Hadrian

Hadrian (/ˈheɪdriən/; Latin: Caesar Traianus Hadrianus [ˈkae̯ s̠ar t ̪rajˈjaːnʊs̠ (h)a.d̪ riˈjaːnʊs̠]; 24 January 76 – 10 July
138) was Roman emperor from 117 to 138. He was born into a Roman Italo-Hispanic family that settled in Spain from the Hadrian
Italian city of Atri in Picenum. His father was of senatorial rank and was a first cousin of Emperor Trajan. He married
Trajan's grand-niece Vibia Sabina early in his career, before Trajan became emperor and possibly at the behest of Trajan's
wife Pompeia Plotina. Plotina and Trajan's close friend and adviser Lucius Licinius Sura were well disposed towards
Hadrian. When Trajan died, his widow claimed that he had nominated Hadrian as emperor immediately before his death.

Rome's military and Senate approved Hadrian's succession, but four leading senators were unlawfully put to death soon
after. They had opposed Hadrian or seemed to threaten his succession, and the Senate held him responsible for it and
never forgave him. He earned further disapproval among the elite by abandoning Trajan's expansionist policies and
territorial gains in Mesopotamia, Assyria, Armenia, and parts of Dacia. Hadrian preferred to invest in the development of
stable, defensible borders and the unification of the empire's disparate peoples. He is known for building Hadrian's Wall,
which marked the northern limit of Britannia.

Hadrian energetically pursued his own Imperial ideals and personal interests. He visited almost every province of the
Empire, accompanied by an Imperial retinue of specialists and administrators. He encouraged military preparedness and Marble bust, Venice National
discipline, and he fostered, designed, or personally subsidised various civil and religious institutions and building projects. Archaeological Museum
In Rome itself, he rebuilt the Pantheon and constructed the vast Temple of Venus and Roma. In Egypt, he may have
Roman emperor
rebuilt the Serapeum of Alexandria. He was an ardent admirer of Greece and sought to make Athens the cultural capital
of the Empire, so he ordered the construction of many opulent temples there. His intense relationship with Greek youth Reign 11 August 117 – 10 July
Antinous and the latter's untimely death led Hadrian to establish a widespread cult late in his reign. He suppressed the Bar 138
Kokhba revolt in Judaea, but his reign was otherwise peaceful. (20 years and
10 months)
Hadrian's last years were marred by chronic illness. He saw the Bar Kokhba revolt as the failure of his panhellenic ideal.
Predecessor Trajan
He executed two more senators for their alleged plots against him, and this provoked further resentment. His marriage to
Vibia Sabina had been unhappy and childless; he adopted Antoninus Pius in 138 and nominated him as a successor, on Successor Antoninus Pius
the condition that Antoninus adopt Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus as his own heirs. Hadrian died the same year at
Baiae, and Antoninus had him deified, despite opposition from the Senate. Edward Gibbon includes him among the Born Publius Aelius
Empire's "Five Good Emperors", a "benevolent dictator"; Hadrian's own Senate found him remote and authoritarian. He Hadrianus
has been described as enigmatic and contradictory, with a capacity for both great personal generosity and extreme cruelty 24 January 76
and driven by insatiable curiosity, self-conceit, and ambition.[2] Italica, Hispania (most
likely) or Rome, Italy
Died 10 July 138 (aged 62)
Contents Baiae, Italy

Early life Burial

1. Puteoli
Public service 2. Gardens of Domitia
Relationship with Trajan and his family
3. Hadrian's
Succession
Mausoleum
Emperor (117) Spouse Vibia Sabina
Securing power
Issue Lucius Aelius Caesar
Travels
(adoptive)
Britannia and the West (122)
Antoninus Pius
Africa, Parthia and Anatolia; Antinous (123–124)
(adoptive)
Greece (124–125)
Return to Italy and trip to Africa (126–128) Regnal name
Greece, Asia, and Egypt (128–130); Antinous's death Imperator Caesar Traianus
Greece and the East (130–132) Hadrianus Augustus[1]
Second Roman–Jewish War (132–136) Dynasty Nerva–Antonine
Final years Father Publius Aelius
Arranging the succession
Hadrianus Afer
Death
Trajan (adoptive)
Military activities
Mother Domitia Paulina
Legal and social reforms
Religious activities
Antinous
Christians
Personal and cultural interests
Poem by Hadrian
Appraisals
Sources and historiography
Nerva–Antonine family tree
See also
Citations
References
 Primary sources
Secondary sources
Further reading
External links

Early life
Hadrian was born on 24 January 76, probably in Italica (near modern Seville) in the Roman province of Hispania Baetica;
one Roman biographer claims he was born at Rome.[4][5][6] He was named Publius Aelius Hadrianus. His father was Publius
Aelius Hadrianus Afer, a senator of praetorian rank, born and raised in Italica but paternally linked, through many
generations over several centuries, to a family from Hadria (modern Atri), an ancient town in Picenum. The family had settled
in Italica soon after its founding by Scipio Africanus. Hadrian's mother was Domitia Paulina, daughter of a distinguished
Hispano-Roman senatorial family from Gades (Cádiz).[7] His only sibling was an elder sister, Aelia Domitia Paulina. His
wet-nurse was a slave Germana, probably of Germanic origin, to whom he was devoted throughout his life. She was later
freed by him and ultimately outlived him, as shown by her funerary inscription, which was found at Hadrian's villa at
Tivoli.[8][9][10] Hadrian's great-nephew, Gnaeus Pedanius Fuscus Salinator, from Barcino (Barcelona) would become
Hadrian's colleague as co-consul in 118. As a senator, Hadrian's father would have spent much of his time in Rome.[11] In Hadrian's Arch in central Athens,
terms of his later career, Hadrian's most significant family connection was to Trajan, his father's first cousin, who was also of Greece[3] . The Roman Emperor's
senatorial stock, and had been born and raised in Italica. Hadrian and Trajan were both considered to be – in the words of admiration for Greece materialised in
Aurelius Victor – "aliens", people "from the outside" (advenae).[12] such projects, ordered during his
reign.
Hadrian's parents died in 86, when he was ten years old. He and his sister became wards of Trajan and Publius Acilius
Attianus (who later became Trajan's Praetorian prefect).[7] Hadrian was physically active, and enjoyed hunting; when he was
14, Trajan called him to Rome and arranged his further education in subjects appropriate to a young Roman aristocrat.[13] Hadrian's enthusiasm for Greek literature
and culture earned him the nickname Graeculus ("Greekling").[14]

Public service
Hadrian's first official post in Rome was as a member of the decemviri stlitibus judicandis, one among many vigintivirate offices at the lowest level of the cursus
honorum ("course of honours") that could lead to higher office and a senatorial career. He then served as a military tribune, first with the Legio II Adiutrix in 95, then
with the Legio V Macedonica. During Hadrian's second stint as tribune, the frail and aged reigning emperor Nerva adopted Trajan as his heir; Hadrian was dispatched
to give Trajan the news— or most probably was one of many emissaries charged with this same commission.[15] Then Hadrian was transferred to Legio XXII
Primigenia and a third tribunate.[16] Hadrian's three tribunates gave him some career advantage. Most scions of the older senatorial families might serve one, or at
most two military tribunates as a prerequisite to higher office.[17][18] When Nerva died in 98, Hadrian is said to have hastened to Trajan, to inform him ahead of the
official envoy sent by the governor, Hadrian's brother-in-law and rival Lucius Julius Ursus Servianus.[19]

In 101, Hadrian was back in Rome; he was elected quaestor, then quaestor imperatoris Traiani, liaison officer between Emperor and the assembled Senate, to whom
he read the Emperor's communiqués and speeches – which he possibly composed on the emperor's behalf. In his role as imperial ghostwriter, Hadrian took the place
of the recently deceased Licinius Sura, Trajan's all-powerful friend and kingmaker.[20] His next post was as ab actis senatus, keeping the Senate's records.[21] During
the First Dacian War, Hadrian took the field as a member of Trajan's personal entourage, but was excused from his military post to take office in Rome as Tribune of
the Plebs, in 105. After the war, he was probably elected praetor.[22] During the Second Dacian War, Hadrian was in Trajan's personal service again, but was released
to serve as legate of Legio I Minervia, then as governor of Lower Pannonia in 107, tasked with "holding back the Sarmatians".[23][24] Between 107 and 108, Hadrian
defeated an invasion of Roman-controlled Banat and Oltenia by the Iazyges. [25][26][27] The exact terms of the peace treaty are not known, but it is believed the
Romans kept Oltenia in exchange for some form of concession, likely involving a one-time tribute payment.[26] The Iazyges also took possession of Banat around
this time, which may have been part of the treaty.[28]

Now in his mid-thirties, Hadrian travelled to Greece; he was granted Athenian citizenship and was appointed eponymous archon of Athens for a brief time (in
112).[29] The Athenians awarded him a statue with an inscription in the Theater of Dionysus (IG II2 3286) offering a detailed account of his cursus honorum thus
far.[30][31] Thereafter no more is heard of him until Trajan's Parthian War. It is possible that he remained in Greece until his recall to the imperial retinue,[23] when he
joined Trajan's expedition against Parthia as a legate.[32] When the governor of Syria was sent to deal with renewed troubles in Dacia, Hadrian was appointed his
replacement, with independent command.[33] Trajan became seriously ill, and took ship for Rome, while Hadrian remained in Syria, de facto general commander of
the Eastern Roman army.[34] Trajan got as far as the coastal city of Selinus, in Cilicia, and died there, on 8 August; he would be regarded as one of Rome's most
admired, popular and best emperors.

Relationship with Trajan and his family

Around the time of his quaestorship, in 100 or 101, Hadrian had married Trajan's seventeen or eighteen-year-old grandniece,
Vibia Sabina. Trajan himself seems to have been less than enthusiastic about the marriage, and with good reason, as the
couple's relationship would prove to be scandalously poor.[35] The marriage might have been arranged by Trajan's empress,
Plotina. This highly cultured, influential woman shared many of Hadrian's values and interests, including the idea of the
Roman Empire as a commonwealth with an underlying Hellenic culture.[36] If Hadrian were to be appointed Trajan's
successor, Plotina and her extended family could retain their social profile and political influence after Trajan's death.[37] A relief scene on Trajan's Column in
Hadrian could also count on the support of his mother-in-law, Salonina Matidia, who was daughter of Trajan's beloved sister Rome, 2nd-century monument
Ulpia Marciana.[38][39] When Ulpia Marciana died, in 112, Trajan had her deified, and made Salonina Matidia an attributed to Apollodorus of
Augusta.[40] Damascus (monochrome graphics by
Conrad Cichorius), showing a Roman
Hadrian's personal relationship with Trajan was complex, and may have been difficult. Hadrian seems to have sought legion storming a Dacian fortress
influence over Trajan, or Trajan's decisions, through cultivation of the latter's boy favourites; this gave rise to some during Trajan's Dacian Wars
unexplained quarrel, around the time of Hadrian's marriage to Sabina.[41][42] Late in Trajan's reign, Hadrian failed to achieve
a senior consulship, being only suffect consul for 108;[43] this gave him parity of status with other members of the senatorial
nobility,[44] but no particular distinction befitting an heir designate.[45] Had Trajan wished it, he could have promoted his protege to patrician rank and its privileges,
which included opportunities for a fast track to consulship without prior experience as tribune; he chose not to.[46] While Hadrian seems to have been granted the
office of Tribune of the Plebs a year or so younger than was customary, he had to leave Dacia, and Trajan, to take up the appointment; Trajan might simply have
wanted him out of the way.[47] The Historia Augusta describes Trajan's gift to Hadrian of a diamond ring that Trajan himself had received from Nerva, which
"encouraged [Hadrian's] hopes of succeeding to the throne".[48][49] While Trajan actively promoted Hadrian's advancement, he did so with caution.[50]

