Entrepculture
Entrepculture
Peris-Ortiz
José M. Merigó-Lindahl Editors
Entrepreneurship,
Regional
Development and
Culture
An Institutional Perspective
Entrepreneurship, Regional Development
and Culture
Marta Peris-Ortiz • José M. Merigó-Lindahl
Editors
Entrepreneurship, Regional
Development and Culture
An Institutional Perspective
Editors
Marta Peris-Ortiz José M. Merigó-Lindahl
Department of Business Administration Department of Management Control
Universitat Politècnica de València and Information Systems
Valencia, Spain University of Chile
Santiago, Chile
v
vi Preface
(Chaps. 6 and 12); and how public policies and entrepreneurship generate values,
culture and differing levels of legitimacy in entrepreneurial action (Chaps. 5, 7
and 8). Although entrepreneurship is usually understood in its strictly economic
dimension (i.e. as the search for profit-making opportunities), there are other rel-
evant dimensions of entrepreneurial action. Chapters 5 and 10 show that entrepre-
neurship can also be understood as a solution to social problems (Tracey, Phillips,
& Jarvis, 2011). In contrast, by considering entrepreneurship in the broader sense
of the institutional approach to entrepreneurial action (Veblen, 1899, Veciana &
Urbano, 2008), Chap. 11 shows that entrepreneurship is linked to broader ethical
and anthropological issues.
The diversity of these 12 chapters enriches this collection of studies of entrepre-
neurial culture and action. The chapters make several notable contributions. First,
Chap. 3 uses historical antecedents of entrepreneurial context to explain current
characteristics of entrepreneurial context. Second, Chaps. 6 and 12 show the impor-
tance of business values in explaining entrepreneurial action (i.e. in the corporate
dimension of entrepreneurship). Third, Chaps. 2–4 and 8–10 present research on
entrepreneurship in terms of cultural and contextual conditions in different countries
or regions and, consequently, in terms of different forms of entrepreneurial action.
Finally, as Orlikowski (1992, 2002) has noted in relationships between culture
and entrepreneurship, the way in which entrepreneurial action shapes business tech-
nology and practices forms or changes the business’s dominant ideas, values and
beliefs. Thus, the way a business acts creates organizational or formal institutional
aspects and informal aspects or values and beliefs (Tracey et al., 2011; Weick &
Roberts, 1993). These aspects then affect future decisions and actions. It is also
worth mentioning entrepreneurship policies in society because the way that entre-
preneurial activities are carried out and the fundamental role that entrepreneurship
plays in business shape society (North, 1981; North, Smallbone, & Vickers, 2001).
Bibliography
North, D. C. (1981). Structure and change in economic history. New York: W. W. Norton & Company.
North, D. C. (1990). Institutions, institutional change and economic performance. Princeton, NJ:
Princeton University Press.
North, D. C. (2005). Understanding the process of economic change. Princeton, NJ: Princeton
University Press.
North, D. C., Smallbone, D., & Vickers, I. (2001). Public support policy for innovative SMEs.
Small Business Economics, 16(2), 303–317.
Orlikowski, W. J. (1992). The duality of technology: Rethinking the concept of technology in
organizations. Organization Science, 3(3), 398–427.
Orlikowski, W. J. (2002). Knowing in practice: Enacting a collective capability in distributed orga-
nizing. Organization Science, 13(3), 249–273.
Penrose, E. (1959). The theory of the growth of the firm. Oxford, NY: Basil Blackwell/Wiley.
Preface vii
ix
x Contents
Abstract The purpose of this chapter is to analyze, from a qualitative approach, the
relationship between institutions, entrepreneurship and local development in the
region of the Bages (Catalonia). The main findings suggest in the light of insti-
tutional economics that entrepreneurship in this region is greatly influenced by
informal institutions (culture, social networks and role models). Also, the results
highlight the influence of entrepreneurship on the regional development (jobs gen-
eration, economic growth and innovation). The research has conceptual implica-
tions (advancing in the application of institutional perspective in the field of
entrepreneurship) and practical implications (for the design of governmental poli-
cies towards regional development).
1.1 Introduction
D. Gimenez (*)
Business Administration, University of Witten/Herdecke,
50, Alfred-Herrhausen-Street, Witten, North Rhine Westfalia 58448, Germany
e-mail: daniela.gimenez@e-campus.uab.cat; Daniela.GimenezJimenez@uni-wh.de
M. Peris-Ortiz
Business Administration, Universitat Politècnica de València,
s/n Camino de Vera, Valencia, Valencia 46022, Spain
e-mail: mperis@doe.upv.es
D. Urbano
Department of Business, Autonomous University of Barcelona,
Building B, Campus UAB, Bellaterra (Cerdanyola del Vallès), Barcelona 8193, Spain
e-mail: david.urbano@uab.cat
in the entrepreneurship field have studied the factors that affect entrepreneurship
and their positive impact on economic growth to understand what promotes entre-
preneurial activity and also how to improve the development of regions or countries
to increase wealth in society.
In order to understand the phenomenon of entrepreneurship, different approaches
have been utilized: economic, psychological, organizational and institutional. Based
on North (1990, 2005), the institutional approach applied to the entrepreneurship
field, considers that the role of the environment in the decision to create a company is
critical, not only regarding legal aspects, public policy and support services (formal
institutions), but especially in relation to the socio-cultural context (informal institu-
tions) (Alvarez, Urbano, Corduras, & Navarro, 2011; Thornton, Ribeiro-Soriano, &
Urbano, 2011; Veciana & Urbano, 2008; among others). Nevertheless, few studies
have been focused on this topic (Benneworth, 2004; Fornahl, 2003; Fritsch, 2008).
Therefore, the purpose of this chapter is to analyze, from a qualitative approach, the
relationship between institutions, entrepreneurship and local development in the
region of the Bages (Catalonia). Specifically the research questions are the following:
(1) which institutions affect entrepreneurial activity in the Bages? and (2) how does
entrepreneurial activity influence regional development? To answer these questions,
we use case study method (Yin, 1994) and in particular, a multiple case study of four
organizations (support organizations and firms) in the region of the Bages (Catalonia).
The main findings of the study suggest that the creation of new ventures in the
Bages is greatly influenced by informal institutions (culture, social networks and
role models) and education as a formal institution. Also, the results highlight the
influence of entrepreneurship on the regional development, specifically through the
generation of new jobs, the stimulation of economic growth and innovation.
The research has both conceptual and practical implications. Theoretically, the
paper advances in the application of institutional perspective in the field of entrepre-
neurship and also considering the regional development. Empirically, the work
could be useful for the design of governmental policies towards the regional
economic and social development.
After this brief introduction, the chapter is structured in four sections. First, the
conceptual framework is presented. Second, the methodology of the research is
explained. Third, the main findings are discussed. And finally, conclusions and
future research lines are presented.
North (1990, 2005) suggested that institutions are the humanly devised constraints
that structure political, economic and social interaction, through informal constr-
aints (sanctions, taboos, customs, traditions, and codes of conduct) and formal rules
(constitutions, laws, and property rights). On the other hand, Scott (2008, p. 33)
1 A Cultural Perspective on Entrepreneurship and Regional Development: The Case… 3
Various authors have justified the relevance of the institutional approach in the field
of entrepreneurship (Bruton et al., 2010; Hayton et al., 2002; Thornton et al., 2011;
Veciana & Urbano, 2008). As we mentioned before, based on North (1990, 2005), the
institutional approach applied to the entrepreneurship field (Alvarez & Urbano, 2011;
Guerrero & Urbano, 2012; Urbano, Toledano, & Soriano, 2010; Urbano, Toledano,
& Ribeiro Soriano, 2011; among others) considers that informal institutions include
cultural and social norms, the social image of entrepreneurs, entrepreneurial role
models, fear of failure, etc., and formal institutions include education, opportunities,
abilities and knowledge for starting up businesses, finance, government policies,
government programs, etc.
4 D. Gimenez et al.
people in Russia, and they suggested that this pattern could be consistent with the
properties of the networks. Older Russians probably have an advantage in terms of
their access to networks and contact with the bureaucracies that are involved in the
creation of businesses. Aidis et al. also observed the importance of networks in
Russia. Considering these factors, the new institutionalism has worked to stimulate
significant discussions not only about formal rules and governance structures, but
also about informal norms and social networks, and about the relationship between
these. Then, we suggest the following proposition:
P1b: Social networks positively influence entrepreneurial activity.
Some authors, such as Shapero and Sokol (1982) and Krueger et al. (2000), high-
light the importance of positive examples on a decision to become an entrepreneur.
According to Anderson (1980), the factor which influences whether individuals are
treated as role models is whether the information fits into already existing patterns
or may be easily linked; this process is conducted through cognitive cues which are
accumulated and attached to cognitive frames or representations.
Moreover, Fornahl (2003) suggested that institutional factors influence entrepre-
neurial activity; the roles of entrepreneurs are examples of how the environment can
in some contexts be a positive influence. He argued that cognitive representations
and information available to an economic agent are the basis for decision-making;
this individual is embedded in a social context that has an influence on the represen-
tations and the learning processes, and this cognitive representation is then shared
with a group of agents so that this group, because it receives the same information,
has a similar perception. As Welter and Smallbone (2011) proposed, entrepreneur-
ship results from the creativity, drive, and commitment of individuals. In this way
the business environment can influence the nature and extent of entrepreneurship
and the behavior of entrepreneurs. In order to observe this suggestion empirically,
they analyzed certain countries that were members of the European Union and that
showed a rapid change in their policy and institutional environments over time, and
they considered the scale of the challenge of building institutional capacity and
changing institutional behavior. Their results may explain the fact that, when entre-
preneurs are more established, the probability that there is an increased number
of new ventures is higher: the social environment affects the propensity to start
an entrepreneurial career (Gibson, 2004). The importance of role models has been
observed empirically in many research studies: for example, in a study in Russia it
was observed that individuals who are already in the business sector dominate the
entry into entrepreneurial activity in the country. Also, knowing other entrepreneurs
plays an important and positive role in the activity, and a previous failed entrepreneu-
rial attempt is not significantly associated with serial entrepreneurship (which is dif-
ferent from the position in comparator countries) (Aidis et al., 2008). Moreover, Van
Auken, Fry, and Stephens (2006) observed a relationship between the intention to
carry out 20 specific activities in which role models and potential entrepreneurs might
engage, and the desire to own a business. Role model activities such as involving the
respondent in professional activity, employment in the business and discussions about
the business were found to be significantly related to interest in starting a business.
6 D. Gimenez et al.
Some authors find that role models can weakly predict future entrepreneurial activity
(Carsrud, Olm, & Eddy, 1987; Scott & Twomey, 1988). Other authors have observed
the influence of role models as a predictor for the intention of becoming an entre-
preneur (Bandura, 1986; Fornahl, 2003; Krueger, 1993; Krueger et al., 2000;
Lafuente, Vaillant, & Rialp, 2008). Thus, we suggest the following proposition:
P1c: Role models encourage entrepreneurship.
Various pieces of research based on institutional economics have focused on
formal institutions, defined as those laws or rules that establish economic relations
between individuals (Chrisman, Hoy, & Robinson, 1987; Lerner & Haber, 2001;
North et al., 2001). In empirical research, Alvarez et al. (2011) observed that
commercial and services infrastructure and intellectual property rights (formal
institutions) have a significant influence on entrepreneurial activity. The other for-
mal institutions, such as finance, research and development transfer and physical
infrastructure, do not have associations with entrepreneurial propensity. Some stud-
ies have discussed the influence of education and training as formal factors affecting
entrepreneurial activity. Various authors suggest that education has a favorable
effect on the creation of new ventures (Coleman, 2007; Wilson, Kickul, & Marlino,
2007; and others). Fairlie and Robb (2009) observed the existence of a positive
relationship between education, entrepreneurship and economic performance.
On the other hand, Grilo and Irigoyen (2006) studied the effect of gender and
educational level on latent entrepreneurship, finding that the venture is not affected
by educational level or gender.
Moreover, some authors such as Kirby (2004) and Chia (1996) suggested that
developing entrepreneurs in the classroom is about developing an enterprising envi-
ronment and approaches to learning in which entrepreneurial aptitudes and capabili-
ties can flourish, alongside business acumen and understanding. For instance, Rae
(1997) proposed that the traditional skills taught in business schools are important
for becoming an entrepreneur, but are not sufficient for creating a successful busi-
ness; entrepreneurs should also have skills in such areas as communication, persua-
sion, leadership, and negotiation. It is important to emphasize that it is necessary to
create a learning environment that strengthens such skills. Also, it is proposed that,
to have a greater impact on entrepreneurial activity, a system of learning should be
developed that complements the traditional system and develops in its students the
skills, attributes and behavior which feature in an enterprising or entrepreneurial
individual (Kirby, 2004). Considering the literature reviewed and even though some
different positions are observed, we suggest:
P2: Formal factors positively influence entrepreneurial activity.
P2a: Education promotes entrepreneurial activity.
Obtaining financial support, access to capital, management skills and education
of the available workforce and future entrepreneurs have been seen as major barriers
to entrepreneurial development (Castrogiovanni, Urbano, & Loras, 2011). A sup-
port organization that offers consultancy programs appears to offer tools that
may be employed as a strategy for overcoming the management skills barriers
1 A Cultural Perspective on Entrepreneurship and Regional Development: The Case… 7
(Chrisman et al., 1987). Sarder, Ghosh, and Rosa (1997), in empirical research,
found that, in Bangladesh, firms assisted by governmental and non-governmental
support organizations performed significantly better than non-assisted firms. Also
some evidence suggests that society judges an organization as appropriate partly on
the basis of its past performance. Established organizations can use their perfor-
mance records to acquire legitimacy and access resources. A new venture cannot
do so as there is no existing record of its performance (Bruton et al., 2010).
According to these results, entrepreneurs have an additional barrier to developing a
new venture.
In research conducted in Catalonia it was observed that the most relevant factors
for the development of entrepreneurial activity are government support, access to
finance and new technology. However, factors that are perceived as barriers to start-
ing up a new venture are lack of initial capital, competition, a tax burden and bureau-
cracy (Urbano, 2006). It is important to observe that ventures that have been
supported may show better performance. Lerner and Haber (2001) studied the envi-
ronmental factors and business and personal factors associated with the success of
tourism ventures. They observed that those tourism ventures that are financially
supported by external sources perform better than those ventures that are not.
However, when there is advisory support from a governmental tourism advisor, it is
precisely the non-assisted ventures that achieve better performance. In another
empirical study in Ireland, the evidence showed that those firms that were supported
financially by external sources were larger and attained a higher level of revenues
(O’Farell, 1986). In both cases we can observe that ventures that have financial
support have better performance than ventures that are not assisted. Based on the
literature review, we suggest the following proposition:
P2b: Financial support positively stimulates entrepreneurship.
Some elements of entrepreneurship observed in more successful regions are
dynamic, self-reinforcing and productivity-raising qualities. These qualities have an
effect in two ways. The first is by improving the innovativeness of existing assets,
increasing the scope of entrepreneurial networks and allowing other participants to
benefit from those networks (Benneworth, 2004). The second way occurs because
informal factors like families, social milieus or groups are the basis for role models
for entrepreneurs and the general attitude in society imitates this (Simonton, 1975).
The different factors that are mainly considered to influence regional development
are information exchange and cognitive representations influenced by proximity;
regional networks add some important insights. However, it is important to note that
general environmental conditions are not sufficient to explain differences and
changes in entrepreneurial activity (Fornahl, 2003). It is important to understand
that the formation of a new business by definition creates new jobs; this direct
employment effect cannot be negative. The effect of a new venture cannot be
expected to be identical in all regions, but rather it should be considerably different
(Fritsch, 2008). However, the impact of entrepreneurial activity on economic devel-
opment is difficult to observe, and for this reason some authors suggest that the
lack of clarity on the impact of new businesses on regional development may be
8 D. Gimenez et al.
attributed to the relatively long time lags that are required for the main effects of the
new entries to become evident (Audrertsch & Fritsch, 2002), and to the fact that
employment gains are in subsequent years are more than compensated for by
declines in existing capacities due to crowding-out effects and failing newcomers;
however, the net employment effect of the entry processes over the first six or seven
years may be negative (Fritsch & Mueller, 2004).
According to Fornahl (2003), national variables have an influence on entrepre-
neurial activity, but regional specifications stimulate this activity and cause new
ventures to be created. Fritsch (2008) also considered that the employment effect is
probably positive in high productivity regions with high quality entries, abundant
resources and a well-functioning innovation system. In contrast, low productivity
regions, with low quality entries, scarcity of relevant resources and low quality
innovation systems, will show lower or negative effects on the employment rate.
In an empirical research, Van Stel and Kashifa (2008) observed in the Netherlands
that the overall employment impact of new start-up firms is positive but that the
immediate employment effects may be small. Moreover, they found that the employ-
ment impact of new firms is stronger in the manufacturing sector and in areas with
a higher degree of urbanization. This leads us to say that the impact of new business
formation depends on the region or country where the entrepreneurial activity is
developed. Thus, we propose:
P3: Entrepreneurial activity has a positive influence on regional development.
Therefore, based on the literature review, we proposed the following model which
relates institutions, entrepreneurial activity and regional development (see Fig. 1.1).
1.3 Methodology
This chapter is based on a multiple case design that allows replication logic to
be used. The series of cases is treated as a series of experiments, each serving to
confirm or counter the inferences or propositions drawn from the others (Yin, 1994).
1 A Cultural Perspective on Entrepreneurship and Regional Development: The Case… 9
The fieldwork was conducted in April–June 2012 using several data collection
methods. Qualitative data were obtained through in-depth interviews and were
gathered from questionnaires. The questions focused on the propositions and the
theoretical framework, such as informal and formal institutions. Two different ques-
tionnaires were used, one for firms and the other for support organizations (for
further detail, see Appendices 1 and 2).
Observations were conducted, and data about the profile of the organizations,
such as their background and their financial statements, and about the development
of the region, was collected from the Internet in order to obtain wider view of the
region, the industry and the firms.
Interviews were conducted with the public relations teams, one CEO, one director
and one professor. The average length of the interviews was approximately 1 h. There
were two data sources: (1) semi-structured interviews with each of the informants;
and (2) secondary sources.
Support organization interviews: Interviews using the same semi-structured
format were conducted. The interview began by explaining the propositions to the
organization. Then, the interviewer asked the following questions about the insti-
tutional approach: How did the support organization encourage entrepreneurial
activity in the region of the Bages? What kind of support was offered to new busi-
nesses? How did the organization get funding to support entrepreneurs? How was
the organization promoted to entrepreneurs? How were creativity and innovation
stimulated? (for further information, see Appendix 1).
Firm Interviews: Semi-structured interviews were conducted with an executive in
the firm. The interviews consisted of 15 questions and typically lasted from 1 to 3 h.
The interviews with the ventures were conducted in Spanish. The interviewees began
by introducing the firm and explaining their entrepreneurial experience. Then ques-
tions were asked to enable answers to the propositions to be found. The questions
covered the difficulties faced in finding funding, the different sources of funding
used, the support from the environment (institutions) to address business risk, the
stimulation from the environment (institutions) to create and innovate, the support
from government institutions to create the new business, how the government
encourages entrepreneurial activity in the region, the level of promotion of the
support organization to the entrepreneurs, and the impact of social networks on
the creation of ventures (for further detail, see Appendix 2). The interviews were
recorded, transcribed and codified.
10 D. Gimenez et al.
The data were analyzed as follows. First, we analyzed the theoretical framework
and suggested a proposition based on the institutional approach, and then the data
was combined this proposition to design a model for entrepreneurial activity and
how it is related to regional development. Thus, the interviews were conducted to
answer the proposition we had established, then using the transcription we could
obtain the findings for the suggested model. We utilized the methodology suggested
by Yin (1994) for case studies. In order to analyze the findings, it is important to
explain the regional context and situation.
The region where the organizations are located is the Bages (Catalonia). The Bages
is located in the inner center of Catalonia (in the northeast of Spain). It borders five
other counties, namely Anoia, Baix Llobregat, Vallès Occidental, Vallès Oriental
and Osona, so constituting a political communication junction. Administratively, it
belongs to the functional area of the central counties, so its development planning is
done in conjunction with these other areas. It has a population of 185,117 (January
1st, 2010), and it accounts for an area of 1,299.08 km2. It is made up of 35 munici-
palities, the sizes of which vary between 5.53 km2 and 102.93 km2. The local topog-
raphy is mainly defined by the flatlands around the town of Manresa, which are
surrounded by plateaus and mountains. The most important infrastructure in the
Bages are l’Eix del Llobregat and l’Eix Transversal, which are part of the “Trans-
European Road Network”. The former crosses the county from north to south and
connects with Barcelona and with other coastal counties of the central region;
the latter crosses from east to west, communicating mainly with Girona and Lleida.
The railway routes are almost exclusively from Barcelona (Ferrocarrils Catalans
and RENFE), and also link with Lleida. There is also a freight transport line to the
interior municipalities (Sallent) and Girona.
The Bages has 90 polygons of economic activity (2010). Approximately 1,639
firms have already been set up there, and more than 21,600 employees work there.
All municipalities except nine are equipped with at least one polygon (2010).
The county occupies 620 ha, 512 of which are industrial land (254 polygons). This
industrial land is concentrated on the flatter areas of the county with better commu-
nications, particularly the areas along l’Eix del Llobregat.
Economically, Manresa and its vicinity are the main parts of the Bages, with the
more peripheral areas subordinated to a secondary role. This leads to the situation that
only six municipalities account for approximately 75 % of the turnover of the region.
1 A Cultural Perspective on Entrepreneurship and Regional Development: The Case… 11
Case 1
Firm 1 is an organization that intends to sustain and consolidate its growth by
maintaining its profitability and including the advantages and flexibility of being
a family business. Firm 1 plans to grow through its internationalization strategy,
and to increase and strengthen its presence in countries where it is located.
Similarly, the firm proposes an improvement in management processes and
operational efficiencies that will allow an increase in its benefits. Firm 1’s mis-
sion is to satisfy customers by introducing a new concept different from tradi-
tional jewelry: the jewel-fashion. The number of employees is approximately
1,850. The company was founded in 1920 and became international in 1992.
Case 2
Firm 2 is an industrial company, the leading firm in dental implants and
prosthetics in Catalonia and Spain. It was founded in 2006. Scientific research
is the lifeblood of its system of implants and prosthetics division custom
technology. Firm 2 is an innovative organization at a national level and is an
internationally recognized firm. It exports to Great Britain and Portugal, and
is in the process of expanding to other countries in Europe, Asia and Oceania;
the year it became international was 2009. The number of employees is 180.
12 D. Gimenez et al.
Case 3
Support Organization 1 was created to broaden, deepen and consolidate the
supply of higher education in Central Catalonia. Support Organization 1 has
two distinct schools: the School of Health and the School of Social Science.
All courses offered are attached to the Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona.
Case 4
Support Organization 2 encourages and promotes the entrepreneurial culture.
It is a support service for business creation and local production, and the
development of the information society. Moreover, this organization imple-
ments entrepreneurship programs for high school and university students to
motivate young people to create new ventures.
In this section we describe the case studies in the context of the Bages region. Also,
the main findings are related to literature review, concretely the institutional
approach, in order to answer our main research questions and discussed the research
propositions.
The CEO of Firm 2 associated culture with innovation, and some of the observations
show that informal institutions can positively influence entrepreneurial activity. Also,
there was an emphasis on regional development and informal institutions; during the
interviews it was observed that entrepreneurs from the region are more likely to stay
in the Bages because of family, social networks and cultural issues.
“I think it’s very cultural, that is, no such decisions, it is not, we are a company
that is flat, and then there is a decision that seemed fanciful. There are many imagi-
native, aren’t there? And are very used to come out this, right? We think that to see
what happens, and here we have focused.”
Bruton et al. (2010) found that broad cultural characteristics are associated with
the national level of entrepreneurship. High individualism, low uncertainty avoid-
ance and high power distance, in particular, have been found to be correlated with
the national rate of innovation. As Thornton et al. (2011) stated, institutions are
constituted by culture and social relations, and because human, social and cultural
1 A Cultural Perspective on Entrepreneurship and Regional Development: The Case… 13
capital are often antecedents to acquiring financial capital and the other resources
needed to start a business, an institutional approach with its broad meta-theory
holds out the promise of developing future entrepreneurship research, a finding in
line with the literature.
Moreover, the perception of the entrepreneurs about their families and social
networks, and how entrepreneurs perceive themselves, increases the likelihood of
entrepreneurial activity in the region. Entrepreneurial activity is related to regional
development because, as we stated above, local people prefer to stay in the region
because of their families, culture and social networks, and we also observed that
people from the Bages are highly involved in their traditions. Most of the four
interviewees explained these issues, and we also found a positive relationship with
informal institutions. As an example that could support this conclusion, Firm 1’s
manager gave the following explanation:
As a matter of proximity and of a little love for the land, in some way. It is a family business,
the family lives here in Manresa, the daughters who also belong in the family business live
here and also a way to bet on the territory and make it comfortable.
The family issue was also observed in the interviews with the support
organizations. The culture attracts people to stay in the region or, in their own words
“but here are people who want to stay in the territory lifestyle because of the family,
because it has the company so they are hard to compete with anything else that is
there is not going away”.
These findings are aligned to the results observed by Alvarez et al. (2011) who found
that four informal institutions (primary education, cultural and social norms, opportuni-
ties for starting up businesses and the social image of entrepreneurs) have a strong
influence on entrepreneurial activity. Thus, P1a (Cultural factors have a positive influ-
ence on entrepreneurial activity) is supported, based on the findings of this research.
Social networks could be important for a decision to stay in the region, and could
also be involved with family decisions. However, we found some differences
between the organizations; in one case it was believed that social networks are very
important. This can be related to Anderson and Jack’s (2002) definition of social
networks as a set of relationships that can define the perception of a community,
whether a business community or a more general notion of community in society.
Also Firm 2 is very active in getting involved in more social networks such as
universities, congress, and professional magazines, because in this way the company
gets more recognition and more contacts for the business. The CEO of Firm 2 stated
“magazines, exhibitions and competitions, workshops, internal training, external
presence around the world, this is nationwide, at conferences, what you were saying
before the conference, professionals”. Burt (1992) defined social networks as the
relationships through which one receives opportunities to use one’s financial and
human capital; the network is not solely the property of an individual, but is jointly
owned by the members of the network.
Thus, the cases show that social networks have a positive relationship with entre-
preneurial activity in the Bages. As we observed, there is some degree of conver-
gence between the ideas of the old institutionalisms and social networks (Veciana &
Urbano, 2008). These arguments therefore support proposition P1b (Social networks
14 D. Gimenez et al.
they are not sufficient for making a business a success; entrepreneurs should have
skills such as communication, persuasion, and leadership, among others. Therefore
our findings support P2a (Education promotes entrepreneurial activity).
In the case of financial support we observed some discrepancies between the
firms. The CEO of Firm 2 explained the importance of government support for start-
ing up the new venture, although the manager in Firm 1 stated that his company had
not received any support and had used its own funding for growth. We asked if Firm
1 had received funding or grants from government agencies, and the answer was
that Firm 1 has its own resources for the supply of necessities. This result is aligned
to Chrisman et al.’s (1987) suggestion that access to capital, management skills and
the education of the available workforce and future entrepreneurs have been
observed to be the major barriers to entrepreneurial development. Also some evi-
dence reflects that established organizations could use their performance record to
acquire legitimacy and access resources. However, for news ventures is very com-
plicated to have records of its performance (Bruton et al., 2010).
In the case of the findings for Firm 2, there is high managerial experience because
the owners have also had a long history in industry but in another sector, so access
to financial aid has been faster in this case as the government and banks know
this history. This is aligned to the evidence in Ireland that those firms that were sup-
ported financially by external sources were larger and attained a higher level of
revenue (O’Farell, 1986). In research conducted by Urbano (2006) in Catalonia, it
was observed that the most relevant factors for the development of entrepreneurial
activity are government support, access to finance and new technologies in the case
of financial support. We cannot support P2b (Financial support positively stimulates
entrepreneurship), as one of the firms has not received financial support, which
means that it has the resources to grow without support.
