海內先賢傳 (The Traditions of Earlier
Worthies from Ocean areas and the Inland), a text now lost, which was composed during the reign of Emperor
Mingdi 明帝 (r. 227-240) of the Wei (Suishu 33.974). This appears to be one of the earliest sources for this
identification, as the Baopuzi and Bowuzhi were both composed after it.
 163

His biography (62.2067)states that he composed a work of myriad sayings 萬言, now

lost, called the Chenzi 陳子, in an enraged response to sectarian bias 黨錮 against him. The

nature of the text-fragment we have here does not, however, demonstrate any anti-polemical

flavour, it is more concerned with dietary prohibitions. While there is no definite evidence

as to where the commentarial notes come from, it appears likely that they are by Zhang

Zhan, since this passage can be found in a Yangsheng yaoji citation in Ishinpô 29, section on

diet 調食. This passage can also be found in the Shenxian shiqi jin’gui miaolu 神仙食炁金櫃

妙錄 DZ571, and similar material can be found in Za xiu she: sheyang zhenzhong fang 雜修攝攝

養枕中方 YJ33, and the 枕中記 DZ572.516

5.B.ii Hua Tuo 華佗

Hua Tuo, stylenamed Yuanhua 元化 (?110-?207) from Qiao 譙 in the country of

Pei 沛, was a celebrated physician of the latter Han dynasty. Not only skilled in acupuncture,

pulse diagnosis, surgery and herbal medicine he was also reputed to be skilled in astronomy,

geography, literature, history, and agriculture. He was known for economy and precision in

his herbal prescriptions moxibustion and acupuncture treatments, and for responsiveness to

his patients. When illnesses were stuck in the interior, he would also practice surgery on his

patients, having given them an anæsthætic.517 Tuo has been the subject of much folklore

concerning the famous Sanguozhi episode of his surgical treatment of Guan Yu’s 關羽 (160-

219) arm, which had been shot with a poisoned arrow. Hua Tuo removed the arrow, and

cleaned the wound down to the bone while Guan Yu sat calmly playing chess in his battle

camp. While often a testament to Guan Yu’s stalwart character, this can also be read as a

516(Mugitani p. 78 n. 34.1)
517Called Hemp Extract powder 麻沸散, it was taken with alcohol, after which the patient would be “as if
asleep or dead.”
 164

testament to Hua Tuo’s skill in local anæsthesia. He also acted as personal physician to Cao

Cao, by whom he was in the end executed. In response to Caocao’s persistent headaches,

Tuo prescribed brain surgery (possibly removal of a brain tumour), a suggestion Caocao

thought to be an attempt on his life.518 Tuo had three disciples that we know of, Wu Pu 吳

普, Fan Ah 樊阿 and Li Dangzhi 李當之, the former two of which are mentioned in the

YXYML. Hua Tuo left no textual corpus behind him – his official biography describes how,

at the point of death, he composed a medical text and gave it to his jailor, who refused it out

of fear of punishment. Tuo did not press the matter and burned the book, leaving no others

behind.519

Most relevant to the YXYML, he was renowned for his skills as a longevist, and

sported a youthful visage beneath his beard of white hair. He is known for developing the

“Five Animal Frolics” a series of daoyin exercises that are described in detail in the YXYML.

If they are Tuo’s, they must have first been passed on via oral transmission through his three

students before being written down. The only other place I have found these practices

described is in the Taishang laojun yangsheng jue 太上老君養生訣 (Secrets of the Most High

Lao for Cultivating Life ) HY820, where they are attributed to Lord Lao and then

transmitted by Hua Tuo to his disciple Wu Pu. It does not include the biographical preface–

Hua Tuo is claimed to have lived for ten thousand years as a result of the practices– and

these are described in a different order than the YXYML;520 in a condensed, obscuring prose.

The text goes on to list a number of other practices with cross-citations in other early Tang

518Hua Tuo’s biographies can be found in Sanguo Zhi, Weishu 29.799-803, and Taiping guangji 218.1b3-2b1. Also
see Subbhuti Dharmananda http://www.itmonline.org/arts/huatuo.htm#figure%201, March 14, 2006.

519 Weishu 29.802-3

520 The YXYML order is Tiger, Deer, Bear, Gibbon and Bird. In this version Deer and Bear are reversed.
 165

works,521 many of which are also in the YXYML. The extended claims about Hua Tuo’s

longevity and the Laotian provenance of the practices contradict his hagiographies in both

the Taiping guangji and the Wei shu. This work thus appears to have been composed by

someone who, finding these other sources, copied them into a less comprehensible style to

make them appear more mysterious and disseminated them as transmissions from Lord Lao.

It would thus appear to be an appropriation of this material for an audience that either 1)

was not terribly literate, and didn’t have access to the other sources, or 2) or comprised a

smaller tradition that asserted the transcendence of its practices and protagonists in

contradiction to the more broadly spread narrative traditions described above.

521 See Lévi, in Schipper, Daoist Canon, pp. 354-5

 166

6 Critical Edition

HY 837 ZT 572 RenJ i yu 832

<X. 1a> 養性延命錄序

夫稟氣含靈，[ 522] 唯人為貴。人所貴者，蓋貴為生。生者神之本，形者神之具。

神大用則竭，形大勞則斃。若能遊心虛靜，息慮無為，[ 523] 服元氣於子後，時導

引于閑室，攝養無虧，嵩餌[ 524] 良藥，則百年耆壽是常分也。如恣意以[ 525] 躭聲

色，役智而圖富貴，得[ 526] 䘮[ 527] 恒切於懷，躁撓未能自遣，不拘禮度，飲食無

節，如斯之流，寧免夭傷之患也？余因[ 528] 止觀微暇，聊復披覽《養生要集》。

其集乃錢彥張湛道林之徒，翟平黃山之輩，咸是 <X. 1b> 好事英[ 529] 門，志在寶

育，或鳩集仙經真人壽考之規，或[ 530] 得采彭[ 531] 鏗老君長齡之術，上自農黃已

來，下及魏晉之際，但有益於養生，及[ 532] 招損於後患。諸本先皆記錄，今略取

要法，刪棄繁蕪，類聚篇題[ 533] ，分為上下兩卷。卷有三篇，號為《養性延[ 534]

522 唯 = YJ 惟
523 服 = YJ 候
524 兼餌: 兼味 means variety of food (M830, p. 115) thus I take 兼餌 to mean variety of medicinal prepared
herbs.
525 躭 is a variant for 眈 (M6029)

526 䘮(ZWDCD735): This variant of 喪 is used throughout the DZ text. This is the equivalent of 喪.
527 恒切 = YJ 榮
528 止 = YJ,JH 正
529 門 = JH 奇
530 得采 = YJ 採摭
531 鏗老君 = YJ 祖李聃
532 招損 = YJ 無損(口=ㄙ)
533 YJ - (分為上下兩卷。卷有三篇)
534 命 = YJ 年
 167

命錄》。[ 535] 擬補助於有緣，[ 536] 冀憑[ 537] 緣以濟物耳。[ 538] （或云此書孫思

邈所集）

<1. 1a> [ 539] 養性延命錄卷上

華陽陶隱居集

教戒篇第一

《神農經》曰︰食穀者智慧聰明，食石者肥澤不老（謂煉五石也），食芝者延年

不死，食元氣者地不能埋，天不能殺。是故食藥者，與天[ 540] 相[ 541] ，日月並

列。

《[ 542] 混元道經》曰︰谷神不死（河上公曰︰谷，養也，能養神[ 543] 不死[ 544]

也。神為五臟之神[ 545] ，肝藏魂，肺藏魄，心藏神，腎藏精，脾藏志。五藏盡

傷，則五神去[ 546] ），是謂玄牝 （言不死之[ 547] 道，在於玄牝。<1. 1b> 玄，天

也，[ 548] 天於人為鼻；牝、地也，地於人為口。天食人以五氣，從鼻入，藏於

535 擬 = YJ 庶
536 冀 = YJ__1b9.2
537 YJ - 緣
538 YJ - (或云此書孫思邈所集）
539 YJ - 養性延命錄卷上, 華陽陶隱居集, 教戒篇第一 (as the YJ consistently excludes these section
headings, they will not be mentioned hereafter)
540 YJ+ 地

541 異: The variant is used throughout the DZ text. In each instance 異 has been entered in its place,
because Unicode does not have this variant.
異=YJ 弊
542 混元=YJ 老君

543 YG,HSG + 則
544 YJ,HSG – 也
545 HSG + 也
546 YJ,HSG + 矣
547 道 = HSG 有
548 HSG – 天
 168

心。五氣清，微為精神、[ 549] 聰明、音聲、五性。其鬼曰[ 550] 魂，魂者，雄也。

出入人鼻，與天通，故鼻為玄也。地食人以五味，從口入，藏於胃。五[ 551] 味

濁，[ 552] 滯為形骸、骨肉、血脈、六情。其鬼曰[ 553] 魄，魄者，雌也。出入於

口，與[ 554] 地通， 故[ 555] 口[ 556] 為牝也）。[ 557] 玄牝之門，是謂天地根

（根，[ 558] 原也。言鼻口之門，[ 559] 乃是天地之元氣所從往來[ 560] 也）。綿綿

若存（鼻口呼[ 561] 喘息，當綿綿微妙，若可存，復若無有[ 562] 也），用之不

勤（用氣當寬舒，不當急 <1. 2a> 疾勤勞[ 563] ）。

《[ 564] 混元道德經》曰︰出生（謂情[ 565] 慾出於五內，魂定魄靜故生也）入死

（謂情[ 566] 慾入於胸臆，[ 567] 精散神惑故死也），生之徒十有三，死之徒十有三

549 聰 = HSG 聦
550 魂 = HSG 兆
551 味 = HSG 性
552 YJ- 滯, HSG 滯 = 厚
553 魄 = HSG 魂 (This is an interesting difference, because in this edition of the HSG, there is a distinction
being made btw the 兆魂 and the 魂魄. But in the YJ/DZ, it is emended to a distinction simply btw 魂 and
魄.
554 HSG + 天

555 HSG - 口

556 YJ+ 與地通

557 The Laozi passageis cited in Taishang laojun yangsheng jue 太上老君養生訣 HY820 4b f. as a preface to a

breathing exercise, where nose and mouth are equated with Heaven and Earth (following Heshang Gong).
For translation, see Schipper, Taoist Body p. 136-7.
558 原=YJ,HSG 元

559 乃是 = HSG 是乃
560 HSG – 也
561 DZ,HSG = YJ 吸
562 HSG – 也
563 HSG + 也
564 混元=YJ 老君
565 慾 =YJ,HSG 欲 (This is fairly consistent through the text. In some earlier Daoist texts 慾 is used to denote
sexual and illicit desire as opposed to 欲, which implies simple, licit desires for food, comfort, however the DZ
author appears to have elided this distinction.).
 169

（言[ 568] 生死之類[ 569] 各十有三，謂九竅[ 570] 而四關也。其生也，目不妄視，

耳不妄聽，鼻不妄[ 571] 嗅，口不妄言[ 572] ，手不妄持，足不妄行，精不妄施。其

死也，反是），人之生[ 573] 也，動[ 574] 皆之死地十有三（人[ 575] 欲求生，動作

反之，十[ 576] 有三之死[ 577] 地[ 578] ）。夫何故？[ 579] 以其求[ 580] 生之厚[ 581]

也（所以動之死地者，以其求生[ 582] 之活[ 583] 之太厚[ 584] 也。遠道[ 585] 反天，

妄行失紀）。<1. 2b>蓋聞善攝生者[ 586] ，陸行不遇兕虎[ 587] ，入軍不[ 588] 被甲

兵[ 589] ，兕無所投其角，虎無所措其爪，兵無所容其刃[ 590] 。夫何故[ 591] ？以

566 慾= YJ 欲
567 精散神惑故死也 = HSG 精神勞惑故死
568 生死 = HSG 死生
569 各十有三 = HSG 各有十三
570 YJ,HSG – 而
571 嗅 = HSG 香
572 HSG + 味
573 HSG -也
574 YJ,HSG – 皆
575 欲 = HSG 之
576 YJ,HSG – 有
577 HSG – 地
578 YJ,HSG + 也
579 HSG + (問何故動之死地也)
580 HSG +生
581 YJ, HSG – 也
582 HSG – 之
583 HSG – 之
584 HSG – 也
585 反 = HSG 忤
586 HSG + (攝養也)
587 HSG + (自然遠避害不干也， 兕徐履反)
588 被 = HSG 避
589 HSG + (不好戰以殺人)
590 HSG + (養生之人虎兕無由傷兵刃無從加之也)
591 HSG + (問虎兕兵甲何故不害)
 170

其無死地（以其不犯[ 592] 上十有三之死地也）。

《莊子‧養生篇》曰︰吾生也有涯（向秀曰︰生之所稟，各有[ 593] 極也），而智

也無涯（嵇康曰︰夫不慮而欲，性之動也；識而[ 594] 發感，智之用也。性動者，

遇物而當足， 則無餘；智[ 595] 從感[ 596] 而求，[ 597] 倦而不已。故世之所患，

[ 598] 恒在於智[ 599] 用，不在性動也）。以有涯隨無涯，殆已（郭象曰︰以有[ 600]

