IOSR Journal Of Humanities And Social Science (IOSR-JHSS)

Volume 21, Issue 3, Ver. III (Mar. 2016) PP 63-70

e-ISSN: 2279-0837, p-ISSN: 2279-0845.
www.iosrjournals.org

Panchayati Raj Institution in India: Prospects And

Retrospections
Geeta And Sanjay Mishra
Mrs. Geeta is a Ph.D research scholar (Political Science) at Mewar University, Chittorgarh, Rajasthan
Dr. Sanjay Mishra, Associate Professor of Political Science at M.M.H. College Ghaziabad.

Abstract: The concept of Panchayati Raj is unquestionably Indian in origin. Panchayati Raj bodies, which are
genuine and effective democratic decentralized institutions, provide ample opportunities for a large number of
rural people to take genuine and effective participation in the development and democratic decision-making
process and to infuse in the minds of the rural people a spirit of self help, self dependence and self reliance and
to obtain the experience in the art of local self-government. Panchayati Raj institutions have been playing an
important role in order to monitor these rural development programmes. These institutions have been helpful in
identifying real beneficiaries in order to get maximum benefits out of these schemes. A number of hurdles and
constraints and deficiencies are also responsible for failure of these rural development programmes. In this
paper, an attempt has been made to examine various issues, aspects and dimensions related to Panchayati Raj
Institutions in Ghaziabad district of Western Uttar Pradesh. It has been sought to analyze changes in the rural
society and its impact on socio-economic transformation due to panchayat, political participation, and political
mobilization etc. There are number of factors responsible for created hurdles in performing the role of PRIs.
These are castism, groupism and factionalism, which resulting to bitter infightings, allegations and counter-
allegations, mutual suspicions and rivalries etc.
Keywords: Women, panchayati raj institution, participation, awareness, governance, knowledge.

I. Introduction
Panchayati Raj, a synonym of democratic decentralization, was introduced in India in the late 1950s
and early 1960s to restore to the erstwhile institution of Panchayat the pristine glory that it enjoyed in ancient
India. It represents a political ideal and is reflected in the rural local-self government in its institutional form.
The concept as such is not new to India. The plea for greater autonomy to the rural bodies received conceptual
strength with the advent of Mahatma Gandhi on the national scene and his enunciation of the doctrine of the
national development through autonomous rural organizations which he drive to model on the lines of
Panchayat system as it prevailed in ancient India. He envisaged five-tier system of Village Panchayats, Taluka
panchayats, District panchayats, Provincial panchayats, and All-India panchayats. The administrative system
envisaged by him was that of a pyramid whose broad base was composed of numerous village communities of
the country. The higher panchayats shall tender sound advice, give expert guidance and information supervise
and co-ordinate the activities of the village panchayats with a view to increasing the efficiency of the
administration and public service. But it would be the basic units that would dictate to the centre and not vice
versa. In fact, the whole system would turn upside down, the village shall become the real and moving unit of
administration.
Jayaprakash Narayan, having his own concept of Panchayati Raj had no place for political parties. He
opined that the success of them depended upon the extent to which political parties refrained from interfering
with it and trying to convert it into their hand maiden, and using it as a jumping ground to climb power. “Self-
government through faction-fighting will not be self-government, but self-ruination.” Nehru provided a very
elaborate account of the Panchayats which worked admirably in the ancient period. They had enjoyed vast
powers, including executive and judicial. Cases brought before Panchayats were expeditiously decided. It has
been clearly brought out by Radha Kumud Mukerji in his book entitled “History and Culture of Indian People”
that in the Mauryan Empire the village community functioned like a self-governing corporation or republic
giving to the people healthy chance to run their government and manage their own local concerns and affairs.
Thus, the Indian polity in those days was broadly based on truly democratic institutions.
Government‟s attempts to do developmental work through the institutions of Block Development
Officers, in addition to nominated representatives of village Panchayats of that area and some other
organizations like the cooperatives societies, failed miserably to accomplish decentralization to any satisfactory
extent. Some state governments did try their best to decentralize powers but the overall situation did not
improve. From 1957 to 1986, many committees including Balvantray Mehta (1957), K. Santhanam (1963),
Ashok Mehta (1978), GVK Rao (1985) and L.M. Singhvi (1986) made a number of recommendations to the
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 Panchayati Raj Institution in India: Prospects And Retrospections

