This article was downloaded by: [University of Kiel]

On: 06 November 2014, At: 09:42

Publisher: Routledge
Informa Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number:
1072954 Registered office: Mortimer House, 37-41 Mortimer Street,
London W1T 3JH, UK

The Journal of Sex Research

Publication details, including instructions for
authors and subscription information:
http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/hjsr20

Sexual behavior as symbolic

interaction
a b
Viktor Gecas & Roger Libby
a
Associate Professor in the Department of
Rural Sociology , Washington State University ,
Pullman, Wash., 99163
b
Visiting Associate Professor of Human
Development, and Research Director at the
Institute for Family Research , Syracuse
University , Syracuse, N.Y., 13210
Published online: 11 Jan 2010.

To cite this article: Viktor Gecas & Roger Libby (1976) Sexual behavior
as symbolic interaction, The Journal of Sex Research, 12:1, 33-49, DOI:
10.1080/00224497609550920

To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00224497609550920

PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE

Taylor & Francis makes every effort to ensure the accuracy of all
the information (the “Content”) contained in the publications on our
platform. However, Taylor & Francis, our agents, and our licensors
make no representations or warranties whatsoever as to the accuracy,
completeness, or suitability for any purpose of the Content. Any opinions
and views expressed in this publication are the opinions and views of
the authors, and are not the views of or endorsed by Taylor & Francis.
The accuracy of the Content should not be relied upon and should be
independently verified with primary sources of information. Taylor and
Francis shall not be liable for any losses, actions, claims, proceedings,
demands, costs, expenses, damages, and other liabilities whatsoever
or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with, in
relation to or arising out of the use of the Content.
 This article may be used for research, teaching, and private study
purposes. Any substantial or systematic reproduction, redistribution,
reselling, loan, sub-licensing, systematic supply, or distribution in any
form to anyone is expressly forbidden. Terms & Conditions of access
and use can be found at http://www.tandfonline.com/page/terms-and-
conditions
Downloaded by [University of Kiel] at 09:42 06 November 2014
 The Journal of Sex Research Vol. 12, No. 1, pp. 33-49 February, 1976

Sexual Behavior as Symbolic

Interaction
VIKTOR GECAS AND ROGER LIBBY*

Abstract

The aim of this paper is to systematically apply a sociological perspective,

specifically that orientation known as symbolic interactionism, to the area of
human sexuality. Our task is both conceptual and empirical. At the
Downloaded by [University of Kiel] at 09:42 06 November 2014

conceptual level, we have attempted to interpret and view sexual behavior

through the concepts and assumptions provided by the symbolic interaction
perspective. At the empirical level we have tried to organize research
findings in this area which could be incorporated into this perspective.
Suggestions have also been offered on future directions for theoretical
development with reference to human sexuality. In short, our purpose is to
see how far we can go in viewing sexual behavior as symbolic interaction.

In people's minds few aspects of human behavior are as closely linked

to biology as is sexuality. Along with a limited number of other
experiences, such as hunger, thirst, and need for air and shelter, sex is
placed primarily in the domain of biological necessity. It is frequently
conceptualized as a need, drive, or impulse possessed by all animals
having gender. In this view, sex is one of the common grounds we have
with other animals (cf. Morris, 1967; Ardrey, 1961; Lorenz, 1966 and
Freud for his psychoanalytic theory based on sexual determinism). And
in a sense this is true. There obviously is a biological basis for human
sexuality. But to view sexuality primarily in biological terms is to miss
its distinctively human aspect.
The point of orientation of this paper is that man is essentially a
symbol-using creature and as such he exists in a world of meaning
created by his symbols. The consequence of this condition is that human
existence is mediated, as well as created, by symbols (cf. Ernst Cassirer,
1946, for a philosophical expression of this view). In sociology this point
of view is an essential part of that theoretical perspective called symbolic
interactionism.

* Viktor Gecas is Associate Professor in the Department of Rural Sociology, Washington

State University, Pullman, Wash. 99163. Roger W. Libby is Visiting Associate Professor of
Human Development, and Research Director at the Institute for Family Research,
Syracuse University, Syracuse, N.Y. 13210.
33
 34 VIKTOR GECAS AND ROGER LIBBY

The capacity for symbolic communication, as G. H. Mead (1934)

pointed out, raises man to a qualitatively different level of existence, an
existence comprised of symbols, having conventional meanings, and
usually transmitted through language. As a result, man is somewhat
detached from his physical environment, since he comes to perceive his
world and to respond to it through his symbolic screen. In the process he
creates his environment as well as himself. Stimuli become organized
into objects through the application of concepts, and concepts become
the media for perception and cognition. Human existence becomes
meaningful to the extent that it is lived in symbolic communication.
This symbolic communication, or universe of discourse, is the matrix
Downloaded by [University of Kiel] at 09:42 06 November 2014

from which we derive our various cognitive and emotive elements: our
values, attitudes, beliefs, meanings, and even feelings. Our purpose here
will be to explore the theoretical and empirical implications of viewing
sexual behavior as symbolic interaction.