Succession

Failure to nominate an heir could invite chaotic, destructive wresting of power by a succession of competing claimants – a civil war.
Too early a nomination could be seen as an abdication, and reduce the chance for an orderly transmission of power.[51] As Trajan lay
dying, nursed by his wife, Plotina, and closely watched by Prefect Attianus, he could have lawfully adopted Hadrian as heir, by
means of a simple deathbed wish, expressed before witnesses;[52] but when an adoption document was eventually presented, it was
signed not by Trajan but by Plotina, and was dated the day after Trajan's death.[53] That Hadrian was still in Syria was a further
irregularity, as Roman adoption law required the presence of both parties at the adoption ceremony. Rumours, doubts, and
speculation attended Hadrian's adoption and succession. It has been suggested that Trajan's young manservant Phaedimus, who died
very soon after Trajan, was killed (or killed himself) rather than face awkward questions.[54] Ancient sources are divided on the
legitimacy of Hadrian's adoption: Dio Cassius saw it as bogus and the Historia Augusta writer as genuine.[55] An aureus minted early
in Hadrian's reign represents the official position; it presents Hadrian as Trajan's "Caesar" (Trajan's heir designate).[56]
Bust of Emperor Trajan
wearing the civic crown and
Emperor (117) the aegis, symbol of divine
power and world domination,
Glyptothek, Munich

Securing power

According to the Historia Augusta, Hadrian informed the Senate of his accession in a letter as a
fait accompli, explaining that "the unseemly haste of the troops in acclaiming him emperor was
due to the belief that the state could not be without an emperor".[57] The new emperor rewarded
the legions' loyalty with the customary bonus, and the Senate endorsed the acclamation. Various
public ceremonies were organised on Hadrian's behalf, celebrating his "divine election" by all
the gods, whose community now included Trajan, deified at Hadrian's request.[58]

Hadrian remained in the east for a while, suppressing the Jewish revolt that had broken out under
Trajan. He relieved Judea's governor, the outstanding Moorish general Lusius Quietus, of his
personal guard of Moorish auxiliaries;[59][60] then he moved on to quell disturbances along the
Danube frontier. In Rome, Hadrian's former guardian and current Praetorian Prefect, Attianus,
claimed to have uncovered a conspiracy involving Lusius Quietus and three others leading
senators, Lucius Publilius Celsus, Aulus Cornelius Palma Frontonianus and Gaius Avidius
Nigrinus.[61] There was no public trial for the four – they were tried in absentia, hunted down
and killed.[61] Hadrian claimed that Attianus had acted on his own initiative, and rewarded him
with senatorial status and consular rank; then pensioned him off, no later than 120.[62] Hadrian
assured the senate that henceforth their ancient right to prosecute and judge their own would be
respected. The Roman Empire in 125, under the rule of Hadrian

The reasons for these four executions remain obscure. Official recognition of Hadrian as
legitimate heir may have come too late to dissuade other potential claimants.[63] Hadrian's greatest rivals were Trajan's closest
friends, the most experienced and senior members of the imperial council;[64] any of them might have been a legitimate
competitor for the imperial office (capaces imperii);[65] and any of them might have supported Trajan's expansionist policies,
which Hadrian intended to change.[66] One of their number was Aulus Cornelius Palma who as a former conqueror of
Arabia Nabatea would have retained a stake in the East.[67] The Historia Augusta describes Palma and a third executed
senator, Lucius Publilius Celsus (consul for the second time in 113), as Hadrian's personal enemies, who had spoken in public
against him.[68] The fourth was Gaius Avidius Nigrinus, an ex-consul, intellectual, friend of Pliny the Younger and (briefly)
Governor of Dacia at the start of Hadrian's reign. He was probably Hadrian's chief rival for the throne; a senator of highest
rank, breeding, and connections; according to the Historia Augusta, Hadrian had considered making Nigrinus his heir
apparent, before deciding to get rid of him.[69][70] Castel Sant'Angelo, the ancient
Hadrian Mausoleum
Soon after, in 125, Hadrian appointed Quintus Marcius Turbo as his Praetorian Prefect.[71] Turbo was his close friend, a
leading figure of the equestrian order, a senior court judge and a procurator.[72][73] As Hadrian also forbade equestrians to try
cases against senators,[74] the Senate retained full legal authority over its members; it also remained the highest court of
appeal, and formal appeals to the emperor regarding its decisions were forbidden.[75] If this was an attempt to repair the
damage done by Attianus, with or without Hadrian's full knowledge, it was not enough; Hadrian's reputation and relationship
with his Senate were irredeemably soured, for the rest of his reign.[76] Some sources describe Hadrian's occasional recourse
to a network of informers, the frumentarii[77] to discreetly investigate persons of high social standing, including senators and
his close friends.[78]
A denarius of Hadrian issued in 119
AD for his third consulship.
Travels Inscription: HADRIANVS
AVGVSTVS / LIBERALITAS AVG.
CO[N]S III, P. P.
Hadrian was to spend more than half his reign outside Italy. Whereas previous emperors had, for the most part, relied on the
reports of their imperial representatives around the Empire, Hadrian wished to see things for himself. Previous emperors had
often left Rome for long periods, but mostly to go to war, returning once the conflict was settled. Hadrian's near-incessant
travels may represent a calculated break with traditions and attitudes in which the empire was a purely Roman hegemony. Hadrian sought to include provincials in a
commonwealth of civilised peoples and a common Hellenic culture under Roman supervision.[80] He supported the creation of provincial towns (municipia), semi-
autonomous urban communities with their own customs and laws, rather than the imposition of new Roman colonies with Roman constitutions.[81]

A cosmopolitan, ecumenical intent is evident in coin issues of Hadrian's later reign, showing the emperor "raising up" the personifications of various provinces.[82]
Aelius Aristides would later write that Hadrian "extended over his subjects a protecting hand, raising them as one helps fallen men on their feet".[83] All this did not
go well with Roman traditionalists. The self-indulgent emperor Nero had enjoyed a prolonged and peaceful tour of Greece, and had been criticised by the Roman elite
for abandoning his fundamental responsibilities as emperor. In the eastern provinces, and to some extent in the west, Nero had enjoyed popular support; claims of his
imminent return or rebirth emerged almost immediately after his death. Hadrian may have consciously exploited these positive,
popular connections during his own travels.[84] In the Historia Augusta, Hadrian is described as "a little too much Greek", too
cosmopolitan for a Roman emperor.[85]

Britannia and the West (122)

Prior to Hadrian's arrival in Britannia, the province had suffered a major rebellion, from 119 to 121.[86] Inscriptions tell of an
expeditio Britannica that involved major troop movements, including the dispatch of a detachment (vexillatio), comprising some
3,000 soldiers. Fronto writes about military losses in Britannia at the time.[87] Coin legends of 119–120 attest that Quintus Pompeius
Falco was sent to restore order. In 122 Hadrian initiated the construction of a wall, "to separate Romans from barbarians".[88] The
idea that the wall was built in order to deal with an actual threat or its resurgence, however, is probable but nevertheless
conjectural.[89] A general desire to cease the Empire's extension may have been the determining motive. Reduction of defence costs
may also have played a role, as the Wall deterred attacks on Roman territory at a lower cost than a massed border army,[90] and
controlled cross-border trade and immigration.[91] A shrine was erected in York to Britannia as the divine personification of Britain;
coins were struck, bearing her image, identified as BRITANNIA.[92] By the end of 122, Hadrian had concluded his visit to Britannia. This famous statue of
He never saw the finished wall that bears his name. Hadrian in Greek dress was
revealed in 2008 to have
Hadrian appears to have continued through southern Gaul. At Nemausus, he may have overseen the building of a basilica dedicated
been forged in the Victorian
to his patroness Plotina, who had recently died in Rome and had been deified at Hadrian's request.[93] At around this time, Hadrian era by cobbling together a
dismissed his secretary ab epistulis,[94] the biographer Suetonius, for "excessive familiarity" towards the empress.[95] Marcius head of Hadrian and an
Turbo's colleague as Praetorian Prefect, Gaius Septicius Clarus, was dismissed for the same alleged reason, perhaps a pretext to unknown body. For years,
remove him from office.[96] Hadrian spent the winter of 122/123 at Tarraco, in Spain, where he restored the Temple of Augustus.[97] the statue had been used by
historians as proof of
Hadrian's love of Hellenic
Africa, Parthia and Anatolia; Antinous (123–124) culture.[79]
British Museum, London.
In 123, Hadrian crossed the Mediterranean to Mauretania, where he personally led a minor campaign against local rebels.[98] The
visit was cut short by reports of war preparations by Parthia; Hadrian quickly headed eastwards. At some point, he visited
Cyrene, where he personally funded the training of young men from well-bred families for the Roman military. Cyrene had
benefited earlier (in 119) from his restoration of public buildings destroyed during the earlier Jewish revolt.[99][100]

When Hadrian arrived on the Euphrates, he personally negotiated a settlement with the Parthian King Osroes I, inspected the
Roman defences, then set off westwards, along the Black Sea coast.[101] He probably wintered in Nicomedia, the main city
of Bithynia. Nicomedia had been hit by an earthquake only shortly before his stay; Hadrian provided funds for its rebuilding,
and was acclaimed as restorer of the province.[102]

It is possible that Hadrian visited Claudiopolis and saw the beautiful Antinous, a young man of humble birth who became Hadrian's Wall, the Roman frontier
Hadrian's beloved. Literary and epigraphic sources say nothing of when or where they met; depictions of Antinous show him fortification in northern England.
aged 20 or so, shortly before his death in 130. In 123 he would most likely have been a youth of 13 or 14.[102] It is also A milecastle is in the foreground.
possible that Antinous was sent to Rome to be trained as a page to serve the emperor and only gradually rose to the status of
imperial favourite.[103] The actual history of their relationship is mostly unknown.[104]

With or without Antinous, Hadrian travelled through Anatolia. Various traditions suggest his presence at particular locations,
and allege his foundation of a city within Mysia, Hadrianutherae, after a successful boar hunt. At about this time, plans to
complete the Temple of Zeus in Cyzicus, begun by the kings of Pergamon, were put into practice. The temple received a
colossal statue of Hadrian. Cyzicus, Pergamon, Smyrna, Ephesus and Sardes were promoted as regional centres for the
Imperial cult (neocoros).[105]

Greece (124–125)
Hadrian's Gate, in Antalya, southern
Hadrian arrived in Greece during the autumn of 124, and participated in the Eleusinian Mysteries. He had a particular Turkey was built to honour Hadrian
commitment to Athens, which had previously granted him citizenship and an archonate; at the Athenians' request, he revised who visited the city in 130.
their constitution – among other things, he added a new phyle (tribe), which was named after him.[106] Hadrian combined
active, hands-on interventions with cautious restraint. He refused to intervene in a local dispute between producers of olive oil
and the Athenian Assembly and Council, who had imposed production quotas on oil producers;[107] yet he granted an
imperial subsidy for the Athenian grain supply.[108] Hadrian created two foundations, to fund Athens' public games, festivals
and competitions if no citizen proved wealthy or willing enough to sponsor them as a Gymnasiarch or Agonothetes.[109]
Generally Hadrian preferred that Greek notables, including priests of the Imperial cult, focus on more durable provisions,
such as aqueducts and public fountains (nymphaea).[110] Athens was given two such fountains; another was given to
Argos.[111]