center. The resulting idea was introduced as a bill (64 th Constitutional Amendment Bill) in the Lok Sabha in
1989 to achieve the above stated conflicting objectives. Though this bill could not be enacted, the idea was
translated into the 73rd Constitutional Amendment Act, 1992, which has brought about a new innovation in the
grassroots politics in the country. It was hailed as a historic step in the empowerment of the people not only with
a view to ensuring their more effective participation in the electoral process at the grassroots level, but also for
entrusting them with a greater role in decision-making and developmental functions in matters of their
immediate concern. For the first time PRIs have been admitted as the third stratum of our democracy and federal
polity. The new law focused the attention of the nation on the political structures and process of rural India, their
significance for the rural society and their participation in the operation of these structures.
In the context of the changed scenario related to Panchayati Raj, it is essential to assess the impact of
the above political innovations on the nature and pattern of grass roots politics in Western Uttar Pradesh. The
major portion of population of Western Uttar Pradesh, as elsewhere in India, live in the villages and the working
of panchayati raj institutions in this state has affected the life of the rural masses and they have realized a sense
of participation in the democratic functioning of the government. It is true that a plethora of studies exist,
regarding the various aspects of Panchayati Raj Institutions. But very few systematic studies have been
conducted with specific reference to, rural factionalism, groupism, secret leadership, struggle and impact of
reservation of seats for the women, SCs/STs and OBCs etc. It can fairly be assumed that this innovative and
radical step must have influenced the process and pattern of grass roots politics.

II. Objectives Of The Study

i. To analyse various aspects, issues and dimensions related to Panchayati Raj Institutions.
ii. To examine changes in the rural society and its impact on socio-economic transformation due to panchayat
raj institutions, socio-economic development, political participation, and political mobilization etc.

III. Hypothesis Of The Study

i. Number of factors such as groupism, caste system, education, occupation, election, local politics, and
socialization etc. are responsible to determine the effectiveness of Panchayati Raj Institutions.

IV. Review Of Literature:

The Ashok Mehta Committee (1978)1 was set up to enquire into the working of the Panchayati Raj
Institutions and to suggest measures for strengthening them soon to enable centralized planning and
development in order to be effective. The Committee suggested that the formation of structure, functions, and
utilization of financial, administrative, and human resources on Panchayati Raj Institutions should be
determined on the basis of emerging functional necessity of administration of rural development.
B.S. Bhargava (1979)2 has discussed issues and problems in regard to panchayati raj movement in the
country in general and Karnataka in particular. Efforts have been made to discuss major recommendations of the
Asoka Mehta Committee with a view to highlight issues and problems of great significance in reforming
panchayati raj. Finally, he suggested that there is a need for rural development to strengthen the rural
infrastructure for development, faith in panchayati raj and timely elections to these bodies.
S.P. Jain (1999)3 has emphasized the need for action plan for awareness generation about working of
Gram Sabha. He stated: “It has been observed over the years that the performance of the Gram Sabha has
suffered due to lack of awareness among the people about the concept and utility of the institution of Gram
Sabha, and their own role in making it successful. Any effort directed towards strengthening this institution,
therefore, requires a very serious action plan for awareness generation about various aspects of working of Gram
Sabhas among the people”.
D.C. Shah (2002)4 depicted that Gujarat‟s experience to make its Panchayati Raj Institution self-
sufficient is not contrary to dismal performance elsewhere in the country. Total income of District Panchayats,
through, increase once, this increase seems to be substantial only at current prices. If we account for the price
rise, we find that the total income of District Panchayats of late is stagnating. What, however, is worth noticing
is the fact that, of total income District Panchayats about 70 per cent to 95 per cent accrued from grants.
Dhaka and Dhaka (2004)5 dealt with a case study of SC women in Haryana, study showed that many of
them are not aware of their role and responsibilities in PRIs. Nor the social inhibitions and disabilities allow
them to assert themselves. It is so primarily because most of them are illiterate, lack leadership quality, forced to
observe purdah and their husbands or fathers-in-law represent them in panchayat meetings and take over
functions expected of elected women members.
Manjusha Sharma (2005)6 emphasized Karnataka experiences indicate that women in the younger
generation show an interest in the PRIs. The majority of them are married but the significance attached to
marital status seems to be declining. The participation of female members in youth associations, mahila