Language and Sexual Behavior

The conception of man as a creator and transformer of his physical

reality as applied to sexual behavior means that the physical sensations
which constitute sexual experience are not merely interpreted by our
symbolic systems into sexual phenomena, but even more important, the
sexual symbolism also creates sexual experience. In stressing this point,
Simon and Gagnon noted that "it may be that libido does not create
fantasy as much as fantasy creates libido" (1968:176). Similarly, Foote
stated that "stimuli which evoke desire among men and women are
primarily symbolic rather than physiological" (1955:237). We not only
respond in terms of our symbols, but the symbols themselves give rise to
experience and response.
Since language has such a prominent place in the present conceptual
scheme it seems appropriate to consider first the laguage of sexual
interaction. The first point that needs to be stressed is that language is
rarely neutral—it expresses attitudes as well as conveys meanings (Rose,
1962). Another way of saying this is that words have denotations as well
as connotations. Connotations place concepts in the value domain. This
is especially apparent in language referring to sexual phenomen. Our
earthy, Anglo-Saxon, "four-letter" words for sexual intercourse may
have the same referents as the various euphemisms developed in "polite"
society but they have quite different values or attitudes associated with
 SEXUAL BEHAVIOR AS SYMBOLIC INTERACTION 35

these meanings. Bailey distinguished between three kinds of sexual

language:

There is a spoken vernacular, used and accepted in certain strata of society but
avoided in others as vulgar, and in any case rejected by the fastidious as objec-
tionable. There is the terminology of the medical profession, the psychologists,
and to some extent the lawyers and moral theologians—precise and comprehen-
sive enough for its purpose, but foreign to most non-professional persons. And,
there is a collection of agreed-upon words and phrases that are often studiously
vague and non-sexual in their primary senses, and are capable of being used with
a minimum of embarrassment; yet are frequently misleading in their implications
and liable to confuse thought on sexual matters (1962:10).
Downloaded by [University of Kiel] at 09:42 06 November 2014

The study of sexual language, therefore, should be viewed as the study

of sexual attitudes and values of those using the language. Because of
differences in exposure and experiences in sexual relations by people
occupying different positions in the social structure, we can expect the
connotations associated with sexual terms to vary by gender, social class,
and other social and personal characteristics. For example, Walsh and
Leonard (1972) found that females used more technical sexual words
than did males, even though males had a broader sexual vocabulary than
females. They attributed this to greater taboos on using sexual language
for females.
With people holding different meanings and values for terms as well as
different terms for sexual phenomena, communication is often prob-
lematic. The hiatus between the sexual rhetoric and experiences of
adolescents, developed largely in peer interaction, and the rhetoric of
adults when directed toward adolescents in the form of sex education, is
beautifully described by Simon and Gagnon:

[The adolescent] must increasingly wonder why there is no talk about the things
he is feeling. From the sex educator and the liberal religionist will come talk not
of prohibitions, but of "new responsibilities"; the character of sexual activity
will no longer be categorically defined, but rather "relationally" defined in terms
of such hopelessly ambiguous dimensions as "the maturity of the relationship,"
"its degree of honesty," or "concern for the other," or whether it facilitates that
profoundly abstract process—"character development." Any specific act no
longer becomes merely a sin having a specific value, but something far more
threatening: it becomes potentially a character defect (1968:183).

Even in normal discourse, as Stone (1962) pointed out, meaning is a

variable in which there is always an element of ambiguity. When the
 36 VIKTOR GECAS AND ROGER LIBBY

ambiguity becomes too great and the field of meaning too small, we have
a case of miscommunication or non-communication. If we should achieve
perfect meaning there would be no ambiguity and also no latitude for
interpretation. Most of our communications fall somewhere in between,
with those dealing with sexual matters closer to the ambiguity pole.
Sheri Cavan suggests that the ambiguity and vagueness associated with
much of our sexual language can be quite functional in social interaction:
"Sex talk, as it is practiced in our society, with metaphor and innuendo,
veiled hints and accepted formal rituals, remains an eminently social
activity" (1968:162). Cavan, who has carried out research on bar behav-
ior, views casual discussions in some bars as ritual to initiate casual
Downloaded by [University of Kiel] at 09:42 06 November 2014

sexual relationships without ever directly confronting the sexual goals

which the actors may hope to achieve. Such institutionalized casual talk
allows one to talk about sex without talking about sex explicitly, which
can avoid undue embarrassment from a rejection by a potential sexual
partner and the concomitant loss of face. The use of vague terminology
also may serve the purpose of masking the motives of one or both actors.
The perception of sexual behavior as symbolic communication is most
directly evident in the writings of Simon and Gagnon, who introduce the
concept of social script and unequivocally state that "All human sexual
experience is scripted behavior. Without the proper elements of a script
that defines the situation, names the actors, and plots the behavior,
little is likely to happen" (1968:175). This overstates the case, since
some sexual behavior is spontaneous, exploratory, and non-normative.
However, in general their point is well taken. They define script as
follows:

Our use of the term script with reference to the sexual has two major dimensions.
One deals with the external, the interpersonal—the script as the organization of
mutually shared conventions that allows two or more actors to participate in a
complex act involving mutual dependence. The second deals with the internal,
the intra-psychic, the motivational elements that produce arousal or at least a
commitment to the activity (Gagnon and Simon, 1973, p. 20).

