Lee Kuan Yew

Lee Kuan Yew (born Harry Lee Kuan Yew; 16 September 1923
His Excellency
– 23 March 2015), often referred to by his initials LKY, was a
Singaporean statesman and lawyer who served as Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew
of Singapore from 1959 to 1990, and is recognised as the nation's GCMG CH SPMJ
founding father.[2][3] He was one of the founders of the People's
Action Party, which has ruled the country continuously since
independence.

Lee was born in Singapore during British colonial rule, which was
part of the Straits Settlements. He attained top grades in his early
education, gaining a scholarship and admission to Raffles College.
During the Japanese occupation, Lee worked in private enterprises
and as an administration service officer for the propaganda office.
After the war, Lee initially attended the London School of
Economics, but transferred to Fitzwilliam College, Cambridge,
graduating with starred-first-class honours in law in 1947. He
became a barrister of the Middle Temple in 1950 and returned to
Singapore, and began campaigning for Britain to relinquish its
colonial rule.

Lee co-founded the People's Action Party in 1954 and won his
first seat in the Tanjong Pagar division in the 1955 election. During Lee Kuan Yew in 1975
this period, Lee was the de facto opposition leader in the legislature
to chief ministers David Marshall and Lim Yew Hock. Lee led his 1st Prime Minister of Singapore
party to its first electoral victory in the 1959 election, and was In office
appointed as the state's first prime minister. To attain complete self- 5 June 1959 – 28 November 1990
rule from Britain, Lee campaigned for a merger with other former President Yusof Ishak (1965–
British territories in a national referendum to form Malaysia in
70)
1963. Racial strife and ideological differences led to Singapore's
separation from the federation to become a sovereign city-state in Benjamin Sheares
1965. (1971–81)
Devan Nair (1981–
With overwhelming parliamentary control at every election, Lee
85)
oversaw Singapore's transformation into a developed country with
a high-income economy within a single generation. In the process, Wee Kim Wee
he forged a system of meritocratic, highly effective and anti-corrupt (1985–93)
government and civil service. Lee eschewed populist policies in Deputy Toh Chin Chye
favour of long-term social and economic planning. He championed
(1959–68)
meritocracy[4] and multiracialism[5][6] as governing principles,
making English the lingua franca[7] to integrate its immigrant Goh Keng Swee
society and to facilitate trade with the world, whilst mandating (1973–85)
bilingualism in schools to preserve students' mother tongue and S Rajaratnam
ethnic identity.[7] Lee stepped down as prime minister in 1990, but (1980–85)
remained in the Cabinet under his successors, holding the
Goh Chok Tong
appointments of senior minister until 2004, then minister mentor
until 2011. He died of pneumonia on 23 March 2015, aged 91. In a (1985–90)
week of national mourning, about 1.7 million Singaporean Ong Teng Cheong
residents as well as world leaders paid tribute to him at his lying-in- (1985–90)
state at Parliament House and community tribute sites.
Preceded by Lim Yew Hock
A stalwart supporter of so-called Asian values, Lee's rule was (as Chief Minister)
sometimes criticised by various observers from the liberal Succeeded by Goh Chok Tong
democracies of the West in response.[8] While elections are free,
Member of Parliament
critics had accused him of curtailing press freedoms, limits on for Tanjong Pagar
public protests, restricting labour movements from strike action,
In office
and bringing defamation lawsuits against some political
opponents.[9][10] Nevertheless, his beliefs such as government 22 April 1955 – 23 March 2015
transparency has been adhered to by successive administrations of Constituency Tanjong Pagar
the governing party, and Singapore continues to be considered as (Assembly) (1955–65)
one of the least corrupt countries as compared to the rest of the Tanjong Pagar SMC
world.[11] (1965–91)
Tanjong Pagar GRC
(1991–2015)
Contents Offices after 1965
Early life Minister Mentor
Childhood and early education In office
World War II 12 August 2004 – 20 May 2011
University, marriage and politics Senior Minister
Early career (1951–1955) In office
Litigation practice and Fajar trial 28 November 1990 – 12 August 2004
Formation of the People's Action Party Secretary-General
1955 legislative assembly election of the People's Action Party
In office
Opposition leader (1955–1959)
Hock Lee bus riots 21 November 1954 – 2 December
1992
Merdeka talks
Party power struggle Succeeded by Goh Chok Tong
1957 and 1959 elections Offices before 1965
Prime Minister, State of Singapore (1959–1963) Member of the Malaysian
First years in power Parliament
PAP split of 1961 for Singapore
Leadup to referendum and merger In office
Operation Coldstore detentions 2 November 1963[1] – 9 August 1965
Monarch Raja Syed Putra
Prime Minister, Singapore in Malaysia (1963–1965)
Elections and tensions Prime Minister Tunku Abdul Rahman
Malaysian Malaysia and separation Leader of the Opposition (de facto)
of the Legislative Assembly
Prime Minister, Republic of Singapore (1965–1990)
In office
Decisions and policies
22 April 1955 – 31 March 1959
National security
Economy Succeeded by Lim Yew Hock

Anti-corruption measures Personal details

Population policies
Born Harry Lee Kuan Yew
Corporal punishment
 Water resources in Singapore 16 September 1923
Singapore, Straits
Foreign relations
Settlements
Malaysia and Mahathir Mohamad
United States Died 23 March 2015
China (aged 91)
Cambodia Singapore
Cause of death Pneumonia
Senior Minister (1990–2004)
Political party People's Action
Minister Mentor (2004–2011)
Party (1954–2015)
Illness and death
Spouse(s) Kwa Geok Choo
Legacy (m. 1950; died 2010)
Legal suits Children Son - Lee Hsien
Action against Far Eastern Economic Review Loong
Action against J.B. Jeyaretnam Daughter - Lee Wei
Action against Devan Nair Ling
International Herald Tribune defamation case Son - Lee Hsien
Political positions Yang
Chinese marginalisation Parents Mother - Chua Jim
Eugenics Neo
Islam Father - Lee Chin
Homosexuality Koon
Cultural depictions Alma mater Telok Kurau English
Personal life School
Raffles Institution
Awards
Fitzwilliam College,
See also Cambridge
Notes Signature
References
Works cited
Further reading
Primary sources
Lee Kuan Yew
Other sources
External links
Lee's name in Chinese characters
Chinese
Early life
Transcriptions
Standard Mandarin
Childhood and early education Hanyu Pinyin Lǐ Guāngyào
Wade–Giles Li3 Kuang1-yao4
Lee was born at home on 16 September 1923, as the first child to Lee
Chin Koon and Chua Jim Neo, at 92 Kampong Java Road in Tongyong Pinyin Lǐ Guangyào
Singapore.[12] The island was part of the Straits Settlements under Yale Romanization Lǐ Gwāngyàu
British colonial rule and both of Lee's parents were English educated
IPA [lì kwáŋ.jâu]
third generation Straits Chinese.[13] Lee's paternal great-grandfather,
Lee Bok Boon, was of Hakka descent and emigrated from Dabu Hakka
County, Guangdong to the Straits Settlements in 1862.[14][15] Lee's Romanization Lí Kông-yeu
parents named him 'Kuan Yew',[a] meaning 'light and brightness', with Yue: Cantonese
an alternate meaning 'bringing great glory to one's ancestors'. Lee's
Yale Romanization Leíh Gwōngjiuh
paternal grandfather Lee Hoon Leong, who was described as
"especially westernised", had worked on British ships as a purser, and Jyutping Lei5 Gwong1-jiu6
hence gave Lee the Western name 'Harry'.[16] While the family spoke IPA [le̬ i kʷɔ́ ːŋ.jìːu]
English as its first language, Lee also learnt Malay and Cantonese, the
Southern Min
latter which he picked up from the family maid.[12][17] Lee would
have three brothers and one sister, all of whom lived till old age.[18] Hokkien POJ Lí Kong-iāu

Lee was not close to his father, whom worked as a storekeeper within the Shell
Oil Company and had a gambling addiction. His mother Chua would often stand
up against her husband for his poor fiscal management and parenting skills, with
the result that Lee greatly admired her.[19] The family was considered prosperous
with a high social standing compared to recent immigrants and had the expenses
to hire servants.[20] During the Great Depression, the family fortunes declined
considerably, though Lee's father retained his job at Shell, was later promoted to
manager, and was assigned a car, chauffeur and house.[12] Later in life, Lee
described his father as a man with a nasty temper and credited his mother with
holding the family together and refusing to pawn her family jewellery to fund her
husband's gambling addiction.[21] She would later use the savings to help pay for
Lee's education.[22] Lee as a child.

In 1930, Lee enrolled at Telok Kurau English School where he spent six years of
his primary education.[23][24] Attending Raffles Institution in 1935, Lee had difficulties keeping up with his
studies, but his results improved by Junior A (Secondary 3) and he topped the Junior Cambridge
examinations.[25] He also joined the Scouts and partook in several physical activities and debates.[26] Lee was
the top-scorer in the Senior Cambridge examinations in 1940 across the Straits Settlements and Malaya,
gaining the John Anderson scholarship to attend Raffles College.[b] During the prize awarding ceremony, Lee
met his future wife Kwa Geok Choo for the first time, who was the only girl at the school.[25] His subsequent
university studies at Raffles College were disrupted by the onset of World War II in Asia, with the school
being converted into a medical facility in 1941. The war arrived in December of that year and following the
British surrender in February 1942, the Japanese occupation of Singapore began.[27]

World War II

In the early days of the occupation, the Japanese military ordered all Chinese to
report for a screening as part of the Sook Ching operation to purge undesirable
elements. By his own account, Lee followed suit as he feared getting caught by
the Kempetai (military police), reporting to Jalan Besar stadium with a friend,
Koh Teong Koo. Koh's dormitory was within the perimeter setup by the
Japanese and Lee spent the night there with him. He attempted to leave the next
morning but was ordered by a guard to join a group of already segregated men.
Sensing that something was amiss, he requested for permission to collect his
clothes first, and the guard agreed. Lee spent a second night in the dormitory
before successfully leaving the site the next day when a different guard cleared
him through.[28] He would later learn that the group of men were likely taken to
the beach and executed.[29] The Cathay Building
where Lee worked.
Lee obtained his Japanese language proficiency certificate in August 1942 after a three months course,
working first as a clerk in a friend's company and then the Kumiai, which controlled essential items.[30] He got
a job with the Japanese propaganda department (Hōdōbu) in late 1943 as an English specialist. Working at the
top of the Cathay Building, he was assigned to listen to Allied radio stations for Morse code signals.[31] Some
sources say he may have passed information to the British while working there, but this is not
confirmed.[32][33] By late 1944, Lee knew Japan had suffered several major defeats. Anticipating fierce
fighting should the British re-invade, he made plans to move to a farm on the Cameron Highlands with his
family. He was tipped off by a contact that the Kempetai suspected him, and decided to abandon the plan.[34]
He engaged in private enterprises and black market sales for the rest of the war.[35]

The Japanese occupation had a profound impact on Lee, who recalled being slapped and forced to kneel for
failing to bow to a Japanese soldier.[36] In a radio broadcast made in 1961, Lee said he "emerged [from the
war] determined that no one—neither Japanese nor British—had the right to push and kick us around ... (and)
that we could govern ourselves."[37] It also influenced his perceptions of raw power and the effectiveness of
harsh punishment in deterring crime.[38]

University, marriage and politics

Lee chose not to return to Raffles College after the war, deciding to pursue a
Queen's Scholarship in the United Kingdom.[19] On 16 September 1946, his
23rd birthday, Lee sailed from Singapore on the MV Britannic, which was
carrying demobilised British troops home, arriving on 3 October.[39] The
admissions period had closed, but he convinced the dean of the law faculty,
Hughes Parry, at the London School of Economics to enroll him. Life in the
British capital was difficult and Lee greatly disliked his time there.[40][41] Upon a
lecturer's advice, he visited Cambridge in November and met a former Raffles
College student, who introduced him to W. S. Thatcher, Censor of Fitzwilliam
House. He was admitted into the following year's Lent term and matriculated in
Family photo on the eve
January 1947, reading law at Fitzwilliam College.[42]
of Lee's (back row,
center) departure for the
Prior to his departure from Singapore, Lee had begun a relationship with Kwa,
United Kingdom.
whom he had kept in contact during the war. Kwa gained her Queen's
Scholarship in 1947, but the Colonial Office was unable to allocate a university
placing until 1948. Lee intervened with the school to admit and bring forward
her matriculation, and she arrived in October of that year.[43] They married in secret at Stratford-upon-Avon in
December.[19] Lee graduated First Class in both parts of the Tripos with an exceptional Starred-First for Part II
Law in 1949 with Kwa. As the top student of his cohort, he was awarded the Fitzwilliam's Whitlock Prize;
Lee was called to the bar at the Middle Temple in 1950.[42]

During his studies, Lee's political

If you value fairness and social justice, not only to the people convictions and anti-colonial sentiments
of Britain but also to the millions of British subjects in the had been hardened by personal
colonies, return another Labour government. experiences and an increasing belief that
the British were ruling Singapore for
their own benefit. He supported the
Lee to voters in the Totnes constituency.[44] Labour Party against the Conservatives
whom he perceived as opposing
decolonisation.[45] In the leadup to the
1950 United Kingdom general election, Lee engaged in politics for the first time and actively campaigned for a
friend, David Widdicombe in Totnes constituency, driving Widdicombe around in a lorry and delivering
several speeches on his behalf. The Labour Party retained power, though Widdicombe lost the election.[46]
Before returning to Singapore, Lee dropped his English name, Harry.[c] Notwithstanding, even until the end of
his life, old friends and relatives referred to him as Harry.[48]

Early career (1951–1955)

Litigation practice and Fajar trial

Lee and his wife arrived back in Singapore on 1 August 1950 on the MS Willem
Ruys.[49][50] He joined the Laycock and Ong law firm founded by British lawyer
John Laycock, which paid a monthly salary of $500.[51] Laycock was also a co-
founder of the pro-British and colonial Progressive Party and Lee acted as an
election agent for the party during the 1951 legislative council election.[52] Lee
was called to the Singapore bar on 7 August 1951.[53]
Lee's barrister's wig and
During the postal union strike in May 1952, Lee successfully negotiated a container, on display in
the National Museum of
settlement which would mark his first step into the labour movement.[54] In due
Singapore.
course, Lee represented nearly fifty trade unions and associations against the
British authorities on a pro bono basis, sometimes asking only for a token sum in
payment.[55] The disputes often centered around wages and Laycock eventually
requested Lee to cease taking on such cases as it was hurting the firm.[56][57] Activists and clients said that Lee
was likely preparing to enter politics and saw his work as a means to burnish his 'pro-labour' credentials
among the trade unions, which he later confirmed.[58]