During the winter he toured the Peloponnese. His exact route is uncertain, but it took in Epidaurus; Pausanias describes
temples built there by Hadrian, and his statue – in heroic nudity – erected by its citizens[112] in thanks to their "restorer".
Antinous and Hadrian may have already been lovers at this time; Hadrian showed particular generosity to Mantinea, which
shared ancient, mythic, politically useful links with Antinous' home at Bithynia. He restored Mantinea's Temple of Poseidon Arch of Hadrian in Jerash,
Hippios,[113][114] and according to Pausanias, restored the city's original, classical name. It had been renamed Antigoneia Transjordan, built to honour Hadrian's
since Hellenistic times, after the Macedonian King Antigonus III Doson. Hadrian also rebuilt the ancient shrines of Abae and visit in 130
Megara, and the Heraion of Argos.[115][116]

During his tour of the Peloponnese, Hadrian persuaded the Spartan grandee Eurycles Herculanus – leader of the Euryclid family that had ruled Sparta since Augustus'
day – to enter the Senate, alongside the Athenian grandee Herodes Atticus the Elder. The two aristocrats would be the first from "Old Greece" to enter the Roman
Senate, as representatives of the two "great powers" of the Classical Age.[117] This was an important step in overcoming Greek notables' reluctance to take part in
Roman political life.[118] In March 125, Hadrian presided at the Athenian festival of Dionysia, wearing Athenian dress. The Temple of Olympian Zeus had been
under construction for more than five centuries; Hadrian committed the vast resources at his command to ensure that the job would be finished. He also organised the
planning and construction of a particularly challenging and ambitious aqueduct to bring water to the Athenian Agora.[119]
Return to Italy and trip to Africa (126–128)

On his return to Italy, Hadrian made a detour to Sicily. Coins celebrate him as the restorer of the island.[120] Back in Rome, he saw
the rebuilt Pantheon, and his completed villa at nearby Tibur, among the Sabine Hills. In early March 127 Hadrian set off on a tour of
Italy; his route has been reconstructed through the evidence of his gifts and donations.[120] He restored the shrine of Cupra in Cupra
Maritima, and improved the drainage of the Fucine lake. Less welcome than such largesse was his decision in 127 to divide Italy into
four regions under imperial legates with consular rank, acting as governors. They were given jurisdiction over all of Italy, excluding
Rome itself, therefore shifting Italian cases from the courts of Rome.[121] Having Italy effectively reduced to the status of a group of
mere provinces did not go down well with the Roman Senate,[122] and the innovation did not long outlive Hadrian's reign.[120]

Hadrian fell ill around this time; whatever the nature of his illness, it did not stop him from setting off in the spring of 128 to visit
Africa. His arrival coincided with the good omen of rain, which ended a drought. Along with his usual role as benefactor and
restorer, he found time to inspect the troops; his speech to them survives.[123] Hadrian returned to Italy in the summer of 128 but his
stay was brief, as he set off on another tour that would last three years.[124]

Greece, Asia, and Egypt (128–130); Antinous's death Statue of Antinous (Delphi),
polychrome Parian marble,
In September 128, Hadrian attended the Eleusinian mysteries again. This time his visit to Greece seems to have concentrated on made during the reign of
Athens and Sparta – the two ancient rivals for dominance of Greece. Hadrian had played with the idea of focusing his Greek revival Hadrian
around the Amphictyonic League based in Delphi, but by now he had decided on something far grander. His new Panhellenion was
going to be a council that would bring Greek cities together. Having set in motion the
preparations – deciding whose claim to be a Greek city was genuine would take time – Hadrian
set off for Ephesus.[125] From Greece, Hadrian proceeded by way of Asia to Egypt, probably
conveyed across the Aegean with his entourage by an Ephesian merchant, Lucius Erastus.
Hadrian later sent a letter to the Council of Ephesus, supporting Erastus as a worthy candidate
for town councillor and offering to pay the requisite fee.[126]

Hadrian arrived in Egypt before the Egyptian New Year on 29 August 130.[127] He opened his
The Pantheon in Rome was
stay in Egypt by restoring Pompey the Great's tomb at Pelusium,[128] offering sacrifice to him rebuilt by Hadrian.
as a hero and composing an epigraph for the tomb. As Pompey was universally acknowledged Temple of Zeus in Athens
as responsible for establishing Rome's power in the east, this restoration was probably linked to
a need to reaffirm Roman Eastern hegemony, following social unrest there during Trajan's late
reign.[129] Hadrian and Antinous held a lion hunt in the Libyan desert; a poem on the subject
by the Greek Pankrates is the earliest evidence that they travelled together.[130]

While Hadrian and his entourage were sailing on the Nile, Antinous drowned. The exact
circumstances surrounding his death are unknown, and accident, suicide, murder and religious
sacrifice have all been postulated. Historia Augusta offers the following account:

During a journey on the Nile he lost Antinous, his favourite, and for this youth he
wept like a woman. Concerning this incident there are varying rumours; for some
claim that he had devoted himself to death for Hadrian, and others – what both his
beauty and Hadrian's sensuality suggest. But however this may be, the Greeks deified
him at Hadrian's request, and declared that oracles were given through his agency, but
these, it is commonly asserted, were composed by Hadrian himself.[131]

Hadrian founded the city of Antinoöpolis in Antinous' honour on 30 October 130. He then
Colossal portrait bust of the Hadrian in armour, wearing the
continued down the Nile to Thebes, where his visit to the Colossi of Memnon on 20 and 21 emperor Hadrian with a gorgoneion on his breastplate;
November was commemorated by four epigrams inscribed by Julia Balbilla, which still survive. wreath of oak leaves (AD marble, Roman artwork, c. 127–128
After that, he headed north, reaching the Fayyum at the beginning of December.[132] 117–138); pentelic marble, AD, from Heraklion, Crete, now in
found in Athens, National the Louvre, Paris
Archaeological Museum,
Greece and the East (130–132) Athens

Hadrian's movements after his journey down the Nile are uncertain. Whether or not he returned to
Rome, he travelled in the East during 130/131, to organise and inaugurate his new Panhellenion, which was to be focused on the
Athenian Temple to Olympian Zeus. As local conflicts had led to the failure of the previous scheme for an Hellenic association
centered on Delphi, Hadrian decided instead for a grand league of all Greek cities.[133] Successful applications for membership
involved mythologised or fabricated claims to Greek origins, and affirmations of loyalty to Imperial Rome, to satisfy Hadrian's
personal, idealised notions of Hellenism.[134][135] Hadrian saw himself as protector of Greek culture and the "liberties" of Greece –
in this case, urban self-government. It allowed Hadrian to appear as the fictive heir to Pericles, who supposedly had convened a
previous Panhellenic Congress – such a Congress is mentioned only in Pericles' biography by Plutarch, who respected Rome's
Imperial order.[136]

Epigraphical evidence suggests that the prospect of applying to the Panhellenion held little attraction to the wealthier, Hellenised cities
of Asia Minor, which were jealous of Athenian and European Greek preeminence within Hadrian's scheme.[137] Hadrian's notion of
Hellenism was narrow and deliberately archaising; he defined "Greekness" in terms of classical roots, rather than a broader,
Hellenistic culture.[138] Some cities with a dubious claim to Greekness, however – such as Side – were acknowledged as fully
Ruins of the Arch of Hadrian
Hellenic.[139] The German sociologist Georg Simmel remarked that the Panhellenion was based on "games, commemorations, in Athens, Greece, near the
preservation of an ideal, an entirely non-political Hellenism".[140] Athenian Acropolis

Hadrian bestowed honorific titles on many regional centres.[141] Palmyra received a state visit and was given the civic name
Hadriana Palmyra.[142] Hadrian also bestowed honours on various Palmyrene magnates, among them one Soados, who had done much to protect Palmyrene trade
between the Roman Empire and Parthia.[143]
Hadrian had spent the winter of 131–32 in Athens, where he dedicated the now-completed Temple of Olympian Zeus,[144] At some time in 132, he headed East, to
Judaea.

Second Roman–Jewish War (132–136)

In Roman Judaea Hadrian visited Jerusalem, which was still in ruins after the First Roman–Jewish War of 66–73. He
may have planned to rebuild Jerusalem as a Roman colony – as Vespasian had done with Caesarea Maritima – with
various honorific and fiscal privileges. The non-Roman population would have no obligation to participate in Roman
religious rituals, but were expected to support the Roman imperial order; this is attested in Caesarea, where some Jews
served in the Roman army during both the 66 and 132 rebellions.[145] It has been speculated that Hadrian intended to
assimilate the Jewish Temple to the traditional Roman civic-religious Imperial cult; such assimilations had long been
commonplace practice in Greece and in other provinces, and on the whole, had been successful.[146][147] The Coinage minted to mark Hadrian's visit to
neighbouring Samaritans had already integrated their religious rites with Hellenistic ones.[148] Strict Jewish monotheism Judea. Inscription: HADRIANVS AVG.
proved more resistant to Imperial cajoling, and then to Imperial demands.[149] A massive anti-Hellenistic and anti- CO[N]S. III, P. P. / ADVENTVI (arrival)
Roman Jewish uprising broke out, led by Simon bar Kokhba. The Roman governor Tineius (Tynius) Rufus asked for an AVG. IVDAEAE – S. C.
army to crush the resistance; bar Kokhba punished any Jew who refused to join his ranks.[150] According to Justin
Martyr and Eusebius, that had to do mostly with Christian converts, who opposed bar Kokhba's messianic
claims.[151]

A tradition based on the Historia Augusta suggests that the revolt was spurred by Hadrian's abolition of
circumcision (brit milah);[152] which as a Hellenist he viewed as mutilation.[153] The scholar Peter
Schäfer maintains that there is no evidence for this claim, given the notoriously problematical nature of the
Historia Augusta as a source, the "tomfoolery" shown by the writer in the relevant passage, and the fact
that contemporary Roman legislation on "genital mutilation" seems to address the general issue of
castration of slaves by their masters.[154][155][156] Other issues could have contributed to the outbreak; a
heavy-handed, culturally insensitive Roman administration; tensions between the landless poor and
incoming Roman colonists privileged with land-grants; and a strong undercurrent of messianism,
predicated on Jeremiah's prophecy that the Temple would be rebuilt seventy years after its destruction, as
the First Temple had been after the Babylonian exile.[157]

Given the fragmentary nature of the existing evidence, it is impossible to ascertain an exact date for the Statue of Hadrian unearthed Porphyry statue of Hadrian
beginning of the uprising, but it is probable that it began in-between summer and fall 132.[158] The at Tel Shalem discovered in Caesarea,
Romans were overwhelmed by the organised ferocity of the uprising. [149] Hadrian called his general commemorating Roman Israel
Sextus Julius Severus from Britain, and brought troops in from as far as the Danube. Roman losses were military victory over Simon
heavy; an entire legion or its numeric equivalent of around 4,000. [159] Hadrian's report on the war to the bar Kokhba, displayed at the
Roman Senate omitted the customary salutation, "If you and your children are in health, it is well; I and Israel Museum, Jerusalem
the legions are in health."[160] The rebellion was quashed by 135. According to Cassius Dio, Roman war
operations in Judea left some 580,000 Jews dead, and 50 fortified towns and 985 villages razed.[161] An
unknown proportion of the population was enslaved. Beitar, a fortified city 10 kilometres (6.2 mi) southwest of Jerusalem,
fell after a three and a half year siege. The extent of punitive measures against the Jewish population remains a matter of
debate.[162]