Based on this finding, we cannot completely support P2 (Formal factors positively
influence entrepreneurial activity) as our findings in this research have differences
from our propositions and the literature review.
In order to answer our second research question, we observed that both firms
stayed in the region because they are committed to their own people and territory.
For example, most of the staff of Firm 1 come from Manresa, and if the firm needs
an employee with a special profile they look around Catalonia. This helps to improve
the employment rate and regional development. This is important to highlight
because of the similarities of these findings to Fritsch’s (2008) suggestion that the
formation of a new business by definition creates new jobs, and that this direct
employment effect cannot be negative. From this statement we can also observe the
importance of informal institutions and the relationship with regional development.
The CEO of Firm 2 stated “if I can do this here and is in my territory and we grow
this big and we do, and you are responsible for it”.
16 D. Gimenez et al.
1.6 Conclusions
research was based on the application of institutional economics (North, 1990, 2005)
for the study of entrepreneurship determinants (Alvarez et al., 2011; Thornton et al.,
2011; Veciana & Urbano, 2008; among others).
The research methodology utilized was qualitative, and led us to have a wider
and deeper knowledge of each of the case studies we analyzed and its institutional
environment. We suggested a set of research propositions based on the previously
developed literature review and on a model that described the relationship between
institutions and entrepreneurial activity and also, the influence of entrepreneurship
on regional development in the specific context of the Bages.
The most important evidence from this chapter demonstrates that informal
institutions have the most relevant influence on entrepreneurial activity in the
Bages. We observed that culture and family can positively influence entrepreneur-
ship. Also, on one hand, during the interviews a link between entrepreneurship and
informal institutions was observed, and we found that entrepreneurs in the region
are more likely to stay in the Bages because of family, social networks and cultural
issues. On the other hand, the importance of role models was observed, and we saw
how these influence entrepreneurial activity in the region, observing in this family
firm case, innovation behavior and creativity as relevant role models.
Moreover, we observed that formal education in entrepreneurship subjects is
important in the Bages. At university, students could take subjects relating to the
creation of new ventures, which focused on innovation and creativity. However, our
results did not support the proposition that financial aids promote entrepreneurial
activity in the context of the Bages. This is a crucial finding, as we could not com-
pletely support the view that formal factors positively stimulate entrepreneurship
in the Bages, even though 99 % of firms in the Bages are SMEs. Thus, we may
consider that informal institutions have a greater influence than formal institutions,
as our results completely supported the view that informal institutions promote
entrepreneurial activity in the Bages.
Regarding our second research question on the influence of entrepreneurial
activity on regional development, it was important to observe that firms feel a
responsibility towards the Bages, so most of the company’s staff comes from the
Bages, creating new jobs and thus stimulating regional development. Thus, our
findings are in line with the literature (Fritsch, 2008; Fritsch & Mueller, 2004)
which states that regional development is seen in the long term, not over a short
time. Another result suggests that special conditions, such as the well-developed
value chain in the Bages, may have an impact on the economic development of a
region. This shows that our research question of how entrepreneurial activity influ-
ences regional development has been answered by our findings on the environmen-
tal conditions of the Bages. It is important to observe, as was demonstrated in the
results, that the Bages has a particular advantage in human resources, yet it lacks
efficient financial access to turn entrepreneurship aspirations or intentions into
actual actions.
In future research the number of case studies could be increased and thus capture
more companies from different sectors and regions in order to compare the results
in the light of institutional approach. Also, a quantitative methodology with data
18 D. Gimenez et al.
from the region of the Bages could be used to triangulate the current information
and improve the analysis in an extension of this study. Finally, other more accurate
institutions (informal and formal) could be used to better analyze the entrepreneur-
ial activity in the Bages.
Acknowledgments The authors acknowledge the financial support from the projects ECO2013-
44027-P (Spanish Ministry of Economy & Competitiveness), ECO/2663/2013 (Economy &
Knowledge Department, Catalan Government) and PAID-06-12 (Sp 20120792) from Universitat
Politècnica de València. Also, the authors recognize the support by Marc Bernadich as a coordina-
tor of the fieldwork research (April–June 2012) in the Bages (Catalonia) and the involvement
of the PhD students in the course “SMEs in Economic and Regional Development” (2011–2012
academic year) (International Doctorate in Entrepreneurship and Management (IDEM), Auto-
nomous University of Barcelona).
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Chapter 2
Entrepreneurship and Location: The Cultural
Differences Between Two Countries
2.1 Introduction
It was actually only after the 1980s that interest began to crystallise around the role
of entrepreneurship in economic development in no small part due to the revolution
in endogenous growth studies (Low & MacMillan, 1988). This academic trend
resulted in a new wave of research this time placing the individual capacity to cope
with risk at the centre of economic analysis (Groot, Nijkamp, & Stough, 2004).
Furthermore, this ability to deal with risk had very early on been studied as one of
There is a popular belief that culture holds a very significant influence over economic
performance. Identifies four patterns of human thought in decision making: (1)
instrumental rationality, (2) belief based values and rationality, (3) habits and tradi-
tions, and (4) the emotions. Weber also describes ideal types and proposes how any
concrete action normally incorporates a combination of these constructions. As a
consequence of instrumental rationality neither being unique nor even the most
important influence over human action, culture therefore requires recognition as a
significant social phenomenon within the framework of economic issues. Defines
2 Entrepreneurship and Location: The Cultural Differences Between Two Countries 25
culture as the social norms that sustain beliefs and equilibrium at the individual
level that Nash proposes as the focal points in social changes. This definition identi-
fies culture as the sum of the norms prevailing, which results in individual strategic
preferences enacted through long term social exchanges. In Greif’s models, culture
does not get differentiated but rather forms part of institutions. However, defends cul-
ture as a distinct concept needing separation from the notion of social systems, such
as institutions, in order to ensure significant analysis. Taking a similar approach, and
consider that culture holds a direct influence on individual behaviours through values
and preferences. Suggests that culture does influence the economy both through the
direct mechanism of the beliefs, values and traditions that shape human actions and
indirectly through formal and informal institutional structures. Many researchers per-
ceive culture as a vague concept but susceptible to successful operational implemen-
tation through a clear definition and, according to, the general beliefs and values held
by ethnic groups, religious and social groups are handed down from generation to
generation remain broadly unaltered. Come out in favour of the same definition.
According to Engelen, Flatten, Thalmann, and Brettel (2014), an organizational
culture that is an adhocracy is most effective in advancing entrepreneurial orienta-
tion, especially in national cultures that are characterized by strong individualism
and low power distance, whereas a hierarchical organizational culture is generally a
barrier to entrepreneurial orientation. The authors also refer to how organisational
culture proves determinant to entrepreneurial orientations as well as maintaining
that the strengths in the relationships between types of organisational culture
and their entrepreneurial orientations may be dependent on national cultural
characteristics.
What factors determine the choice of company location on behalf of entrepreneurs?
This question and its contributions to local economies have been subject to analysis
by diverse researchers (Coffey & Shearmur, 1997; Gong, 2001; OhUallachain & Reid,
1991). The location within the urban system, the level of sensitivity to the general
agglomeration of economies (Eberts & Randall, 1998; Poehling, 1999; Wernerheim &
Sharpe, 2003) gets documented through recourse to a range of methodological tools.
A large proportion of these studies stem from the relevance of researching local
economic dynamics, regional development and the reasons some regions experience
faster economic growth than others (Moyart, 2005).
According to Silva (2006), the spatial distribution of economic activities results
from the location opportunities and strategies designed in accordance with certain
specific objectives. Furthermore, decision making processes prove complex and
involve an important economic component given that the vast majority of human
activities incorporate the utilisation and sharing of limited resources.
Hayter (1997) proposes the analysis of economic activity locations through
distinct approaches: (i) the neoclassical and in the main dedicated to location theory
and focusing its analysis on strategies to maximise profits and minimise costs (for
example, transport costs, labour costs and external economies; (ii) the institutional
in affirming the importance of not only considering the company as it searches for
an appropriate site but also the institutional surroundings faced (clients, suppliers,
26 J.J. Ferreira and C.I. Fernandes
2.3 Methodology
With the objective of exploring the relationship between culture and entrepreneurship,
our study seeks to identify the factors explaining the decisions of entrepreneurs over
locating their companies in specific regions and evaluate the extent to which cultural
factors form the foundations for such decisions. Hence, our study takes in a sample of
technology based companies (TBCs), both Portuguese (500 companies) and Brazilian
(203 companies). In both countries, we collected the data by questionnaire.
In the Portuguese case, we may report that 76.9 % of entrepreneurs are male and
with higher education qualifications (85 %). The average age of entrepreneurs lies
in the interval between 41 and 50 years of age. In the Brazilian case, we find 82.9 %
of entrepreneurs are male and that 29.2 % of entrepreneurs are aged between 31 and
40 years of age. In terms of academic qualifications, 41.8 % of entrepreneurs gradu-
ated from university. In Table 2.2, we put forward the characteristics of the business
owners in each country.
As seen, based upon these descriptive statistics, clear differences emerge in the
personal characteristics of Brazilian and Portuguese business owners and entrepre-
neurs. The Portuguese contain a larger number of females while the Brazilians are
younger. As regards academic qualifications, Portugal contains a higher percentage
of entrepreneurs with degrees. With Brazil having experienced significant economic
growth, there are greater opportunities and incentives for young persons to set up
their own businesses.
2 Entrepreneurship and Location: The Cultural Differences Between Two Countries 27
Within the framework of identifying the factors contributing to the choice and
decision over locations made by TBCs in the two countries, the business leaders
filled in a questionnaire containing a set of 29 factors explaining the choice of
location for their business according to a rising five point scale of importance
(Likert scale). We then applied the Factorial Analysis (FA) technique to group these
29 variables (with the same method for both countries) into a reduced group of
factors enabling the identification of structural relationships between these vari-
ables. In both cases, the means of evaluating data quality, thus the variable homoge-
neity, involved recourse to the KMO (Kaiser-Meyer-Olkin) measure and the Bartlett
test with the results set out below.
In both the Portuguese and the Brazilian cases, we calculated our scores in accor-
dance with the weighted least squares method. This eliminated from the matrix any
components with variables reporting factors lower than 0.40 (as an absolute value).
We furthermore removed from the analysis any variables with factorial weightings
close to different other factors (difference below 0.1). Furthermore, for both two
cases, we opted to remove variable 26 from the analysis before once again running
the factorial solution process. We then applied the principal components method to
extract the factors before deploying the Varimax rotation method to obtain the facto-
rial solution.
2 Entrepreneurship and Location: The Cultural Differences Between Two Countries 29
Table 2.3 Factorial analysis: summary of the latent factors for Portugal
Cronbach’s alpha Explained
Factor designation Item identification no. (No. items) variance (%)
Local economic conditions B8; B9; N10; N11; 0.905 (16) 33.7
and infrastructures N13; N14; N15; N16;
N17; N18; N19; N20;
N21; N15; I25
Access to higher I23; I27; I28; I29 0.666 (4) 8.2
technological knowledge
Individual motivations B1; B2; B3; B6 0.578 (4) 6.5
Locally related motivations B4; B5; N16; B7 0.506 (4) 6.5
2.4.1.1 Portugal
For Portugal, the KMO value returned was 0.917, which reflects a very good
adaptation to this technique (Maroco, 2007). The Bartlett test (p = 0.000 < 0.05) also
demonstrates that the variables all correlate significantly. Table 2.3 displays the
grouping of the 28 variables by the four latent factors, the internal consistency and
the variance explained by each factor.
The analysis of the consistency of each factor reveals alpha values acceptable
for all factors, hence, values in excess of 0.5. Factor F1 returns the highest level of
explained variance (33.7 %) in comparison with the other factors, a fact which
stems directly from the applied rotation method. Following analysis of the variable
groupings, the factors reported are susceptible to the following interpretation: eco-
nomic conditions and local infrastructures ease of access to specialised higher
knowledge, individual motivations and motivations interrelating with the location.
2.4.1.2 Brazil
In the Brazilian case, the KMO result was 0.759. According to, despite the KMO test
lacking any rigorous results, in general terms, when results come in within the inter-
val [0.7–0.8], they fall within the range of recommended averages for the application
of FA. The Bartlett test presents a p-valor (0.000) ≤ 0.05 and hence concluding that
all the variables correlate significantly. Table 2.4 provides the grouping of 28 vari-
ables distributed by the four latent factors, the internal consistency and the variance
explained by each factor.
Analysis of the internal consistency of each factor revealed acceptable alpha
results for all factors with the exception of factor 5 that came in with an alpha value
(0.386) and below the recommended 0.5. Hence, analysing the factor groupings of
the variables results in the following interpretation: factor 1 is related with the per-
sonal motivations of the company founder (residence options of the workers and
founders, residence close to the company location and place of birth). Factor 2
relates to the level of innovation (company incubators, proximity to universities,
30 J.J. Ferreira and C.I. Fernandes
Table 2.4 Factorial analysis: summary of the latent factors for Brazil
Cronbach’s alpha Explained
Factors Items (No. items) variance (%)
Personal motivations B1, B2, B3 and B5 0.859 (4) 22.45
Innovation and company N15, N16, N17, 0.768 (5) 16.768
start-up incentives N18 and N19
Location characteristics B8, B9 and N11 0.575 (3) 8.57
Economic expansion in the N10, N12 and N13 0.582 (3) 7.13
region
Surrounding environmental B4, B6, B7 and 0.386 (4) 6.77
conditions N14
Acknowledgments This research was supported by the Portuguese Science Foundation through
NECE—Research Unit in Business Sciences (Programa de Financiamento Plurianual das Unidades
de I&D da FCT—Fundação para a Ciência e Tecnologia, Ministério da Ciência, Tecnologia e Ensino
Superior/Portugal).
32 J.J. Ferreira and C.I. Fernandes
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Chapter 3
Entrepreneurship and the Influence
of History: How Much Impact Do
Country-Specific Historical Factors
Have on Entrepreneurship Initiatives?
Abstract The elements that enhance entrepreneurship have been widely studied.
There are factors at different levels: (i) institutional factors such as some governmen-
tal policies, or the access entrepreneurs have to financial support; (ii) cultural and
social factors such as national culture or networking opportunities; and (iii) individ-
ual factors that take into consideration personality traits of the entrepreneur. This
chapter reviews the various influences and adds a new one: the historical perspective.
Based on historical data (nineteenth and twentieth century) about the number and
types of companies in a country, and comparing this data with the current number of
entrepreneurship initiatives (2011), we explore the weight historical clusters have on
current entrepreneurship.
3.1 Introduction
Ultramagic is the second largest air balloon manufacturer in the world, producing
between 80 and 120 air balloons annually. It is located in Igualada, in the Anoia
region, a Spanish region of approximately 110,000 inhabitants and 130 inhabitants
per square kilometer, where entrepreneurial activity is scarce. However, Ultramagic
is not the only successful company founded in the area. Buff, a company that manu-
factures neck warmers (circular scarves), is also based in the Anoia, as is the fashion
producer Sita Murt, the underwear manufacturer Punto Blanco, and the fashion acce-
ssories manufacturer Pick-it.
All these companies have something in common; they are all related to the textile
industry, which has been present in the region for centuries and had its biggest
expansion in the nineteenth century and the beginning of the twentieth century.
Currently, the region is not a reference point for entrepreneurs; it has suffered from
a loss of population, an economic downturn and rising unemployment. However,
textile entrepreneurs are present and continue to flourish.
The observation of this phenomenon as well as similar cases in other regions of
Spain poses an under-researched question: how much does the historical back-
ground of a territory influence entrepreneurial activity? What influence does history
exert on entrepreneurship? To answer these questions we compare some historical
industrial clusters, namely textile and industrial cluster, with current entrepreneurial
activity by region, and run a fuzzy-set qualitative comparative analysis. Results con-
firm that historical background is indeed an important entrepreneurship enhancer.
The most popular definition of entrepreneurship is that of Shane and Venkataraman
(2000) who define entrepreneurship as the examination of how, by whom and with
what effects opportunities to create future goods and services are discovered, evalu-
ated and exploited. However, most authors acknowledge that the term ‘entrepre-
neurship’ is multi-faceted and propose more comprehensive definitions, combining
opportunity recognition and exploitation with individual motivation and resource
availability (Erikson, 2001).
The field of entrepreneurship has received considerable attention in recent
decades. Some researchers have focused on the individual entrepreneur, identifying
the characteristics that an individual should have to become an entrepreneur. Other
researchers have pinpointed the importance of environmental factors such as
national culture or institutions.
Research on individual factors that enhance entrepreneurship has suggested
some attributes that define the entrepreneur, such as motivation (Collins, Hanges, &
Locke, 2004), internal locus of control (Gatewood, Shaver, & Gartner, 1995), or
creativity (Ko & Butler, 2007).
Factors at the macro level, representing the economic development of a region or
country, have been largely studied, including indicators such as GDP per capita,
industry characteristics or geographic environment. Similarly, at the meso level, cul-
tural and social factors have also been investigated as entrepreneurship enhancers
(Cuervo, 2005; Shane, Locke, & Collins, 2003).
However, literature fails in not going far enough when investigating cultural and
social factors. As highlighted above, the existence of a consolidated industrial fabric
in the past may influence current entrepreneurial activities. Aiming at filling this
gap, this chapter aims at contributing to the existing literature by means of an empir-
ical study where economic and cultural factors are examined alongside the effect of
historical clusters.
The remaining part of the chapter is organized as follows. Firstly, the conceptual
framework is presented. In that section the main factors that enhance entrepreneur-
ship at the country level and the institutional level are reviewed and the proposition
is stated. Then data and methodology are explained, and finally the findings are
discussed and the main conclusions are underlined. The limitations of the study and
recommendations for future research are also provided in this final section.
3 Entrepreneurship and the Influence of History: How Much Impact Do… 37
The World Bank underlined three characteristics as among the most important
indicators of the ease of doing business in a region. These are: registering property,
enforcing contracts and dealing with licenses. The Harvard Business Review
(Can start-ups help turn the tide? 2012) also points to the number of days it takes to
legally register a new business as one important indicator of the number of
entrepreneurs.
Conscious of their influencing role, many governments and public institutions
worldwide have put in place new governmental policies to simplify the process of
starting a business and to facilitate access to finance, another important drawback
for entrepreneurial activity.
Some authors stress the importance of informal institutional factors, as being even
more important than formal ones (Engle, Schlaegel, & Dimitriadi, 2011). Informal
institutional factors encompass cultural and social norms embedded in society
(Hayton & Cacciotti, 2013). National culture has been explored as one of the ante-
cedents of entrepreneurial activity. Liñán and Fernandez-Serrano (2014) for instance,
compare the level of entrepreneurship among the European Union countries. They
argue that with European integration, the policies and regulations between countries
have been widely standardized, thus differences in entrepreneurial activity do not
appear due to differences in the formal institutional environment, but due to coun-
try-specific cultural differences. Their study, using the cultural value dimensions of
Schwartz (1994), concludes that differences in culture (embeddedness vs. auton-
omy, hierarchy vs. egalitarianism and mastery vs. harmony) do have a significant
influence on entrepreneurship.
In addition to national culture, institutional researchers have emphasized the role
of legitimacy in enhancing entrepreneurship (Thai & Turkina, 2014). The social
image of entrepreneurs, whether they are admired and presented as national heroes
or, conversely, not much appreciated (Spencer & Gómez, 2004), greatly influences
entrepreneurial intentions, a key antecedent of entrepreneurial activity.
Finally, the presence of a network of entrepreneurs is also an important anteced-
ent. This is the role of many business incubators that have appeared in the last few
decades as a way to support entrepreneurs. An entrepreneur needs a tight network
of business contacts, friends and other entrepreneurs to be able to succeed (Klyver
& Foley, 2012). The network that enriches entrepreneurial experience and aids
entrepreneurial success is often formed by friends and other entrepreneurs, but in
many cases is also formed by other businesses in the same sector or area of exper-
tise, that helps entrepreneurs develop. It is in this sense that we aim to introduce the
concept of historical weight.
3 Entrepreneurship and the Influence of History: How Much Impact Do… 39
After reviewing the macro- and meso-level factors that affect the level of entrepre-
neurial activity, the aim of this paper continues to be: how much does the historical
background of a territory influence entrepreneurial activity? When a certain city,
region or country has been strong in a specific economic sector, such as textiles,
even if the industry flourished more than a century ago, there are several factors that
remain.
Firstly, some know-how remains as it becomes embedded in the local culture.
In the case of the balloon manufacturer Ultramagic, briefly mentioned above, the
great-grandfather of the current entrepreneur owned a textile factory. Since child-
hood, he heard stories about the textile industry his family used to have; they still
kept some of the machines used in the factory. He visited the local textile museum
several times when he was at primary school. Everyone who has grown up in the
area has some level of knowledge of the textile industry, because it is embedded in
the local environment.
Secondly, frequently the industry that was important some centuries ago has not
completely disappeared; there are still some factories, shops or manufacturers that
remain. This creates a network that, although small, is invaluable for the creation of
new businesses in the same sector.
If education and network are two important drivers of entrepreneurial activity,
historical weight conveys both the culture embedded in the local community, which
gives some know-how and education to people in the region, and a local network of
industries. We therefore make the following proposition:
P1: Historical weight, measured as the existence of industrial clusters of a certain
sector in a region during the nineteenth and twentieth century, will have a posi-
tive influence on the level of entrepreneurial activity in that sector of the region.
We will concentrate on two important Spanish industries: the industrial sector
that includes manufacturing, assembly and sales of industrial, electrical and elec-
tronic components, and the textile sector, including textile production and clothes
and footwear manufacturing.
The industrialization of Spain was slow and it started later than in other European
countries. At the beginning of the nineteenth century Spain mainly relied on
agriculture and some newly-emerging textile industry. Nonetheless, the industrial-
ization process occurring all over Europe also arrived in Spain. Some machines
to facilitate textile processing appeared, together with two critical signs of industri-
alization: the train and the steamboat.
40 I. Alegre and J. Berbegal-Mirabent
The first Spanish train appeared in Catalonia at the end of the nineteenth century
and was soon followed by others in the northern region of Spain, dedicated mainly
to transporting coal and steel from the northern-Spanish mines to other areas of the
country. The train greatly influenced industrial development, not only because
areas that were far from the coal mines could then have easier access to this source
of energy, but also because the train required educated people that knew how to
construct it, repair it and use it, and as a consequence a network of mechanical
workshops was generated that was the seed for the development of an industrial
sector.
The industrial sector was concentrated in some specific areas: (i) Galicia and
Cantabria produced coal and steel and specialized in the construction of boats;
(ii) Catalonia and Valencia started mechanizing the textile industry; (iii) the
Basque country received coal and steel from the nearby areas of Asturias and
Rioja and specialized in trains and large machinery and (iv) Madrid concentrated
on some small industrial development of machines for the editorial and paper
sectors.
The textile sector, together with agriculture, is one of the sectors with the longest
history in the Spanish economy, with registers about cotton and wool manufacturing
dated earlier than 1600 AD. Spain did not grow cotton so the raw material was
imported. This fact influenced the location of the textile workshops, which appeared
in regions where there was easy access by sea and where an energy source to sup-
port the transformation process was available. These conditions were fulfilled in
several areas. In northern Spain coal mines were exploited and coal was used for
energy generation. In contrast, in eastern Spain, particularly Catalonia and Valencia,
autonomous communities did not have easy access to coal, so they developed alter-
native methods of energy generation. Hydroelectric power stations appeared in
Spain for the first time in Catalonia and Valencia. The power stations had to be
located close to rivers; this fact transformed the location of the textile workshops,
which moved from areas close to the sea to more inland areas, closer to the electric-
ity generation stations.
Although textile workshops were present all over Spain, many were small and
produced cloth for their owners’ personal use or that of their surrounding communi-
ties. In 1950, only a few areas stand out as textile producers and were important
enough to export cloth to other countries. Those areas were Catalonia, Valencia,
Rioja and Galicia.
In addition to the flourishing textile industry, around 1900 the Balearic Islands
developed an important industry of leather and footwear. Shoes were initially made
of cloth but soon evolved into leather. The shoe industry grew significantly during
the first half of the twentieth century but slowed down during the Spanish Civil War
1936–1939. The war was slightly milder in the Balearic Islands, which suffered less
3 Entrepreneurship and the Influence of History: How Much Impact Do… 41
than other areas of the country. This fact allowed for a quick recuperation by the
industry after the war, and a healthy footwear sector developed in the second part of
the twentieth century.
3.3.2 Methodology
Not all relationships between factors or variables are linear and complementary, so
correlation and multiple regression analysis are not always the most suitable tech-
niques for data treatment and analysis (Fiss, 2011; Ragin, 2008). Acknowledging
the importance of the analysis of asymmetric set relations in social sciences
(Woodside & Zhang, 2012), the present study goes beyond the calculation of the
net effects of independent variables in linear models from a symmetric perspective.
We use qualitative comparative analysis (QCA) in its fuzzy-set variant (fsQCA).
QCA is a relatively new strategy that is increasingly gaining adepts in a number
of fields, but in the areas of business and management in particular. One of the main
advantages of QCA is that it offers valid responses in studies with small samples.
According to Fiss (2007), 10–50 cases are necessary to perform QCA, although a
number of studies apply QCA to larger samples (Fiss, 2011). Given the particulari-
ties of the case under analysis, which comprises 17 regions, the use of QCA is
deemed as suitable as it overcomes the problem of having a small sample, although
it represents the whole population (all the regions into which Spain is divided).
Rather than estimate the net effects of single variables, QCA employs Boolean
logic algebra to examine the relationship between an outcome and all binary com-
binations of multiple predictors. That is, given an outcome set Y and causal condi-
tions (also referred to as antecedent conditions or factors) A and B, QCA examines
which combinations of causal conditions A and B are most likely to produce Y.
The result is a number of distinct combinations of conditions, called configurations
or causal recipes, which suggest different theoretical pathways to produce the out-
come under analysis (Longest & Vaisey, 2008).
As QCA assumes complex causality and focuses on asymmetric relationships, each
configuration includes the minimum necessary and/or sufficient combination of con-
ditions for obtaining an outcome (Meyer, Tsui, & Hinings, 1993; Woodside, 2013).
Due to this fact, configurations not only mean combinations of conditions (either
positive or negative) but also their absence (Wu, Yeh, Huan, & Woodside, 2014).
QCA proceeds in several steps. Before the analysis can take place, the QCA
requires the transformation of outcomes and antecedent conditions into sets. This
process is known as calibration, and aims at categorizing meaningful groupings of
cases (Ragin, 2008). Each variable is transformed to represent the individual’s level
of membership in a given condition. Set membership values in fsQCA range from
full membership (1) to full non-membership (0.0), including the crossover point
(0.5) indicating “neither in nor out” of the set. Determination of the breakpoints
permits calibration of all original values into membership values. The breakpoints
include 0.05 for the threshold of full non-membership, 0.50 for the crossover point,
and 0.95 for the threshold of full membership. Sets are labeled according to a
convention. Uppercase letters represent the level of set membership (e.g. value
of A), while lowercase letters are equal to 1 minus the set membership (e.g. 1 − A).
The operator “·” stands for the Boolean “and”.
44 I. Alegre and J. Berbegal-Mirabent
Table 3.2 shows a summary of the outcomes and antecedent conditions in fuzzy
terms. To facilitate the readability of the tables presented in the next subsections,
each variable has been coded. Following Longest and Vaisey (2008), all variables
have been transformed into sets using the standardized rank transformation.
As shown in the table, the distribution of cases has not changed, but the scale has
been “fuzzified” to range between 0 and 1. This way, values represent the level of
membership in the set.
3 Entrepreneurship and the Influence of History: How Much Impact Do… 45
Tables 3.3 and 3.4 show the relationship between the outcome (proportion of indus-
trial new ventures created in 2011 relative to total new ventures for the same year)
and the antecedent conditions. From Table 3.3 it can be inferred that all causal con-
ditions considered are somehow related to the outcome variable, as the coincidence
scores are above 0.6. On the other hand, Table 3.4 reveals that the presence of a
historical cluster in the region is the single set that (alone) is most sufficient for
predicting the outcome (consistency = 0.827). This initial result seems to support
our hypothesis that the existence of previous economic activity in a region influ-
ences its current entrepreneurial activity.