限之性，尋無[ 601] 趣之 <1. 3a> 智，安得而不困哉。）已而為智者，殆而已矣

( 向秀曰︰已困於智矣，又為[ 602] 智以攻之者，又殆矣）。

《莊子》曰︰達生之情者，不務生之所無以為（向秀曰︰生之所無以為者，性表

之事也。張湛曰︰生理自全，為分外所為，此是以有涯隨無涯也）；達命之情者，

不務智之所無[ 603] 奈何（向秀曰︰命盡而死者是。張湛曰︰秉生順之理，窮所稟

分，豈智所[ 604] 知何也。）

《列子》曰︰少不勤行，莊不競時，長而安貧，老而寡[ 605] 欲，閑心勞形，養生

之方也。

592 HSG = (十三之死地。言神明營護之此物不敢害)

593 極 = YJ 涯
594 發 = DNYSL 後
595 DNYSL + 用
596 YJ,DNYSL 而= DZ 不
597 倦 = DNYSL 勌
598 DNYSL +患禍之所由, 恒 = YJ, DNYSL 常
599 YJ, DNYSL 用 = DZ 困
600 限 = YJ 根
601 趣 = YJ 窮, SKQS Guoxiang zhu has 極
602 YJ – 智
603 奈 = YJ 柰
604 知何也 = YJ 奈何。
605 As note 565.
 171

《列子》曰︰一體之 <1. 3b> 盈虛消息，皆通於天地，應於[ 606] 萬類（張湛曰︰

人與陰陽通氣[ 607] ）。和之於始，和之於終，靜神滅想，生之道也（始終和則神

志不散）。

《[ 608] 混元妙真經》曰︰人常失道，非道失人；人常去生，非生去人。故養生

者，慎勿失道；為道者，慎[ 609] 已失生。使道與生相守，生與道相保。

《黃老經玄[ 610] 示》曰︰天道施化，與萬物無窮；人道施化，形神消亡。轉神施

精，精竭故衰：形本生精，精生於神。不以[ 611] 生施，故能與天合德；不與神

化，故能與道同式。

《玄[ 612] 示》曰︰以形化者，尸解之類。神 <1. 4a> 與形離，二者不俱，遂象飛

鳥入海為蛤，而隨季秋陰陽之氣。以氣化者，生可[ 613] 異也；以形化者，甚可畏

也。

嚴君平《老[ 614] 子指歸》曰︰遊心於虛靜，結志於微妙，委慮於無欲，歸[ 615]

計於無為，故能達生延命，與道為久。

《大有經》曰︰或疑者云︰始同起於無外，終受氣於陰陽，載形魄於天地，資生

606 萬 = Liezi 物
607 The text stops agreeing with Liezi here. In Liezi 6.35.12 there is a phrase 厚之於始，厚之於終, but this is
quite far of from the text here. There is no 靜神滅想 in the received edition.
608 混元 = YJ 老君
609 已 = YJ 勿
610 示 = YJ 禾
611 生=YJ 精
612 示 = YJ 禾
613 As note 541.

614 子=YJ 君

615 計=YJ 指
 172

長於食息，而有愚有智，有强 有弱，有壽有夭，天耶？人[ 616] 耶？解者曰︰夫形

生愚智， 天也；强 弱壽夭，人也。天道自然，人道自己。始而胎氣充實，生而乳

食有餘，長而滋味不足，壯而 <1. 4b> 聲色有節者，强 而壽；始而胎氣虛耗，生而

乳食不足，長而滋味有餘，壯而聲色自放者，弱而夭。生長全足，加之導養，年未

可量。

《道機》曰︰人生而命有長短者，非自然也。皆由將身不謹，飲食過差，淫泆無

度，忤逆陰陽，魂神不守，精竭命衰，百病萌生，故不終其壽。

《河圖帝視萌》曰︰侮天時者凶，順天時者吉。春夏樂山高處，秋冬居卑深藏，

吉利多福，壽考無窮。

《雒書寶予命》曰︰“古人治病之方，和以醴泉，潤以元氣，藥不辛不苦，甘甜

多味，常能服之，津流五 <1. 5a> 藏，繫在[ 617] 心肺，終身無患。

《孔子家語》曰︰食肉者，勇[ 618] 敢而[ 619] 悍[ 620] （虎狼之類）；食氣者，神

明而壽（仙人、靈龜是[ 621] 也）；食穀者，智慧而[ 622] 夭（人也）；不食者，不

死而神（直任喘息而無思慮）。

《傳》曰︰雜食者，百病妖邪所鍾。所食愈少，心愈開，年愈益；所食愈多，心

愈塞，年愈損焉。

616 YJ – 耶
617 YJ – 心
618 敢 = Kongzi Jiayu 毅
619 悍 = Kongzi Jiayu 捍
620 None of these commentaries are from the Jiayu. As far as I can tell, these must be the author’s own, or

they are comments from a variant edition of the Jiayu.

621 YJ – 也

622 夭 = Jiayu 巧 (夭 is not listed as a variant in the Hong Kong edition of the Jiayu)
 173

太史公司馬[ 623] 談曰︰( 夫神者，生之本；形者，生之具也。[ 624] ) ( 神大用則

竭，形大勞則斃。神形[ 625] 早衰，欲與天地長久，非所聞也。[ 626] ) 故人所以生

者，神也；神之所托者，形也。神形離別則死，死者不可復生，<1. 5b> 離者不可

復返，故乃聖人重之。夫養生之道，有都領大歸，未能具其會者，但思每與俗反，

則闇踐勝轍，獲過半之功矣。有心之徒，可不察歟？

《小有經》曰︰少思、少念、少欲、少事、少語、少笑、少愁、少樂、少喜、少

怒、少好、少惡，此十二少，[ 627] 乃養生之都契也。多思則神[ 628] 殆，多念則

[ 629] 志散，多欲則損[ 630] 志，多事則形疲，多語則氣爭，多笑則傷藏，多愁則心

懾，多樂則意溢，多喜則忘錯[ 631] 惛亂，多怒則百脈不定，多好則專迷不治，多

惡則憔煎無[ 632] 懽。此十二多不除，[ 633] 䘮生之本 <1. 6a> 也。無多者，幾

乎真人大計。

奢懶者壽，慳[ 634] 勤者夭，放散劬[ 635] 吝之異也。田夫壽，膏梁夭，嗜

[ 636] 欲少多之驗也。處士少疾，遊子多患，事務繁簡之殊也。故俗人

623 談 = YJ 論
624 Up to here = Hanshu 62.2714.
625 早 = HS 蚤

626 Hanshu 62.2710.

627 YJ – 乃

628 殆 = YJ 怠

629 志 = YJ 忘
630 志=YJ 智
631 惛=YJ 昏
632 懽=YJ 歡
633 As note 526.
634 勤=YJ 靳

635 吝 is written in an alternate in YXYML(6a2.4), but this doesn’t exist in Unicode, thus 吝 is used here.
吝 = YJ 勞.
636欲少多 = YJ 慾多少
 174

競利，道士罕營。

｢ 胡昭｣ 曰︰目不欲視不正之色，耳不欲聽醜穢之言，鼻不欲向膻腥之氣，口不

欲嘗毒[ 637] 剌之味，心不欲謀欺詐之事，此辱神損壽。又居常而嘆息，晨夜而吟

嘯[ 638] 千正，來邪也。夫常人不得無欲，又復不得無事，但當和心少念，靜[ 639]

身損慮，先去亂神犯性[ 640] ，此則嗇神之一術也。

《黃庭經》曰︰「玉池清 <1. 6b> 水灌靈根，審能修之可長存。」名曰飲食自

然。自然者，則是華池。華池者，口中唾也。呼吸如法，咽之則不飢也。

《老君尹氏內解》曰︰唾者，[ 641] 湊為醴泉，聚為玉漿，流為華池，散為精[ 642]

浮，降為甘露。故[ 643] 口為華池，中有醴泉，漱而咽之，溉藏潤身，流利百脉 ，

化養萬神，[ 644] 支節毛髮宗之而生也。

《中經》曰︰靜者壽，躁者夭。靜而不能養減壽，躁而能養延年。然靜易御，躁

難[ 645] 將，盡順養之宜者，則靜亦可養，躁亦可養。

｢ 韓融元長｣ 曰︰酒者，五穀之華，味之至也，亦能損人。然美物 <1. 7a> 難將

而易過，養性所宜慎之。

｢ 邵仲[ 646] 湛｣ 曰︰五穀充肌體而不能益壽，百藥療疾延年而不[ 647] 甘口。

637 剌=JY 辣
638 千正=JY 不止
639 YJ – 身損
640 YJ + 之事
641 湊=YJ 漱
642 浮=YJ 汋

643 口 = YJ 曰

644 支=YJ 肢
645 將 = YJ 持
646 湛 = YJ 堪
 175

[ 648] 甘口充肌者，俗人之所[ 649] 珠。苦口延年者，道士之所寶。

[ 650] 《素問》曰︰黃帝問[ 651] 歧伯曰︰余聞上古之人，春秋皆百歲而動作不衰

（謂血氣猶盛也）；今時之人，年[ 652] 所始半百[ 653] 動作皆衰者，[ 654] 時世異

耶？[ 655] 將人之失耶？歧伯曰︰上古之人，其知道者，法[ 656] 則陰陽，和於術數

（房中交接之法），[ 657] 飲食有節，起居有[ 658] 度，不妄[ 659] 動作，故能形與

神俱，[ 660] 盡終其[ 661] 夭命，[ 662] 壽過百歲；今時之人[ 663] 則不然，以酒為

漿， 以 <1. 7b> 妄為常，醉以入房，以[ 664] 慾竭其精，以[ 665] 好散其真，不知

持滿，不時御神，務快其心，[ 666] 遊於陰陽，[ 667] 治生起居無節[ 668] 無度，故

半百而衰也。

647 YJ + 能
648 甘口充肌 = YJ 充肌甘口
649 珍 = YJ 珍

650 = HDNJ 1.6b.4-7b.1

651 歧 = YJ 岐, 歧伯 = HDNJ 天師

652 HDNJ – 所始
653 HDNJ + 而
654 JH + 豈
655 將人之失= HDNJ 人將失之
656 則 = HDNJ 於
657 飲食 = HDNJ 食飲
658 度 = HDNJ 常
659 動作 = HDNJ 作勞
660 HDNJ + 而
661 夭命 = HDNJ 天年
662 壽過百歲 = HDNJ 度百歲乃去
663 則不然 = HDNJ 不然也
664 慾 = HDNJ 欲
665 好 = HDNJ 耗
666 遊 = YJ 逆; 遊於陰陽 = HDNJ 逆於生樂
667 治生 = YJ 生治; HDNJ – 治生
668 HDNJ – 無度
 176

《老[ 669] 子》曰︰人生大期，百年為限，節護之者，可至千歲。如膏之用，小炷

與大耳。眾人大言而我小語，眾人多煩而我少記，眾人悸暴而我不怒，不以人事累

意，不[ 670] 修仕祿之業，淡然無為，神氣自滿，以為不死之藥，天下莫我知也。

無謂幽冥，天和人情，無謂闇昧，神見人形。心言小語，鬼聞人聲；犯禁滿千，地

收人形。人為陽善，[ 671] 吉人報 <1. 8a> 之；人為陰善，鬼神報之。人為陽惡，

[ 672] 賊人治之；人為陰惡，鬼神治之。故天不欺人依以影，地不欺人依以響。

老君曰︰人修善積德而遇其凶禍者，受先人之餘殃也；犯禁為惡而遇其福者，蒙

先人之餘福也。

《名醫敘病論》曰︰世人不終耆壽，咸多夭歿者，皆由不自愛惜，忿爭盡意，邀

名射利，聚毒攻[ 673] 神，內傷骨[ 674] 髓，外[ 675] 貶筋肉，血氣將無，經脈便

[ 676] 擁，[ 677] 肉理空踈，[ 678] 惟招[ 679] 蠱疾，正氣日衰，邪氣日盛矣。不異舉

滄波以注爝火，頹華[ 680] 嶺而斷[ 681] 涓流，語其易也，甚於茲矣。

669 子 = YJ 君
670 修仕祿之業 = YJ 脩 君臣之義
671 吉 = YJ 正
672 賊 = YJ 正
673 神 = JH 身
674 髓 = YJ 體
675 貶 = YJ 乏
676 擁 = YJ 壅
677 肉理= YJ 內裏
678 惟 = YJ 唯
679 蠱 = YJ 眾
680 嶺 = YJ 嶽
681 涓 = YJ 淯
 177

[ 682] ｢ 彭 <1. 8b> 祖｣ 曰︰道不在煩，但能不思衣，不思食，不思聲，不思色，

不思勝，不思負，不思失，不思得，不思榮，不思辱，心不勞，形不極，常導引，

[ 683] 納氣、[ 684] 胎息爾，可得千歲，欲長生無限者，當服上藥。

｢ 仲長統｣ 曰︰蕩六情[ 685] 五性，有心而不以之思，有口而不以之言，有體而不

以之安。安之而能遷，樂之而不愛以之。圖之，不知日之益也，不知物之易也。

[ 686] 其彭祖老聃庶幾，不然彼，何為與人者同類，而與人者異壽？

《陳紀元方》曰︰百病[ 687] 穔夭，多由飲食。飲食之患，過於聲色。聲色可絕

<1. 9a> 之踰年，飲食不可廢之一日。為益亦多，為患亦切（多則切傷，少則增

益）。

張湛云[ 688] ︰ [ 689] 凡[ 690] 脫貴[ 691] 權勢者，雖不中邪，精神內傷，[ 692] 身

心死亡（非妖邪[ 693] 禍外[ 694] 者，直由冰炭內煎，則自崩傷中嘔血[ 695] 也）；

682Similar citation in the Taishang daoling shesheng lun 太清道林攝生論 18b1-4: same content, but different
phrasing. The Daolin Lun passage describes the proscriptions in pairs, as opposed to here where they are listed
singly. It would seem, on the face of it, that the YXYML version is the older, and the Daolin lun has reduced it
to make it more memorable?