This conception of sexual experience is very similar to the views of

social life offered by Goffman (1959), Stone (1962), Burke (1962), Lyman
and Scott (1970) and others of what has come to be called the
dramaturgical school of symbolic interactionism. Here the organizing
metaphor for social life is the theater and the emphasis is on such
elements of interaction as "staging," "acting parts," "taking roles," and
 SEXUAL BEHAVIOR AS SYMBOLIC INTERACTION 37

"presenting selves" in front of various "audiences," etc. Scripts are

normative clusters which specify the parameters for lines of action in
given social contexts. With regard to sexual behavior, they tell us how to
behave sexually.
These scripts are usually located in broader meaning and value
systems rooted to various institutions and processes in society, such as,
courtship, marriage, family, and religion. In contemporary American
society there are at least four identifiable and coherent philosophies or
codes regarding sexual behavior: the traditional-religious, romantic,
recreational, and utilitarian-predatory. The traditional-religious philoso-
Downloaded by [University of Kiel] at 09:42 06 November 2014

phy views sexual activity outside marriage as sinful, particularly for

women. It requires virginity for unmarried women and demands fidelity
for both partners. The meaning of sexual activity is derived from its
procreative function, although its connection with affection is recog-
nized.
The prevalence and influence of this philosophy of sexual restraint and
restriction to the marital bond is undoubtedly decreasing, although there
is even doubt over the degree to which it was followed in the past.
Nevertheless, to the extent that we still view sexual behavior in
traditionally moral terms, consider sexual transgressions as sinful, and
feel guilty when we engage in these, we are reflecting the influence of the
traditional religious code.
The romantic philosophy has tended to temper the influence of the
traditional-religious code. The romantic code emphasizes the value of
being in love. Love is a prerequisite to sexual relations. It justifies sexual
intercourse, and sexual intercourse strengthens the bond between the
lovers. Without love, coitus is considered bestial and/or meaningless.
Marriage is the preferred context for the expression of love and sexuality
but sexual intimacy outside marriage is justified on the grounds of love.
This sexual orientation has been held most prominently by our urban
middle classes. It has also been a major theme in mass media such as
movies, novels, fiction magazines, and even commercial advertising. The
kind of script for sexual interaction that emanates from the romantic
code identifies the eligible interactants (those in love with each other),
the necessary emotional state (love expressed in uncontrollable passion),
the appropriate rhetoric (romantic), and the situational conditions (as
close to the spontaneous expression of affection as possible). Women are
socialized into this sexual code more than are men in our society, which
often presents problems in heterosexual relations.
 38 VIKTOR GECAS AND ROGER LIBBY

The recreational philosophy ignores or de-emphasizes both the institu-

tional implications of sex and the values of romantic love. This
orientation is the one most clearly associated with the "sexual revolu-
tion" in this country—the liberalization of sexual constraints. The
recreational philosophy is concerned with sex primarily as a pleasurable
activity. It should not be limited to marriage and love is not a necessary
precondition for engaging in sexual interaction. Sex is fun. It is a source
of pleasure for oneself and a means of giving pleasure to others, and this
is justification enough for engaging in it.
This philosophy is more and more frequently appearing in the mass
Downloaded by [University of Kiel] at 09:42 06 November 2014

media. It is most clearly reflected in various men's magazines, such as

Playboy, and is even becoming evident in some women's magazines. For
example, Playgirl has recently emerged as a takeoff on Playboy with the
aim of catering to the "prurient interests" of women. Its typical
"foldout-of-the-month" is a nude male.
The scripts associated with this philosophy stress the actions and
vocabularies which emphasize enjoyment, playfulness, self-abandon-
ment, and, to an increasing extent, technique. This has resulted in a
curious paradox: as sex becomes freed from the constraints of religion
and romance, as enjoyment becomes its primary requirement and
justification, greater emphasis is placed on the mechanics of sexual
intercourse, and the individual comes to be evaluated primarily on his
technical competence in this sphere. This places a considerable burden
on the individual to perform well, increasing his level of self-conscious-
ness and control over his actions (the opposite of abandonment), and
decreasing his level of enjoyment. In short, for some operating from this
philosophy the character of sexual experience has changed from play (cf.
Foote, 1955) to work (cf. Lewis and Brissett, 1967). The proliferation of
sex manuals which stress technique is an indication of this trend. The
recurrent pitch of these sex manuals, as Lewis and Brissett (1967) point
out, is that sex should not be taken lightly and its enjoyment cannot be
taken for granted—one must work at it in order to be successful.
In some ways this view is similar to the fourth philosophy, the
utilitarian-predatory view. This orientation views sex as a means to some
other end. It can be used to gain money (as in prostitution), or power (as
in certain types of heterosexual bargaining), or prestige (status in one's
peer group). For these reasons, the activity may not even be pleasurable.
But even when there is pleasure in sex the real payoff comes from
(non-sexual) sources. An example of this kind of normative system can
 SEXUAL BEHAVIOR AS SYMBOLIC INTERACTION 39

be found in the subcultures of various adolescent males who "keep score"

