NGOs approach to solve community problem 2015
Chapter4
NGOs Approach to Solving Community Problems
4.1 Relationships Between NGO And The Public Sector
NGOs have always existed in any parts of the world, in any societies, regardless of cultures,
religions, and traditions. And they played an important role to cope with the problems that
society faced. The more they are integrated within societal system, the smoother and the
better the society functioned. In the 21" century, in the era of globalization, NGOs are getting
an unprecedented influence as an agent of advocacy over all sorts of issues both domestically
and internationally.
When a government endeavors to give greater weight to reducing poverty, to redressing
gender or ethnic biases, to combating environmental degradation or to strengthening the
more vulnerable regions, it is likely to find the current development mechanisms inadequate.
Economic policy, the provision of services and infrastructure, regulations and market
mechanisms are rarely targeted towards vulnerable groups.
Many argue (OECD 1988, Elliott 1987, Fernandez 1987, Garilao 1987) that the voluntary
sector may be better placed to articulate the needs of the weak, to provide services and
development in remote areas, to encourage the changes in attitudes and practices necessary to
curtail discrimination, to identify and redress threats to the environment, and to nurture the
productive capacity of the most vulnerable groups such as the disabled or the landless.
The principal avenues by which governments can influence the operational environment for
NGOs are:
a. Nature and quality of governance (pluralism, accountability, etc.).
b. The legal framework (registration, reporting requirements, etc.).
c. Taxation policies (on imported goods, local philanthropy, etc.).
d. Collaboration with NGOs (when? sector? nature of partnership?).
e. Public consultation and information (policy impact of NGOs).
f. Coordination (role for governments in coordinating NGO activities).
g. Official support (government funding, official contracts).
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A healthy relationship is only conceivable when both parties share common objectives. If the
government's commitment to poverty reduction is weak, NGOs will find dialogue and
collaboration frustrating or even counter-productive. Likewise, repressive governments will be
wary of NGOs which represent the poor or victimized. In such situations, NGOs will probably
prefer to chart their own course, giving all instruments of the state as wide a berth as possible.
According to Ramanath and Ebrahim (2010), typologies of NGO-state interaction can be divided
into two categories.
The first includes relations based on the policy space available to NGOs. For example,
Clark (1991) states that NGO–state interactions depend on the social and political context
of the country and NGOs may oppose, complement, or seek to reform the state.
The second category presents relationships as the result of strategies that both state
organizations and NGOs use. According to Najam’s (2000) three Cs model, which offers
a more detailed view of NGO–government relations by examining the extent to which
their organizational goals and means overlap:
Cooperative: If the goals and means are similar, then government and NGOs develop a
cooperative relationship. If the goals are dissimilar and means are similar, then government tries
to build a cooperative relationship with NGOs.
Complementary: If the goals are similar but the means are dissimilar, then a complementary
relationship between government and NGOs emerges.
Confrontational: If the goals and means are both dissimilar, then government and the NGOs
are in a confrontational relationship.
Najam’s relationship types are not mutually exclusive; there might be both cooperative and
confrontational relationships at the same time within the same relationship (Teamey, 2010).
Brinkerhoff (2002) divided the literature on government-NGO partnerships into three categories,
each with their own clear perspectives:
1. The Normative Category, which views partnerships as ends, and argues that partnership
is the most ethically appropriate approach to sustainable development.
2. The Reactive Category, which attempts to counter criticism of the past and is typically
illustrated by some international donors, governments and corporations.
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3. The Pragmatic Category, which views partnerships instrumentally, as efficient means
of achieving objectives.
Different typological models involved analyze within a single or a combined framework. For
example, within a demand–supply conceptual framework in which there is a weak–strong
partnership dichotomy:
A weak partnership is associated with information sharing and a policy dialogue; and
A strong partnership is characterized by jointly agreed country programs, multi-annual
financial agreements.
Haque (2004) identifies three forms of cooperation between the state and NGOs in
Bangladesh:
The joint implementation of projects by both partners;
The subcontracting of public sector services to major NGOs; and
The direct financial support of NGOs by government.
But he concludes that the most common form of collaboration is the sub-contracting in which
The state has formal contracts with major NGOs to implement specific projects.
