UNIT 19 CASTE IDENTITY:

ATTRIBUTIONAL AND
INTERACTIONAL
APPROACHES
Structure

19.0 Objectives
19.1 Introduction
19.2 Early Explanations of Caste
19.2.1 Religious Explanations
19.2.2 Sociological Explanatios
19.3 Attributional Approaches to Caste
19.3.1 G.S. Ghtuye
19.3.2 J.H. Hutton
19.3.3 M.N. Srinivas
19.4 Interactional Approaches to Caste
19.4.1 F.G. Bailey
19.4.2 A. Mayer
19.4.3 M.Mariott
19.4.4 L. Dumont
19.5 Attributionaland Interactional Approaches: An Appraisal
19.6 Let Us Sum Up
19.7 Key Words
19.8 Further Readings
19.9 Specimen Answers to Check Your Progress

19.0 OBJECTIVES
On having studied thus unit you should be able to:

Outline early explanations of caste;

Describe the attributional approaches to caste;

Highlight the main aspects of the interactional approaches to caste; and

Become acquainted with some of the limitations of the attributiondl and interactional
I
rn
approaches to caste.

19.1 INTRODUCTION
Caste identity is closed linked with the social fabric of a village, town or city. In the unit
that follows we describe and analyze some of the major attempts to explain the ranking
order that is ubiquitous so far as caste formations are concerned. To acqiiaiit you with
these approaches we will point out to you some of the early religious and sociological
explanations of caste. This will set the backdrop for the attributional approaches to caste
which analyze caste hierarchy in terms of the various immutable characteristics of caste.
The incursion into tliese approaches is followed by the interaction approacl~esto caste
:1 hierarchy. Finally the unit picks up the threads of tlre approaches described and analysed
- --
 in the unit and points out the limitations of the types of the approaches that have been Caste Identity: Attributional and
r presented. This will round off our discussion on caste identity and how it maintains itself International Approaches
or lnutates.

19.2 EARLY EXPLANATIONS O F CASTE

Various explanatioils of the origin ofllthe caste have been forwarded, and early
explanations often veer around the ndtion of .attributes1or 'inalienable characteristics' of
caste. Since we will be examining some of the explanations it would be better if we provide
some idea of these characteristics. These are provided by relfgious theories and by secular
sociological explanations.Let us now turn to the religious theories at first.

I 19.2.1 Religious Explanations

Religious explanations of caste origins in Hinduism refer to first of all the theory of 'divine
I
f origin. of caste. The idea in this theory is developed from verses in the Rig Veda right up to
the Bhagavad Gita in contemporary times. It must be added that this is a Brahmanical
version and not shared by many other communities.
b
Box 19.01

The legend goes that in the beginning of time the original Being 'produced' the various
Varnas from different parts of his anthropomorphic body. Thus the Brahmins were cre-
ated from his head; the Kshatriyas from his chest; the Vaisyas from his thighs and the
Shundras from his feet. The dimension of the 'rank order' o r hierarchical ordering was
attached to the work that each of these categories were to perfonn. The topmost or high-
est social duties were assigned to the Bhrahmias and these were functions of the preserv-
ing knowledge and performing priestly duties. In the case of Kshatriyas the duties to be
performed were that of the defending society.from invasion, stable administration and
protection of society in general. The Vaisyas were the bastions of trade and commerce
and this was to be done in a fair and honest way. The shudras which came lowest in the
hierarchy thus laid down were a service varna which was to cater to the needs of all the
vilrnas above them.

The \ , m a scheme is a four fold scheme. It is further pointed out with referece to the
theory of divine origin that over time each of the varnas developted into jatis or caste
groups with specific attributes. The first three groups made up a category of the "twice
bonl" and were initiated into the caste by the Sacred thread ceremony (yagyapavita). Each
of the groups began specializing in particular type of profession and was restrained from
yedonning the work of any other caste. Hierarchy was manifested both in attributional
and iilleractioilal modes.