In May 1954, members of the left-wing student group University Socialist Club published an article
'Aggression in Asia' in the club's magazine The Fajar, which condemned "Western aggression", criticised the
formation of SEATO, and called Malaya a police state.[59][60] The students were arrested and charged with
sedition by the British authorities. The prominent lawyer David Marshall was initially proposed as a defence
counsel, which the members quickly rejected as he was against them.[61] Lee became junior counsel to the
lead counsel Denis Pritt whom had flown in from Britain. Lee claimed that he had acquired Pritt's services,
though this account is disputed by the club president.[62][63] Pritt successfully squashed the charges in two
days and both men gained a reputation through the trial, with Lee thereafter becoming a "major leader" of the
movement against British rule.[62][64]

During the same year, a group of Chinese high school students had been arrested and subsequently convicted
for their roles in the May 13 incident. The students had been protesting the British-imposed National Service
Ordinance imposing conscription on Singapore when a riot broke out. Lee agreed to appeal on behalf of the
students and again acquired Pritt's services. The colonial government was determined not to have a repeat of
the Fajar trial and upheld the sentences. The case nevertheless gave rise to Lee's reputation as a "left-wing
lawyer" and marked his first involvement with the Chinese intelligentsia, which he had hitherto not been
involved in due to his Chinese illiteracy.[65][66]

Formation of the People's Action Party

During his studies in Britain, Lee met Goh Keng Swee and Toh Chin Chye via the Malayan Forum, both
whom would later become deputy prime ministers.[67] The forum sought to promote an independent Malaya
which included Singapore and met at 44 Bryanston Square in London, later known as Malaya Hall.[68][69]
Lee and his contemporaries deliberately avoided the topic of forming a political party as it was regarded by the
colonial government at home as an act of subversion. The government had outlawed the Malayan Communist
Party in 1948, starting a low intensity conflict known as the Malayan
Emergency, with the Special Branch closely monitoring the forum back in
Britain for radical students. Lee began work on forming a political party only
after returning to Singapore.[70]

Lee had sought to build support among the English-educated, Malay, and Indian
communities by taking on cases against the British authorities. In the course of
his work, Lee became acquainted with the journalist Sinnathamby Rajaratnam; Furniture from 38 Oxley
Abdul Samad Ismail, a writer for the Malay newspaper Utusan Melayu; and Road, where the
Devan Nair; the latter two had been imprisoned for their involvement in the Anti- People's Action Party
was founded.
British League.[71] He next turned his attention to the Chinese-speaking majority
and was introduced to Lim Chin Siong and Fong Swee Suan, leaders of the
influential bus and factories unions. While the unions had been infiltrated by
communists, Lee consciously sought their support as he wanted a popular front.[72] With elections
approaching in 1955, Lee and his associates debated the name, ideology, and policies of the party they wanted
to create at 38 Oxley Road.[73]

The People's Action Party (PAP) was officially inaugurated on 21 November 1954 at the Victoria Memorial
Hall. As the party still lacked members, trade union leaders rounded up an estimated audience of 800 to 1,500
supporters.[74] Lee had also invited Tunku Abdul Rahman and Tan Cheng Lock, presidents of the peninsula-
based United Malays National Organisation and Malayan Chinese Association to add "leverage" and
"prestige" to the event. In his inaugural speech, Lee denounced the British for the slow transition to self-rule,
demanded their immediate withdrawal, and announced that the PAP would pursue Malaya-Singapore
unification to form a single state. Lee became secretary-general of the party, a post he held until 1992.[75]

1955 legislative assembly election

External image
In July 1953, Governor John Nicoll initiated the Rendel Commission
to review Singapore's political status and provide for a transition to Lee and Labour Front leader
self-rule. The commission created the legislative assembly and David Marshall shaking hands on
opened 25 of 32 seats for direct contest in the upcoming 1955 polling day (https://www.nas.gov.sg/
legislative assembly election, with the governor retaining significant archivesonline/photographs/record-
powers and veto rights. The PAP and Labour Front, led by Lee and details/b3e60757-1161-11e3-83d5-
David Marshall respectively, both criticized the concessions as 0050568939ad)
"inadequate". The PAP faced manpower constraints but decided to National Archives of Singapore
prioritise resources and contest four seats as a protest gesture.[76] In a
rally speech, Lee said he chose the Tanjong Pagar division as it was
a "working class area" and that he did not want to represent "wealthy merchants or landlords".[77]

During the campaigning period, the British press labelled Lee as a "commissar" and accused the PAP of being
a "communist-backed party".[78] Democratic Party (DP) challenger Lam Thian also capitalized on Lee's
inability to converse in Chinese and repeatedly challenged him to a Chinese debate. Lee's proposal for a
multilingual debate was never reciprocated by Thian, though he eventually made his maiden Chinese speech
after several hours of coaching.[79][80] On polling day, 2 April, the ruling Progressive Party (PP) captured only
four seats, shocking both the British establishment and its opposition. Lee defeated his PP and DP competitors
and won Tanjong Pagar, with the PAP winning three of their four contested seats. The Labour Front with ten
seats assumed power and Marshall became Singapore's first chief minister. At the counting center at the
Victoria Memorial Hall, Lee pledged to work with Marshall.[81]
Lee's relationship with his superior Laycock, a co-founder of the Progressive Party, had deteriorated by 1954.
After the election, Laycock never spoke to Lee again, and the two mutually agreed to terminate their
partnership in August 1955.[82]

Opposition leader (1955–1959)

Hock Lee bus riots

On 23 April 1955, workers from the Any man in Singapore who wants to carry the Chinese-
Hock Lee Amalgamated Bus Company speaking people with him cannot afford to be anti-Communist.
began a strike under the direction of The Chinese are very proud of China. If I had to choose
Fong Swee Suan, leader of the between colonialism and communism, I would vote for
Singapore Buses Workers' Union communism and so would the great majority.
(SBWU); they had been angered by the
company's demands to join a rival union
and subsequent sacking of 229 Lee to an Australian journalist a week before the riot[83]
dissenters. [84][85] As SBWU's legal
advisor, Lee worked with Marshall's
government to negotiate a resolution, which was initially agreed by the SBWU but then reneged on by the
company.[86] Seeking to exert greater pressure, Lee, Fong and Lim Chin Siong addressed the strikers on 1
May (May Day), where Lee called the government a "half-past six democracy" and Fong said "bloodshed"
was inevitable.[87] Lee also acknowledged in an interview with an Australian journalist that the PAP could not
afford to alienate its Chinese base.[83] The strike subsequently escalated into a riot on 12 May, resulting in four
deaths and Fong's arrest.[88]

Lee, Marshall and the company agreed on a further resolution on 14 May, which conceded to the strikers'
demands of union autonomy and reinstatement of sacked workers.[89] In an emergency legislative assembly
sitting on 16 May, Chief Secretary William Goode accused Lee of losing control of the PAP to Lim, whom
commanded the Chinese support that the party needed.[86] Lee was constrained between defending the actions
of his colleagues and denouncing them, as the latter would break the party's "united front", instead reiterating
the PAP's committal to non-violence in seeking to end colonialism.[90] Lee was surprised when Marshall
characterized him and the PAP as "decent men" against Goode's accusations and called upon the party to
"purge themselves of communists".[86][89]

The riot led the public to perceive the PAP as being led by "young, immature and troublesome politicians",
resulting in a shortfall of new members.[91] It deepened the divide within the party's central executive
committee between the two factions, with Lee's faction advocating Fabian's brand of socialism for gradual
reform and Lim's faction, later described by Fong as "favour(ing) a more radical approach".[92] Lee returned
from a vacation in the Cameron Highlands convinced that Lim and Fong's influence were pushing the party
toward "political disaster".[83] After consulting his allies Toh Chin Chye, S. Rajaratnam and Byrne, Lee
censured the two men privately and demanded they change strategies or leave the party.[93]

Merdeka talks

The Labour Front government's conciliatory approach to the Hock Lee strikers led to a drastic increase in
strikes thereafter, with an estimated 260 strike-related activities by the end of 1955.[89] In a bid to handle the
problem, Marshall created a constitutional crisis by demanding expanded powers and further reforms to the
constitution towards the aim of "true self-government". He threatened to resign if these demands were not
met.[94] The British feared a further breakdown in order and reluctantly agreed to talks in London. Lee
supported Marshall in his efforts, though he initially threatened an opposition
boycott over wording disputes in the agreement.[94] Between 1956 and 1958,
there would be three rounds of constitutional talks, later colloquially labelled the
Merdeka[d] talks.[95]

Lee and Lim Chin Siong represented the PAP as part of Marshall's 13-member
delegation to London in April 1956. During the talks, Marshall's demands for
independence were repeatedly rejected by Colonial Secretary Alan Lennox-
Boyd; the British distrusted Marshall's ability to tackle the communist threat and
wanted to retain control of internal security.[96][97] Lee, Lim and one other
Labour Front member eventually decided to depart early over Marshall's refusal
to compromise. Before leaving on 22 May, Lee gave a press conference Colonial Secretary Alan
criticising Marshall for his "political ineptitude", receiving widespread media and Lennox-Boyd led the
radio coverage in the British press.[98] Marshall resigned shortly after returning British negotiations with
home and was succeeded by Lim Yew Hock as chief minister.[98][e] the Singapore
delegation.
The following year in March 1957, Lee was the lone PAP representative in the
five-member delegation to London during the second round of talks.[99] He
opposed terms banning candidates charged with subversive activities from running in the next election without
success.[100] Britain agreed to Singapore's self-governance, with a tripartite Internal Security Council to be
established consisting of Singaporean, Malayan and British representatives.[99] The interim agreement was
opposed by the party's leftist faction led by Lim C.J., and Marshall whom was now an independent Member
for Cairnhill.[99] During the legislative assembly sitting on 26 April, Marshall challenged Lee to seek a fresh
mandate from his Tanjong Pagar constituents, which Lee accepted.[101] In the June 1957 by-elections, Lee
was reelected with 68.1% of the vote.[102]

Lee returned to London for the third and final talks in May 1958,[103] where it was agreed that Singapore
would assume self-governance with a Yang di-Pertuan Negara as head of state, with Britain retaining control
of defence and foreign policy.[104] The British House of Lords passed the State of Singapore Act on 24 July
1958, which received royal assent on 1 August, and would become law following the next general
election.[105]

Party power struggle

PAP CEC 4 August 1957 election[106][107]
Whilst in London during the first Merdeka talks in
April 1956, Lee had discussed the PAP's future with Lee's faction Votes Leftist faction Votes
Goh Keng Swee, who was in Britain completing his Lee Kuan Yew 1213 T.T. Rajah 977
PhD. Lee lamented to Goh that the PAP "had been
Toh Chin Chye 1121 Goh Boon Toh** 972
captured by the communists". When the Chinese
middle schools riots later that year captured Ahmad Ibrahim 966 Tan Chong Kin* 811
international attention, the Lim Yew Hock government Goh Chew Chua 794 Ong Chye Ann** 762
launched a purge on 27 October, arresting 259
Tann Wee Tiong 655 Tan Kong Guan** 751
suspected "leftists" including Lim Chin Siong and other
members of his faction.[108] Lee privately endorsed the Chan Choy Siong 621 Chen Say Jame* 651
purge while defending his arrested colleagues publicly, * Arrested.
which he described as "going through the motions".[93] ** Arrested and deported to the PRC.
Lim C.S.'s brother, Lim Chin Joo, took over the
"leftist" faction in the absence of its leaders.[109]
During the PAP central executive committee (CEC) elections on 4 August 1957, the leftists captured six seats
to Lee and his associates' dismay, who were prepared to concede only four seats.[110] Lee refused to allow his
allies to assume their appointments, citing that his faction had "lost their moral right" to enforce the party's
original founding philosophy.[111] Overtures were repeatedly made to Lee to remain in his post, to which he
declined.[110] The Lim Y.H. government became alarmed and ordered the Special Branch to arrest the leftist
leaders on 22 August, subsequently banishing three to the People's Republic of China.[107][112] Lee was
restored as secretary-general on 20 October and later blamed the attempted takeover on lax admission rules to
the party.[113][114] The incident made Lee permanently distrustful of the leftists and he began searching for
new candidates that would appeal to the Chinese electorate and yet be loyal to him.[112][113] The identify of
the person who planned the takeover remains disputed.[115]

On 23 November 1958, the party constitution was amended to implement a cadre system.[114] The rights to
vote in party elections and run for office were revoked from ordinary party members, whom now had to seek
approval from the CEC to be a cadre and regain these privileges.[116] The criteria to be a cadre was set
intentionally high for even the lowest tier of membership, automatically disqualifying students and illiterate
persons.[112] Lee was influenced by the Vatican system where the pope pre-selects its cardinals, while party
chairman Toh Chin Chye credited communist organisations for the idea.[117]

1957 and 1959 elections

In the lead-up to the 1957 City Council election in December, a Hokkien-speaking candidate, Ong Eng Guan,
became the PAP's new face to the Chinese electorate and gained immense popularity.[112] The 32-seat city
council's functions were restricted to up-keeping public amenities within city limits, but party leaders decided
to contest as a "dry run" for the upcoming general election.[118] Lee limited the PAP to contesting 14 seats to
avoid provoking the Lim Yew Hock government and formed a electoral pact with the Labour Front and
United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) to jointly tackle the new Liberal Socialist Party.[f][120] The
PAP campaigned on a slogan to "sweep the city clean"[119] and emerged with 13 seats, allowing it to form a
minority administration with UMNO's support. Lee and the rest of the CEC unanimously endorsed Ong to
become mayor.[118] The election also marked the debut of Marshall's newly-established Workers' Party, which
won four seats.[121]

Early in 1959, Communications and Works Minister Francis Thomas External image
received evidence of corruption on Education Minister Chew Swee
Portrait of Lee being sworn in as
Kee. Thomas brought the evidence to Lee after the chief minister
Prime Minister of Singapore (https://
dismissed the matter.[122] Lee tabled a motion in the assembly on 17
February, which forced Chew's resignation.[122] As the expiry of the www.roots.gov.sg/-/media/Roots/60-
assembly's term approached, the PAP was initially split on whether objects/120-lee-kuan-yew.jpg)
to capture power but Lee chose to proceed.[123] While picking the National Heritage Board
candidates, Lee deliberately chose people from different racial and
education backgrounds to repair the party's image of being run by
intellectuals.[124] In the 1959 general election held on 30 May 1959, the PAP won a landslide victory with 43
of the 51 seats, though with only 53.4% of the popular vote which Lee noted.[124][125]