Seeing that the variable sets are indeed related, we further continue with the
analysis by examining the consistency of different configurations when causal con-
ditions are combined. To achieve this, we first look for configurations that have y
consistencies (positive outcome) significantly greater than their n consistencies
(negation of the outcome). Based on the results displayed in Table 3.5, only two
configurations (gNC and GNC) can be considered, where factors in lowercase
letters indicate the absence of that condition, and uppercase letters its presence.
Following this convention, configuration “gNC” can be interpreted as low GDP per
capita, but a strong industrial fabric (high number of businesses in the region),
and the existence of a previous cluster in this particular sector. As for the “GNC”
configuration, the simultaneous presence of all three antecedent conditions is found
to also explain current entrepreneurial activity in the industrial sector.
46 I. Alegre and J. Berbegal-Mirabent
Following the same procedure as described for the industrial sector, we proceed with
the analysis of the textile sector. Tables 3.6 and 3.7 report both the coincidence and the
sufficiency and necessity matrices. Once again, we note that the relationship between
the proportion of new textile ventures created in 2011, relative to total new ventures
(created during the same period) and the antecedent conditions, is greater than 0.6,
indicating a moderate association. In particular, for the textile sector we observe that
the lowest relationship appears between the outcome and the economic factor (GDP
per capita). Likewise, when considering antecedent conditions in isolation, they pre-
dict the outcome with a consistency level equal to or higher than 0.668.
After corroborating that antecedent conditions are indeed related to the outcome,
we can next analyze which combination of antecedent conditions can be used to
explain the actual entrepreneurial level in the textile sector. As shown in Table 3.8,
two configurations (gNH and GNh) exhibit a y consistency greater than the n con-
sistency, with a confidence interval of 95 %. However, when testing which configu-
rations have a consistency level higher than the cut-off value of 0.800 suggested by
Ragin (2008), we only obtain one valid configuration, gNH. This recipe corresponds
to a high GDP per capita, a high number of businesses in the region, and the exis-
tence of a historical cluster in the textile sector in the previous two centuries.
Contrary to what we find in the industrial sector, in the case of the textile sector,
there is only one configuration that accomplishes the two aforementioned criteria
used to build Table 3.8; therefore, no reduction is necessary. Thus, we can affirm
that there is only one configuration (gNH) that helps explain the current level of
entrepreneurial activity in the textile sector: low levels of GDP per capita, high
number of businesses in the region, and the previous existence of a textile cluster.
This configuration has a total coverage of 0.206 and a consistency level of 0.951.
48 I. Alegre and J. Berbegal-Mirabent
3.5 Conclusions
Entrepreneurial activity has been widely studied from different perspectives. Recent
approaches have concentrated on cultural issues, and their influence on entrepre-
neurial activity, as well as on the entrepreneur. Nevertheless, very little attention has
been paid to the role that the historical background of a territory has in influencing
its entrepreneurial activity.
This chapter has aimed to shed some light on this matter, by means of an empirical
approach. We have first reviewed the literature on those factors that, based on previ-
ous studies, help explain entrepreneurial activity: economic, institutional and cultural
factors. A fourth factor has been added, to account for the historical background.
3 Entrepreneurship and the Influence of History: How Much Impact Do… 49
We then introduced the two cases under analysis, the industrial sector and the
textile sector. For the purpose of this study, the Spanish landscape is chosen. Both
sectors have a strong tradition in the historical evolution of the Spanish industry and
are widely documented as historical clusters in the national literature. Therefore,
abundant information was available and it was possible to gain substantial knowl-
edge on how these clusters were shaping and determining the industrial fabric of
Spain over time.
To further empirically corroborate the validity of our proposition regarding the
influence of historical weight on current entrepreneurial activity, a method that
combines both quantitative and qualitative approaches was chosen. The qualitative
comparative analysis in its fuzzy-set version was used (fsQCA). This method
resolves one of the major limitations of probabilistic techniques, namely restrictions
on the study sample. Accordingly, even studies with small data samples can yield
conclusions generalizable to the broader population. Using this approach two inde-
pendent analyses have been carried out, one for each sector. Recipes obtained in
both configurations reveal that historical clusters do have an influence on current
entrepreneurship.
Human capital cannot be taken away from the individual, as tangible assets and
financial capital can. Something similar applies to the historical background of a
territory, which cannot be easily forgotten. The existence of a cluster in the past
influences the current activities performed in a given region. This effect is mani-
fested in infrastructure and machinery, but particularly in terms of the establishment
of networks and the availability of know-how which, transmitted from generation to
generation, is determining how things are done and life is conceived.
At this point, it is however important to highlight that historical heritage and
memories of earlier activities may also hinder the development of new economic
activities, in the sense that they do not allow inhabitants to find alternative ways to
earn a living. Fear of changing traditional ways of operating can lead to stagnation
and thus to the deterioration and aging of the region’s production system. In this
context, innovation plays a key role. Achieving a balance between traditional and
new ways of doing things is one of the keys to success.
Although we believe that this study provides important and useful insights into the
current literature on culture and entrepreneurship, it is important to note that we
identified some limitations that clearly represent future research lines.
Probably the main limitation of this study relates to the specific analysis of Spain,
and particularly of only two sectors of activity: industrial and textile. Although
these two sectors can be considered the backbone of the Spanish economy in recent
centuries, other industries have also contributed in diversifying economic activity
and self-supplying the needs of the country. In this sense, it would be of great
interest to expand the current analysis into other areas of economic activity and see
50 I. Alegre and J. Berbegal-Mirabent
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52 I. Alegre and J. Berbegal-Mirabent
Abstract This chapter focuses on the joint influence that cultural values (relatively
stable informal institutions) and the (more rapidly changing) economic conditions
play in explaining the total entrepreneurial activity (TEA) in countries with differ-
ent levels of development. Data for 55 countries coming from the Global
Entrepreneurship Monitor (GEM) and the Schwartz Value Survey (Individualism
and collectivism. Theory, method, and applications, Thousand Oaks, CA, 85–119;
Comparative Sociology 5:137–182, 2006) are analyzed. General results indicate
that the income level is negatively related to entrepreneurship, while the relation is
positive for the income growth. Regarding culture, the results show that only in
higher income countries, Autonomy values boost entrepreneurial activity.
Additionally, higher entrepreneurship is found in countries where Egalitarianism
predominates, and the effect becomes stronger as income level rises.
4.1 Introduction
Considerable attention has been paid in the literature to the relationship between
economic development and the entrepreneurial activity rate. However, these
attempts to explain the differences in the level of entrepreneurial activity between
countries have not been completely successful. Previous research in this respect has
found a U-shaped relationship between economic activity and entrepreneurship
(Carree, van Stel, Thurik, & Wennekers, 2002; Sternberg & Wennekers, 2005;
Wennekers, van Stel, Thurik, & Reynolds, 2005). Above a certain level of GDP per
capita, which some authors set around US$7,000 (Pinillos & Reyes, 2011), increased
income leads to higher start-up rates. The reason may be that wealthier countries
have a more complex economic system and also a greater demand for new and dif-
ferentiated consumer goods, both leading to increased opportunities (Shane, 1993).
An alternative and complementary research path consists of the study of the role
of societal context and institutions in explaining entrepreneurial activity (Blackburn
& Kovalainen, 2009). Institutional economic theory provides a useful framework
for understanding such effects, since it specifically suggests that human behavior is
influenced by the institutional environment (North, 1990, 2005). Therefore, placing
entrepreneurship studies in their context is necessary to more comprehensively cap-
ture the diversity of entrepreneurial activity (Zahra, 2007).
The social context surrounding the individual is bound to have an influence on
the person’s motives, cognition, intention and action (Welter, 2011). In this sense,
people’s start-up decisions may be influenced by the predominant values in the
social context in which they are embedded (Hayton, George, & Zahra, 2002; Pinillos
& Reyes, 2011). The societal value structure that shapes culture would thus play a
significant role in determining the entrepreneurial activity of their members.
Nevertheless, the mechanisms through which these effects are exerted are far from
clear. Though a number of contributions have already stressed the influence of cul-
ture on entrepreneurship (Davidsson, 1995; Davidsson & Wiklund, 1997;
Frederking, 2004), research on this topic is still limited.
Some authors have analyzed the institutional dimensions in the field of entre
preneurship (Urbano & Alvarez, 2014). Busenitz, Gómez, and Spencer (2000)
introdu ced and validated a measure of the country institutional profile for
entrepreneurship. This research has been replicated in subsequent studies (Gupta
et al., 2012; Manolova et al., 2008; Spencer & Gomez, 2004). However, very few
attempts have so far been made to analyze the impact of institutional dimensions on
entrepreneurial activity using cross-national data (Urbano & Alvarez, 2014). In this
sense, some institutional elements (notably the informal factors such as culture) are
relatively stable and only change slowly over long periods of time. In contrast, the
short term economic situation is also certain to affect the individuals’ decision to
start a venture.
This study is focused on the role of both cultural attitudes and economic condi-
tions (in the form of income level and income growth) on entrepreneurship. It aims
at contributing to filling the existing gap in the literature by analyzing the complex
relationship between development, culture and entrepreneurship. Specifically, the
present study proposes a theoretical framework in which the cultural values (stable
informal institutions), and the level of economic activity (changing more rapidly)
jointly explain entrepreneurship in a country. In particular, the paper also analyzes
an interaction effect between cultural values and per capita income. The empirical
analysis tests this core hypothesis with data from 55 countries over 12 years, using
a data-panel design.
This chapter is organized as follows: after this introduction, the next section
outlines the relevant theory and the hypotheses derived from it. Section 4.3 describes
the empirical analysis and presents the results, which are further discussed in
Sect. 4.4. The paper ends with a brief conclusion section.
4 Understanding the Role of Culture and Economic Conditions in Entrepreneurship 55
Institutions represent the set of rules that articulate and organize the economic, social
and political interactions between individuals and social groups, with consequences
for entrepreneurial activity and economic development (Liñán, Urbano, & Guerrero,
2011; Thornton, Ribeiro-Soriano, & Urbano, 2011; Urbano & Alvarez, 2014). It has
been argued that institutions may be formal (such as political and economic rules
and contracts), or informal (such as codes of conduct, conventions, attitudes, values
and norms, or rather the culture of a specific society) (North, 1990, 2005).
While it is often relatively easier to modify formal economic institutions by pol-
icy action, informal institutions are likely to resist change and take time to evolve
toward new social norms (Thornton et al., 2011). Attention will be paid to this differ-
ent time perspective in this section. Thus, we first succinctly analyze the relationship
between economic conditions and entrepreneurship. After that, the operationaliza-
tion of culture and its role in economic development and entrepreneurship is studied.
Finally, the existence of an interaction effect between culture and income level is
considered. The research hypotheses are presented throughout the section. Our
research model and hypotheses is presnted in Fig. 4.2.
Studying culture is difficult due to the lack of a precise and commonly understood
definition of culture (McGrath, MacMillan, Yang, & Tsai, 1992; Thornton et al.,
2011). Thus, Inglehart (1997) defines culture as the set of basic common values
which contributes to shaping people’s behavior in a society. Cultural values oper-
ate unconsciously, since they are deeply rooted within the political institutions
and technical systems. Therefore, these values and beliefs are continuously rein-
forced (Pinillos & Reyes, 2011). Culture shapes the individual’s cognitive
schemes, programming behavioral patterns consistent with the cultural context
(Hofstede, 1991, 2003).
Culture may influence entrepreneurship through two main mechanisms
(Davidsson, 1995). Firstly, a supportive culture would lead to social legitimation,
making the entrepreneurial career more valued and socially recognized in that cul-
ture, thus creating a favorable institutional environment. Therefore, more people
will try to start their ventures, irrespective of their personal beliefs and attitudes
(Etzioni, 1987). Secondly, a culture sharing more pro-entrepreneurial values and
patterns of thinking would lead to more individuals showing psychological traits
4 Understanding the Role of Culture and Economic Conditions in Entrepreneurship 57
and attitudes consistent with entrepreneurship (Krueger, 2000, 2003; Liñán, Santos,
& Fernández, 2011). Thus, more people will try to become entrepreneurs (McGrath
et al., 1992; Mueller & Thomas, 2001). In this sense, it has been suggested that a
high perceived valuation of entrepreneurship in a society will lead to more positive
attitudes and intentions by individuals (Krueger & Carsrud, 1993; Liñán, Urbano
et al., 2011).
The first and most common classification of cultures distinguishes between indi-
vidualist and collectivist ones (Hofstede, 1980; Schwartz, 1999; Triandis, 1995).
However, alternative characterizations have also been made. From an empirical
point of view, Hofstede’s cultural dimensions (Hofstede, 1980, 1991, 2003) have
often been used as a reference in research works about the influence of culture on
entrepreneurship (Hayton et al., 2002; Liñán & Chen, 2009; McGrath & MacMillan,
1992; Mitchell, Smith, Seawright, & Morse, 2000; Mueller & Thomas, 2001;
Mueller, Thomas, & Jaeger, 2002; Shane, Kolvereid, & Westhead, 1991). Results
have confirmed their influence on national start-up rates, innovation or entrepre-
neurial intentions. However, Hofstede’s measures have been criticized as having
methodological weaknesses (Jabri, 2005; Tang & Koveos, 2008).
An alternative approach to culture has been proposed by Schwartz (1990).
According to this, values shape the individual’s motivational goals. A circular struc-
ture of values is proposed (see Fig. 4.1) representing the dynamic relationships
between values according to principles of compatibility and logical contradiction.
Following this circular structure, the pursuit of adjacent values is compatible, whilst
the pursuit of opposing values would generate conflict (Schwartz, 1999, 2004, 2006b).
In the present study, Schwartz’s theory will be followed. This considers cultural
values as averaged individual values (Schwartz, 1994, 1999, 2004, 2006b). This
theory is strongly based on a universal system of values that guides human behavior.
Specific cultural contexts make some of them prevail over others (Schwartz, 2006a,
2008). This mechanism works through social institutions and their actions (through
legislation, government directives, the education system, etc.), selecting and priori-
tizing some values more than others. In this sense, people tend to carry out what
they believe is socially appropriate behavior (Bourdieu, 1991; Markus & Kitayama,
1991; Schwartz, 1994).
At the aggregate level, seven types of cultural value orientations may be identi-
fied (Schwartz, 1994): Embeddedness, Intellectual Autonomy, Affective Autonomy,
Hierarchy, Egalitarianism, Mastery and Harmony. They may be grouped into three
bipolar dimensions (Fig. 4.1).
• Autonomy (intellectual and affective) vs. Embeddedness: This dimension covers
the troubled relationship between the individual and the group. At the embedded-
ness end, the person is seen as an entity that is included in the community (exam-
ples of values may be social order, respect for tradition, family security or
wisdom). Meanwhile, at the other end, people are autonomous bodies that find
meaning in their own difference (to be curious, open-minded or creative are val-
ues within the intellectual autonomy; pleasure, a varied life or an exciting life are
affective autonomy values). Of course, the relative strength of affective and intel-
lectual autonomies may make a difference at the cultural level (see Schwartz &
58 F. Liñán et al.
HARMONY
Unity with nature,
World at Peace
EMBEDDEDNESS
Social Order, Obedience,
EGALITARIANISM Respect for tradition
Social Justice,
Equality
INTELLECTUAL
AUTONOMY HIERARCHY
Broadmindedness, Authority, Humble
Curiosity
AFFECTIVE MASTERY
AUTONOMY Ambition, Daring
Pleasure, Exciting life
Ros, 1995, for a comparison of western countries). Many theorists associate indi-
vidualism with the self-interested pursuit of personal goals (Triandis, 1995).
However, self-interest is equally present on both sides of the Autonomy-
Embeddedness dimension (Schwartz, 2004, 2006b).
• Egalitarianism vs. Hierarchy: The second societal problem is to guarantee
responsible behavior that preserves the social fabric. People must be induced to
consider the welfare of others, to coordinate with them, and thereby manage their
unavoidable interdependencies. This addresses the responsible, cooperative
behavior that will get societal tasks done, either by differentiating roles, or by
internalizing commitment and voluntary cooperation (Schwartz, 1994). At the
Egalitarianism end of this dimension, the members of society are considered as
equal beings who share a commitment to cooperate with others and pursue the
common good (social values such as justice, freedom, responsibility, honesty).
Meanwhile, at the Hierarchy end the unequal distribution of power, roles and
resources is considered legitimate (social values such as power, authority, humil-
ity, wealth).
• Harmony vs. Mastery: This dimension helps regulate people’s treatment of
natural and human resources. It solves the problems of the relations between
persons, and between person and nature. Those cultures heavily sided toward the
Mastery pole are seeking personal gain through the exploitation and domination
of nature (ambitious, successful, competitive, risk-takers). On the Harmony side,
4 Understanding the Role of Culture and Economic Conditions in Entrepreneurship 59
on the other hand, cultures that seek individuals fitting in harmoniously with
nature are placed (unity with nature, protecting the environment, a world at
peace, etc.).
These cultural value orientations also present a framework of cultural compat-
ibility and opposition (Schwartz, 1994, 1999), since some of them share common
basic assumptions. For instance, Hierarchy and Embeddedness are positively
related, sharing the idea that personal roles and obligations to collectivities are
more important than individual ideas and aspirations. These values, therefore, are
more present in collectivist countries. A similar relationship is also found with
respect to Egalitarianism and Intellectual Autonomy. They share the idea of a
social actor who takes individual responsibility and makes personal decisions
based on his/her understanding of situations. Thus, these values predominate in
individualist countries (Schwartz, 1994, 1999). In practice, high Egalitarianism
and Intellectual Autonomy are usually found together, as in Western Europe
(Schwartz & Ros, 1995).
The shared and opposing assumptions inherent in cultural values yield a coher-
ent circular structure of relations between them (Schwartz, 1999). As shown in
Fig. 4.1, the structure reflects the cultural orientations that are compatible (adjacent
in the circle) or incompatible (distant around the circle). This conception of cultural
dimensions as forming an integrated system, derived from a priori theorizing, dis-
tinguishes this approach from others. Thus, Hofstede (1980, 2003) conceptualized
his dimensions as independent, while Inglehart (1997) empirically derived two
broad cultural components.
As may be expected, a considerable interdependence between culture and eco-
nomic development is found (Mueller et al., 2002; Ros, 2002; Shane, 1993). Less
developed countries are typically characterized by a predominance of Embeddedness
and Hierarchy, while Autonomy and Egalitarianism tend to prevail in developed
countries (Schwartz, 2008). In particular, Autonomy seems to be more strongly
associated with economic growth, while Egalitarianism is more strongly linked to
social change (Schwartz, 2004). Regarding the relationship between Harmony/
Mastery and economic development, no strong evidence is found (Schwartz, 2004;
Schwartz & Ros, 1995). Nevertheless, this Harmony concept has been related to
Inglehart’s (1997) postmaterialism and is found to be relatively higher in most
developed countries. In particular, this cultural orientation is highest in Western
Europe (Schwartz & Ros, 1995), while in English-speaking (especially in the USA)
and Confucian countries, Mastery is prevalent (Schwartz, 2008).
Regarding Autonomy, an overall negative relationship with the entrepreneurial
activity should be expected. That is, Embeddedness would favor entrepreneurship.
In countries where Embeddedness prevails, the sense of community would facilitate
support for nascent entrepreneurs and, in particular, for small-scale necessity
initiatives.
In turn, Egalitarianism (versus Hierarchy) would have a positive influence on
entrepreneurial activity. In countries where Hierarchy prevails, more people adopt a
60 F. Liñán et al.
passive role, accepting the social order and their economic situation (Schwartz,
2006b). However, in egalitarian societies people are considered as equal beings who
might cooperate with others to pursue certain objectives, and improving their social
and economic status might be among these possible goals (Schwartz, 2006b). In this
respect, entrepreneurship can pose a powerful path to vertical mobility within a
society which might be more acceptable in egalitarian societies, while in hierarchi-
cal societies it would not be tolerated.
Societies where Mastery prevails (instead of Harmony) tend to encourage active
self-assertion in order to master, direct and change the natural and social environ-
ment to attain own goals (Schwartz, 2006b). Therefore, since entrepreneurship rep-
resents changes in economic and competition conditions in the market, it would be
favorably viewed in these societies. In turn, the predominance of Harmony pro-
motes the acceptance of the world (nature and society) as it is, trying to understand
and appreciate it, rather than to change it. This would be associated with lower
entrepreneurial activity.
Therefore, with respect to the relation of culture to entrepreneurship, the follow-
ing hypotheses may be proposed (Fig. 4.2):
H3a: The Autonomy-Embeddedness dimension is negatively related to the entrepre-
neurship rate.
H3b: The Egalitarianism-Hierarchy dimension is positively related to the entrepre-
neurship rate.
H3c: The Harmony-Mastery dimension is negatively related to the entrepreneurship
rate.
4.2.3 T
he Interaction Between Culture and Income
in Explaining Entrepreneurship
The empirical analysis will be carried out on a total sample of 55 countries with
very different income levels (Annex 1) over the period 2001–2012. The selection of
countries has been made based on the available data (countries participating in both
62 F. Liñán et al.
the GEM project and the Schwartz Value Survey—SVS—study were included).
A non-balanced panel design is used, since there are some missing observations for
specific periods and countries. Overall, 423 complete observations have been used
in this study.
4.3.1 Methodology
1
Since 1999, the GEM project measures and compares the entrepreneurship levels for different time
periods and countries. Available from the GEM consortium web page: http://www.gemconsortium.
org/key-indicators.
4 Understanding the Role of Culture and Economic Conditions in Entrepreneurship 63
Affective Autonomy.
64 F. Liñán et al.
4.3.2 Results
As a first preliminary analysis, Table 4.2 presents the correlation matrix between all
the explanatory variables used in the model. It is interesting to highlight the correla-
tions between cultural and economic variables. The three cultural variables are posi-
tively correlated to GDPpc. That is, in high-income countries the cultural values of
Autonomy, Egalitarianism and Harmony prevail (over Embeddedness, Hierarchy
and Mastery, respectively). This is clearly in line with the theory (Schwartz, 2008;
Table 4.2 Correlations
1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8.
1. GR-GDP 1.000
2. GDPpc −0.349 1.000
3. AUTO-EMB −0.341 0.683 1.000
4. EGAL-HIER −0.422 0.577 0.575 1.000
5. HAR-MAS −0.290 0.280 0.314 0.695 1.000
6. P1 −0.324 0.840 0.762 0.613 0.332 1.000
7. P2 −0.357 0.965 0.684 0.693 0.394 0.879 1.000
8. P3 −0.207 0.351 0.312 0.574 0.800 0.460 0.505 1.000
4 Understanding the Role of Culture and Economic Conditions in Entrepreneurship 65
Schwartz & Ros, 1995). In turn, cultural values are negatively related to GR-GDP,
which is in accordance with the negative relation between GDPpc and GR-GDP
(richer countries tend to grow more slowly). As may also be seen, correlations are
not excessively high. However, as is often the case, interaction terms do present
stronger correlations in some instances. This is the case, particularly, with P2.
In order to estimate both Models 1 and 2, we have used the Estimated Generalized
Least Squares (EGLS) panel method (cross-section weights) implemented in Eviews.
In particular, we have also included White’s correction for the variance-covariance
matrix. This method estimates a model of constant coefficients for all countries and
periods, introducing a correction of weights to avoid any problems that may derive
from the presence of cross-sectional heteroskedasticity (Wooldridge, 2002).
The selection of this estimation method is justified because the Hausman’s
econometrics test clearly rejects (with a p-value < 0.001) the use of a random
effects method (Hausman, 1978; Wooldridge, 2009). That is, the necessary condi-
tion that individual effects are not correlated to explanatory variables is not met.
Thus, any estimations from the random effects model would be inconsistent
(Wooldridge, 2002). Additionally, as indicated above, the presence of variables
that are fixed in time (cultural dimensions) prevents us from using the fixed effect
method. Finally, the correction of weights has been introduced to solve the pres-
ence of some heteroskedasticity problems that were found in the constant coeffi-
cients model.
The main results from the estimation of Model 1 are presented in Table 4.3.
As may be observed, the model is clearly significant. Similarly, all explanatory
variables are highly significant (p < 0.001), supporting the hypotheses proposed.
The estimated coefficient for the variable GDPpc is negative. Therefore, hypoth-
esis H1 is confirmed, and we can conclude that higher income is associated with
lower entrepreneurship rates. In contrast, the coefficient for GR-GDP is positive.
This provides support for hypothesis H2, meaning that higher economic growth
implies an increased entrepreneurship rate.
Regarding cultural variables, the coefficients are all in accordance with the
hypotheses H3a, H3b and H3c. Therefore, we find confirmation for the three of
them in our analysis.
Model 2 has been estimated to be able to test the hypotheses H4a, H4b and H4c.
This model builds upon Model 1 by including the interaction terms between GDPpc
and the three cultural dimensions. The results from the estimation of Model 2 are
presented in Table 4.4. It may firstly be said that all the coefficients of the variables
included in Model 1 keep their signs and are still significant. In this sense, there is
no evidence that the inclusion of interaction terms causes collinearity problems.
The coefficients for the variables P1 (GDPpc * AUTO-EMB) and P2
(GDPpc * EGAL-HIER) are positive and significant. Therefore, hypotheses H4a and
H4b are confirmed. In the case of the Autonomy-Embeddedness dimension, evidence
of a non-linear relationship with the entrepreneurship level is found. In higher income
countries Autonomy (instead of Embeddedness) can boost the levels of entrepreneur-
ship. In contrast, the predominance of Egalitarianism (instead of Hierarchy) is always
associated with higher entrepreneurial activity. But this relationship becomes stron-
ger when high income and high Egalitarianism are found together.
In turn, the coefficient for P3 (GDPpc * HAR-MAS), although positive, is not
significant. In this sense, this is in accordance with our hypotheses H4c, which
stated that there was no specific interaction effect between the Harmony-Mastery
cultural dimension and the income level in explaining the entrepreneurship rate.
4.4 Discussion
The most important contribution of this study is, we believe, that it sheds light on the
way informal (more stable) institutions influence entrepreneurial activity, once the
effect of the short-term economic situation has been considered. Previous work had
found that cultural values influenced entrepreneurship, but they had typically
used cross-sectional data, or country averages (Liñán et al., 2013). In contrast, we
analyze the effect of both economic and cultural variables using a data-panel
4 Understanding the Role of Culture and Economic Conditions in Entrepreneurship 67
research design over a period of 12 years and 55 countries. This allows a higher
accuracy of the estimated parameters, and it also explains over 50 % of the variance
in yearly TEA level by country.
Considering first the economic variables, different studies have shown that
entrepreneurship can significantly contribute to economic growth, job creation and
innovation (Carree et al., 2002; Reynolds et al., 2002). There may be a role for
policy action to improve people’s inclination toward developing new entrepreneur-
ial initiatives (Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development [OECD],
1998). Some countries (such as those in the European Union) have attempted to
achieve this objective through short-term policies focused on eliminating barriers
to the development and growth of businesses. In this sense, the present study sup-
ports the notion that an accelerated economic growth contributes to increasing
the entrepreneurial activity level as a result of increased demand and expanded
economic opportunities. This could be labeled as a short-term effect, since it is
bound to vary as the country’s economy moves through the different stages of the
economic cycle.
The income level is, in turn, relatively more stable. Although it undoubtedly
changes from year to year, these annual changes are comparatively smaller than
may be the case for the growth rate in GDP. The negative relationship between
income and entrepreneurship is once again confirmed (Bjornskov & Foss, 2006;
Liñán et al., 2013; Noorderhaven et al., 2004; van Stel et al., 2003; Verheul et al.,
2002). This result strongly suggests that the more sophisticated economic condi-
tions in richer countries allow for a wider set of alternatives in the labor force, and
less people feel they have to become entrepreneurs to earn a living. That is, the
opportunity costs of entrepreneurship are higher in rich countries.
