‘Oxford in Indis Readings DEBATES IN INDIAN HISTORY AND SOCIETY “Sovias Elton: Samvasacaet Buartacteanes, B.D, CHAPTORADEYATA, Rrcuanp M, Eaross Rarwwopin AaKiL (Editor) Satan and Society in Medieval Indie Finnaan BARRY Frace (Eiitor) Pig amd Police im the Ely indion Mesque Biswaaor Part (Editor) ‘The 1857 Rebellion (OUP) Scorr €. Le nia and Con Asia ‘Commerce and Culture, 1500-1809 Brcatmant Paasan Sant (Editor) ‘Tron and Social Change ou Early Frais Scena Auawt (Editor The Bigheensh: Comry it Indi (OI) “Avira Pt Sess (Eattor) Soci ana Religious Reform “The Hindus of Brisish India (O1PD Davo N.Lonsozsse (Edit) Religious Movements i Sout Abia 600-1800 (OIF) G Basaceeasonan (Edicor) dna and she World Eroramy Brower Craxnapanry (Eeieost Kausune Rov (Editor) it Ala THE DECLINE OF THE MUGHAL EMPIRE edited by MEENA BHARGAVA # Scanned With Cam>scal OXFORD |UNDVERSITY FREES’ apT OXFORD UNMmRacrY Pass (nfo Uninery Press is a department of the Univetsey of Onto ‘Pe inthe UK and in cercain other unis Published in India by Osford Universe Press YMCA Libeary Building, 1 Jsi Stagh Read. New Delhi 110001, Inia . © Onfond University Pess 2014 1 Oar DOE apement sphere autocad Flex Edition published in 2014 righ organization Eg ‘owe chould be see co You muse noc exalt cis woe im anyother Form and you must irapoteehissame condition on any acquser “Typeset ia Adobe Gararacnd Pro “yy Sai Gespbie Design, New Delhi Printed in india 3¢ by Replika Press ve, Led ebjective of excellence in research, scholarship, Worldwide, Qnford iss registered trademark of Contents Series Edivord Note Introduction Meena Bhargava Le Prom From Akar ta Aurangeeh: A Study om Indien Economic History WH. Moreland 2. The Jagindaci Crisis: A Fresh Look ‘Satish Chandra (Causes of the Fall of the Mughal Empire isis in the Deccan 1¢ Decline of the Mughal Empire rer 6, ‘The ‘Great Firms Theory of the Decline of the Mughal Empire Karen Leonard 7. The Patsing of the Empire: The Mughal Case M, Atha Al B. The Structure of Adminisiration ‘Chern Singhs 9, The Formation of a Regionally Oriented Ruling Group 128 141 169 Scanned with CamScanra cons 20. Frac The Crist af Empire in Mahal North Bn “Ausedh and che Punjab, 1707-1743 Muzaffar Alara Torrumen ana Blecaarr: Nerth Indian Age of British Expansion, 1770-1870 “About the Editor and Gomtvibstert aa 28 24 Series Editors’ Note Iadian History and Sociey sis focuser on the ip hstorleal discourse, The eres addeases South Asian Hiscory fineluding consemporany focused themes ply iferenest sumeworke which and from whose perspective? Scholars have debared century; when Baitishealer th Indian # ninzve 5. 50 did aameworks for anderstanding Mughal decine, “Theories of shat decline ged as new ot differen sorts of daca pistocans hands “The woul ia recnarhably Wide range of hitarcal explanations sniking for one of dh liveient debates in al oFSaurh Asian hissoriogeaghy. This canned with campscanrorraas! NOTE volume presents the reader with samples of different approaches to this enduring question, written by leading scholars from around the world, SABYASACH BHATTACHARYA BD. CHATTOTADHYAVA RICHARD AL EATON Introduction MENA Buanaara jous debure, Many propo: been made. It may be pertinent #8 fan of the most value-loaded oalysis—actuslly mean? Cerca theweakeningand collapseef the Mughst Empire overshadowed teenth century, itwat by no means the only;phenomenon of Regional pol cures emerged and thrived amidst the waning of Mughal poster. In these provincial and regional politest a i Scanned with CamScanrTT Sm x wntrgqucto” reapuerion other trinsregional forces, since chee large ©) and Ortornan) all faced thelr define at roogiy the the failore af the centre co tein the loyalty of regional ti suppor the empire fvaily or commercially: (4) cultura, sien, | PERSONALITY AND THE RELIGIOUS POUCY OF THE MUGHAL EMPERORS >canned with Lamac er understanding of the colon empire into disorderly wiccessor stam ies have argued fand diseupt the trade peactices of the East Indi turn compelled the Company to assume divest 3 transforming it from 2 merchant coms eeenth century formulation of at in pr-colonialIadia, suggesting that wos of chese backward practices a) uate ot Privede i 1K eetlnediaa trgaaaio tienxi ergoDUCTION decline by posing questions that were personaliry-atiented — How was the work of Akbar and » Man Singh, and Mic Jurnla undone? “Why did the seemingly flouelshing state of Aurangicb fl down like 2 house of cards only thirty-one years afer his death? In reviewing ‘he history of these thiery-one years, Irvine concluded that the Rawed ary cause of imperial decline. The nobles, he sugges sapriciows dismissal and de emperor was « sluggaed or a fool of the nobilicy. (Theis) selfish 3 each group or “Apart from holding che degenerative character of che emperocs and tables responsible for the decline, Irvine also accused Aurangzeb of alienating the 1556-1605), wha had made monarchy ino a bes, Aurangzeb annexed Jodhpur after the des waded Mewar, ‘incessantly destcoyed temple’, and imposed the jaziyt clans but convineed all other Hindu zaces of India that they had ‘no Jot o¢ parc in the ‘Moghal seate and shae for che preservation of their honour and liberty of conscience, thay must look elsewhere’. This provided aa epportunity for fe Matathas, whe appeared 'ns heaven seat! co the the staunch supporcersof the Mughs saying Kans ie che feling, [reine 1c of the edes co Shivaji by the Hindi poet Bhuchaa. According to levine, Bhushan. voiced the unspoken thoughts of millions of Hindus all over India, wha by the end of the seventeenth century regieded the Mughal government at ‘Satanic! and therefore sefused to cooperate with it." Levine was in some respects he me in the 1930s, Sarlar used the same tools of assessment a understand developments in the eigheeeah