Where the government has a positive social agenda (or even where individual ministries do) or
where NGOs are effective potential for a strong, collaborative relationship. As Tandon (1991)
clarifies, this does not mean the sub-contracting of placid NGOs, but a "genuine partnership
between NGOs and the government to work on a problem facing the country or a region... based
on mutual respect, acceptance of autonomy, independence, and pluralism of NGO opinions and
positions."
However, as Tandon points out, such relations are rare, even when the conditions are met. The
mutual distrust and jealousy appears to be deep-rooted. Governments fear that NGOs erode their
political power or even threaten national security (Fowler 1992). And NGOs mistrust the
motivation of the government and its officials.
Though controversial and risky, many of the more strategic NGOs are overcoming their
inhibitions and are seeking closer collaboration with governments (Fernandez 1987, Tandon
1991, ANGOC 1988, Garilao 1987, Aga Khan Foundation 1988). In this way, NGOs believe
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they will be better able to achieve the impact described above, and they will be able to expose
the government to a grass-roots perspective which might otherwise be neglected. However, with
closer collaboration comes increased risk of corruption, reduced independence, and financial
dependency.
The planning of projects and policies can be strongly influenced by inviting NGO leaders to
serve on government commissions or by holding public consultations in which grassroots
organization are able to voice their concern and experience.
Barriers to a Healthy State-NGO Relationship
The following, identified by a range of major factors which impair the relationship between
governments and NGOs (see especially Fowler 1988 and 1992, Salamon and Anheier 1991 and
1992, Bratton 1988, Clark 1991, Edwards 1991, Tendler 1982, Tandon 1987, 1991 and 1992,
Brown 1988, Elliott 1987, and Brodhead and Herbert-Copley 1988).
a. A highly political policy environment. NGOs often fall in the opposition camp
and the government or ruling party may see itself as the sole lawful voice of the
people. The root cause of such political polarization warrants study.
b. NGOs preference for isolation hence unwillingness to dialogue with
government, and poor coordination with one another. Some NGOs prefer to
keep well separated from the government orbit to avoid drawing attention and
therefore outside control, to their activities. However, by keeping a low profile
they may actually be making themselves more vulnerable to government attack,
as illustrated by the case of the Savings Development Movement (SDM) in
Zimbabwe an effective but little known NGO whose operations were temporarily
suspended and whose Board was amended by the government because of alleged
corruption (Bratton 1990).
c. Jealousy of civil servants towards the NGOs' access to resources.
d. Pressure on successful NGOs from major donors to receive more funds, leading
to a decline in performance. For example, the Voluntary Agencies Development
Assistance Organization of Kenya was deflected by donor pressure from its
original institutional development function to acting as a funding intermediary.
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This has been at the expense of both its original agenda and its relationship with
NGOs. This has consequently undermined its advocacy effectiveness towards the
government (Bratton 1990).
e. NGOs capacity. NGO projects may not be as effective as claimed, the
professional skill of NGO staff, the accountability of NGOs to the grassroots, and
strategic planning poorly developed.
f. The public sector's capacity. The government's commitment to improving
services, eradicating discrimination and poverty may be weak; there may be a
shortage of competent staff especially at local level; corruption and nepotism may
be rife. In countries rife by strife there is often a legitimacy issue when much of
the country is not under government control.
g. Political jealousy. Governments may not want to foster a healthier NGO sector
for fear of strengthen the political opposition. How NGOs survive and operate in
an adverse policy environment is an important issue for study. In some countries
they have been crushed, but elsewhere they have thrived on controversy.
h. Dependence on foreign donors. A government might be more suspicious of
NGOs which are highly dependent on foreign funds and therefore might impugn
their motives as "guided by a foreign hand." Conversely, an NGO which derives a
considerable proportion of its funding from its members has maximum
authenticity. When the NGO sector is dominated by foreign or international
NGOs as has been documented by Edwards (1991) and Hanlon (1990), there can
be problems between the government and the NGOs. For example, in
Mozambique in 1990, 170 foreign NGOs were running programs in complete
isolation from the State. Hanlon describes how these "new missionaries" have
divided the country into "mini-kingdoms." Edwards describes how his own NGO
Save the Children Fund (U.K.) decided to work closely with the government,
providing technical assistance at local and national levels in the fields of health
and food security.
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Fostering an Enabling Environment
How can governments construct a policy environment conducive to the strengthening of the
NGO sector? This will depend significantly on the initial relationship between the two sectors, as
described by Tandon (1991).