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 Panchayati Raj Institution in India: Prospects And Retrospections

mandals, cooperative societies, etc. was low compared to male counterparts. The women members particularly
preferred family planning and health to education.
W. Waseem Ahmad et. al. (2008)7 emphasized that during the Uttar Pradesh Panchayat Elections in
2000, women have entered Panchayati Raj institutions in large numbers. Women representation in Uttar Pradesh
has shown a similar trend of being weak and inefficient leaders at different places. Leadership of women in the
context of Uttar Pradesh is still at a growing stage. They are still in the learning process to take up leadership
role.
Sarathi Banarjee (2010)8 depicted that the sacrosanct institutions of Panchayat have turned into tools in
the hands of the power-managers to mobilize rural people in their quest for more power and ultimate supremacy
in the state politics. Notwithstanding the process of democratization in rural society initiated by the PRIs, these
institutions seem too vulnerable to fall victims to party bias (in some other state it may be caste or class bias),
apart from personal corruption. The political usurpation of panchayat power by the party may be more fatal than
the economic usurpation of panchayat funds as evident in the case of West Bengal.
Harendra Sinha (2011)9 concluded that streamlining the grassroots democratic bodies in Mizoram is
essential. Development initiative for the rural people and autonomy should go together. It increases the
opportunities for the popular initiative and participation in administration which ultimately strengthens
democracy. The parties in power should show actual political will to introduce PRIs or bring legislation in
revising the Councils.
P.K. Viswanathan and Amit Mandal (2012)10 concluded that gender mainstreaming through NREGS in
India also faces a major challenge in terms of creating or devising institutional intermediations that could result
in better gender participation outcomes in the scheme. In this context, those states with low levels of women
participation could learn from the experience of Kerala, where the institutional intervention by the
“Kudumbashree” has been quite successful in creating extremely high levels of gender work participation in the
state.
R.R. Prasad (2012)11 revealed that it would suffice to say that alternatives are open at every level, but
they depend on a collaborative universe which brings into its orbit youth and elders from tribal communities,
perceptive researchers and sensitive academicians, legal practitioners and organization behavior specialists,
open administrators and conscious functionaries, proactive Panchayati Raj Institutions and vibrant communities
and their organizations.
Karunakar Singh (2012)12 revealed that the 73rd Constitutional Amendment has emerged an effective
instrument to unleash the tremendous energies for social transformation in the Indian society Strong political
institutions at the grass roots level are a necessary condition for carrying out the new possibilities of the post
73rd Constitutional Amendment of PRIs. The 73rd Constitutional Amendment has aided the process of inclusion
by providing reservation to Dalits and other weaker sections.
Sibtosh Bandyopadhyay (2013)13 emphasized that democratic institutions at the grassroots level should
be free from political control and interference. Moreover, the responsibility of representatives should have
original creativity apart from their political obligation. But, what is actually happening in rural West Bengal in
last three decades? In addition, due to that, the rural West Bengal is turned to an open arena for political fight.
Johani Xaxa (2013)14 emphasized that an important requirement for bringing about empowerment of
rural women is to bring about attitudinal change in both men and women. Therefore, they should be imparted
education for bringing about social and political awareness among both. There should be increased emphasis on
ensuring the participation of women in the meetings of Panchayats at all the levels.
G.R. Jayanandam & Panjala Narasaiah (2014)15 depicted that since states have been given option to
formulate conformity Acts under the main Act, state governments led by regional parties have done better than
the other states. This Act has thrown challenge to age old caste system, power structure and domination of
„haves over the have-nots‟. As expected empowered women and oppressed classes have been humiliated,
harassed and prevented from enjoying their rights conferred on them by the 73 rd Amendment of the Constitution
Act.
Poonam Chauhan & Gulnar Sharma (2015)16 revealed that the grass root organization of cooperatives
have been advocating policy reforms and projects that improve women‟s social mobility, provides platform for
social interactions and improve their active participation in community matters. These initiatives have ripple
effect benefiting society and future generations.

V. Methodology
The present study has been conducted in Ghaziabad District of Western Uttar Pradesh. It is mainly
based on primary source of information and data. The sample size is 300.