century, Characerizing che “od a politically ehaoti¢ and economically crisis-ridden, he foessed swragpuenon and Deccan carnpaigns as the principal canazebs reign may have ssewed signe ef being tne British days, Sarkar fele that sigas of the empire's ine disruption were unmistakable. Unrels chat well Before che invasions of Ns “Abdali (1761), ‘the Padishah [proved] tobe an impatens shadow of topalcy aed Delhi the mere memory of past greatness, long befose the Maratha confederacy hid beneath its supersimposed sway the regular monarchy ofthe land” Yeas before the death of Aurangzeb in 1707 nad become financially banks woes: the emperor, his courcand family, the by best officers live there for a quarter century and to a place of secondary importance’, The generals an “enforced exile’ sighed to reraen 10 their homes ie the snomh. Sarkar cited the exaraples of a homesick noble who apparently cmpeior one lakh of rupees co spend a yeat in Delhi, of ‘of Rajput soldiers who. grieved over the diminishing of their breed "by 9 Decean away from home and Family’. ister had convinssd the emperor af the militacy successes in the Deeean and urged him ro move back co Delhi ‘Aurangzeb remained adamant in his obstinate sesolve to “root out" che sue of Deccan, Akbar, or that contributed to by Akbar. Aurangzeb’ idealo marked a profound Shik form A chat alienated Sikhs an R tcbelled against Mugh: Aweangred, Sather ar r Elaboratingon the e r "Quranie polity made life intolerable Scanned with CamScanrxiv mernpeUEWON ig were demolished, that an of the population deprived of the light of knowkedge, de religion, deprived of social union. and selconfidence gotten by the and use of epporn humiliation and p closed to:him as long as he re For Satkar, such policies made Aucangze’s ‘the worst ofan empire composed of many ereeds and races, ofdiverse interests and ‘ways of life and dhoughe’ "The emperoc' orthodox Sunnism produced discurbances. They deteriorated ks resources and thereby weakened the Siate of which they formed more than ewo-thirds'" So, concluded Sarkar, when Aurangzeb ‘closed his a jamissakably set_iai Indo- 1 whose agent was gone, it had ao power Mughal Seace’ manifested itself when the impe: ‘was avacked by Baji Raoé cavalry in 1737, followed by the of Nadir Shah and the ‘utter collapse of the Government of Del 17382 Irvine’s and Sarkar’s explanation for the dec Empire hardly akes us beyond of eighteenth century Persian chrom in the sense thar bos ine and Sarkar also see evidence of « "Hindu rexction’ In che anti-Mughal revolts of Rathors; Bundelas, Mi and Sikhs, Mueaffar Alam, however, advances a conteary view, arguing thatthe rebels and ‘disturbers’ mentioned tn.contemparary sources were swobeing made rs btar* ssapoucrion ” sdntifled either by eheir class—namely as eamindars—or by cheircasse clan, of segion* “Tientieth century hisorians lke Ishwari Prasad, S, R. Sharma, and Jagdish Narayan Sarkar subscribed to che Irvine Sarkar interpretation. ef Mughal history, Ishwari Prasad argued chav che sesetian segs the aplrtof toleration begun in the etige of Shabjahan beesng mare pronounced under Aurangzeb, when che adi ‘theocratic character, Aurangzeb, he sald, g2™ ample evidence of hit ds, forbade Jnguishing the land of the aninfide land’, Prasad also blamed Aurangreb forinducing ‘conversion to lara by offering incentives and cherished posts fo thors indus who renounced their religion, “The seve’, he observed, “became a large missionary inseieution which extended its favour to renegadesand Pal promises ieeapectie of reie art efilency ov Aseungzele Jost all sense of proportion in the glare of religious defiance and wath ofthe Hindus and rendering con: the neo eorrmunitics impossible. This led ro 's cruel and a sanguinary conflies becween the opposing fers complete ruis." 1c may be true chat Aurangzeb attempted 1 che Mughal sve with [samic orthodosy, but to suggests Jagdish Narayan Sarkat, Prasad, and Sharma do—that this alienated conly the Hindus, or thatthe Hindus alone wee the zouble-malers or thm the “Hindu reaction’ was the ptimary major cause of the decline, iz untenable, Much evidence shows that Muslim affcals and nobles also reacted against sach imperial policies. For example, Muzafiar Alam dngoes thax Malin holdert of madaded malustipends eented problems cof equivalent sature For the empire ‘The abovesmentioned interpretation emphavizing the personality, faithful Pe] 1 Ideslogy, and religious practices of che Mughal emperors why particulacly Aurangnes—was bated on colonial views. James Mills Tie gee Flanory of British India, published in 1817, divided Indian bistory tno i> Hindu, Muhammadan, and Brisish pestods, tho ones (de ge#* 1794) had alresdy propounded the idea of This Orientalise view of history imposed a a, thats, a history of two foreign rules—one Llamic,eyrineical, a Scanned with CamScanrInrkooucTION and despotic; the othee, European and benevalent—preceded by an era deal ads re eerie rt ll the preelonial petiod in India aoc slaply by ihe sligion of the dynasties. He also held char I india had ne vislon of science, +a Such an explanation of history, which ignored processes of change and evolution in an extremely pluralistic Indian sociery, dominated che ‘writing of Indian history well notion that Hiadus during the ‘Muslim’ (medieval) period suffered tyranny was alia a colonial construct used to justify Hindus and Muslims as warring communicies bork leg British presence ia India and prevented the two: comm beyond the mid-cwentieth century’ The tunltiog agnints she foreign rulers2* ‘THE ASSIGNMENT SYSTEM ‘The above-mentioned interpr Hdeolegy-prot 1950s and early 1960s with a series ef publications. ‘Aligash, Univer. These sch the Mughal Empire, mechanised ssiignmenc svscem, Trfan Habib calls of an contradictions. were first