Notes Chapter 1. Urbanism in Prehispanic Andes L Direct quotations from the chronicles are taken from the most recent English transla~ tions of that work. Where no such work is cited, however, the translation is my own from the latest Spanish edition. Chapter 2. Inka Architecture and Urban Buildings 1. The characteristic batter of inka structural walls, externally and internally, is gener- ally between 2° and 7°, that is, between 3.5% and 12.25% (e.g., Protzen 1999: 196). The extremes can range from almost vertical, such as the internal rear wall of Qorikancha R-1, which is 1,5° (2.62%) for the lower 1.63m to the niche base and only 0.5° (0.88%) for the 1.84m above (Puelles 2005: 154), to as mmuch as 15° (26.8%) (Kendall 1985: 23). 2. The trapezoidal form is characteristic of inka doorways, niches, and windows. It was aesthetically pleasing to the eye but also a subtle technique to add structural strength to those walls that have been perforated by a door, because the shape is achieved by corbel- ling, Such a form would also slightly reduce the required length of the lintel. 3. Tapia is a large adobe block, sometimes several meters in length and between Im and 1.5m tall. It is generally manufactured in situ by building a wooden frame on top of footings or a wall, filling it with rammed clay, dried grass, and small stones, and allowing it to fully dry before removing the frame. 4, The chakitagila is the andean footplow with a fire-hardened or metal blade, generally used for digging heavy soils. 5. A stepped niche has the form of two stepped-frets side by side. It may be like a stepped-pyramid or the inverse. 6. Manyaraki is a district in Ollantaytambo with a plaza, located below the main temple ‘on the opposite side of the Patakancha river to Qosqo Ayllu. 7. In her definition, Muriéz (2007; 257) suggested that a kallanka should have a mini- mum length of at least 40m. 8, Guaman Poma (1980; 330 [332]) listed the names of fourteen buildings associated ‘with royal palaces: Cuyusmango Uaci, Quinco Uaci (curved house), Muyo Uaci (round house), .Carpa Uaci (pavilion), Moyo Uaci, Uauya Condo Uaci, Marca Uaci (nobles’ house), Punona Uaci (dormitory), Churacona Uaci (storehouse), Aca wasi (chicheria), Masana Uaci (drying house), Camachicona Uaci (counsel house), Uaccha Uaci (alms- house), and Suntor uasi (round tower),382 - Notes to Pages 48-70 9. Ihave recorded the remains of eight large halls in the Outer Heartland (table 2.7). All can be readily identified in the field, although their subsequent reuse and remodeling ‘as well as farming and road construction have meant that none are intact, For example, the Casa de la Nusta in Yucay lacks its rear wall and part of its side walls, while the fagade of Canchispukyo in the Qochog valley was removed during road construction. 10. There are two sege waka with this suffix: Warupuncu (AN-3:1), a bridge to enter the city near Qorikancha, and a pass, Puncu (QO-9:13), on the southern edge of the valley (Cobo 1990: 65,77). Chapter 3. Canons of Inka Settlement Planning 1, According to Visitas, compiled in the 1560s on the basis of interviews with provincial leaders who held khipu records of their obligations to the inkas, the province of Hudnuco provided 400 stone masons for work in Cusco and 400 farmers to cultivate land there (Ortiz de Zufiiga 1967), while Lupaga province provided people to build houses and walls in Cusco and elsewhere as well as others to prepare fields and to farm there, too (Garci Diez de San Miguel 1964). 2. Following Gibaja’s 1982 work, Lisbet Bengtsson (1998: 79-85) excavated under a large stone block, weighing about 70 metric tons, on the road at the base of the ramp in Ollantaytambo. She found evidence of several poles used lengthwise as a track on which to slide the rock. 3. Its name combines an ethnographically known unit of length (waska) and the word flafu or lian, which means a narrow thing; the translation may be a “narrow measuring cord” 4, Trichocereus cuzcoensis, known today as hawakollay, is probably the cactus that Be- tanzos (1996: 70) referred to as haguacolla quisca. Gade (1975: 192) recorded that it is a tall columnar cactus that grows at altitudes between 2,800m and 3,600m in the Vilcanota valley, where its gum is used as a glue and that it is also mixed with gypsum to make a whitewash. 