The State has various instruments it can use, for good or ill, to influence the health of the
NGO sector (Brown 1990). The level of response can be non-interventionist, active
encouragement, partnership, co-option or control. And the policy instruments used can be:
a. Factors of governance (encouraging public debate and consultation, and the right
to organize interest groups);
b. NGO regulations and the legal framework (for example, regarding registration
and reporting, auditing and accounting requirements);
c. NGO incentives (including taxation policies on income or local fund-raising,
duties on imports, subsidies for NGOs, etc.);
d. Collaboration (use of NGOs in program/project implementation);
e. Involvement in policy-making (serving on committees, assisting with public
consultations);
f. Public disclosure of information (NGOs serving as a conduit to inform the public
about development schemes which effect them);
g. Coordination requirements within the NGO sector; and
h. Direct expenditure, including official support (grants, contracts, etc.), and
research benefitting the NGO sector.
For individual NGOs the most favorable policy setting is when legal restrictions are minimized,
when they have complete freedom to receive funds from whomsoever they choose, to speak out
as they wish and to associate freely with whomever they select. In such a setting, the NGO sector
is likely to grow most rapidly (in particular, the number of NGOs is likely to rise rapidly), but
"bigger" does not necessarily mean "better." Growth of the sector can be a mixed blessing.
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Loose regulations and reporting open the door for unhealthy and even corrupt NGO activities
which may taint the sector as a whole. Where the expansion of the sector has been most rapid
(e.g. South Asia and certain African countries) there is considerable concern about the rapid
ascension of "bogus" NGOs which serve their own interest rather than those of vulnerable
groups. An assessment is required as to which regulations are necessary to ensure that incentives
provided are used for the intended purpose and which merely hamper the contribution of the
NGO sector.
A conducive policy environment can help make the whole greater than the sum of the parts,
through judicious use of policy instruments. Best practice lessons appear to indicate the
following ingredients of an enabling policy environment:
a. "Good Governance" - social policies which encourage a healthy civil society and
public accountability of state institutions.
b. Regulations - designed to help, not hinder, NGO growth, but also to root out
corruption and to foster sound management discipline; laws and procedures.
c. Taxation policies - to provide incentives for activities which conform to State
development priorities; to encourage indigenous philanthropy and income
generation.
d. Project/Policy implementation - State-NGO collaboration with proven NGOs in a
way which allows the NGOs to remain true to their agenda and accountable to
members or their traditional constituency. This might typically indicate the
following roles for NGOs within government programs (Salmen and Eaves 1989):
articulation of beneficiaries' needs to project authorities, providing information
about the scheme to communities, organizing communities to take advantage of
the scheme's benefits, delivering services to less accessible populations, serving as
intermediaries to other NGOs.
e. Policy formulation - provision of information to NGOs for dissemination to their
constituencies; offering a role to NGOs in public consultations; invitation to NGO
leaders to serve on official commissions etc. (for example, the Indian NGO,
DISHA, has been an influential member of the Central Government's Commission
on bonded labor). Public access to information is the key to success in this area.
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f. Coordination - where the government fosters but does not dominate coordination,
for example, through having NGO Units in relevant line ministries or NGO
consultative committees; NGOs would be encouraged to attend to geographic or
sectors gap, to avoid religious or ethnic bias, to avoid activities which contradict
state programs or which make unrealistic promises; the government encourages
training of NGO staff, for example, by ensuring that its own training institutions
offer courses of relevance to NGOs; the government encourages improved
attention to management skills, strategic planning and sharing of experience
within the sector.
g. Official support - the government provides funds, contracts and training
opportunities to give special encouragement to NGO activities in priority areas
without undermining NGOs' autonomy and independence; broad agreement is
sought with NGOs on such priorities by establishing formal consultation with
NGO leaders. For such Council for Advancement of People's Action and Rural
Technology (the body which channels government funds to NGOs in India) and
the forthcoming Community Action Program (a local government scheme for
financing NGOs and community initiatives in Uganda) are illustrations.
4.2 Relationships between NGOs and the private sector
NGOs and the private sector have recently initiated a remarkable, though precarious, movement
away from confrontation and towards dialogue and co-operation. Collaborative efforts are sought
out and desired on the part of both the business sector and NGOs. The relationships between
NGOs and their business partners are varied. Public private partnerships include activities such
as fundraising or 'resource mobilization', negotiations for lower product prices, research
collaborations, consultations or discussions, arrangements to implement codes of conduct,
corporate social responsibility marketing projects, and contracting out public services.