To try to take into account the potential effect of cultural values, this study
includes a multidimensional concept of culture. Previous research has associated
individualistic values with entrepreneurial activity (Pinillos & Reyes, 2011).
Autonomy and Egalitarianism can be linked to individualism. Nevertheless, indi-
vidualism may be too simplistic a concept to explain the effect of culture on entre-
preneurship. In this paper, evidence has been provided about the positive influence
of Egalitarianism on entrepreneurship.
However, Autonomy seems to have an initially negative effect on entrepreneur-
ial activity. On the one hand, this is a clear indication that the influence of culture
cannot be accounted for by the simplistic distinction between individualism and
collectivism. On the other hand, this general result regarding the Autonomy-
Embeddedness dimension points out the complexity of the relationship between
economic development, culture and entrepreneurship. Thus, the effect of the same
cultural values on entrepreneurial activity could be different depending on the coun-
tries’ level of development. The results of this paper show that in low-income
countries Embeddedness could favor entrepreneurial activity, whereas in higher-
income countries Autonomy can stimulate entrepreneurial activity.
In the case of the second cultural dimension of Egalitarianism, this value orienta-
tion promotes responsibility, equal opportunities, and support for less powerful actors.
68 F. Liñán et al.
Thus, it tends to create a social environment in which people are more willing
to pursue the opportunities they are aware of (Liñán et al., 2013). It is interesting
to note that this effect is valid in both developed and developing countries, but it is
even stronger for those with a high-income (as the significant interaction effect in
Table 4.4 shows).
Regarding the Harmony/Mastery dimension, this is the least significant cultural
dimension. But even in this case its influence may be more relevant than could be
initially thought. Some previous results suggest that developed countries are divided
between Western Europe (where Harmony prevails) and English-speaking and
Confucian countries (where Mastery prevails) (Schwartz, 2008). Therefore, the dif-
ferences in entrepreneurial activity between these two groups of countries could be
partly due to the stress they place on each bipolar element of this dimension (Liñán
& Fernandez-Serrano, 2014). This may also account for the lack of significance in
the present study.
Overall, then, income differences are associated with different relative value
priorities for the three cultural dimensions considered. Rather than a pure causa-
tion effect, it may be more reasonable to think about the existence of interdepen-
dence. That is, income and culture tend to change jointly. In particular, this
relationship is more intense for the Autonomy-Embeddedness and Egalitarianism-
Hierarchy dimensions. In high-income countries, Autonomy and Egalitarianism
tend to prevail, whereas in low income countries Embeddedness and Hierarchy
predominate.
The present study, then, adds another explanation—complementary to others
previously provided in the literature—for the U-shaped relationship between
national GDP per capita and entrepreneurial activity. In high-income countries,
there are more opportunities that may be taken advantage of. But people will act
more often to reap that opportunities when the society strongly emphasizes indi-
vidual responsibility and personal decision and action (Schwartz, 1994, 1999). As
previously said, during the development process, a cultural change occurs toward
Autonomy and Egalitarianism values. The movement toward Autonomy, within the
bipolar dimension Autonomy-Embeddedness, could have an initial negative effect
on entrepreneurship in developing countries. The sense of community can be dete-
riorated by economic and cultural changes and, as a consequence, the family and
social support for new entrepreneurs could diminish. However, in later stages of the
development process, high-income countries benefit from a cultural environment
characterized by Autonomy and Egalitarianism which stimulate the pursuit of
opportunities by means of entrepreneurial activities.
The theoretical framework proposed in this paper has allowed us to delve into the
complex role of cultural values as a mediating factor in the relationship between the
level of development and the entrepreneurial activity. However, the paper is not
without limitations. In particular, the lack of some data (especially in the case of
GEM data) may have affected the results. Of course, additional work is needed—
and called for—to confirm or refute these findings.
4 Understanding the Role of Culture and Economic Conditions in Entrepreneurship 69
4.5 Conclusion
This chapter has focused on the role of informal institutions (and specifically that of
culture) in explaining entrepreneurial activity. To do so, it has jointly considered the
influence of these more stable institutions, together with the more rapidly changing
economic conditions. The paper is also novel in that it uses a theory-based cultural
value structure. This may contribute to a more thorough understanding of the com-
plex interaction between economic development and culture, and how these two
groups of variables affect entrepreneurial activity.
Based on the review of theory and research, this paper has shown evidence of the
existence of relevant interactions between economic development, entrepreneurship
and cultural values. Despite its tentative character, this study offers very promising
insights about the nature of the relationships between culture and entrepreneurship.
The implications for academics and policy makers may be substantial. If a better
understanding of the effect of culture on entrepreneurship is gained, measures and
programs to promote the desired cultural values may be devised. In developing
countries, a certain combination of cultural values should be associated with spe-
cific policies to promote income growth and entrepreneurial activity.
(continued)
Hungary (1990, 1995) Thailand (2005)
India (1991, 1992) Turkey (1990, 1993, 1995, 2000)
Indonesia (1992, 1995) Uganda (1995)
Iran (2000) United Kingdom (1990, 1995)
Ireland (1995, 2000) USA (1988, 1989, 1991–1996, 2000)
Israel (1989, 1990, 1994, 1995, 1996) Venezuela (1989, 1991, 1993, 1994)
Italy (1989, 1991, 1997, 2002) Yemen (2003)
Japan (1989, 1990)
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4 Understanding the Role of Culture and Economic Conditions in Entrepreneurship 73
Abstract The purpose of this chapter is to analyze the influence of cultural factors on
social entrepreneurship in Spain in the context of the recent economic crisis. Data
from Global Entrepreneurship Monitor (GEM) and Spanish Statistics Institute (INE)
for the period 2005–2010 are used as the main sources of information and a panel data
analysis is applied in the empirical part of the research. Through the lens of institu-
tional economics, the main findings of the study suggest that informal factors such as
cultural factors “perceived opportunities to create a start-up” and “entrepreneur’s
social image” are key drivers of social entrepreneurship during the depression period.
This study contributes for the design of policies to foster social entrepreneurial activ-
ity as well as for the development of the literature in the social entrepreneurship field.
5.1 Introduction
The first great economic downturn of the twenty-first century produced a consider-
able global impact, not only because of its scale (mainly in developed countries such
as the United States [US] and in Europe) but also because of the fact that it caused
many to question the basic premises of the current economic system. The deepening
economic crisis profoundly impacted children, youth and families, and was charac-
terized by high unemployment, falling average incomes, increased inequality,
higher government borrowing and changes in public policies (particularly social
policies). As a consequence of this negative economic outlook, high expectations
were placed on social entrepreneurs as one of the key agents to tackle social chal-
lenges and to respond to them when private companies and the public sector could
not (Bornstein, 2004; Dees, 2001; Weerawardena & Mort, 2006). However, there
are few studies that analyse social entrepreneurship in the context of the economic
crisis.
The Global Entrepreneurship Monitor (GEM) Report provides an initial analysis
of the impact of the 2008–2009 global recession on entrepreneurship initiatives.
The main results point out that more than half of the entrepreneurs questioned stated
that it was more difficult to start a new business in 2009 than in 2008, and a majority
of entrepreneurs saw fewer opportunities for their businesses. In the case of estab-
lished entrepreneurs, they tended to be the most pessimistic. On the other hand, the
GEM Report points out that characteristics and sentiments also changed; in many
countries the recession prompted an increase in ‘necessity-driven’ start-up entrepre-
neurs and a decrease in the proportion of people who saw good opportunities for
new start-ups. Hence, we can expect that this global economic downturn also
affected social entrepreneurship.
Social entrepreneurs are focused on social problems. They create innovative ini-
tiatives, build new social arrangements and mobilize resources in response to prob-
lems rather than market criteria (Desa, 2012; Mair & Marti, 2006). From this
perspective, social entrepreneurship is part of the solution to economic crisis, as it
explicitly aims to provide innovative solutions to unsolved social problems, putting
social value creation at the heart of its mission in order to enhance communities and
improve individuals’ lives and increase their well-being.
In this chapter institutional approach is adapted to analyse the influence of cul-
tural factors on social entrepreneurship in Spain in the context of the recent eco-
nomic crisis for the period 2005–2010. Moreover, panel data is applied to explore
the evolution of social entrepreneurial behaviour before and during the crisis, based
on data from Global Entrepreneurship Monitor (GEM) and Spanish Statistics
Institute (INE). The main findings suggest that the crisis had a statistically signifi-
cant impact on social entrepreneurship phenomena. In particular, if we compare the
periods before and during the crisis, we find that perceived opportunities to create
start-ups as well as entrepreneur’s social image were key drivers of social entrepre-
neurial activity during the depression period; only perceived opportunities to create
start-ups were found as significant in the period before the economic downturn.
After this brief introduction, the chapter is organized as follows. In Sect. 5.2, we
give an overview of the relevant literature and empirical evidence on the institu-
tional determinants of social entrepreneurial activity. Section 5.3 presents the data,
variables and methods applied in our study. Section 5.4 discusses the main empiri-
cal findings. Finally, Sect. 5.5 shows the conclusions, the implications and the rec-
ommendations for further research.
At the turn of the twenty-first century, the Spanish economy experienced a period of
rapid growth followed, in 2008, by a period of recession, as in other European coun-
tries. During the period of economic prosperity leading up to the financial crisis, the
annual growth rate of Spanish household disposable income was approximately
5 The Effect of Cultural Factors on Social Entrepreneurship… 77
5.3 Methodology
SEA it = α + β1 II it + β2 CVit + ε it
Where i = 1, 2…, 18 identifies the region and t = 1, 2…6 refers to a given time period
between 2005 and 2010.
1
Regions: Andalusia, Aragon, Principality of Asturias, Balearic Islands, Basque Country, Canary
Islands, Cantabria, Castile-La Mancha, Castile and León, Catalonia, Extremadura, Galicia, La
Rioja, Madrid, Region of Murcia, Navarre, Valencian Community and Ceuta and Melilla.
80 E. Ferri et al.
The dependent variable is the social entrepreneurial activity of each region. The
IIit represents each explanatory variable corresponding to our informal institutions
and CVit represents our control variables. βj are the coefficients. Finally, εit is a
random disturbance, which is assumed to have zero mean and constant variance.
Table 5.2 reports the descriptive statistics for the variables included, divided by the
different periods that we wanted to test: a) all periods (2005–2010); b) before
the crisis period (2005–2007); and c) during the economic downturn period
(2008–2010). As it can be seen, all variables started to decrease in 2008 except
GDP at purchasing power parity (PPP), which reduced in the following years
(GDP-PPP growth 2009 vs. 2008, −5 %).
5 The Effect of Cultural Factors on Social Entrepreneurship… 81
In Table 5.2, the descriptive statistics indicated that, on average and for all peri-
ods (2005–2010), there were 9,899 social entrepreneurs: 27 % saw good opportuni-
ties to start a firm in the area in which they lived; 68 % considered starting a business
as a desirable career choice; 60 % considered that successful entrepreneurs who
start a new business have a high level of status and respect; and 43 % stated that
often they see stories in the public media about successful new businesses. Also, the
average total enterprise number was 185,186 and average GDP-PPP was 22,414
euros. Finally, the results suggest that social entrepreneurial activity was lower
before the economic crisis (mean = 9.369) than during it (mean = 10.765).
Table 5.3 presents the correlations matrix where it can be seen that some vari-
ables may be highly correlated. We conducted a multicollinearity diagnostic test,
examining the VIF of all variables in the analysis, and found that multicollinearity
is not likely to be a problem for our dataset.
institutional factor which could affect social entrepreneurial activity (see Model 2).
In contrast, during the economic crisis, the coefficient of opportunities to start new
business is positive and statistically significant (p ≤ 0.05), as is the entrepreneur
social image variable.
Regarding hypothesis testing: Hypothesis 1 posited that the impact of opportuni-
ties to create new start-ups on social entrepreneurship is positive, but higher during
the economic crisis. In all models the coefficient estimate for the opportunity to create
start-ups is positive, however is significant in Models 1 and 3. Likewise, the coeffi-
cient is higher in Model 3 (during crisis period). Hypothesis 1, then, is partially sup-
ported. According to our results, during the crisis the influence of perceived
opportunities on social entrepreneurship increased 37 % compared with the period
before the crisis. Similar to previous results (Lehner & Kaniskas, 2012; Roy et al.,
2014; Tominc & Rebernik, 2007), perceived opportunities are found to be related to
entrepreneurial intentions and are a key driver in the decision to start a new business.
Hypothesis 2 predicted that entrepreneurial culture has a positive effect on social
entrepreneurship, but higher during the economic crisis. Contrary to expectations, the
coefficient is negative in Model 1 and Model 2, and is only positive in Model 3.
Likewise, there is no statistical significance in any of the models. As such, our data do
not support Hypothesis 2. Our results are in line with Stuetzer et al. (2014), who found
no direct relationship between entrepreneurial culture and entrepreneurial activity.
Hypothesis 3 posited that entrepreneur’s social image has a positive influence on
social entrepreneurship, but that this impact was higher during the economic crisis.
We found a weak support for Hypothesis 3, due to the fact that only during the eco-
nomic crisis (Model 3) is the coefficient positive and significant (p ≤ 0.05). As we
expected, for all years (Model 1) we found a positive effect; however there is no
statistical relationship. In addition, and contrary to our own predictions, before the
economic downturn the coefficient is negative and non-significant. A possible
explanation for this result could be that before the economic crisis, and in particular
in Spain, the social image of the business class was not well received. People linked
entrepreneurship with personal enrichment, and those who perhaps do not focus on
their contribution to society. However, this situation changes when unemployment
rates increase and socially complex problems appear in our societies, pointing out
the importance of social entrepreneurs as key agents in the process of economic
recovery (Bornstein & Davis, 2010; Maclean et al., 2013).
Finally, Hypothesis 4 proposed that media has a positive impact on social entre-
preneurship, but higher during the economic crisis. The coefficients are positive,
however they are not significant in any models. Therefore, Hypothesis 4 is not sup-
ported. Regarding control variables, the number of total enterprises has a positive
effect and is statistically significant (p ≤ 0.001) in all models. In contrast, per capita
income only has a positive effect in Model 1, and during the crisis period (Model 3)
the coefficient is negative but is a non-significant variable.
Overall, the present results contribute to social entrepreneurship literature that
explores the effect of institutional factors, and specifically informal institutions
(e.g. beliefs, attitudes, values, among others). In general terms, the findings indicate
84 E. Ferri et al.
5.5 Conclusions
Implications of the study are theoretically for the development of the literature
on the social entrepreneurship from the institutional perspective and practically, for
the design of policies to foster social entrepreneurial activity.
Many future research lines could be develop based on this chapter. Firstly, the
research could be replicated in developing countries, comparing different types of
settings and analysing differences and similarities between modern market econo-
mies and developing countries. Secondly, the effect of the institutional factors on
social entrepreneurial activity could be studied including some moderator variable.
Finally, the ways in which institutions interact with the social entrepreneurial pro-
cess could be extended.
Acknowledgments The authors acknowledge the financial support from the projects ECO2013-
44027-
P (Spanish Ministry of Economy & Competitiveness), ECO/2663/2013 (Economy &
Knowledge Department—Catalan Government).
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Chapter 6
The Entrepreneur’s Values and the Growth
Expectations of New Ventures
Abstract In this chapter, personal values are analyzed as factors that play an
important role when the founders of new high-technology ventures design a strategy
of growth for the company, according to what they consider important in life. This
work analyzes on the one hand, how values interfere when the founder sets expecta-
tions of growth in technology-based new ventures and on the other hand this work
explores the role of values in the level of satisfaction of the entrepreneurs regarding
the actual performance of their companies.
6.1 Introduction
To conduct this analysis, it is necessary first to explore a theory that might be helpful
for explaining the logic and the importance of the study. In order to analyze the rela-
tion between entrepreneurs’ personal values and the expectations of growth and
levels of satisfaction within a new venture, it is necessary to take a quick look at the
congruence theory developed by Nightingale and Toulouse (1977).
Empirical studies have found that during the startup phase of new firms, entrepre-
neurs make recruitment decisions based mainly on mutually compelling interests
among team members or their common aspirations to start a venture (Chandler &
Hanks, 1998; Kamm & Nurick, 1993). Rather than just having a clear business vision
as a common ground, entrepreneurs and their team members are being drawn to each
other based on similar beliefs, interests, and personal chemistry (Bird, 1988).
A. Campos (*)
Servicios Académicos. CERI p.baja, Universidad de Guadalajara,
Periférico Norte 799, Zapopan, Guadalajara, Jalisco 45100, Mexico
e-mail: a.campos@cucea.udg.mx
E. Hormiga • A. Sánchez
Economia i Organització d’Empreses, Universitat de Barcelona
Avinguda Diagonal 690 T2-P3, Barcelona Barcelona 8034, Spain
e-mail: ehormiga@ub.edu; asanchezna@acc10.cat
As firms move to the growth phase, business vision and strategic goals become
more well-defined and stable (Lewis & Churchill, 1983) but common values, interests
and beliefs remain. In this sense, it is common for those entrepreneurs who share
common values, to also share the perception of success and good performance of
the company, hence the levels of satisfaction with the results of the company will be
shared too regardless the financial situation.
In Chap. 2 personal values have been extensively defined and one of these con-
ceptions is proposed by Rokeach (1973, p. 5), who defines a value system as “an
enduring organization of beliefs concerning preferable modes of conduct or end-
states of existence along a continuum of relative importance”. In this chapter we
analyze how these desires for end-states (personal values) shared within technology-
based new firms, work.
In the same Chap. 2 the classification of personal values according to the
role they play in human lives developed by Gouveia et al. (2010) was pre-
sented. The Functional Theory of values recognizes the existence of two func-
tional dimensions of personal values, giving place to two principal lines in the
values structure. The horizontal axis belongs to the function of values that
guide human actions, represented by the dimension type of orientation (per-
sonal or social), while the vertical axis represents the role of values as a guide
to human needs, represented by the dimension type of motivation (material or
humanistic values).
Congruence theory and Functional theory of values will set the frame for the
analysis of the cases in this work. Under these circumstances, the objective of this
research is to identify how entrepreneurs’ values lead motivations to define the pro-
cess of growing new technology-ventures.
Following this introduction, the next section presents the theoretical frame-
work and the propositions. The first theoretical approach reflects on the impor-
tance of the topic of knowledge in the field of entrepreneurship and especially in
the context of new technology ventures. This reflexion is followed by a theoretical
approach to the role of personal values in the life and beliefs of an entrepreneur.
The methodology of the empirical study is described next. The main results
obtained from the case study analysis are then presented. The study concludes
with a summary of the main findings, implications and limitations of this work,
and ideas for future research topics.
Due to the important role of entrepreneurs’ knowledge during the first years of life
of new high-technology ventures, and the importance of this intangible asset in the
selected cases, a literature review of this work will start precisely by approaching
the topic of knowledge.
6 The Entrepreneur’s Values and the Growth Expectations… 91
behind the growth and success of this type of companies; in fact one of the drivers
of growth most studied in academic literature is the role of the entrepreneur.
Although growth is generally agreed to be a good indicator of success and one of the
aims of all the firms, not all new ventures choose to grow (Edelman, Brush,
Manalova, & Greene, 2010; Wiklund & Shepherd, 2003).
In this sector, companies are created by a particular type of entrepreneur, usually
with very high levels of technical knowledge and skills and as stated previously with
common perceptions of several issues regarding the firm. Sometimes it is even
scholars and researchers who create spin-off companies (Prodan & Drnovsek,
2010). In this line, Oakey (2003) argued that technical entrepreneurs need a correct
combination of technical and managerial skills in order to be able to exploit such
expertise. When the company starts growing it is crucial that the founder has sup-
port in finance, marketing and personnel areas (Oakey, 2003).
It has been well discussed that knowledge plays a critical role in business cre-
ation, life and survival in the market; actually there are certain sectors where spe-
cialized knowledge determines the length and breadth of the life cycle of a new
venture. Technology-based businesses require by their very nature greater and more
specialized amounts of knowledge to be created and to be managed. In fact, there
has been a debate in academic literature about the real need for technological entre-
preneurs to acquire business management skills or not and if so, to what extent.
In this sense, Oakey (2003) argues that it is not the best choice for scientist entre-
preneurs with strong technical expertise who have succeed in the market so far, to
refuse to acquire management training in order to grow the business. This author
considers it important for entrepreneurs either to acquire such knowledge or even
better, to hire or associate with someone who holds specialized business manage-
ment skills, especially if financial assistance becomes an unavoidable need.
In the high-technology sector, companies are mostly created by a particular type of
entrepreneur, usually with high levels of technical knowledge and skills. Sometimes it
is even scholars and researchers who create spin-off companies (Prodan & Drnovsek,
2010). Oakey (2003) argued that technical entrepreneurs need a correct combination
of technical and managerial skills in order to be able to exploit such expertise.
But, is it managerial knowledge that can really make the difference between the
success and non-success of technological entrepreneurs? In order to answer this ques-
tion it is important to consider what lies behind it, and if the entrepreneur’s desire to
make his business grow and the ability to do it rely only on the amount and specializa-
tion of technical and/or managerial knowledge that the entrepreneur possess.
performance of the firm, the effect of personal values is eminently direct. Usually,
entrepreneurs in this sector possess high-technical training; in many cases they
come from university environments and have been researchers for many years.
In the case of Spain, many research centers and universities provide funding to
researchers in order to turn the patents and innovations they are working with into
real business projects. However, it is not unusual for these researchers never to have
thought about funding a company themselves, only then they find this option may
be the only way to continue developing their professional career. In this sense,
Elizur and Sagie (1999) highlighted the importance of compatibility between life
and work values.
There has been substantial investigation related to why individuals create a busi-
ness (Cassar, 2007). The motive that drives founders to develop business projects
can either mean added value for the firm or it can have a negative effect. Various
authors have studied the influence of motivations on the subsequent success of the
firm and on organisational processes (Van Praag, 2003; Peña, 2004). Most of these
authors draw the conclusion that the fact the owner is driven by intrinsic motiva-
tion—putting a personal idea into practice—, or by the need to be his/her own boss
is an asset for the firm, which will have greater chances of surviving and obtaining
future utilities than if he/she is driven by the impossibility of finding a job.
In previous chapters the influence of personal values on the intention to create a
business has been proved, and now it is necessary to explore how these personal
values guide the founders’ expectations of growth in the company and how this
influence works.
Rokeach (1973, p. 5) defines values as “an enduring belief that a specific mode of
conduct or end-state of existence is personally or socially preferable to an opposite
or converse mode of conduct or end-state of existence”. García and Dolan (2003,
p. 63) assume that “relatively stable strategic learning about a way of acting is better
than the opposite to obtain our goals or to make the things go well”. Depending on
the level of analysis, we can find different levels (Roe & Esther, 1999) such as: coun-
try, group, and individual. Cultural values represent the implicitly or explicitly
shared abstract ideas about what is good, right, and desirable in a society (Williams,
1970). Although cultural values will influence individual values, in this research we
will focus on the individual level, specifically on the figure of the entrepreneur.
It is important to understand what the precedence of these values is and how they
influence behaviors. Beliefs are structures of thinking, developed through a learning
process that helps individuals to explain reality. Attitudes are consequences of the
values and are tendencies to evaluate, positively or negatively, a person, thing or
fact. Attitudes predict our tendency to act in a specific way (García & Dolan, 2003).
In this sense, to modify behaviors it is necessary to change beliefs and values rather
than only the attitudes (García & Dolan, 2003).
There are many theories that have tried to explain the motivational process.
Theories focused on expectancy of success, theories focused on task value or theo-
ries that integrate expectancy and values (Eccles & Wigfield, 2002). In the last
group of theories we found a modern expectancy value theory in which both these
components—expectancy and value—are more related to social/cultural determi-
94 A. Campos et al.
(pragmatic)
Materialist
Fig. 6.1 Facets, dimensions and sub functions of basic values. Source: Gouveia et al. (2010, p. 205)
nants and positively related to each other (Feather, 1988, 1995). Feather’s work on
values is an extension of Atkinson’s original expectancy-value model, developed in
important ways by broadening the conceptualization of value. He argued that values
are one class of motives that lead individuals to perform acts they think should be
done (Feather, 1995). This author assumes that values function like needs to influ-
ence goal directed behaviour and can influence the choices that are made between
alternative activities and the way situations are constructed.
Gouveia (1998, 2003) has used the Functional theory of values for developing a
new structure and domain of human values. As stated, Gouveia (1998, 2003) and
Gouveia et al. (2010) identified two functions of terminal values in the literature:
(a) Values as guide to human actions, and (b) values as expressions of human
needs. A combination of these two functions yields six sub functions of values—
see Fig. 6.1.
Thus this functional dimension refers to the type of orientation values assume when
guiding human actions.
Based on this function Gouveia (2003) proposed three types of values: social,
personal or central. An intermediate set of values along this functional dimension
can be empirically identified that is neither completely or exclusively social nor
personal (Gouveia, 2003; Gouveia, Andrade, Milfont, Queiroga, & Santos, 2003;
Mueller & Wornhoff, 1990). In this respect, Fischer et al. (2011) propose that this
set of values is located between social and personal because it is not focused exclu-
sively on either one of the two ends but rather is congruent with social and personal
orientations. They argued that these values are both society-centered and
self-centered.
The second functional dimension is associated with the expression of needs and
refers to the type of motivator values fulfill (Fischer et al., 2011; Gouveia, 2003). On
the one hand, it is the materialistic needs, which refers to those needs that have to be
satisfied to ensure the survival of the individual, the immediate social group, and the
species (basic biological and social needs such as food and control) (Fischer et al.,
2011). On the other hand, there are the needs that appear when the basic needs have
been satisfied (Maslow, 1954; Welzel & Inglehart, 2003). These needs include the
need for information, for intellectual, and emotional stimulation and the aspiration
to obtain positive self-esteem (Baumeister, 2005; Fischer et al., 2011).
Hence, humanitarian or idealistic values are less oriented to concrete aims and have
a universal orientation, empathizing with abstract principles and ideas. And materialistic
values have an orientation toward specific goals, empathizing with preoccupation for
conditions of survival, personal stability and security (Fischer et al., 2011).
Based on this function, values are classified as materialistic (pragmatic) or
humanitarian (idealistic). Functional theory will be the framework to perform the
analysis of the cases in this research.
Six entrepreneurial stories for this study were selected in order to make a deep
analysis of the eight entrepreneurs leading their new technology ventures. Due to
the nature of the industry, all the participants in the cases studied possess great lev-
els of technical and managerial knowledge; so the participant companies were
selected following these criteria: (1) all companies must belong to the high-
technology sector, (2) the founder or entrepreneurial team possess high levels of
technical knowledge and some knowledge of management as well (3) all are com-
panies offering new products or services with growing high potential in market.
Specifically, some characteristics of the companies and participants in this study are
the following (Tables 6.1 and 6.2):
First contact with the participants was made by telephone. During the initial
telephone discussion with at least one of the companies’ founders, the aims and
objectives of the case study were outlined. Also our requirements about who should
be interviewed and the approximate duration of the interview were explained. Some
of the participants were concerned about confidentiality issues, while others had no
problem talking about their personal stories. Our interest in using the case study for
publication was also revealed at the first contact, preserving at all times the anonym-
ity of the companies and the confidentiality of information. At this point we made
sure the participants matched the requirements of the sample, and we left out those
who did not. Our data collection consisted of deep personal interviews conducted
using semi-structured questionnaires as a guide. As mentioned, the interview con-
tent was drawn from academic literature and also guided by previous studies.
The interviews included questions about the general characteristics of the com-
pany and the personal characteristics of participants. Through the exercise of these
deep interviews we gathered information relating to their skills, and personal values
and how these values were affecting the management of the new venture and their
growth expectations. Besides, the participants were asked about their perceptions of
growth and how they planned to grow in their companies.
During the visit to the companies in July 2010, extended interviews were con-
ducted with at least one or two of the founders of each company. Each case study
lasted approximately 2 h. In addition to the interviews, we used secondary sources
to verify the statements and to obtain supplementary information. The informa-
tion gathered from each organisation was written up as a case study and the prin-
cipal observations extracted.