observed by Francoi the court of Aurangzeb in the sevenceenth century. Bernier chat the Frequent eransfers ‘jagidardnuaasabters (neti con the sate a a ‘revenue sponge o “Thesignificance of the Mughal assigntmenc system and its my tation, derived fron. perso! lace provided a systemic per a French physician wl had argued its had left a disastrous impact on the who felt deprived and had no incentive | | | nrnonucrion to improve the laa or it production, Instead hey appropriated lage agrieultnral production sermons for shemashoon ted and Commenting on the bekaviour oF Bernier weote of sates (landholders Governors, and Revenue Contra he momanch, ifs dupored, bas no rican af to bis capital—a ryranny often necessaries of life and lerve ther thar drives the euluvaror of the sal kom concern (or the pessane. cdars covasds the peasancs. sheeranay fT tyranny which even In provines nat eentguows deprive che pean and seas of che tiscy aad ehruscon .. 2 HTALMY: fis ered bome to some neighbouring #30 - ‘execeable ryranny inthe fiequene tans jag. Sccsng the apprebensons ofthe jagidars, Bernier remarked, "We {fagindars) may be deptived of it (agi) Im 38 gle moment, and our ‘exertions would benefic 16 ier ourselves ner our children. Let us draw from the I) the money we can, though the peasane ould starve ‘or abscond, and we should Jeave it, when commanded te quit, 2 dreary wilderness." Bernier made these scatemenee in a letcer writ the late 1660s 10 1583), the finance minister of France's King Bernier feund the canseoft aroposition of the ‘rst? in che Mughal assignment pressed W, H. Moreland, and then [rfan Habib and ‘Arhar AIL This promprs us into a compelling query: why was Belers hypothesis on the aisignment system fo eagerly accepced for developing the argument for an “agrasian cris’, whereas his theaties about the liited nature of Mughal pewer— aamely, thas “The empire of the Great Mogol comprehends several nations, over which he is not absolute master —wat dismissed er eounterargued? Perhaps his camimentary, ss be addressed bls correspondents int France, had a chetoriea! purpose.” |. A member of the Ftench landed geniry class, Bernier probably wished to critielze revenue Geming ssa prinelple—a practice prevalent ie France dhea—and instead advocate for an indispensable, urgent need for secur imate property in land. Believing thac such security Was absent in I rious defect in Maghal sh to see repeated in France. Thus hhe may have wished to influence Colbert's revenue po! argue: Sanjay Subrahmanyam, Mughal India served as al Scanned with CamScanrwhich he presented his views of what would happen to France if certain despotic and eyrannical policies were followed." Accepting the arguments laid out by Bernier, W. H. Moreland, i several works published in the 1920s, sessed che exploitative nature of she Mughal revenue assignment syscem. Like fadunach Sarkar, he bel neereat fo extract the utmost posible sum from successive grant.” Elabozating on che impact of the assignment system, he noted che incteasing pressure on the peasantry, in particular ¢ productive resources of the empire, com ual of agrleulural pod ad the question was whether In (Mughals) or under the economy under petiod of Akt sh was an improvemes sms of per capita owrpwe and consumption. His views were asp influenced by his long posting 2s revenue offical in the United Provinces, where he constantly opposed state interference jaserade, high land revenue assessmencs, and the ‘houriows espenditures ‘of landowners. Moreland, it appeath wished ro suggest thac Mughal espotism and heayy wxation smothered tendencies cowards private propery inland. char domestic ade was sporadic and scan: td that foreign trade was lngely based on the exchange of p seme wt the Europeans simulated and expanded Indian textile exporss” Tin the 1960s, the debate on she decline of che Mughal Empire rook a came towards the [efi with a series af publications fiom Aligach Trivenicy that reiverated the Tongcheld opinton_on the eighteenth ‘Gaarry as poliica tis and_crisis-tis These included Satish ‘Chandi’ Partice and Pofeicr at the Mughal Court 1707-1740 (1959), Tefen Habib: The Agrarian Sytem of the Mughal Empire, 1556-1707 (1963), M. Achar Als The Nobility under Aurangech (1966), and Noman Ahmad Siddiqui's Lind Revenue Adiminiunarion snder the. “Moghul, 1700-1750 (1970). Shifting sway from individuals and, personalities, these histo identified sseial groups wi tendionsarsing fara syreemi eather than| ‘Daawinga kind of a diagram of tensions berween the emperor, the jagiedars/mansabdars, the zamindars, and mitts (pearaneh, they argued that equilibrium, they could estab Jef unconcrolled, er if che grip on them were loosened, the rele could +r and inseablliry. In another line of 5, Nurul Hasan emphasized the sensions berween the scate and the ru based 'genccy’, or zamindas, in order ro understand che mechanism of the Mughal state, particularly duri Published. in 1959, Savish Ch Mughal Cours was the firse serious eodying there swhose policical problems were accompanied by & tyscem, Although the emperors had evolved a number of adminisative devices co facilicae the proper functioning of the manabdari (raked ~ nobilicy) system, these practices failed to overcome a basie administrative, Scanned with La mocantlable revenue worptus was inn pet ig deemands, iewed the siruation at the ead of realized that the empire imposed fresh improve cultieation. Yet he to se were inordinate delays a thay were ultimasely granted, they sancuoned pay The jagirdass, observed a 1 the jagics allotted lasses around Agra, the bosdass of Ralpotana, sly tracked a luge ive apparent od a where appicultume bad mureniue fins wh the lower grides—demanded salaries farmed out thle {agiss co different ty . concluded, was at eoota systemic tive