and gain status in their peer groups for their sexual prowess. The concept
of "machismo" in Latin cultures has some of the same values placed on
sexual prowess associated with manliness (cf. Rainwater, 1964; and
Lewis, 1959). From another angle, the more militant feminists also tend
to view sexual relations in power rather than pleasure terms (cf. Kate
Millet, 1970).
The scripts emanating from this philosophy often involve elements of
misrepresentation, especially with regard to motives. The working
strategy is often to present a "line" and create a situation that is
Downloaded by [University of Kiel] at 09:42 06 November 2014

convincing to the other in the interaction and which will produce the
desired outcome. The important skills in this effort involve being, in
Goffman's terms, a good impression manager: one who can create the
situation to his own advantage.
It is clear that the relative influence of these philosophies is changing
and that new meanings for sexual interaction are appearing. For
example, a recent emergent which is gaining popularity is a variant of
the recreational philosophy. Lever and Schwartz (1971) call it "friendly
sex," and describe it as recreational sex with affection. Its central fea-
tures are (1) the self-conscious advocacy of a single standard of sexual
behavior applicable to both men and women, (2) the location of sexual
interaction in the context of casual but warm interpersonal relations, and
(3) the tendency to extend this orientation into marriage so that marriage
does not constitute sexual exclusivity for either spouse. This philosophy,
getting much of its coherence and impetus from the "hippie subculture"
of the sixties, is finding contemporary expression in such works as
Rimmer's The Harrad Experiment (1966) and Rogers' Becoming Part-
ners: Marriage and Its Alternatives (1972).
This description of various sexual philosophies is not meant to be
inclusive or extensive. Rather, the point is to indicate the range of
meanings associated with sexual activity and to consider their implica-
tions for social scripts.
Another element which is relevant to the outcome of sexual interaction
is the degree of awareness the actors have of the relevant scripts in the
situation. Glaser and Strauss (1964) used the concept of "awareness
context" to refer to the extent of knowledge that the actors have about
one another's identities or conditions. It is not uncommon for people
engaged in sexual interaction to enter into the relationship with different
scripts. For example, the male may be operating from a script which
 40 VIKTOR GECAS AND ROGER LIBBY

views sex as a recreational activity while the female may have a romantic
script in mind. Skipper and Nass (1966) in their study of the dating
patterns of student nurses and college men found that the nurses had a
different script and therefore different motives for dating (primarily
romantic and courtship) than the men, who were more interested in the
nurses as an "easy score." Similarly, Bernard (1972), in commenting on
the contemporary American marriage scene, states that there is a f
"marriage for the man and a marriage for the woman." That is, the ;
meaning of marriage differs for men and women.
The degree of awareness each participant has of the other's script,
Downloaded by [University of Kiel] at 09:42 06 November 2014

especially the motives associated with the script, makes a good deal of
difference for the course of the relationship. In general, we can say that
the person who has the greater knowledge or awareness of the scripts
involved in the interaction has the greater control over the course of the •
interaction. This of course assumes that knowledge of the other actor is
useful in negotiating one's own actions in that relationship.
Along with the different scripts brought into an interaction by the
different persons involved, a person may hold a number of competing
scripts springing from commitment to different reference groups and
value positions. This may contribute to a sense of anxiety, ambivalence,
or immobility as he deliberates, for example, whether he should follow
the religious script developed in his family of orientation or the
recreational script of his peer group. Over the course of a lifetime a
person may go through a number of different scripts as the various stages
of life give him various perspectives on sex.
The social script is a useful concept through which we can organize a
number of other concepts of symbolic interactionism and apply them to
the sexual domain—concepts such as identities, lines of action, vocabu-
laries of motive, and definitions of the situation. The social script enables
a sexual interaction to take place because it provides persons with a
program or strategy of action along with reasons for engaging in the
activity.

Motives and Motivation

The symbolic interactionist use of the concept motive as vocabularies

of action justifying conduct in problematic situations places the term
clearly in the linguistic domain. Motives are words or terms used to give
reasons for questioned conduct and, as such, they have important social
 SEXUAL BEHAVIOR AS SYMBOLIC INTERACTION 41

functions: "they integrate one man's action with another's, and line up
conduct with norms" (Mills, 1940:360). But vocabularies of motive can
also be considered as motivations for individuals, as Foote (1951) pointed
out, when they become attached to identities to which individuals
become committed.
It should be fairly obvious that from this perspective there are many
motives and motivations for sexual behavior. Some can be derived
directly from the sexual philosophies discussed earlier, i.e., procreative,
romantic, hedonistic, economic, and political. Others have been identi-
fied by Neubeck (1972) as: lust, power, animosity, boredom, duty,
Downloaded by [University of Kiel] at 09:42 06 November 2014