6 The Entrepreneur’s Values and the Growth Expectations… 97
All interviews were transcribed so that the analyses could take into account the
language used. The first analysis involved coding those sections of each interview
that addressed the personal values of participants and how they understand their
company’s growing process. When this analysis suggested the need for clarifica-
tion, or additional background information was required, then participants were
questioned via e-mail.
To achieve the objectives of the research we followed a qualitative methodol-
ogy—case study—(Eisenhardt, 1989; Yin, 1989), following different steps. First,
the theoretical framework of the research was developed from a review of the litera-
ture. Second, we used this framework as a guide to organize our data collection and
to analyze the data collected. In this sense, the relationship between the theoretical
perspective and the empirical findings is very close (Yin, 1989). To obtain the data
we used primary and secondary sources. Through holding deep interviews we gath-
ered information related to the participants’ levels of technical and managerial
knowledge and used different questions to establish the presence of certain personal
values and show how these two factors could exert some kind of influence on the
participants’ perceptions of their ventures’ growth.
By adopting the founder/s as the main unit of analysis, our empirical research is
based upon a systematic application of the multiple-holistic case study approach to
a new technology context in which six new ventures created in Catalonia (Spain)
were first judgmentally—not randomly—chosen and then comparatively examined.
This conceptual sampling design allowed us to introduce some degree of variance
in our case selection criteria by including differences in the entrepreneur’s gender
and origin and to compare individual entrepreneurs with entrepreneurial teams.
However, to be consistent with previous research on entrepreneurial firms which are
typically regarded as young and small in size (Zacharakis & Shepherd, 2001), all
firms in the purposeful sample had to be small, and independently managed.
This study finds considerable congruence between participants’ articulated self val-
ues and the way they decided to make their company grow and manage its growth.
As mentioned previously, the main question to answer in this work is: how do entre-
preneurs’ personal values guide the way they understand and perceive growth in
their companies?
Personal values as guides to attitudes and hence behavior will set the way in
which entrepreneurs understand and conceive of growth, and this will condition
their expectations for future growth and other related aspects such as the satisfaction
level with the actual performance of their companies.
According to Gouveia’s classification of personal values and following the func-
tional theory, we identified entrepreneurs’ values that belong to four different
dimensions in our study: Suprapersonal, Existence, Excitement and Promotion (see
Table 6.3).
6 The Entrepreneur’s Values and the Growth Expectations… 99
6.5 Conclusions
In this work we have classified the types of entrepreneurs, among eight founders of
new ventures in the high technology sector, according to the functional theory of
values proposed by Gouveia et al. (2010). Results were explored following the
dimensions personal-social and idealist-pragmatic, giving place to the four types of
entrepreneur we took into account to analyze the findings of the interviews con-
ducted. These types are: Suprapersonal, Promotion, Excitement, Existence, all of
which were explained and discussed previously.
102 A. Campos et al.
Promotion: We identified some participants who possess values that allocate them
in the promotion category (P1, P2, P4, P5). As stated before, entrepreneurs of this
type have values that make them conceive of growth as a means to achieving per-
sonal recognition; participants declare that they care about the social status of being
“successful”; they feel the need to be rewarded or recognized either in a personal
way or as the best company.
Suprapersonal: Another group of participants (P3, P7) highlighted characteristics
related to the group of values called suprapersonal. These values tend to prioritize
social issues rather than the personal. These participants care about others; about the
welfare of the community they interact with. They conceive of the company’s
growth as a means to promote development of the community as well as the per-
sonal and professional development of community members.
Existence: One of the participants (P6) claimed to have interests related to balance
in personal life, but also conceived of the company’s growth as a long distance race,
so in order to survive in the market there must be constant unflagging growth.
He also cares about maintaining control over the company at all times and gaining
the loyalty of high-skilled workers; they put their knowledge into the company and
keep it alive in the market. These values belong to the category existence.
Besides all this, P6 says he has a great interest in keeping a good atmosphere at home
with the family and loved ones. He recognizes the importance of growth but also realizes
that it is the family that keeps him focused and ready to continue. Growth is important
but not so urgent as to put at risk personal and family balance. He tends to have every-
thing in order in the company so he never has to answer the cell phone at home.
Excitement: Participant 8 presents values related to the category excitement. The
satisfaction that comes from doing what you love is greater than the need for growth
whether economic or in size. He seeks to achieve growth in the company as a way
to keep doing what he loves to do and to feel the satisfaction of exploiting his own
intellectual capacities.
P8 declared he was most interested in applying the knowledge and expertise acquired
during his life, to some real project. As long as the company grows and stays in the
market, he will be able to keep doing what he likes, which is what really matters for P8.
As stated before it is common to find in this category, researchers and high-
skilled founders looking for ways to apply their knowledge in real situations and
projects. P8 finds work completely exciting and conceives of growth as the source
of new projects. He desires to grow as a company in order to start new and innova-
tive challenges.
Another characteristic identified is that those entrepreneurs with more social-
oriented values (P3, P6 y P7) tend to consider it important not to lose control of the
company. During the interviews they mention the importance of growing but using
only their own capital as much as possible (P6: It’s important to grow with our own
capital; we cannot lose control).
Another important aspect for these “social-oriented” founders is the role that
informal relations (especially the family and the couple) play in all the growing
process. They all recognized the key role of their marriage in the development of
6 The Entrepreneur’s Values and the Growth Expectations… 103
their activity (P6: my family is my balance and have made all this possible, they
have been really important in this process; P3: My first concern is to take care of my
loved ones and the work comes after that. If you don’t enjoy your family, how can
you really work properly?).
On the other hand, those entrepreneurs with a more individualistic orientation
describe a different role for the family in respect of the company’s development. In
these cases (P1, P2, P4, P5, P8) entrepreneurs recognize that they would like to spend
more time with the family but only once the company has grown enough to let them
have more free time; at this moment the company’s growth is the priority (P1: I’ve been
my whole life preparing myself to be an entrepreneur and now I understand the sacrifice
of that; I haven’t stepped in a discotheque since I was 24; P4: The company is always
first and that’s it; P5: It’s complicated to make company and family compatible but if
you want the firm to grow you have to choose; P8: My wife doesn’t interfere in my work,
I think I’m obsessed with work, I get really mad when I don’t finish something at work.
75 % of the times I take work home; my wife is independent so she can handle that).
The common characteristic of entrepreneurs with idealist values is that they
understand the growth of their companies as a means to achieving superior goals,
either of a social or individual nature. In the cases of P3 and P7 we observe how
their motivations to make the company grow are clearly focused on having a really
good impact on society and to make it better (P3: Our company is a small change
agent for giving society the same opportunities in a sector as complicated as the
technology one; P3: with our company’s growth we will be able to support women
entrepreneurs so they can realize their projects; P7: Our product will provide a bet-
ter quality of life to many patients; at the end of the day the most important thing is
to take the product to them).
Another example of this is P8 who clearly emphasizes the importance of the
intellectual stimulation and the satisfaction that developing his activity produces on
him (P8: The atmosphere in which I work is intellectually stimulating and that
makes me feel free, makes me feel alive).
Entrepreneurs with a more pragmatic orientation are defined by the motivation to
grow in a materialistic way; much more than those entrepreneurs with an idealistic
orientation. This group of entrepreneurs cares more about, for example, social or
personal recognition.
This chapter has analyzed how personal values play an important role when we try
to understand the motivations of entrepreneurs to make a company grow up.
Different theories have been used to explain and contextualize the personal val-
ues of entrepreneurs and how these values relate to the importance given by the
entrepreneurs to their companies’ growth over other aspects of their lives.
Despite the theoretical and practical contributions of this work, some limitations
must be recognized. On the one hand we must be aware that this study focuses only
104 A. Campos et al.
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6 The Entrepreneur’s Values and the Growth Expectations… 107
Abstract In Chile, during the past two decades several reforms have been
implemented with a goal of dismantling institutional barriers constraining equity
funding along with the allocation of government investment in public financing
programs. The purpose of this chapter is to analyze how public policy may influence
the cultural legitimacy of entrepreneurship in a region. Understanding how entrepre-
neurship policy and programs, and specifically the unique Start Up Chile initiative, may
impact the culture towards entrepreneurship and the perception of entrepreneurship as
a career choice. The main findings suggest that the introduction of Startup Chile resulted
in a spike in interest in Chile as an entrepreneurial ecosystem.
7.1 Introduction
The recognition of the importance of the entrepreneur and the necessity of the
markets in which the entrepreneur operates has led many countries to begin to
work on improving their markets by eliminating barriers to entrepreneurship and
other market failures. This is evidenced by the renewed focus of international
1
The International Monetary Fund expects the region to grow around 3.0 % in 2014 that is better
than Europe and North America.
7 Entrepreneurship Policy and Its Impact on the Cultural Legitimacy… 111
While entrepreneurship research has explored how tax breaks, grants and research
and development funding may help regions develop a successful entrepreneurial
ecosystem (e.g., Squicciarini, 2009; Van de Ven, 1993), little research has explored
how government policy regarding immigrant entrepreneurship impacts host country
entrepreneurial ecosystems (Levie, 2007; Williams, Balaz, & Ward, 2004). This
question is pertinent to our research because we sought to explore the potential
implications of programs designed to entice immigrant entrepreneurs on the cultural
legitimacy of entrepreneurship in the host country, in this case, Chile. Specifically,
one aspect of our research focuses on how the introduction of programs designed to
recruit immigrant entrepreneurs, such as Startup Chile may serve to increase the
cultural legitimacy of entrepreneurship in the host country.
7.3 Context
In 2014, 1,715 companies from 64 countries applied to the programme. Not surpris-
ingly people inside and outside of Chile have suggested it is Chile’s attempt to cre-
ate their own Silicon Valley. In fact, Startup Chile and the country as a whole was
recently dubbed by the Economist as Chilecon Valley (Giles, 2012).
Startup Chile consists of several key features including, a $40,000 (USD) grant
(non-reimbursable, non-diluting) from the Chilean government to entrepreneurs
accepted into the program. Aside from the free money, entrepreneurs receive a work
visa for 1 year as well access to shared office space, mentors and networking events.
During their stay in Chile these entrepreneurs share their knowledge at universities
and colleges while participating in community initiatives. Entrepreneurs are not
required to stay in Chile after the first 6 months. The pilot phase of Startup Chile
began in 2010 with 22 startups from 14 different countries. By the end of 2011 the
program had serviced approximately 500 startups and it is on track to reach the
government’s stated goal to support a total of 1,000 entrepreneurs from around
the globe by the end of 2014.
Endeavour highlights the contribution of Startup Chile to the entrepreneurial
ecosystem, in an interview with the former executive Director of Startup Chile
Horacio Melo3: “Because of the social objective, the government is not expecting a
short-term economic impact, if you see Start-Up Chile in a big perspective, we
attract entrepreneurs from all over the world to start their businesses here, we ask for
some help, because we want to make sure that they create a cultural impact, short-
term or mid-term. And because of that cultural impact, we want Chileans living a
long-term economic impact.”
7.4 Hypotheses
7.4.1 T
ransnational Entrepreneurship and International
Legitimacy
http://www.ecosysteminsights.org/start-up-chile-heading-toward-failure-or-success/
3
7 Entrepreneurship Policy and Its Impact on the Cultural Legitimacy… 115
7.5 Methodology
7.5.1 Data
7.5.1.1 International and National Legitimacy
Our theoretical framework posits that public policies directly promoting entrepre-
neurship implemented by the Chilean government agencies had a positive effect on
local and international legitimacy of the entrepreneurial activities in Chile. Therefore,
our interest is focused on variables that measure the local and international legiti-
macy of entrepreneurship in Chile between 2008 and 2013, prior to and after the
entry of the new entrepreneurship policy and programs from the Piñera government.
As discussed in our literature review, legitimacy is a complex construct and has
been measured in numerous robust ways entailing structural equation modeling,
multivariate analysis and several other empirical approaches. For this study we
chose to utilize a relatively simplistic approach, but one which has justification in
extant literature on cultural legitimacy for entrepreneurship. A proxy for cultural
legitimacy for entrepreneurship is a measure of the change in media count related to
entrepreneurship (Klyver & Thornton, 2010).
We used Proquest4 to perform media counts of International and Chilean press
that contained the keywords “Entrepreneurship” and “Chile” or “Entrepreneur” and
“Chile”, to obtain the number of media articles that mentioned the previous key-
words between 2008 and 2013. The average number of total media appearances
(national and international) during the study period was 134. As predicted, prior to
2010 the number of appearances was under the mean while after 2010, the media
appearances where over the mean. Prior to presenting the results of our hypotheses
testing, we first present a summary of the relevant descriptive statistics.
Figure 7.1 shows the evolution of the media counts, considering the national and
international media separately. 2010 is the year where the tendency of media appear-
ances clearly changed, and increased significantly, particularly in the international media.
http://www.proquest.com/
4
7 Entrepreneurship Policy and Its Impact on the Cultural Legitimacy… 117
As can be seen, Chile was not really on the map as part of the global conversation regard-
ing vibrant hotspots for entrepreneurship.
Another measure of internal legitimacy of entrepreneurship is reported in the
Adult Population Survey (APS) from the Global Entrepreneurship Monitor (GEM).
While it has its share of critics, the GEM is one of the most important longitudinal
research projects ever created to study the entrepreneurship phenomenon in a global
context. Data from GEM have been used in hundreds if not thousands of peer-
reviewed publications (Bosma, 2013). Three questions included in the survey are
associated with internal legitimacy of entrepreneurship; (1) New business is a good
career choice, (2) New business leads to status and (3) Lots of media coverage of
new business in the local media. Table 7.1 shows the evolution of the previous three
questions during the study period. The data shows a similar pattern with the media
count internal legitimacy measure, while the breaking point that increases the
perception of the legitimacy of entrepreneurship occurs in 2010.
118 V. Mandakovic et al.
7.5.1.2 E
volution in Chilean Innovation and Entrepreneurship
Policies and Programs
Fig. 7.3 Evolution in experts’ evaluation of governmental policies and governmental programs on
innovation and entrepreneurship
Table 7.2 Correlation matrix for international media exposure and governmental policies and
programs variables
International Governmental Governmental
media programs policies
International media 1
Governmental programs 0.735** 1
Governmental policies 0.804*** 0.783*** 1
***p < 0.01, **p < 0.05, *p < 0.1
7.5.2 Results
7.5.2.1 Hypothesis 1
7.5.2.2 Hypothesis 2
Table 7.3 shows the pairwise correlation matrix between the variables from the GEM
we use to measure internal legitimacy (status and career choice), National Media mea-
sured as media count in the local press and Governmental programs and policies.
The first item to highlight is that national media is only correlated significantly
with government programs and not policies. Therefore programs like Startup Chile
have an influence in the internal legitimacy.
The correlation of status and career choice is positive and significant when
related to governmental programs and policies. This confirms hypothesis 2.
7.5.2.3 Hypothesis 3
Table 7.4, shows the marginal effects of a Probit estimation, where the dependent
variable is the perception that entrepreneurship is a good career. We use APS GEM
data between 2008 and 2013, accounting for 33,515 observations of Chilean indi-
viduals. We use traditional controls such as age, gender and educational level. Our
main mechanism of interest is the effect of entrepreneurship status on the probabil-
ity of considering that creating a new business is a good career choice.
Model 1 in Table 7.4 is the estimation of Eq. (1) without considering the interac-
tion effects. We find that the likelihood that entrepreneurship is considered a good
career choice increases 3.4 percentage points in Chile for those who also consider
entrepreneurs to have high legitimacy in society.
7 Entrepreneurship Policy and Its Impact on the Cultural Legitimacy… 121
Model 2 includes an interaction effect of the status variable and a dummy that
takes value 1 if the year of analysis is 2010, the interaction coefficient is positive
and significant. This means that the likelihood that entrepreneurship is considered a
good career choice is accentuated if the year of analysis is 2010. Indeed it increases
7.8 percentage points for those who also consider entrepreneurs to have high legiti-
macy in society in 2010, since government support in 2010 resulted in a positive
impact on the status afforded entrepreneurs in the country. Thus our third and final
hypothesis was also supported.
7.6 Conclusions
This is a very preliminary effort to explore the role of entrepreneurship policy and
programs in a new way. Given the persistent criticism and lack of consistent find-
ings related to public policy and the rate and, arguably more importantly, the suc-
cess of entrepreneurship in a region (Lerner, 2009; Parker, 2007; Shane, 2009), we
believe new approaches to studying the impact of public policy are necessary. We
have no desire to argue that there is no benefit to public policy that supports entre-
preneurship. Rather, with this research, we aim to begin the dialog regarding alter-
native objectives of public policy, particularly in the context of developing countries.
Our methodology in this study is quite elementary and exploratory in nature. We
have used oversimplified proxies for legitimacy and in general we lack sufficient
data to draw significant conclusions. However preliminary results do suggest that
some of the policies introduced by Chilean government served to enhance the cul-
tural legitimacy of entrepreneurship.
122 V. Mandakovic et al.
In general public policy could play a significant role in terms of the design of
appropriate institutional and regulatory conditions to support entrepreneurship, espe-
cially in developing countries (Acs & Szerb, 2007; Amorós, Felzensztein, & Gimmon,
2013). We believe one aspect of public policy in a developing country worth explor-
ing more is how certain programs can enhance the domestic legitimacy for entrepre-
neurship via enhancing the international legitimacy of entrepreneurship in the country.
In the case of Chile, during the past two decades several reforms have been imple-
mented with a view towards dismantling institutional barriers constraining equity
funding, and many resources have been oriented towards public financing programs.
But just recently with a relatively radical and innovative set of programs and polices,
the Chilean entrepreneurship ecosystem has been experimenting a significant growth
in terms of quantity and quality (Amorós & Acha, 2014). Start Up Chile appears to be
one such program which has had important impacts on the international and domestic
perception of Chile as a desirable country for entrepreneurial activity. This program
has now been replicated in numerous countries around the world, including more
developed countries. Just as consumers in developing countries tend to emulate mate-
rialistic tendencies of consumers in developed countries (Wilk, 2001), it is likely that
citizens in developing countries may be more affected by increases in positive per-
ceptions of the entrepreneurial ecosystem from international, more developed coun-
tries than perhaps programs to promote the status of entrepreneurs within the
developing country. This of course requires much more research.
One future research avenue that could be fruitful may be to utilize punctuated
equilibrium approaches (True, Jones, & Baumgartner, 2007) to explore changes in
host-country legitimacy of entrepreneurship before and after the introduction of an
externally legitimated program for attracting transnational entrepreneurs. In this
case, we do believe, and preliminary analysis supports this belief, that the introduc-
tion of Startup Chile, resulted in a spike in interest in Chile as an entrepreneurial
ecosystem. In fact, Santiago was recently named a top 20 ecosystem in the world5
and credible international such as the Economist began referring to Chile as
Chilecon valley (Giles, 2012).
While this research was exploratory in nature and has its share of shortcomings
we are hopeful it can serve to generate awareness amongst researchers and policy
makers that there may in fact be profound impacts from entrepreneurship policy
which have not been fully considered. Particularly in the case of developing coun-
tries, if further research confirms our preliminary findings related to transnational
entrepreneurship and host country legitimacy and attitudes towards entrepreneur-
ship, this could become a fruitful line of research that also has important implica-
tions for entrepreneurship policy. Furthermore, it could lead to interesting debates
regarding the need for immigration form. This argument has already begun in the
U.S. where many have been calling for changes to immigration policy to support the
recruitment and attraction of transnational entrepreneurs (Quittner, 2014).
5
http://techcrunch.com/2012/11/20/startup-genome-ranks-the-worlds-top-startup-ecosystems-
silicon-valley-tel-aviv-l-a-lead-the-way/
7 Entrepreneurship Policy and Its Impact on the Cultural Legitimacy… 123
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Chapter 8
The Role of Normative Legitimacy
in the Development of Efficiency-Driven
Countries
8.1 Introduction
The study of entrepreneurial activity at a nation-wide level dates back to the first
half of the Twentieth Century (Schumpeter, 1934). Scientists then were puzzled by
the differences in entrepreneurial activity among different countries. Since then,
research on these issues has taken several distinct approaches.
E. Díez
Universidad de Sevilla and European Academy of Management and Business Economics,
1, Avda. Ramón y Cajal, Sevilla 41018, Spain
e-mail: diez@us.es
C. Prado-Román (*) • F. Díez-Martín • A. Blanco-González
Universidad Rey Juan Carlos and European Academy of Management
and Business Economics, Paseo de los Artilleros, Madrid 28032, Spain
e-mail: camilo.prado.roman@urjc.es; francisco.diez@urjc.es; alicia.blanco@urjc.es
The concept of legitimacy takes shape in the mid-1990s when a number of research-
ers ask: how do organizations acquire, utilize, and manage their legitimacy? The
most detailed definitions of the term arise at this time. In his book Institutions and
Organizations, Scott states that “legitimacy is not a commodity to be possessed or
exchanged but a condition reflecting cultural alignment, normative support, or con-
sonance with relevant rules or laws” (1995). That same year, Suchman publishes an
exhaustive article where he puts forth one of the most widely-accepted definitions:
“legitimacy is a generalized perception or assumption that the actions of an entity
are desirable, proper, or appropriate within some socially constructed system of
norms, values, beliefs, and definitions” (1995, p. 574).
A common thread in the study of legitimacy is the identification of the source of
legitimacy. In other words, where does legitimacy come from in an organization
(Deephouse & Suchman, 2008)? Suchman (1995) considers that the source of legiti-
macy is not restricted to a specific group of people but depends rather on the research-
er’s focus. The literature identifies numerous sources of legitimacy (see Bitektine,
2011). One of the most precise definitions states that the sources of legitimacy are the
internal and external audiences that observe an organization and evaluate its legiti-
macy (Ruef & Scott, 1998). Under this interpretation, the source of legitimacy for a
country would be all those that evaluate the actions of its government. Legitimacy is
essential for organizations. It improves access to the indispensable resources it needs
to survive and grow (Meyer & Rowan, 1977; Zimmerman & Zeitz, 2002; Zucker,
1987). A number of studies have demonstrated this relationship (Baum & Oliver,
1992; Cruz-Suarez, Prado-Román, & Prado-Román, 2014; Díez-Martín, Prado-
Román, & Blanco-González, 2013a; Hannan & Carroll, 1992; Li, Yang, & Yue,
2007; Ruef & Scott, 1998). In the case of entrepreneurs, this is especially important
(Bruton, Ahlstrom, & Li, 2010) because it allows them to overcome the liability of
newness (Aldrich & Fiol, 1994). Legitimacy is a necessary condition for easy access
to resources, restricted markets, and long-term growth (Brown, 1998).
Countries also need legitimacy to improve access to resources (i.e. foreign
investment) and improve their economic results (i.e. entrepreneurial activity). Over
the last few decades, governments have been working to promote entrepreneurial
activity in their countries because of its effect on regional and national growth. This
link between entrepreneurial activity and economic development has been amply
documented (Acs, 2006; Carree, Thurik, Acs, & Audretsch, 2010). Thus, countries
should behave in the same way that organizations do to create an image of viability
and legitimacy prior to receiving external support (Starr & MacMillan, 1990).
Proposition 1: Countries with greater legitimacy have greater economic development.
Proposition 2: Countries with greater legitimacy have greater entrepreneurial activity.
130 E. Díez et al.
8.3 Methodology
8.3.1 Sample
8.3.2.1 Legitimacy
Measurement is one of the main challenges in this field of study (see Díez-Martín,
Blanco-González, & Prado-Román, 2010). Among other reasons, due to the numer-
ous types of legitimacy (see Bitektine, 2011) and its varying effect on different
National development level was tracked with two indicators: the Human
Development Index and each country’s Gross Domestic Product. The first measure-
ment is published by the United Nations Development Program. It was created to
emphasize that people and their capabilities should be the ultimate criteria for
assessing the development of a country, not economic growth alone. The second
was taken from the World Bank databank.
The cultural resource variable was taken from pillar 14 of the Travel and Tourism
Competitiveness Index (TTCI). This Index is offered by the World Economic Forum
on a biannual basis as a dialog platform among the stakeholders that have an interest
in improving the Travel and Tourism industry and international economic develop-
ment. It is made up of 14 over-arching pillars, with the last measuring cultural
resources. Among other variables, it includes the number of international fairs and
exhibitions in the country, as well as a measure of its creative industries exports,
which provides an indication of cultural richness.
Case study methodology was utilized to analyze this data. This methodology is
especially adequate for situations in which it is desirable to develop theory induc-
tively (Eisenhardt & Graebner, 2007). In the present study, each country case serves
as a distinct experiment that stands on its own as an analytic unit. Similarly to the
approach taken with multiple related laboratory experiments, each case is a discrete
experiment that can be used to contrast and replicate new theories (Yin, 2009).
Given the small size and available data for this sample, the use of another technique
would not have been reliable or significant enough to provide adequate results.
8.4 Findings
show a parallel relationship between high status successful entrepreneurship and total
entrepreneurial activity. In these countries, as the status accorded to entrepreneurs
grows, so does entrepreneurial activity.
The links between legitimacy and country development do not match the
expected hypotheses. The link between variation in media interest of entrepreneur-
ial activity and the human development index shows a positive relationship in only
32 % of the sample countries with a negative link in 45 %. In addition, the variables
high status successful entrepreneurship and gross domestic product also show a
negative link in 55 % of the sample countries.
Once again, more countries than not demonstrate a negative relationship bet-
ween cultural resources and legitimacy. This happens both for media attention for
entrepreneurship and high status successful entrepreneurship variables. With only
36 and 27 % of the case study countries showing parallel behavior, this was an
unexpected result. It is worth noting that these results are very similar to those
between legitimacy and development.
Finally, the relationship between total entrepreneurial activity and development
also shows a greater number of results that do not conform to expectations. In these
situations, when total entrepreneurial activity is lessened, the human development
index and gross domestic product goes up. Only 32 % of the countries show positive
links between entrepreneurial activity and the human development index. Similarly,
36 % of the sample countries exhibit parallel growth in entrepreneurial activity and
their gross domestic product.
The present study set out to better understand the role of a country’s legitimacy on
its entrepreneurial activity and level of development; as well as the effect of cultural
resources on legitimacy. With this purpose, 22 countries were studied by relating
variations in normative legitimacy with changes in cultural resources, entrepreneur-
ial activity, and country development during the 2011–2013 period.
The results suggest similar direction of variation for legitimacy and entrepre-
neurial activity. This is consistent with the tenets of institutional theory (DiMaggio
& Powell, 1983; Meyer & Rowan, 1977) as well as with studies that relate legiti-
macy with entrepreneurial results (Aldrich & Fiol, 1994; Baum & Oliver, 1991;
Deephouse & Carter, 2005; Díez-Martín et al., 2013a; Young, Tsai, Wang, Liu, &
Ahlstrom, 2014). In this aspect, the findings deepen the body of knowledge on the
effect of culturally-based legitimacy on entrepreneurial activity. Academic scrutiny
of this relationship has been intense (Thornton, Ribeiro-Soriano, & Urbano, 2011)
and is congruent with previous studies on the influence of normative institutional
factors on a country’s rate of entrepreneurial activity (Stenholm et al., 2013).
At the same time, the study also discovered common behaviors in the interaction
of legitimacy, development, and cultural resources. Nevertheless, these behaviors
do not conform to the hypotheses previously set forth. A positive link was expected
136 E. Díez et al.
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Chapter 9
Cultural Influences on the Entrepreneurial
Intentions of University Students:
A Comparative Study Between Spain
and Portugal
Abstract The present work attempts to examine the different cultural patterns and
factors of Spanish and Portuguese university students in terms of their respective inten-
tions either to become self-employed or to launch their own businesses. As tested in
numerous studies, entrepreneurial intentions stem from various different psychologi-
cal and socio-cultural factors that collectively shape such motivations. Thus, whilst
aware that entrepreneurship and employment rates prove very unfavorable in Portugal
and Spain, we seek to establish whether the factors subject to study in the scientific
literature illuminate and portray differential patterns between these two countries.