Hadrian erased the province's name from the Roman map, renaming it Syria Palaestina. He renamed Jerusalem Aelia
Capitolina after himself and Jupiter Capitolinus, and had it rebuilt in Greek style. According to Epiphanius, Hadrian
appointed Aquila from Sinope in Pontus as "overseer of the work of building the city", since he was related to him by
marriage.[163] Hadrian is said to have placed the city's main Forum at the junction of the main Cardo and Decumanus
Maximus, now the location for the (smaller) Muristan. After the suppression of the Jewish revolt, Hadrian provided the
Samaritans with a temple, dedicated to Zeus Hypsistos ("Highest Zeus")[164] on Mount Gerizim.[165] The bloody repression Relief from an honorary monument of
of the revolt ended Jewish political independence from the Roman Imperial order.[166] Hadrian (detail), showing the emperor
being greeted by the goddess Roma
Inscriptions make it clear that in 133 Hadrian took to the field with his armies against the rebels. He then returned to Rome, and the Genii of the Senate and the
probably in that year and almost certainly – judging from inscriptions – via Illyricum.[167] Roman People; marble, Roman
artwork, 2nd century AD, Capitoline
Museums, Vatican City
Final years
Hadrian spent the final years of his life at Rome. In 134, he took an Imperial salutation for the end of the Second Jewish War (which was not actually concluded until
the following year). Commemorations and achievement awards were kept to a minimum, as Hadrian came to see the war "as a cruel and sudden disappointment to his
aspirations" towards a cosmopolitan empire.[168]

The Empress Sabina died, probably in 136, after an unhappy marriage with which Hadrian had coped as a political necessity. The Historia Augusta biography states
that Hadrian himself declared that his wife's "ill-temper and irritability" would be reason enough for a divorce, were he a private citizen.[169] That gave credence, after
Sabina's death, to the common belief that Hadrian had her poisoned.[170] In keeping with well-established Imperial propriety, Sabina – who had been made an
Augusta sometime around 128[171] – was deified not long after her death.[172]

Arranging the succession

Hadrian's marriage to Sabina had been childless. Suffering from poor health, Hadrian turned to the problem of the succession. In 136 he adopted one of the ordinary
consuls of that year, Lucius Ceionius Commodus, who as an emperor-in waiting took the name Lucius Aelius Caesar. He was the son-in-law of Gaius Avidius
Nigrinus, one of the "four consulars" executed in 118, but was himself in delicate health, apparently with a reputation more "of a voluptuous, well educated great lord
than that of a leader".[173] Various modern attempts have been made to explain Hadrian's choice: Jerome Carcopino proposes that Aelius was Hadrian's natural
son.[174] It has also been speculated that his adoption was Hadrian's belated attempt to reconcile with one of the most important of the four senatorial families whose
leading members had been executed soon after Hadrian's succession.[83] Aelius acquitted himself honourably as joint governor of Pannonia Superior and Pannonia
Inferior;[175] he held a further consulship in 137, but died on 1 January 138.[176]
Hadrian next adopted Titus Aurelius Fulvus Boionius Arrius Antoninus (the future emperor Antoninus Pius), who had served
Hadrian as one of the five imperial legates of Italy, and as proconsul of Asia. In the interests of dynastic stability, Hadrian required
that Antoninus adopt both Lucius Ceionius Commodus (son of the deceased Aelius Caesar) and Marcus Annius Verus (grandson of
an influential senator of the same name who had been Hadrian's close friend); Annius was already betrothed to Aelius Caesar's
daughter Ceionia Fabia.[177][178] It may not have been Hadrian, but rather Antoninus Pius – Annius Verus's uncle – who supported
Annius Verus' advancement; the latter's divorce of Ceionia Fabia and subsequent marriage to Antoninus' daughter Annia Faustina
points in the same direction. When he eventually became Emperor, Marcus Aurelius would co-opt Ceionius Commodus as his co-
Emperor, under the name of Lucius Verus, on his own initiative.[177]

Hadrian's last few years were marked by conflict and unhappiness. His adoption of Aelius Caesar proved unpopular, not least with
Hadrian's brother-in-law Lucius Julius Ursus Servianus and Servianus's grandson Gnaeus Pedanius Fuscus Salinator. Servianus,
though now far too old, had stood in the line of succession at the beginning of Hadrian's reign; Fuscus is said to have had designs on
the imperial power for himself. In 137 he may have attempted a coup in which his grandfather was implicated; Hadrian ordered that
both be put to death.[179] Servianus is reported to have prayed before his execution that Hadrian would "long for death but be unable
to die".[180] During his final, protracted illness, Hadrian was prevented from suicide on several occasions.[181] Imperial group as Mars and
Venus; the male figure is a
portrait of Hadrian, the
Death female figure was perhaps
reworked into a portrait of
Hadrian died in the year 138 on 10 July, in his villa at Baiae at the age of 62.[182] Dio Cassius and the Historia Augusta record Annia Lucilla; marble,
details of his failing health. He had reigned for 21 years, the longest since Tiberius, and the fourth longest in the Principate, after Roman artwork, c. 120–140
Augustus, Hadrian's successor Antoninus Pius, and Tiberius. AD, reworked c. 170–175
AD.
He was buried first at Puteoli, near Baiae, on an estate that had once belonged to Cicero. Soon after, his remains were transferred to
Rome and buried in the Gardens of Domitia, close by the almost-complete mausoleum. Upon completion of the Tomb of Hadrian
in Rome in 139 by his successor Antoninus Pius, his body was cremated, and his ashes were placed there together with those of his
wife Vibia Sabina and his first adopted son, Lucius Aelius Caesar, who also died in 138. The Senate had been reluctant to grant
Hadrian divine honours; but Antoninus persuaded them by threatening to refuse the position of Emperor.[183][184] Hadrian was
given a temple on the Campus Martius, ornamented with reliefs representing the provinces.[185] The Senate awarded Antoninus the
title of "Pius", in recognition of his filial piety in pressing for the deification of his adoptive father.[183] At the same time, perhaps in
reflection of the senate's ill will towards Hadrian, commemorative coinage honouring his consecration was kept to a minimum.[186]

Military activities
Most of Hadrian's military activities were consistent with his ideology of empire as a community of mutual interest and support. He
focused on protection from external and internal threats; on "raising" existing provinces, rather than the aggressive acquisition of
wealth and territory through subjugation of "foreign" peoples that had characterised the early empire.[187] Hadrian's policy shift
was part of a trend towards the slowing down of the empire's expansion, such expansion being not closed after him (the empire's
greatest extent being achieved only during the Severan dynasty), but a significant step in that direction, given the empire's
Bronze head of Hadrian found
overstretching.[188] While the empire as a whole benefited from this, military careerists resented the loss of opportunities. in the River Thames in
London. Now in the British
The 4th-century historian Aurelius Victor saw Hadrian's withdrawal from Trajan's territorial gains in Mesopotamia as a jealous
Museum.
belittlement of Trajan's achievements (Traiani gloriae invidens).[189] More likely, an expansionist policy was no longer sustainable;
the empire had lost two legions, the Legio XXII Deiotariana and the "lost legion" IX Hispania, possibly destroyed in a late Trajanic
uprising by the Brigantes in Britain.[190] Trajan himself may have thought his gains in Mesopotamia indefensible and abandoned
them shortly before his death.[191] Hadrian granted parts of Dacia to the Roxolani Sarmatians; their king, Rasparaganus, received
Roman citizenship, client king status, and possibly an increased subsidy.[192] Hadrian's presence on the Dacian front is mere
conjecture, but Dacia was included in his coin series with allegories of the provinces.[193] A controlled partial withdrawal of troops
from the Dacian plains would have been less costly than maintaining several Roman cavalry units and a supporting network of
fortifications.[194]

Hadrian retained control over Osroene through the client king Parthamaspates, who had once served as Trajan's client king of
Parthia;[195] and around 121, Hadrian negotiated a peace treaty with the now-independent Parthia. Late in his reign (135), the
Alani attacked Roman Cappadocia with the covert support of Pharasmanes, the king of Caucasian Iberia. The attack was repulsed
by Hadrian's governor, the historian Arrian,[196] who subsequently installed a Roman "adviser" in Iberia.[197] Arrian kept Hadrian
well-informed on matters related to the Black Sea and the Caucasus. Between 131 and 132, he sent Hadrian a lengthy letter Posthumous portrait of
(Periplus of the Euxine) on a maritime trip around the Black Sea that was intended to offer relevant information in case a Roman Hadrian; bronze, Roman
intervention was needed.[198] artwork, c. 140 AD, perhaps
from Roman Egypt, Louvre,
Hadrian also developed permanent fortifications and military posts along the empire's borders (limites, sl. limes) to support his Paris
policy of stability, peace and preparedness. That helped keep the military usefully occupied in times of peace; his wall across
Britania was built by ordinary troops. A series of mostly wooden fortifications, forts, outposts and watchtowers strengthened
the Danube and Rhine borders. Troops practised intensive, regular drill routines. Although his coins showed military images
almost as often as peaceful ones, Hadrian's policy was peace through strength, even threat,[199] with an emphasis on
disciplina (discipline), which was the subject of two monetary series. Cassius Dio praised Hadrian's emphasis on "spit and
polish" as cause for the generally peaceful character of his reign.[200] Fronto, by contrast, claimed that Hadrian preferred war
games to actual war and enjoyed "giving eloquent speeches to the armies" – like the inscribed series of addresses he made
while on an inspection tour, during 128, at the new headquarters of Legio III Augusta in Lambaesis[201]

Faced with a shortage of legionary recruits from Italy and other Romanised provinces, Hadrian systematised the use of less
costly numeri – ethnic non-citizen troops with special weapons, such as Eastern mounted archers, in low-intensity, mobile
defensive tasks such as dealing with border infiltrators and skirmishers.[202][203] Hadrian is also credited with introducing
Bust of the Emperor Hadrian,
units of heavy cavalry (cataphracts) into the Roman army.[204] Fronto later blamed Hadrian for declining standards in the Roman, 117–138 CE. Probably from
Roman army of his own time.[205] Rome, Italy. Formerly in the Townley
Collection, now housed in the British
Legal and social reforms Museum, London
Hadrian enacted, through the jurist Salvius Julianus, the first attempt to codify Roman law. This was the Perpetual Edict, according to
which the legal actions of praetors became fixed statutes, and as such could no longer be subjected to personal interpretation or
change by any magistrate other than the Emperor.[206][207] At the same time, following a procedure initiated by Domitian, Hadrian
made the Emperor's legal advisory board, the consilia principis ("council of the princeps") into a permanent body, staffed by salaried
legal aides.[208] Its members were mostly drawn from the equestrian class, replacing the earlier freedmen of the Imperial
household.[209][210] This innovation marked the superseding of surviving Republican institutions by an openly autocratic political
system.[211] The reformed bureaucracy was supposed to exercise administrative functions independently of traditional magistracies;
objectively it did not detract from the Senate's position. The new civil servants were free men and as such supposed to act on behalf
of the interests of the "Crown", not of the Emperor as an individual.[209] However, the Senate never accepted the loss of its prestige
caused by the emergence of a new aristocracy alongside it, placing more strain on the already troubled relationship between the
Senate and the Emperor.[212]

Hadrian codified the customary legal privileges of the wealthiest, most influential or highest status citizens (described as splendidiores
personae or honestiores), who held a traditional right to pay fines when found guilty of relatively minor, non-treasonous offences.
Low ranking persons – alii ("the others"), including low-ranking citizens – were humiliores who for the same offences could be
subject to extreme physical punishments, including forced labour in the mines or in public works, as a form of fixed-term servitude. Statue of Hadrian in military
While Republican citizenship had carried at least notional equality under law, and the right to justice, offences in Imperial courts were garb, wearing the civic
judged and punished according to the relative prestige, rank, reputation and moral worth of both parties; senatorial courts were apt to crown and muscle cuirass,
be lenient when trying one of their peers, and to deal very harshly with offences committed against one of their number by low from Antalya, Turkey
ranking citizens or non-citizens. For treason (maiestas) beheading was the worst punishment that the law could inflict on honestiores;
the humiliores might suffer crucifixion, burning, or condemnation to the beasts in the arena.[213]