A second type of religious explanation is based on the guna theory, which is to be found in
the religious literature iilcluding the Bhagavad Gita. This theory talks of the inherent
qualilies that characterize human beings. These three gunas are as below:
-
1 i) .sattva'. or the quality of truth, Knowledge, goodness, virtue and alertness;
I
P ii) 'rajas' or @e quality of activity, courage, bravery, force, power and passion;

iii) -ti1111as'or the quality of gloominess, dullness, stupidity and indolence.

II
It is easy to see how the above qualities were associated hierarchically with the Brahmins
being considered 'Sattvic': the Kshabiyas and Vaisyas being considered below the
Bralunins, and being rajasic. Finally on the lowest rung of the ladder were the 'tamasic'
Shildras .

19.2.2 Sociological Explanations

Unlike religious explanations the early sociological explanations of caste moved toward
socially recognizable reality. Let us consider this briefly in the work of i) Karl M a n
Explaining Caste in Indian Society i) For Manr the relationships of social groups to land and its ownership determined the
groups position in society. Thus for him in the Indian village these were:

a) castes working on land

b) artisans and service classes

The castes working on land produced a s q h s which according to Marx, they gave to the
artis& castes. These in turn gave the former a part of the traditional craft. Thus both castes
produced for their own needs and for exchange, and harmony prevailed. This "village
republic" model has since been criticized as utopic.

Castes are placed in a hierarchy according to their level of purity

C o u r t e ~Kiranmay
: i Bushi

Check Your Progress 1

i) Outline the early Sociological explanation of caste according to Karl Mars in about
five lines.
In the case of Max Weber, caste was considered to be a 'status groups' whose group Caste Identity: Attrit~utionrland
members were recognize by their social, and economicposition. These entailed a particular InteractionalApproaches
life-style, which in itself was curtailed by certain restrictionson interaction, including the
kind of work which could be done. The relationship between castes was also determined by
the ritual opposition between the states of 'purity' 5nd 'pollution' which could be
associated with persons or objects. Thus castes were placed in a hierarchy according to
their level of purity. Thus the Brahmins level of purity was highest as they followed 'clean'
occupations such as priesthood. It was important too that the 'purity' be maintained
through avoidance of those who were impure. For this reason Weber argued that caste was
a11extreme form of stratification.

For Bougle who wrote after Weber a caste was recognized by its place in the hierarchy and
by the occupation its members followed. Castes were constrained and other social
restrictionsthat were imposed upon them. Thus hierarchy and separation between groups
were the attributes that helped maintain the status of a caste in the hierarchy order and
detemuned interactional patterns.
\

19.3 ATTRIBUTIONAL APPROACHES TO CASTE

We now turn to some other scholars who used the early insights of Manr Weber and
Bougle to develop what has come to be known as the "attributional approach.
Attributional approach discusses primarily the significantfeatures of the caste system qua
systein *mdwhat distinguishes it from other forms of the social stratification.

Attributes a& inherent inalienable qualities associated with the caste system. As such every
caste inust necessarily partake of these attributes.

19.3.1 G.S Ghurye

Ghurye wrote in the 1930's and considered that each caste was separated from the other in
a hierarcllical order. This ordering sprang legitimatelyfrom its attributes of a caste. These
were'

i) Segmental Division. Thus membership to a caste group is acquired by birth and with
it come the position in the rank order relative to other castes.

ii) Hierarchy. Following from the above society was arranged hrank orders, or relations
of superiority or inferiority. Thus Brahmins were accepted as highest in the hierarchy
and untoucllables at the very bottom.

iii) Caste Restrictions. These were placed on every caste which gave permission to its
me~nbersonly to interact with particular groups of people. This included its dress,
speech, customs, rituals and from who they could accept food. The system was geared
to maintain purity of the group members, hence of the caste group itself.

iv) Caste Pollution. In this idea the whole effort of a caste was to avoid contamination
from polluting objects (those involved unclean occupations, or of the lowest caste).
This shunning of pollution is reflected in the residential separation of the caste
groups.