What NGOs Want and What the Private Sector Can Offer.
1. Philanthropy. Companies altruistically donate cash or goods to an NGO. This is a
charitable activity which involves a one-way transfer of resources. The financial
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resources generally come from the company’s contributions or donations budget.
2. Gifts in kind. These come in many forms: from products, equipment and premises to the
commitment of time by employees for voluntary work. Volunteering is the act of
citizenship. Employees may contribute time and caring to community initiatives or use
specific skills such as public relations, accounting or product development. NGOs can
capitalize on the skills and expertise of the individuals involved through board
participation, project development or employee volunteerism. Some companies,
especially in the media industry, realize it is easier to share information than to give cash
(NCVO Conference 1998). But private sector giving of non-monetary cast-offs to NGOs
can prove costly in terms of the time and money required to tailor the gifts to NGO needs.
Also, while gifts in kind are tax deductible, they are difficult in terms of administration.
3. Marketing. Relations such as event sponsorship, and social and cause-related marketing.
Global philanthropy is becoming intrinsically linked to socially responsible marketing -
moving away from paternalistic good deeds towards more planned deliberate strategies
linked to marketing concepts. A key task of the organization is to determine the needs,
wants, interests and moral expectations of its target audience and to adapt itself to deliver
desired satisfaction more effectively and efficiently than its competitors.
4. Access to networks and contacts. Companies are much more influential than they
acknowledge, but even that which is acknowledged is enormous. By using its contacts
with the private sector, NGOs can gain the power to open doors to key contacts in public
and private arenas. Such access and exposure might gain an influential voice with a
particular audience which the NGO may not be able to reach effectively on its own, for
example, the wider business community, government or a particular community of
people.
5. Technical expertise. For example, like IT and marketing. Business links, such as
telecommunications help can be very useful to NGOs operating within the context of a
humanitarian emergency, such as the services of Cable and Wirelesses engineers.
6. Organizational structures. Business has outstripped both NGO and government sectors
in terms of management and organizational advances. Private sector individuals skilled in
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these processes could make a big difference by investing some time with such non-profit
organizations. Insight into different management styles and business skills; an innovative,
risk-taking perspective, the injection of leadership capacity: an ability to focus on making
things happen and getting results Learning from the private sector can give NGO leaders
confidence and new expertise
7. Financial disciplines and customer focus. The private sector can teach NGOs about
clearer staff roles and accountabilities and also about systems for accounting. In the latter
case, the private sector can assist NGOs with their finances - either by contributing to
their activities or by assisting them to develop ways of earning their own income.
What the Private Sector Wants and What NGOs Can Offer
1. Financial drivers: improved image or credibility through association. Corporate
Community Involvement (CCI) can benefit a firm in terms of image, brand recognition,
marketing position and profits
2. Credibility: NGOs works in the local community or with the public regarding private
sector involvement in a particular issue. Some companies have a policy towards social
responsibility which obliges them to contribute to and participate in the communities in
which they operate. This, in turn, provides an opportunity to the private sector to
consolidate and protect its investment in the community.
3. Intelligence: NGO knowledge of, and access to, a geographic community or a target
audience that will help fulfills business objectives, especially ones in which the company
is investing for the first time. NGOs are repositories of knowledge on issues which the
private sector could use. NGOs have specialist expertise, such as disability charities
advising on disabled employee rights issues for employers or companies needing
marketing information about the lifestyle of older people or young black groups.
4. Human resource management implications: included in working with NGOs are
opportunities for skills development and training opportunities; gains from the talent and
skills of staff and volunteers; and insights into different management styles. NGOs have
great practical field experience, are experts at maximizing the resources that they have,
and 'can teach businesses more about stakeholder management in terms of shareholders,
community, staff and customers' (Lewis 1998).
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Partnership challenge
1. Risk : Ngo face risk of cooptation ,Private sectors on the other hand loss focus
on partnership because their business activities might be more stress full
2. Different time schedule : NGOs works slowly with few staffs but the private
sector works as fast as possible by having large number of staffs
3. Difference in required competency ፡ NGOs bring a very unstructured
approaches which makes the private sector unable to work on standards and
procurers, whereas, private sectors challenge NGOs to become more
professional.