A great number of Roman citizens maintained a precarious social and economic advantage at the lower end of the hierarchy. Hadrian found it necessary to clarify that
decurions, the usually middle-class, elected local officials responsible for running the ordinary, everyday official business of the provinces, counted as honestiores; so
did soldiers, veterans and their families, as far as civil law was concerned; by implication, all others, including freedmen and slaves, counted as humiliores. Like most
Romans, Hadrian seems to have accepted slavery as morally correct, an expression of the same natural order that rewarded "the best men" with wealth, power and
respect. When confronted by a crowd demanding the freeing of a popular slave charioteer, Hadrian replied that he could not free a slave belonging to another
person.[214] However, he limited the punishments that slaves could suffer; they could be lawfully tortured to provide evidence, but they could not be lawfully killed
unless guilty of a capital offence.[215] Masters were also forbidden to sell slaves to a gladiator trainer (lanista) or to a procurer, except as legally justified
punishment.[216] Hadrian also forbade torture of free defendants and witnesses.[217][218] He abolished ergastula, private prisons for slaves in which kidnapped free
men had sometimes been illegally detained.[219]

Hadrian issued a general rescript, imposing a ban on castration, performed on freedman or slave, voluntarily or not, on pain of death for both the performer and the
patient.[220] Under the Lex Cornelia de Sicaris et Veneficis, castration was placed on a par with conspiracy to murder, and punished accordingly.[221] Notwithstanding
his philhellenism, Hadrian was also a traditionalist. He enforced dress-standards among the honestiores; senators and knights were expected to wear the toga when in
public. He imposed strict separation between the sexes in theatres and public baths; to discourage idleness, the latter were not allowed to open until 2.00 in the
afternoon, "except for medical reasons".[222]

Religious activities
One of Hadrian's immediate duties on accession was to seek senatorial consent for the apotheosis of his predecessor, Trajan, and any
members of Trajan's family to whom he owed a debt of gratitude. Matidia Augusta, Hadrian's mother-in-law, died in December 119,
and was duly deified.[223] Hadrian may have stopped at Nemausus during his return from Britannia, to oversee the completion or
foundation of a basilica dedicated to his patroness Plotina. She had recently died in Rome and had been deified at Hadrian's
request.[93]

As Emperor, Hadrian was also Rome's pontifex maximus, responsible for all religious affairs and the proper functioning of official
religious institutions throughout the empire. His Hispano-Roman origins and marked pro-Hellenism shifted the focus of the official
imperial cult, from Rome to the Provinces. While his standard coin issues still identified him with the traditional genius populi
Romani, other issues stressed his personal identification with Hercules Gaditanus (Hercules of Gades), and Rome's imperial
protection of Greek civilisation.[224] He promoted Sagalassos in Greek Pisidia as the Empire's leading Imperial cult centre; his
exclusively Greek Panhellenion extolled Athens as the spiritual centre of Greek culture.[225]

Hadrian added several Imperial cult centres to the existing roster, particularly in Greece, where traditional intercity rivalries were
commonplace. Cities promoted as Imperial cult centres drew Imperial sponsorship of festivals and sacred games, attracted tourism,
trade and private investment. Local worthies and sponsors were encouraged to seek self-publicity as cult officials under the aegis of
Roman rule, and to foster reverence for Imperial authority.[226] Hadrian's rebuilding of long-established religious centres would have
further underlined his respect for the glories of classical Greece – something well in line with contemporary antiquarian
tastes.[115][227] During Hadrian's third and last trip to the Greek East, there seems to have been an upwelling of religious fervour, Statue of Hadrian as
focused on Hadrian himself. He was given personal cult as a deity, monuments and civic homage, according to the religious pontifex maximus, dated
130–140 AD, from Rome,
syncretism at the time.[228] He may have had the great Serapeum of Alexandria rebuilt, following damage sustained in 116, during
Palazzo Nuovo, Capitoline
the Kitos War.[229]
Museums
In 136, just two years before his death, Hadrian dedicated his Temple of Venus and Roma. It was built on land he had set aside for
the purpose in 121, formerly the site of Nero's Golden House. The temple was the largest in Rome, and was built in an Hellenising
style, more Greek than Roman. The temple's dedication and statuary associated the worship of the traditional Roman goddess Venus, divine ancestress and protector
of the Roman people, with the worship of the goddess Roma – herself a Greek invention, hitherto worshiped only in the provinces – to emphasise the universal nature
of the empire.[230]

Antinous

Hadrian had Antinous deified as Osiris-Antinous by an Egyptian priest at the ancient Temple of Ramesses II, very near the place of his death. Hadrian dedicated a
new temple-city complex there, built in a Graeco-Roman style, and named it Antinoöpolis.[231] It was a proper Greek polis; it was granted an Imperially subsidised
alimentary scheme similar to Trajan's alimenta,[232] and its citizens were allowed intermarriage with members of the native population, without loss of citizen-status.
Hadrian thus identified an existing native cult (to Osiris) with Roman rule.[233] The cult of Antinous was to become very popular in the Greek-speaking world, and
also found support in the West. In Hadrian's villa, statues of the Tyrannicides, with a bearded Aristogeiton and a clean-shaven Harmodios, linked his favourite to the
classical tradition of Greek love.[234] In the west, Antinous was identified with the Celtic sun-god Belenos.[235]
 Hadrian was criticised for the open intensity of his grief at Antinous's death, particularly as he had delayed the apotheosis of
his own sister Paulina after her death.[236] Nevertheless, his recreation of the deceased youth as a cult-figure found little
opposition.[237] Though not a subject of the state-sponsored, official Roman imperial cult, Antinous offered a common focus
for the emperor and his subjects, emphasising their sense of community.[238] Medals were struck with his effigy, and statues
erected to him in all parts of the empire, in all kinds of garb, including Egyptian dress.[239] Temples were built for his
worship in Bithynia and Mantineia in Arcadia. In Athens, festivals were celebrated in his honour and oracles delivered in his
name. As an "international" cult figure, Antinous had an enduring fame, far outlasting Hadrian's reign.[240] Local coins with
his effigy were still being struck during Caracalla's reign, and he was invoked in a poem to celebrate the accession of
Diocletian.[241]
Busts of Hadrian and Antinous in the
British Museum
Christians

Hadrian continued Trajan's policy on Christians; they should not be sought out, and should only be prosecuted for specific offences, such as refusal to swear
oaths.[242] In a rescript addressed to the proconsul of Asia, Gaius Minicius Fundanus, and preserved by Justin Martyr, Hadrian laid down that accusers of Christians
had to bear the burden of proof for their denunciations[243] or be punished for calumnia (defamation).[244]

Personal and cultural interests

Hadrian had an abiding and enthusiastic interest in art, architecture and public works. Rome's Pantheon (temple "to all the
gods"), originally built by Agrippa and destroyed by fire in 80, was partly restored under Trajan and completed under
Hadrian in the domed form it retains to this day. Hadrian's Villa at Tibur (Tivoli) provides the greatest Roman equivalent of an
Alexandrian garden, complete with domed Serapeum, recreating a sacred landscape.[245] An anecdote from Cassius Dio's
history suggests Hadrian had a high opinion of his own architectural tastes and talents, and took their rejection as a personal
offence: at some time before his reign, his predecessor Trajan was discussing an architectural problem with Apollodorus of
Damascus – architect and designer of Trajan's Forum, the Column commemorating his Dacian conquest, and his bridge Hadrian on the obverse of an aureus
across the Danube – when Hadrian interrupted to offer his advice. Apollodorus gave him a scathing response: "Be off, and (123). The reverse bears a
draw your gourds [a sarcastic reference to the domes which Hadrian apparently liked to draw]. You don't understand any of personification of Aequitas Augusti
these matters." Dio claims that once Hadrian became emperor, he showed Apollodorus drawings of the gigantic Temple of or Juno Moneta. Inscription: IMP.
CAESAR TRAIAN. HADRIANVS
Venus and Roma, implying that great buildings could be created without his help. When Apollodorus pointed out the
AVG. / P. M., TR. P., CO[N]S. III.
building's various insoluble problems and faults, Hadrian was enraged, sent him into exile and later put him to death on
trumped up charges.[246][247]

Hadrian wrote poetry in both Latin and Greek; one of the few surviving examples is a Latin poem he reportedly composed on his deathbed (see below). Some of his
Greek productions found their way into the Palatine Anthology.[248][249] He also wrote an autobiography, which Historia Augusta says was published under the
name of Hadrian's freedman Phlegon of Tralles. It was not, apparently, a work of great length or revelation, but designed to scotch various rumours or explain
Hadrian's most controversial actions.[250] It is possible that this autobiography had the form of a series of open letters to Antoninus Pius.[251]

Hadrian was a passionate hunter from a young age.[252] In northwest Asia, he founded and dedicated a city to commemorate a she-bear he killed.[253] It is
documented that in Egypt he and his beloved Antinous killed a lion.[253] In Rome, eight reliefs featuring Hadrian in different stages of hunting decorate a building
that began as a monument celebrating a kill.[253]

Hadrian's philhellenism may have been one reason for his adoption, like Nero before him, of the beard as suited to Roman imperial dignity; Dio of Prusa had equated
the growth of the beard with the Hellenic ethos.[254] Hadrian's beard may also have served to conceal his natural facial blemishes.[255] All emperors before him
(except Nero) had been clean-shaven; emperors who came after him until Constantine the Great were bearded and this imperial fashion was revived again by Phocas
at the beginning of the 7th century.[256][257]

Hadrian was familiar with the rival philosophers Epictetus and Favorinus, and with their works, and held an interest in Roman philosophy. During his first stay in
Greece, before he became emperor, he attended lectures by Epictetus at Nicopolis.[258] Shortly before the death of Plotina, Hadrian had granted her wish that the
leadership of the Epicurean School in Athens be open to a non-Roman candidate.[259]

During Hadrian's time as Tribune of the Plebs, omens and portents supposedly announced his future imperial condition.[260] According to the Historia Augusta,
Hadrian had a great interest in astrology and divination and had been told of his future accession to the Empire by a grand-uncle who was himself a skilled
astrologer.[261]

Poem by Hadrian

According to the Historia Augusta, Hadrian composed the following poem shortly before his death:[262]

Animula, vagula, blandula

Hospes comesque corporis
Quae nunc abibis in loca
Pallidula, rigida, nudula,
Nec, ut soles, dabis iocos...

P. Aelius Hadrianus Imp.

Roving amiable little soul,

Body's companion and guest,
Now descending for parts
Colourless, unbending, and bare
Your usual distractions no more shall be there...