devices for provement in the ‘As he discovered new archival with the growth of central autho» to the central governmet wetnmeat or the zamindass for the redressal of theie s Ied co 1 criangular or tripolar relationship berween the eamindars, fof the sevens goveinment managed to convince zamindars and cultivators shat it wat mere profitable for them to look te the € support in‘resolving thei grievances than t0 1 balance that could be easily disturbed by cffects of serious struggles far pawer at the nobly, challenges to the empire by migrations, or conflicts based on casce,ecligi ‘of ‘tripolar relationships was further invest ‘who added « fous dimension in the form of midd-+ ma ‘ash {ssipend) ‘holders and large number of indigenous elements such as Shaikhzadas in Awadh and Khutts in Punjab. As classes who drew on imperial funds, they also contributed to defining the nature of the struggle for consral of resources during this periad.*? ‘Avtasial and economic crisis appeared as ead so-called period of cy of factors, such as the centre, discontencment i . & Scanned with CamScanrof law and onder oF €9 © land revenue over lange parts of the empire. This. in due wtrepuenon il course, had repercussions on the rest ofthe empire. The ag venomenoa that wat I (espa hasbeen included in eis volume, He cbeeres hs see the jagindar crisis a mere xian. Even 2 cursory look 3 about lack af paibagl. They also reves) nds half and D In check the-centifogal forces eepresented by the vad allow for administrative cencralization. Arguing thus, exis all class leading to a break-up of central pol at dhe core of ‘the Mughal erste of empire’. ‘seminal work The Agrarian Sytem of Mughal Ind | Empire and the pol ince they could be transferred moment. For . the maximum from ween if it proved detrimental and ruinous to the pesseet'y L o vem ich a deepening soci c the ruling >canneg witn Camocanrsai Israpouerion and descoyed the later’ revenur-paying capacity, Following Berner’ argued thar the fevlopment. In and a henry burden on the peaane, oflisdthood Tb etapa explolarias aad Gppieaiion. pap the GAT revenue and fled the fields, making ‘peasant migrations a geacral fexture ofthe agrarian life of owe pesiod’. Such tendencies 8 Habibyledeo an “agrasian exiss! in cheeighteenth cencucy.and thew! collapse of the empire. The tamindars were yet ant q 4 danger to law and erder by refusing to pay the revenue and had co be subjugated by either the faujdar (local earmmandant) 2 the hh the imperial authorities was over the sie of thelr governmens, although Habib noces that the za ‘not uniformly established over all peasant up Jasmere these lsyues in “The Agrarian Causes of the Fall ofthe Miu 42 tworpart article that has been reproduced in. this vol systems of oppression, argues Habib, the Mughal Empire became ics awn grave-digger, The forees pitced agaioae ic weve so comtirured that the mate hiiled o provide an alternative or anew order. To the contratys F thes had represented, ‘devastated the towns, throwed. and thus created ideal eandivions for foreign eangu Habib's arguments are detived from awide use of Pe ceflece a Mazsist perspective, yet chey betray the influenc or go fand of WH. Moreland model, What Movelind p pf, (Desporisme, Habib ‘categorized as class-based on, He argued Ser eaiiie commercial seructure of the Mughal Indian economy was thatthe entire commercial sucture of tl | relying wpon a system of direct agrarian exploituion lly no rural market almost al produce to the com the peasans was argely par uf oy sal ruling elas, He also argued that proc ay Jesised for urban evafts, and cae sural monet eS tirely from the need to tranafersucplus 2g tov Thus asserting thatthe mallvexcernal charge + eighteenth seaturys vigepUCTION vow thestates revenue demand, Habib agre=s with Moreland thac‘nexc to the jee development became apparent in the capital was denied a large atk ‘The empire was thu ice bur 06 srophy. Wi these rents, any fearares that may have appeared capi eieaetees soem ded int che backround. model of a fiscally cencralized state. decline not ta an exorbitant land revenue rcributed the ihe horeage offagits. He observed that the jagirda cy till the middle of Aurangreb's eign, jpremure of the Deccan wars an the demand bu shad worked wich tolerable efficient ‘uc that because of the increas empire financial resources. and the dislocation of the administration ‘ured by the absence of the emperor and. his cowst from northern India, che complicated mechanism for the assignment of jagies lox: ies ‘ellceney. Athar Al argues that Aurangzeb' lnc years ‘sw the first sage of the end’. The crisis wwas na paibeg left’, meaning that there were no areas left for assigning Jars.” Compelled by the searciry of palbaqi, the emperor aceiiie jgis ofsome nobles so thas he could give them co others. This situation ‘was czuted by che influx of Deccan nebles so whom Aurangecb had ranted mansabr-on a laege scale B 3, he understoo (never be assigned ber not only with the jaginds Fer almos fifcen yeas nila 1975 symjfat eos fet bal he nigra of Ssh Coen Mn sis bot with the amocanr anned witmatraueton Habito; and Atha Ali had held ; 1 had. held centre stage. But at chac symposium Michael NL » Telia Richards, and Peter Hasty proposed understandings for the decline, According to Hardy, when f Chandra, Habib, and Achar Ali are cead coget ten Mughal archival sourses an berween 1687 an: Deccan. He accepts ‘ecanamis squeeze’ yur, Goleqda, and te Maratha kingdom argument abot by Aurangzeb berween 1686 and 1685 contributed w factional conflict within the n ophal government demoralized mansahder in the Decca refused to obey imperial rman: afer 1700. By 1711-12 re had resoreed to open jon ro put porentally lands whose cevenues irdarp—ihile the beast increased anual revenur by 26 pet cent th