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 Panchayati Raj Institution in India: Prospects And Retrospections

VI. Results And Discussions:

Results of the collected data from the study area have been discussed as follows:

6.1 Political Participation:

In this section, an attempt has been made to analyze political participation of rural people including
role perception at grass roots level in the study area. Further, it has sought to examine issues, dimensions, and
aspects related to political participation of rural people at the grass roots level.
Table – 1 depicted that 88.66 per cent of the respondents agreed with follow-up panchayati raj system
in the village, and 11.33 per cent of the respondents felt against about it. Further, 74.66 per cent of the
respondents were found to be member of various political parties, out of which 39.28 per cent of the respondents
were member of the BSP, 33.92 per cent of the respondents supported to SP, 12.50 per cent of the respondents
were members of Congress, 11.16 per cent of the respondents were members of the BJP, 1.78 per cent of the
respondents felt communist party and 1.33 per cent of the respondents were found with other political parties for
membership. Thus, majority of the respondents were attached with regional political parties.
Table – 2 revealed that 59.82 per cent of the respondents were actively participated in political
activities and 40.17 per cent of the respondents did not participate actively in political activities. Further, that
62.00 per cent of the respondents attended party meetings regularly, 25.00 per cent of the respondents did not
attend any party meeting and 13.00 per cent of the respondents rarely attended party meetings. Out of which
(who attend the party meeting regularly), about the issues regarding discussion in party meeting, 24.73 per cent
of the respondents were felt about increasing of member, 30.10 per cent of the respondents were agreed with to
work according to party meeting, 21.50 per cent of the respondents felt priority to panchayat work, 16.12 per
cent of the respondents felt about reservation in panchayat and only 7.52 per cent of the respondents were found
agreed with encouraging to dalits & minorities class about the issues discussion in party meetings. Thus,
majority of the respondents actively participated in political activities and the take part in political meetings.
Table – 3 revealed that 64.00 per cent of the respondents participated in an election campaign, out of
which 47.91 per cent of the respondents participated in panchayat elections campaign, 13.02 per cent of the
respondents were participated in state legislative elections campaign and 10.41 per cent of the respondents were
actively participated in Lok Sabha election campaign. Thus, majority of the respondents had participated at
grass roots level elections campaign.

6.2 Factors Related to Rural Development

Table – 4 revealed that 72.66 per cent of the respondents felt that gram sabha has been playing an
important role in rural development programmes in the village. 26.14 per cent of the respondents supported the
programmes i.e. construction of roads and sanitation works. 28.89 per cent of the respondents supported another
programmes on health and education. 24.77 per cent of the respondents felt that panchayat has started small
saving schemes for the rural people. 20.18 per cent of the respondents supported the programmes of hand
pumps.60.66 per cent of the respondents were written to the panchayat to solve these problems, and 39.33 per
cent of the respondents did not write to panchayat about the same. 42.85 per cent of the respondents agreed with
panchayat have solved these problems and 57.14 per cent of the respondents felt that the panchayat did not solve
their problems. Thus, panchayat has been playing an immense role to solve their problems of the people.
Table – 5 revealed that 44.00 per cent of the respondents felt that MNREGA has been implemented by the
government. 19.00 per cent of the respondents agreed with surva shiksha abhiyaan, 16.00 per cent of the
respondents supported to national agriculture development programmes, 12.33 per cent of the respondents
agreed with Indira Awas Yojana and 8.66 per cent of the respondents expressed their opinion that national rural
health mission plan has been implemented by the government.
Further, the Table depicted that 24.33 per cent of the respondents felt that these schemes were
successfully implemented, 75.66 per cent of the respondents did not agree about this. Out of which, 40.52 per
cent of the respondents expressed their views castism is the main problem to implement these schemes. 26.43
per cent of the respondents indicated as lack of awareness is the main problem in this regard. 12.33 per cent of
the respondents supported to favourism is the main problem. 12.33 per cent of the respondents agreed with
corruption is the main problem and 8.37 per cent of the respondents felt that red tapism is the main problem.
Thus, panchayat have been playing an immense role to implement various programmes provided by the
government for rural development, and also panchayat faced various problems to successfully implement in
these programmes.