'mending wounds, accomplishment, adventure, self-affirmation, and

curiosity. And certainly others could be given.
In social interaction, motives are imputed to actors as well as avowed
by them. In fact, our evaluation of a person as well as our reaction to him
is very much influenced by the motives we impute to his behavior.
Whether we think he acts for "noble" or "ignoble," "selfish" or
"altruistic" reasons is consequential to our assessment of him. Imputed
motives, however, are often incorrect, in the sense that the individual
himself does not hold these as the reasons for his actions. One of the
unfortunate legacies of Freud is the tendency to impute sexual motives
for most of our actions. As interactants in social life we are free to engage
in the imputation of motives. However, as social scientists we must be
careful about imputing motives for given acts. Sexual behavior is often
motivated by non-sexual motives, and conversely, non-sexual behavior
may be engaged in for sexual reasons. Even in the course of a given
interaction the various motives people have may change.
In some social situations involving sexual encounters there is a high
degree of consensus for the motives in the interaction. In a study by
Roebuck and Spray (1967), the married men and single women who
frequented the urban cocktail lounge shared similar motives—to have a
good time, which included casual sexual intercourse with no expectation
of long term commitment or involvement. The definition of the situation
in the cocktail lounge (meeting casual sexual partners in an atmosphere
of respectability) was shared by bartenders, cocktail waitresses, married
men and single women in the lounge.
Typically, the question of motives does not come up unless behavior is
perceived as problematic or unexpected. One mark of social change in
the area of sexual behavior is the situation which raises the question of
". motive now, but which had been taken for granted in the past. For
 42 VIKTOR GECAS AND ROGER LIBBY

example, virginity for females has begun to give rise to the question of
motives in the same way that sexual promiscuity did in the past. This
indicates not only that premarital sexual behavior is changing, but that
the meaning and significance of sexual abstinence is changing as well.

Non-Verbal Communication

A large part of sexual communication occurs at the non-discursive

level—at the level of signs and gestures. This is also a feature of other
aspects of our social lives, but it seems to be especially characteristic of
our sexual interaction, largely because of the peculiar problems associ-
Downloaded by [University of Kiel] at 09:42 06 November 2014

ated with verbal sexual communication. Either the language is too

technical, scientific, and poorly understood, or considered too crude and
loaded with value for easy communication, or so ambiguous as to be
easily misinterpreted. The often resulting embarrassment or confusion
requires that we go beyond the analysis of verbal language and consider
the intricate and often subtle communications on the non-verbal level,
the level made up such ephemeral and often ambiguous elements as
smiles, frowns, winks, body postures, physical spacing, eye contact,
clothing, cosmetics, and various other gestures, cues, and expressions. Its
importance is suggested by those who have concerned themselves with
the dynamics of sexual adjustment (in and out of marriage), sexual
initiation, and heterosexual interaction in general.
An example of non-verbal communication which has received some
research attention is flirting behavior. While some flirtation includes the
use of language, much of such behavior is limited to non-verbal cues and
gestures. Flirting is a way to communicate one's desires with a minimum
risk of rejection, in that the cues are generally less committing and more
easily disavowed than an actual verbal proposition. Cozby and Rosen-
blatt (1972) found that women flirt more than men to express their
interest indirectly rather than blatantly. Non-verbal communication has
the advantage of saving face by not committing oneself prematurely to a
given course of action.
One important category of non-verbal communication focuses on the
staging of interaction, i.e., on the structuring of appearance. This
apparent communication includes both the presentation of self and
organizing the stage of interaction. This aspect of the definition of the
situation has received considerable attention from the dramaturgical
school as well as the ethnomethodologists who focus on the "grounds of
social interaction."
 SEXUAL BEHAVIOR AS SYMBOLIC INTERACTION 43

It is easy to think of examples of the importance of appearance to an

interpretation of sexual behavior as symbolic interaction. For example,
certain kinds of clothing and cosmetics are typically used by prostitutes
to advertise their availability. Similarly, homosexuals have been known
to wear certain colors or styles of clothing and to use specific gestures of
the hands and styles of walking and glancing at others to communicate
their availability. Since the appropriate cues may change from place to
place and over time, Brissett's (1972) notion of a "sexual career" applies
to a continuing analysis of changes in motives and meanings as they are
communicated through changes in appearance.
Downloaded by [University of Kiel] at 09:42 06 November 2014

Erotic Imagery and Sexual Behavior

It almost goes without saying that much of our sexual experience is

lived in the mind in the form of fantasies, daydreams, and erotic
imagery. These types of mental activity are not simply substitutes for
physical interaction, but necessary concomitants to it. In order for
sexual interaction to take place, situations must be defined as erotic. A
crucial element in this process which involves erotic imagery is called
"setting the mood." This matter of "setting the mood" is a delicate
operation which usually depends on the efforts of both (or all) interact-
ants. It can easily be lost and the sexual encounter brought to an abrupt
end through the intrusion of inappropriate imagery. For example, one
partner moved to laughter at an untimely moment could destroy a love
scene. Simiarly, the expression of shock, anger, disgust, or even
distraction can redefine the mood and dampen sexual interest. Even
factors external to the interactants may interfere with the erotic
definition of the situation, such as lack of privacy, noise, lighting, fear of
pregnancy, or feelings of guilt. The two most common manifestations of
sexual maladjustment, impotence and frigidity, have been found to be
related, in most cases, to these kinds of situational and psychological
factors.
The role of fantasy and erotic imagery in masturbation has been fairly
well documented. Kinsey et al. (1948, 1953) reported that 64 percent of
females and 89 percent of males fantasize during masturbation. More
recent studies report even higher frequencies (cf. Giese and Schmidt,
1968). Research indicates that males and females have different cogni-
tions with regard to sexual imagery and arousal. Males are more likely to
fantasize about experiences they would like to have but have not yet
experienced, while females are more likely to fantasize about past
 44 VIKTOR GECAS AND ROGER LIBBY