Scanned with CamScanrni seopuenow the emperor continued co transfer paibagi distsics td kha, granting jagis from khalisa In his article “Shivaji and the Decline of the Mughal Empl ’ Pearson finds substance in Athar Alls argument about insulfictentjagiex be-jagir) bus disagrees with Athat Ali calculation of the rate of in- crease in Aurangeeb’s and also wich + reign into periods even when thar Als calculaséons are corrected, che lange inerease in the number ef nobles in the late seventeenth century. In bhi view, rouble for the empire began in the last few years of Aurangueb’s rule, and its root cause lay in the emperor's move towards the south, a the signs of éccline, namely. an imbalance berween the number of Jagisdars and che jagire available, pcasanc revolts, and disioysl acbility Pearson asks: Wf these were the circumsran: the south produced. why was it undercaken af al? His anrwer lies in the composition af the Mughal nobly, che nature ofthe nobles relationship ‘o the empire, and the impact cha: Maratha successes wp 10 1666 had arson makes several assumptions about ‘une narure of the Mughal sate ane! its nobility, Hie argues that Mughal rule was ‘very indirect’ and thas the subject population was divided by Language, kin, exte, accupation. locality, religion, and 9 on. The care of che empire, angucs Pearson, was composed of oly a small number cof men, that is, the mansabdars, who were bound to the emperor by rect pacronage ties and were the oaly anes in whom the concept of the Mughal Empire ‘ourseighed other primordial attachments. The continuance of thit patronage depended neither an seligion nor om race, but on milizary success; the nobles followed che empetor a8 2 person and "this person had co be a In such 2 eystem, che only wa) ley: peror mas by Integr omy dhe mansabdars I ocher subjects were loyal to the social praups 12 iragoucrion vain hich hy eon and co the empleo ve mperan Peon then examines th impact ofthe Mughal” Billare wolfe 80) 0 on af his rack oft Shaista Khaa, and Mot of Surat had all made the ‘iagely’ of ‘emperor bad mobilized his entire spuina the successors of single, in, Se far Pearron, the fundament problem al sys sratus, his escape fom his sack of the key Mul In effect evolvea more impersonal pal Comment Jcles of Pearson and Richards, Peter Hardy insisted om the isporcance of the study of military technology and «he rrilitary ethor to explaén Mughal decline. It might help. he says. co “wotking af one of the'real’ options avallable co the emperors he Akbat had adopted it for seme cimel—narely. the aption salutes in cash (naga) by extending: the area ef khalisa thar of jagirs, Or, Hardy asks, in view of the ethos of the nobility was it mote presigious co be paid by jagir than in cash? Noting the growing fuctionalism amongst the nobles during the las years of Aurangzeb's reign fax documented by Satish Chandra and Achar swat the Mughal fil All, Hardy suggests that we explore how importanc the mansabdars * is pringely contenders fer the mansabdats were proportionate to their pol asia, if Mamuri and Khafi Khan were aggrieve out to the new appointees fiom the Deccan in the allot were those writers rele vo confirm whether againsc the Marathas was of decisive impoztanee. Also Fa med Gavalry would have been of greats Marathas, as opposed co the traditional Mughal hea the preference for the use of heavy cavalry attributable than to military conservatism=—'to a fecling that service in the Mughal dragoons was the only fic form of military secvice for a gentlemen’? And ifthe Maratha lighe cavalry posed the main tactical chreat to the Maghal 2canned with La miScatreceuctian sstaooueTo dhat the empire ~ Mi ‘gras fume’ who played erelcal al sstems “The rasan for this neglect he rary accept Peutsan's suggestion dh personalized Mughal bureaucracy was the source ofall the samin and ‘passive and pa of by a sttong, imperial government» Leo the organization and volume of economic 268 and heir participation in. pe ax differ Jnability of local communities eo mob integrations thetefore, rem red on the coor: ‘even while any banking firms and snerehar diversification.” “Through her emphasis eaended the observations of (agin res, Further st the not een ae of the (reac fens Leomard Calkins and M, NL Pearson holdings. Alam Scanned with CamScanr3 axe infrooucTion: . wearicgeouetion oat d who studied he poliea! roles of merchanes i id aa firs indispensable services might have consibuted we Mughal dein. respectively.” Howeves v8" Calkins nor Pearson suggested that the At banking firms such af this one coneributed 10 imperial Mughal financial system depended on the merchants’ ered ae TE a rorury. Richards sional regional rulers of the early decades of the eightee hie thas in the seventeenth century cere may have been ‘wealth, but even the empire was derived fiom mer Critical of Leonand’s exaggerated emphasis on the Scanned with CamScanr have shown a keen interes in politic when they impending imperial decliae.