683 納 = YJ 內
684 胎息 = YJ 息但
685 五性 = YJ 之者
686 YJ – 其
687穔 = YJ 橫
688=Huangdi neijing suwen 23.77.10a (SKQS). Commentary appears to be by Zhang Zhan.
689凡 = HDNJ 故貴脫勢

690 YJ – 脫
691 YJ – 權
692 身心 = JH 心身
693 禍 = YJ
694 者 = YJ 侵
695 YJ – 也
 178

始富後貧，雖不[ 696] 中邪，皮焦筋出，[ 697] 委[ 698] 辟為攣（貧富之於人，利害

猶於權勢，故痾疹損於形骸[ 699] 而已）。動勝寒，靜勝熱，能動能靜，所以長

生。精氣清淨，乃與道合。

《莊子》曰︰真人[ 700] 其寢不夢。

《慎子》[ 701] 云︰ 晝無事者夜不夢。

｢ 張道人｣ 年百數十，[ 702] 甚翹壯也，云︰養性之道，莫久行，久坐，久臥，

[ 703] 久視，久聽， <1. 9b> 莫强 食飲，莫大[ 704] 沈醉，莫大愁憂，莫大哀思，此

所謂能中和。能中和者，必久壽也。

《仙經》曰︰我命在我，不在[ 705] 天；但愚人不能知此，道為生命之要。所以致

百病風邪者，皆由恣意極情，不知自惜，故虛損生也。譬如枯朽之木，遇風即折；

將崩之岸，值水先頹。今若不能服藥，但知愛精節情，亦得一二百年壽也。

張湛《養生集敘》曰︰養生大要︰一曰嗇神，二曰愛氣，三曰養形，四曰導引，

五曰言語，六曰飲食，七曰房室，八曰反俗，九曰醫藥，十曰禁忌。過此[ 706] 已

往，義 <1. 10a> 可略焉。

696 中 = HDNJ 傷
697 委辟 = HDNJ 痿躄
698 辟 = YJ 痺
699 YJ – 而已
700 其 = JH 不
701 云 = JH 曰
702 甚 = JH 猶
703 YJ – 久視

704 YJ – 沈

705 YJ + 於

706 已往 = YJ 以(甍 10b4.6)

 179

青牛道士言︰人不欲使樂，樂人不壽，但當莫强 [ 707] 健為力所不任，舉重引强 ，

掘地苦作，倦而不息，以致筋骨疲竭耳。然[ 708] 於勞苦勝於逸樂也。能從朝至墓

常有所為，使之不息乃快，但覺極當息，息復為之。此與導引無異也。夫流水不

腐，戶樞不朽者，以其勞動數故也。飽食不用坐與臥，欲得行步務作以散之。不

爾，使人得積聚不消之疾，及手足痺蹷，面目黧[ 709] 皯，必損年壽也。

｢ 皇甫｣ 隆問｢ 青牛道士｣ ( 青牛道士姓封，字君達，其養性法則可施用），大

<1. 10b> 略云︰體欲常勞，食慾常少，勞無[ 710] 過極，少無過虛。去肥濃，節鹹

酸，減思慮，損喜怒，除馳逐，慎房室。武帝行之有效。

彭祖曰[ 711] ︰人[ 712] 之受氣雖不知方術，但養之得[ 713] 理，常[ 714] 壽 [ 715]

之一百二十[ 716] 崴。不[ 717] 得此者，皆傷之也。[ 718] 小復曉道，可得二百四十

崴。[ 719] 復微加藥物，可[ 720] 得四百八十崴（嵇康亦云︰[ 721] 導養得理，上可

707 YJ – 健
708 YJ – 於
709 皯 = YJ 皺
710 JH – 過
711 = Shenxian zhuan 神仙傳(SSZ) 1.5b, Taiping Guangji 2.5b1-3.
712 YJ – 之
713 理 = TPGJ 宜
714 壽 = TPGJ 至
715 YJ – 之, SSZ – 之一
716 崴 = YJ 歲. This is consistent in future instances.
717 得 = TPGJ 及
718 小 = YJ 少
719 復微加藥物 = TPGJ 加之
720 得 = TPGJ 至
721 導 = YJ 道
 180

壽千崴，下可壽百[ 722] 年）。

彭祖曰︰養壽之法，但莫傷之而已。夫冬溫夏涼，不失四時之和，所以適身也。

[ 723] ｢ 彭祖｣ 曰: 重衣厚褥，體不[ 724] 勞苦，以致風寒之疾；厚味脯腊，醉飽

厭飫， <1. 11a> 以致聚結之[ 725] 病；美色妖[ 726] 孋，嬪妾盈房，以致虛損之

禍；淫聲哀音，怡心恱 耳，以致荒耽之惑；馳騁[ 727] 遊觀，弋獵原野，以致[ 728]

發狂之失；謀得戰勝，嵩弱取亂，以致驕逸之敗。蓋聖賢[ 729] 或失其理也。然養

生之具，譬猶水火，不可失適，反為害耳。

彭祖曰︰人不知[ 730] 道，[ 731] 徑服藥損傷，血氣不足，內理空[ 732] 踈書淑，髓

腦不實，內已先病，故為外物所犯，[ 733] 風寒酒色以發之耳。若本充實，豈有病

乎？

｢ 仙人｣ 曰︰罪莫大於淫，禍莫大於貪，咎莫大於讒。此三者禍之車；小則危

身，大則危家。若 <1. 11b> 欲延年少病者，誡勿施精，[ 734] 命夭殘。勿大溫消骨

722 年 = YJ 歲
723 YJ - ｢ 彭祖｣ 曰
724 勞 = YJ 堪
725 病 = YJ 疾
726 孋 = YJ 麗
727
遊 = JH 游
728
發 = YJ 荒
729
或 = JH 戒
730
道，徑服藥 = TPGJ 其經服損傷
731
徑 = YJ 經
732
踈 = JH 疎, TPGJ –書淑
733
風寒 = TPGJ 因氣
734
YJ + 施精
 181

髓，勿大寒傷肌肉，勿咳唾失[ 735] 肥液，勿卒呼驚魂魄，勿久泣神悲[ 736] 慼，勿

恚怒神不樂，勿念內志恍惚。能行此道，可以長生。

735
肥液 = YJ 肌汁
736
慼 = YJ 蹙
 182

[ 737] 食戒篇第二

真人曰[ 738] ︰雖常服藥物，而不知養性之術，亦難以長生也。養性之道，不欲飽

食便臥及終日久坐，皆損壽也。人欲小勞，但莫至疲及强 所不能堪勝耳。人食畢，

當行步躊躇，有所修為為快也。故流水不腐，戶樞不蠹，以其勞動 <1. 12a> 數故

也。[ 739] 故人不要夜食，食畢但當行中庭，如數裡可佳。飽食即臥生百病，不消

成積聚也。食欲少而數， 不欲頓多難銷。常如飽中飢、飢中飽。故養性者，先飢

乃食，先渴而飲。恐覺飢乃食，食必多；盛渴乃飲，飲必過。食畢當行，行畢使人

以粉摩腹數百過，大益也。

｢ 青牛道士｣ 言︰ “食不欲過飽，故道士先飢而食也。飲不欲過多，故道士先渴

而飲也。[ 740] 食畢行數百步，中益也。暮食畢，行五裡許乃臥，令人除

病。”[ 741]

凡食，先欲得食熱食，次食溫暖食，次冷食。食熱暖 <1. 12b> 食訖，如無冷食

者，即喫冷水一兩嚥，甚妙。若能恒記，即是養性之要法也。凡食，欲得先微吸取

氣，嚥一兩嚥，乃食，主無病。

｢ 真人｣ 言︰熱食傷骨，冷食傷藏，熱物灼膚，冷物痛齒。食訖踟躕，長生。飽

食勿大語。大飲則血脉 閉，大醉則神散。

737
YJ does not have any of chapter 2.
738
Note the sentiments about not working to excess, and the image of water and pivots are also in the
Qingniu Daoshi quote in section 1.
739
Identical to Qingniu Daoshi sentence, apart from here 蠹=QNDS 朽
740
Switkin (Immortality , 28) ends the quotation here, continuing on with the passage.
741
医 29 quotes the passage up to here, as cited from the Yangsheng Yaoji.
 183

春宜食辛，夏宜食酸，秋宜食苦，冬宜食鹹，此皆助五藏，益血氣，辟諸病。食酸

鹹甜苦，即不得過分食。春不食肝，夏不食心，秋不食肺，冬不食腎，四季不食

脾。如能不食此五藏，尤順天理。燕不可食，入水為蛟蛇所吞，亦不 <1. 13a> 宜

殺之。

飽食訖即臥，成病，背疼。飲酒不欲多，多即吐，吐不佳。醉臥不可當風，亦不可

用扇，皆損人。白蜜勿合李子同食，傷五內。醉不可强 食，令人發癰疽生瘡。醉

飽交接，小者令人面皯咳嗽，不幸傷絕藏脉損命。

凡食欲得恒溫暖，宜入易銷，勝于習冷。凡食皆熟，勝于生；少勝于多。飽食 走

馬成心癡。飲水勿忽咽之，成氣病及水癖。人食酪，勿食酢，變為血痰及尿血。食

熱食汗出，勿洗面，令人失顏色，面如蟲行。食熱食訖，勿以醋漿漱口，令人口

臰 及 <1. 13b> 血齒。

馬汗息及馬毛入食中，亦能害人。雞兔犬肉不可合食。爛茅仲[742]屋上水滴浸者

脯，名曰鬱脯，食之損人。久飢不得飽食，飽食成癖病。飽食夜臥失覆，多霍亂

死。時病新差，勿食生魚，成痢不止。食生魚，勿食乳酪，變成蟲。食兔肉，勿食

乾薑，成霍亂。

人食肉，不用取上頭最肥者，必眾人先目之，食者變成結氣及疰癘，食皆然。空腹

勿食生菓 ，令人膈上熱、骨蒸、作癰癤。銅器蓋食，汗出落食中，食之發瘡、肉

疽。觸寒未解，食熱食，亦作刺風。飲酒熱未解，勿 <1. 14a> 以冷水洗面，令人

面發瘡。飽食勿沐髮，沐髮令人作頭風。蕎麥和豬肉食，不過三頓，成熱風。

742
=苑
 184

乾脯勿置秫米瓮中，食之閉氣[ 743] 。乾脯火燒不動，出火始動，擘之筋縷相交

者，食之患人或殺人。羊胛中有肉如珠子者，名羊懸筋，食之患癲癇。諸濕食不見

形影者，食之成疰。腹脹暴疾後不周飲酒，膈上變熱。新病差不用食生棗、羊肉，

生菜，損顏色，終身不復，多致死，膈上熱蒸。

凡食熱脂餅物，不用飲冷醋漿水，善失聲若咽。生蔥合白蜜檬食害人，切忌。乾脯

<1. 14b> 得水自動，殺人。曝肉作脯，不肯燥，勿食。羊肝勿合椒食，傷人心。胡

苽 合羊肉食之，發熱。多酒食肉，名曰癡脂，憂狂無恒。食良藥五穀克悅者，名曰

中士，猶慮疾苦。食氣保精存神，名曰上士，與天同年。

743
Hold the breath. See Maspero, 463.
 185

雜戒忌攘[744]害祈善[745]篇第三

[ 746] 久視傷血，久臥傷氣，久立傷骨，久行傷筋，久坐傷肉。[ 747] 凡遠思强 健傷

人，憂恚悲哀傷人，喜樂過差傷人，忿怒不解傷人，汲汲所願傷人，戚戚所患傷

人，寒[ 748] 熱失節傷人，陰陽不交傷 <1. 15a> 人。凡交，須依導引諸術。若能避

眾傷人[ 749] 之事，而復[ 750] 陰陽之術，則是不死之道。大樂氣飛[ 751] 颺，大愁

氣不通[ 752] 。用精令人氣力乏，多[ 753] 視令人目盲，多[ 754] 睡令人心煩，貪美

食令人洩痢。俗人但知貪於五味，不知[ 755] 有元氣可飲。聖人知五味之[ 756] 生

病，故不貪，知元氣可服，故閉口不言，精氣[ 757] 自應也。唾不[ 758] 嚥則[ 759]

海不潤，[ 760] 海不潤則津液乏，是[ 761] 知服元氣、飲醴泉，乃延年之本也。

沐浴無常不吉，夫婦同[ 762] 沐浴不吉。新沐浴及醉飽、遠行歸還大疲倦，並不可

行房室之事，生病，切慎 <1. 15b> 之。丈夫勿頭北[ 763] 臥，令人[ 764] 六神不

744
害 = YJ 災
745
YJ – 篇第三
746
In 千金 in 養性 in 道林論 it’s quoted as: 真人曰
747
YJ –凡
748
熱 = YJ 暖
749
YJ – 之
750
YJ + 曉
751
颺 = YJ 揚
752
see Maspero, p. 477.
753
視 = YJ 睡
754
睡 = YJ 唾
755
YJ – 有
756
生病 = YJ,DG 毒焉
757
自 = YJ,DG 息
758
嚥 = YJ,DG 咽
759
YJ,DG + 氣
760
YJ,DG + 氣
761
知 = YJ,DG 以
762
YJ,DG – 沐
 186