experiences which were pleasurable (Kinsey et al., 1948, 1953). In

another study, males were found to rate pornographic slides and written
materials about equally arousing, while females judged literary material
to be more arousing than photography (Byrne and Lamberth, 1970).
By far the most extensive research on the effects of sexually explicit
material on audience attitudes and behavior is found in the U.S. Report
on Obscenity and Pornography (1970). In general, the findings indicate
that exposure to erotic stimuli does have an effect on individuals but that
this effect is quite variable. For example exposure to erotica stimulated
sexual arousal for both sexes, increased sexual fantasies and dreams
Downloaded by [University of Kiel] at 09:42 06 November 2014

(especially after exposure to less explicit materials where one could use
one's imagination more), increased conversation (especially with married
couples), and increased (temporarily) masturbation or coitus, depending
on the availability of sexual partners. But, after repeated exposures to a
variety of materials, satiation and boredom were common.

Socialization into Sexuality

The process through which sexual scripts are learned, meanings,

values, and sexual fantasy acquired, and a sexual identity developed is
called socialization. This process, of course, does not end with childhood
or adolescence but continues throughout a person's life.
To the extent that sexuality is intimately related to gender identity,
the process of socialization into sexuality begins soon after birth, with
parents responding differently to sons than to daughters. Kohlberg
(1966) maintains that by the time the child is three years of age his
gender identity is well established. Gender is one of the earliest, most
irreversible, and most pervasive identities we carry (cf. Gecas, 1973; and
Gordon, 1968). Long before the child begins to understand sexual
behavior per se, he (she) has been developing patterns of behavior
appropriate to his (her) gender identity in the context of which his
sexual socialization will take place.
Much of the research on the development of sexual attitudes and
behavior focuses on the importance of parents and peers as reference
groups and the relative influence of each (Ehrmann, 1959; Reiss, 1967;
and Schofield, 1965). We do not have space to review here the findings in
this area. Suffice it to say that in our day parents are more likely to
emphasize a conservative single standard of premarital sexuality while
the adolescent peer group tends to support a permissive double standard,
 SEXUAL BEHAVIOR AS SYMBOLIC INTERACTION 45

and that the influence of parents in these matters decreases as the child
grows older.
The perennial conflict between parents and peer group is made more
complex by the influence of other agents of sexual socialization, such as,
the mass media, church, and school. Furthermore, since early sexual
socialization tends to occur within sex segregated groups, each sex may
be only vaguely aware of the features or importance of the other's social
script. For this reason, much of courtship behavior is a process in which
contradictory scripts must be brought into congruence, where each
person must bring the other into his universe of meaning. This kind of
Downloaded by [University of Kiel] at 09:42 06 November 2014

"on the job training," as it were, is undoubtedly a major source of much

of the specific sexual information that the individual acquires—informa-
tion about one's own sexuality, about members of the opposite sex, and
about how to sexually relate to another.

Conclusions and Research Directions

In this paper we have attempted to view sexual behavior as an

expression of and as influenced by man's symbolic environment, and to
point out how the available research and writing on sexual behavior
could be interpreted from this perspective or used to illustrate it. The
basic premise of this perspective is that man lives in a world of meaning
and value created by his symbols which he, in turn, is able to create. This
theoretical position requires that the investigator see the world from the
perspective of the subjects of his investigation.
The requirement that the meanings people have for their behavior
need to be assessed if the behavior is to make sense is a point from which
other methodologies have been criticized. Granting the ground-breaking
contribution of Kinsey's work, perhaps its greatest shortcoming was that
it failed to take into account the meanings sexual activity has for people.
For example, unless one knows the meaning of non-marital sex, one
cannot discuss intelligently its implications for marital adjustment. This
becomes especially problematic when we consider the emergence of new
marital styles which sanction some form of sexual freedom outside
marriage (cf. Cuber and Harroff, 1964, and Libby and Whitehurst, 1973,
for types of marriage based on different ground rules). Also, the changing
nature of sex laws is a commentary on the changing social acceptance of
diverse meanings of sexual behavior even though the legal statutes tend
to lag behind attitudinal and behavioral change.
 46 VIKTOR GECAS AND ROGER LIBBY

In the closing pages of this paper we would like to offer some research
questions and propositions which could be investigated from symbolic
interaction theory. With regard to sexual socialization a whole host of
questions come to mind: What is the relative influence of parents,
friends, significant others, formal organizations and various other
reference groups on the development of sexual attitudes and behaviors in
the child, adolescent and adult? How are these, in turn, reflected in the
person's sexual self-concept? We would hypothesize that the greater the
consistency in sexual meanings and values which the individual- is
confronted with from his various reference groups, the greater the
Downloaded by [University of Kiel] at 09:42 06 November 2014

consistency and coherence to his sexual self-concept.