5, ‘The inkas essentially used a decimal system, although the largest number in any set tends to be a unit around forty, such as the sege system of forty-one lines and a waranga of 40,000 people. 6. It is clear that areal measurement is important for calculating the size of urban or rural property. Unfortunately, little work has been done on the inka system of areal mea- surement, probably called a tupu. The modern agricultural tupu in the Cusco region is thought to be the area sufficient to sustain a family for one year. Therefore, it varies be- tween 2,000sqm and 3,696sqm, according to terrain, soil type, aspect, and water provision (Valencia 1982). 7. Using the principles of cosine quantogram (D. G. Kendall 1974), Robert Porteous from the ANU Research School of Physical Sciences wrote a computer program to test for a quantum in my field data. 8. Calca has been continually occupied since 1534; today it is a small regional center with a population of about 9,200. 9. Ollantaytambo has been continually occupied since the conquest; today it is a very small regional and tourist center. ‘The Qosqo Ayilu sector has a population of about 1,000. 10, In excavations along the line of Lari calle on the eastern side of Qosqo Ayllu, severalNotes to Pages 75-92 - 383 cyclopean blocks were found, suggesting that the outer wall was continued in that style on that side of the town (Soto and Cabrera 1999). UL. In sixteenth-century documents, Ollantaytambo was called simply Tambo (see Glave and Remy 1983). Chapter 4. Archaeology and the Town 1, There have been limited excavations in Ollantaytambo Qosqo Ayllu, Calca, and Vilkaswamén, while the World Heritage city of Cuenca has recently begun a major ur- ban archaeological program, directed by Jaime Idrovo (2009), following on from some pioneering test pits dug by Jamieson (1999). ‘The latter has already discovered pre-inka, inka, colonial, and republican tombs, walls, structures, and canals. It is noted that the inka settlement stretched from Pumapongo to the city center. 2. Townscape has come to mean many things since it was coined, but the most appro- priate definition is the urban built environment, its visual appearance; in other words, its physical form, architectural styles, and geographical setting (see definition in Larkham and Jones 1991). 3. Strictly speaking, a plan-seam is a line separating plan-units (Larkham and Jones 1991); in this book, itis used to describe the irregular space between the regular plan-units, characterized by open spaces and building complexes on various alignments and with functions different from those of the plan-units. 4. Town plans were popular components of atlases of the sixteenth and early seven- teenth centuries. Perhaps the most famous of these is Civitates Orbis Terrarum, edited by Georg Braun and Franz Hogenburg (2011) and published as six volumes in Cologne between the years 1572 and 1617. Overall, it contained 546 color maps, bird's-eye views, and urban prospects by more than 100 cartographers of 286 towns in Europe, the Mediter- ranean, the Near East, and India. Volume 1 contains the only two illustrations of American towns: Cusco and Mexico City. Chapter 5. A Historical Topography of Cusco L. The source for 2007 urban population is the Municipality of Cusco website: http:// www.municusco.com.pe 2. In order to locate changes and various features in the city, I have used a system of numbered street blocks (manzana), devised by the Municipality of Cusco. In the text, these are written with the prefix mz, followed by the block number, e.g., mz37, as a con- venient shorthand, This system was used by Agurto (1980) and Aparicio and Marmonilla (1989). 3. Guaman Poma (1980: 31(31], 84[84]) stated that aghamama, mother beer, was an early name for Cusco. 4, It is thought that the three men were Martin Bueno, Pedro Martin de Moguer, and Juan de Zarate. They left Cajamarca on 15 February and arrived back on 15 May 1533. 