安，多愁忘。勿[ 765] 跂井，今古大忌。若見十步地[ 766] 墻，勿順[ 767] 墻坐臥，

被風吹發癲癇疾。勿怒目久視日月，[ 768] 失目明。凡大汗[ 769] 忽脫衣，不慎多患

偏風半身不遂。新沐浴[ 770] 訖，不得露頭當風，不幸得大風剌風 疾。觸寒來勿

[ 771] 臨面火上，成癇，起風眩[ 772] 。凡汗勿跂[ 773] 牀 懸腳，[ 774] 久成血卑，足

重腰疼。凡腳汗勿入水，作骨痺，亦作遁[ 775] 疰。久忍小便，[ 776] 膝冷，嵩成冷

痺。凡食熱物汗出勿盪風，發疰頭痛，令人目澁 饒睡。凡欲眠勿歌詠，不祥。[ 777]

起眠[ 778] 訖勿大語，損 <1. 16a> 人氣。

凡飛鳥投人不可食[ 779] 焉，若開口及毛下有瘡，並不可食之。[ 780] 凡熱泔洗頭，

冷水濯，成頭風。凡人臥，頭邊勿安火罏，令人[ 781] 頭重、目赤、鼻乾。凡臥

訖，頭[ 782] 邊勿安燈，令人六神不安。冬日溫足凍腦，春秋腦足俱凍，[ 783] 比乃

763
YJ, DG + 向
764
YJ, DG - 六
765
DG – 跂
766
墻 = YJ,DG 牆
767
墻 = YJ,DG 牆
768
失目明 = YJ,DG 使目睛失明
769
忽 = YJ, DG 勿
770
訖 = YJ,DG 了
771
臨面 = YJ,DG 面臨
772
凡汗 = YJ 頭痛
773
牀 = YJ,DG 床
774
久 = YJ 攵
775
疰 = YJ 疾
776
膝 = YJ 脉, DG 脈
777
起眠 = YJ,DG 眠起
778
YJ,DG – 訖
779
焉 = YJ,DG 鳥
780
凡熱…頭風= 千金藥方, 81.3.19b
781
YJ – 頭重、目赤、鼻乾。凡臥訖，頭邊勿安燈，令人
782
邊 = DG 旁
 187

聖人之常法也。凡新[ 784] 哭泣訖便食， 即成氣病。夜臥勿覆頭，婦人勿跂[ 785]

竈坐，大忌。凡[ 786] 若唾不用遠，遠即成肺病，令人手重、背疼、咳嗽。凡人

魘，勿點燈照定，魘死暗喚之，即吉，亦不可近前及急喚。凡人臥勿開口，久成

[ 787] 消渴，并失血色。

凡旦起勿 <1. 1. 16b> 以冷水開目洗面，令人目澁 、失明、饒淚。凡行途中觸熱，

逢河勿洗面，生烏[ 788] 皯。人睡訖忽覺，勿飲水更 臥，成水痺。凡時病新汗解，

勿飲冷水，損人心腹，不平複。凡空腹不可見聞[ 789] 臰 屍氣，入鼻令人成病。凡

欲見死尸，皆須先飲酒及咬蒜，辟毒氣。凡小兒不用令指月，兩耳后生瘡，欲斷名

月蝕瘡，搗蝦䗫左虫右麻] 末傅即差，並別余瘡不生。凡產婦不可見狐臭，能令產

婦著腫。凡人臥不用窗欂下，令人六神不安。凡臥，春夏 欲得頭向東，秋冬頭向

西，有所<1. 17a>利益。凡丈夫，飢欲得坐小便，飽則立小便，令人無病。

凡人睡，欲得屈膝側臥，益人氣力，凡臥欲得數轉側，語笑欲令至少，莫令聲高

碩。春欲得瞑[ 790] 臥早起，夏秋欲得侵夜臥早起，冬欲得早臥晏起，皆有所益。

雖云早起，莫在雞鳴前，晏起莫在日出后。冬日天地閉，陽氣藏，人不欲作勞出

汗， 發洩陽氣，損人。新沐浴訖，勿當風濕語，勿以濕頭臥（一作“勿當風結

783
比 = YJ,DG 此
784
哭 = YJ 梓
785
竈 = DG 灶
786
YJ, DG – 若
787
消 = YJ,DG 病
788
皯 = YJ
789
臰 = YJ, DG 臭
790
昏暗。唐：李白：涇川送族弟錞詩：「望極落日盡，秋深瞑猿悲。」宋：陸游：風雲晝晦夜遂
大雪詩：「草木盡偃伏，道路瞑不分。」
 188

髻，勿以濕髻臥”），使人患頭風，眩悶、發禿、面腫、齒痛、耳聾。濕衣及汗衣

皆不可著 久，令發瘡及患風。

老君曰︰正月旦，<1. 17b>中庭向寅地再拜，咒曰︰“（某甲）年年受大道之恩，

太清玄門愿還（某甲）去歲之年。”男女皆三通自咒，常行此道延年（玄女有清神

之法，淮南有祠灶之規，咸欲體合真靈，護生者也）。

仙經秘要︰常存念心中，有氣大如雞子，內赤外黃，辟眾邪延年也。欲卻眾邪百

鬼，常存念為炎火如斗，煌煌光明，則百邪不敢干人，可入瘟疫之中。暮臥常存作

赤氣在外，白氣在內，以覆身，辟眾邪鬼魅。

老君曰︰凡人求道，勿犯五逆六不祥，有犯者<1. 18a>凶。大小便向西一逆，向北

二逆，向日三逆，向月四逆，仰視天及星辰五逆。夜起裸形一不祥，旦起嗔恚二不

祥，向灶 罵詈三不祥；以足向火四不祥，夫妻晝合五不祥，怨恚師父六不祥。凡

人旦起常言善事，天與之福。勿言奈何。歌嘯名曰請禍，慎勿上床臥歌，凶。始臥

伏床，凶。飲食伏床，凶。以匙箸擊盤上，凶。

司陰之神在人口左，人有陰禍，司陰白之于天，天則考人魂魄。司殺之神在人口

右，人有惡言，司殺白之于司命，司命記之，罪 滿即殺。二神監<1. 18b>口，惟向

人求非，安可不慎言？舌者，身之兵革，善惡由之而生，故道家所忌。

飲玉泉者，令人延年除百病。玉泉者，口中唾也。雞鳴、平旦、日 中、日晡、黃

昏、夜半時，一日一夕，凡七漱玉泉食之，每食輒滿口，咽之延年。發，血之窮；

齒，骨之窮；爪，筋之窮。千過梳發發不白，朝夕啄齒齒不齲，爪不數截筋不替。

人常數欲照鏡，謂之存形，形與神相存，此其意也。若矜容顏色自愛玩，不如勿

照。
 189

[ 791] 凡人常以正月一日、二月二日、三月三日、四月八日、五月一日、 六月二十

<1. 19a>七日、七月十一日、八月八日、九月二十一日、十月十四日、十一月十一

日、十二月三十日，但常以此日取枸杞菜煮作湯沐浴，令人光澤，不病不老。月蝕

宜救活人，除殃。活萬人，與天同功（天不好殺，聖人則之。不好殺者，是助天地

長養，故招勝福）。善夢可說，惡夢默之，則養性延年也。

791
凡人…不病不老；The 医 27.569a cites this passage as from the Yangsheng Yaoji, but with variance in
the days of each month, and wording.
 190

<2.1a>養性延命錄卷下

華陽陶隱居集

服氣療病篇第四

《元陽經》曰︰常以鼻[792]納氣，含而漱，滿舌料[793]滸齒咽之，一日一夜得千

咽，甚佳。當少飲食，[794]飲食多則氣逆，百[795]脉閉。百[796]脉閉則氣不行，

氣不行則生病。

《玄示》曰︰志者，氣之帥也；氣者，體之充也797。善者遂其生，惡者䘮其形。

故行氣之法，少食自節，動其形，和其氣。[798]血因輕而止之，勿過失突。復而

還之，其狀若咽。正體端形，[799]心意專 <2.1b> 一，固守中外，上下俱閉。神周

形骸調暢，四溢修守，關元滿而足實，因之而眾邪自出。

｢ 彭祖曰｣ ︰常閉氣[800]納息，從平旦至日中，乃跪坐拭目，摩搦身體，舐唇咽

唾，服氣數十，乃起行言笑。其偶有疲倦不安，便導引閉氣。以攻所患，必存其身:

頭面、九竅、五臟、四肢，至於髪 端。皆令所在覺其氣雲行體中，起於鼻口，下達

十指末，則澄和真神，不須針藥灸刺。

792
納 = YJ 內
793
滸= YJ 唇
794
YJ – 飲食
795
脉 = YJ 脈
796
脉 = YJ 脈
797
“志者，氣之帥也；氣者，體之充也" = Mengzi 孟子 2.1.2
798
YJ – 血因輕而止之，勿過失突。復而還之。其狀若咽。正體端形。
799
心 = YJ 志
800
納 = YJ 內
 191

凡行氣欲除百病，隨所在作念之。頭痛念頭，足痛念足，和氣往攻之，從時至時，

便自消矣。時氣中冷可<2.2a>閉氣以取汗，汗出[801]輙 周身則解矣。行氣閉氣，雖

是治身之要，然當先達解其理[802]。又宜空虛，不可飽滿。若氣有結滯，不得空

流，或致[803]發瘡[804]，譬如泉源不可壅遏。若食生魚、生菜、肥肉，及喜怒憂

恚不除，而以行氣，令人發上氣。凡欲學行氣，皆當以漸。

劉[805]安曰︰「食生吐死，可以長存。」謂鼻[806]納氣為生[807]也。凡人不能服

氣。從朝至暮常習不息，[808]徐而舒之，[809]常令鼻[810]納口吐，所謂吐故[811]

納新也。

《服氣經》曰︰道者，氣也。保<2. 2b>氣則得道，得道則長存。神者，精也。保

精則神明，神明則長生。精者，血[812]脉之川流，守骨之靈神也。精去則骨枯，

骨枯則死矣。[ 813] 是 以為道務寶其精。從夜半到日中為生氣，從日中后至夜半為

死氣，[814]當以生氣時正[815]僵臥，瞑目握固（握固者，如嬰兒[816]拳手[ 817] 以

801
YJ – 輙
802
YJ + 趣
803
YJ – 發
804
YJ + 癤
805
DZ + 君
806
納 = YJ 內
807
DZ + 口吐氣為死也
808
徐 = 医修(27.4.570a)
809
常 = YJ 但
810
納 = YJ 內
811
納 = YJ 內
812
脉 = YJ 脈
813
Guang hongming ji and Bianzheng lun citations end here.
814
當= DZ 常
815
僵 = YJ 偃
816
拳 = YJ,JH,医,TPYL 捲
 192

四指押大母指也），閉氣不息，于[ 818] 心中數至 二百，乃口吐氣出之。日增息，

如此身神具，五臟安。能閉氣[819]至二百五十[ 820] 息，華蓋[ 821] 明。[ 822] 華蓋

明則耳目[ 823] 聰明，舉身無病，邪不[ 824] 忓 人也。

凡行氣，以鼻內氣，以口吐氣， 微而引之，名曰長息。內氣有一，吐氣有六。

<2.3a>內氣一者，謂吸也；吐氣六者，謂吹、呼、唏825、呵、噓、呬，皆出氣

也。凡人之息，一呼一吸，元有此數。欲為長息吐氣之法，時寒可吹，溫可呼，委

曲治病，吹以去熱，呼以去風，唏以去煩，呵以下氣，噓以散滯，呬以解極。凡人

極者，則多噓呬。道家行氣，多不欲噓呬。噓呬者長息之心也。此男女俱存法，法

出於仙經。行氣者，先除鼻中毛，所謂通神之路。若天惡風猛、大寒大熱時，勿取

氣。

《明醫論》云︰疾之所起，自生五勞，五勞既用，二藏先損，心腎受邪，腑臟俱

病。<2.3b>五勞者︰一曰志勞，二曰思勞，三曰心勞，四曰憂勞，五曰疲勞。五勞

則生六 極︰一曰氣極，二曰血極，三曰筋極，四曰骨極，五曰精極，六曰髓極。

六極即為七傷，七傷故變為七痛，七痛為病，令人邪氣多正氣少，忽忽喜怒悲傷，

不樂飲 食，不生肌膚，顏色無澤，發白枯槁，甚者令人得大風偏枯筋縮，四肢拘

817
医, TPYL – 以四指押大母指也
818
心中 = TPYL 中心
819
医,TPYL + 數
820
医 - 息
821
明 = 医: 美
822
華蓋明則 = 医,TPYL:華蓋者，眉也
823
TPYL – 聰明
824
忓人 = TPYL 入. 医 ends here. TPYL identity also ends here, but continues in abbreviated summaries
of YXYML text.
825
Shenxian shiqi jingui miaolu 神仙食氣金櫃妙錄 5b6 has 嘻 here.
 193