The PAP's victory reportedly created a dilemma within the 12-member CEC as there was no formal process in
place to choose a prime minister-elect.[126] A vote was purportedly held between Lee and Ong Eng Guan and
after both men received six votes, party chairman Toh Chin Chye casted the tie-breaking vote for Lee.[127]
When interviewed nearly five decades later, Toh and one other party member recalled the vote, but Lee and
several others denied the account.[127] Lee was summoned by Governor William Goode to form a new
government on 1 June, to which he requested the release of arrested PAP members.[128] On 3 June, Singapore
became a self-governing state, ending 140 years of direct British rule.[128] Lee was sworn in as Prime Minister
of Singapore on 5 June at City Hall, along with the rest of his Cabinet.[128]

Prime Minister, State of Singapore (1959–1963)

First years in power

Lee's first speech as prime minister to a 50,000-strong audience at the Padang

sought to dampen his supporters' euphoria of the PAP's electoral win.[125] In the
first month of Lee taking power, Singapore experienced an economic slump as
foreign capital fell and Western businesses and expatriates left for Kuala Lumpur
in Malaya, fearing the new government's anti-colonial zeal.[125] As part of an
'anti-yellow culture' drive, Lee banned jukeboxes and pinball machines, while
the police under Home Affairs Minister Ong Pang Boon raided pubs and One of the original HDB
flats constructed in
pornography publications.[g][129] The government cracked down on secret
1960, in July 2021.
societies, prostitution and other illegal activities, with TIME magazine later
reporting that a full week passed without "kidnapping, extortion or gangland
rumble(s)" for the first time.[129] Lee also spearheaded several 'mobilisation
campaigns' to clean the city, introduced air-conditioning to government offices, and slashed the salaries of civil
servants. The last act provoked anger from the sector, which Lee justified as necessary to balance the
budget.[130]

In February 1960, the Housing and Development Board (HDB) superseded the Singapore Improvement Trust
(SIT) and assumed responsibility of public housing. With strong government support, the HDB under
chairman Lim Kim San completed more flats in three years than its predecessor did in thirty-two.[131]
Government expenditure for public utilities, healthcare and education also increased significantly.[131] By the
end of the year, however, unemployment began to rise drastically as the economy slowed. Lee reversed anti-
colonial policies and launched a five-year plan to build new industries, seeking to attract foreign investors and
rival Hong Kong.[132][133] Jurong, a swampland to the island's western coast was chosen to be the site of a
new industrial estate and would house steel mills, shipyards, and oil refineries, though Finance Minister Goh
Keng Swee was initially worried the venture would fail.[134]

The government promoted multiculturalism by recognizing Malay, English, Tamil and Chinese as the official
languages of the new state and sought to create a new national Malayan identity. The Ministry of Culture
under S. Rajaratnam held free outdoor concerts with every ethnic race represented in the performances.[135]
Lee also introduced the People's Association, a government-linked organisation to run community centers and
youth clubs, with its leaders trained to spread the PAP's ideology.[135] Youth unemployment was alleviated by
the establishment of work brigades.[135]

PAP split of 1961

Lee took measures to secure his position in the aftermath of the 1957 party elections. In 1959, he delayed the
release of leftist PAP leaders arrested under the former Labour Front government from 2 June to 4 June, after
the PAP victory rally.[136] Five of the former arrestees,[h] Lim Chin Siong, Fong Swee Suan, Devan Nair,
James Puthucheary and S Woodhull, were appointed to parliamentary secretary roles which lacked influence
over policy making.[128][138] Lim and Fong still led influential unions and clashed with Lee when the
government sought to create a centralised labour union in the first half of 1960.[139] Trouble also arose from
former mayor and Minister of National Development Ong Eng Guan, who Lee had appointed in recognition
of Ong's contribution to the PAP's electoral win.[139][140] Ong's relocation of his
ministry to his Hong Lim stronghold and continued castigation of the British and civil
servants was regarded as disruptive and Lee removed several portfolios from Ong's
purview in February 1960.[137][140]

In the party conference on 18 June 1960, Ong filed "16 resolutions" against the
leadership, accusing Lee of failing to seek party consensus when deciding policy, not
adhering to anti-colonialism and suspending left-wing unions.[141] Lee regarded it as
a move to split the party and reacted forcefully with his allies. The party central
Lim Chin Siong was
executive committee unanimously voted to expel Ong the next day.[142] Ong resigned
Lee's main political
his legislative assembly seat in December, precipitating the Hong Lim by-election on
rival and formed the
29 April 1961 which he stood as an independent against a PAP candidate and won,
Barisan Sosialis
later establishing the United People's Party.[137][143] The death of the PAP after his expulsion
assemblyman for Anson that April triggered a second by-election to be held on 15 from the PAP.
July. For the first time, Lim's faction openly revolted against Lee and endorsed
Workers' Party chairman David Marshall, who captured the seat from the
PAP.[137][144]

Lee assumed responsibility for the two by-election defeats and submitted his resignation to party chairman Toh
Chin Chye on 17 July. Toh rejected it and upheld Lee's mandate.[145] Lee moved a motion of confidence in
his own government in the early hours of 21 July after a thirteen-hour debate which had begun the preceding
day, narrowly surviving it with 27 "Ayes", 8 "Noes" and 16 abstentions.[146] The PAP now commanded a
single seat majority in the 51-seat assembly after 13 of its members had abstained.[147] Lee expelled the 13
who had broken ranks in addition to Lim, Fong and Woodhull.[147]

Leadup to referendum and merger

Lee and his colleagues believed that Singapore could only survive through merger
with Malaya and was unwilling to call for complete independence.[148] Merger
would allow goods to be exported to the peninsula under a common market, while
devolving unpopular internal security measures to Kuala Lumpur.[148][149] Malaya's
ruling Alliance Party coalition dominated by the United Malays National
Organisation (UMNO) had repeatedly opposed the scheme and was apprehensive
that Singapore's Chinese majority would reduce 'Malay political supremacy'.[150]
Prime Minister Tunku Abdul Rahman backtracked after the PAP's Hong Lim by-
election defeat, fearing a "pro-communist government" in Singapore should Lee fall
from power.[149] On 27 May 1961, Tunku announced that Malaya, Singapore, and Lee worked with
the British colonies of North Borneo and Sarawak should pursue "political and Prime Minister Tunku
economic cooperation".[149] Lee endorsed the program six days later and Abdul Rahman in the
commenced negotiations on the formation of Malaysia.[149] lead up to merger.

In August 1961, Lee and Tunku agreed that Singapore's defence, foreign affairs and
internal security would be transferred to the federal government, while education and labour policy remained
with the state government.[149][151] Lim Chin Siong and his supporters saw Lee's ceding control of internal
security—then controlled by the Internal Security Council with British, Malayan, Singaporean representatives
—to the federal government as a threat as Tunku was convinced they were communists.[149] In a meeting with
British Commissioner General Lord Selkirk, Selkirk reaffirmed that the British would not suspend Singapore's
constitution should Lee be voted out.[149] Lee saw the meeting as a British endorsement of Lim and accused it
as a plot against his government.[152] On 13 August, Lim founded the Barisan Sosialis and became its
secretary-general, with 35 of 51 branches of the PAP defecting.[147][153] Lee anticipated a Barisan win in the
next election and saw 'independence through merger' as the only means for the PAP to retain power.[150]
Beginning on 13 September 1961, Lee gave twelve multilingual radio speeches
outlining the benefits of merger in what he called the 'Battle for Merger'. The
speeches proved to be a massive success for Lee's campaign, while Barisan's
demands for equal airtime were rejected.[154] Lee employed full use of state
resources to suppress his opponents by revoking the Barisan's printing permits,
banning or relocating its rallies, and purging its supporters from the government,
while the judiciary and police engaged to "obstruct, provoke and isolate" the
party.[155] The Barisan lambasted Lee for securing only 15 seats in the Malaysian Lee and Goh crafted
the ballot to favour
parliament for Singapore in contrast to North Borneo (16) and Sarawak (24), despite
option A.
both having a combined population well below Singapore's 1.7 million.[156]
Singapore citizens would also be categorized as "nationals" and not be granted
Malaysian citizenship.[156][157] On 6 December, the legislative assembly voted 33–
0 in favour of the agreements struck by Lee and Tunku, which the Barisan boycotted.[158]

A referendum for merger was scheduled for 1 September 1962. Lee ensured that the ballot lacked a "no"
option, with all three options having varying terms for admission into Malaysia.[156] The ballot was crafted by
Lee and Goh Keng Swee to capitalise on a mistake which the Barisan had made the previous year. The
Barisan had inadvertently endorsed merger under terms "like Penang" (a state of Malaya) with full citizenship
rights, not realising that Malayan law entitled only a native-born to qualify for automatic citizenship, which
would disenfranchise nearly one third of those eligible to vote;[159] it issued a clarification but never recovered
from the mistake.[160] Lee placed the flag of Singapore alongside option A with the terms of Singapore
retaining control of education and labour policy, while portraying the Barisan's choice as option B favouring
entry into the federation with no special rights, next to the flag of Penang.[161] When Lim called for his
supporters to submit blank votes, Lee countered that blank votes would count as a vote for the majority choice.
71% eventually voted for option A, while 26% casted blank votes.[162] In November, Lee embarked on a ten-
month visit to all fifty-one constituencies, prioritizing those with the highest count of blank votes.[163]

Operation Coldstore detentions

The Malayan government considered the arrests of Singapore's left-wing groups as non-negotiable for the
formation of Malaysia.[164][165] Tunku felt that Lee lacked the initiative to suppress "pro-communist elements"
and warned that a Malay-led dictatorship would be instated to prevent a "socialist majority" in the next
Malayan election.[158] As the Malayans increased pressure on the Internal Security Council (ISC) to take
action, Lee began supporting the idea of a purge in March 1962.[166] The Malayan and Singapore special
branches collaborated on an arrest list of major opposition members, though doubts arose if Lim Chin Siong
and Fong Swee Suan could be classified as 'communists'.[166] Up until the end of November 1962, the British
declined to support the operation without a pretext, noting that Lim and the Barisan Sosialis had not broken
any laws.[167]

The Brunei revolt on 8 December led by A. M. Azahari provided a "heaven-sent opportunity" to take action,
as Lim had met Azahari on 3 December.[168] The Malayan government convened the ISC to discuss the
operation, while Singapore's Special Branch produced alleged evidence of the communist control of
Barisan.[168] On 13 December, Lord Selkirk gave his authorisation for the arrests to proceed on 16 December.
However, Lee's attempt to add two Malayan parliamentarians opposed to the formation of Malaysia into the
arrest list caused the Malayan representative to rescind his consent, stopping the operation.[168] Tunku
suspected that Lee was trying to eliminate his entire opposition, while Lee felt that Tunku was evading his
shared responsibility for the arrests.[163]

An ISC meeting was scheduled to be held on 1 February 1963 to remount the operation.[169] During the
interim period, Lee had added three names from the United People's Party, one of them being former PAP
minister Ong Eng Guan.[169] Selkirk expressed concerns that Ong's arrest lacked any justification and Lee
conceded that it was meant as a "warning" to Ong.[169] Tunku told Geofroy Tory, the British High
Commissioner in Kuala Lumpur on 30 January, that 'if this operation failed, merger with Singapore was
off'.[169] Selkirk was pressured to put his reservations aside and finally consented.[169] On 2 February,
Operation Coldstore commenced across Singapore, with 113 detained including Lim and 23 others from
Barisan Sosialis.[170][171] Lee offered Lim a path into exile which Lim rejected.[172] The Malayans and
British later pressured Lee to retract his comment when he said he "disapproved" of the operation.[170]

In his memoirs, Lee portrayed himself as reluctant in supporting the operation, though declassified British
documents revealed that Lee was "somewhat more enthusiastic" than he eventually admitted.[173]

Prime Minister, Singapore in Malaysia (1963–1965)

Elections and tensions

On 31 August 1963, Lee declared Singapore's independence in a ceremony at the

Padang and pledged loyalty to the federal government.[174] With the conclusion of
the trials of Barsian Sosialis' leaders, Lee dissolved the legislative assembly on 3
September and called for a snap election.[175][176] He touted "independence
through merger" as a success and utilised television and the mass media
effectively.[177] In conjunction with Sabah (formerly North Borneo) and Sarawak,
Lee proclaimed Singapore as part of Malaysia in a second ceremony on 16
September accompanied by a military parade.[178][i] Lim Chin Siong's arrest had
however generated widespread sympathy for the Barisan and a close result was
predicted. Australian and British officials expected a Barisan win.[179] When the Lee's proclamation of
PAP defeated the Barisan in a landslide victory on 21 September, it was seen as a Malaysia on 16
public endorsement of merger and Lee's social-economical policies.[177][180] September 1963;
note the two flags
Relations between the PAP and Malaysia's ruling Alliance Party quickly atop the City Hall
deteriorated as Lee began espousing his policies to the rest of the country. The building.
United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) was also shocked by the loss of
three Malay-majority seats to the PAP in the recent 1963 Singapore election.[181]
Ultra-nationalists within UMNO alleged that Lee sought to overthrow the Malay monarchies and infringe on
rural life.[181] Lee's attempts to reconcile the PAP with UMNO were rebuffed as the latter remained committed
to the Malaysian Chinese Association.[181] Further hostility ensued when the PAP decided to contest in the
1964 Malaysian general election in contravention of a gentlemen's agreement that it would disavow itself from
peninsula politics.[182] Lee's speeches in Malaysia attracted large crowds and he expected the PAP to win at
least seven parliamentary seats.[183] The party ultimately won only one seat in Bungsar, Selangor under
Devan Nair.[182] Lee and other party insiders later conceded that UMNO's portrayal of the PAP as a "Chinese
party" and its lack of grassroots in the peninsula had undermined its support from the Malay majority.[182][184]

Ethnic tensions had risen prior to the April election when UMNO secretary-general Syed Jaafar Albar utilised
the Utusan Melayu to accuse Lee of evicting Malays from their homes in March 1964.[185] Lee explained
personally to the affected neighbourhoods that the scheme was part of a urban renewal plan and that eviction
notices had been sent to everyone irrespective of race.[186] Albar responded by warning Lee to not "treat the
sons of the soil as step-children" and led calls for the deaths of Lee and Social Affairs Minister Othman bin
Wok on 12 July.[186] On 21 July, the 1964 race riots in Singapore erupted during a celebration of Prophet
Muhammad's birthday, lasting four days, killing 22 and injuring 461.[187] Further riots occurred in late-August
and early-September resulting in communities self-segregating from each other, which Lee characterized as
"terribly disheartening" and against "everything we had believed in and worked for".[185]
Malaysian Malaysia and separation

In May 1965, PAP formed the Malaysian Solidarity Convention with four other Malaysian political parties
championing the concept of a "Malaysian Malaysia" opposing Article 153 of the Constitution of Malaysia.
This article specifically provides special quotas for the Malay and other indigenous peoples of Malaysia in
admission to the public service, awarding of public scholarships, admission to public education institutions and
the awarding of trade licences.