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 Panchayati Raj Institution in India: Prospects And Retrospections

Table – 1
Views of the Respondents About Political Awareness According to age groups
Age of Do you follow-up Are you member If yes, tell name of political party
the Panchayati Raj of any political
Respond System in your party?
ents (in village?
complete Yes No Yes No Congre BJP Samajwa Bahujan Com Others
d years) ss di Party Samaj mu-
Party nist
Party
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11
18-25 21 04 17 06 02 02 07 06 00 00
(7.00) (1.33) (5.66) (2.00) (0.89) (0.89) (3.12) (2.67) (0.00) (0.00)
26-45 106 14 93 29 12 11 30 37 02 01
(35.33) (4.66) (31.00) (9.66) (5.35) (4.91) (13.39) (16.51) (0.89) (0.44)
46-60 110 11 91 27 11 10 31 36 01 02
(36.66) (3.66) (30.33) (9.00) (4.91) (3.33) (13.83) (16.07) (0.44) (0.89)
61 and 29 05 23 14 03 02 08 09 01 00
above (9.66) (1.66) (7.66) (4.66) (1.33) (0.89) (3.57) (4.01) (0.44) (0.00)
Total 266 34 224 76 28 25 76 88 04 03
(88.66) (11.33) (74.66) (25.33) (12.50) (11.16) (33.92) (39.28) (1.78) (1.33)
Note: Percentage Indicated in the parenthesis.

Table – 2
Views of the Respondents About Political Awareness and Activities in Political Parties According Groups
Age of If you are Do you go to party meeting? If yes, tell issues regarding discussion in party
the member of any meeting
Respo political party,
nde- tell nature of
nts (in participation
compl Active Passive Yes No Rare Increas Priority Encour To work Reserv
eted ing of to aging according at-ion
years) membe panchay to to party in
rship at work dalits manifesto pancha
& yat
minorit
ies
class
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11
18-25 10 07 15 05 03 03 02 01 06 03
(4.46) (3.12) (5.00) (1.66) (1.00) (1.61) (1.07) (0.53) (3.22) (1.61)
26-45 55 38 74 29 15 18 17 05 23 11
(24.55) (16.96) (24.66) (9.66) (5.00) (9.67) (9.13) (2.68) (12.36) (5.91)
46-60 54 37 76 28 14 19 16 07 21 13
(24.10) (16.51) (25.33) (9.33) (4.66) (10.21) (8.60) (3.76) (11.29) (6.98)
61 and 15 08 21 13 07 06 05 01 06 03
above (6.69) (3.57) (7.00) (4.33) (2.33) (3.22) (2.68) (0.53) (3.22) (1.61)
Total 134 90 186 75 39 46 40 14 56 30
(59.82) (40.17) (62.00) (25.00) (13.00) (24.73) (21.50) (7.52) (30.10) (16.12)
Note: Percentage Indicated in the parenthesis.

Table – 3
Views of the Respondents About Political Awareness and Activities in Political Parties according to Age
Groups
Age of the Did you participate in election If yes, tell which level of participation?
Responde campaign?
nts (in Yes No Rare Lok Sabha State Legislative Municipality Panchayat
completed Assembly
years)
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8
18-25 12 07 04 03 02 02 05
(4.00) (2.33) (1.33) (1.56) (1.04) (1.04) (2.60)
26-45 77 27 10 07 09 22 39
(25.66) (9.00) (3.33) (3.64) (4.68) (11.45) (20.31)
46-60 84 21 12 08 11 25 40
(28.00) (7.00) (4.00) (4.16) (5.72) (13.02) (20.83)
61 and 19 17 10 02 03 06 08
above (6.33) (5.66) (3.33) (1.04) (1.56) (3.12) (4.16)

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 Panchayati Raj Institution in India: Prospects And Retrospections
Total 192 72 36 20 25 55 92
(64.00) (24.00) (12.00) (10.41) (13.02) (28.64) (47.91)
Note: Percentage Indicated in the parenthesis.

Table – 4
Views of the Respondents About the Major Development Programmes According to level of Education
Level of Do you want to If yes, tell about programmes Did you write to If yes, was it
Educati give credit about panchayat about solved by
on some major problems? panchayat?
development
programmes to
gram sabha?
Yes No Construc Health Small Hand Yes No Yes No
-tion of and saving pumps
roads Educat schemes
and ion
sanitatio
n
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11
Upto 48 24 12 14 13 09 39 29 18 21
Primary (16.00) (8.00) (5.50) (6.42) (5.96) (4.12) (13.00) (9.66) (9.89) (11.53
)
Upto 44 21 13 12 10 09 36 28 15 21
Middle (14.66) (7.00) (5.96) (5.50) (4.58) (4.12) (12.00) (9.33) (8.24) (11.53
)
Upto 54 18 13 15 14 12 43 29 19 24
High (18.00) (6.00) (5.96) (6.88) (6.42) (5.50) (14.33) (9.66) (10.43) (13.18
School )
Upto 36 10 11 10 07 08 32 17 12 20
Interme (12.00) (3.33) (5.04) (4.58) (3.21) (3.66) (10.66) (5.66) (6.59) (10.98
diate )
Graduat 24 06 05 08 07 04 21 10 09 12
ion (8.00) (2.00) (2.29) (3.66) (3.21) (1.83) (7.00) (3.33) (4.94) (6.59)
P.G. 12 03 03 04 03 02 11 05 05 06
(4.00) (1.00) (1.37) (1.83) (1.37) (0.91) (3.66) (1.66) (2.74) (3.29)
Total 218 82 57 63 54 44 182 118 78 104
(72.66) (27.33) (26.14) (28.89) (24.77) (20.18) (60.66) (39.33 (42.85) (57.14
) )
Note: Percentage Indicated in the parenthesis.