* teglonal cormmediey and agio-based era poosinees were deprived. But must have been merchaats who controle companies. Bu ‘eres played & vell-developed culture of book-keeping an ‘come from? tions, Subsahmanyam_and Bayly discuss the ved By ‘portfolio capi 1 poste contcn Company. [owas only with Ben f Manik Chandof Gujarati merchanss in Bengal’ extermal withdrew. Evidence ftom Bena involvement of merchant capital in the 650 generally Mualims or Kayasthar who 1m funcrions thar the great merchant families were ld comforrably engage in political mavters withot ‘Noting that such men ‘co | Subahmanyam and Bayly que thac pecbaps such grex the mansabdaes even before tie beginning. of the land that the disinregration of the Mugh ‘cenrury served further 19 sons idace that merchant eapical and ‘portal {a agtieulcucal production and 10 power and suthoriry thus ‘with the remarkable lowering of a ‘wider and overly celebratory urban culeure of pleasure atthe imperial ia Company in ulated the prokesses holaet writing slnce the 1980s have been concerned inc’ as such, and. more with understanding an of being under pe th 1 banyan 4 ‘oh sightecath and eaely nineteenth century India has ig undeistanding of the histerieal problems of the period, and an impetus for research that is free frorn “Euroceneric hus provided a Scanned with CamScanree to assume gavetning cexponsibilities and encered “ the Mughal Erperoe. Thi 2. Calains 0 = cok fee we round up—a heterogeneous vision with mul form when che larger commercial aad finan greanoe btoteanes ofa igi cing the adminiteaive refocins that accompaniel hese inde feo ison of he Mapa Emig a ppowes shite.” nzconuldeved tie. afte detaining, lawpe: fot the eee ear that biroriane of eighteenth cencury India hase ant much o out understanding of the period” Whatever these historiaas have set aside the notion of a sai, a during, che eighteersh cencury Insready emergence of secure power bases with: ae and commercial sectors (b) the continuing Links “ind markets, leading 10 the creation and growth of India Company's interaction with the indigenous ‘and #8 negetiations with ‘aative’ sepoys © tustenance;”* (4) the Company's adoprien and ved system oF cule, zanke status, and gender €0 histories! processes in the eighteenth cennury. Ne of newly analysed data, 0 accep: of a sagnant economy that licked sufficient to grow: In fact, the eighteenth century no longer appears at a “dark valley in the shadow of towering empi Ce ay Tn thie context, one may ing the ‘established orthodany” chat twith decline, Instead, political decentralization accompanied ‘a brozder process of localisation in the distribucion and organization of power— ff its mukiplication or complest In other words, che paliles of the cighteenth century was more remarkable for Is decentralization accommodate its own # and (¢) shs significance of fe, while its economy and society were buoyant, [owas rar madigine st science” ut asa cultural process cha shaped soctsl % pulsating, ch riburary commercialism 18 change!" These develapinents took place wile the cena ins sutions of ‘Empire continued to disineegease, or a¢ least well before the wages, that made India look appealing and engzeing co M the European companies." mas mentioned above are visible in the works of several reenth and nineteenth century South vn of the East India Company: In general, these arguments Stear the fleebility and adaprbilicy of Indiss sociery and eeonamy, ‘eveiling this period's relative sabiliy and coramercial growth alsa sees economic stabiliry 2nd growth in the half of the eighreench centucy, ehough chis was al criss as oid relationships berween the res were politcaly realigned. The peried also ‘Asia, beginning, in * Schol regi luding Beni ‘and elsewhere.” In his article "TI fended the inqu cs of peri ue Formation of a Regiorslly Ruling Group in Bengal ip Calkins scodied che role of fel sense of regional ideaticy, which further propelled metehants and bankess in she del concluding chat the ollcal and economic decenvralintion. Though auvancageous to Box Pmindass and merchants, the fourishing econemy, engendered con Mict ' onderiy transfor system, and not chaos of Mughal imperial power bro the policical seracture of Bengal decadence, or even administrat rew stronget, nor wea Empire weakened. This was aceompan in province, The power of imperial mansion i Bengal ¢ myer depend on the spor ofthe ere sr Erbe F lagget and seronger zamindatt emerged “song various local groups, as each rid] © maximize iss profs at dhe expense of che others, Para di ‘was achieved almosc wholly wi Jc the central govemnment 1¢ balance of power 1720s the symproms of ps ned since apparent the eepions remained integrated W ‘and monccary transactions, Consequently, economic and monerry instinutions of the seventeenth ceowury that had contribured to the a group of >canneg with Lamscanr* wonders whether the Mughal empire was ever expanded neowork af commerce and credit markets survived the collapse ffthe Mughal Exspice and kepe the ‘erstwhile’ empire interconnected even during the eghteench century's poliical naceoil Alam thus argues that despite the thif from the control of peripheries by the centre in the sewenceench cencity tothe control of the centee bythe peripheries inthe eighteenth century, the myth and Influence’ of Delhi remained unfazed. No eegion could match far lets replace, Delhi's symbolic power inthis petiod.™ Based on his wail on seventeenth cencury Punjab, Chetan. Singh dl. Taking up the Mughal policy of transfetring imperial oflicials te prevent them from becoming locally entrenched, Singh argues chac even though medieval chranicles imply chat the Mughal "bureaustaey” twas prevented from developing 4 regional power bate, this was far from the truth. The appearance af certain names as appaincecs te various petitions in the Punjab suggest chat chough transfers often occurred, Officials cither remained svithin che region or were tansferred. back Fequendy, This was considered 2 way of uliing the regional experince of these officals, though such appointmencs may also have been driven. by polivial considerations. In any event, the item of tasters did noc prevent officals from tong region Of influential mgnsabdars. Particularly towards che later seventeenth ceamury, as imperial supervision was relaxed such to Friction beeween officials. Furthermore, the hierarchy, de and function: of subordinace officials local adminis syst flexibly. Suck funccions of loeal commandants, ox fi the finan was often afccred by the pertonal influence of mansabdar- “According to Singly this regionalization of adminisiruive func indicates