急攣縮，百關隔塞，羸瘦短氣，腰署疼痛。此由早娶，用精過差，血氣不足，極勞

之所致 也。凡病之來，不離於五臟，事須識[826]相。若不識者，勿為之耳。心藏

病<2.4a>者，體有冷熱，呼吸二氣出之；肺藏病者，[827]胷背脹滿，噓出之；脾藏

病者，體上游風[828]習習，身[829]癢疼悶，唏氣出之。肝藏病者，眼疼，愁憂不

樂，呵氣出之。已上十二種調氣法，[830]依常以鼻引氣，口中吐氣，當令氣聲逐

字吹呼噓呵唏呬吐之。若患者依此法，皆須 恭敬用心為之，無有不差，[831]愈病

長生要術[832]。

826
YJ –相。若, + 根
827
胷背 = YJ 至膈
828
習習 = YJ 飁飁
829
癢 = YJ 痒
830
依 = YJ 但
831
YJ + 此即
832
YJ + 也
 194

<2.4a>導引按摩篇第五833

《導引經》云︰清旦未起，[834]先啄齒二七，閉目握固，漱[835]滿唾，三咽氣。

尋閉[836]而不息，自極，極乃徐徐出<2.4b>氣，滿三止。便起，[837]野狼踞鴟

顧，左右自搖，[838]亦不息。自極複三， 便起下[839]牀 ，握固不息，頓踵三還，

上一手，下一手，亦不息，自極三。又叉手項上，左右自了捩，不息，複三。又伸

兩足及叉手前却 ，自極複三。皆當朝暮為之，能數尤善。平旦以兩掌相摩令熱，熨

眼三過；次又以指[840]搔目四眥，令人目明。

按經[841]云 [842]︰拘[843]魂門，制魄戶，名曰握固，與魂魄安門戶也。此固精明

目，留年還[844]白之法，若能終日握之，邪氣百毒不得入（握固法︰屈大拇指於

四小指下，[845]把之，積習不止，[846] <2.5a> 眼中亦不複開。一說云︰令人不遭

魔魅）。

833
This entire chapter corresponds to the 導引按摩法 Daoyin anmofa chapter in the 古仙導引按魔法
Guxian daoyin anmofa in Daozang Jinghua (vol. 1 p. 6.57.7-59.12).
834
YJ – 先
835
滿 = YJ 漏
836
YJ - 而
837
GXDYANMF – 野
838
亦 = YJ 曳 (homophone)
839
牀 = YJ 床
840
搔 = YJ 按
841
YJ 云= 文
842
YJ 云= 文
843
魂 = YJ 詠
844
白 = YJ 魄
845
把 = YJ 懈
846
YJ, JH + 即
 195

《內解》云︰一曰精，二曰唾，三曰淚，四曰涕，五曰汗，六曰溺。皆所以損人

也，但為損者，有輕重耳[847]。[848]人能終日不涕唾，隨有漱滿咽之，若[849]恒

含棗核咽之，令人 愛氣生津液，此大要也（謂取津液，非咽核也）。

[850]常每旦[851]啄齒三十六通，能至三百彌佳，令人齒堅不痛。次則以舌[852]攪

漱口中津液，[853]口咽之，三過止。次摩指少陽令熱，以熨目，滿二七止，令人

目明。每旦初起，以兩手[854]叉兩耳極，上下熱挼之，二七止，令人耳不聾。次

<2.5b>又啄齒漱玉泉三咽，縮鼻閉氣，右手從頭上引左耳二七，複 以左手從頭上

引右耳二七止，令人延年不聾。次又引兩鬢發舉之一七，則總取髮兩手向上，極勢

抬上一七，令人血氣通，頭不白。又法摩手令熱，以摩面，從上至 下，去邪氣，

令人面上有光彩。又法摩手令熱，[855]雷摩身體，從上至下，名曰乾浴，令人勝

風寒、時氣熱、頭痛。百病皆除。夜欲臥時，常以兩手揩摩身體，名曰乾浴， 辟

風邪。

峻坐，以左手托頭仰，右手向[856]頭上，盡勢托以身，並手振動三。<2.6a>右[857]

手托頭，振動亦三。除人睡悶。平旦日未出前，面向南峻坐，兩手托䏶，盡勢振動

三，令人面有光澤。

847
Similar text is in Zhujia qifa YJ56.1.15a7-b1.
848
人能終日不涕唾…此大要也 = 医 27.4.570a.
849
恒 = JH 口
850
Some of following text is in Ishinpô 27.5.372
851
啄= YJ 琢,JH 啄(-口+日)
852
攪漱 = YJ, ,JH 漱漏滿
853
YJ,JH – 口
854
叉 = YJ,JH 掩
855
YJ,JH – 雷
856
JH – 頭
857
YJ – 手
 196

[858]平旦起，未梳洗前，峻坐，以左手握右手於左䏶上，前却盡熱挼左䏶三。

又以右手握左手於右䏶上，前却挼右䏶亦三。

次又[859]叉兩手向前，盡勢推三。

次[860]叉兩手向[861]蹴前，以兩肘向前，盡勢三次。

直引左臂，[862]拳曲右臂，如挽一斛五斗弓勢，盡力為之，右手挽弓勢，亦然。

次以右手托地，左手仰托天，盡勢，右亦[863]如然。

次[864]拳兩手，向前築各三七。

次[865]拳左手盡勢<2.6b>向背上，握指三，右手亦如之；療背膊臂肘勞氣。數為

之，彌佳。

平旦便轉訖，以一長[866]柱杖策腋，垂左署於[867]牀 前，徐峻，盡勢掣左署五七

[868]，右亦如之。療署氣疼悶，腰腎[869]間冷氣。冷痺及膝冷，並主之。日夕三

掣，彌佳。勿大飽及忍小便，掣如不用拄杖，但遣所掣，署不著地，手扶一物亦

得。

858
平 = YJ,JH 生
859
YJ,JH – 叉
860
YJ + 又
861
蹴 = YJ 至,JH = 胸
862
拳 = YJ,JH 捲
863
YJ,JH – 如
864
拳 = YJ,JH 捲
865
拳 = YJ,JH 捲
866
柱 = JH,YJ 拄
867
牀 = YJ 床
868
JH,YJ + 迴
869
JH, YJ – 間
 197

晨夕[870]以梳梳頭滿一千梳，大去頭風，令人發不白。梳訖，以鹽花及生麻油搓

頭頂上，彌佳。如有神明膏搓之，甚佳。旦欲梳洗時，叩齒一百六十，隨有津液便

咽之。訖， 以水漱<2.7a>口，又更以鹽末揩齒，即含取微酢清漿半小合許，熟

漱。取鹽湯吐洗兩目，訖，[871]閉目以冷水洗[872]面，不得遣冷水入眼中。此法

齒得堅淨，目明無淚，永無[873]礑齒。平旦洗面時漱口訖，咽一兩咽冷水，令人

心明淨，去[874]蹴臆中熱。

譙國華佗善養[875]性，弟子廣陵吳普、彭城樊阿授術於[876]陀。[877]陀[878]語普

曰︰「人體欲得勞動，但不當使極耳。人身常搖動，則谷氣消，血[879]脉流通，

病不生。譬猶戶樞不朽是也。古之仙者，及漢時有道士君倩[880]，為導引之術，

作[881]熊經鵄 顧，引挽腰體，<2.7b>動諸關節，以求難老也。吾有一術，名曰五

禽戲︰一曰虎，二曰鹿，三曰熊，四曰[882]猨 ， 五曰鳥；亦以除疾，兼利手足，

以常導引。體中不快，因起作一禽之戲，遣微汗出即止，以粉涂身，即身體輕便，

870
JH, YJ – 以梳
871
YJ,JH – 閉目
872
JH – 面
873
礑= YJ,JH 
874
蹴 = YJ 至,JH = 胸
875
性 = YJ,JH 生
876
陀 = YJ,JH 佗
877
陀 = YJ,JH 佗
878
YJ,JH + 嘗
879
脉 = YJ 脈
880
YJ, JH + 者
881
熊 = YJ,JH 猿
882
猨 = YJ,JH 猿
 198

腹中思食。」吳普行之，年九十余[883]歲，耳目聰明，牙齒堅完，喫食如少壯

也。[884]

[885]虎戲者，四肢距地，前三擲，却二[886]躑，長引腰，[887]側[888]署仰天，即

返距行，前、却 各七過也。鹿戲者，四肢距地，引項反顧，左三右二，[889]伸左

右署，伸縮亦三亦二也。熊戲者，正仰，以兩手抱膝下，舉頭，左[890]僻地<2.8a>

七，右亦七，蹲地，以手左右托地。[891]猨 戲者，攀物自懸，伸縮身體，上下一

七，以署[892]拘物自懸， 左右七，手鉤却 立，按頭各七。鳥戲者，雙立手，翹一

足，伸兩臂，揚[893]眉，[894]用力[895]各二七，坐伸署，手挽足[896]趾各七，

[897]縮伸二臂各七也。夫五禽戲法，任力為之，以汗出 為度，有汗以粉塗身，消

穀[898]氣益[899]氣力，除百病，能存行之者，必得延年。

又有法︰安坐，未食前自按摩，以兩手相[900]叉，伸臂股，[901]導引諸[902]脉，

883
YJ,JH – 歲
884
Above section cited from Sanguozhi Weishu 三國志:魏書 29.804
885
The following is in 太上老君養生決 1b5
886
躑 = YJ,JH 擲
887
側 = YJ,JH 乍
888
署 = YJ,JH 却
889
伸左右 = YJ,JH 左右伸
890
YJ 僻 = DZ 擗
891
猨 = YJ,JH 猿
892
拘 = JH 鉤
893
In Taishang laojun yangsheng jue, 眉= 扇
894
用 = YJ,JH 鼓
895
各= YJ 友,JH 右
896
趾 = YJ,JH 距
897
縮伸 = JH 伸縮
898
氣 = YJ,JH 食
899
YJ,JH – 氣力
900
叉 = JH 又
 199