The Malaysian central government, ruled by the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO), became
worried by the inclusion of Singapore's Chinese majority and the political challenge of the PAP in Malaysia.
UMNO's coalition partner, the Malayan Chinese Association (MCA) feared that the PAP would replace them,
and opposed the PAP, seeing it as a radical socialist movement. The MCA urged the UMNO to prevent the
PAP from becoming too influential. Also, the failure of a common market to be set up between the Federation
and Singapore, and the heavy tax burden placed on Singapore by the federal government put strain on the
relations between Singapore and the Federation.

Some politicians in the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) thought Malaysian Malaysia
threatened the Malays' special position in Malaysia. They considered Lee to be a dangerous and seditious
trouble-maker. UMNO supreme council member and future prime minister of Malaysia, Dr. Mahathir
Mohamad called the PAP “pro-Chinese, communist-oriented and positively anti-Malay”.[188] The more
moderate Tunku was perturbed by the campaign. He thought it would lead to trouble, as he believed that the
Malays were not ready to compete without their special privileges.

Also in May 1965, Lee addressed the Malaysian Parliament and laid out his case against communal politics.
He caused a sensation addressing them in the Malaysian language. Former Minister for Social Affairs Othman
Wok recounted years later:

I noticed that while he was speaking, the Alliance leaders sitting in front of us, they sank lower
and lower because they were embarrassed this man (Lee) could speak Malay better than
them.[189]

Former Cabinet colleague, the late Lim Kim San, noted:

That was the turning point. They perceived [Lee] as a dangerous man who could one day be the
Prime Minister of Malaya. This was the speech that changed history.[189]

Unable to resolve the crisis, Tunku Abdul Rahman decided that Singapore had to be expelled from Malaysia,
choosing to "sever all ties with a State Government that showed no measure of loyalty to its Central
Government". Lee refused and tried to work out a compromise, but without success. He was later convinced
by Goh Keng Swee that the secession was inevitable.[190] The negotiations of post-separation relations were
held in utmost secrecy, to prevent any premature move by extreme elements of UMNO to instigate the arrest of
Lee's government and imposing of direct rule over Singapore. Lee and his cabinet signed a separation
agreement on 7 August 1965, which discussed Singapore's post-separation relations with Malaysia in order to
continue co-operation in areas such as trade and mutual defence.

On 9 August 1965, at 10am, the Malaysian Parliament convened and passed unanimously by a vote of 126–0,
the Constitution of Malaysia (Singapore Amendment) Bill 1965 to allow Singapore to separate from the
Malaysian federation.[191] The failure of the merger was a blow to Lee, who believed that it was crucial for
Singapore's survival. In a televised press conference that day, he fought back tears[192] and briefly stopped to
regain his composure as he formally announced the separation and the full independence of Singapore to an
anxious population:

Every time we look back on this moment when we signed this agreement which severed
Singapore from Malaysia, it will be a moment of anguish. For me it is a moment of anguish
because all my life. ... You see, the whole of my adult life [...] I have believed in Malaysian
merger and the unity of these two territories. You know, it's a people connected by geography,
economics, and ties of kinship.[193]

Singapore's lack of natural resources, a water supply that was derived primarily from Malaysia and a very
limited defensive capability were the major challenges which Lee and the nascent Singaporean government
faced.[194]

Prime Minister, Republic of Singapore (1965–1990)

Despite the momentous event, Lee did not call for the parliament to
convene to reconcile issues that Singapore would face immediately as
a new nation. Without giving further instructions on who should act in
his absence, he went into isolation for six weeks, unreachable by
phone, on an isolated chalet. According to Dr. Toh Chin Chye, the
parliament hung in "suspended animation" until the sitting in
December that year.[195]

In his memoirs, Lee said that he was unable to sleep. Upon learning
of Lee's condition from the British High Commissioner to Singapore,
John Robb, the British Prime Minister, Harold Wilson, expressed
concern, in response to which Lee replied:

Do not worry about Singapore. My colleagues and I are

sane, rational people even in our moments of anguish. Lee Kuan Yew and Frank Kitts,
We will weigh all possible consequences before we make Mayor of Wellington in 1965
any move on the political chessboard.[196]

Lee began to seek international recognition of Singapore's independence. Singapore joined the United Nations
on 21 September 1965, and founded the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) on 8 August 1967
with four other South-East Asian countries. Lee made his first official visit to Indonesia on 25 May 1973, just
a few years after the Indonesia–Malaysia confrontation under Sukarno's regime. Relations between Singapore
and Indonesia substantially improved as subsequent visits were made between the two countries.

Singapore has never had a dominant culture to which immigrants could assimilate even though Malay was the
dominant language at that time.[197] Together with efforts from the government and ruling party, Lee tried to
create a unique Singaporean identity in the 1970s and 1980s—one which heavily recognised racial
consciousness within the umbrella of multiculturalism.

Lee and his government stressed the importance of maintaining religious tolerance and racial harmony, and
they were ready to use the law to counter any threat that might incite ethnic and religious violence. For
example, Lee warned against "insensitive evangelisation", by which he referred to instances of Christian
proselytising directed at Malays. In 1974 the government advised the Bible Society of Singapore to stop
publishing religious material in Malay.[198]

Decisions and policies

National security

The vulnerability of Singapore was deeply felt, with threats from multiple sources including the communists
and Indonesia with its confrontational stance. Adding to this vulnerability was the impending withdrawal of
British forces from East of Suez. As Singapore gained admission to the United Nations, Lee quickly sought
international recognition of Singapore's independence. He appointed Goh Keng Swee as Minister for the
Interior and Defence to build up the Singapore Armed Forces (SAF) and requested help from other countries,
particularly Israel and Taiwan, for advice, training and facilities.[199] In 1967, Lee introduced conscription for
all able-bodied male Singaporean citizens age 18 to serve National Service (NS) either in the SAF, Singapore
Police Force or the Singapore Civil Defence Force. By 1971, Singapore had 17 national service battalions
(16,000 men) with 14 battalions (11,000 men) in the reserves.[200] In 1975, Lee convinced then-Premier
Chiang Ching-kuo of Taiwan (ROC) to permit Singaporean troops to train in Taiwan, under the codename
"Exercise Starlight".[201]

Economy

One of Lee's most urgent tasks upon Singapore's independence was to address high unemployment. Together
with his economic aide, Economic Development Board chairman Hon Sui Sen, and in consultation with
Dutch economist Albert Winsemius, Lee set up factories and initially focused on the manufacturing industry.
Before the British completely withdrew from Singapore in 1971, Lee also persuaded the British not to destroy
their dock and had the British naval dockyard later converted for civilian use.

Eventually, Lee and his cabinet decided the best way to boost Singapore's economy was to attract foreign
investments from multinational corporations (MNCs). By establishing First World infrastructure and standards
in Singapore, the new nation could attract American, Japanese and European entrepreneurs and professionals
to set up base there. By the 1970s, the arrival of MNCs like Texas Instruments, Hewlett-Packard and General
Electric laid the foundations, turning Singapore into a major electronics exporter the following decade.[202]
Workers were frequently retrained to familiarise themselves with the work systems and cultures of foreign
companies. The government also started several new industries, such as steel mills under 'National Iron and
Steel Mills', service industries like Neptune Orient Lines, and the Singapore Airlines.[203]

Lee and his cabinet also worked to establish Singapore as an international financial centre. Foreign bankers
were assured of the reliability of Singapore's social conditions, with top-class infrastructure and skilled
professionals, and investors were made to understand that the Singapore government would pursue sound
macroeconomic policies, with budget surpluses, leading to a stable valued Singapore dollar.[204]

Throughout the tenure of his office, Lee placed great importance on developing the economy, and his attention
to detail on this aspect went even to the extent of connecting it with other facets of Singapore, including the
country's extensive and meticulous tending of its international image of being a "Garden City",[205] something
that has been sustained to this day.

Anti-corruption measures
Lee introduced legislation giving the Corrupt Practices Investigation Bureau (CPIB) greater power to conduct
arrests, search, call up witnesses, and investigate bank accounts and income-tax returns of suspected persons
and their families.[206] Lee believed that ministers should be well paid in order to maintain a clean and honest
government. On 21 November 1986, Lee received a complaint of corruption against then Minister for National
Development Teh Cheang Wan.[207] Lee was against corruption and he authorised the CPIB to carry out
investigations on Teh, but Teh committed suicide before any charges could be pressed against him.[208] In
1994, he proposed to link the salaries of ministers, judges, and top civil servants to the salaries of top
professionals in the private sector, arguing that this would help recruit and retain talent to serve in the public
sector.[209]

Population policies

In the late 1960s, fearing that Singapore's growing population might overburden the developing economy, Lee
started a "Stop at Two" family planning campaign. Couples were urged to undergo sterilisation after their
second child. Third or fourth children were given lower priorities in education and such families received
fewer economic rebates.[209]

In 1983, Lee sparked the "Great Marriage Debate" when he encouraged Singapore men to choose highly
educated women as wives.[210] He was concerned that a large number of graduate women were
unmarried.[211] Some sections of the population, including graduate women, were upset by his views.[211]
Nevertheless, a match-making agency, the Social Development Unit (SDU),[212] was set up to promote
socialising among men and women graduates.[209] In the Graduate Mothers Scheme, Lee also introduced
incentives such as tax rebates, schooling, and housing priorities for graduate mothers who had three or four
children, in a reversal of the over-successful "Stop at Two" family planning campaign in the 1960s and 1970s.

Some sections of the population, including graduate women, were upset by the views of Lee, who had
questioned that perhaps the campaign for women's rights had been too successful:

Equal employment opportunities, yes, but we shouldn't get our women into jobs where they
cannot, at the same time, be mothers...our most valuable asset is in the ability of our people, yet
we are frittering away this asset through the unintended consequences of changes in our
education policy and equal career opportunities for women. This has affected their traditional
role ... as mothers, the creators and protectors of the next generation.

— Lee Kuan Yew, "Talent for the future", 14 August 1983[213]

The uproar over the proposal led to a swing of 12.9 percent against the PAP government in the 1984 general
election. In 1985, especially controversial portions of the policy that gave education and housing priorities to
educated women were eventually abandoned or modified.[214][209]

By the late 1990s, the birth rate had fallen so low that Lee's successor Goh Chok Tong extended these
incentives to all married women, and gave even more incentives, such as the "baby bonus" scheme.[209]

Corporal punishment

One of Lee's abiding beliefs was in the efficacy of corporal punishment in the form of caning.[215] In his
autobiography The Singapore Story, Lee described his time at Raffles Institution in the 1930s, mentioning that
he was caned there for chronic lateness by the then headmaster, D. W. McLeod. He wrote: "I bent over a chair
and was given three of the best with my trousers on. I did not think he lightened his strokes. I have never
understood why Western educationists are so much against corporal punishment. It did my fellow students and
me no harm".[216]

Lee's government inherited judicial corporal punishment from British rule, but greatly expanded its scope.
Under the British, it had been used as a penalty for offences involving personal violence, amounting to a
handful of caning sentences per year. The PAP government under Lee extended its use to an ever-expanding
range of crimes.[217] By 1993, it was mandatory for 42 offences and optional for a further 42.[218] Those
routinely ordered by the courts to be caned now include drug addicts and illegal immigrants. From 602 canings
in 1987, the figure rose to 3,244 in 1993[219] and to 6,404 in 2007.[220]

In 1994, judicial caning was publicised in the rest of the world when an American teenager, Michael P. Fay,
was caned under the vandalism legislation.[215]

School corporal punishment (for male students only) was likewise inherited from the British, and is still in use
in schools, permitted under legislation from 1957.[221] Lee also introduced caning in the Singapore Armed
Forces, and Singapore is one of the few countries in the world where corporal punishment is an official
penalty in military discipline.[222]

Water resources in Singapore

Singapore has traditionally relied on water from Malaysia. However, this reliance has made Singapore subject
to the possibility of price increases and allowed Malaysian officials to use the water reliance as political
leverage by threatening to cut off supply. To reduce this problem, Lee decided to experiment with water
recycling in 1974.[223]

Foreign relations

Malaysia and Mahathir Mohamad

Lee looked forward to improving relationships with Mahathir

Mohamad upon the latter's promotion to Deputy Prime Minister.
Knowing that Mahathir was in line to become the next Prime Minister
of Malaysia, Lee invited Mahathir (through Singapore President
Devan Nair) to visit Singapore in 1978. The first and subsequent
visits improved both personal and diplomatic relationships between
them. Then UMNO's Secretary-General Mahathir asked Lee to cut
off all links with Democratic Action Party; in exchange, Mahathir
undertook not to interfere in the affairs of Malay Singaporeans.

In June 1988, Lee and Mahathir reached an agreement in Kuala Mahathir Mohamad
Lumpur to build the Linggui dam on the Johor River.[224] Lee said he
had made more progress solving bilateral issues with Dr Mahathir
from 1981 to 1990 than in the previous 12 years with the latter’s two predecessors, Tun Abdul Razak and Tun
Hussein Onn.[188] Mahathir ordered the lifting of the ban on the export of construction materials to Singapore
in 1981, agreed to sort out Malaysia’s claim to Pedra Branca island and affirmed it would honour the 1962
Water Agreement.[188]
One day before Lee left office in November 1990, Malaysia and Singapore signed the Malaysia–Singapore
Points of Agreement of 1990. Malayan Railways (KTM) would vacate the Tanjong Pagar railway station and
move to Bukit Timah while all KTM's land between Bukit Timah and Tanjong Pagar would revert to
Singapore. Railway land at Tanjong Pagar would be handed over to a private limited company for joint
development of which its equity would be split 60% to Malaysia and 40% to Singapore. However, Prime
Minister Mahathir expressed his displeasure with the POA as it failed to include a piece of railway land in
Bukit Timah for joint development in 1993. It was only in 2010 when the matter was resolved under
Malaysia's Najib Razak and Lee's son, Lee Hsien Loong.