V) TI-aditionalOccupation. Ghurye felt that every caste had a traditional occupation the
clean castes had clean occupations whereas the unclean and impure caste had defiling
ones.

vi) Endogamy. This trait of tlle castes was very distinct and essential to keeping it
together as a group that maintained its own distinct character. Essentially it main-
that one could only marry within ones caste.
~i~ified

Thus lluougl~six attributes Ghurye sought to define the process by which a caste group
maintained its caste identity. By preserving the various attributes of segmental division,
hienrclly. caste restrictions, caste pollution, traditional occupation, and marriage within a
Explaining-Caste in Indian Society particular caste circle, the caste group maintained its own separate (through iiite~elatedl.-
identity which it sought to perpetuate over generations.

Activity 1
Discuss the attributesof caste according to G. S. Ghurye with fellow students. Note down
your findings in your notebook.

19.3.2 J.H. Hutton

Hutton had described the caste structure in his book Caste in India. Huttoil held that the
central feature of the caste system was endogamy. Around this fact are built up the various
restrictions and taboos. Interaction must not violate these restrictions placed on the various
castes. Another important feature of the caste system as seen by Hutton was the taboo on
taking cooked food from any caste but one's own. Such restrictions raise questions in
themselves:

i) Who cooks the food'?

ii) What type of pot was the food cooked in'?
iii) Is the food "kaccha" uncooked or (cooked in water) or "pakka" (fried in oil). The
latter is acceptable from other castes as well.
iv) There is a hierarchy of food and vegetarian food is ranked higher thai lion vegetarian
food. Brahmins are usually vegetarian but not everywhere in Bengal and Kashinir
Brahmis eat non-vegetarian food as well.

These restrictions reflect the process of the formation of caste identity. They are reflective
of separation and hierarchy between the caste groups. Thus non-acceptance of food reflects
superiority of rank. The whole idea of maintaining 'purity' and reducing 'pollntion' is also
found to permeate the interactions.

In parts of the South India for instance the fear of pollution gets translated into physical
distance being maintained between the superior and inferior caste. Again the castes low in
rank order have to avoid village temples and well and maintain aphysical distance in their
interaction with higher caste members. Thus Hutton explains caste interactionswith the
notion of attributes of a caste, primarily in terms of endogamy, purity and iiiipurity and
restrictions on commensality. You will have noticed the overlap in Ghurye's Hutton's
approaches.

19.3.3 M.N. Srinivas

Before proceeding further it may be mentioned that the scholars using the attributional
approach stress the attributes of a caste. However each of them lays emphasis on one or
other of these attributes and how they affect interaction. In the case of Srinivas writing in
the 50's we find that he chooses to study the structure of relations arising between castes
on the basis of these attributes. Thus he introduces a dynanlic aspect of caste identity very
forcefully.

This aspect becomes clearer in Srinivas's work on positional mobility known as

'Sanskritization'. Sanskritization is a process whereby a caste attempts to raise its rank
within the caste hierarchy by adopting in practice, the attributes of the caste or castes
above them, in the rank order. This is to say the 'low' attributes are gradually dropped and
the 'high' attributes of the castes above them are imitated. This involves adoption of
vegetarianism, clean occupations of so on.

Closely connected is the concept of dominant caste. The dominant caste in a village is
conspicuous by its :

i) Sizeable numerical presence

ii) Ownership of land
iii) Political power.
Thus a dominant caste has numerical significance as well as economic and political power. Caste Identity: Attributional and
It is also interesting to note that the dominant caste need not be the highest ranking caste in Ihteractional lipproaches
the village caste hierarchy. The dominant caste commands the service of all other castes.

Check Your Progress 2

1) Give a summary of the attributional theory of caste according to M.N. Srinivas in

about 10 lines.

19.4 INTERACTIONAL APPROACHES TO CASTE

Interaction approach takes into account how castes are actually ranked with respect to one
another in a local empirical context.

We have already seen how attributes of a caste be used as a approach to study caste. It
would also have come clear to your that a set of attributes denotes its own interactional
processes. Thus we cannot say that attributes have no bearing or interaction. On the other
hand we find that the interaction too has its attributional aspects. So the questions comes
down to which of these aspects in emphasized more than the other, and given primacy in
analyzing the caste dynamics and identity formation. Let us study some of the pioneering
works so for a interactional approaches to the study of caste are concerned.