勝[903]如湯藥。正坐，仰天呼出，飲食醉飽之氣立[904]銷。夏天為之，令人涼

[905]不熱。

901
JH + 為
902
脉 = JH 脈
903
如 = YJ,JH 於
904
銷 = YJ 消
905
不熱 = YJ,JH 矣
 200

<2. 8b> 御女損益篇第六

道以精為寶，施之則生人，留之則生身。生身則求度在仙位，生人則功遂而身退。

功遂而身退，則陷欲以為劇，何況妄施而廢棄，損不覺多，故疲勞而命墮。天地有

陰陽、陰陽人所貴，貴之合于道，但當慎無費。

彭祖曰︰[ 906] 上士別床，中士異被。服藥千裹，不如獨臥。色使日盲，聲使耳

聾，味使口爽[ 907] 。苟能節宣其道，適抑揚其通塞者，[ 908] 可以增壽。一日之

忌，暮食無飽（夜飽食 眠，損一日之壽）；一月之忌，暮飲無醉（夜<2. 9a>醉

臥，損一月之壽）；一歲之忌，暮須遠內（一交損一歲之壽，養之不複）；終身之

忌，暮須護氣（暮臥習閉口，開口 失氣，又邪從口入）。

采女問彭祖曰︰人年六十，當閉精守一，為可爾否？

彭祖曰︰不然。男不欲無女，無女則意動，意動則神勞，神勞則損壽。若念真正

無可思而大佳，然而萬一焉。有強鬱閉之，難持易失，使人漏精尿濁，以致鬼交之

病。又欲令氣未感動，陽道垂弱，欲以御女者，先搖動令其強起，但徐徐接之，令

得陰氣，陰氣推之，須臾自強，強<2. 9b>而用之，務令遲疏。精動而正閉精，緩息

瞑目， 偃臥導引，身體更複，可御他女。欲一動則輒易人，易人可長生。若御─

女，陰氣既微，為益亦少。又，陽道法火，陰道法水。水能製火，陰亦消陽，久用

不止，陰 氣吸陽，陽則轉損，所得不補所失。促能御十二女子而複不泄者，令人

老有美色。若御九十三女而不泄者，年萬歲。凡精少則病，精盡則死。不可不忍，

不可不慎。數交而時─泄，精氣隨長，不能使人虛損。若數交接則瀉精，精不得長

906
上士別床…通塞者 = 医 27.1..564a8-11
907
医+之
908 DZ 可以增壽 = 医:不以滅耳而得其益
 201

益，則行精盡矣。在<2. 10a>家所以數數交接者，一動不瀉則贏，得─泄之精減，

即不能數交接。但─ 月輒再瀉精，精氣亦自然生長，但遲微不能速起，不如數交

接不瀉之速也（采女者，少得道，知養性，年一百七十歲，視如十五。殷王奉事之

年，問道于彭祖也）。

彭祖曰︰奸淫所以使人不壽者，非是鬼神所為也。直由用意欲猥，精動欲泄，務

副彼心，竭力無厭，不以相生，反相害，或驚狂消渴，或癲疾惡瘡，為失精之故。

但瀉輒導引，以補其處。不爾，血脈髓腦日損，風濕犯之，<2. 10b>則生疾病，由

俗人不知補瀉之宜故也。

彭祖曰︰凡男不可無女，女不可無男。若孤獨而思交接者，損人壽，生百病，鬼

魅因之共交，失精而一當百。若欲求子，令子長命，賢明富貴，取月宿日（月宿

日，直錄之于后），施精大佳。

天老曰︰人生俱舍五常，形法複同，而有尊卑貴賤者，皆由父母合八星陰陽，陰

陽不得其時，中也；不合宿，或得其時人，中上也；不合宿，不得其時，則為凡夫

矣。合宿交會者，非生子富貴，亦利己身，大吉之兆（八星者，室、參、井、鬼、

柳、張、<2. 11a>心、斗，星宿在此星，可以合陰陽求子）。

月二日、三日、五日、九日、二十日，此是王相生氣日，交會各五倍，血氣不傷，

令人無病。仍以王相日，半夜后，雞鳴前，徐徐弄玉泉，飲玉漿，戲之。若合用春

甲寅、乙卯，夏丙午、丁未，秋庚申、辛酉，冬壬子、癸酉，與上件月宿日合者，

尤益佳。若欲求子，待女人月經絕后一日、二日、五日，擇中王相日，以氣生時，

夜半之后施精．有子皆男，必有壽賢明。其王相日，謂春甲乙、夏丙丁、秋庚辛、

冬壬癸。凡養生，要在于愛精。若能<2. 11b>一月再施精，一歲二十四氣施精，皆
 202

得壽百二 十歲。若加藥餌，則可長生。所患人年少不知道，知道亦不能信行；至

老乃始知道，便已晚矣，病難養也，雖晚而能自保，猶得延年益壽。若少壯而能行

道者，仙可 其冀矣。

《仙經》曰︰男女俱仙之道，深內勿動，精思臍中赤色大如雞子，乃徐徐出入，

精動便退。一旦一夕可數為之，令人益壽。男女各息，意共存之，唯須猛念。

道人劉京云︰春，三日一施精；夏及秋，一月再施精。冬常閉精勿施。夫天道，

冬藏其<2. 12a>陽，人能法之，故能長生。冬一施當春百。

蒯道人言︰人年六十，便當絕房內。若能接而不施精者，可御女耳。若自度不辨

者，都遠之為上。服藥百種，不如此事可得久年也。

《道林》云︰命本者，生命之根本也，決在此道。雖服大藥及呼吸導引，備修萬

道，而不知命之根本。根本者，如樹木，但有繁枝茂葉而無根本，不得久活也。命

本者，房中之事也。故聖人云︰欲得長生，當由所生。房中之事，能生人，能殺

人。譬如水火，知用之者，可以養生；不能用之者，立可<2. 12b>死矣。交接尤禁

醉飽，大忌， 損人百倍。欲小便，忍之以交接，令人得淋病，或小便難，莖中

痛，小腹強。大恚怒后交接，令人發癰疽。

《道機: 房中禁忌》: 日月晦朔，上下弦望，日月蝕，大風惡雨，地動，雷電霹

靂，大寒暑，春夏秋冬節變之日，送迎五日之中，不行陰陽，本命年、月、日，忌

禁之尤重（陰陽交錯不可合，損血氣，瀉正納邪，所傷正氣甚矣，戒之）。新沐

頭，新行疲倦，大喜怒，皆不可行房室。

<彭祖曰>︰消息之情，不可不知也。又須當避大寒、大熱、大雨、大<2. 13a>雪、

日月蝕、地動、雷霆，此是天忌也；醉飽、喜怒、憂愁、悲哀、恐懼，此人忌也；
 203

山川神只、 社稷井灶之處，此為地忌也。既避此三忌，又有吉日，春甲乙、夏丙

丁、秋庚辛、冬壬癸、四季之月戊已，皆王相之日也。宜用嘉會，令人長生，有子

壽。其犯此 忌，既致疾，生子亦凶夭短命。

老子曰︰還精補腦，可得不老矣。

《子都經》曰︰施瀉之法，須當弱入強出（何謂弱入強出，納玉莖于琴弦麥齒之

間，及洪大便出之，弱納之，是渭弱入強出。消息之，令滿八十動，則陽數備，

<2. 13b>即為妙也）。

老子曰︰弱入強出，知生之術；強入弱出，良命乃卒。此之謂也。
 204

7 Bibliography

Classical Sources

Baopuzi 抱朴子 by Ge Hong (284-364), SibuCongkan 四部叢刊子部 edition, Shanghai:

Shang wu yin shu guan, 1922.

Bencaojing jizhu 本草經集注 by Tao Hongjing 陶弘景; reconstructed by Mori Risshi 森立之;

Okanishi Tameto 岡西爲 人 ed. Ôsaka: Minamiôsaka Insatsu Sentâ 1972.

Bianzheng lun 辯正論 (Discourses of Debate and Rectification) comp. by Fa Lin 法林 (572-

640) CBETA T52.2110.536c29- 537.a4.

Chongwen zongmu 崇文總目 (SKQS).

Dadai liji 大戴禮記 (SKQS).

Guang hongming ji 廣弘明集 (Extended Collection of Grand Luminaries) compiled by Dao

Xuan 道宣 (596-667), CBETA T52.2103.

Heshang gong 河上公 in Wuqiu Beizhai Laozi jichengbian 無求備齋老子集成初編 Laozi

daodejing xia: Heshang Gong zhangju diyi 老子道德經下：河上公章句第一 ed. Feng

Lingyan 峯 靈嚴 PubTaibei: Yiwen yinshuguan 1965.

Huangdi neijing suwen 黃帝內經素問 (SKQS).

Jiaosong zhouli zhengzhu 校宋周禮鄭注 Taipei: Dingwen shuju 1972..

204
 205

Jin Shu 晉書 (Records of the Jin dynasty) Fang Xuanling 房玄齡 ( 578-648 ) ed.; Shanghai:

Zhonghua shuju, 1930s.

Jingyi kao 經義考 (Investigation into the Meanings of the Classics) (SKQS).

Kongzi jia yu zhu zi suo yin 孔子家語逐字索引 (A Concordance to the Kongzi jiayu) Lau,

D.C. 劉殿爵 ed., Hong Kong: Commercial Press, 1992.

Liezi jishi 列子集釋 ed. Yang, Bojun 楊伯峻 Beijing: Zhonghua Shuju 1979.

Liji zhuzi suoyin 禮記逐字索引 (A Concordance to the Liji) Lau, D.C. 劉殿爵 and Chen

Fangzheng 陳方正 ed., Hong Kong: Commercial Press, 1992.

Lüshi chunqiu zhuzi suoyin 呂氏春秋逐字索引 (A Concordance to the Lüshichunqiu), Lau, D.C.

劉殿爵 and Zhihua He 何志華 ed., Hong Kong: Commercial Press, 1994.

Mengzi 孟子 in Zhongguo wen hua jiben jiaocai 中國文化基本教材 (Basic Teaching Materials

for Chinese Culture) vol. 2, Taibei: Sanmin shuju yinhang, 1967.

Sanguozhi 三國志 (Annals of the Three Kingdoms) Chen, Shou 陳壽 (233-297) and Pei

Songzhi 裴松之 (372-451); Shanghai: Zhonghua Shuju, 1930’s.

Sanguozhi buzhu 三國志補注 (Additional Commentary on the Annals of the Three

Kingdoms), (SKQS).

Shiji 史記 (Records of the Grand Historian) by Sima Qian 司馬遷 (ca. 145-ca. 86 B.C.);

Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1982.

205
 206

Shuo wen jie zi Duan zhu 說文解字段注 by Xu Shen (許慎, d.120?); Duan Yucai 段玉裁

(1735-1815) ed. Taibei Shi : Taiwan Zhonghua shu ju, Tai 1 ban. 1965.

Songshi 宋史 (Song Histories), compiled in 1345 by Tuotuo 脫脫 (1313-1355); Beijing: Zhonghua

shuju, 1977.

Soushenji 搜神記 (In Search of the Supernatural) Gan Bao (fl. 317-322) (SKQS).

Taiping Yulan 太平御覽 (Imperially Reviewed Encyclopædia of the Taiping Era) compiled

ca.984 by Li Fang 李昉 (925-996) et al.; (SKQS).

Tong Zhi 通志 (Comprehensive Treatise on Institutions); submitted in 1149 by Zheng Qiao

鄭樵 (1104-1162); (SKQS).

Waitai biyaofang 外臺秘要方 (Essential Secret Formulas from the Outer Terrace), Wang Dao

王燾; (702-772).

Yangsheng lun 養生論 (Discourse on Cultivating Life) in Jizhong sanji 嵇中散集 (Collected

essays of Ji Kang) (SKQS).

Yiwen Leiju 藝文類舉 (Collection of Literature Arranged by Categories); 604 CE, Ouyang

Xun 歐陽詢 et al.; (SKQS).

Zhenjiu dacheng 針灸大成 (Great Compendium of Acupuncture and Moxibustion); Yang

Jizhou 楊繼洲; 1601.

206
 207

Zhuangzi zhu 莊子注 (Commentated Edition of the Zhuangzi); ed. Guo Xiang 郭象 (d. 312);

(SKQS).

Zhubing Yuanhou Lun 諸病源候論 (Treatise on the Etiologies and Symptomologies of

Numerous Diseases) Submitted in 610 by Chao Yuanfang 巢元方 (550-630) (SKQS).

207
 208

Daozang Sources by HY Number

HY 4 Wushang neibi zhenzang jing 無上內秘真藏經

HY 8 Shenxian shiqi jin’gui miaolu 神仙食炁金櫃妙錄

HY 8 Taishang sanshiliubu zunjing 太上三十六部尊經

HY 263 Huangting waijing yujing zhu 黃庭外景玉經駐

HY 292 Hanwudi Waizhuan 漢武帝外傳

HY 331 Taishang huangting neijing yujing 太上黃庭內景玉經

HY 332 Huangting waijing yujing 黃庭外景玉經

HY 395 Laozi daodejing xujue 老子道德經序訣

HY 578 Shesheng zuanlu 攝生纂錄

HY 666 Xisheng Jing 西昇經

HY 693 Daode jing zhigui 道德真經指歸

HY 725 Daode zhenjing guangshengyi 道德真經廣聖義

HY 816 Taiqing zhonghuang zhenjing 太清中黃真經

HY 819 Taiqing tiaoqijing 太清調氣經

HY 820 Taishang laojun yangsheng jue 太上老君養生訣

HY 824 Yanling xiansheng ji xinjiu fuqijing 延陵先生集新舊服氣經

HY 835 Shenxian shiqi jinguilu 神仙食炁金櫃錄

HY 835 Shenxian shiqi jingui miaolu 神仙食氣金櫃妙錄

HY 836 Zhenzhong fang 枕中記

HY 1010 Zhengao 真誥

208
 209

HY 1026 Yunji qiqian 雲笈七籤 (YJ)

HY 1027 Zhiyan zong 至言總

HY 1117 Dongxuan lingbao sandong fengdao kejie yingshi 洞玄靈寶三洞奉道科戒營始

HY 1130 Wushang Biyao 無上祕要

HY 1154 Sun zhenren beiji qianjin yaofang 孫真人備急千金要方

HY 1160 Taishang laojun zhongjing 太上老君中經

HY 1176 Huainanzi 淮南子

HY 1238 Sandong qunxian lu 三洞群仙錄

HY 1238 Sandong qunxian lu 三洞群仙錄

HY 1416 Taiqing daolin shesheng lun 太清道林攝生論

HY 1416 Taiqing daolin shesheng lun 太清道林攝生論

YJ 33 Sheyang zhenzhong fang 攝養枕中方

YJ 61 Zhujia qifa 註家氣法

209
 210

Modern Sources

Ames, Roger

1993 “The meaning of Body in Classical Chinese Philosophy,” in Kasulis, Roger,

ed. Self as Body in Asian Theory and Practice Albany: STATE UNIVERSITY OF

NEW YORK PRESS

Barrett, Timothy

1980 “On the Transmission of the Shen-tzu and the Yang-sheng yao-chi,” in

Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland 1980.2, pp. 168-176

1982 “Mysteries in the Interpretation of the Tao-te ching,” in Journal of the Royal

Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland 1982.1, pp. 35-43.

1996 Daoism under the Tang, London: Wellsweep Press.

Ames, Roger

1993 “The meaning of Body in Classical Chinese Philosophy,” In Self as Body in

Asian Theory and Practice, ed. Kasulis, Roger, Albany: STATE UNIVERSITY

OF NEW YORK PRESS.

Boltz, William

1993 “Lao tzu Tao te Ching,” in Loewe, Michael Early Chinese texts : a bibliographical

guide Berkley: University of California Press 1993:269-92.

Brashier, Kenneth Edward

1996 “Han Thanatology and the Division of Souls,” Early China 21: 125-158.

Campany, Robert Ford

2002 To Live as Long as Heaven and Earth: A Translation and Study of Ge Hong's

Traditions of Divine Transcendents, Berkeley: University of California Press.

210
 211

2003 “On the Very Idea of Religions (in the Modern West and in Early Medieval

China),” History of Religions 42.4:287-319.

2005 “Living off the Books: Fifty Ways to Dodge Ming (Preallotted Lifespan) in

Early Medieval China,.” In The Magnitude of Ming: Command, Allotment, and Fate

in Chinese Culture, ed. Christopher Lupke, University of Hawaii Press, 2005,

129-150.

2005 “The Meanings of Cuisines of Transcendence in Late Classical and Early

Medieval China,” T'oung Pao 91:1-57.

Chan, Alan

2000 “The Daode jing and its tradition,” in Kohn Daoism Handbook, Leiden,

Boston: Brill, pp. 1-29.

Chen, Nancy

2003 Breathing Spaces: Qigong, Psychiatry and Healing in China, New York: Columbia

University Press.

Csordas, Thomas

1995 ed., Embodiment and Experience: The Existential Ground of Culture and

Self, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

2002 Body/Meaning/Healing, London, New York: Palgrave.

Czedzich, Ursula-Angelika

2001 “Corpse Deliverance, Substitute Bodies, Name Change and Feigned Death:

Aspects of Metamorphosis and Immortality in Early Medieval China,” in

Journal of Chinese Religions, no. 29 pp. 1-68

Cook, Constance

211
 212

1995 “Scribes, Cooks, and Artisans: Breaking Zhou tradition,” in Early China 20:241-

177.

Crump & DeWoskin

1996 In Search of the Supernatural: The Written Record, Stanford: Stanford University

Press.

Dearing, Vinton

1959 A Manual of Textual Analysis, Berkeley: University of California Press.

Donner, Neal and Stevenson, Daniel

1993 The Great Calming and Contemplation: A study and annotated translation of the First

Chapter of Chi-i’s Mo-ho chi-kuan, Honolulu: University of Hawaii.

Despeux, Catherine

1989 “Gymnastics: The Ancient Tradition,” in Taoist Meditation and Longevity

Techniques, ed. Livia Kohn in collaboration with Yoshinobu Sakade. Ann

Arbor: Center for Chinese Studies, University of Michigan, 223-61.