The poem has enjoyed remarkable popularity,[263][264] but uneven critical acclaim.[265] According to Aelius Spartianus, the alleged author of Hadrian's biography in
the Historia Augusta, Hadrian "wrote also similar poems in Greek, not much better than this one".[266] T. S. Eliot's poem "Animula" may have been inspired by
Hadrian's, though the relationship is not unambiguous.[267]
Appraisals
Hadrian has been described as the most versatile of all Roman emperors, who "adroitly concealed a mind envious, melancholy, hedonistic, and excessive with respect
to his own ostentation; he simulated restraint, affability, clemency, and conversely disguised the ardor for fame with which he burned."[268][269] His successor Marcus
Aurelius, in his Meditations, lists those to whom he owes a debt of gratitude; Hadrian is conspicuously absent.[270] Hadrian's tense, authoritarian relationship with his
senate was acknowledged a generation after his death by Fronto, himself a senator, who wrote in one of his letters to Marcus Aurelius that "I praised the deified
Hadrian, your grandfather, in the senate on a number of occasions with great enthusiasm, and I did this willingly, too [...] But, if it can be said – respectfully
acknowledging your devotion towards your grandfather – I wanted to appease and assuage Hadrian as I would Mars Gradivus or Dis Pater, rather than to love
him."[271] Fronto adds, in another letter, that he kept some friendships, during Hadrian's reign, "under the risk of my life" (cum periculo capitis).[272] Hadrian
underscored the autocratic character of his reign by counting his dies imperii from the day of his acclamation by the armies, rather than the senate, and legislating by
frequent use of imperial decrees to bypass the Senate's approval.[273] The veiled antagonism between Hadrian and the Senate never grew to overt confrontation as
had happened during the reigns of overtly "bad" emperors, because Hadrian knew how to remain aloof and avoid an open clash.[274] That Hadrian spent half of his
reign away from Rome in constant travel probably helped to mitigate the worst of this permanently strained relationship.[275]

In 1503, Niccolò Machiavelli, though an avowed republican, esteemed Hadrian as an ideal princeps, one of Rome's Five Good Emperors. Friedrich Schiller called
Hadrian "the Empire's first servant". Edward Gibbon admired his "vast and active genius" and his "equity and moderation", and considered Hadrian's era as part of
the "happiest era of human history". In Ronald Syme's view, Hadrian "was a Führer, a Duce, a Caudillo".[276] According to Syme, Tacitus' description of the rise and
accession of Tiberius is a disguised account of Hadrian's authoritarian Principate.[277] According, again, to Syme, Tacitus' Annals would be a work of contemporary
history, written "during Hadrian's reign and hating it".[278]

While the balance of ancient literary opinion almost invariably compares Hadrian unfavourably to his predecessor, modern historians have sought to examine his
motives, purposes and the consequences of his actions and policies.[279] For M.A. Levi, a summing-up of Hadrian's policies should stress the ecumenical character of
the Empire, his development of an alternate bureaucracy disconnected from the Senate and adapted to the needs of an "enlightened" autocracy, and his overall
defensive strategy; this would qualify him as a grand Roman political reformer, creator of an openly absolute monarchy to replace a sham senatorial republic.[280]
Robin Lane Fox credits Hadrian as creator of a unified Greco-Roman cultural tradition, and as the end of this same tradition; Hadrian's attempted "restoration" of
Classical culture within a non-democratic Empire drained it of substantive meaning, or, in Fox's words, "kill[ed] it with kindness".[281]

Sources and historiography

In Hadrian's time, there was already a well established convention that one could not write a contemporary Roman imperial history for fear of contradicting what the
emperors wanted to say, read or hear about themselves.[282][283] As an earlier Latin source, Fronto's correspondence and works attest to Hadrian's character and the
internal politics of his rule.[284] Greek authors such as Philostratus and Pausanias wrote shortly after Hadrian's reign, but confined their scope to the general historical
framework that shaped Hadrian's decisions, especially those relating the Greek-speaking world, Greek cities and notables.[285] Pausanias especially wrote a lot in
praise of Hadrian's benefactions to Greece in general and Athens in particular.[286] Political histories of Hadrian's reign come mostly from later sources, some of them
written centuries after the reign itself. The early 3rd-century Roman History by Cassius Dio, written in Greek, gave a general account of Hadrian's reign, but the
original is lost, and what survives, aside from some fragments, is a brief, Byzantine-era abridgment by the 11th-century monk Xiphilinius, who focused on Hadrian's
religious interests, the Bar Kokhba war, and little else—mostly on Hadrian's moral qualities and his fraught relationship with the Senate.[287] The principal source for
Hadrian's life and reign is therefore in Latin: one of several late 4th-century imperial biographies, collectively known as the Historia Augusta. The collection as a
whole is notorious for its unreliability ("a mish mash of actual fact, cloak and dagger, sword and sandal, with a sprinkling of Ubu Roi"),[288] but most modern
historians consider its account of Hadrian to be relatively free of outright fictions, and probably based on sound historical sources,[289] principally one of a lost series
of imperial biographies by the prominent 3rd-century senator Marius Maximus, who covered the reigns of Nerva through to Elagabalus.[290]

The first modern historian to produce a chronological account of Hadrian's life, supplementing the written sources with other epigraphical, numismatic, and
archaeological evidence, was the German 19th-century medievalist Ferdinand Gregorovius.[291] A 1907 biography by Weber,[291] a German nationalist and later
Nazi Party supporter, incorporates the same archaeological evidence to produce an account of Hadrian, and especially his Bar Kokhba war, that has been described as
ideologically loaded.[292][293][294] Epigraphical studies in the post-war period help support alternate views of Hadrian. Anthony Birley's 1997 biography of Hadrian
sums up and reflects these developments in Hadrian historiography.

Nerva–Antonine family tree

Nerva–Antonine family tree

Q. Marcius
Q. Marcius Antonia M. Cocceius Sergia P. Aelius
Barea
Barea Sura Furnilla Nerva Plautilla Hadrianus
Soranus

Aelius
TITUS Marcia TRAJANUS NERVA
Marcia Ulpia[i] Hadrianus
(r. 79–81) Furnilla PATER (r. 96–98)
Marullinus

C. Salonius TRAJAN P. Acilius P. Aelius Paulina

JULIA FLAVIA[ii] MARCIANA[iii] PLOTINA
Matidius[iv] (r. 98–117) Attianus Afer[v] Major[vi]

Lucius Libo Rupilius L. Vibius

Mindius Frugi MATIDIA[vii] Sabinus
(2) (3) (1)[viii]

Pau
Min

Matidia HADRIAN[v][xi][vi]
Suetonius?[x] SABINA[iii] ANTINOUS[xii]
Minor[vii] (r. 117–138)
Julia C. Fuscus
Balbilla?[xiii] Salinator I
 M. Annius Rupilia Boionia Cn. Arrius
Verus[xiv] Faustina[xv] Procilla Antoninus
L. Ceionius Appia
Commodus Severa
L. Caesennius Arria Arria T. Aurelius
Paetus Antonina Fadilla[xvi] Fulvus
L. Caesennius
L. Commodus Plautia
Antoninus

ANTONINUS
M. Annius Domitia M. Annius PIUS L. Aelius
Fundania[xix] FAUSTINA[xvi]
Verus[xv] Calvilla[xviii] Libo[xv] (r. 138– Caesar[xvii]
161)[xvi]

MARCUS LUCIUS
AURELIUS VERUS
FAUSTINA C. Avidius Aurelia (r. 161– Ceionia Plautius
Cornificia[xv]
Minor[xx] Cassius[xxi] Fadilla[xvi] Fabia[xvii] Quintillus[xxii]
(r. 161– 169)[xvii]
180)[xx] (1)

COMMODUS M. Annius Ti. Claudius

Cornificia M. Petronius M. Plautius
(r. 177– Fadilla[xxiii] Verus Pompeianus Lucilla[xx]
Minor[xxiii] Sura Quintillus[xvii]
192)[xx] Caesar[xx] (2)

L. Aurelius Aurelia L. Antistius C. Furius

Petronius Plautius Plautia Antonia
Agaclytus Burrus Sabinus
Antoninus Sabina[xxiii] Quintillus Servilla Gordiana
(2) (1) Timesitheus

G
Furia Sabina
Tranquillina

(1) = 1st spouse

(2) = 2nd spouse
(3) = 3rd spouse
Reddish purple indicates emperor of the Nerva-Antonine dynasty

lighter purple indicates designated imperial heir of said dynasty who never reigned

grey indicates unsuccessful imperial aspirants

bluish purple indicates emperors of other dynasties

dashed lines indicate adoption; dotted lines indicate love affairs/unmarried relationships
SMALL CAPS = posthumously deified (Augusti, Augustae, or other)

Notes:

Except where otherwise noted, the notes below indicate that an individual's parentage is as shown in the above family tree.

i. Sister of Trajan's father: Giacosa (1977), p. 7. xiii. Julia Balbilla a possible lover of Sabina: A. R. Birley (1997), H
ii. Giacosa (1977), p. 8. 251, cited in Levick (2014), p. 30, who is sceptical of this sugg
iii. Levick (2014), p. 161. xiv. Husband of Rupilia Faustina: Levick (2014), p. 163.
iv. Husband of Ulpia Marciana: Levick (2014), p. 161. xv. Levick (2014), p. 163.
v. Giacosa (1977), p. 7. xvi. Levick (2014), p. 162.
vi. DIR contributor (Herbert W. Benario, 2000), "Hadrian" (http://www.roman-emperors.org/hadria xvii. Levick (2014), p. 164.
n.htm). xviii. Wife of M. Annius Verus: Giacosa (1977), p. 10.
vii. Giacosa (1977), p. 9. xix. Wife of M. Annius Libo: Levick (2014), p. 163.
viii. Husband of Salonia Matidia: Levick (2014), p. 161. xx. Giacosa (1977), p. 10.
ix. Smith (1870), "Julius Servianus" (http://www.ancientlibrary.com/smith-bio/3125.html). xxi. The epitomator of Cassius Dio (72.22 (http://penelope.uchicag
x. Suetonius a possible lover of Sabina: One interpretation of HA Hadrianus 11:3 (http://penelop assius_Dio/72*.html)) gives the story that Faustina the Elder p
e.uchicago.edu/Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/Historia_Augusta/Hadrian/1*.html#11) Cassius. This is also echoed in HA "Marcus Aurelius" 24 (http
r/E/Roman/Texts/Historia_Augusta/Marcus_Aurelius/2*.html).
xi. Smith (1870), "Hadrian" (http://www.ancientlibrary.com/smith-bio/1427.html), pp. 319–322.
xxii. Husband of Ceionia Fabia: Levick (2014), p. 164.
xii. Lover of Hadrian: Lambert (1984), p. 99 and passim; deification: Lamber (1984), pp. 2–5, etc.
xxiii. Levick (2014), p. 117.

References:
DIR contributors (2000). "De Imperatoribus Romanis: An Online Encyclopedia of Roman Rulers and Their Families" (http://www.roman-emperors.org/). Retrieved
Giacosa, Giorgio (1977). Women of the Caesars: Their Lives and Portraits on Coins. Translated by R. Ross Holloway. Milan: Edizioni Arte e Moneta. ISBN 0-8390
Lambert, Royston (1984). Beloved and God: The Story of Hadrian and Antinous. New York: Viking. ISBN 0-670-15708-2.
Levick, Barbara (2014). Faustina I and II: Imperial Women of the Golden Age. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-537941-9.
William Smith, ed. (1870). Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology.
See also
Memoirs of Hadrian, a 1951 semi-fictional autobiography of Hadrian, written by Marguerite Yourcenar.
Phallos, a 2004 novel in which the narrator encounters Hadrian and Antinous just before Antinous's murder and then, once more, minutes
afterward, which changes the narrator's life, written by Samuel R. Delany.
Hadrian, a 2018 opera based on Hadrian's life and death and his relationship with Antinous, composed by Rufus Wainwright.