9.1 Introduction
Intentions to start-up companies have also been widely researched (Carr &
Sequeira, 2007; Kautonen, Luoto, & Tornikoski, 2010; Sánchez, 2010; Sánchez
et al., 2005). However, while most studies rely on the Theory of Planned Behavior
methodology proposed by Ajzen (1991) (Tkachev & Kolvereid, 1999; Autio,
Keeley, Klofsten, Parker, & Hay, 2001, 1996; Fayolle, Gailly, & Lassas-Clerc,
2006; Liñán, 2004; Moriano, Palací, & Morales, 2006), they do not all consider the
same variables. Ajzen (1991) brings into play three determining factors for such
intentions: attitude, norms and perceived control, however, some studies have
extended the model incorporating certain variables not considered in the studies
cited above, such as personality traits, socio-cultural and regional influences (Gurel,
Altinay, & Daniele, 2010; Hopp & Stephan, 2012; Prabhu, McGuire, Drost, &
Kwong, 2012). Shapero and Sokol (1982) contribute to the analysis of entrepreneur-
ial intention as a determinant by considering the feasibility or the fact that start-ups
are feasible within a given context.
Meanwhile, different studies have shown how personality traits behave as predic-
tive variables for entrepreneurial intention. Individuals with a degree of self-efficacy,
internal locus of control and proactiveness are more likely to undertake such paths
and remain more committed to carrying out entrepreneurial activities (Gurel et al.,
2010; Koh, 1996; Mauer, Neergard, & Kirketerp, 2009; Prabhu et al., 2012).
However, personality traits as factors in play within the scope of Planned
Behavior Theory only partially explain entrepreneurial intention. These studies do
not consider the direct influence exercised by society in the background and no
study has approached analysis of these variables on a global basis and making a
comparison between these two countries. Hence, these limitations convey how the
determinants shaping entrepreneurial intentions still remain unclear whilst allowing
us to determine differential degrees to entrepreneurship patterns.
The main objective of this paper involves analyzing and exposing the role of
personal, attitudinal, social and cultural factors that underpin the configuration of
university student entrepreneurial intentions in order to assess the entrepreneurial
potential of the country. In short, approaching from the psychological analytical
perspective, we aim to elucidate this phenomenon, identifying the underlying differ-
ences among the university students of both countries, furthermore considering the
factors interrelated with the intention to set up businesses and in addition to the typi-
cal profiles in this field even while the student samples belong to similar cultures.
Covin, Green, and Slevin (2006) defend that an entrepreneurial orientation positively
relates with organizational performance in contexts specific to countries and regions.
There is however no generally accepted interpretation of culture as a determinant of
entrepreneurship (Wennekers & Thurik, 1999). As there is a bond between values,
beliefs and behaviours, we may expect that different national cultures provide the
framework for the development of these values and beliefs and thereby influencing a
wide range of behaviours, including decisions such as starting out on one’s own rather
than working for a third party (Mueller & Thomas, 2000). Within a similar line of logic,
9 Cultural Influences on the Entrepreneurial Intentions of University Students... 143
various studies have explored the interrelationship between different facets of culture
and the entrepreneurial practices in effect in diverse and different cultures (Autio,
Pathak, & Wennberg, 2010; Busenitz, Gomez, & Spencer, 2000; Lee & Peterson, 2000;
McGrath & MacMillan, 1992; Mueller & Thomas, 2000; Stephan & Uhlaner, 2010).
In general, there are two line of theoretical interpretation as to just how culture
interplays in business related activities. The first, largely stemming from the field of
psychology, holds that culture generates a direct impact on the behavior of peoples
belonging to a specific culture (Hofstede, 1980). Culture influences the personal
values of individuals and, furthermore, their behaviors. Thus, national culture may
either support or hinder entrepreneurial behaviours at the individual level (Hayton,
George, & Zahra, 2002). This reflects in the way culture indicates the level at which
a particular society considers business related behaviours, such as the taking of risks,
the orientation towards growth and expansion, the capacity for innovation, the rec-
ognition of opportunity as well as the willingness to explore new ideas. We may state
that all of this to a greater or lesser extent is synonymous with “national culture”. In
this point of view, a culture that is entrepreneur friendly produces more persons with
entrepreneurial potential and, as a consequence, more entrepreneurial activities. The
second line of research broadly rests upon institutional theory and assumes that cul-
ture as an informal institution forms the basis of formal institutions (North, 2005).
Culture shapes formal institutions over the long term. Hence, in some countries,
there are institutional conditions better adapted to supporting entrepreneurial activi-
ties, for example, fostering free and competitive markets, providing clear protection
to private property, running merit based, open and innovation education systems and
so forth, which collectively serves to produce more activities in these countries.
This therefore assumes the need to establish a culture in which entrepreneurship
plays a leading role as it constitutes a factor favoring social cohesion and represents the
scope for personal development as well as providing the mass opportunity to improve
one’s employment status. In the case of Spain, this proves particularly relevant as the
unemployment rate stands at around 27 %, which reflects 6 million unemployed per-
sons with 56 % of the population aged under 25 being unemployed (INE, 2013) with
the entrepreneurial activity rate at 5.8 % against a European average of 7.5 %. On the
other hand, Portugal, whilst displaying a lower socioeconomic status, attains a priori
more favorable rates with 18 % unemployed and with 38 % overall unemployment in
the under 25 age group but with an entrepreneurial activity rate back on 4.5 % (GEM,
2010). These issues pose certain questions in relation to the profiles of potentially
entrepreneurial people in these countries; therefore, we seek to clarify just which dif-
ferences establish the various factors that shape intentions to starting businesses.
9.3 Methodology
9.3.2 Sample
The study sample featured 293 students, 140 Spanish students and 153 Portuguese
students (Table 9.1). In terms of gender, 73.7 % of the Spanish students were female
while this proportion stood at 67.3 % among Portuguese students that returned an
average age of 26.3 ± 7.0 with their Spanish peers on average younger at 24.9 ± 2.0.
As regards the Spanish students 30.8 % and 32.6 % of the fathers and mothers
worked for state run entities with 26.9 % and 12.1 % of the fathers and mothers
respectively self-employed professionals. In terms of the Portuguese students,
51.1 % of their fathers worked for private firms while 12.9 % were self-employed
with those frequencies 34.5 % and 12.8 % respectively as regards their mothers.
This section evaluates the differences reported by the diverse constructs under study.
Analyzing the differences between the two countries encounters the existence of
significant differences in the psychological variables Locus of Internal Control
9 Cultural Influences on the Entrepreneurial Intentions of University Students... 145
Spain Portugal
7
5.6 5.5 5.6 5.8
6 5.3 5.2 5.3
4.6 4.8 4.5 4.7
5 4.1 4.1
4 3.3
3
2
1
0
Internal Locus Self-efficacy Pro-activeness Personal Perceived Standard Feasibility
of Control Attitude Control
Spain Portugal
7
5.7 6.0
6 5.0 5.2
4.8 5.1 5.0 4.9 4.8
4.4 4.8 5.1
5 4.1
4
3.7 3.7 4.0
3
2
1
0
Motivations Important Important Importance Labor Entrepreneurial Social Value of Specific
for Setting up Resources for Obstacles for of Setting up Intention Intention Entrepreneurship Capacities to
a Company Setting up a Setting up a a Company Becoming an
Company Company Entrepreneur
Spain Portugal
7
6 5.6 5.4 5.5 5.7 5.7
5.3 5.2
4.8 4.8 4.9
5
4 3.7
3.4
3
2
1
0
Self-direction Hedonism Stimulation Effort Power Individualist
Spain Portugal
7
6
5 4.5 4.3 4.2
3.9 4.0
4 3.7
3
2
1
0
Conformity Tradicion Collectivist
As regards collective personal values (Fig. 9.4), there are no statistically signifi-
cant differences (P > 0.05) between the Portuguese and the Spanish students.
In terms of the mixed dimension reflected by personal values (Fig. 9.5), we again
return statistically significant differences between the Portuguese and the Spanish
students in the factors of Universalism (t = −3.50, P = 0.001) and in the mixed values
in general (t = −2.53, P = 0.012). In both cases, the personal value scores registered
by Portuguese students proved significantly higher than their Spanish counterparts.
Spain Portugal
7 6.0
5.7 5.3 5.6
5.0 5.1
5
In the models estimated, we deployed gender, age and the presence of the father
or mother working as a self-employed professional, psychological variables, vari-
ables encapsulating entrepreneurship and facets relating to personal values as the
control variables. Additionally, in the case of personal variables, we estimated mod-
els with both disaggregate and aggregate dimensions.
As regards the factors influencing the preference for working for third party enti-
ties (Table 9.2) in the overall sample, we would highlight how the Portuguese stu-
dents (β = −0.28; p < 0.001) report a significantly lower preference as regards
working for such third parties.
The older the student (β = −0.14 and β = −0.15; p < 0.05), the lesser the preference
for working for third parties. Students with mothers who are either business manag-
ers or self-employed professionals (β = −0.12 and β = −0.13; p < 0.05) also display a
lower level of preference as regards working for third parties. Furthermore, the
greater the perception as regards the ease of starting up a company (β = −0.31 and
β = −0.28; p < 0.05), the lower the preference for working for third party entities. In
terms of the motivations present for launching a business (β = 0.15; p < 0.05), the
higher they are then the greater the preference over the option to work for third par-
ties. In the Spanish sample, we report that male respondents (β = −0.21 and β = −0.22;
p < 0.05) state a lower level of preference as regards working for third parties.
Students with mothers who run businesses or are self-employed (β = −0.28 and
β = −0.28; p < 0.05) again report lower levels of preference about working for third
parties. In addition, in terms of the variable for perceived ease of launching a com-
pany (β = −0.40; p < 0.05), the higher this rises, the lower the level of preference for
working for third party entities. Indeed, the greater the level of motivation over
launching a business (β = 0.27; p < 0.05), the greater the preference for working for a
third party. Finally, the higher the level of importance attributed to resources (β = 0.25
and β = 0.23; p < 0.05), the greater the preference for working for a third party.
As regards the factors influencing preferences in terms of becoming an entrepre-
neur (Table 9.3), the sample overall emphasizes that Portuguese students (β = 0.09;
p < 0.05) return a significantly greater preference over the option of becoming an
entrepreneur.
148
Specific skills to be an entrepreneur 0.07 (0.71) 0.09 (0.98) 0.12 (0.92) 0.11 (0.91) 0.06 (0.38) 0.1 (0.66)
Conformity 0.11 (1.58) −0.05 (−0.42) 0.16 (1.5)
Tradition −0.06 (−0.94) −0.15 (−1.27) 0.03 (0.3)
Collectivist 0.05 (0.7) −0.18 (−1.84) 0.16 (1.75)
Stimulation 0.05 (0.62) −0.07 (−0.6) 0.06 (0.48)
Hedonism 0.03 (0.42) 0.17 (1.47) −0.04 (−0.35)
Self-direction 0.01 (0.08) 0.05 (0.39) −0.06 (−0.58)
Power −0.03 (−0.39) −0.16 (−1.26) 0 (−0.02)
Shame 0.02 (0.34) 0.17 (1.5) 0 (0.01)
Individualist 0.04 (0.56) 0.12 (1.13) −0.04 (−0.39)
Safety 0.04 (0.7) 0.05 (0.46) 0.05 (0.46)
Universalism 0 (−0.03) 0.07 (0.59) −0.01 (−0.05)
Mixed 0.04 (0.65) 0.11 (1) 0.04 (0.36)
R2 33.2 % 32.3 % 37.9 % 35.9 % 31.1 % 30.0 %
Adjusted R2 25.2 % 26.1 % 20.4 % 22.8 % 14.3 % 17.5 %
Dependent variable: preference over working for third party
NA Not applicable; *p < 0.05, **p < 0.01; ***p < 0.001
Cultural Influences on the Entrepreneurial Intentions of University Students...
149
150
Social value of entrepreneurship 0.12 (2.65)** 0.12 (2.73)** 0 (−0.05) 0.02 (0.26) 0.2 (3.4)** 0.2 (3.4)**
Specific skills to be an entrepreneur 0.07 (1.09) 0.06 (1.05) −0.07 (−0.85) −0.09 (−1.15) 0.19 (2.23)* 0.17 (2.11)*
Conformity 0 (−0.01) 0.17 (2.09)* −0.06 (−1.06)
Tradition 0.12 (2.92)** 0.07 (0.97) 0.14 (2.45)*
Collectivist 0.1 (2.43)* 0.18 (2.85)** 0.07 (1.29)
Stimulation 0.03 (0.68) −0.01 (−0.18) 0.05 (0.76)
Hedonism −0.03 (−0.6) −0.13 (−1.74) 0.01 (0.19)
Self-direction −0.01 (−0.2) 0.02 (0.28) −0.01 (−0.18)
Power 0.03 (0.72) 0.06 (0.76) 0.02 (0.36)
Sham −0.02 (−0.53) −0.07 (−0.99) 0.03 (0.48)
Individualist 0 (−0.05) −0.1 (−1.44) 0.07 (1.17)
Safety −0.04 (−1.02) −0.05 (−0.64) −0.07 (−1.21)
Universalism 0.04 (0.89) 0.08 (1.1) 0.03 (0.5)
Mixed −0.03 (−0.58) 0 (−0.02) −0.06 (−1.12)
R2 72.4 % 71.6 % 74.5 % 72.9 % 79.3 % 78.0 %
Adjusted R2 69.1 % 69.0 % 67.3 % 67.3 % 74.3 % 64.7 %
Dependent variable: preference over becoming an entrepreneur
*p < 0.05, **p < 0.01; ***p < 0.001
Cultural Influences on the Entrepreneurial Intentions of University Students...
151
152 J.J. Ferreira et al.
In this chapter, we examined the different cultural patterns and factors of Spanish
and Portuguese university student intentions to become self-employed or to start
their own business. The results demonstrate the education process has neither
enhanced the collective consciousness of entrepreneurship nor has it fostered inno-
vative and creative powers for developing and investing in sustainable entrepre-
neurial strategies.
In Portugal, entrepreneurship and employment indicators are more encouraging
although the outlook for growth and economic welfare remains less optimistic at the
present time. Our study has shown that the Portuguese psychosocial profile of stu-
dents corresponds to a pattern of innovation and entrepreneurship better than
Spanish students. On business focused degree programs, this trend is observed but
with greater confidence and better perspective than Spanish students. Moreover, the
regression models applied generated showed a high predictive power. To the extent
that all students involved attended entrepreneurship related subjects, the high values
obtained for the variables under study, reveal the culture has arisen as an important
concept within the entrepreneurship literature as a means of explaining differences
in the nature of the entrepreneurship process as perceived between industries,
regions and countries.
Our results lead us to consider that promoted in both countries able to explain these
differences and the potential sources of influence at play. This requires comprehen-
sive research but common sense enables us to infer that the first step involves working
on policies that favor and in no way hinder entrepreneurship in society and stimulate
creative, innovative and entrepreneurial attitudes. In this sense, policies should also
invest in broader cooperation between these countries with some such policies already
undergoing implementation. Indeed, this study represents one example in a partner-
ship between Spanish and Portuguese universities to analyze and subsequently
enhance the factors of entrepreneurship among young, university graduates.
Acknowledgments This research was supported by the Portuguese Science Foundation through
NECE—Research Unit in Business Sciences (Programa de Financiamento Plurianual das
Unidades de I&D da FCT—Fundação para a Ciência e Tecnologia, Ministério da Ciência,
Tecnologia e Ensino Superior/Portugal).
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Chapter 10
Social Entrepreneurship and Social
Entrepreneurs: The Influence of Cultural
Context
Abstract The current growth of the social sector is undeniable. Just as the business
sectors have experienced a great increase in productivity over the past century, the
citizen sector is experiencing a similar transformation, with the number and sophis-
tication of citizen organizations increasing radically. In this sense, the social entre-
preneurship topic has aroused great interest in recent years and has developed into
a cultural, economic and social phenomenon. This chapter analyzes the influence of
cultural context on the emergence of social entrepreneurship and on the characteris-
tics of social entrepreneurs. To test this influence, we rely on the Eurobarometer
Entrepreneurship in the EU and Beyond to compare two different cultural contexts:
the Latin European context and the Northern European context. On one hand, the
main findings suggest that cultural context has a significant influence on the rate of
social entrepreneurship. On the other hand, the results highlight that constituent
variables, such as age, location, risk aversion and the capacity to respond to the
opportunities in the environment, have a cultural bias.
10.1 Introduction
1993 as the starting point, when Harvard University launched its Social Enterprise
Initiative.
Since that time, numerous programs have emerged from the patronage of univer-
sities and private foundations to support training and strategic consulting for social
entrepreneurial managers.
Europe has also witnessed its own emerging process of developing social businesses,
particularly in countries such as Portugal, Italy and Spain. The deficiency in the
provision of certain public services in these countries has encouraged the development
of a significant “social economy” (Ariza-Montes & Muñiz-Rodríguez, 2013).
However, social entrepreneurs have always existed. The term refers to those
people who navigate the turbulent waters of the balance between economic survival
and social objectives of questionable financial viability, entrepreneurs who, accord-
ing to Pamela Hartigan, Director of the Skoll Centre for Social Entrepreneurship at
Oxford University, are a combination of Richard Branson and Mother Teresa of
Calcutta. The most famous social entrepreneur is likely Muhammad Yunus, the
founder of Grameen Bank (Bornstein, 2004); however, also well-known are Michael
Young (Open University), Abbé Pierre (Ragpickers Emmaus), Vicente Ferrer
(Fundación Vicente Ferrer) and Anita Roddick (The Body Shop) (Morales-
Gutiérrez, 2007).
Although social entrepreneurship is not a new phenomenon, some recent factors
are placing the issue at the center of the debate: the global crisis threatening national
economies around the world, the creation of new businesses focused on social value
creation, and the commitment to the development of local communities. These ele-
ments have only increased the relevance of social enterprises, which can now be
considered a vital part of societal and economic systems and a possible solution to
the crisis.
As noted by Porter and Kramer (2011), enterprises must reconnect prosperity
with social progress. This mix is not an issue of social responsibility, philanthropy or
even sustainability but rather a new way to achieve economic success. Creating
shared value is not on the margins of companies’ actions but instead at the center. We
believe that it can give rise to the next major transformation of business thinking.
The ability of these companies to address global problems (e.g., poverty, immi-
gration, childcare, aging, climate change) from a local perspective makes them key
players in social and territorial cohesion. For this reason, the concept of social entre-
preneurship has been broadly studied by scholars and academics, not only from the
approach of business research but also for insights into education, anthropology,
political science and sociology, among other areas. As we will see in the next sec-
tion, researchers in many different fields have aimed to create a definition of social
entrepreneurship and identify its main traits (Santos, 2012; Austin, Stevenson, &
Skillern, 2006; Alvord, Brown, & Letts, 2004; Mair & Noboa, 2003; Dees, 1998).
However, despite much excellent work on this theme, there is a lack of quantitative
and empirical research that allows authorizing and justifying the phenomenon,
generalizing data and making it reliable by defining boundaries and resolving uncer-
tainty (Nicolás & Rubio, 2012).
10 Social Entrepreneurship and Social Entrepreneurs… 159
Bearing in mind the aforementioned challenge in defining the field, this paper
seeks to stimulate research in social entrepreneurship, shedding light on the topic
through quantitative research.
The scope of this study is to analyze whether cultural context can be considered
a factor that affects both social entrepreneurship activity and the characteristics of
social entrepreneurs themselves.
The chapter is organized as follows. First, we examine the phenomenon of social
entrepreneurship as a main focus of interest and a source of opportunities to
catalyze social change and address social needs. Next, we establish the model of
analysis, eliciting the sources of data and the hypothesis that will be tested—whether
we can consider cultural context to influence social entrepreneurial activity and
social entrepreneurs themselves. We then present the GLOBE study, which allows
us to choose two different clusters of countries according to their values, norms and
traditions. We next present the main results of our empirical analysis, which suggest
that there is a relationship between cultural context and social entrepreneurship.
We conclude by discussing the broader significance of the results and suggesting
some directions for future work.
The current growth of social sector is undeniable. Just as the business sectors
experienced a great increase in productivity over the past century, the citizen sector
is experiencing a similar transformation, with the number and sophistication of citi-
zen organizations increasing radically. In this context, social entrepreneurs play a
central role in promoting societal change. With this in mind, an ecosystem focused
on encouraging and supporting the development of social enterprise is emerging.
The Italian Parliament used the term Social Entrepreneurship in this sense for the
first time in Europe in 1991, linked to the nascent cooperative movement that
resulted from the neglect of social issues in the country (Nyssens, 2006). Next came
the extension of the term throughout Europe, peaking around 2000 because of
broader acknowledge of both the third sector and the need to create new forms of
business. With the adoption of the Single Market Act on April 13, 2011, the European
Commission presented a detailed strategy to relaunch the Single Market inter alia
by placing social enterprises and the social economy at its heart. For example,
proposal 36, to promote innovative social enterprise, states that the Commission
will propose a new initiative to support social enterprise development through the
inclusion of social objectives in public procurement rules, promoting ethical and
ecological labeling. To encourage greater cross-border activity, the Commission
will consider the establishment of a European statute for organizations that contribute
to the social economy, such as cooperatives and mutual societies, and propose a
regulation to create a European Foundation Statute. Social innovation is present in
a wide range of policy initiatives of the European Commission, including the
European platform against poverty and social exclusion, the Innovation Union, the
160 A. Ariza-Montes et al.
Social Business Initiative, the Employment and Social Investment packages, the
Digital Agenda, the new industrial policy, the Innovation Partnership for Active and
Healthy Aging, and the Cohesion Policy. In these fields, there are many opportuni-
ties for social entrepreneurs to bridge the gap between pressing social needs and
development and implementation of new ideas and solutions (products, services
and models).
Nevertheless, support for social entrepreneurship does not come exclusively
from the public sphere. Numerous private initiatives have sprung up around this
phenomenon. The best reflections of the increasing importance of fostering and
promoting social entrepreneurial activity in recent years are the Skoll Foundation
and Ashoka. Both entities are global non-profit organizations that support social
entrepreneurs by providing funds to allow them to engage in full-time social projects
and become “changemakers” within any social sphere “from education, youth
development, health care, environment, human rights, access to technology and
economic development” (Robert & Woods, 2005). The work of Morales-Gutiérrez
et al. (2012) shows a set of initiatives that seek to develop an ecosystem conducive
to the development of social enterprises.
Although social entrepreneurship has become a main focus of interest, there is
still no academic consensus about the boundaries that define a social enterprise. In
a broad sense, the term “social economy” is used to define a specific part of the
economy—a set of organizations (historically grouped into the four major catego-
ries of cooperatives, mutual societies, associations and, more recently, foundations)
that primarily pursue social aims and are characterized by participative governance
systems (EU, 2013). According to O’Byrne and Lean (2014), there are two bodies
of thought governing social enterprises and their relationship to the third sector and
the social economy. The first identifies social enterprise within the third sector at the
boundary between cooperatives and non-profits and characterizes them as sub-
groups of the social economy (Defourny, 2001). In contrast, US thinking places
social enterprises nearer to the private and public sectors rather than at the core of
the third sector (Westall, 2001). An additional perspective judges the central crite-
rion for situating organizations within this sector to be “the fact that the organization
is governed in a way that ensures that the potential surplus is used and reinvested
alongside social criteria […] such organizations would then not have to be non-
profit, but they would have to be not-for-profit” (Evers, 2012).
Regarding the definition of social entrepreneurship, a review of the literature
shows that settling the boundaries of the concept has challenged and is still
challenging authors. This attempt at conceptualization has been attempted from
different perspectives according to the main points that different scholars assert.
Using the classification by Short et al. (2009), many different approaches can be
found. On one hand, concerning the organization type, there are definitions that
limit social entrepreneurship to non-profit organizations (Lasprogata & Cotton,
2003). Others describe social entrepreneurship as non-profit organizations con-
trolled by regular businesses (Wallace, 1999) or organizations that create firms at a
financial loss (Baron, 2007). On the other hand, in relation to philanthropy, academics
set definitions establishing the creation of social value as the main goal of the
10 Social Entrepreneurship and Social Entrepreneurs… 161
organization (Short et al., 2009). Furthermore, other authors identify the innovative
nature of social entrepreneurship as the fundamentally distinctive characteristic
of the phenomenon (Austin et al., 2006).1
As asserted by Mair and Martí (2006), the concept of social entrepreneurship
would involve the following:
First, we view social entrepreneurships as a process of creating value by combining
resources in new ways. Second, these resource combinations are intended primarily to
explore and exploit opportunities to create social value by stimulating social change or
meeting social needs. Third, when viewed as a process, social entrepreneurship involves the
offering of services and products but can also refer to the creation of new organizations.
Importantly, social entrepreneurship, as viewed in this article, can occur equally well in a
new organization or in an established organization, where it may be labeled “social entre-
preneurship”. Like entrepreneurship in the business sector, social entrepreneurship can
refer to either new venture creation or entrepreneurial process innovation.
In this definition, Mair and Martí (2006) gather scholars’ different approaches to
what makes entrepreneurship social: (a) its innovative character, because they
describe it as a process of creating value by combining resources in new ways2; (b)
its emphasis on the intention to create social value as its distinctive key point; and
(c) its independence from resource mobilization and sources of income.
In this chapter, we adopt the point of view of Mair and Martí (2006). Rather than
profit versus not-for-profit, we argue that the main difference between entrepreneur-
ship in the business sector and social entrepreneurship lies in the relative priority
given to social wealth creation versus economic wealth creation. While in business
entrepreneurship, social wealth is a by-product of the economic value created, in
social entrepreneurship, the major focus is on social value creation3. This does not
mean that social entrepreneurial initiatives should not include an “earned income”
strategy—quite the opposite.
No matter the approach we take, it is clear that social entrepreneurs offer innova-
tive solutions to social and environmental needs that manifest in their closest
1
As noted by Yunus (2011), we must recognize the economic subject as a multidimensional person,
a person who is both self-interested and selfless at the same time. In this approach, there are two
types of enterprises: one to gain personal benefits and another to help others. The mission of the
former is to maximize profits for owners; that of the latter is to assist others and in no case
the owners—simply the pleasure of serving humanity. This second choice of business, built on
the selfless human nature, is what Yunus (2011) called social enterprise, a company without loss or
dividends, fully dedicated to achieving a social objective.
2
Elkington and Hartigan (2008) suggest that social entrepreneurs are innovators who observe
social problems and see opportunities for transformational change; they also tend to be pragmatic
and visionary and direct their visions in a collaborative manner, thus achieving the involvement
and commitment of various stakeholders. In any case, a social entrepreneur should abide by the
ethos of social enterprise. This distinctive nature is based on principles of voluntarism, ethical
behavior and a mission with a social cause (Chell, 2007).
3
At this point and bearing in mind the aim of social entrepreneurship, it is important to emphasize
that social entrepreneurial activity is the generation of wealth and focuses not only on social necessities
but also on environmental issues. Consequently, these organizations are built and developed in
response to market and public service failures (Austin et al., 2006).
162 A. Ariza-Montes et al.
10.4 Data
Fig. 10.1 Ratio of social entrepreneurship to business entrepreneurship. Source: Personal research
based on Eurobarometer 2012
Academic literature has identified the constituent characteristics that influence the
tendency of entrepreneurs to address social needs rather than exclusively business
opportunities (Mair & Martí, 2006; Austin et al., 2006). To analyze whether some of
these present a cultural bias, we have developed the following model to group the
constituent variables.
• Personal characteristics: This group of variables will include age, sex, familial
antecedents (having a father and/or mother entrepreneur) and the location of the
entrepreneur (rural or urban).
• Training: This variable will include both specific training in entrepreneurship
and the contribution of general education to promoting entrepreneurship.
• Risk aversion: This variable will take into consideration not only aversion to
risk-taking but also the personal preference to start a new business or buy an
existing one.
• Reasons for becoming an entrepreneur: This variable will include variables
referring to reasons, motivations and structures that helped the interviewee start
a new business and also barriers to entrepreneurial activities.