Following Lee's death, Mahathir posted a blog post that suggested his respect for Lee despite their differences,
stating that while "I am afraid on most other issues we could not agree [...] [h]is passage marks the end of the
period when those who fought for independence lead their countries and knew the value of independence.
ASEAN lost a strong leadership after President Suharto and Lee Kuan Yew".[225]

United States

Lee fully supported the USA in the Vietnam War. Even as the war
began to lose its popularity in the United States, Lee made his first
official visit to the United States in October 1967, and declared to
President Lyndon B. Johnson that his support for the war in Vietnam
was "unequivocal". Lee saw the war as necessary for states in
Southeast Asia like Singapore to buy time for stabilizing their
governments and economies.[226][227] Lee cultivated close
relationships with presidents Richard Nixon and Ronald Reagan,[228]
as well as former secretaries of state Henry Kissinger[229] and George
Shultz.[230] In 1967 Nixon, who was running for president in 1968,
visited Singapore and met with Lee, who advised that the United
States had much to gain by engaging with China, culminating in
Richard Nixon's 1972 visit to China.[231]

In October 1985, Lee made a state visit to the United States on the
invitation of President Reagan and addressed a joint session of the
United States Congress. Lee stressed to Congress the importance of
free trade and urged it not to turn towards protectionism. Lee Kuan Yew and his wife Kwa
Geok Choo with United States
President Ronald Reagan and his
It is inherent in America's position as the preeminent wife Nancy Reagan on 8 October
economic, political and military power to have to settle 1985 at the White House
and uphold the rules for orderly change and progress... In
the interests of peace and security America must uphold
the rules of international conduct which rewards peaceful
cooperative behaviour and punishes transgressions of the
peace. A replay of the depression of the 1930s, which led
to World War II, will be ruinous for all. All the major
powers of the West share the responsibility of not
repeating this mistake. But America's is the primary
responsibility, for she is the anchor economy of the free-
market economies of the world.[228]
In May 1988, E. Mason "Hank" Hendrickson was serving as the First Secretary of the United States Embassy
when he was expelled by the Singapore government.[232][233][234] The Singapore government alleged that
Hendrickson attempted to interfere in Singapore's internal affairs by cultivating opposition figures in a
"Marxist conspiracy".[235] Then-First Deputy Prime Minister Goh Chok Tong claimed that Hendrickson's
alleged conspiracy could have resulted in the election of 20 or 30 opposition politicians to Parliament, which in
his words could lead to "horrendous" effects, possibly even the paralysis and fall of the Singapore
government.[236] In the aftermath of Hendrickson's expulsion, the U.S. State Department praised
Hendrickson's performance in Singapore and denied any impropriety in his actions.[232] The State Department
also expelled Robert Chua, a senior-level Singaporean diplomat equal in rank to Hendrickson, from
Washington, D.C. in response.[237][238] The State Department's refusal to reprimand Hendrickson, along with
its expulsion of the Singaporean diplomat, sparked a rare protest in Singapore by the National Trades Union
Congress; they drove buses around the U.S. embassy, held a rally attended by four thousand workers, and
issued a statement deriding the U.S. as "sneaky, arrogant, and untrustworthy".[239]

China

Singapore did not establish diplomatic relations with China until the USA and Southeast Asian had decided
they wanted to do so in order to avoid portraying a pro-China bias.[240][241] His official visits to China starting
in 1976 were conducted in English, to assure other countries that he represented Singapore, and not a "Third
China" (the first two being the Republic of China and People's Republic of China).[242]

In November 1978, after China had stabilized following political turmoil in the aftermath of Mao Zedong's
death and the Gang of Four, Deng Xiaoping visited Singapore and met Lee. Deng, who was very impressed
with Singapore's economic development, greenery and housing, and later sent tens of thousands of Chinese to
Singapore and countries around the world to learn from their experiences and bring back their knowledge as
part of the opening of China beginning in December 1978. Lee, on the other hand, advised Deng to stop
exporting Communist ideologies to Southeast Asia, advice that Deng later followed.[243][244] This culminated
in the exchange of Trade Offices between the two nations in September 1981.[245] In 1985, commercial air
services between mainland China and Singapore commenced[246] and China appointed Goh Keng Swee,
Singapore's finance minister in the post-independence years, as advisor on the development of Special
Economic Zones.[247]

On 3 October 1990, Singapore revised diplomatic relations from the Republic of China to the People's
Republic of China.

In December 2018, China conferred a posthumous China Reform Friendship Medal on Lee for his "critical
role in promoting Singapore's participation in China's reform journey". In former Chinese leader Deng
Xiaoping's southern tour, he urged Chinese leaders to learn from the Singapore model. Alan Chan Heng
Loon, Singapore-China Foundation chairman and Lee's chief private secretary, said that Mr. Lee's
administration did a lot to build China-Singapore ties.[248]

Cambodia

Lee opposed the Vietnamese invasion of Cambodia in 1978.[249] The Singapore government organised an
international campaign to condemn Vietnam and provided aid to the Khmer Rouge which was fighting against
Vietnamese occupation during the Cambodian–Vietnamese War from 1978 to 1989. In his memoirs, Lee
recounted that in 1982, "Singapore gave the first few hundreds of several batches of AK-47 rifles, hand
grenades, ammunition and communication equipment" to the Khmer Rouge resistance forces.[250][251]

Senior Minister (1990–2004)

After leading the PAP to victory in seven elections, Lee stepped down
on 28 November 1990, handing over the prime ministership to Goh
Chok Tong.[252] At that point in time he had become the world's
longest-serving prime minister.[253] This was the first leadership
transition since independence. Goh was elected as the new Prime
Minister by the younger ministers then in office.

When Goh Chok Tong became head of government, Lee remained in

the cabinet with a non-executive position of Senior Minister[254] and
played a role he described as advisory. In public, Lee would refer to
Lee Kuan Yew (middle) meets with
Goh as "my Prime Minister", in deference to Goh's authority.
United States Secretary of Defense
William S. Cohen and Singapore's
Lee subsequently stepped down as Secretary-General of the PAP and
Ambassador to the United States
was succeeded by Goh Chok Tong on 2 December 1992.[255]
Chan Heng Chee in 2000

Minister Mentor (2004–2011)

From the decade of the 2000s, Lee expressed concern about the declining proficiency of Mandarin among
younger Chinese Singaporeans. In one of his parliamentary speeches, he said: "Singaporeans must learn to
juggle English and Mandarin". Subsequently, in December 2004, Lee stepped down to become minister
mentor and started a year-long campaign called " 华语
Cool!" (Mandarin is Cool!) in an attempt to attract
young viewers to learn and speak Mandarin.[256]

In June 2005, Lee published a book, Keeping My Mandarin Alive, documenting his decades of effort to master
Mandarin, a language that he said he had to re-learn due to disuse:

[B]ecause I don't use it so much, therefore it gets disused and there's language loss. Then I have to
revive it. It's a terrible problem because learning it in adult life, it hasn't got the same roots in your
memory.

On 13 September 2008, Lee underwent successful treatment for abnormal heart rhythm (atrial flutter) at
Singapore General Hospital, but he was still able to address a philanthropy forum via video link from
hospital.[257] On 28 September 2010, he was hospitalised for a chest infection, cancelling plans to attend the
wake of the Senior Minister of State for Foreign Affairs, Balaji Sadasivan.[258]

In November 2010, Lee's private conversations with James Steinberg, US Deputy Secretary of State, on 30
May 2009 were among the US Embassy cables leaked by WikiLeaks. In a US Embassy report classified as
"Secret", Lee gave his assessment of a number of Asian leaders and views on political developments in North
Asia, including implications for nuclear proliferation.[259]

In January 2011, the Straits Times Press published the book Lee Kuan Yew: Hard Truths To Keep Singapore
Going.[260] Targeted at younger Singaporeans, it was based on 16 interviews with Lee by seven local
journalists in 2008–2009. The first print run of 45,000 copies sold out in less than a month after it was
launched in January 2011. Another batch of 55,000 copies was made available shortly after.[261]

After the 2011 general elections in which the Workers' Party, a major opposition political party in Singapore,
made unprecedented gains by winning a Group Representation Constituency (GRC), Lee announced that he
decided to leave the Cabinet for the Prime Minister, Lee Hsien Loong, and his team to have a clean slate.[262]
Analysts such as Citigroup economist Kit Wei Zheng believed that the senior Lee had contributed to the PAP's
poor performance.[263] In particular, he stated during the election campaign that the voters of Aljunied
constituency had "five years to live and repent" if they voted for the Workers' Party, which was said to have
backfired for the PAP as the opposition went on to win Aljunied.[264]

In a column in the Sunday Times on 6 November 2011, Lee's daughter, Lee Wei Ling, revealed that her father
suffered from peripheral neuropathy.[265] In the column, she recounted how she first noticed her father's
ailments when she accompanied him to meet the former US Secretary of State Henry Kissinger in Connecticut
in October 2009. Wei Ling, a neurologist, "did a few simple neurological tests and decided the nerves to his
legs were not working as they should". A day later, when interviewed at a constituency tree-planting event,
Lee stated: "I have no doubt at all that this has not affected my mind, my will nor my resolve" and that "people
in wheel chairs can make a contribution. I've still got two legs, I will make a contribution".[266]

Illness and death

On 15 February 2013, Lee was admitted to Singapore General
Hospital after suffering a prolonged cardiac dysrhythmia which was
followed by a brief stoppage of blood flow to the
brain.[267][268][269][270] For the first time in his career as a politician,
Lee missed the annual Chinese New Year dinner at his Tanjong Pagar
Constituency, where he was supposed to be the guest-of-
honour.[271][272] He was subsequently discharged, but continued to
National Flag at half-mast at
receive anti-coagulant therapy.[273][274][275]
Nanyang Technological University
following the death of Lee Kuan Yew
The following year, Lee missed his constituency's Chinese New Year
dinner for the second consecutive time owing to bodily bacterial
invasion.[276] In April 2014, a photo depicting a cadaverous Lee External video
was released online, drawing strong reactions from netizens.[277]
State funeral service for the late
On 5 February 2015, suffering from pneumonia, Lee was Mr Lee Kuan Yew on 29 March
hospitalised and was put on a ventilator at the intensive care unit of 2015 (https://www.youtube.com/wat
Singapore General Hospital, although his condition was reported ch?v=gEK3znU1HEs), Prime
initially as "stable".[278][279] A 26 February update stated that he Minister's Office
was again being given antibiotics, while being sedated and still under
mechanical ventilation.[280][281] From 17 to 22 March, Lee
continued weakening as he suffered an infection while on life support, and he was described as "critically
ill".[282][283][284]

On 18 March that year, a death hoax website reported false news of Lee's death. The suspect is an unidentified
minor who created a false webpage that resembled the PMO official website.[285] Several international news
organisations reported on Lee's death based on this and later retracted their statements.[286][287]

On 23rd of that same month, Singapore's Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong announced his father's death at the
age of 91.[288] Lee had died at 03:18 Singapore Standard Time (UTC+08:00).[289][288] A week of national
mourning took place,[290] during which time Lee was lying in state at Parliament house. During this time, 1.7
million Singaporean residents as well as world leaders paid tribute to him at Parliament house and community
tribute sites throughout the country.[291][292][2] A state funeral for Lee was held on 29th of that same month
and attended by world leaders.[293] Later that day, Lee was cremated in a private ceremony at the Mandai
Crematorium.[294]

Legacy
As Singapore's Prime Minister from 1959 to 1990, Lee presided over I'm not saying that everything
many of Singapore's advancements. Singapore's Gross National Product I did was right, but
per capita rose from $1,240 in 1959 to $18,437 in 1990. The everything I did was for an
unemployment rate in Singapore dropped from 13.5% in 1959 to 1.7% in honourable purpose. I had to
1990. External trade increased from $7.3 billion in 1959 to $205 billion in do some nasty things, locking
1990. In other areas, the life expectancy at birth for Singaporeans rose fellows up without trial.
from 65 years at 1960 to 74 years in 1990. The population of Singapore
increased from 1.6 million in 1959 to 3 million in 1990. The number of
public flats in Singapore rose from 22,975 in 1959 (then under the Lee in 2010, reflecting on his
Singapore Improvement Trust) to 667,575 in 1990. The Singaporean legacy[295]
literacy rate increased from 52% in 1957 to 90% in 1990. Telephone lines
per 100 Singaporeans increased from 3 in 1960 to 38 in 1990. Visitor
arrivals to Singapore rose from 100,000 in 1960 to 5.3 million in
1990.[296]

During the three decades in which Lee held office, Singapore grew from a developing country to one of the
most developed nations in Asia.[297] Lee said that Singapore's only natural resources are its people and their
strong work ethic.[298]

Lee's achievements in Singapore had a profound effect on the Communist leadership in China, who made a
major effort, especially under Deng Xiaoping, to emulate his policies of economic growth, entrepreneurship
and subtle suppression of dissent. Over 22,000 Chinese officials were sent to Singapore to study its
methods.[299] He has also had a major influence on thinking in Russia in recent years.[300][299]

Other world leaders also praised Lee. Henry Kissinger once wrote of Lee: "One of the asymmetries of history
is the lack of correspondence between the abilities of some leaders and the power of their countries." Former
British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher praised "his way of penetrating the fog of propaganda and
expressing with unique clarity the issues of our time and the way to tackle them".[301]

On the other hand, many Singaporeans and Westerners have criticised Lee as authoritarian and as intolerant of
dissent, citing his numerous attempts to sue political opponents and newspapers who express unfavourable
opinions of Lee. Reporters Without Borders, an international media pressure group, requested Lee and other
senior Singaporean officials to stop taking libel suits against journalists.[302]

In addition, Lee was accused of promoting a culture of elitism among Singapore's ruling class. Michael Barr in
his book The Ruling Elite of Singapore: Networks of Influence and Power claims that the system of
meritocracy in Singapore is not quite how the government presents it; rather, it is a system of nepotism and
collusion run by Lee's family and their crony friends and allies. Barr claims further that although the
government presents the city-state as multi-ethnic and cosmopolitan, all the networks are dominated by ethnic
Chinese, leaving the minority Malay and Indian ethnic groups powerless. According to Barr, the entire process
of selecting and grooming of future political and economic talent is monopolised in the hands of the ruling
People's Action Party, which Lee himself founded with a handful of other British-educated ethnic Chinese that
he met in his days at Cambridge.[303]

Legal suits

Action against Far Eastern Economic Review

In April 1977, just months after a general election which saw the People's Action Party winning all 69 seats,
the Internal Security Department, under orders from Lee, detained Ho Kwon Ping, the Singapore
correspondent of the Far Eastern Economic Review, as well as his predecessor Arun Senkuttavan, over their
reporting. Ho was detained under the Internal Security Act which allows for indefinite trial, held in solitary
confinement for two months, and charged with endangering national security. Following a televised confession
in which Ho confessed to "pro-communist activities",[304] he was fined $3,000. Lee Kuan Yew later charged
FEER editor, Derek Davies, of participating in "a diabolical international Communist plot" to poison relations
between Singapore and neighbouring Malaysia.