Citations
1. Salmon, 333 23. Bowman, p. 133
2. Ando, Clifford "Phoenix", Phoenix, 52 (1998), pp. 183–185. 24. Anthony Everitt, 2013, Chapter XI: "holding back the Sarmatians"
JSTOR 1088268 (https://www.jstor.org/stable/1088268). may simply have meant maintaining and patrolling the border.
3. Kouremenos, Anna forthcoming: 25. Giurescu & Fischer-Galaţi 1998, p. 39.
https://www.academia.edu/43746490/_Forthcoming_The_City_of_Hadrian_and_not_of_Theseus_A_Cultural_History_of_Hadrians_Arch.
26. Mócsy 2014, p. 94.
4. Mary T. Boatwright (2008). "From Domitian to Hadrian". In Barrett, 27. Bârcă 2013, p. 19.
Anthony (ed.). Lives of the Caesars. Wiley-Blackwell. p. 159.
28. Mócsy 2014, p. 101.
ISBN 978-1-4051-2755-4.
29. The inscription in footnote 1
5. Alicia M. Canto, Itálica, sedes natalis de Adriano. 31 textos históricos
y argumentos para una secular polémica (https://www.academia.edu/ 30. The Athenian inscription confirms and expands the one in Historia
1082511/It%C3%A1lica_sedes_natalis_de_Adriano._31_textos_his Augusta; see John Bodel, ed., Epigraphic Evidence: Ancient History
t%C3%B3ricos_y_argumentos_para_una_secular_pol%C3%A9mic From Inscriptions. Abingdon: Routledge, 2006, ISBN 0-415-11623-6,
a_2004_), Athenaeum XCII/2, 2004, 367–408. p. 89
6. Ronald Syme, "Hadrian and Italica" (Journal of Roman Studies, LIV, 31. His career in office up to 112/113 is attested by the Athens
1964; pp. 142–149) supports the position that Rome was Hadrian's inscription, 112 AD: CIL III, 550 = InscrAtt 3 = IG II, 3286 = Dessau
birthplace. Canto argues that among the ancient sources, only the 308 = IDRE 2, 365: decemvir stlitibus iudicandis/ sevir turmae
Historia Augusta, Vita Hadriani 2,4, claims this. 25 other sources, equitum Romanorum/ praefectus Urbi feriarum Latinarum/ tribunus
including Hadrian's horoscope, state that he was born in Italica. See militum legionis II Adiutricis Piae Fidelis (95, in Pannonia Inferior)/
Stephan Heiler, "The Emperor Hadrian in the Horoscopes of tribunus militum legionis V Macedonicae (96, in Moesia Inferior)/
Antigonus of Nicaea", in Günther Oestmann, H. Darrel Rutkin, Kocku tribunus militum legionis XXII Primigeniae Piae Fidelis (97, in
von Stuckrad, eds.,Horoscopes and Public Spheres: Essays on the Germania Superior)/ quaestor (101)/ ab actis senatus/ tribunus plebis
History of Astrology, Walter de Gruyter, 2005, p. 49 ISBN 978-3-11- (105)/ praetor (106)/ legatus legionis I Minerviae Piae Fidelis (106, in
018545-4: Cramer, FH., Astrology in Roman Law and Politics, Germania Inferior)/ legatus Augusti pro praetore Pannoniae Inferioris
Memoirs of the American Philosophical Society, 37, Philadelphia, (107)/ consul suffectus (108)/ septemvir epulonum (before 112)/
1954 (reprinted 1996), 162–178, footnotes 121b, 122 et sodalis Augustalis (before 112)/ archon Athenis (112/13). He also
al.,Googlebooks preview (https://books.google.com/books?id=zv0UA held office as legatus Syriae (117): see H. W. Benario in Roman-
AAAIAAJ&pgis=1) O. Neugebauer and H. B. Van Hoesen, "Greek emperors.org (http://www.roman-emperors.org/hadrian.htm)
Horoscopes" Memoirs of the American Philosophical Society, 48, 76, 32. Anthony Birley, Hadrian the Restless Emperor, p. 68
Philadelphia, 1959, pp. 80–90, 91, and footnote 19, googlebooks 33. Anthony Birley, Restless Emperor, p. 75
preview of 1987 edition (https://books.google.com/books?id=kEgnLp 34. Karl Strobel: Kaiser Traian. Eine Epoche der Weltgeschichte.
m06zQC) Regensburg: 2010, p. 401.
7. Royston Lambert, Beloved And God, pp. 31–32. 35. Robert H. Allen, The Classical Origins of Modern Homophobia,
8. CIL VI 10909 ([Text http://www.edr- Jefferson: Mcfarland, 2006, ISBN 978-0-7864-2349-1, p. 120
edr.it/edr_programmi/res_complex_comune.php? 36. Hidalgo de la Vega, Maria José: "Plotina, Sabina y Las Dos
do=book&id_nr=EDR131420&partId=1] on the Epigraphic Database Faustinas: La Función de Las Augustas en La Politica Imperial".
Roma) Studia historica, Historia antigua, 18, 2000, pp. 191–224. Available
9. Morwood 2013, pp. 5 & 43. at [1] (http://campus.usal.es/~revistas_trabajo/index.php/0213-2052/a
10. Opper 2008, p. 34. rticle/viewFile/6224/6238). Retrieved 11 January 2017
11. On the numerous senatorial families from Spain residing at Rome 37. Plotina may have sought to avoid the fate of her contemporary, former
and its vicinity around the time of Hadrian's birth see R. Syme, empress Domitia Longina, who had fallen into social and political
'Spaniards at Tivoli', in Roman Papers IV (Oxford, 1988), pp. 96–114. oblivion: see François Chausson, "Variétés Généalogiques
Hadrian went on to build an Imperial villa at Tivoli (Tibur) IV:Cohésion, Collusions, Collisions: Une Autre Dynastie Antonine",
12. Alicia M. Canto, "La dinastía Ulpio-Aelia (96–192 d.C.): ni tan in Giorgio Bonamente, Hartwin Brandt, eds., Historiae Augustae
Buenos, ni tan Adoptivos ni tan Antoninos". Gerión (21.1): 263–305. Colloquium Bambergense. Bari: Edipuglia, 2007, ISBN 978-88-
2003 7228-492-6, p. 143
13. Anthony Birley, Restless Emperor, pp. 24–26 38. Marasco, p. 375
14. Anthony Birley, Restless Emperor, pp. 16–17 39. Tracy Jennings, "A Man Among Gods: Evaluating the Significance of
Hadrian's Acts of Deification." Journal of Undergraduate Research:
15. Anthony Birley, Restless Emperor, p. 37
54. Available at [2] (http://www3.nd.edu/~ujournal/wp-content/upload
16. John D. Grainger, Nerva and the Roman Succession Crisis of AD s/Full-Print-Edition-with-cover_09-10.pdf#page=62) Archived (https://
96–99. Abingdon: Routledge, 2004, ISBN 0-415-34958-3, p. 109 web.archive.org/web/20170416045613/http://www3.nd.edu/~ujourna
17. Thorsten Opper, The Emperor Hadrian. British Museum Press, 2008, l/wp-content/uploads/Full-Print-Edition-with-cover_09-10.pdf) 16
p. – 39 April 2017 at the Wayback Machine. Accessed 15 April 2017
18. Jörg Fündling, Kommentar zur Vita Hadriani der Historia Augusta (= 40. This made Hadrian the first senator in history to have an Augusta as
Antiquitas. Reihe 4: Beiträge zur Historia-Augusta-Forschung, Serie his mother-in-law, something that his contemporaries could not fail to
3: Kommentare, Bände 4.1 und 4.2). Habelt, Bonn 2006, ISBN 3- notice: see Christer Brun, "Matidia die Jüngere", IN Anne Kolb, ed.,
7749-3390-1, p. 351. Augustae. Machtbewusste Frauen am römischen Kaiserhof?:
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Alan K. Bowman, Peter Garnsey, Dominic Rathbone, eds. The Zürich 18.-20. 9. 2008. Berlin: Akademie Verlag, 2010, ISBN 978-3-
Cambridge Ancient History – XI. Cambridge U. P.: 2000, ISBN 0-521- 05-004898-7, p. 230
26335-2, p. 133. 41. Thorsten Opper, Hadrian: Empire and Conflict. Harvard University
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21. Boatwright, in Barrett, p. 158 42. David L. Balch, Carolyn Osiek, eds., Early Christian Families in
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that Hadrian's election to the praetorship was contemporary "to the Eerdmans Publishing, 2003, ISBN 0-8028-3986-X, p. 301
second consulate of Suburanus and Servianus" – two characters that 43. Anthony R Birley, Hadrian: The Restless Emperor, p. 54
had non-simultaneous second consulships – so Hadrian's election 44. Alan K. Bowman, Peter Garnsey, Dominic Rathbone, eds., The
could be dated to 102 or 104, the later date being the most accepted Cambridge Ancient History, XI, p. 133
45. Mackay, Christopher. Ancient Rome: a Military and Political History. 78. Rose Mary Sheldon, Intelligence Activities in Ancient Rome: Trust in
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18299-8, p. 375 n.co.uk/art/heritage/story/0,,2284520,00.html). The Guardian.
Retrieved 9 June 2008.
48. Historia Augusta, Life of Hadrian, 3.7
49. In 23 BC Augustus handed a similar ring to his heir apparent, 80. Paul Veyne, Le Pain et le Cirque, Paris: Seuil, 1976, ISBN 2-02-
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Agrippa: see Judith Lynn Sebesta, Larissa Bonfante, eds., The World
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51. Fündling, 384; Strobel, 401.
82. Paul Veyne, " Humanitas: Romans and non-Romans". In Andrea
52. John Richardson, "The Roman Mind and the power of fiction" IN Giardina, ed., The Romans, University of Chicago Press: 1993,
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I.G. Kidd. New Brunswick: Transaction Books, 1995, ISBN 1-56000- 83. Christol & Nony, p. 159
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66. Michel Christol & D. Nony, Rome et son Empire. Paris: Hachette, of Zeus was erected there, dedicated to Hadrian as Cyrene's
2003, ISBN 2-01-145542-1, p. 158 "saviour and founder". See E. Mary Smallwood, The Jews Under
67. Hadrien Bru, Le pouvoir impérial dans les provinces syriennes: Roman Rule from Pompey to Diocletian : a Study in Political
Représentations et célébrations d'Auguste à Constantin. Leiden: Relations. Leiden, Brill, 2001, 0-391-04155-X, p. 410
Brill, 2011, ISBN 978-90-04-20363-1, pp. 46f 101. Anthony Birley, pp. 153–5
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104. Opper, Hadrian: Empire and Conflict, p. 171
70. Nigrinus' ambiguous relationship with Hadrian would have 105. Anthony Birley, Restless Emperor, pp. 164–7
consequences late in Hadrian's reign, when he had to plan his own
succession; see Anthony Everitt, Hadrian and the triumph of Rome. 106. Anthony Birley, Restless Emperor, pp. 175–7
New York: Random House, 2009, ISBN 978-1-4000-6662-9. 107. Kaja Harter-Uibopuu, "Hadrian and the Athenian Oil Law", in O.M.
71. Birley, Restless Emperor, p. 91 Van Nijf – R. Alston (ed.), Feeding the Ancient Greek city. Groningen-
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73. Richard P. Saller, Personal Patronage Under the Early Empire.
108. Brenda Longfellow, Roman Imperialism and Civic Patronage: Form,
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49. Direct links to Hadrian's poems in the A.P. with W.R. Paton's Wiley & Sons, 2012, ISBN 978-1-4051-9032-9, p. 1
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eekanthology01pato#page/474/mode/2up), VII 674 (https://archive.or Anciennes. Tome 61, 1959, n°1–2. pp. 202–206.available at [13] (htt
g/stream/greekanthology00patogoog#page/n375/mode/2up), IX 137 p://www.persee.fr/doc/rea_0035-2004_1959_num_61_1_3617_t1_0
(https://archive.org/stream/greekanthology03pato#page/70/mode/2u 202_0000_2). Accessed 30 April 2017
p), IX 387 (https://archive.org/stream/greekanthology03pato#page/21 279. Susanne Mortensen: Hadrian. Eine Deutungsgeschichte. Habelt,
6/mode/2up)
Bonn 2004, ISBN 3-7749-3229-8
50. T. J. Cornell, ed., The Fragments of the Roman Historians. Oxford
280. Franco Sartori, "L'oecuménisme d'un empereur souvent méconnu :
University Press: 2013, p. 591 [review of] M.A. Levi, Adriano, un ventennio di cambiamento". In:
51. Opper, Hadrian: Empire and Conflict, p. 26 Dialogues d'histoire ancienne, vol. 21, no. 1, 1995. pp. 290–297.
52. Historia Augusta, Hadrian 2.1 (https://penelope.uchicago.edu/Thaye Available at [14] (http://www.persee.fr/doc/dha_0755-7256_1995_nu
r/E/Roman/Texts/Historia_Augusta/Hadrian/1*.html#2). m_21_1_2249). Retrieved 19 January 2017
53. Fox, Robin The Classical World: An Epic History from Homer to 281. The Classical World: An Epic History from Homer to Hadrian. New
Hadrian Basic Books. 2006 p. 574 York: Basic Books, 2006, ISBN 978-0-465-02497-1, p. 4
54. Birley, Restless Emperor, p. 62 282. Steven H. Rutledge, "Writing Imperial Politics: The Social and
55. The Historia Augusta however claims that "he wore a full beard to Political Background" IN William J. Dominik, ed;, Writing Politics in
cover up the natural blemishes on his face" (https://penelope.uchicag Imperial Rome Brill, 2009, ISBN 978-90-04-15671-5, p. 60
o.edu/Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/Historia_Augusta/Hadrian/2*.html#26. 283. Adam M. Kemezis, "Lucian, Fronto, and the absence of
1), H.A. 26.1 contemporary historiography under the Antonines". The American
56. "Byzantine first & last times" (http://www.byzantium.xronikon.com/stat Journal of Philology Vol. 131, No. 2 (Summer 2010), pp. 285–325
first.html). Byzantium.xronikon.com. Retrieved 7 November 2012. 284. Mary Taliaferro Boatwright, Hadrian and the Cities of the Roman
57. "Barba – NumisWiki, The Collaborative Numismatics Project" (http:// Empire. Princeton University Press, 2002, pp. 20-26
www.forumancientcoins.com/numiswiki/view.asp?key=Barba). 285. Birley, Restless Emperor, 160
Forumancientcoins.com. Retrieved 7 November 2012. 286. K.W. Arafat, Pausanias' Greece: Ancient Artists and Roman Rulers.
Cambridge University Press:2004, ISBN 0-521-55340-7, p. 171.
87. Boatwright, 20 292. Thomas E. Jenkins, Antiquity Now: The Classical World in the
88. Paul Veyne, L'Empire Gréco-Romain. Paris: Seuil, 2005, ISBN 2-02- Contemporary American Imagination. Cambridge University Press:
057798-4, p. 312. In the French original: de l'Alexandre Dumas, du 2015, ISBN 978-0-521-19626-0, p. 121.
péplum et un peu d'Ubu Roi. 293. A'haron Oppenheimer, Between Rome and Babylon: Studies in
89. Danèel den Hengst, Emperors and Historiography: Collected Essays Jewish Leadership and Society.Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2005,
on the Literature of the Roman Empire. Leiden: Brill, 2010, ISBN 978- ISBN 3-16-148514-9, p. 199.
90-04-17438-2, p. 93. 294. Birley, Hadrian: the Restless Emperor, 7: Birley describes the results
90. Alan K. Bowman, Peter Garnsey, Dominic Rathbone, eds., The of Ernst Kornemann's attempt to sift the Historia Augusta biography's
Cambridge Ancient History', XI: the High Empire, 70–192 facts from its fictions (through textual analysis alone) as doubtful.
A.D.Cambridge University Press, 2000, ISBN 978-0521263351, p. B.W. Henderson's 1923 English language biography of Hadrian
132. focuses on ancient written sources, and largely ignores or overlooks
the published archaeological, epigraphic and non-literary evidence
91. Anthony R Birley, Hadrian: The Restless Emperor. Abingdon:
used by Weber.
Routledge, 2013, ISBN 0-415-16544-X, p. 7.