Ellis, Wiseman and Boss

1988 Fundamentals of Chinese Acupuncture, Brookline: Paradigm Publications.

Engelhardt, Ute

1989 “Qi for Life: Longevity in the Tang,” in Taoist Meditation and Longevity

Techniques, ed. Livia Kohn in collaboration with Yoshinobu Sakade. Ann

Arbor: Center for Chinese Studies, University of Michigan, 263-296.

2000 “Longevity Techniques,” 2000 Longevity in Kohn Daoism Handbook, Leiden,

Boston : Brill.

Farquhar, Judith,

212
 213

1994a “Multiplicity, Point of View, and Responsibility in Traditional Chinese

Healing,” in Zito, Angela & Barlow, Tani ed. Body, Subject and Power in China

Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

1994b Knowing Practice: The Clinincal Encounter of Chinese Medicine Boulder: Westview

Press

Foon Kwong Hing

2004 “Zhiyan zong,” in Schipper & Verellen ed., The Taoist canon, 446-7.

Johnson, Thomas & Sargent, Carolyn

1996 Medical Anthropology: Contemporary Theory and Method New York: Praeger

Feher, Michael

1989 ed. Zone:Fragments for a History of the Human Body; vol. 1, 2 & 3; New York:

Urzone.

Focault, Michael

1984 The Focault Reader ed. Rabinov, Paul; New York: Pantheon Books.

1986 Power/Knowledge: Selected Interviews and Other Writings 1972-1977 ed.Gordon,

Colin; New York: Pantheon Books.

Graham,

1989 Disputers of the Tao :philosophical argument in ancient China La Salle: Open Court.

1990 “The Background of the Mencian Theory of Human Nature,” in Studies in

Chinese Philosophy and Philosophical Literature, New York: STATE

UNIVERSITY OF NEW YORK PRESS, 7-66.

Harper Donald .J.

213
 214

1987 “The Sexual Arts of Ancient China as Described in a Manuscript of the

Second Century B.C.E.” Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, Vol. 47.2, Dec.,

539-593.

1998 Early Chinese Medical Literature: The Mawangdui Medical Manuscripts London:

Kegan Paul International.

Kleinman, Arthur

1980 Patients and Healers in the Context of Culture: An exploration of the Borderland

between Anthropology, Medicine and Psychiatry Berkeley: University of California

Press.

1995 Writing at the Margin: Discourse between Anthropology and Medicine Berkeley:

University of California Press.

Kohn, Livia

1987 Seven Steps to the Dao: Sima Chengzhen’s Zuowang lun St Augustin: Monumentica

Serica Monographs, 20.

1993 The Taoist experience : an anthology, Albany: State University of New York Press.

Kory, Steven

1998 Five types of Fangji, MA Thesis, University of Colorado, Boulder.

Kuriyama, Sheghisha

1994 “The Imagination of Winds and the Development of the Chinese

Conception of the Body” in Zito, Angela & Barlow, Tani ed. Body, Subject and Power in

China Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

1999 The Expressiveness of the Body and the Divergence of Greek and Chinese Medicine New

York: Zone Books.

Lagerway, John

214
 215

“Taishang sanshiliu bu zunjing” in Schipper & Verellen ed., The Taoist canon, 1086-87.

Lakoff, George and Johnson, Mark

1980 The Metaphors we Live By, Chicago : University of Chicago Press.

1999 Philosophy in the Flesh, New York : Basic Books.

Lan, Fengyu

1997 A Short History of Chinese Philosophy New York: Free Press; Reissue edition.

Lefeuvre, Jean A

1990-91 “Rhinoceros and Wild Buffaloes North of the River at the end of the Shang

Dynasty: Some Remarks on the Graph and the Charater 兕.” Monumenta

Serica 39, 131-157.

Lévi, Jean

“Shenxian shiqi jingui miaolu” in Schipper, Daoist Canon 2004, 355.

Li Yuanguo 李遠國

Daojiao qigong yangsheng xue 道教氣功養生學，Sichuan she: Hui Kexueyuan chuban

she, 1988.

Lin Yutang

1948 The wisdom of Laotse, New York: Modern Library.

Liu Gengsheng 劉更生, Zhang Ruixian 張瑞賢

1993 ed., Qianjinfang, 千金方 (Prescriptions worth a Thousand Gold) Beijing: Huaxia

Chubanshe.

Lloyd, George & Sivin, Nathan

2002 The Way and the Word: science and medicine in early China and Greece,

New Haven : Yale University Press.

215
 216

Lock, Margaret & Gordon, Deborah

1988 Biomedicine Examined, Dordrecht: Kluwer Academic Publishers.

Lock, Margaret

1993 “Cultivating the Body: Anthropology and Epistemologies of Bodily Practice

and Knowledge” in Annual Reviews 22. 133-55.

Loewe, Michael

1993 Early Chinese texts: a bibliographical guide, Berkeley: Society for the Study of

Early China: Institute of East Asian Studies, University of California,

Berkeley.

Mather, Richard

2002 Hsih-shuo hsin-yü: A New Account of Tales of the World Ann Arbor: University of

Michigan.

Martin, Emily

1992 “The End of the Body?” American Ethnologist 19, 121-140.

Maspero, Henri

1978 Taoism and Chinese Religion, tr. F. Kierman Jr., Amherst, MA: University of

Massachusetts Press.

Mayanagi Makoto

2005 ‘The three juan edition of Bencao jizhu and excavated sources’ Sumiyo

Umekawa trans., in Vivienne Lo and Christpher Cullen, Medieval Chinese

Medicine - The Dunhuang medical manuscripts, Routledge: New York, 306-321. It

is also available online at:

http://www.hum.ibaraki.ac.jp/mayanagi/paper01/Bencao%20jizhu.html

(Retreived November 20, 2005).

216
 217

Merleau-Ponty, Maurice

1999 “Situating the Body,” “The Lived Body, ” “The Body in its Sexual Being,”

and “The Natural World and the Body” in The body : classic and contemporary

readings Donn Welton ed. Malden: Blackwell, 150-177.

Mugitani Kunio 麦 谷邦夫

1987 Yôjô enmei roku kunchû 養生延命録 訓註 Tokyo: Report of the Study Group

on Traditional Chinese Longevity Techniques, no. 3.

Muktânanda, Swami

1992 I am that : the science of Hamsa from tha Vijnana Bhairava 4th ed. South Fallsburg:

SYDA Foundation.

Ofuchi Ninji 大淵忍爾

Tonko Dôkyô 敦煌道經 (Daoist Scriptures from Dunhuang) Tôkyô : Fukutake

Shoten, 1978-1979.

Ots, Thomas

1995 “The silenced body - the expressive Leib: on the dialectic of mind and life in

Chinese cathartic healing” in Csordas ed. Embodiment and Experience.

Pelliot, Paul

1912 “Autour d’une traduction sanscrite du Tao tö king,” T’oung Pao 13, 351-430.

Van der Loon, Piet

1984 Taoist Books in the Libraries of the Sung Period London: Oxford Oriental Institute.

Rieigel, Jeffrey

1993 “Laozi Daode jing” in Loewe, Early Chinese Texts.

217
 218

Qian Nianxiu 钱南秀

2001 Spirit and Self in Medieval China Honlulu: University of Hawaii Press

Robinet, Isabelle

1977 Les Commentaires du Tao To King jusqu’au VIIe siècle Mémoires de l’Institut de

Hautes Études Chinoises, Vol. V Paris: Presses Universitaires de Frances.

Roth, Harold

1999 “Early Mystical Praxis” in Csikszentmihalyi and Ivanhoe, Religious and

Philosophical Aspects of the Laozi, 74-78.

1993 “Chuang-Tzu” in Loewe Early Chinese Texts: A Bibliographical Guide.

Sakade, Yoshinobu 坂 出祥伸

1985 “Honsô densetsu to Hôsokyô” 彭祖傳說と彭祖經 (Myths about Pengzu

and Pengzu’s Scripture, the Pengzu jing), in Yamada Keiji 山田慶兒

ed.Chûgoku shinhakken kagakushi shiryô no kenkyû 中國新發現科學史資料の

研究 (Researches into recently discovered materials for the study of the

History of Science in China) Kyoto: Jimbun kagaku kenkyûjo, vol. 2: 405-462.

1986 “Chô Tan ‘Yôsei yôshû’ itsubun to sono shisô” 張湛｢ 養生要集｣ 佚文と

その思想 (Zhang Zhan’s lost work, the Yangsheng yaoji and its thought),

Tôhôshûkyô 東方宗教 no. 68, June; 1-24.

1986a “The Taoist Character of the ‘Chapter on Nourishing Life’ of the Ishinpô 医

心法” in Kansai Daigaku Bungaku Ronshû 關西大學文學論集 vol. 11 755-798.

218
 219

1988 Chyûgoku kodai yôjô shisô no sôgôteki kenkyû 中國古代養生思想の総合的研究

(Complete Researches into Ancient Chinese Yangsheng Thought), To‫ޜ‬kyô:

Hirakawa Shuppansha.

1998 “Sun Simiao et le Bouddhisme” in Kansai daigaku bunka ronshû 関 西大学 文化

論集, 81-98.

Schipper, Kristofer Marinus; Verellen, Franciscus

2004 ed. The Taoist canon : a historical companion to the Daozang (Daozang tongkao 道

藏通考) Chicago : University of Chicago Press.

Schmidt, Hans-Hermann

2004 “Yaoxiu keyi jielu chao,” in Schipper & Verellen ed., The Taoist canon, 455-6.

Sivin, Nathan

1978 “On the Word ‘Taoist’ as a Source of Perplexity,” History of Religions 17: 303-

330.

1980 “The Theoretical Background of Laboratory Alchemy” in Joseph Needham

et al. Science and Civilisation in China: Vol. 5 chemistry and chemical technology: Part

4 spagyrical discovery and invention: apparatus, theories and gifts. New York:

Cambridge University Press, 1980, 210-305; which can also be found at:

http://ccat.sas.upenn.edu/~nsivin/alch.html (Retrieved December 30 2005).

1987 Traditional Medicine in Contemporary China: a partial translation of Revised outline of

Chinese medicine: with an introductory study on change in present day and early medicine

Ann Arbor : Center for Chinese Studies, University of Michigan.

1993 “Huangdi neijing” in Loewe, Michael Early Chinese Texts.

219
 220

Shima Kunio, 島邦夫

1973 Rôshi kôsei 老子校正 (Edited edition of the Laozi) Tokyo: Kyûko shoin.

Slingerland, Ted

2003 Confucius Analects, Indianapolis,Cambridge: Hackett Publishing Co..

Swanson, Paul

1989 T’ien-t’ai philosophy Berkeley: Asian Humanities Press.

Switkin, Walter

1973 An annotated translation of Yang-shing Yen-ming Lu ("Nourishing the Vital Principle

and Prolonging Life"): chapters 2 and 3 . Dissertation: Thesis (M.A. in Asian

Studies)--University of California.

1975 Immortality San Francisco : H.S. Dakin Co.

Skar, Lowell

2000 “Ritual Movements, Deity Cults and the Transformation of Daoism in Song

and Yuan times” in Livia Kohn, ed. Daoism Handbook Brill: Leiden.

Thompson, Paul

1970 The Shen-tzu Fragments Dissertation, University of Washington,.

Unschuld, Paul

1988 Medicine in China: A History of Ideas, Berkeley: University of California Press.

2000 Medicine in China: Historical Artifacts and Images, New York: Prestel.

2003 Huang Di Nei Jing Su Wen: Nature, Knowledge, Imagery in an Ancient Chinese

Medical Text, Berkely: University of California Press.

Valussi, Elena

220
 221

1996 The Chapter on “Nourishing Inner Nature” in Sun Simiao’s Qianjin yaofang, London:

MA Thesis for the School of Oriental and African Studies, Department of

Religions.

Veith, Ilza

1949 Huang Di nei jing su wen: The Yellow Emperor's classic of internal medicine, Berkeley:

University of California Press.

Veith, Ilza; Hsia Emil C.H.; Geertsma, Robert H; all trans.

1996 The essentials of medicine in ancient China and Japan : Yasuyori Tamba's Ishimpo,

Leiden: E.J. Brill.

Wang Yankun 王彥坤

1997 ed. Lidai bihuizi huidian 歷代避諱字匯典 (Collection of Historical Taboo

Characters of Successive Periods). Henan: Zhongzhou guji chubanshe.

Watson, Burton

1958 Ssu-ma Chi’en: Grand Historian of China New York: Columbia University Press.

1968 The Complete Works of Chuang-tzu New York: Columbia University Press.

Wile, Douglas

1992 Art of the Bedchamber: The Chinese Sexual Yoga Classics Including Women's Solo

Meditation Texts; Albany: State University of New York Press.

Willhelm, Richard

1977 The I ching : or, Book of changes, Princeton, N.J. : Princeton University Press.

1989 Lao Tzu: Tao te ching: The Richard Wilhelm Edition London: Penguin Arkana.

Wu Jiyu

1960 Pen-tsi king (Livre du terme originel) Paris: Centre National de Recherche

Scientifique.

221
 222

Yuasa Yasuo 湯浅 泰雄

1987 The body : toward an Eastern mind-body theory Thomas Kasulis ed., Nagatomo

Shigenori, Thomas Kasulis trans, Albany: State University of New York

Press.

Yoshioka Yoshitoyo 吉岡善豊

1968 “Saikairoku to Shigensô 齋戒錄と至言總” in Taishô Daigaku kenkyû kiyô 大

正大學研究紀要 52, 283-301.