thar while the Mughal state eurwardly appeared ‘ceavalize, regional divertey 3 Is seen in seventeenth century Punjab vould hasdly have been accommodated within a rigid and cencralited for ie very sav Fa cereain uni 1330. The pol Cin her A. Bayly hae psi ladies poll e=or turbulence of the eight the Mga ply a he clipe rather nce of cegional dyast es ene eneaion. indeed be af growth and regenera Fea he fs Jy swallowed by 2 larger politics did ot fall, t mas simply a ization had boosted the ee 1735 and. ined ausonomy between ant of reponal ine local powers thet gs ; aoe arn encouraged the growth of 2 rooted service gencry and ¢ merchane elas that operate ih. indice so-ealled ‘Black Cencusy ‘ck merchant capital, rather than its descruction. ncn theagh the mid-ninereench eencury witnessed a change in sce fosmarion tnd a modification of the corporate institutions of mercantile ws merchants and sevice gentry continued ro flourish wel enth century and dominated che commercial and political er colonial petiod lo suggests that the disturbed conditions of the eighteeath centuty contiibueed co the homogeneity and independence of urban ‘olidatties, whieh In turn led co che development of both nationalism and religious communalist in the later nineteenth century, The growth of urbaniam, mercantile activiy, and service people was influenced by external teade that hac remained buoyant throughout the eighteenth feonury and contioued to increne after 1780. Indiss mercantile and urban soctery alo responded t0 the trends of ts peasanc economy, which included (2) an expansion of agricultural. production in. che eastern Ganges valley in the eighteenth century, (b) growth in ageleultueal yield and commersiliation simulated by cash crop production, (2 ccc pars of compan provided by the market and the pola erdetand (8) srenue eration tha drew coger townamen Simla asgurneni have been made by David Ludde mi, Burton Stein, Nichole Disks, David Washbrask, Sanjay Subrahmanyam, Andre inks Stewart Gatdan, amang others. tn his essay ‘The Slow Conquers canned With camscaritereoaucrion abi erasoueriee evden that Ina was being geversed In 8&7 very diffecent From shove er ic was moving in new directions ‘and th Jouiness, and in promi The writes of the conquest of fh was aatually ont fe the prefudid “ee weakening of dhe empitts The Bit ornare in har its sandvriched halt aad the halite fF Bricich Fs recaps que elealy fiom thi dicusion that 9 can captain the decine of the Mughal Empire. Howes, 8 = edge the wide ange oFechlanhip that has coneibutedw 927 and diferent perspectives, x compared, te Focus on che staky of regions themiclves. For the eeawe, the Indian ezonemy and polity showed snd devalopenent [waa neither stale nor sagnant, natin 2 ence, growth allapidaied >canneg witn Lamscanranal retaeovenon NOTES 1, See Andres Hincae, Tie Mughal Epi and Ps Decline: An Ice pasion af Eightensh Cencury Indi beth in M. Achar Ali, Mughal Pin, Sein in Pls Iden Scie and CabreNaw Delhi Orford Urivesity Piss 2008) pp 387-49, 380-0 ‘Farhat Hasan, “Eorms of leness ie Pre-Binsh Indi, itty Public Sphere and : Sage Publications, 2005). inp and Puli ‘Ar Empiee’s End: The Niarn, Hye Mederm Asta Sri, el. 43, . Socnny and Ecology GorsRlpur in Taam, (New Delis Prime Books. 2014, fx published ry ess, 1998) th Century india: Anocher View’ in Mens seeath re Bighteecch Centar ahmanya, poaton) a Comte srs: Prom ele Tas Gefard Uneersiey Press, 2005). pp 2-5. 387 5 Rerhing Ear Modern lait ary indi’ p. 339. 1-179, Wel WL ( Caleutas MC. Sarkar 6c Sons, 1922). pp 307, 13, bid, p. 313. wwaquenas Po Har toveneing Hissar, Discovering de Trade io 19908, Contemporary nai eg Li 1973, fine ecion 1928) pps > Fy of Rarngeib Vo € New Dele Oren: Logan rion 1952) pp- 370-71, D Be IN, Saka, Anecdore: of Annangerb reprint (Calcuts: Monsflar Alma and Sanjay Subrabe ‘adoed in lncla Readings Themes in Indian History 1d University Pes, 1998) 58 of Aurangatb, Vol Ve» 371 739-1754, val. | tNew Detbs 24 1974); § R Sharma, The Reon Pay of oe Mughal Emperor Murchisam Maschadlal Publers 1988); Jagsich Narayan Saskas. A Sry of igcenh Censury fea (Caleta: Saraswat Library, 25, Lbwas Prasad A Short Hon of le im Idi: Fram she Advent iy Press, 2003), pp. S13: Row Blackwall, 1950), pp. 43-6. mn Scanned with Lamsca' wera oucnon 118 For dnl see Romila Thapat, Hacbons Maki, nd Bipan Chand, ‘dnaian Hisrory (New Dedhi: Deuple's Publishing 2, Communalivor in Modern Jndit pp 209-364 Romie Thipat [dan Contiburion of India Historians tegration’, Pending Padion Hb Congr 24th 7p 45-6 Sanjay Subrahmanyam (ed), The ‘Afeaghal State; legal Empire a te. 1968, Fst published London: Oot 204-05. Gabahmanyam, ‘The Mughal Stare—Seructure_or Proce? in The Jaden Economic ad 2 $38, Cheiwopher A. Bayly “Sete and Econs ary Review, Wel, 38. N ne ntary and Geil in India over Severs Hunde ., November 1985, p 565 Journal of Asan Sovaten No i Sar, 9. 56 “afughal Court 1707-1740 0n2, fee publehed cially pp 29-39: “Mughal Norch India, pp 110= 0 Scanned with CamScanr Fhibih, "The Agrarian Causey of che Fall of he Mughal Empl’ guy, Nox 2 8 3, September 1959 & April 1960. Thbiby “The Apratian Causes ofthe Fill of ube Mughal Empl’, gir, No.3, Ail 1560, p. 7B The Bightsensh Ceacary in Sndian Economic Histor’ in "he Eight Conn fn, Debs in bliia History [Delbie Onfocd Universny Pree, 2002), p. 60s al bis Hacc Development inthe Eeatoemy of Megha indi Epon (New Del: the Beonory ‘of Mughal [nda pp. 232—32. Mee aches Ali The Moghel Nobility under Aurengcd (New Delht (Oaford Univertiry Press ew tevited edition, 1997). p. 92. pp: S34. "Handy, ‘Comeencary and Critique, p. 257. pp BS5-6. Fr jehards, “The {meri Ceiss in the Deccass wre of Asan sem, No. 2, Februaty 1976p (oeproduced, in this ame). se) Pern ‘Shvl andthe Devin of he Maghal Epi ree fein Sai, Nl es, 2, Febery 1926, pp 221-35 Cepia n hls volume). Ss Sex, Teter Hit, "Commeneaty and Crcque’ po. 257-63- Se ata Alam The Cie of Ege» Moho! Nor aa 9. 