In 1987 Lee restricted sale of the Review in Singapore after it published an article about the detention of
Roman Catholic church workers, reducing circulation of the magazine from 9,000 to 500 copies,[305] on the
grounds that it was "interfering in the domestic politics of Singapore."[306]

On 24 September 2008 the High Court of Singapore, in a summary judgment by Justice Woo Bih Li, ruled
that the Far Eastern Economic Review magazine (Hugo Restall, editor), defamed Lee and his son, the Prime
Minister, Lee Hsien Loong. The court found the 2006 article "Singapore's 'Martyr': Chee Soon Juan"
suggested that Lee "ha[d] been running and continue[d] to run Singapore in the same corrupt manner as Durai
operated [the National Kidney Foundation] and he ha[d] been using libel actions to suppress those who would
question [him] to avoid exposure of his corruption".[307] The court ordered the Review, owned by Dow Jones
& Company (in turn owned by Rupert Murdoch's News Corp), to pay damages to the complainants. The
magazine appealed but lost.[307][308]

Action against J.B. Jeyaretnam

Lee commenced proceedings for slander against opposition leader J.B. Jeyaretnam for comments he made at a
Workers' Party rally in the 1988 general election. Lee alleged that Jeyaretnam's speech at the rally implied he
had tried to cover up the corruption of the former Minister for National Development, Teh Cheang Wan, by
aiding and abetting his suicide. The action was heard by Justice Lai Kew Chai, who ruled against Jeyaretnam
and ordered him to pay damages of S$260,000 plus costs to Lee. Jeyaretnam lost an appeal against the
judgment.

Action against Devan Nair

In 1999, the former Singaporean President Devan Nair who was living in Canada, remarked in an interview
with the Toronto The Globe and Mail that Lee's technique of suing his opponents into bankruptcy or oblivion
was an abrogation of political rights. He also described Lee as "an increasingly self-righteous know-all"
surrounded by "department store dummies". In response to these remarks, Lee sued Nair in a Canadian court
and Nair countersued. Lee then brought a motion to have Nair's counterclaim thrown out of court. Lee argued
that Nair's counterclaim disclosed no reasonable cause of action and constituted an inflammatory attack on the
integrity of the Singapore government. However, the Ontario Superior Court of Justice refused to throw out
Nair's counterclaim, holding that Lee had abused the litigating process and therefore Nair had a reasonable
cause of action.[309]

Lee wrote in one of his memoirs that Nair was forced to resign as President due to his alleged alcoholism, a
charge which Nair denied.[310]

International Herald Tribune defamation case

In 2010 Lee, together with his son Lee Hsien Loong, and Goh Chok Tong, threatened legal action against The
New York Times Company, which owns the International Herald Tribune, regarding an Op-Ed piece titled
"All in the Family" of 15 February 2010 by Philip Bowring, a freelance columnist and former editor of the
Far Eastern Economic Review. The International Herald Tribune apologised in March that readers of the
article may "infer that the younger Lee did not achieve his position through merit". The New York Times
Company and Bowring also agreed to pay S$60,000 to Lee Hsien Loong, S$50,000 to Lee and S$50,000 to
Goh (totalling about US$114,000 at the time), in addition to legal costs. The case stemmed from a 1994
settlement between the three Singaporean leaders and the paper about an article, also by Bowring, that referred
to "dynastic politics" in East Asian countries, including Singapore. In that settlement, Bowring agreed not to
say or imply that the younger Lee had attained his position through nepotism by his father Lee Kuan Yew. In
response, media-rights watchdog Reporters Without Borders wrote an open letter to urge Lee and other top
officials of the Singapore government to stop taking "libel actions" against journalists.[311][312][313]

Political positions

Chinese marginalisation

On September 15, 2006, at the Raffles Forum hosted by the School of Public Policy, Lee made a remark as to
how the "Malaysian and Indonesian governments systematically marginalise its Chinese people", which
subsequently caused a short diplomatic spat.[314] He then described the systematic marginalisation of the
Chinese in Malaysia, which aroused a strong response from the Malaysian government. Politicians in Malaysia
and Indonesia, even those of Chinese descent, expressed dissatisfaction with this, and demanded the
Singaporean government to explain and apologise for Lee's remarks.[315][316]

Former Malaysian Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad criticised Lee Kuan Yew for his "arrogance and
disrespect" for neighbouring countries, and countered that Malaysia could also question Singapore's
marginalization of its local Malays and other minorities such as the Eurasians and Indians. Former Indonesian
President B. J. Habibie also described the "little red dot" term in reference to Singapore as an incentive for
Indonesian youth to learn from Singapore's achivements, and that the original intention was distorted. On
September 30, while Lee Kuan Yew apologised to the Malaysian Prime Minister at the time Abdullah Badawi
for his remarks,[317][318][319] he did not fully retract his remarks.[320][321]

Eugenics

Alarmed that Singapore's fertility rate was falling precipitously low, Lee launched the Graduate Mothers'
Scheme in 1983, giving tax deductions for children to women with university degrees, and priority in
admission to primary schools to graduate mothers with 3 or more children.[322]

In his speech at the 1983 National Day Rally, Lee said, "If you don't include your women graduates in your
breeding pool and leave them on the shelf, you would end up a more stupid society... So what happens? There
will be less bright people to support dumb people in the next generation. That's a problem."[323]

"If we continue to respond ourselves in this lopsided manner we will be unable to maintain our present
standards," he added. "Levels of competence will decline. Our economy will falter, the administration will
suffer, and society will decline.., for every two college graduates in 25 years' time there will be one graduate
and for every two uneducated workers there will be three."[324]

In June 1984, Lee's government rolled out grants for low income and low education women to undergo
sterilisation. If a woman and her husband had no O-level passes and fewer than 3 children, the woman could
receive a $10,000 grant for undergoing sterilization. Sterilized lower-class parents were also given priority
primary school admission for their existing first and second children. The uproar over the proposal led to a
swing of 12.9 percent against the People's Action Party in the general election held later that year. In 1985,
especially controversial portions of the policy that gave education and housing priorities to educated women
were eventually abandoned or modified.
A proponent of nature over nurture, Lee averred that "intelligence is 80% nature and 20% nurture" and
attributed the successes of his children to genetics.[325]

Islam

In 1999, in a discussion forum, Lee Kuan Yew was asked whether the emotional bonds of various ethnic
groups in Singapore could be a hurdle to nation building, Lee replied: "Yes, I think so, over a long period of
time, and selectively. We must not make an error. If, for instance, you put in a Malay officer who's very
religious and who has family ties in Malaysia in charge of a machine-gun unit, that's a very tricky business.
We've got to know his background. I'm saying these things because they are real, and if I don't think that, and I
think even if today the Prime Minister doesn't think carefully about this, we could have a tragedy. So, these are
problems which, as poly students, you're colour-blind to, but when you face life in reality, it's a different
proposition".[326]

In 2011, WikiLeaks published diplomatic cables attributing controversial comments on Islam to Lee.
WikiLeaks quoted Lee as having described Islam as a "venomous religion". Lee called the remarks "false" and
looked up to MFA's filenote of meeting and found no record of the claim, stating: "I did talk about extremist
terrorists like the Jemaah Islamiyah group, and the jihadist preachers who brainwashed them. They are
implacable in wanting to put down all who do not agree with them. So their Islam is a perverted version,
which the overwhelming majority of Muslims in Singapore do not subscribe to". He added that "Singapore
Muslim leaders were rational and that the ultimate solution to extremist terrorism was to give moderate
Muslims the courage to stand up and speak out against radicals who hijacked Islam to recruit volunteers for
their violent ends".[327][328]

In Lee Kuan Yew: Hard Truths to Keep Singapore Going, Lee stated that Singaporean Muslims faced
difficulties in integrating because of their religion, and urged them to "be less strict on Islamic observances".
His remarks drew fire from Malay/Muslim leaders and MPs in Singapore, prompting a strong reaction from his
son Lee Hsien Loong, the Prime Minister at that time, who said "My views on Muslims’ integration in
Singapore differed from the Minister Mentor's. Muslims are a valued and respected community, who have
done a good deal to strengthen our harmony and social cohesion." Lee Kuan Yew then told the media "I made
this one comment on the Muslims integrating with other communities probably two or three years ago.
Ministers and MPs, both Malay and non-Malay, have since told me that Singapore Malays have indeed made
special efforts to integrate with the other communities, especially since 9/11, and that my call is out of date."
Subsequently, he added: "I stand corrected. I hope that this trend will continue in the future."[329][330]

Homosexuality

While the People's Action Party remains reluctant to strike down Section S377A of the Singapore Penal Code
which criminalises sex between mutually consenting men, Lee appeared to be supportive of LGBT issues,
stating his belief on multiple occasions in his later years that gay people should not be persecuted because
homosexuality was a "genetic variance".

In response to a question from the youth wing of the PAP in 2007, Lee said, “This business of homosexuality.
It raises tempers all over the world, and even in America. If in fact it is true, and I’ve asked doctors this, that
you are genetically born a homosexual, because that is the nature of genetic random transmission of genes.
You can’t help it. So why should we criminalise it?... But there is such a strong inhibition in all societies –
Christianity, Islam, even the Hindu, Chinese societies. And we’re now confronted with a persisting aberration,
but is it an aberration? It’s a genetic variation. So what do we do? I think we pragmatically adjust.”[331]
Four years later, in an interview granted to journalists for the book “Hard Truths to Keep Singapore Going”,
Lee was asked if he thought homosexuality was a lifestyle or genetic. He said, "No, it’s not a lifestyle. You can
read the books all you want, all the articles. There’s a genetic difference, so it’s not a matter of choice. They
are born that way and that’s that. So if two men or two women are that way, just leave them alone."[332]

Asked how he would feel if one of his children came out to him, Lee said, "That’s life. They’re born with that
genetic code, that’s that. Dick Cheney didn’t like gays but his daughter was born like that. He says, 'I still love
her, full stop.' It’s happened to his family. So on principle he’s against it, but it’s his daughter. Do you throw the
daughter out? That’s life. I mean none of my children is gay, but if they were, well that’s that."

Saying he took a "purely practical view" on the issue, Lee said, "Look, homosexuality will eventually be
accepted. It’s already been accepted in China. It’s only a matter of time before it is accepted here. If we get a
Cabinet full of Christians, we’re going to get an intolerant Cabinet. We’re not going to allow that.”[333]

Asked whether Singapore was ready for a gay member of parliament, Lee said, "As far as I’m concerned, if
she does her work as an MP, she looks after her constituents, she makes sensible speeches, she’s making a
contribution, her private life is her life, that’s that."[334]

In a wide-ranging interview conducted on 24 August 2007 at the Istana with Leonard M. Apcar, deputy
managing editor of the International Herald Tribune, Singapore correspondent Wayne Arnold, and Southeast
Asia bureau chief Seth Mydans, Lee said, "we take an ambiguous position. We say, O.K., leave them alone
but let's leave the law as it is for the time being and let's have no gay parades."

“Don't ask, don't tell?” asked the reporters. "Yes, we've got to go the way the world is going. China has
already allowed and recognized gays, so have Hong Kong and Taiwan," Lee responded. "It's a matter of time.
But we have a part Muslim population, another part conservative older Chinese and Indians. So, let's go
slowly. It's a pragmatic approach to maintain social cohesion."[335]

Cultural depictions
In 1979, oil painter Chua Mia Tee depicted Lee's return from London after the Merdeka Talks.[336]

In 1991, Chua depicted Lee against a backdrop of Singapore's transformation. The specially commissioned oil
painting was presented to Lee himself.[337]

In 1992, artist Lai Kui Fang presented historical oil paintings of Lee's 1959 swearing-in ceremony as prime
minister, which are part of the National Museum of Singapore's collection.[338]

In 2000, Lawrence Koh illustrated a best-selling book about Lee's childhood years, Growing Up with Lee
Kuan Yew. The book was updated and republished in 2014.[339]

In 2006, artist-writer Jason Wee presented Self-Portrait (No More Tears Mr. Lee), a portrait of Lee made from
8,000 plastic shampoo bottle caps placed on an angled pedestal. The title references Johnson & Johnson's baby
shampoo and the iconic 1965 moment when Lee cried on TV while announcing Singapore's separation from
Malaysia.[340] Wee won a $5,000 Singapore Art Exhibition cash prize for being the voters' choice.[341]

In 2008, artist Ben Puah unveiled Hero, a solo exhibition of Lee portraits at Forth Gallery.[342]

In 2009, artist Richard Lim Han presented Singapore Guidance Angel, a solo exhibition of Lee portraits at
Forth Gallery.[343] In the same year, comics artist and painter Sonny Liew depicted Lee as part of the series
Eric Khoo is a Hotel Magnate at Mulan Gallery and freelance designer, Christopher "Treewizard" Pereira,
began making caricature figurines of Lee which range from 12 cm to 30 cm.[344][345]
In 2010, Valentine Willie Fine Art gallery asked 19 local artists to imagine a future without Lee. The resulting
exhibition, Beyond LKY, included artist Jimmy Ong's triptych of Lee as a father figure looming over a tiny
kneeling figure with the words, "Papa can you hear me", scrawled across the watercolours; an installation of a
broken piano with a tape recorder playing a crackling version of Singapore's National Anthem by multi-
disciplinary artist Zai Kuning; white ceramic chains hanging on a wall by ceramic artist Jason Lim; and an
installation of hammers smashed together by artist Tang Da Wu.[346][347]

In the same year, Objectifs Gallery curated MM I Love You, a group exhibition featuring the works of Jason
Wee, Ho Tzu Nyen, Amanda Heng, Tan Pin Pin and Bryan Van Der Beek. The exhibition's title references
Lee's former position as Minister Mentor and also the idea of "modern mythology".[348] Artist Ong Hui Har's
Harry exhibition at The Arts House featured pop art paintings of Lee in his youth.[349]