• Personal opinions: This variable will examine entrepreneurs themselves and
their positions in society.
Table 10.1 shows the variables considered and their codes in the Eurobarometer
2012.
10
Eurobarometer
Construct Variable code Range
Reasons for Preference for entrepreneurial activity Q20 0 = Non preference
becoming an 1 = Preference
entrepreneur Preference for starting a new business Q17 0 = Start a new business
1 = Take over an existing
business
Opinion about the barriers to entrepreneurship Q21 (1–5) 1 = Minimum to 4 = Maximum
1. Creating a business is difficult due to the lack of available financial support
2. Creating a business is difficult due to the complex administrative procedures
3. It is difficult to obtain sufficient information on how to start a business
4. One should not start a business if there is a risk it might fail
5. People who have started and failed should be given a second chance
Opinion about the risks of entrepreneurship Q18 (1–6) 0 = Unafraid
1. Irregular/non-guaranteed income 1 = Afraid
2. The lack of job security
3. The risk of losing one’s property/home
4. The need to devote too much energy or time to it
5. The possibility of suffering personal failure
6. The possibility of bankruptcy
Personal Opinion about entrepreneurs. Entrepreneurs Q12 (1–4) 1 = Minimum to 4 = Maximum
opinions 1. Create new products and services that benefit all of us
2. Only think about their own pockets
3. Are job creators
4. Take advantage of other people’s work
Overall opinion about entrepreneurs (versus self-employed and business owners) Q19 (1) 1 = Minimum to 4 = Maximum
Source: Personal research
A. Ariza-Montes et al.
10 Social Entrepreneurship and Social Entrepreneurs… 167
According to Northouse (2012), culture can be defined as the learned beliefs, values,
rules, norms, symbols, and traditions that are common to a group of people. The
hypothesis of our study is that cultural context has an influence over social entrepre-
neurship and the characteristics of social entrepreneurs. To test it, we must choose
at least two cultural contexts.
To make this selection, taking two cultural contexts that are excessively different
from one another can render the study valueless, because few conclusios could be
drawn. Conversely, if the contexts are too culturally similar, there would be diffi-
culty justifying any divergences that emerged. In our study, we will confront the
following two cultural contexts, which are linked by both belonging to the EU but
that also significantly differ from each other: On one hand, the Latin European con-
text, which generally includes the countries surrounding the Mediterranean Sea, and
on the other hand, the Northern European context, which is commonly understood
to comprise the Germanic and Nordic countries. This selection has been made with
success in other studies in the field (Fernández, Liñán, & Santos, 2009)
To determine the countries that will be actually considered during the analysis,
we will follow the classification of countries developed in the framework of the
“Global Leadership and Organizational Behavior Effectiveness” (GLOBE) Research
Program (House, Hanges, Javidan, Dorfman, & Gupta, 2004). The GLOBE study
was conceived in 1991 by Professor Robert J. House of the Wharton School of
Business at the University of Pennsylvania.
Although the GLOBE study was initiated to investigate how culture is related to
leader behavior and effectiveness, in recent years, its results have been used to com-
pare cultures in terms of their values and practices, related both to business and
other affairs (e.g., Gupta, MacMillan, & Surie, 2004; De Hoogh et al., 2005;
Maseland & Van Hoorn, 2009; Zhao, Li, & Rauch, 2012).
The GLOBE study is a suitable instrument to allow these comparisons. It has
established nine cultural dimensions that make it possible to capture the similarities
and/or differences in norms, values, beliefs and practices among societies. The com-
bination of these nine dimensions allows the placement of a total of 62 societies into
ten culture clusters, as shown in Fig. 10.2.
According to the GLOBE methodology, cultural similarity is greatest among
societies that constitute a cluster, and cultural difference increases with the distance
between clusters. For example, the Sub-Sahara cluster is most dissimilar from the
Latin America cluster, while Confucian Asia and Southern Asia are the most
similar.
For the scope of our study, we have chosen two clusters of countries following
the GLOBE classification:
• The Latin European Cluster, which includes the countries surrounding the
Mediterranean Sea. This cluster comprises the unflatteringly named PIGS
168 A. Ariza-Montes et al.
Fig. 10.2 Cultural clusters according to GLOBE study. Source: GLOBE study (House et al.,
2004)
countries, composed of Portugal, Italy, Greece and Spain. These countries have
suffered the greatest effects of the crisis, and the high levels of their public debt
have pushed their governments to abandon such public programs as healthcare,
education, development cooperation and social integration, among others. The
relative abandonment of these programs has threatened the welfare states in
these countries, increasing the risk of the social exclusion of their citizens.
• The Northern European Cluster, which includes Nordic countries (Denmark,
Finland, Sweden) and Germanic countries (Germany, Switzerland, Austria and
the Netherlands). These countries are the most developed within the EU, and
they have managed the financial crisis with more autonomy. Their relative success
has allowed the guarantee of the welfare state, which in turn has allowed their
citizens to maintain the levels of security and integration that were common to
the entire EU only a few years ago.
10 Social Entrepreneurship and Social Entrepreneurs… 169
According to the data, there appears to be a higher correlation between the number
of social entrepreneurship activities and the cultural context in which these activi-
ties take place. While some contexts promote the appearance of more social entre-
preneurship activity, others seem to be hindering it.
10 Social Entrepreneurship and Social Entrepreneurs… 171
The question now is whether these cultural contexts also influence the charac-
teristics of social entrepreneurs? In other words, do social entrepreneurs have the
same characteristics in both contexts? Are the contextual factors the only ones pro-
moting or hindering the social approach to entrepreneurship? Or do they present
different constituent variables in terms of training, opinions, risk aversion and so
on? These are the precise questions we posed in hypothesis 2.
To answer these questions, the two profiles of social entrepreneurs in the LEC
and NEC clusters have been studied separately (Table 10.3). A t-test for equality of
means in independent samples has been applied to probe the statistical significance
of the differences between the profiles. Because the samples are independent, the
application of the Levene test was necessary to evaluate the similarity or difference
of variances.
Regarding the group of variables related to personal characteristics, the most
distinguishing factors between the two groups are the ages and the locations of
social entrepreneurs. LEC entrepreneurs are 8.8 years younger than NEC ones, and
the former are significantly more located in urban areas (75.07 %) than the latter
(54.52 %). This combination of values for these variables fits with previous litera-
ture on the topic. Many authors highlight that social entrepreneurs are more likely
to be younger and live in large cities (Harding, 2006; Van Ryzin, Grossman,
DiPadova-Stocks, & Bergrud, 2009).
The differences between LEC and NEC social entrepreneurs’ personal character-
istics can be partly explained by their historic migratory flows. The internal migra-
tion from rural areas into urban areas occurred later in LEC countries, which in the
past few years have experienced an influx of young people into urban areas from
rural areas attracted to better employment opportunities (European Environment
Agency, 2007). This tendency has resulted in an increase in the average age of the
population in rural areas, which could explain the significant variances in the demo-
graphic profiles of social entrepreneurs in both contexts.
Significant differences were also observed in the characteristics related to
training. Only 29 % of LEC social entrepreneurs received any specific training in
entrepreneurship during their school or university period, compared with 41 % of
NEC ones. This difference could be due to differences in the availability of these
programs, which were more recently included in the curricula in LEC countries
(Achleitner, Kaserer, Jarchow, & Wilson, 2007). This finding is relevant and coun-
terintuitive because specific education has traditionally been considered a strong
predictor of social entrepreneurial activity (Harding, 2006). However, the finding
could be explained by the fact that entrepreneurship training in the EU is still in its
infancy. As Wilson (2008) argues, entrepreneurship education is still trying to find
its home in Europe. Even if training activities are taking place across Europe, entre-
preneurial efforts are often driven by external factors rather than the education sys-
tem itself.
With features related to risk aversion, the differences between the two groups are
accentuated. LEC social entrepreneurs are more likely to be reactive to external
incentives (such as inheritance or the acquisition of an already-existing business)
than NEC social entrepreneurs (54–43 %). In other words, 57 % of NEC social
entrepreneurs are proactive in starting a new business when an opportunity arises,
Table 10.3 Descriptive statistics and T-test for equality of means
Social entrepreneurs of
LEC NEC Levene test of equality
countries countries of variances T-statistics for equality of means
Sig. Mean
Variable Mean S.D. Mean S.D. Variances F Sig. t DF (bilateral) difference
Personal D1 47.45 13.71 56.25 15.184 Unequal var. 4.261 0.039 −7.709 606.738 0.000a −8.801
characteristics D2 0.53 0.5 0.49 0.501 Equal var. 0.869 0.352 1.127 650 0.260 (n.s.) 0.044
D13 0.75 0.431 0.54 0.499 Unequal var. 95.222 0.000 5.723 590.969 0.000a 0.211
D7_1 0.37 0.484 0.38 0.486 Equal var. 0.128 0.721 −0.179 650 0.858 (n.s.) −0.007
D7_2 0.21 0.41 0.22 0.415 Equal var. 0.260 0.610 −0.255 650 0.799 (n.s.) −0.008
Training Q10 0.29 0.492 0.41 0.513 Unequal var. 16.480 0.000 −2.950 623.310 0.003a −0.117
Q11_1 2.76 1.241 2.86 1.182 Equal var. 3.681 0.055 −1.022 650 0.307 (n.s.) −0.097
Q11_2 2.63 1.238 2.73 1.192 Unequal var. 3.946 0.047 −0.956 639.456 0.339 (n.s.) −0.091
Q11_3 2.48 1.277 2.29 1.187 Unequal var. 10.672 0.001 1.973 644.426 0.049a 0.191
Q11_4 2.72 1.281 2.7 1.157 Unequal var. 11.058 0.001 0.185 647.311 0.853 (n.s.) 0.018
Risk aversion Q16 0.46 0.499 0.57 0.496 Equal var. 1.954 0.163 −2.825 608 0.005a −0.114
Q15_1 2.97 1.219 2.59 1.321 Unequal var. 10.640 0.001 3.760 612.790 0.000a 0.377
Q15_2 3.78 0.548 3.73 0.687 Unequal var. 13.122 0.000 1.061 566.421 0.289 (n.s.) 0.052
Q15_3 3.08 1.183 3.28 1.021 Unequal var. 8.159 0.004 −2.369 649.783 0.018a −0.204
Q15_4 3.61 0.795 3.43 0.922 Unequal var. 15.669 0.000 2.618 592.491 0.009a 0.178
Q15_5 3.39 0.93 3.03 1.141 Unequal var. 12.654 0.000 4.450 573.872 0.000a 0.367
Reasons for Q20_1 0.35 0.476 0.15 0.361 Unequal var. 147.628 0.000 5.837 642.527 0.000a 0.192
becoming an Q17 0.09 0.593 0.13 0.705 Unequal var. 19.236 0.000 −0.717 584.888 0.474 (n.s.) −0.037
entrepreneur Q21_1 3.71 0.653 3.23 1.022 Unequal var. 76.496 0.000 7.047 490.213 0.000a 0.483
Q21_2 3.45 0.979 3 1.128 Unequal var. 6.060 0.014 5.322 594.674 0.000a 0.444
Q21_3 3.19 1.12 2.47 1.283 Unequal var. 17.039 0.000 7.516 596.520 0.000a 0.715
Q21_4 2.65 1.33 2.5 1.241 Unequal var. 5.995 0.015 1.431 643.956 0.153 (n.s.) 0.144
Q21_5 3.58 0.815 3.35 0.927 Unequal var. 10.903 0.001 3.420 598.827 0.001a 0.236
Q18_1 0.35 0.478 0.35 0.478 Equal var. 0.000 0.996 0.003 650 0.998 (n.s.) 0.000
Q18_2 0.2 0.397 0.16 0.368 Unequal var. 5.439 0.020 1.165 644.839 0.244 (n.s.) 0.035
Q18_3 0.37 0.485 0.27 0.443 Unequal var. 34.168 0.000 2.925 646.099 0.004a 0.106
Q18_4 0.1 0.295 0.22 0.413 Unequal var. 80.1 0.000 −4.233 528.162 0.000a −0.121
Q18_5 0.14 0.352 0.14 0.351 Equal var. 0.002 0.962 0.024 650 0.981 (n.s.) 0.001
Q18_6 0.43 0.496 0.3 0.461 Unequal var. 41.485 0.000 3.366 644.391 0.001a 0.126
Personal Q12_1 3.2 0.97 3.39 0.826 Unequal var. 6.653 0.010 −2.710 649.979 0.007a −0.191
opinions Q12_2 2.62 1.24 2.17 1.109 Unequal var. 19.003 0.000 4.889 648.079 0.000a 0.450
Q12_3 3.51 0.809 3.64 0.638 Unequal var. 13.643 0.000 −2.264 646.810 0.024a −0.128
Q12_4 2.84 1.185 2.66 1.197 Equal var. 0.038 0.845 1.980 650 0.048a 0.185
Q19_1 1.5 0.72 1.39 0.605 Unequal var. 12.603 0.000 2.078 649.964 0.038a 0.108
Source: Personal research
n.s. not significant
a
Significant difference to 95 % of confidence
174 A. Ariza-Montes et al.
which occurs with only 46 % of LEC entrepreneurs. This contrast could be attributed
to the predominance of rural entrepreneurs in NEC countries, who tend to be more
proactive than urban ones (Harding, 2006). However, this lower risk aversion of
NEC social entrepreneurs fits with the patterns of business entrepreneurs (Fernández
et al., 2009).
In any case, it is worth noting that these figures are lower than in other contexts.
In fact, Europeans have traditionally been considered to be more risk-averse than
North Americans (Grilo & Thurik, 2008). This risk aversion is attributed to a chronic
failure to encourage entrepreneurial ambition in the EU, which is even more accen-
tuated in Southern European countries (Liñán & Fernandez-Serrano, 2014).
Linking risk aversion with reasons for becoming an entrepreneur, it is notewor-
thy how LEC social entrepreneurs express a significantly greater preference for
entrepreneurial intention (35 %) than NEC ones (15 %). Because this question
concerns opinions, it does not reflect real entrepreneurial activities but rather the
propensity to initiate entrepreneurial activities.
We can link this willingness to become an entrepreneur with the comparatively
fewer options of Southern Europeans, who are more affected by the crisis and its
consequences. In fact, when asked about the most important reason for undertaking
a new business, LEC social entrepreneurs attribute significantly higher importance
to having a contact with a suitable business partner, while NEC social entrepreneurs
highlight having a promising business idea.
Additionally, concerning barriers to entrepreneurship, LEC social entrepreneurs
attribute more importance than NEC entrepreneurs to the lack of available financial
support, the complex administrative procedures and the difficulty in obtaining suf-
ficient information on how to start a business. However, the main fear of entrepreneurs
in LEC countries is the possibility of bankruptcy (43 %) and the risk of losing their
property or home (37 %), in front of the main risk of NEC ones, the need to devote
too much energy or time to entrepreneurship action. These facts also indicate the
differences in economic, financial and administrative terms, more favorable in NEC
than in LEC countries.
Finally, personal opinions also highlight these cultural differences; while LEC
social entrepreneurs themselves note that entrepreneurs only think about their own
pockets and take advantage of other people’s work, NEC entrepreneurs note the
creation of social value by entrepreneurs, who are viewed as creators of jobs and
new products and services that benefit the entire community. This difference of
opinion clearly indicates a difference in perception that is based on the cultural dif-
ferences identified above.
In recent years, social entrepreneurship has become a trending topic around the
world. Social entrepreneurs are already playing a central role in different contexts,
promoting societal changes through innovation, social value creation and
10 Social Entrepreneurship and Social Entrepreneurs… 175
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Chapter 11
Understanding Entrepreneurship Through
the Enrichment of Institutional Theory
by Ethics
Alexis J. Bañón-Gomis
11.1 Introduction
Institutional theory has been approached from several perspectives. Veblen aimed to
establish institutional cultural bases from a cultural perspective. Commons tried to
legislatively transform the institutional economy through a program for social
reforms focused on a legislative perspective. Clark sought for harmony between busi-
ness and social efficiency based on a social perspective. Mitchell tried objectively to
deal with pecuniary institutions and fluctuation in business and economy from a
An entrepreneur is a person who is alert to business opportunities that have not been
identified by others. Based on this concept of entrepreneur, research on entrepre-
neurship has been conducted. It has been approached from psychological (Carsrud
& Johnson, 1989; Collins, Moore, & Unwalla, 1964) and economic points of view
(Audretsch & Keilbach, 2004; Audretsch & Thurik, 2001; Parker, 2004; Wennekers,
Van Stel, Thurik, & Reynolds, 2005). Entrepreneurship has also been embedded in
11 Understanding Entrepreneurship Through the Enrichment… 181
a social context (Aldrich & Zimmer, 1986). Although there are studies related to
public policy, the influence of social and cultural factors on enterprise development
remains understudied (Thornton, Ribeiro-Soriano, & Urbano, 2011, p. 106).
Originally, entrepreneurship research was carried out based on a historical per-
spective—old entrepreneurship research. Later, public policy and support programs
prevail—new entrepreneurship research. The old approach mostly focuses on socio-
cultural effects, while the new approach essentially refers to the development, emer-
gence or transition of entrepreneurship on economies. The first mainly uses
qualitative methodology while the latter “is much more diversified regarding both
research topics and methodology and has two additional characteristics: (a) it refers
mainly to developing, emerging or transition economies and (b) research on public
policy and support programs prevails” (Veciana & Urbano, 2008, p. 373).
Regardless, focusing on the entrepreneurial process we can notice that every-
thing starts with the perception or discovery of an opportunity (Shane, 2003). Based
on opportunities, we can distinguish three key questions in entrepreneurship
research. Firstly, one is related to individual cognition to detect opportunities
(Gaglio & Katz, 2001). Secondly, another one deals with the specific anthropology
of the actor to focus on the decision to act upon an opportunity as opportunities lack
agency (Shane, 2003) and agency is the privilege of individuals (Veciana & Urbano,
2008). Thirdly, if we analyze the process of becoming an entrepreneur, we observe
that opportunities are subjective because their usefulness depends on the way entre-
preneurs interpret them (Korsgaard, 2007).
In this context, the institutional theory contributions to entrepreneurship are
related to their conception of institutions. This theory conceives institutions as com-
mon and predictable social behavior guidelines that generally share habits of
thoughts and action (Veblen, 1961/1898). Institutions have been human beings’ his-
torical devices to reduce uncertainty and create order in exchange (Veciana &
Urbano, 2008). This institutional understanding does not deny that sheer force
backs authority. Instead, it considers that authority is most importantly based on
custom or on a cluster of mores (Ayres, 1952). Following this approach, institution
can be considered as “a usage which has become axiomatic and indispensable by
habituation and general acceptance” (Veblen, 1967, p. 101). In other words, institu-
tions “are the rules of the game in a society that function as constraints and oppor-
tunities shaping human interaction” (North, 1990, p. 3). Institutions are structured
political, economic and social interaction based on human device constraints trans-
ported by various carriers—cultures, structures, and routines—and operating at
multiple levels of jurisdiction (Veciana & Urbano, 2008). They can be seen as “cog-
nitive, normative and regulative structures and activities that provide stability and
meaning in social behaviour” (Scott, 1995, p. 33).
The enrichment of the institutional approach can be noted for its entrepreneur-
ship human understanding of evolution, which was originally based on homo indi-
vidualis and homo oeconomicus conceptions. The homo individualis conception
conceived of entrepreneurs as individual agents not related to their context, that is,
to society. According to the homo oeconomicus conception, entrepreneurs are
mainly ruled by an economic logic focused on optimizing resources effectively and
182 A.J. Bañón-Gomis
In the late nineteenth century and the early twentieth, entrepreneurship was associ-
ated with a conception where means were submitted to the achievement of the ideal
confluence between efficacy and efficiency. Entrepreneurs were valued according to
an economic rationality based on a homo oeconomicus conception. This economic
interpretation of entrepreneurship hides a mechanistic understanding of action pri-
marily conceived of as a rational syllogistic response. It was based on money as the
sole motivation of individuals. It was an entrepreneurship approach based on a
homo oeconomicus model that conceptualized entrepreneurs as resource optimizers
on the basis of an effectiveness and efficacy prism. It could be said that its locus had
a techno-economic base situated at the confluence of an action considering simul-
taneously efficiency and efficacy.
In that same period, institutional theory began in the U.S. It was a time influ-
enced by Marxism, German historicists, psychology and Darwinist evolutionism.
During that period, the economist Thorstein Veblen provided much of the intellec-
tual inspiration for institutionalism to mostly base its approach on cultural anthro-
pology. According to Veblen, the very field of economics is human action in all its
aspects, not only the structure and organization of economic life but, also, all social
behavior (Veciana & Urbano, 2008). Veblen (1961/1898) was highly critical of
underlying economic assumptions regarding individual behavior and the homo
oeconomicus because much behavior was governed by habit and convention. Later,
11 Understanding Entrepreneurship Through the Enrichment… 183
Wesley Mitchell and John R. Commons got involved in the early development of
institutionalism as a definite movement (Rutherford, 2000).
Institutional theory introduced a homo socialis approach emphasizing people and
their interaction as a necessary element to contemplate. It could be said that its locus
had a social anthropological base situated at the confluence of an action considering
simultaneously social anthropology and sociology. The introduction of the homo socia-
lis conception and a social anthropological sphere produced by institutional theory
together with the previous techno-economic sphere—with a concept of effectiveness
and efficiency—incorporates an entrepreneurship understanding that now contemplates
the importance of the human relationship. Therefore, its locus, its entrepreneurship
understanding, could be situated at the confluence of an action taking into consider-
ation, at the same time, an economic perspective—efficiency and effectiveness—along
with a relational perspective—anthropological and sociological constraints—.
Let us call this understanding a homo socio-oeconomicus approach to entrepre-
neurship, which is a logic based on the confluence of techno-economic and social
needs as bases to explain entrepreneurship. This conjugation constitutes an improve-
ment for entrepreneurship recognizing realities that a mere techno-economic sphere
contemplated in isolation. Despite its improvements, this approach is still incom-
plete and, therefore, insufficient. “In effect, we have professed that business is
reducible to a kind of physics in which even if individual managers do play a role,
it can safely be taken as determined by the economic, social, and psychological laws
that inevitably shapes peoples’ actions.” (Ghoshal, 2005, p. 77). Apparently, we
misunderstood the role of business and economy, making them ends for themselves
and not as means for human beings. The review of this distortion can be the clue for
a new entrepreneurship understanding, placing the human being in its rightful place,
that is, as the protagonist of these activities in their integral perspective.
If we quickly review the dimensions or components of the institutional entrepre-
neurship approach, we can notice three dimensions: regulatory, normative, and cog-
nitive. The regulatory component has an external nature of legitimacy based on
conformity to rules. The other two have an internal and external legitimacy, the
normative component is based on conformity to moral bases (social) and the cogni-
tive component is founded on conformity to common frames of reference, or to defi-
nitions of the situation (Scott, 1995, p. 47). The regulatory dimension aims to
promote certain types of behaviour and restrict others through rule-setting, monitor-
ing and sanctioning formalizing laws, regulations, rules and government policies.
The normative dimension is focused on agglutinating socially shared and carried
understandings about human nature and human behaviour through the definition of
goals or objectives and the designation of the appropriate ways to pursue them
based on social norms, social values, social beliefs and social assumptions. The
cognitive dimension is oriented to reflect the cognitive structures and social knowl-
edge shared by the people in a given country or region through the selection and
interpretation of information to create cognitive structures materialized in common
cognitive programs that result in rules that constitute the nature of reality and/or
frames through which meaning is made (Markus & Zajonc, 1985).
184 A.J. Bañón-Gomis
It seems that while the development of entrepreneurship theories had been taking
place, humans have not been its protagonist. In this development, humans were not
supporting actors of these changes. The institutional entrepreneurship approach is
based on persons, but not necessarily understood as ends, but as means, or second-
ary actors, conformers of sociological logic.
This understanding evidences a lack of an individual, ethical, anthropological
rationale in entrepreneurship. Human action cannot only be based on a sociological
perspective because a correct understanding of human beings also has to include its
individuality through anthropology—the science that tries to understand human
beings—and materialized in their actions through the explicit inclusion of ethics, as
the science studying human action as good or bad for persons.
Together with the two homos above mentioned—homo oeconomicus and homo
socialis—there are many others (See Note 1) included in one of the following human
potentialities or main dimensions: corporal, technical (or knowledge), affective and
moral (or coming from will) (Polo & Llano, 1997). If we focus on the last three dimen-
sions (the first is beyond the scope of this study) we can relate technical, affective and
moral dimensions to the different entrepreneurship understandings (economy—homo
economicus—and sociology and social anthropology—homo socialis—) to extract
interesting conclusions by endowing each of these homos with an extended content.
As a result, we can associate the homo oeconomicus conception with the techni-
cal anthropological dimension; and the homo socialis conception with the social
affective anthropological dimension. Afterwards, we can analyze the fusion of both
conceptions in one: homo socio-oeconomicus, as a conceptual effort towards an
integral entrepreneurship understanding. This approach helps us to go from indeter-
minacy to determinacy. This evolution also complements the exogenous determina-
tion of preferences with an endogenous one based on “mental models”. In light of
this, they could go from simplifying assumptions to behavioral realism and norm-
guided behaviours and from diachronic analysis to synchronic ones where ideologi-
cal convictions are also included. As a consequence, they overcame an exclusive
rational choice complementing it (Jacoby, 1990; North, 1990). However, why is the
study of entrepreneurship mainly focused on these perspectives? Is this approach
missing any important dimensions?
Although these improvements consider the idea of unity, they lack an important
anthropological dimension, free-will. Free will is a reality that has to be included in
this logic, which is a study by the logic of ethics. We are not insinuating that ethics
is not present in the institutional approach to entrepreneurship. In fact, John Hobson
in Europe as well as many American institutionalists showed a strong concern for
the social problems of their times (Seligman, 1967). Authors like Hobson had strong
ethical approaches, but they were mainly focused on a social, ethical perspective
and not to a great extent on an individual one. The question is: what are the conse-
quences of explicitly not considering the individual, ethical perspective?
Thus far, we have reviewed entrepreneurship understandings that either consider a
techno-economic sphere—focused on being effective and efficient—and/or a social-
anthropological one—focused on relational constraints—. Such understandings may
11 Understanding Entrepreneurship Through the Enrichment… 185
The confluence of the three different dimensions (circles) of Fig. 11.1 symbolizes
the core of this integral entrepreneurship understanding that we name humanistic
entrepreneurship. According to this conception, the actual general understanding
of entrepreneurship based on institutional theory is situated at the confluence of the
economic and relational spheres without an explicit inclusion of an ethical-anthro-
pological sphere that contemplates the person in his or her singularity. Such an
oversight prevents the other two dimensions (circles) being complemented with a
more complete understanding of the human being—based on anthropology—and
humans’ actions—based on ethics—not only as based on sociology, but also
contemplating their singularity. It is an integral rationale that demands the presence
of these three dimensions.
The role of anthropology is to provide “an orderly interdisciplinary exchange”
by always associating persons with their human dignity. The individual anthropo-
logical perspective complements social anthropology by integrating previous entre-
preneurship theories. The complement of the individual anthropological dimension
brings out a fundamental aspect of entrepreneurship: an understanding and an order
between having, making and being. It is from a complete understanding of
entrepreneurship conceived as a human action that one realizes that “between hav-
ing, doing and the being there is a fundamental relationship: the being is at the basis
11 Understanding Entrepreneurship Through the Enrichment… 187
of the doing and the doing of the possessing and not the other way round. I am not
what I possess.” (See Note 3) (Polo & Llano, 1997, p. 67). Anthropology allows a
correct association between having, making and being that derives a sound principle:
being is the foundation of making and having. On the other hand, the inclusion of
an anthropological understanding of the human being (from his/her singularity) also
has several implications for entrepreneurship understanding. This hierarchical-
anthropological principle of action can be formulated as follows: ‘making and hav-
ing are subordinates of being’. We can explain many entrepreneurship decisions,
behaviours and attitudes overcoming approaches exclusively based on economic
rationalities through this principle of action.