5- 1H. ‘58, Karen Leonard, phe Gena Fe! Theoty of tne Decline of he Mughal ple Compote Sis in Scand Hi Ok 3)- No 2, Apsil1975, spp 131-67 (ineluded inthis vores) 35 lp Cait, “The Frain of eglonll dened log Come in Bengal, 1700-1768, Jrural of Asien Sidi, VO. 29, gust 197, pp, 795-306 (leo eprouced this oko: MN arom ‘Mera aad iIndia Ecanomaic and Seca! Hu Lat me 285-208. (62, Sanjay Subrahraatyam and C. A, Bayly, ‘Portis Political Economy of Early Modern India in Santa Sul ‘Merchants, Market andthe Seat in Early Madern Indie (New Deti: Os ‘University Press, 1990), pp. 242-65. 63, M. Achur Ali, "The Pasting of the Emgire, The Mughal C: ‘Achar Ali, Mughel Fala: Smudier in Poli, Idea, Sorery and Cal the Question oF lice Richard B, Barner (ed) ($6. Marshall G. 5. Hodgson, Tibe Vearare af filam: The Gumpossker Empires and Madera Teme, Vol. 3 (Chicago: University of Chicage Prem. 1974), pp. 134-222, ‘67. See Chalstogher A. Bayly, ryperal Meicion: The Brith Enpine and the World, 190, Sues In Modern Hireory (Landon & New Yorks “Longman. 5p. 16-73 on ‘Alama and Saajay Subeshmanyam, (84s), The Mughal Se, pp. $12. ET muha, “The Senator Cin Sut Ma “Modern Asian Srediet, Vel. 24. a. 4, 1550, pp. 625-38. i A Cia Ci I Suet i Madern Asien Seuduss, Vol. 244 Ne. 4, 1990, p 639. . Ti. John F Richards, "The Sevenneenuh-Century Crisis in ‘South Asa, pp esse 53 sn Huda ad Img rea Mal Ne aan oe ed Sa Minty oe Ort V2 No 1, 1999, pp. 47-95; also see, John Fe Richards, “The Formulation ‘of Impecial toi Aer tl iis He “Mona Conc amd Authority: The Place of A in Sous Asia ataws (Berkeley: 35-89. Gey dni Hi OA Muuffar Alam and Santy Subrassanyan (ed), lr Muha Sar. p CGommans, Aughel Uiegfre, Indian Framers ar High Roa! 1500-1700, Ware and History Series (Landon & New York 2c Francis Group, 20021, p. 203. alpen” FF. Msafic Alam and Sanjay Subeabmanyacn (ed), The Maghsl Ste Mach easoduction’, The Ephrem Century i Indian Hi. ‘Muaffac Alam and Sanjay Subrabaranyarn (.), The Mughal Seep 68 0, Joe Gommans, Mighat Warfire, Pudion Fronslers and High Rand s2 Empire, 1500-1700, p. 203, chard B. Buinert Intsoduceion’, Rethinking Early Maadern boda, Sane and Ayesha Jal, Mado Sona Asian Misery Calton ‘Gnivtscy Pres, 1958), p. 48, Enghiecnh Ceraury’, nD J. Marshall ed), Tee. Connery am Fran Flory, p. 54, 5. See, David Ludden, “World Economy and Village India, 1600-1900: Exploring the Agia Hscory of Capitals, in Supa. Bs Adie ‘ond Wired Catia lew Delhi: Osford Unive Pes, 1990), pp sty Colonial Soeiery aso his "Pllc Syste in Fightceash Ceccury Indic The Benaree Regie in Bemanl Ce, An Anchupolagie among che Mirarions and Osher Fray: (New Beli Ontos! Univerty Pes, spring 1998), pp. 427-62, dA 98 187. Philip Calkins, "The Formadon of a Regionally Oriented Auling: rogal: PJ. Mana, Bragal: The British Bridebead. Easter Dadi, ‘also his Bert canned with camsctw petaoaucnion rmepucTioN w Prosperity to Decline: Eighteenth Connery Benga! z “Univesicy Press, 1992}; Musaffar Alam, Tibr Crisis of Brite fn Mughal North hil Chaudhary. Fort ‘Rajat Datta Soe, Ezaromy andthe Marke Feds Richard B, Barnes, North India Berueen Empire: Awad the Mughel ‘and the Briss, 172041801 (New Delhi: Manobat, 1987); Michael H. Fisher, mga, < 1760-1800 (New Delhi: Manchen Goordinating Sare snd the Esomomy: The ‘Bengal Mader Asian Scatis, Vol. 43, Nas 2s ‘OF White Whal jheendh Bhargeva, Stay, Soe ened Ecoles 7 Deccan: Extended Cl Problemot ‘98, Chisropher A. Bayly. "Town-Buileing inder the Old Regime No, Madera Auton Sadie, Yo 2,.1978, pp. 1 ‘have Wink, Lend ared Severity 1m Fula: Agrarian *Boona mic and Political ae Duk Holl, Mackey Pajpnt and Spey: Te Eber) oe Sout and Polis under the Eighteenth Cenrery Mavaths Soar abet Manes Hindus 149041850 ( Carabtg: Cambridge Yriesey ‘Cambridge University Press, Seewart Gardon, The Marashis, 1660— Cambie of India, Val. I, No. 4 (Cambridge: Alavi, The Sopopt ard che Cavypany Tradition: and Tesh 770-1830 (New Delile Oxford, ry im South Indie (New Delhi: Oxford Nicholas Dieks, The Hi pp. 147-78, snd Justice ia Early Colonial Syee (Blurkam; Duke University 90. Muzaffa Ala Some Evidence fom Biba bp Menon, “Hauses by in Neera Chandoke History: Essays Presented 10. Ravinder Kearaar a) 1 ‘Karen Leonard, "The Hyderabad Political ‘Alam, The Ceisir of Empire im Mughal Mirth indi, excerpes Jowruel of Asin Seale, Vel, 30, No. 2, May. 1971; Kate Brilebank, Tipe roduetion’ and the ‘Conclusion’ are reprine is volume. ‘Set Search fo inimacy: Lidar and Kinship in at Hindw Domain (New 100, See, Chetan Singh, ‘The Struerure of Adaini ion’, in his book Delhi: Oxford cy Press, 1997}: Chetan Singh, Region avd Empire: Paniah im she Seventeenth Gentry PP 30-56 (reproduced she Sevenicenth Camtwny (New Diethi “Propees and Prableme So 860°, Auden Asian Stuslier, fe Mid-eghteerth Century Bacgrou (ey The Cambri Econo * Langanans 1984), pp. 3-38- Formation ef Regionally Oriented Ruling Group this volurse), asda Hitery, p- 36. . Rap, Rill, Thommen. and dicta: verre dnt ichacd B. Barner, ‘Entroduetion’. Suciey in the ge af Brit Expansion, 1770-1870 (Sew Delhi; Oxf Rethinking Early Madern Eni, p29, er A. Bayly, Ruler, Townamen snd Barasr, excespts from ighceath-Cenrury Indi aed the Delhi: Oxford University Press, 20021, pp. 35-6 (ed), The Eighnensh Sener x 1B. Basnere (eds Scanned with CamScanrwi isteooucrion 302, Muar Ali Ti of Emp ie Mal Meh ei. 9 103, Man po. From From Akbar to Aurangzeb A Study in Indian Economic Misory= W.H. Moantaxa THE ECONOMIC INFLUENCE OF THE ADMINISTRATION Indian Administrative Systems of his master were so great, and the chances of superio® i + Exccrps from WH, Moeland, From Abdar to Aurangzeb: A Sa Scanned with Camscanr