19.4.1 F.G. Bailey

Bailey feels that caste dynamics and identity are united by the two principles of
segregation and hierarchy. He feels that "Castes Stand in ritual and secular hierarchy
expressed in the rules of interaction". The rituaI system overlaps the political and economic
system.

Box 19.02
'The relationship between castes does not comprise rituals alonethere is a power dimen-
sion because there exists a dominant caste to which other castes are subordinate. Rank
and easte identity are expressed by a lower caste attempting to emulate a caste which is
higher in rank. Thus the interaction pattern becomes indicative of ritual status the rank
order hierarchy. Interactional pattern itself involves attitudes and practices towards the
question of acceptance and non acceptance of food, services, water, smoking together,
seating arrangements at feasts and the exchange of gifts.

Bailey explained his viewpoint with reference to village Bisipara in Orissa; and showed
how the caste situation in Bisipara become changed and more fluid after Independence
when the Kshatriyas lost much of their land. This caused a downslide in their ritual ranking
as well. There was a clearly discernable change in the interaction patterns which we have
delineated above e.g. acceptance and non acceptance of food from other castes.
Explaining Caste in Indian Society 19.4.2 A. Mayer

Mayer studied Ramkheri'village in Madhya Prndesll. To understand the effect on caste

hierdrchy Mayer observed interactivebetween castes in term of:

i) Comrnensality of eating drinking water and s~noking

ii) Food type exchanged whether is 'kaccha' or 'pakka'

iii) Context of eating, ritual or otherwise

iv) Seating arrdngenlents at eating

v) Who provides food and who cooked it

vi) Thevessel in which water is given - metal or earthen.

Thus the commensal hierarchy is based on the belief that any or all of the above factors
can lead to greater or lesser pollution for a caste thus affecting its identih and ranking in
the hierarchy order. Those at the top of the hierachical order will ensure that only a caste
or type of food and water vessel which will no pollute them is accepted or used by them.
For example pakka food may be accepted from a lower caste but kaccha food will accepted
only from within the same caste or subcaste.

19.4.3 M. Marriott

Maniott analyses caste hierarchy with reference to the local context. Marriog studied the
arrangement of caste ranking in ritual interaction. Maniott confirnled that ritual hierarchy
is itself linked to economic and political hierarchies. Usually economic and political ranks
tend to coincide. That is to say both ritual and non-rittial hierarchies affect the ranking iq
the caste order though ritual hierarchies tend to play a greater role. In this wav a
consensus emerges regarding caste ranking and this is collectively upheld. It nlust be
make clear here that this process is not as clear cut as it first seems. This is because the
sociologist enters the field when this process of caste ranking is in its full blown form and
he or she does not observe the historical process and took place by deduces or infers about
the sane, from, from the data that is available on hand.

Maniot studied Kishan Garhi and Rani Nagla two villages in the Aligarh District of U.P
in 1952. Maniott's study showed that there is consensus about caste raking in these
villages. The basis on which this is done is on the observation of ritual of ritual
interaction, in the village itself.

In the villages Maniot studied we find that the important indicators or rank are:

i) Giving and receiving of food

ii) Giving and receiving of honorific gestures and practices

iii) Thus Brahmins are ranked high since they officiate at the most exclubive and important
rituals. They simultaneously receive all services from the other castes. Again Brdhmins
accept only "pakka" food from another group of high castes. Thus a caste can be
considered high if Brahmins accept 'pakka' food from them and low if Bral~mins
accepting 'kaccha' food from them. There were ten such 'high' castes hl Kishan Garhi
and four such 'high' castes in Ram Nagla. The lowest caste does not receive any
service from other castes, but has to provide its services to all other castes ad had made
it a practice to accept 'Kaccha' food from them as well.

Activity 2

Discuss the important indicators of rank according tc(Mayer and Mamot with students
and friends. Note down your discc~veriesin your notel~ook.
/
 Food and senjices, and how they are offered and accepted are therefore major indicators of Caste Identity: Attributional and
caste ranking. However Mamott observed that there were rules also about : Interactional Approaches

i) snloking together,

ii) the arrangement of the hosing complex

iii) details and bodily contact

i\l) feasting ;uld the order in which the food is senled.