Table – 5
Views of the Respondents About Implementation of Development Programmes According to level of
Education
Level Some Major Development Programmes, Successfully If No, What Problems Faced by
of Implement by Government Implemented Panchayats?
Educat MNR Indira Surva Nation Nati Yes No Lac Fav Red Corr- Casti-
ion EGA Awaas Shiks al onal k of ou- Tapi uption sm
Yojana ha Agricul Rura Awa rism sm
Abhiy ture l r-
an Develo Heal enes
pment th s
Progra Mis
mme han
Plan
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13
Upto 30 07 12 10 06 16 51 13 07 06 06 19
Primar (10.00 (2.33) (4.00) (3.33) (2.0 (5.33) (17.0 (5.7 (3.0 (2.6 (2.64) (8.37)
y ) 0) 0) 2) 8) 4)
Upto 27 06 09 12 07 13 50 11 05 07 08 19
Middle (9.00) (2.00) (3.00) (4.00) (2.3 (4.33) (16.6 (4.8 (2.2 (3.0 (3.52) (8.37)
3) 6) 4) 0) 8)
Upto 31 09 12 10 05 18 52 14 08 03 05 22
High (10.33 (3.00) (4.00) (3.33) (1.6 (6.00) (17.3 (6.1 (3.5 (1.3 (2.20) (9.69)
School ) 6) 3) 6) 2) 2)
Upto 21 03 10 09 03 12 36 11 04 02 04 15
Interm (7.00) (1.00) (3.33) (3.00) (1.0 (4.00) (12.0 (4.8 (1.7 (0.8 (1.76) (6.60)
ediate 0) 0) 4) 6) 8)
Gradu 15 06 06 03 02 07 23 07 03 01 02 10
ation (5.00) (2.00) (2.00) (1.00) (0.6 (2.33) (7.66) (3.0 (1.3 (0.4 (0.88) (4.40)
6) 8) 2) 4)

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 Panchayati Raj Institution in India: Prospects And Retrospections
P.G. 08 06 08 04 03 07 15 04 01 00 03 07
(2.66) (2.00) (2.66) (1.33) (1.0 (2.33) (5.00) (1.7 (0.4 (0.0 (1.32) (3.08)
0) 6) 4) 0)
Total 132 37 57 48 26 73 227 60 28 19 28 92
(44.00 (12.33) (19.00 (16.00) (8.6 (24.33) (75.6 (26. (12. (8.3 (12.33) (40.52
) ) 6) 6) 43) 33) 7) )
Note: Percentage Indicated in the parenthesis.