Solutions to have good relationship
Clearly define the need of each other
Understand the work of each other
Fulfill ethical and professional standards
Follow up and evaluate the appropriate use of resource
4.3 Relationships between NGOs and Communities
Successful projects are designed around the specific needs of the community they are being
implemented in. This requires doing assessments and talking with the community when planning
a program.
Each community faces different obstacles, and designing programs around these unique needs
makes programs more effective and efficient. This specialized design also attracts greater
involvement and support from the community.
Involving the community in the planning and decision making of programs strengthens the
relationship between NGO’s, the communities and projects.
Because, community members feel more ownership and responsibility for the projects and are
more likely to be invested in a project’s success and effectiveness. Community involvement can
also help with funding and staffing of programs, and increases the likelihood of a successful
handover from NGOs to the community.
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In order to run effective projects, NGO’s must help build the infrastructure and capacity of
governments, institutions and communities to support these projects. Capacity building can be
done in many forms; including institutional, physical or intellectual—depending on the needs
of the community.
Building physical infrastructure — building roads, buildings, telecommunication, etc that will
make ease the implementation of projects.
Building intellectual capacity; passing on new knowledge, technology and skills to community
members.
Building the institutional capacity of governments, institutions and other civil society groups to
take on and administer the services NGOs are providing.
Successful NGOs focus on building capacity in order to implement programs efficiently, and
enhance communities’ ability to provide services by themselves in the future.
4.4 Relationships between NGOs and Donors
Donors can be categorizing as private, government donors. Individual donors are a person or group
that gives something (such as money, food, or clothes) in order to help a person or organization
Government donation is government might give fund for different NGOs to support their
function.
When evaluating the ability of private donors to effectively hold NGOs accountable for the
quality of the outcome associated with aid efforts, three critical elements come to the fore: the
donors’ incentives to monitor NGO output; their ability to do so; and their ability to effectively
sanction the NGO if it is determined that they are falling short in their efforts. Donors can also
gain social benefits from their charitable acts. Harbaugh (1998b, 1998a) describes the “prestige”
associated with donations that are publicized by a charity, and shows how donations increase
when charities use categories of donations (such as “patron”) with clearly delineated amounts.
Even if all the relevant information were available to donors, they may not possess the technical
expertise to accurately interpret and understand whether aid was actually effective or not
Unlike individuals, who are not accountable to others for the content or quality of their aid,
though they do possibly receive reputational or other social benefits for donations to charitable
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organizations, states are accountable to their citizens for the manner in which resources are spent.
As Bruderlein and Dakkak (2010) argue, “government donor agencies are accountable to, and
their monies in some degree controlled by, the legislature, and ultimately, to taxpayers and
citizens. This involves earmarked funds for special projects and preset goals as part of a political
accountability”. Therefore, donors have a greater incentive to impose accountability on NGOs to
whom they donate funds or otherwise establish a relationship because the states are themselves
accountable to their own citizens there should be a direct positive correlation between NGO
accountability to donors and NGO performance.
The main elements in NGOs donor relationship
Information Flow: all information about the projects and programs should be transmitted to the
donor to create common understanding. NGOs should operate open information policies, based
on the presumption of disclosure, and make information easily accessible to relevant
collaborators.
Effectiveness Test/Evaluation: testing NGOs effectiveness employs fairly transparent reporting
standards. This is a significant hurdle in the world of NGOs; many organizations either do not
publish or do not themselves possess the necessary information on expenditures for specific
country-years
Power: the power of donors determines the extent to which they have influence on NGO.
When we say power its amount and scope may vary from donor to donor. When we mean by
amount of power it includes Influence on the design of programmes and project activities and
influence on Organizational procedures (Accounting, operational, report submission, proposal
submission, program and project implementation (structural, operational, strategic)
Accountability: accountability calls for a simplified structure that avoids duplication and
achieves greater impact; empowered and responsible staff managers; a leaner and more efficient
non-governmental organization (NGO) that fosters management excellence and is accountable
for achieving results. Accountability requires that an NGO provides a professional or financial
account (or justification) of it activities to another stakeholders group or individual. It
presupposes that the NGO has a clear policy on who is accountable to whom and for what. It
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involves the expectation that the NGO will be willing to accept advice or criticism and to modify
its practices in the light of that advice and criticism.
Transparency: NGOs transparency should include financial transparency, Quality of projects
and honesty of messages, strict methodology for funds research, internal control of the respect of
commitments.
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