Stryker (1968) developed a number of propositions which account for
the position of given identities in the identity salience hierarchy and
which tie identity salience to role performance. For example, Stryker's
first hypothesis states:

The greater the commitment premised on an identity, i.e., the more extensive
and/or intensive network of relationships into which one enters by virtue of a given
identity, the higher will be that identity in the salience hierarchy (1968:561).

His sixth hypothesis, using identity as an independent variable, reads:

The higher an identity is in the salience hierarchy, the higher the probability that
a person will perceive a given situation as an opportunity to perform in terms of
that identity (1968:563).

The relationship of sexual identities to other identities in the self

structure would be an interesting line of inquiry. How does a very
prominent sexual identity (with regard to the salience hierarchy) affect
the expression of other identities such as family, occupation, age, and the
style or quality of interaction between the individual and members of the
same sex and opposite sex?
Since language or symbolization is instrumental to sexual arousal, do
individuals who have a more varied symbolic repertoire make better
lovers? We would hypothesize a qualified "yes." The richer the language
of erotic imagery the richer the range of sexual experience. However,
language can also inhibit sexual feeling and expression in the form of
prohibitions and taboos. Therefore, the issue is not simply the amount of
symbolization involved, but also the degree of positive or negative value
placed on this symbolization.
 SEXUAL BEHAVIOR AS SYMBOLIC INTERACTION 47

Propositions dealing with the congruence between sexual attitudes and

behavior and the consequences of this congruence for the individual
could be formulated. We would hypothesize that the greater the
discrepancy between sexual attitudes and behavior, the greater feelings
of guilt and loss of self-esteem (as Christensen and Carpenter's, 1962,
findings seems to imply). As one violates one's own standards, one must
either fabricate elaborate self-rationalizations or suffer the pangs of
conscience.
We might point out that at this level of interactional analysis other
theories, especially exchange theory, might be fruitfully combined with
Downloaded by [University of Kiel] at 09:42 06 November 2014

symbolic interaction to enhance its explanatory and predictive power

(Libby and Carlson, 1973). To the extent that sexual interaction is
frequently a negotiation between the interactants over competing
definitions of the situation, we would hypothesize that the person who
has the greater power or status or even knowledge in the situation has
greater control over the definition of the situation. We might also
inquire: How frequently (and by what types of individuals) are sexual
relationships consciously defined in exchange terms? For example, how
frequently does this occur in marriage and what consequences does it
have for the quality of the marital relationship? In this regard, Waller's
(1951) "principle of least interest" could be applied to interpersonal
relationships (such as between husband and wife) in which sex is used as
a bargaining commodity by the person least interested in engaging in it.
These are some of the implications of viewing sexual behavior as
symbolic interaction. The sociology of human sexuality suffers perhaps
more than other areas from theoretical neglect. Our feeling is that the
systematic utilization of concepts and the testing of propositions derived
from symbolic interactionism would give greater sociological relevance to
this important aspect of human experience.

References

ADLER, A. The Practice and Theory of Individual Psychology. New York: Harcourt, 1927.
ARDREY, R. African Genesis. New York: Dell, 1961.
BAILEY, S. Common Sense About Sexual Ethics. New York: Macmillan, 1962.
BERNARD, J. The Future of Marriage. New York: Bantam Books, 1972.
BRISSETT, D. "Sexual activity is social activity." Sexual Behavior 2: 55, 1972.
BURKE, K. A Grammar of Motives and a Rhetoric of Motives. Cleveland: World Publishing
Co., 1962.
BYRNE, D. AND J. LAMBERTH. "The effect of erotic stimuli on sex arousal evaluative re-
sponses, and subsequent behavior." Technical Report of the Commission on Ob-
 48 VIKTOR GECAS AND ROGER LIBBY

scenity and Pornography, Vol. 8. Washington D.C., U.S. Government Printing Office,
1970.
CASSIRER, E. Language and Myth. Translated by Susanne Langer. New York: Harper, 1946.
CAVAN, S. "Talking about sex by not talking about sex." Etc.: A Review of General Seman-
tics 25: 154-163, 1968.
CHRISTENSEN, H. T. AND G. R. CARPENTER. "Value-behavior discrepancies regarding pre-
marital coitus in three western cultures." American Sociological Review 27: 67-74,
1962.
COZBY, P. AND P. ROSENBLATT. "Flirting." Sexual Behavior 2: 10-16, 1972.
CUBER, J. AND P. HARROFF. The Significant Americans: A Study of Sexual Behavior Among
the Affluent. New York: Appleton-Century, 1965.
EHRMANN, W. W. "Premarital sexual behavior and sex codes of conduct with acquaintances
and friends and lovers." Social Forces 38: 158-164, 1959.
Downloaded by [University of Kiel] at 09:42 06 November 2014

FOOTE, N. N. "Identification as the basis for a theory of motivation." American Sociological