111 Kishan Garhi political and economic donlinance matched the ritual hierarchy. Let us
see how ritual status and economic power (land ownership) overlap:

Rank and Land Ownership in Kishan Garhi

Brahmins
\
High Caste \
u
tu
Low Caste

Lowest Caste

Thus there is a tendency among castes to transform their political and economic status
illto ritual status.

Howc\rer inconsistencies can and do exist. This gives room for social mobility. Again,
though it is tnle that the local interaction is important, but a reference to other villages can
also help determined local rank. However. by and large the ritual hierarchy tends to be
consistent with political and economic dominance. Interaction sustains a given ranking
order which can be witnessed in the various facts that have been mentioned.

19.4.4 L. Dumont
P
Dumont added a new dimension to the studies of caste inan interactionalperspective. His
study of caae enlphasizes relations between castes rather than attributes. Attributes can be
b
only be explained with reference to the relationship between castes. According to Dumont
the local coiltext has a role in caste ranking and identity, but this is a response to the
ideology of hierarchy which extends over the entire caste system. Thus for Dumont caste is
a set of relationship of economic, political and kinship systems, sustained by mainly
religious \ralues. For Dumont caste is a special type of inequality and hierarchy is the
essential value underlying the caste system, and it is this value that integrates Hindu
society

The \ arious aspects of the caste, says Dumont are based on the principle of opposition
behvcen the pure and impure underlying them. 'Pure' is superior to the 'impure' and has
to be kept separate. Thus the caste system appears to be rational to those because of the
opposition between the pure and the impure.

Dumont also feels that hierarchy in the caste system indicates ritual status without
accepting the influences of wealth or power authority. Thus hierarchy is the principle
through which the elements &e ranked in relation to the whole. Ranking is basically
religious ui nature In Indian society Status (Brahmins) hi~salways been separated from
power (King). To go further, power has been subordinated to 'status'. The king is
subordinate to the priest, but both are dependent on each other. Thus hierarchy is
something ritualistic in nature and supported by religion. Only when power in
subordinated to status, can this type of pure hierarchy develop. The Bhrahnlins who
represents purity is superior and at the top of the whole system. But the Brahnlin along
with the king opposes all the other categories of the Varna system.
Erpli~iningCaste in Indian Society For Dumont the Jajmani system of economic interaction is a ritual expressioil rather than an
econonlic arrangement. Jajmani system is the religious expression of inter dependence
where interdependence itself is derived from religion. Similarly, commensal regulations
emphasize hierarchy rather then separation. However, the question of puritv does not arise
on all such occassions of commensality. Thus the washeman is a 'purifier' and can enter
the house freely. But the cannot attend a marriage party with similar caste.

Let us appraise now both the attributional and interactional approaches.

I
Check Your Progress 3
1) Briefly outline Domont's theory of interactional caste ranking in ranking in about 10
I
lines.
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19.5 ATTRIBUTIONAL AND INTERACTION

APPROACHES: AN APPRAISAL
We are now in a position to point out some of the anomalies found in both the attributional
and interactional approaches. Let us take first the attributional approach.

i) M. Marriott points out that there were cases in Kishangarhi where the castes he
examined did not seem to derive their position in the social hierarchy from their
attributes. Thus be found that diet and occupational restrictions in some cases did not
negate caste rank or identity.

ii) Again the placement of castes in Kishan Garhi did not follow froni highness and
lowness of occupation. Thus the facts did not fit the theory.

iii) There may in fact be discrepanciesbetween attribute of a caste and its rank: Thus in a
Mysore village studied by Srinivas the traders caste is vegetarian and follows a clean
occupation relative to the peasants. Yet peasants are ranked about traders.

iv) There is also the problem of which of the attributes is more and which of the attributes
is less important for ranking of castes.