References

Primary sources
Cassius Dio or Dio Cassius Roman History. Greek Text and Translation by Earnest Cary (https://archive.org/stream/diosromanhistory08cassuoft
#page/424/mode/2up) at internet archive
Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Augustan History. Latin Text (https://penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/Historia_Augusta/Hadrian/1*.
html) Translated by David Magie (https://penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/Historia_Augusta/Hadrian/1*.html)
Aurelius Victor, Caesares, XIV. Latin "Caesares: text – IntraText CT" (http://www.intratext.com/IXT/LAT0199/__P5.HTM). Intratext.com. 4 May
2007. Retrieved 13 March 2010.
Anon, Excerpta of Aurelius Victor: Epitome de Caesaribus, XIII. Latin "Epitome De Caesaribus: text – IntraText CT" (http://www.intratext.com/IXT/
LAT0210/__P5.HTM). Intratext.com. 4 May 2007. Retrieved 13 March 2010.

Inscriptions:

Eusebius of Caesarea, Church History (Book IV), "Church History" (http://www.newadvent.org/fathers/250104.htm). www.newadvent.org.
Retrieved 13 March 2010.
Smallwood, E.M, Documents Illustrating the Principates of Nerva Trajan and Hadrian, Cambridge, 1966.

Secondary sources
Bârcă, Vitalie (2013). Nomads of the Steppes on the Danube Frontier of the Roman Empire in the 1st Century CE. Historical Sketch and
Chronological Remarks. Dacia. OCLC 1023761641 (https://www.worldcat.org/oclc/1023761641).
Barnes, T. D. (1967). "Hadrian and Lucius Verus". Journal of Roman Studies. 57 (1/2): 65–79. doi:10.2307/299345 (https://doi.org/10.2307%2F29
9345). JSTOR 299345 (https://www.jstor.org/stable/299345).
Birley, Anthony R. (1997). Hadrian. The restless emperor (https://archive.org/details/hadrianrestlesse00birl). London: Routledge. ISBN 978-0-
415-16544-0.
Boatwright, Mary Taliaferro (1987). Hadrian and the city of Rome. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press. ISBN 9780691002187.
Boatwright, Mary Taliaferro. (2002). Hadrian and the Cities of the Roman Empire. Princeton: Princeton University Press. ISBN 978-0-691-04889-
5.
Canto, Alicia M. (2004). "Itálica, patria y ciudad natal de Adriano (31 textos históricos y argumentos contra Vita Hadr. 1, 3" (https://web.archive.or
g/web/20071015233845/http://dobc.unipv.it/dipscant/athenaeum/athenaeum.html). Athenaeum. 92 (2): 367–408. Archived from the original (htt
p://dobc.unipv.it/dipscant/athenaeum/athenaeum.html) on 15 October 2007.
Everitt, Anthony (2009). Hadrian and the Triumph of Rome. New York: Random House. ISBN 978-1-4000-6662-9.
Dobson, Brian (2000). Hadrian's Wall. London: Penguin.
Gibbon, Edward, The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, vol. I, 1776. The Online Library of Liberty "Online Library of Liberty – The History of
the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, vol. 1" (http://oll.libertyfund.org/index.php?option=com_staticxt&staticfile=show.php%3Ftitle=1365&Ite
mid=27). Oll.libertyfund.org. Retrieved 13 March 2010.
Giurescu, Dinu C.; Fischer-Galaţi, Stephen A. (1998). Romania: a Historic Perspective. East European Monographs. OCLC 39317152 (https://w
ww.worldcat.org/oclc/39317152).
Lambert, Royston (1997). Beloved and God: the story of Hadrian and Antinous. London: Phoenix Giants. ISBN 978-1-85799-944-0.
Mócsy, András (8 April 2014). Pannonia and Upper Moesia (Routledge Revivals): A History of the Middle Danube Provinces of the Roman
Empire. Routledge. ISBN 978-1-317-75425-1.
Morwood, James (2013). Hadrian. London; New York: Bloomsbury Academic. ISBN 9781849668866.
Opper, Thorsten (2008). Hadrian: Empire and Conflict. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press. ISBN 9780674030954.
Speller, Elizabeth (2003). Following Hadrian: a second-century journey through the Roman Empire. London: Review. ISBN 978-0-7472-6662-4.
Syme, Ronald (1997) [1958]. Tacitus. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-814327-7.
Syme, Ronald (1964). "Hadrian and Italica". Journal of Roman Studies. LIV (1–2): 142–9. doi:10.2307/298660 (https://doi.org/10.2307%2F29866
0). JSTOR 298660 (https://www.jstor.org/stable/298660).
Syme, Ronald (1988). "Journeys of Hadrian" (http://www.uni-koeln.de/phil-fak/ifa/zpe/downloads/1988/073pdf/073159.pdf) (PDF). Zeitschrift für
Papyrologie und Epigraphik. 73: 159–170. Retrieved 12 December 2006. Reprinted in Syme, Ronald (1991). Roman Papers VI. Oxford:
Clarendon Press. pp. 346–357. ISBN 978-0-19-814494-6.

Further reading
Danziger, Danny; Purcell, Nicholas (2006). Hadrian's empire : when Rome ruled the world (https://archive.org/details/hadriansempire00dann).
London: Hodder & Stoughton. ISBN 978-0-340-83361-2.
Everitt, Anthony (2009). Hadrian and the triumph of Rome. New York: Random House. ISBN 978-1-4000-6662-9.
Gray, William Dodge (1919). "A Study of the life of Hadrian Prior to His Accession". Smith College Studies in History. 4: 151–209.
 Gregorovius, Ferdinand (1898). The Emperor Hadrian: A Picture of the Greco-Roman World in His Time (https://books.google.com/books?id=D2
0G5zMpPfUC). Mary E. Robinson, trans. London: Macmillan. ISBN 9780790552286.
Henderson, Bernard W. (1923). Life and Principate of the Emperor Hadrian. London: Methuen.
Ish-Kishor, Sulamith (1935). Magnificent Hadrian: A Biography of Hadrian, Emperor of Rome. New York: Minton, Balch and Co.
Perowne, Stewart (1960). Hadrian. London: Hodder and Stoughton.
Modena Altieri, Ascanio (2017). Imago roboris: Adriano di Tel Shalem (https://www.lintellettualedissidente.it/controcultura/arte/imago-roboris-adri
ano-di-tel-shalem/). Rome: L'Intellettuale Dissidente.

External links
Historia Augusta: Life of Hadrian (https://penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/Historia_Augusta/Hadrian/1*.html)
Hadrian coinage (http://www.wildwinds.com/coins/ric/hadrian/t.html)
Catholic Encyclopedia article (http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/07104b.htm)
Major scultoric find at Sagalassos (Turkey) (http://www.archaeology.org/online/features/hadrian/), 2 August 2007 (between 13 and 16 feet in
height, four to five meters), with some splendid photos courtesy of the Sagalassos Archaeological Research Project (http://www.archaeology.org/
online/features/hadrian/1.html)
Hadrian, in De Imperatoribus Romanis, Online Encyclopedia of Roman Emperors (http://www.roman-emperors.org/hadrian.htm)

Hadrian
Nervan-Antonian dynasty
Born: 24 January AD 76 Died: 10 July AD 138

Regnal titles
Preceded by Roman Emperor Succeeded by
Trajan 117–138 Antoninus Pius

Political offices
Preceded by Succeeded by
Suffect consul of the Roman Empire
Appius Annius Trebonius Gallus, Quintus Pompeius Falco,
108
and Marcus Appius Bradua and Marcus Titius Lustricus Bruttianus
with Marcus Trebatius Priscus
as Ordinary consuls as Suffect consuls

Consul of the Roman Empire

Preceded by Succeeded by
118
ignotus, Lucius Pomponius Bassus,
with Gnaeus Pedanius Fuscus Salinator
and Gnaeus Minicius Faustinus and Titus Sabinius Barbarus
Bellicius Tebanianus
as Suffect consuls as Suffect consuls
Gaius Ummidius Quadratus
Succeeded by
Preceded by Consul of the Roman Empire
Marcus Paccius Silvanus Quintus
Lucius Pomponius Bassus, 119
Coredius Gallus Gargilius Antiquus,
and Titus Sabinius Barbarus with Publius Dasumius Rusticus,
and Quintus Vibius Gallus
as Suffect consuls followed by Aulus Platorius Nepos
as Suffect consuls

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