Review 16: 14-21, 1951.
"Sex as play." In Jerome Himelhoch and Sylvia Fava (eds.), Sexual Behavior in
American Society. New York: W. W. Norton Co., 1955.
GAGNON, J. H. AND W. SIMON. Sexual Conduct. Chicago: Aldine Publishing Co., 1973.
GECAS, V., D. L. THOMAS, AND A. J. WEIGERT. "Social identities in Anglo and Latin adoles-
cents." Social Forces 51: 477-484, 1973.
GIESE, H. AND G. SCHMIDT. Studenten-sexualität. Hamburg: Rowoholt Verlag Gmb H, 1968.
GLASER, B. AND A. L. STRAUSS. "Awareness contexts and social interaction." American
Sociological Association 29: 669-679, 1964.
GOFFMAN, E. Presentation of Self in Everyday Life. New York: Doubleday, 1959.
GORDON, C. "Self-conceptions: configurations of content." In C. Gordon and K. J. Gergen
(eds.). The Self in Social Interaction. New York: John Wiley and Sons, Inc., 1968.
HORNEY, K. Self-Analysis. New York: Norton, 1942.
KINSEY, A. C., W. B. POMEROY, AND C. E. MARTIN. Sexual Behavior in the Human Male.
Philadelphia: Saunders, 1948.
KINSEY, A. C., W. B. POMEROY, C. E. MARTIN, AND P. H. GEBHARD. Sexual Behavior in the
Human Female. Philadelphia: Saunders, 1953.
KOHLBERG, L. "A cognitive-developmental analysis of children's sex-role concepts and
attitudes." In Eleanor E. Maccoby (ed.), The Development of Sex Differences. Stan-
ford: Stanford University Press, 1966.
LEVER, J. AND P. SCHWARTZ. Women at Yale. Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, Co., 1971.
LEWIS, S. AND D. BRISSETT. "Sex as work: a study of avocational counseling." Social
Problems 15: 8-17, 1967.
LEWIS, O. Five Families. New York: Basic Books, 1959.
LIBBY, R. AND J. CARLSON. "Premarital sexual decision-making in the dyad." Forthcoming
in Archives of Sexual Behavior, Vol. II No. 4, 1973.
LIBBY, R. W. AND R. N. WHITEHURST. Renovating Marriage. Danville, California: Consensus
Publishers, 1973.
LINDESMITH, A. R. AND A. L. STRAUSS. Social Psychology. New York: Holt, Rinehart and
Winston, 1956.
LORENZ, K. On Agression. Translated by Marjorie Kerr Wilson. New York: Harcourt, Brace
and World, 1966.
LYMAN, S. M. AND M. B. SCOTT. A Sociology of the Absurd. New York: Appleton-Century-
Crofts, 1970.
MASLOW, A. H. Motivation and Personality. New York: Harper, 1954.
MEAD, G. H. Mind, Self, and Society. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1934.
 SEXUAL BEHAVIOR AS SYMBOLIC INTERACTION 49

MILLET, K. Sexual Politics. New York: Doubleday and Co., Inc., 1970.
MILLS, C. W. "Situated actions and vocabularies of motive." American Sociological Review
5: 904-913, 1940.
MORRIS, D. The Naked Ape. New York: Dell, 1967.
NEUBECK, G. "The myriad motives for sex." Sexual Behavior 2: 50-56, 1972.
RAINWATER, L. "Marital sexuality in four cultures of poverty." Journal of Marriage and the
Family (November): 457-466, 1964.
REISS, I. L. The Social Context of Premarital Sexual Permissiveness. New York: Holt,
Rinehart and Winston, 1967.
—, The Report of the Commission on Obscenity and Pornography. New York: Random
House, 1970.
RIMMER, R. H. The Harrad Experiment. Los Angeles: Sherbourne Press, Inc., 1966.
ROGERS, C. Becoming Partners: Marriage and Its Alternatives. New York: Delacorte Press,
1972.
Downloaded by [University of Kiel] at 09:42 06 November 2014

ROEBUCK, J. AND S. L. SPRAY "The cocktail lounge: a study of heterosexual relations in a

public organization." American Journal of Sociology 72: 358-395, 1967.
ROSE, A. M. "A systematic summary of symbolic interaction theory." In A. Rose (ed.)
Human Behavior and Social Processes. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1962.
RUBIN, I. "Transition in sex values: implications for the education of adolescents." Journal
of Marriage and the Family 27: 185-192, 1965.
SCHOEFIELD, M. The Sexual Behavior of Young People. Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1965.
SIMON, W. AND J. H. GAGNON. "Sex talk—public and private." Etc.: A Review of General
Semantics 25: 173-191, 1968.
SKIPPER, J. K. AND G. NASS. "Dating behavior: a framework for analysis and an illustration."
Journal of Marriage and the Family 23: 412-421, 1966.
STONE, G. P. "Appearance and the self." In A. Rose (ed.), Human Behavior and Social
Processes. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1962.
STRYKER, S. "Identity salience and role performance: the relevance of symbolic interaction
theory for family research." Journal of Marriage and the Family 30: 558-565, 1968.
TURNER, R. Family Interaction. New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1970.
WALLER, W. AND R. HILL. The Family: A Dynamic Interpretation. New York: Dryden, 1951.
WALSH, R. H. AND W. LEONARD. "A longitudinal study of changing sexual attitudes and be-
havior as accompanied and influenced by changing reference groups." Paper presented
at the American Sociological Association meetings. Denver, Colorado, 1971.
WEINBERG, M. S. "Becoming a nudist." In E. Rubington and M. S. Weinberg (eds.),
Deviance: The Interactionist Perspective. New York: Macmillan, 1968.