VII. Critical Assessment

Grass root politics are related with certain factors that are playing an important role in determining
political activities at the grass root level. These factors include: caste, occupation, education, political power,
leadership, political party, mass media etc. These factors already discussed earlier have also found to have direct
or indirect linkages between grass roots politics and rural leadership, participation in politics/elections,
failure/successes of panchayat, voting, and rural development. It is imperative to note that rural people are not at
all aware about democratic decentralization and political participation. After casting their votes in the Panchayat
elections they forget their further duties and they are yet to learn to act as development participants in the PRIs
and even they have been taught to think themselves as part and parcel of the grassroots governance. Therefore,
party politics, specifically, the ruling party interference and dominance over the PRIs violate the very essence
and philosophy of democratic decentralization and grassroots governance.
Thus, it is clear that a number of factors have been influencing grass roots politics in the PRIs. These
factors are: democratic consciousness, participation in elections, welfare of the masses, satisfaction on the
functioning of panchayats, education, rural banks, and voters. And related to these are other factors such as:
majority caste domination, property, land, religion, affiliations of political leaders and different parties,
politicalisation, and socialization of rural masses. This is a fact that these factors have been playing a pivotal
role in determining the level of grass roots politics in functioning and responsibilities of the panchayat leaders
and panchayat system in rural society.
Various development programmes were started by the government for rural development in India,
these programmes have been helpful in eliminating poverty, unemployment, inequality, raising educational
facilities, agricultural development, infrastructure development, development in small scale and cottage
industries etc. These programmes have been found to be very helpful for the upliftment of scheduled castes and
scheduled tribes people, women and children living in rural areas. The devolution of power to panchayats for
organizing and executing various programmes of socio-economic development and providing adequate financial
support for the purpose will be making the plan formulation and their execution through people‟s participation
more realistic and efficient. The strengthening of panchayati raj institutions through specific provisions in the
constitution will greatly help this process of transfer of planning functions from the state level to the district and
panchayat level.
It is true that panchayati raj structures set up in our country are not doing very well and that there is a
need to revitalize them. There is basically a need to evolve a comprehensive concept of panchayati raj, which
clearly spells out as to what kind of roll is expected from it. It is also important to realize that representative
participation may not lead to mass participation in our kind of socio-economic rural power structure. Changing
this structure or at least strengthening the position of the poor against exploitation is an important requirement
for the success of panchayati raj. The emerging scenario of the dynamics of development and the thrust on
decentralized planning opened new vistas of development. In sum, institutional, structural, and functional
contours of Panchayati Raj have to be in conformity not only with the accelerating pace of development but also
with the developmental strategies and policies that have evolved over a period of time.

VIII. Conclusions And Suggestions:

The study concluded that the panchayat system has fragmented the rural society in Uttar Pradesh. It has
created cleavages and generated tensions leading to castism, groupism and factionalism. This leads to bitter
infightings, allegations and counter-allegations, mutual suspicions and rivalries which generally result in clashes
leading to long drawn out litigations. The factionalism starts with different groups among panchayat leaders.
The ex-leaders and defeated panches, pradhans and up-pradhans play an important part in fomenting groupism.
This generally happens within the members of same economically dominant castes and classes.
The study further concluded that the activities of village panchayat have been indicated useful and
helpful about rising political awareness, feel political power, expectation for good life, fight for the rights, take
interest and participate in village work and develop new horizon at village level to justice and welfare for rural
people in the society. The study also revealed that the majority of the respondents have been consulted and
influenced by different categories of the people like caste leaders, local panchayat leaders, party works, friend
and relatives. Finally, it is imperative to note that rural people are not at all conscious about democratic
decentralization and political participation. After casting their votes in the Panchayat elections they forget their

DOI: 10.9790/0837-2103036370 www.iosrjournals.org 69 | Page

 Panchayati Raj Institution in India: Prospects And Retrospections

further duties and they are yet to learn to act as development participants in the PRIs and even they have been
taught to think themselves as part and parcel of the grassroots governance.
Panchayati Raj institutions have been playing an important role in order to monitor rural development
programmes. These institutions have been helpful in identifying real beneficiaries in order to get maximum
benefits out of various schemes. Under the schemes priority has been given to scheduled castes and scheduled
tribes, women, weaker sections and the upliftment of backward areas. A number of hurdles and constraints and
deficiencies are also responsible for failure of these rural development programmes.
Further, in order to strengthening the panchayati raj institutions in India there are need to the elected
representatives of the panchayats should exercise superintendence and control over government officials, i.e.
serving the Panchayats instead of playing a subordinate role. Thus, there is an urgent need to educate local
leadership about their legitimate role in nation-building and the governance of the country. The Gram Sabhas
should be fully involved in the plan formulation, implementation, monitoring and evaluation of the development
works to be undertaken by the Gram Panchayats. The NGOs of repute may be assigned the job of creating
awareness among the members of Gram Sabha. The presence of the women should also be ensured in particular.
Since women for the first time have entered into Panchayati Raj politics at a large scale, proper training for them
is highly essential. In this connection it may be recommended that for women representatives two types of
training be given, i.e. one exclusively for them and another a combined one with their male counterparts.

Acknowledgements
The authors express heart full thanks to Mr. Harit kasana, Scientist at National Institute of Biologicals,
Noida for his continous support and encouragement throughout the work.

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