1955 Dôkyô kyôten shiron 道教經典史論 (Discourses on the Daoist

Philology)¸Tokyo: Do‫ޜ‬kyô Kankôkai.

Yu Yingshi

1987 “O Soul Come Back” in Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 47.2, 363-395.

Zheng Canshan 鄭燦山

2000 “Heshanggong zhu: Chengshu shidai ji qi sixiangshi, daojiaoshi zhi yiyi”《河

上公注》成書時代及其思想史、道教史之意義[ The Age of Ho-shang-

kung chu and its Significance in Intellectual and Taoist History]: Hanxue Yanjiu

漢學研究 Vol 18.2, December, 85-112.

Zhu Yueli 朱越利

1986 “Yangxing yanming lu kao” 養性延命錄拷 (Critical Examination of the

YXYML) in Shijie zongjiao yanjiu 世界宗教研究 (Research on World

Religions) vol. 1, 101-105.

Zhu Zhianping 朱健平

222
 223

1999 “Sun Simiao Qianjinfang zhongde fojiao yingxiang” 孫思邈 <千金方> 中的

佛教影像 Zhongguo yishi zaizhi 中國醫史雜誌 (Chinese Journal of Medical

History), October, Vol 29, No. 4, 220-222.

223
 224

Websites and Electronic Resources

Daojiao wenhua ziliao ku 道教文化資料庫 (Daoist Culture and Information Centre)

http://www.taoism.org.hk, July 25, 2006.

Foguang Dacidian 佛光大辭典 (Foguang Shan Great Dictionary of Buddhism) CD-ROM,

Foguangshan zongwu weiyuan hui 佛光山宗務委員會 Religious Affairs Committee of

the Fokuang (sic) Shan Buddhist Order, 1997.

GYCD Guoyu cidian 國語辭典 (Dictionary of National Chinese) http://140.111.34.46/dict/.

Hanyu dacidian 汉语大词典 (Great Dictionary of Han Chinese) 2.0 CD-ROM; Hong Kong:

Shangwu yinshu guan you liang gongsi.

Index to the Daozang (Daoist Canon);

http://www.stanford.edu/~pregadio/daozang/daozang_index.html July 25, 2006.

Mugitani Kunio, DOKISHA: Concordance for Sinology; http://www.zinbun.kyoto-

u.ac.jp/~dokisha/sakuin.html, July 25, 2006.

Scripta Sinica Hanji dianzi wenxian 漢籍電子文獻 (Academia Sinica Electronic Concordance

of ChineseTexts) http://www.sinica.edu.tw/~tdbproj/handy1/, July 25, 2006.

Zhongyiyao zixunwang 中醫藥資訊網 (Information Website of Chinese Medicine and

Herbology) Pub: Xingzhengyuan weishengshu zhongyi weiyuanhui 行政院衛生署

中醫藥委員會(Chinese Medicine Commission of the Department of Health under

the Executive Yuan);

http://www.ccmp.gov.tw/public/public.asp?selno=712&relno=712&level=C, July

25, 2006.

224
 225

Zhenjiu jiayi jing 針灸甲乙經 by Huang Fumi 皇甫謐 (215?-282 ) E-text file compiled by the

Ancillary Hospital of the Medical Institute of Chinese Medicine and Herbology 中國

醫藥學院附設醫院 found on Zhongyiyao zixunwang 中醫藥資訊網 Feb 20, 2006.

Shuowen jiezi zhu 說文解字注 (Commentary on the Shuowen) Compiled Xu Shen 許慎

Commentary by Duan Yucai 段玉裁; http://www.gg-

art.com/imgbook/index.php?bookid=53&columns=&stroke=2m, July 25, 2006.

CBETA Dianzi fodian jicheng 電子佛典集成 (Digital Tripitika) CD-ROM; Taipei: Chinese

Buddhist Electronic Text Association, 2004.

SKQS Wenyuange Siku quanshu dianzi ban 文淵閣四庫全書電子版 (Digital Edition of the

Complete Encyclopædia in Four Chambers, housed in the Erudite Literature

Pavilion) Digital Database; Shanghai: Shanghai renmin chubanshe Dizhi wenhua

chuban youxian gongsi, 1999.

Zhongguo yiyao zixun wang 中國醫要資訊網 (Chinese Medicine Info-net), Taipei:

Xingzhengyuan weishengshu zhongyiyao jiyuanhui;

http://www.ccmp.gov.tw/public/public.asp?selno=712&relno=712&level=C Feb

20 2006.

225
 226

(Print) Dictionaries and Reference Works

Daojiao Shouce 道教手冊 (Handbook of Daoism), Li Yangzheng 李養正 ed.;

Zhengzhou:Zhongzhou guji chubanshe 中州古籍出版社, 1993.

Daojiao Wenhua Cidian 道教文化辭典 (Dictionary of Daoist Culture), Zhang Zhizhe 張志哲

ed.; Nanjing: Jiangsu gu ji chu ban she, 1994.

Dao zang ti yao 道藏提要 (Abstracts of Works in the Daozang), Ren Jiyu 任繼愈 ed.; Beijing:

Zhongguo she hui ke xue chu ban she, 1991.

A dictionary of official titles in Imperial China Hucker, Charles ed.; Stanford: Stanford University

Press, 1985.

Guhanyu changyongzi zidian 古漢語常用字字典 (Dictionary of Commonly Used Words in

Classical Chinese), Beijing: Shangwu yinshu guan 2002.

Zongjiao Dacidian 宗教大詞典 (Great Dictionary of Religion), Ren Jiyu 任繼愈 ed.; Shanghai:

Shanghai cishu shubanshe, 1998.

Zhonghua Daojiao Dacidian 中華道教大辭典 (Chinese Dictionary of Daoism), Hu Fuchen 胡

孚琛 ed.; Beijing:Zhongguo shehui kexue chubanshe, 1995.

Zhongguo lishi ditu ji 中國歷史地圖集 (Compendium of Historical Maps of China) Tan

Qixiang 譚其驤, ed.; Beijing: Zhongyang minzu xueyuan chubanshe, 1988.

Zhongguo yixue da cidian 中國醫學大辭典 (Great Dictionary of Chinese Medicine), Xie Guan

谢观 ed.; Beijing: Shangwu yinshuguan guoyuan youxian gongsi, 1995.

226
 227

Appendix 1 Text titles and people cited in the YXYML

Text Titles
1) 養生要集 32) 按經 People
2) 神農經 33) 養生內解 1. 張湛
3) 混元道經 34) 養生論 2. 道林
4) 混元道德經 3. 黃山
5) 莊子‧養生篇 4. 翟平
6) 列子 5. 河上公
7) 黃老經玄示 6. 向秀
8) 混元妙真經 7. 嵇康 養生論
9) 老[909]子指歸 8. 郭象
10) 大有經 9. 張湛
11) 小有經 10. 太史公司馬談
12) 道機 11. 胡昭
13) 河圖帝視萌 12. 韓融元長
14) [910]雒書寶予命 13. 邵仲[911]湛
15) 孔子家語 14. 黃帝
16) 傳 15. 歧伯
17) 老君尹氏內解 16. 老君
18) 素問 17. 彭祖
19) 名醫敘病論 18. 采女
20) 慎子 19. 仲長統
21) 仙經 20. 仙人
22) 養生集敘 21. 真人
23) 元陽經 22. 劉安
24) 服氣經 23. 天老
25) 導引經 24. 元長
26) 子都經 25. 張道人
27) 陳紀元方 26. 皇甫隆
28) 仙經秘要 27. 青牛道士
29) 佗嘗語普 28. 道人劉京
30) 中經 29. 老子
31) 黃庭經 30. 老君

909 子=YJ 君
910 雒=YJ 洛 911 湛=YJ 堪

227
 228

Appendix 2: Key Secondary Sources

Much of the scholarship on the YXYML places a strong emphasis on textual

comparison, and I have tried to follow the methods I observed in these works as rigorously
as possible. My initial inspiration for studying this text came from chapters in Livia Kohn’s
Daoist Meditation and Longevity Techniques by Catherine Despeux “Gymnastics: The Ancient
Tradition” and Ute Engelhardt “Qi for Life.” Also useful was Yangxing yanming lu kao 養性
延命錄拷 (Critical Examination of the YXYML) by Zhu Yueli 朱越利, Timothy Barrett

“On the Transmission of the Shen-tzu and the Yang-sheng yao-chi”and “Mysteries in the
Interpretation of the Tao-te ching,” and Sakade Yoshinobu, “Chô Tan ‘Yôsei yôshû’ itsubun
to sono shisô” 張湛｢ 養生要集｣ 佚文とその思想 and “The Taoist Character of the
‘Chapter on Nourishing Life’ of the Ishinpô’ 医 心法.”
I first found a digital copy of the text online, which I then converted to traditional
characters using Dr. Eye 7.0, and then compared against the DZ edition to make sure there
were no inaccuracies or conversion problems.912 I then compared the DZ and the YJ
editions against each other and made footnotes in the digital edition, generating the Critical
Edition. I used the DZ edition as my base text because it has six chapters, whereas the YJ is
missing two of those. Thus the footnotes indicate where the YJ varies from the DZ, not
vice versa. It was only as I was deep into this work that it became clear that the YJ edition is
an earlier version from which the DZ derives. An ideal critical edition would do the reverse,
following the YJ and citing DZ variations.
I then began working on the translation, while taking notes on the Textual History at
the same time. Where a passage was not obviously from an extant text, I would search on
Google.com for other texts that incorporated similar phrases. When I found these, I would
then confirm them against paper editions of the text, which are used for citation purposes,
and for comparison in the critical edition.

912
The same digital text can be found at any number of websites, including
http://www.daoism.cn/up/data/029yxyml.htm April 8 2006.

228
 229

I also acquired, thanks to the kind help of Akemi Miwamoto, Ute Engelhardt and
Mugitani Kunio, copies of Mugitani et al’s Yôjô enmei roku kunchû 養生延命録 訓註

(Annotated YXYML), which contains a translation of the YXYML into modern Japanese,
with detailed notes on earlier sources of key terms. This has been an invaluable resource,
and was my first point of reference for many important key terms. However, Mugitani et al.
do not provide page references, so where I have used his notes, I have also provided the
page and line citations from published editions, a quotation of the text and a translation into

English.

229
 230

Appendix 3: Digital Sinology

Digital technology has made available a number of techniques and sources for

rigorous research that are not listed in standard sinology courses, so this section is also a
suggested model for digital research methodology. When choosing which digital sources to
use I closely compared them against other editions for reliability. For all text from web
pages that are on personal sites, chat rooms or run by specific Daoist sects, I have compared
the passage against print copies of the work. Some sites are sufficiently scholarly as to

warrant independent citation. OCR (Optical Character Recognition) is becoming a more

widely used technology, so that reliable digital editions are much more accessible Sites like
Academia Sinica’s Hanji dianzi wenxian 漢籍電子文獻 (Scripta Sinica) give pagination for the
Zhonghua shuju editions of the 25 histories, from which it is scanned, and thus obviate the
need to turn to the paper edition.913 Daojiao wenhua ziliao ku 道教文化資料庫 (Daoist
Culture and Information Centre) contains very useful summaries of certain topics, lists the
author for each entry, and gives short bibliographies for each summary. Mugitani Kunio’s
Dokisha has a search engine for a number of Daoist texts, as well as some significant
digitized early texts, such as the Zhen’gao 真誥. The increasing availability of digital databases
in university libraries, such as the Wenyuan ge siku quanshu dianziban 文淵閣四庫全書電子版
(Digital Edition of the Complete Encyclopædia in Four Chambers, housed in the Erudite
Literature Pavilion – cited as SKQS) has made it much easier to search for key terms, text
titles and historical figures. Its pagination corresponds to the Siku quanshu zhenben 四庫全書
珍本 edition, but unfortunately the software does not display page numbers, so I have
countedfrom the beginning of each juan to provide citations. The Guoyu cidian 國語辭典
(GYCD) is also an excellent online resource, which I have used frequently to guide me to
earlier usages of terms, as is the 2nd edition of the CD Hanyu dacidian 汉 语 大词 典, which
unlike the first edition, includes full text citations, and searches for binomes. The excellent

913
Full citations of websites and software can be found in the Digital Resources section of the bibliography.

230
 231

digital medical canon found on the Taiwan Department of Health’s (Xingzhengyuan weishengshu
zhongyiyao jiyuanhui 行政院衛生署中醫藥委員會) website also proved invaluable for

searching terms, especially in the Qianjin yaofang 千金藥方 and Zhubing yuanhou lun 諸病原候
論. I compared these versions against paper editions.

When searching for Daoist text titles, I have gratefully used a digital title index of

sixteen Daoist collectanea compiled and passed on to me by Clarke Hudson. Where I

mention a text title not appearing in “any Daoist canons” it is these collections that are

referred to:

Daojiao wenxian 道教文獻

Daojiao wupai danfa jingxuan 道教五派丹法精選
Daoshu quanji 道書全集
Daoshu shi’er zhong 道書十二种
Daoshu yiguan 道書一貫
Daozang jinghua lu 道藏精華錄
Daozang jinghua 道藏精華
Daozang jiyao jiaoji 道藏輯要角集
Dunhuang daozang 敦煌道藏
Guangcheng yizhi 廣成儀制
Zangwai daoshu 藏外道書
Zhengtong daozang 正統道
Zhongguo daoguan zhizongkan 中國道觀志叢刊
Zhonghua daozang 中華道藏
Zhuanglin xudaozang 莊林續道藏

231

View publication stats