Away from Singapore, Korean artist Kim Dong Yoo depicted Lee in Lee Kuan Yew & Queen Elizabeth II
(2010), an oil-on-canvas portrait of Lee using small images of Queen Elizabeth II’s head, a reference to
Singapore being a former British colony and current member of the Commonwealth.[350] Chinese artist Ren
Zhenyu has also created expressionist portraits of Lee in electric hues such as shocking pink and lime green as
part of his Pop and Politics series, while Vietnamese artist Mai Huy Dung crafted a series of oil painting
portraits of Lee[351][352] In addition, Bruneian painter Huifong Ng was discovered after painting a portrait of
Lee and Ukrainian artist Oleg Lazarenko depicted Lee as part of his painting Lion of Singapore.[353][354]
Indian-Swiss novelist Meira Chand's A Different Sky, published by UK's Harvill Secker in 2010, features Lee
in his early years as a lawyer and co-founder of the People's Action Party.[355]

In 2011, the iris image of Lee's eye was captured and artistically rendered to resemble a sand art gallery piece.
His eye image with his autograph was auctioned off to raise funds for the Singapore Eye Research
Institute.[356]

In 2012, urban artist Samantha Lo (SKL0) depicted Lee in her controversial Limpeh series, featuring his image
in Shepard Fairey-inspired stickers, mirrors and collages.[357]

In 2013, poet Cyril Wong published The Dictator's Eyebrow, a thinly veiled and surreal collection revolving
around a Lee-like figure and his eyebrow's thirst for recognition and power.[358] In the same year, a group of
Tamil poets from three countries, including Singapore Literature Prize winner Ramanathan Vairavan, produced
Lee Kuan Yew 90, a collection of 90 new poems celebrating Lee's legacy.[359] Artist Sukeshi Sondhi also
staged An Icon & A Legend, a solo exhibition at ArtOne21 featuring about 20 pop art style paintings of
Lee.[360] Speed painter Brad Blaze was commissioned to craft a portrait of Lee, Trailblazer: Singapore, to
raise funds for Reach Community Services Society.[361][362] In August, a bronze bust of Lee, cast by
contemporary French artist-sculptor Nacera Kainou, was unveiled at the Singapore University of Technology
and Design as an early birthday present to Lee from the Lyon-Singapore Association and the municipality of
Lyon.[363]

In February 2014, artist Boo Sze Yang presented The Father at iPreciation Gallery, a solo exhibition featuring
eight oil-on-canvas portraits of Lee in unconventional settings, like an embellished throne or a scene that
depicts the Last Supper.[346] In regard to his opinion of Lee, Boo was quoted as saying, "I look at him as how
I would look at my own father, a powerful and distant figure for whom I have mixed feelings – a lot of
gratitude, but also doubt."[364]

In May 2014, illustrator Patrick Yee produced the children's picture book A Boy Named Harry: The
Childhood of Lee Kuan Yew, published by Epigram Books. The series was later translated into Mandarin.[365]
Yee joined Lawrence Koh of Growing Up with Lee Kuan Yew on a panel named "A Different Side of the
Man" at the 2014 Singapore Writers Festival.[366]
In July 2014, it was reported that photographers Samuel He and Sam Chin were on the search for people with
the same name as Lee for an upcoming book project. As of March 2016, three people - Lee Kuang Yeo (born
in 1944), Benedict Lee Kuan Yew (born in 1959) and Jonathan Lee Kong Yong (born in 1998) - who shares
the same Chinese name as Lee, had been found.[367][368]

At the 2014 Singapore Toy, Game and Comic Convention in September, artist Chan Shiuan presented Lee
Kuan Yew Cosplay, a series of caricatures of Lee as five fictional characters – from X-Men's Magneto to Star
Wars' Yoda.[369] She was later quoted as saying of her popular series, "Mr Lee is an intriguing and well-
known local personality, and I thought it could be interesting to do a mash-up with other well-known fictional
characters. [...] It was an attempt to do something heartfelt and different with a local flavour".[370]

In October 2014, cartoonist Morgan Chua released LKY: Political Cartoons, an anthology of cartoons about
Lee published by Epigram Books, featuring a 1971 Singapore Herald cartoon of Lee on a tank threatening to
crush a baby representing press freedoms that reportedly caused the newspaper's shutdown.[371] The Madame
Tussauds Singapore museum also unveiled a wax figure of Lee and his late wife, Madam Kwa Geok Choo
seated and smiling together against a backdrop of red flowers formed in the shape of two hearts. The statues
were created based on a photograph that was taken by Madam Kwa's niece, Ms Kwa Kim Li, of the pair on
Valentine's Day in 2008 at Sentosa.[372][373] Another wax figure of Lee Kuan Yew is also unveiled in
Madame Tussauds Hong Kong. In addition, Cultural Medallion recipient Tan Swie Hian completed a painting
of Lee and his late wife titled A Couple. The painting, which took Tan five years to complete, was partially
damaged by a fire in 2013. It depicts Lee and Kwa in their youth, is based on a 1946 black-and-white
photograph of the couple in Cambridge University, and incorporates in its background Tan's poem in memory
of Kwa. A Couple was purchased by art collector Wu Hsioh Kwang.[374]

In November 2014, Math Paper Press published A Luxury We Cannot Afford, a poetry anthology named after
Lee's infamous saying: "Poetry is a luxury we cannot afford. [...] What is important for pupils is not literature,
but a philosophy of life".[375] The book, edited by Christine Chia and Joshua Ip, features poems by Edwin
Thumboo, Robert Yeo, Alfian Sa'at and others about Lee.[376]

In 2015, American painter Lee Waisler unveiled his portrait of Lee. The mixed-media-on-canvas piece was
exhibited at Sundaram Tagore Gallery in Singapore's Gillman Barracks.

At Art Stage Singapore 2015, Singapore's Art Plural Gallery presented a solo exhibition by Chinese artist Nan
Qi, comprising a selection of intricate ink paintings of politicians, including a series of portraits of Lee.[377]
Also in January, at the M1 Singapore Fringe Festival organised by The Necessary Stage, artist-writer Jason
Wee presented Mambo Night for a King. The online exhibition consisted of performances by Singaporeans
doing moves from Mambo Jambo theme nights at Zouk to texts drawn from Lee's book From Third World to
First: The Singapore Story.[378]

In February 2015, The Business Times' Helmi Yusof reported on how "In the last few years, artworks featuring
Lee Kuan Yew have turned into a flourishing cottage industry".[364] These artworks included artist Jeffrey
Koh's seven LKY Pez candy-dispenser sculptures (created with Indonesian artist Budi Nugroho) and paintings
of Lee created in the manner of Van Gogh's swirly brushstrokes, and Korean sculptor Park Seung Mo's three-
dimensional image of Lee made using stainless steel wires for Ode To Art Gallery.[379] In the same month,
illustrator Patrick Yee launched the second title in the first picture book series about Lee, called Harry Grows
Up: The Early Years of Lee Kuan Yew at an exhibition at the National Library, Singapore.[380]

On 24 March 2015, the National Parks Board named a Singapore Botanic Gardens orchid hybrid called the
"Aranda Lee Kuan Yew" in honour of the late Mr Lee for his efforts in launching Singapore's Garden City
vision in 1967 and the nationwide tree planting campaign.[381]
In March 2015, Ong Yi Teck created a portrait of Lee by writing Lee's name around 18,000 times over 15
hours. Ong created the A2-sized portrait in tribute to Lee, who was critically ill. The portrait, along with
videos detailing the drawing process, went viral on social media. Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong's wife Ho
Ching shared it on Facebook.[382] Days after Lee died, 16-year-old blogger Amos Yee released a video, Lee
Kuan Yew is Finally Dead!, which criticised Lee and compared him to Jesus Christ, insulting both their
followers. Yee also posted on his blog a stick-figure cartoon depicting Lee having sex with Margaret Thatcher,
a personal and political ally of Lee's.[383] For his actions, Yee was respectively charged with insulting religious
feelings and obscenity and sentenced to four weeks imprisonment despite his youth.[384]

In April 2015, an exhibition of 300 oil paintings on Lee and Singapore opened at Suntec City. Presented by art
collector Vincent Chua, The Singapore Story featured 80 portraits of Lee and a life-size statue of Lee shaking
hands with Deng Xiaoping when the Chinese statesman visited Singapore in 1978.[385][386]

In May 2015, Singapura: The Musical opened at the Capitol Theatre. Previously reported as a musical "about"
Lee, Singapura instead only featured an obliquely named character, "Man in White", drifting across the
stage.[387][388] Its creator and composer Ed Gatchalian credited the first volume of Lee's memoirs as the
musical's initial inspiration.[389] In the same month, illustrator Patrick Yee released the third title in his best-
selling picture book series on Lee, Harry Builds a Nation: The Legacy of Lee Kuan Yew, and comics artist
Sonny Liew released the graphic novel The Art of Charlie Chan Hock Chye, featuring Lee's 1987 Marxist
Conspiracy and appearances by Lee and his political rival Lim Chin Siong. Upon its release, the National Arts
Council withdrew a $8,000 publishing grant from The Art of Charlie Chan Hock Chye as it found "the
retelling of Singapore's history in the graphic novel potentially undermines the authority of legitimacy of the
Government and its public institutions".[390][391] Liew later exhibited selected original artwork and paintings
from The Art of Charlie Chan Hock Chye at Mulan Gallery to coincide with the launch of the international
edition of the graphic novel by Pantheon Books[392]

In July 2015, veteran actor Lim Kay Tong portrayed Lee in the historical film 1965, including a re-enactment
of the iconic press conference when Lee announced that Singapore would be separated from Malaysia[393] In
the same month, actor Adrian Pang played Lee in The LKY Musical opposite Sharon Au's Kwa Geok Choo,
directed by Steven Dexter.[394]

In August 2015, approaching Singapore's 50th National Day, SPH's AsiaOne reported a sand artist depicting
Lee in a tribute on YouTube entitled (Sand Art) Touching Tribute to Mr Lee Kuan Yew [SG50 Jubilee].[395] In
the same month, Harper's Bazaar Singapore commissioned artists to commemorate Lee in an LKY Art
Tribute. The works included photographer John Clang's "One Minute Silence" self-portrait, painter Boo Sze
Yang's "290315" and the free-hand portrait "The Boy from Neil Road" by Milica Bravacic.[396]

In October 2015, sculptor Lim Leong Seng exhibited a 75 cm-tall bronze sculpture he made of Lee based on a
historical photograph. Both the sculpture and exhibition are entitled Weathering Storms As One.[397]

In November 2015, the Singaporean Honorary Consulate General in Barcelona, Spain unveiled a bust of Lee
at Cap Roig Gardens situated in the Spanish coastal region of Costa Brava.[398] Singapore's Minister for
Foreign Affairs, Dr Vivian Balakrishnan was also in attendance.

In December 2015, veteran movie poster painter Ang Hao Sai launched his exhibition The Art of Singapore,
featuring multiple paintings of Lee.[399] In the same month, Phua San San released the children's book What's
Inside The Red Box?, inspired by Lee's famous briefcase and published by Straits Times Press.[400] A Chinese
version of the best-selling book was published in March 2016, when a reading session led by Minister of State
Sam Tan was held to commemorate the first anniversary of Mr Lee's death at a PAP Community Foundation
Sparkletots Preschool, whose branches received over 700 sponsored copies of the book.[401]

In 2015, the Asian edition of Time Magazine featured the late Mr Lee Kuan Yew on its cover.[402]
In January 2016, fashion designer turned textile artist Benny Ong, in collaboration with a family of master
Laotian weavers, presented The Pioneering Spirit at Raffles Hotel, an exhibition of 21 woven textiles,
including the S$10,000 "The Shirt", featuring Lee in his iconic white shirt in the shape of Singapore.[403] In
the same month, at Art Stage Singapore, hyper-realist artist M Fadhlil Abdi exhibited The Guardian, an oil-on-
canvas portrait of Lee at the Art Xchange Gallery booth. At the same show, Sundaram Tagore Gallery
exhibited Lee Waisler's portrait of Lee.

In March 2016, Lee's first death anniversary, self-taught artist Teng Jee Hum published the book Godsmacked
(Ethos Books) featuring multiple paintings of Lee and essays by Seng Yu Jin, Jason Wee and Mei Huang.[404]
A portrait of Lee made up of 4,877 Singapore flag erasers was also unveiled by his brother Lee Suan Yew at
The Red Box.[405] In the same month, Singapore singer-songwriter Reuby released a song he wrote about
Lee, "Legendary", dedicating it to him.[406]

In September 2017, seven artists, including Chen Yi Quan and Samantha Lo, contributed 94 works of art to
the exhibition The Tao of Lee Kuan Yew, commemorating Lee's would-be 94th birthday.[407]

In October 2019, the W!LD RICE play Merdeka, written by Alfian Sa'at and Neo Hai Bin, included a re-
enactment of Lee's 1963 "merdeka proclamation" speech.[408]

Personal life
He and his wife, Kwa Geok Choo, were married on 30 September 1950. Both spoke English as their first
language; Lee first started learning Chinese in 1955, aged 32.[409][410] During World War II, he had to learn
the Japanese language to help him survive, and worked as a Japanese translator during the Japanese
occupation of Singapore.[411]

He and Kwa had two sons and a daughter.[412] His elder son Lee Hsien Loong, a former Brigadier-General,
became Prime Minister of Singapore in 2004. Several members of the Lee family hold prominent positions in
Singaporean society. His younger son Lee Hsien Yang is a former Brigadier-General and former President and
chief executive officer (CEO) of SingTel. He was the Chairman of the Civil Aviation Authority of Singapore
(CAAS).[413] Lee's daughter, Lee Wei Ling, a neurologist and epileptologist, was formerly the director of the
National Neuroscience Institute. Lee Hsien Loong's wife, Ho Ching, is the Executive Director and CEO of
Temasek Holdings.[413][414] Kwa Geok Choo died on 2 October 2010.

In his biography One Man's View of the World, when asked if he still identified as a "nominal Buddhist", Lee
replied: "Yes, I would. I go through the motions and the rituals. I am not a Christian. I am not a Taoist. I do not
belong to any special sect.[415] Lee has also been described as agnostic and stated that he "neither [denies] nor
[accepts] that there is a God".[416][417][418]

In his later years, Lee practiced meditation under the tutelage of Benedictine monk Laurence Freeman, director
of the World Community for Christian Meditation.[419][420]

Lee was a member of the Fondation Chirac's honour committee,[421] from the time that the foundation was
launched in 2008 by the former French President Jacques Chirac to promote world peace.

Lee was also a member of David Rockefeller's "International Council", along with Henry Kissinger, Riley P.
Bechtel, George Shultz and others. Additionally he was one of the "Forbes' Brain Trust", along with Paul
Johnson and Ernesto Zedillo.