It was due to these anomalies that the interactional approach was proposed as an
alternative to the attributional approach. This has beell presented earlier but is itself
sub.ject to some problems. Let us turn to thesenow.

i) The interactional approach subsumes within it the inlportance of attributes. Thus

interaction alone cannot account for rank without reference to attribiltes

ii) Apart from Dunlont interaction theory localizes hierxchy and propounds that ranking
is an outcome of interaction. Thus there is an emphasis on separation rather than
hierarchy. Dumont's positioil is that the ideology of purity andpollutio~lrelates to the
whole of Hindu society rather just a part of it.
32
iii) In the case of Dumont however the work is historical to a large extent, and the caste Caste Identity: Attributiunal and
system appears to have remained stagnant over the ages, which is not true. Interactional lipproaches

iv) Although Dumont makes a clear separation between 'power' and 'status' it has also
been argued that power has been historically converted to status.

v) Finally the view of the caste as a university accepted ordered system of values (ideol-
ogy) does littlejustice to the protest movements that have questioned caste division
itself. The element of conflict is missing while the integrative function of caste is
highlighted

19.6 LET US SUM UP

In this unit we have explored the features of caste rank and identity. We began with early
explanations of caste, including the religious and sociological explanations. We then
moved on to a presentation of the attribution approaches to caste including those of
Ghurye, Hutton, and Srinivas. Following this we described the interactional alternative to
caste ranking and identity, including the work of Bailey, Mayer, Maniott and Dumont.
Having presented this view we appraised both of the approaches to caste ranking and
identity, and found that there difficulties present in both. It is clear however that the work.
Discussed presents a tremendous advance over the early religious and sociological
explanations of caste hierarchy and ranking.

19.7 KEY WORDS

Attributes : Qualities and features
Commensality : Eating together or sitting together
Dominant Caste : A caste which is influential in a village due to its economic
and political power.
Endogamy : Marriage only within a particular groups
Hier~rchy : Rank order in which iteills are arranged from high to low
Ideology : A coherent consistent of set of ideas
Jiljmmi System : Custom of ritualised, personal, specialized services offered by
the dependent castes to the dominant castes.
Kaccha food : Food that is uncooked, or cooked in water
Pakka food : food cooked in ghee or oil
Pollution : - A state created by coming into contact with 'unclean' items or
castes
Purity : A state of ritual cleanliness, or being free from all polluting
things and persons.

19.8 FURTHER READINGS

Mad;ui T. N. (ed) 1971. On the Nature of Caste in India. In Contributions to Indian
Sociologv (N.S.), 5: 1-8 1.

Mandelbaum D. G. 1987 Sociefy in India. Bombay: Popular Prakashan

Mariott, M. 1959, "lnteractional and Attributional Theories of Caste Ranking" in Man in

I/~cliaVol. 33, No. 2.

Srinivas M.N. 1966. S o c i ~ ('hange

! in A 1;)dcrnIndia. Berkeley: Uiliversity of California
Press.
Explaining Caste in Indian Society
19.9 SPECIMEN ANSWER TO CHECK YOUR
PROGRESS
Check Your Progress 1
1) Early Sociological explanations regarding explanation of caste were notable for
moving away froin strictly religious explanations. Thus in tlle work of Karl M a n it
was the relationship to ownership of land that determined tlle group's position in
Society.
Check Your Progress 2
1) Srinivas sees caste as a segmentary system. All castes are divided into sub-castes
which are; i) endogamous; ii) have common occupation: iii) are units of social and
ritual life; iv) follow a common culture: v) are governed by the village council or
'Panchayat'. The factors of hierarchy, caste occupation commensality and restrictions,
principle of pollution and caste panchayat are also considered by Srulivas. Thus
Srinivas's concept of 'Sanskritization' talks of a lower caste emulating higller caste
attributes on order to rise higher within the ranking system.
Check Your Progress 3
1) For Dumont the ideology of purity and pollution is a general one and not confined to
any local context along. Thus for Dumont caste is a set of relationship of economic
political and kinship systems, sustained by mainly religious vilues. Hierarchies is the
essential value underlying the caste system and it is this value that integrates Hindu
Society. Caste has the principle of pure and impure underlying it
'Pure' is superior to 'impure' and has to be kept separate. For Dumont power has been
subordinated to status and thus the king is subordinate to the priest. Hierarchy is thus