The subordination of actions stated in the principle becomes even clearer through
the explicit recognition of free will in all human actions. If being is the foundation
of all actions, there is a free choice prior to making and having because human
actions cannot be determined by them. This is the stage where ethics acquires prom-
inence as the discipline studying free human action as good or bad for human
growth. The object of ethics is to contribute towards acting responsibly, avoiding
any misuse of freedom. The acceptance of the concept of free will in entrepreneur-
ship logic has important consequences. It firstly implies a dynamic understanding of
decision-making that may change through the experience of the entrepreneur.
Secondly, the explicit presence of the freedom of the agent naturally demands the
inclusion of the ethical dimension (not only its social dimension, but also its indi-
vidual one) in the entrepreneurship understanding.
Of course, we are not suggesting the exclusion of approaches based on a
technical-economic understanding of entrepreneurship or their socio-
anthropological, psychological and sociological constraints. As we have already
stated, we also consider the anthropological and ethical sphere to explicitly consider
more dimensions of the entrepreneur as a human being and to also include the logic
of free will in his/her actions. We can now ask ourselves about predictable conse-
quences of adding the proposed integral and humanistic entrepreneurship under-
standing to institutional theory.
11.6 Notes
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190 A.J. Bañón-Gomis
12.1 Introduction
and making the traditional dominant logic prevail inside the organization. Or,
conversely, firms may show a proactive position of openness and adaptation.
Overall, the literature shows that the second option is more favorable to adapt orga-
nizations to the environment and to develop a successful strategic behavior (Kor &
Mesko, 2012).
If the previous idea is relevant in the domestic market, it is even more important
in the international arena. This is because international environments are more
dynamic and complex than domestic ones. Consequently, they can create psycho-
logical barriers—psychic distance- impeding the progress of companies in their
internationalization processes. In addition, small and medium enterprises (SMEs)
should promote a proactive culture to overcome these psychological barriers, espe-
cially given their fewer resources and capabilities with respect to large organiza-
tions (Eliasson, Hansson, & Lindvert, 2012). Furthermore, SMEs should adapt
themselves to the environment and promote entrepreneurial strategic behavior in
order to obtain sustainable competitive advantages in international markets and,
therefore, good performance (Ibeh, 2003).
Although export-oriented new ventures and the field of international entrepre-
neurship have received considerable attention by scholars during the last decade
(Oviatt & McDougall, 2005), their potential economic impact has not been suffi-
ciently analysed yet. Recently, Hessels and van Stel (2011) analysed the role of
export-oriented entrepreneurship at aggregated level. Their findings reveal that this
kind of entrepreneurial activity is a relevant driver of economic growth in developed
countries. However, to the best of our knowledge, no studies on this issue have been
carried out at regional level. Despite the increasing impact of globalization, regions
have emerged as the essential and active unit of economic development process
(Scott & Storper, 2003). Regions are influential environments fostering entrepre-
neurship (Feldman, 2001). This is especially true for knowledge-based entrepre-
neurship, since proximity to knowledge sources matters (Audretsch, 1998) and may
influence the process through which opportunities are recognised and exploited
(Shane & Venkataraman, 2000). Moreover, regions as spatial units of observation
differ culturally and economically, and such differences encourage or discourage
people to venture in entrepreneurial activity and compete internationally. Therefore,
the aggregated impact of entrepreneurship in it different dimensions should be mea-
sured at regional level too.
In this context, this work is novel because it jointly addresses managers’ charac-
teristics, values, attitudes, perceptions, strategic behavior and results in the field of
SMEs’ export activities. These variables have been analyzed in previous literature,
but not integrating all of them in the same model (Nadkarni & Barr, 2008). To fill
this important gap is the challenge of this work. Concretely, this study analyzes the
effect a proactive culture -measured through certain features, values, attitudes
(export commitment) and managerial perceptions (psychological distance)- exerts
on SMEs’ entrepreneurial strategic behavior. These behaviors are focused on
the adaptation of the international marketing-mix to the wishes and needs of for-
eign markets and their impact on these firms’ export performance and regional
development.
12 The Importance of a Proactive Culture of Exporting SMEs... 193
In order to achieve these aims, the paper is organized in four parts. Firstly, the
variables studied are defined based on the literature review. The specification of the
theoretical framework of the research leads to the proposition of the conceptual
model and the hypotheses to be tested. Secondly, the research methodology, the
sample information and the statistical tools used to test the hypotheses are described.
Thirdly, the results obtained are presented, from which the main conclusions and
managerial implications are extracted. Finally, the main limitations of the study and
future research are outlined.
According to the organizational theory, culture can be defined as “a set of norms and
values widely shared throughout the organization that determines the appropriate
attitudes and behaviors of its members” (O’Reilly & Chatman, 1996). In this research,
the cultural component is studied from the standpoint of values and their impact on
attitudes, perceptions, behaviors and performance of exporting SMEs. The measures
of values are extracted from Schwartz (1992) scale. Those items which reflect a proactive
orientation of managers associated with openness to change and self-transcendence
have been selected according Sousa, Ruzo, and Losada (2010). Therefore, two
second-order dimensions and five factors (Table 12.1) have been collected.
In addition to values, the influence that certain personal characteristics exert on
the value system is studied, according to the Upper Echelons Theory (Hambrick,
2007; Hambrick, Finkelstein, & Mooney, 2005). This is also carried out from
the standpoint of individual managers and associated with a proactive culture in
exporting SMEs. The Upper Echelons Theory highlights the central role of
managers in defining and changing business strategies. In this sense, this study
focuses on three managerial characteristics that the literature indicates as drivers of
a proactive orientation of exporting companies. These are: the overall degree of
international experience (Holzmüller & Stöttinger, 1996; Williams & Chaston,
2004), the specific experience in export activities (Leonidou, Katsikeas, & Piercy,
1998) and the language skills (Williams & Chaston, 2004).
Attitudes associated with export activity will be analyzed through the export
commitment. In this sense, the export commitment is a strategic factor that deter-
mines the resources allocated to the firm’s foreign trade operations and it is a funda-
mental requirement for progress and continuous improvement in international
markets (Navarro, Acedo, Losada, & Ruzo, 2011). From the attitudinal perspective
(used in this study), export commitment can be defined as the managers’ willing-
ness to dedicate financial, managerial and human resources to the export activity
(Navarro, Acedo, Robson, Ruzo, & Losada, 2010).
The managerial perceptions of exporting SMEs will be analyzed through the
psychic distance. This variable is defined as “the manager’s perception of the differ-
ences that exist between the home country and the foreign country in terms of eco-
nomic development, climatic conditions, lifestyles, consumer preferences, language,
education, culture and values” (Sousa & Bradley, 2006). These perceptions may
create significant barriers (psychological) for the international progress of the com-
pany. However, when these barriers are overcome through a good analysis and inter-
pretation of the environment, they provide a better response and adaptation of the
organization to foreign markets (Sousa & Lages, 2011).
The strategic behavior of exporting SMEs, reflecting the response and adaptation
to the environment of foreign markets, will be studied through the marketing-mix
decisions (adaptation vs. standardization). In this sense, accepting the premises of
the contingent approach -which indicates there are no universal and comprehensive
strategic responses to each situation, product or service, sector, market- the literature
suggests that the adaptation decision is a clear indication of the exporting proactivity
of companies in international markets (Morgan, Kaleka, & Katsikeas, 2004).
Finally, the performance of exporting SMEs is evaluated through export perfor-
mance. This variable is defined as the extent to which the firm achieves its objec-
tives when exporting a product to a foreign market (Cavusgil & Zou, 1994).
Economic (profits, sales, costs, etc.) or strategic (expansion of market, increase in
market share abroad, and so forth) considerations through the planning and execu-
tion of its international marketing strategy are the focal points.
Managers have mental models that influence how they interpret changes in their
environment, affecting actions and decisions that they have to take (Acedo &
Galán, 2011). Personal characteristics exert a major influence in the formation of
these beliefs and mental models (Hambrick, 2007). In the case of export activities,
12 The Importance of a Proactive Culture of Exporting SMEs... 195
Leonidou et al. (1998) point out the influence of the managers’ personality features
on exporting. These managerial characteristics can be general (e.g., age, educa-
tion) or more specific (e.g., experience in export activities). The latter can apply
more influence to value systems, attitudes and behaviors associated with export
activities (Katsikea & Skarmeas, 2003). In this context, Axinn (1988) noted that
the international experience of managers encourages the formation of values to
promote changes, reinforcing the development of an entrepreneurial culture in
relation to the export activity. This fact strengthens the international orientation of
the management team. Consequently, it increases the company’s willingness to
allocate more human, financial and management resources to foreign trade opera-
tions, and, therefore, to increase the export commitment (Holzmüller & Stöttinger,
1996). International experience also decreases the risk aversion associated with
exporting (Gray, 1997), reducing the managers’ perceived psychic distance
between domestic and international markets (Sousa & Bradley, 2006). Similarly,
the language skills and, particularly, experience in foreign trade increase the
managers’ confidence in the development of international business. In addition,
these features encourage international mobility, improve relations with foreign
distributors and favor the detection of business opportunities in foreign markets
(Leonidou et al., 1998; Williams & Chaston, 2004). All these facts will foster the
adoption of more proactive value systems by the managers responsible for
the export activity. Moreover, they will encourage openness to changes and self-
transcendence, increasing export commitment and decreasing psychological barri-
ers (psychological distance) regarding exports. These arguments support the
following hypotheses:
H1a: Managers of exporting SMEs possessing managerial characteristics associ-
ated with greater international experience, language skills and specific experi-
ence in export activities positively influence the adoption of proactive value
systems (openness to change and self-transcendence) to export activity,
H1b: Managers of exporting SMEs possessing managerial characteristics associ-
ated with greater international experience, language skills and specific experi-
ence in export activities positively influencea greater export commitment.
H1c: Managers of exporting SMEs possessing managerial characteristics associ-
ated with greater international experience, language skills and specific experi-
ence in export activities negatively influence the perceived psychic distance
between domestic and foreign markets.
Values are relatively stable criteria that people use to evaluate their own and oth-
ers’ behavior across various situations (Schwartz, 1992) and are a crucial element
for the subjective appraisal of events (Finkelstein, Hambrick, & Cannella, 2008).
Therefore, understanding managers’ value systems is important in light of the grow-
ing evidence revealing that the way managers interpret a market situation directly
affects the solutions considered, resources committed, and changes made in terms
of strategic decisions (White, Varadarajan, & Dacin, 2003). This is consistent with
the view that managers’ values should be considered key determinants of strategic
choices and firm performance (Carpenter, Geletkanycz, & Sanders, 2004).
196 A. Navarro-García et al.
In this context, the individual values are usually a reflection of corporate culture
and an essential element. They explain people’s attitudes and behaviors (Hambrick,
2007). However, as Sousa et al. (2010) noted, it is surprising that despite the number
of studies that have examined the organizational and managerial factors affecting
export activities, scant research has investigated the possible impact of managers’
individual values on attitudes and strategic behavior, highlighting the need for more
research attention in this area.
From the point of the continuum that the inventory of human values is (Schwartz,
1992), two positions are emphasized from the managerial perspective (Sousa et al.,
2010): (a) conservative approach/self-enhancement characterized by a predomi-
nance of an individualistic vision, status quo maintenance and reluctance to make
changes. This point of view’s predominant values are: security, conformity, tradi-
tion, power, and achievement. This position involves applying a traditional logic
reflecting a reactive culture in problem solving, decision making, entrepreneurial
attitudes and behaviors (Schwartz & Bardi, 2001). Its impact is often negative in the
speed of response and adaptation to the consumers’ wishes (Kohli & Jaworski,
1990), motivation to innovate (Steenkamp, Hofstede, & Wedel, 1999), market
diversification (Krasnikov & Jayachandran, 2008) and export performance (Sousa
et al., 2010); (b) proactive approach/openness to change/self-transcendence charac-
terized by a predominance of the collective vision, openness to changes and willing-
ness to accommodate them. Values such as, excitement, novelty, challenge in life,
control, autonomy in action and independence of thought dominate in this approach.
In this case, the preponderance of a proactive value system in managers positively
affects attitudes and perceptions associated with export activity. In this way, the
proactive approach can boost the willingness of the company to increase export
commitment (Navarro, Rondán, & Acedo, 2013), to respond faster to the demands
of foreign consumers and to reduce the psychological barriers (psychic distance)
associated with export activities (Sousa et al., 2010). These arguments lead us to
propose the following research hypotheses:
H2a: The dominance of a proactive system of values (openness to change and self-
transcendence) in the managers of exporting SMEs positively influences the
export commitment.
H2b: The dominance of a proactive system of values (openness to change and self-
transcendence) in the managers of exporting SMEs negatively influences the per-
ceived psychic distance between domestic and foreign markets.
The inspection of the exporting literature reveals (e.g., Lages & Montgomery,
2004; Styles & Ambler, 2000) that export commitment is a direct antecedent of
performance. However, prior research has concentrated on the role of strategy, in
general, and marketing program adaptation/standardization, in particular, in leading
to export performance (Hultman, Robson, & Katsikeas, 2009). In line with the influ-
ential structure conduct–performance framing, several studies (e.g., Lages, Jap, &
Griffith, 2008; O’Cass & Julian, 2003) deal with export commitment as an anteced-
ent or contingency factor that affects international marketing strategy. This, in turn,
determines performance.
12 The Importance of a Proactive Culture of Exporting SMEs... 197
A firm’s export commitment can be shown in many different ways, but nothing
reflects a firm’s export commitment better than its desire to adapt and fulfill the
wishes, needs and expectations of its foreign customers. This will mean adapting
those elements of the marketing program that require modification (Navarro, Acedo
et al., 2010). Therefore, the following research hypothesis captures this idea:
H3: The firm’s export commitment has a positive effect on the adaptation of the
export marketing-mix elements to the needs of foreign markets.
In another way, the export commitment serves to increase and configure informa-
tion flows from the marketplace to reduce the uncertainty and risks related to export-
ing activities. It enables a firm to allocate resources correctly and proactively to
ongoing exporting activities (Styles & Ambler, 2000) and to achieve positional
advantages abroad. In summary, an export commitment facilitates a firm’s organiza-
tion of marketing strategy activities so that these can be implemented, with less
difficulty, to achieve advantage in competitive export markets. Moreover, this export
commitment will increase managers’ willingness to make efforts to achieve the
companies’ international objectives, offering strategic guidelines that will orientate
their decision making in foreign markets (Lages & Montgomery, 2004). All these
facts will improve the efficiency and effectiveness of the resource allocation, pro-
viding an essential stimulus to boost both international sales and the managers’
satisfaction with the firm’s export performance. Several studies find evidence of this
positive relationship between export commitment and export performance (e.g.,
Cavusgil & Zou, 1994; Navarro, Losada, Ruzo, & Diez, 2010). Consequently, the
following research hypothesis is:
H4: The firm’s export commitment has a positive effect on export performance.
The managerial perceptions exert a major influence on managers’ decision tak-
ing and behaviors (Griffith & Lusch, 2007). For example, White et al. (2003) show
that marketing executives’ cognitive style affects their interpretation of a market
situation and their response to it. In the case of exporting, the advantages or obsta-
cles perceived by export managers determine corporate behavior (Leonidou et al.,
1998). In this sense, one of the major potential obstacles to the advancement of the
company in the development of foreign trade is given by the barriers identified by
the management of the company to enter new country-markets (Suárez-Ortega,
2003). These perceptions are often associated with differences in economy, legisla-
tion, culture, etc., between the domestic market and the foreign market, called psy-
chic distance. This concept has been referenced in the literature as one of the major
features in the international expansion of organizations process (Ellis, 2007).
At present, the study of the effect exerted by the psychological distance from
the international perspective is emerging strongly, and it is being especially rele-
vant in the case of the standardization vs. adaptation debate of the marketing-mix
strategies (contingency perspective) (Sousa & Lages, 2011). Thus, where needs
and wants across countries are homogeneous, standardization is facilitated
(Özsomer & Simonin, 2004). In countries in which customers have widely different
tastes or needs, an adaptation strategy is necessary (Sousa & Bradley, 2006).
198 A. Navarro-García et al.
For instance, it has been acknowledged that export promotion strategies must be in
accordance with the tastes, wants, values, and attitudes in the foreign market
(Albaum, Tse, Hoozier, & Baker, 2003). The characteristics and availability of the
media are also dependent on the economic environment of the country. Thus, the
greater the differences between countries the more difficult it is for the firm to suc-
cessfully adopt a standardization strategy. The same rationale also applies to prod-
uct, pricing and distribution decisions. Product adaptation is often necessary to
match customer tastes or preferences (Leonidou, Katsikeas, & Samiee, 2002). The
degree of distribution adaptation is also dependent on the characteristics of the for-
eign market such as the level of economic development or the culture-specific buy-
ing habits (Theodosiou & Leonidou, 2003). Moreover, the economic development
in the foreign market can also have an impact on the degree of price adaptation
because of its impact on the prices that consumers are willing to pay for certain
products (Theodosiou & Katsikeas, 2001). Thus, by adopting the contingency per-
spective in the standardization/adaptation debate, we expect that the greater the
differences—as perceived by the export managers—between the home and foreign
country, the higher will be the degree of adaptation of the export marketing strategy
followed by the firm. On this basis, we propose the following research hypothesis:
H5: The psychic distance perceived by managers of exporting SMEs has a positive
effect on the adaptation of the export marketing-mix elements to the needs of
foreign markets.
The standardization of the marketing program involves the offering of identical
product lines at equivalent prices through identical distribution systems, supported
by similar promotional programs in several different countries (Theodosiou &
Leonidou, 2003). Various researchers recommend using a standardization strategy
when the firm’s target foreign markets behave similarly (Kustin, 2004; Özsomer &
Simonin, 2004). Opponents of standardized strategies have pointed out that though
socioeconomic trends in some market segments may be converging, national cul-
tures, local market conditions, public policies and regulations across markets and
consumer reactions to standardized strategies may be diverging (Navarro, Losada
et al., 2010). For this reason, Albaum and Tse (2001) point out that adaptation is
inevitable after a firm successfully enters its foreign markets. The adaptation of
export marketing-mix implies the change of any product attribute (label, brand name,
etc.), price, distribution and/or promotional program to fit the particularities of each
country-market (culture, individual income, consumer tastes and preferences, etc.).
In any case, two extreme positions, standardization versus adaptation, are impos-
sible to implement strictly, because, as the contingency approach indicates, the
degree of adaptation versus standardization is a function of products’ characteris-
tics, industry, market, organization, and environmental characteristics (Calantone,
Kim, Schmidt, & Cavusgil, 2006). In this context, researchers prefer to speak about
different degrees of standardization or adaptation in the export marketing strategy
(Lages & Montgomery, 2004). Consequently, we evaluate export marketing strategy
along the standardization-adaptation continuum, concentrated in the degree of
12 The Importance of a Proactive Culture of Exporting SMEs... 199
H3 (+)
H2a (+)
Regional
H1c (-) Perceptions
Development
Psychic distance
Upper Echelons Theory
Contingency Approach
12.3 Methodology
We performed an empirical study of Spanish SMEs export firms. With regard to the
activity of Spanish export firms in general, data from the Ministry of Industry,
Tourism and Commerce (2012) reveal a strong concentration of export activity in a
small number of firms (1 % of the exporters generate 64 % of total exports) and a
strong geographic concentration in the foreign markets (70 % of the exports go to
other European Union countries). The main sectors are capital goods (22 %), automo-
biles (18 %), and food (14 %). We used a multi-industry sample to increase observed
variance and reinforce the generalization of the findings (Morgan et al., 2004).
The sample of firms was obtained from the database of exporters of the Spanish
Institute for Foreign Trade (ICEX). Maintaining sectorial proportionality, question-
naires were sent, mainly via e-mail, to 1,200 managers responsible for exports. 196
valid questionnaires were obtained, representing a response rate of 16.3 %. This is
in the range between 15 and 20 % considered as an adequate response rate to a
questionnaire sent to senior executives (Menon, Bharadwaj, & Howell, 1996).
The majority of the sample firms were small (66 % with fewer than 50 employees)
and allocated a small number of employees to carrying out export-related tasks (86 %
with fewer than five export-related employees). The majority (81 %) had assigned
export managers, though a minority (33 %) had an export department. Most firms had
a great amount of experience in their business (86 % with more than 16 years in their
sector), and a great amount of experience in international business (61 % with more
than 15 years of exporting). Finally, the majority of sample firms had a strong concen-
tration of export sales in few markets (71 % exported to five or fewer countries).
We selected a single key informant in each firm to report on its export activity.
Use of a knowledgeable, single key informant can reduce the potential for system-
atic and random sources of error (Huber & Power, 1985). To ensure the reliability
of the data source, we required the respondents to be senior managers in charge of
12 The Importance of a Proactive Culture of Exporting SMEs... 201
exporting. A specific section of the questionnaire asked respondents for their job
title and assessed their competency in terms of knowledge of, involvement with,
and responsibilities in exporting. High scores on the competency questions indi-
cated that the potential sources of measurement error attributable to the key infor-
mant were minimized.
(Cavusgil & Zou, 1994). The measurement scales used are five point Likert type,
allowing the characteristics, values, attitudes and managerial perceptions of the vari-
ables analyzed to be gathered. This helps to ensure reliability in the statistical analy-
sis and comparability in the results obtained when working with standardized data.
To analyze data and evaluate the relationships between the different constructs we
chose structural equations modeling via PLS (partial least squares), in view of the
characteristics of the model and sample. As Reinartz, Haenlein, and Henseler (2009)
show, variance-based techniques (such as PLS) offer better estimations than other
techniques in samples of less than 250 subjects. In addition, the use of PLS rather
than other types of structural equations modeling tools is also appropriate here
because (Diamantopoulos & Winklhofer, 2001): (1) this work has a predictive char-
acter; (2) compared to other tools (AMOS, EQS, etc.), PLS does not require large
samples (the current work has 196 cases); (3) the model proposed considers forma-
tive and reflective scales together, and using PLS avoids the indeterminacy prob-
lems of other techniques such as EQS or LISREL (Jarvis, Mackenzie, & Podsakoff,
2003); and (4) PLS is a nonparametric technique, so researchers do not need to
guarantee the normality of the data. Besides, this technique is becoming more
important, as can be seen from the number of publications using it in the main jour-
nals (Henseler, Ringle, & Sinkovics, 2009). We used the statistics package SmartPLS
2.0 M3 to carry out the empirical analysis.
12.4 Results
To interpret and analyze the proposed model using PLS the analysis went through
two distinct stages (Barclay, Higgins, & Thompson, 1995): (1) the evaluation of the
measurement model; and (2) the analysis of the structural model. This sequence
ensures that the measurement scales proposed are valid and reliable before testing
the hypotheses. For the reflective scales, the factor loadings were all above the rec-
ommended 0.7 (Carmines & Zeller, 1979). The composite reliability and average
variance extracted (AVE) values also exceeded the recommended values of 0.7 and
0.5, respectively (Fornell & Larcker, 1981). Thus, the results support the convergent
validity of the reflective scales considered in this study (Table 12.2). Finally, to
ensure the discriminant validity, we confirmed that the squared correlations between
each pair of constructs did not exceed the AVE (Barclay et al., 1995). We also
checked that the inter-correlations between constructs were significantly different
from 1. This provided additional evidence of the discriminant validity. In addition,
none of the correlations between constructs reaches 0.5 (Table 12.3).
12 The Importance of a Proactive Culture of Exporting SMEs... 203
After having ensured the convergent and discriminant validity of the measure-
ment model, we tested the relationships between the different variables. We started
by calculating the different statistical parameters, using the bootstrap method (1,000
subsamples) (Table 12.4). Although many researchers opt for 500 subsamples in
their studies, and this is sufficient, in the current work we decided to use 1,000 to
reduce the randomness (Davidson & MacKinnon, 2000). The hypothesis tests con-
sidered the sign and significance of t-values in each relation (β coefficient). Of the
nine hypotheses proposed, seven were verified with the postulated sign (Fig. 12.2).
The hypotheses not accepted are: hypothesis H1c, which states that the personal
characteristics associated with export managers -international experience, good lan-
guage skills and specific experience in export activities- reduced the perceived psy-
chic distance between domestic and international markets; and hypothesis H2b,
which postulates that the proactive values of export managers (openness to change
and self-transcendence) have a positive effect on the perceived psychic distance.
The variance explained values of the different endogenous constructs are given in
the discussion section.
206 A. Navarro-García et al.
2
β1b = 0.265 Attitudes R = 0.105
H1b (+) Export Commitment H4 (+)
β4 = 0.406
β2a = 0.137
H3 (+) 2
H2a (+) β3 = 0.173 2
R = 0.213 R = 0.300
β1a = 0.209
H1a (+) 2 Strategic Behavior H6 (+) Export
Characteristics Proactive Values R = 0.043 Marketing-Mix Performance
(Export Managers) (Export Managers)
Adaptation β6 = 0.137
β5 = 0.408
H2b (-) H5 (+)
β2b =-0.010
2 Regional
H1c (-)
Perceptions R = 0.002
Development
Psychic distance
β1c =-0.046
The discussion is organized around the main objectives of this research. The first of
these is the validation of the theoretical model proposed. This model offers a suit-
able framework to explain how characteristics and managerial values play a key
role in the attitudes, perceptions and strategic behavior of exporting SMEs, condi-
tioning the export performance and regional development. Focusing on the relation-
ships between the variables and taking the global model as a reference, a number of
conclusions can be drawn.
Firstly, the dimensions and scales proposed to assess the export performance are
appropriate and they are conceived as multidimensional constructs (second-order
formative construct). Export performance has a variance explained of 30 %
(R2 = 0.300) and is influenced positively by export commitment (β = 0.406,
t-value = 6.088) and strategic behaviors that tend to adapt the marketing-mix
12 The Importance of a Proactive Culture of Exporting SMEs... 207
Acknowledgments The author acknowledge the financial support from the Excellence’s Proyect
of Andalusia’s Government P11-SEJ-7042 “Orientación y Gestión de los Mercados Exteriores Por
las Pymes Andaluzas. Análisis Estratégico y Propuestas de Mejora.”
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Index
Q
M Qualitative comparative analysis (QCA),
Managerial characteristics, 194, 195, 207 36, 43, 44, 49
Managerial perceptions of exporting, 194 Quantitative analysis, 44
Marketing-mix decisions, 194
Media, 77–84, 115–117, 119, 120, 132–135, 198
Motivation, 3, 4, 29, 30, 36, 57, 90, 93, 97, R
103, 104, 145–148, 162–165, 185, 188, Regional development, 1–18, 24, 25, 30, 31,
193, 196 191–208
Multivariate analysis, 116 Regional level, 31, 192, 199
216 Index
S T
Schwartz Value Survey (SVS), 62, 69 TEA. See Total entrepreneurial activity (TEA)
Small and medium enterprise (SMEs), 11, 17, Technology based companies (TBC), 26, 28
111, 191–208 Textile sector, 39–42, 47–49
Social anthropology, 183, 184, 186 Third sector, 79, 159, 160
Social dimension, 187 Total entrepreneurial activity (TEA), 56,
Social enterprise, 157–161 62–64, 67, 132–135
Social entrepreneurs, 75, 82, 157–175 Transnational entrepreneurship, 113–116, 122
Social entrepreneurship, 75–85, 157–175 Travel and Tourism Competitiveness Index,
Social innovation, 159 132, 133, 136
Social networks, 2, 4, 5, 9, 12, 13, 17
Social value, 58, 76, 94, 132, 145, 148, 151,
152, 158, 160, 161, 174, 183 U
Sociology, 158, 180, 183, 184, 186 University students, 12, 14, 17, 141–153
Spain, 10, 11, 36, 39, 40, 43, 49, 50, 76, 79, Upper echelons theory, 193, 208
83, 84, 93, 98, 141–153, 158, 168,
169, 208
Spanish statistical office, 80 W
Start-up, 4, 8, 14, 16, 30, 38, 53, 54, 57, 76, World Economic Forum (WEF), 110, 113,
77, 79–84, 97, 111, 113, 118, 142 131–133