Awards
 Lee received a number of state decorations, including the
Order of the Companions of Honour (1970), Knight Grand
Cross of the Order of St Michael and St George (1972), the
Freedom of the City of London (1982), the Seri Paduka
Mahkota Johor (1984), the Order of Great Leader (1988)
and the Order of the Rising Sun (1967).[422]
In 1999, Lee was named one of Time's Most Influential
People of the 20th Century.[48]

In 2002, Lee became a fellow of Imperial College London Lee receives the Order of Friendship
in recognition of his promotion of international trade and from Russian President Dmitry
industry and development of science and engineering Medvedev on 15 November 2009 in
Singapore
study initiatives with the United Kingdom.[423]
In 2006, Lee was presented with the Woodrow Wilson
Award for Public Service by the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars.
In 2007, Lee was conferred an honorary Doctorate in Law at the Australian National University
in Canberra, albeit amid protest from 150 students and staff.[424]
In October 2009, Lee was conferred the first Lifetime Achievement award by the US–Asean
Business Council at its 25th anniversary gala dinner in Washington, D.C. His tribute, the former
United States Secretary of State and 1973 Nobel Peace Prize winner Henry Kissinger.[425] He
met United States President at the Oval Office in the White House a day later, Barack
Obama.[426][427]
On 15 November 2009, Lee was awarded the Russian Order of Friendship by President Dmitry
Medvedev on the sidelines of APEC Singapore 2009.[428]
On 29 April 2010, Lee was named in the Time 100 list as one of the people who most affect our
world.[429]
On 14 January 2011, Lee received the inaugural Gryphon Award from his alma mater, Raffles
Institution, given to illustrious Rafflesians who have made exceptional contributions to the
nation.[430]
On 19 October 2011, Lee received the Lincoln Medal in Washington DC—an honour reserved
for people who have exemplified the legacy and character embodied by Abraham Lincoln.[431]
On 21 February 2012, Lee was conferred the Kazakhstan Order of Friendship by Ambassador
Yerlan Baudarbek-Kozhatayev, at the Astana.[432]
On 10 September 2013, Lee was conferred Russia's Order of Honour by Ambassador Leonid
Moiseev for his contributions for forging friendship and co-operation with the Russian Federal
and scientific and cultural relations development.[433]
On 22 May 2014, the title of Honorary Doctor of the Diplomatic Academy of the Ministry of
Foreign Affairs was presented by the Russian government to Lee.[434]
In 2016, Lee was conferred the Order of the Paulownia Flowers. The award was backdated to
23 March 2015, the date of his death.[435]

See also
Government of Singapore
Politics of Singapore
Political positions of Lee Kuan Yew

Notes
 a. Kuan Yew is a transliteration of a dialect word stemming from the Chinese words 光耀 (guāng
yào); the Hanyu Pinyin used to romanise the latter word did not exist until 1958.
b. The former college is not to be confused with Raffles Institution which Lee also attended as part
of his secondary education.
c. In his memoir The Singapore Story, Lee relates that he tried unsuccessfully to drop 'Harry'
when being called to the bar at the Middle Temple, but had stopped using the name by then. He
succeeded when called to the Singapore bar the following year.[47]
d. Malay for independence.
e. No relation to Member for Bukit Timah Lim Chin Siong, who was a member of the People's
Action Party.
f. The Liberal Socialist Party was formed from a merger between the pro-British Democratic Party
and Progressive Party.[119]
g. The term 'yellow culture' refers to 'degenerate' behaviors in contemporary Chinese culture
during the era.
h. Those released were Lim Chin Siong, Fong Swee Suan, Devan Nair, James Puthucheary, S
Woodhull, Chen Say Jame, Chan Chiaw Thor and Tan Chong Kin. 28 remained in prison.[137]
i. Unlike the chief ministers of Sabah and Sarawak, Lee's position as the prime minister of
Singapore remained unchanged even with the existence of the prime minister of Malaysia for
the entire country.

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Jones, Matthew (2000). "Creating Malaysia: Singapore security, the Borneo territories, and the
contours of British policy, 1961–63" (https://doi.org/10.1080/03086530008583091). The Journal
of Imperial and Commonwealth History. 28:2 (2): 85-109. doi:10.1080/03086530008583091 (htt
ps://doi.org/10.1080%2F03086530008583091). S2CID 159579207 (https://api.semanticschola
r.org/CorpusID:159579207).
Hefner, Robert W. (2001). The Politics of Multiculturalism: Pluralism and Citizenship in
Malaysia, Singapore, and Indonesia (https://books.google.com/books?id=mhgzRW8NlfoC).
University of Hawaii Press. ISBN 9780824824877.
Mauzy, Diane K.; Milne, Robert Stephen (2002). Singapore Politics Under the People's Action
Party (https://books.google.com/books?id=zx13oYmtg_wC). Psychology Press.
ISBN 9780415246538.
Chin, C.C.; Hack, Karl (2004). Dialogues with Chin Peng: New Light on the Malayan
Communist Party (https://books.google.com/books?id=_aPdeJinXGwC). Singapore University
Press. ISBN 9789971692872.
Lee, Ting Hui (1996). The Open United Front: The Communist Struggle In Singapore 1954–
1966 (https://books.google.com/books?id=j5FuAAAAMAAJ). South Seas Society.
ISBN 9971936186.
Yao, Souchou (2007). Singapore: The State and the Culture of Excess (https://books.google.co
m/books?id=0-4DAQAAIAAJ). Routledge. ISBN 9780415417112.
Weatherbee, Donald E. (2008). Historical Dictionary of United States-Southeast Asia Relations
(https://books.google.com/books?id=-boaAAAAQBAJ). Scarecrow Press.
ISBN 9780810864054.
Lee, Edwin (2008). Singapore: The Unexpected Nation (https://books.google.com.sg/books?id
=nSqXGSinwP4C). Institute of Southeast Asian Studies. ISBN 9789812307965.
Turnbull, C.M. (2009). A History of Modern Singapore: 1819–2005 (https://books.google.com/bo
oks?id=Y9yvBgAAQBAJ). NUS Press. ISBN 9789971694302.
Frost, Mark R.; Balasingamchow, Yu-Mei (2009). Singapore: A Biography (https://books.google.
com/books?id=UHwX5pLHlm8C). Editions Didier Millet. ISBN 9789814385169.
 Yap, Sonny; Lim, Richard; Leong, Weng K. (2010). Men in White: The Untold Story of
Singapore's Ruling Political Party (https://books.google.com/books?id=Bb2SQQAACAAJ).
Straits Times Press. ISBN 9789814266512.
Poh, Soo K; Tan, Jing Quee; Koh, Kay Yew (2010). The Fajar Generation: The University
Socialist Club and the Politics of Postwar Malaya and Singapore (https://books.google.com/bo
oks?id=o62IRQAACAAJ). SIRD. ISBN 9789833782864.
Hong, Lysa; Tan, Kok-Chiang; Tan, Jing Quee (2011). The May 13 Generation: The Chinese
Middle Schools Student Movement and Singapore Politics in the 1950s (https://books.google.c
om/books?id=j8rcZwEACAAJ). Strategic Information and Research Development Centre.
ISBN 9789675832161.
Quah, Jon S.T. (2011). Curbing Corruption in Asian Countries: An Impossible Dream? (https://b
ooks.google.com/books?id=qKnKM2HbbO8C). Emerald Group Publishing.
ISBN 9780857248190.
Leo, Suryadinata (2012). Southeast Asian Personalities of Chinese Descent: A Biographical
Dictionary, Volume I & II (https://books.google.com/books?id=v9QEBAAAQBAJ). Institute of
Southeast Asian Studies. ISBN 9789814345217.
Josey, Alex (2013). Lee Kuan Yew: The Crucial Years (https://books.google.com/books?id=gQ-
JAAAAQBAJ). Marshall Cavendish International Asia. ISBN 9789814435499.
Tortajada, Cecilia; Joshi, Yugal; Biswas, Asit K. (2013). The Singapore Water Story:
Sustainable Development in an Urban City-state (https://books.google.com/books?id=JHNF33f
m6NwC). Routledge. ISBN 9780415657822.
Plate, Tom (2013). Giants of Asia: Conversations with Lee Kuan Yew (https://books.google.co
m/books?id=FgiJAAAAQBAJ). Marshall Cavendish Intl. ISBN 9789814398619.
Kah Seng, Loh (2013). Squatters into Citizens: The 1961 Bukit Ho Swee Fire and the Making
of Modern Singapore (https://books.google.com.sg/books?id=EM56BgAAQBAJ). NUS Press.
ISBN 9788776941222.
Soo, Kai Poh; Hong, Lysa; Chen, Guofang (2013). The 1963 Operation Coldstore in Singapore,
Commemorating 50 years (https://books.google.com/books?id=kEm5oAEACAAJ). Strategic
Information and Research Development Centre. ISBN 9789670630106.
Cotterell, Arthur (2014). A History of South-East Asia (https://books.google.com/books?id=Ml2A
BAAAQBAJ). Marshall Cavendish International Asia. ISBN 9789814634700.
Chan, Wai Han (2014). Youth on Trial (https://singapore.kinokuniya.com/Youth_on_Trial/bw/97
89810903725). Function 8. ISBN 9789810903725.
Barr, Michael D. (2014). The Ruling Elite of Singapore: Networks of Power and Influence (http
s://books.google.com/books?id=SwDeDwAAQBAJ). Bloomsbury Publishing.
ISBN 9780857723680.
Yeow, Stephanie (2015). Lee Kuan Yew: A Pictorial Memoir. Straits Times Press.
ISBN 9789814642088.
Chew, Melanie (2015). Leaders Of Singapore (https://books.google.com/books?id=buuiCgAAQ
BAJ). World Scientific. ISBN 9789810073336.
Zheng, Yongnian; Liang, Fook Lye (2015). Singapore-China Relations: 50 Years (https://books.
google.com/books?id=MWXFCwAAQBAJ). World Scientific. ISBN 9789814713573.
Tan, Alvin (2019). Singapore, a Very Short History: From Temasek to Tomorrow (https://books.g
oogle.com/books?id=vKbgywEACAAJ). Talisman Publishing Pte Ltd. ISBN 9789811433481.

Further reading

Primary sources
 Lee, Kuan Yew (1998). The Singapore Story: Memoirs of Lee Kuan Yew (https://archive.org/det
ails/singaporestoryme00leek). Times Editions. ISBN 9789812049834.
—— (2000). From Third World to First: 1965–2000: Memoirs of Lee Kuan Yew (https://archive.o
rg/details/fromthirdworldto00leek). Harper. ISBN 9780060197766.
—— (2005). Keeping My Mandarin Alive: Lee Kuan Yew's Language Learning Experience.
World Scientific Publishing Company. ISBN 9789812563828.
—— (2011). Hard Truths To Keep Singapore Going. Straits Times Press. ISBN 978-
9814266727.
—— (2012). My Lifelong Challenge: Singapore's Bilingual Journey. Straits Times Press.
ISBN 9789814342032.
—— (2013a). The Wit and Wisdom of Lee Kuan Yew (https://books.google.com/books?id=TN5
UAgAAQBAJ). Didier Millet. ISBN 9789814385282.
—— (2013b). One Man's View of the World. Straits Times Press. ISBN 9789814342568.
—— (2014). The Battle for Merger (https://books.google.com/books?id=RN3UoQEACAAJ).
National Archives of Singapore. ISBN 9789814342773.

Other sources
Yang Razali Kassim; Mushahid Ali, eds. (2016). Reflections: The Legacy of Lee Kuan Yew.
Singapore: World Scientific Publishing. doi:10.1142/9811 (https://doi.org/10.1142%2F9811).
ISBN 978-9814723886.
Allison, Graham T.; Blackwill, Robert D.; Ali, Wyne (2013). Lee Kuan Yew: Grand Master's
Insights on China, the United States and the World (https://mitpress.mit.edu/books/lee-kuan-ye
w). The MIT Press. ISBN 978-0262019125.
Koh, Buck Song (2011). Brand Singapore: How Nation Branding Built Asia's Leading Global
City. Singapore: Marshall Cavendish. ISBN 978-9814328159.
Plate, Tom (2010). Conversations with Lee Kuan Yew: Citizen Singapore: How to Build a
Nation. Giants of Asia Series. Marshall Cavendish. ISBN 978-9812616760.
Barr, Michael D. (2000). Lee Kuan Yew: The Beliefs Behind the Man. Washington D.C.:
Georgetown University Press. ISBN 978-0878408160.
Datta-Ray, Sunanda K. (2009). Looking East to Look West: Lee Kuan Yew's Mission India.
Institute of Southeast Asian Studies. ISBN 978-9814279048.
Gordon, Uri (2000). "Machiavelli's Tiger: Lee Kwan Yew and Singapore's Authoritarian regime"
(https://web.archive.org/web/20180718030919/https://pdfs.semanticscholar.org/73c8/d4ae93f6
1f34412f9daf9b2c235620fe7cef.pdf).
King, Rodney (2008). The Singapore Miracle, Myth and Reality (2 ed.). Insight Press.
ISBN 978-0977556700.
Fernandez, Warren; Tan, Sumiko; Lam, Sally; Tay, Hwee Peng (2015). Lee Kuan Yew: The
Man and His Ideas. Marshall Cavendish International Asia Pte Ltd. ISBN 978-9814677684.
Lama, Murat (2016). Lee Kuan Yew: Singapour et le renouveau de la Chine (in French). Paris:
Manitoba/Les Belles Lettres. ISBN 978-2-251-89020-3.
Minchin, James (1986). No Man is an Island: A Study of Singapore's Lee Kuan Yew. Allen &
Unwin. ISBN 978-0868619064.
Bellows, Thomas J. (1989), "Singapore in 1988: The Transition Moves Forward", Asian Survey,
29 (2): 145–153, doi:10.1525/as.1989.29.2.01p0242q (https://doi.org/10.1525%2Fas.1989.29.2.
01p0242q), JSTOR 2644574 (https://www.jstor.org/stable/2644574)

External links
Appearances (https://www.c-span.org/person/?leeyew) on C-SPAN
 Political offices
Prime Minister of Singapore Succeeded by
New office
1959–1990 Goh Chok Tong
Minister for Finance
Preceded by Succeeded by
Acting
Hon Sui Sen Tony Tan
1983
Vacant Senior Minister Succeeded by
Title last held by
1990–2004 Goh Chok Tong
S. Rajaratnam
Minister Mentor
New office Position abolished
2004–2011

Parliament of Singapore
Member of Parliament
for Tanjong Pagar SMC Constituency abolished
1959–1991
New constituency
Member of Parliament Succeeded by
for Tanjong Pagar GRC Joan Pereira
1991–2015 (Tanjong Pagar ward)

Party political offices

Secretary-General of the People's
Succeeded by
New office Action Party
Goh Chok Tong
1954–1992

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