5. The main eyewitness chronicles are by Juan Ruiz de Arce (2002 [1545]), Miguel de Estete (1924 [1534]), Diego de Trujillo (1948 [1571]), Pedro Sancho de la Hoz (1917 [1534]), and Pedro Pizarro (1986 [1571]). Cristébal de Mena (1967 [1534]) and Francisco de Xerez (1985 [1534]) did not travel to Cusco, choosing to return to Spain. They interviewed the three men who had and used their descriptions in their accounts.384 + Notes to Pages 94-119 6. The total amount of gold was only half of what had been melted in Cajamarca, only 588,266 pesos, but the amount of silver was more than double, 164,558 marks of good and 63,752 of poor quality (Hemming 1970: 132). 7. MacCormack has argued that many sixteenth-century Spaniards (Betanzos 1996; Cieza de Leén 1959; Anonymous Jesuit 1968) saw Cusco and Tawantinsuyu in terms of their understanding of ancient Rome and its empire, including its urban buildings, func- tions, and laws as well as its roads, provinces, and provincial cities. 8. There has been some confusion in the documents of the intended dedication of the church. However, im the earliest document (1534), Pizarro is recorded as declaring that it was to be called Nuestra Sefiora de la Asuncién (Rivera Serna 1965). 9. Solar is a medieval Spanish word used for an urban house or property. 10. Atabilca was probably a name the Spaniards used for Atawallpa. 11, Despite differences, omissions, and tears in the manuscript, the two lists of settlers, dating to March and October 1534, each tally about 100 men (Rivera Serna 1965). 12. For example, Juan Pizarro received two solares “on the terraces which can be taken” (Rivera Serna 1965). This suggests that these were vacant, not built upon. From later docu- ments it is clear that these were one or two terraces in Kusipata. 13. The colonial Spanish foot was about 27.9cm in length, 14. The name Qora Qora was used in the Acta de Fundacién for the houses or fortress of Waskar (Rivera Serna 1965). ‘This site has a commanding position above the plaza. It is not to be confused with the large hall of the same name that lay immediately below it between the streets Procuradores and Suecia. 15, Garcilaso de la Vega left Cusco to live in Spain in 1560. He never returned. His chronicle was not published until 1609. He is the only chronicler to report ona “fine round tower” that stood in front of Amarukancha but was pulled down before he left the city (Garcilaso 1966: 426,701}. His description is detailed, but there is some confusion aboutits location. As Bauer (2004: 127) pointed out, it could have been one of the towers described by Pizarro as part of Qasana. 16. My translation of this statement is “the greater part is an inka building, and it is in good order” 17. The Carmelitas Descalzas order had originally been established in Cusco in a pri- vate house in Wakapunku in 1561 and chose to move to their new location nearby. 18. It is important to note the dates of survey, not simply those of publication. There- fore, the Pentland map was surveyed between 1827 and 1838, that of Hohagen in 1861, that of Squier in 1865, and that of Wiener in 1876-77. 19. The market hall was built between 1922 and 1925, It is attributed to Gustave Eiffel, as architect and constructor. 20. In 1951, there were 15 Peruvian soles to 1 US dollar. ‘Therefore, the damage costs were private housing, $20 million, and public buildings, $6.67 million. At today’s rates, this would be the equivalent about $180 million and $60 million. Chapter 6, Analysis of the Cusco Town Plan 1. ‘This street currently has four names: San Agustin from Limaqpampa Chico to Ruinas; Herrajes from Ruinas to Triunfo; Palacio from Triunfo to Plazuela de Nazarenas;Notes to Pages 121-146 + 385 and Pumacurco from there to the end. In this book, San Agustin will be used to refer to the street from Limagpampa Chico to Triunfo, and Pumacurco to the length above Triunfo. 2. PER-39 was the name commonly used for a project officially known as PER-71/539, a joint enterprise between the Peruvian government and UNESCO that began in 1973. It was concerned with the conservation and restoration of the historical monuments of the Cusco-Puno region. 3. Both andesite and diorite have a Mohs hardness of 6 and a compression of 1,200kg per sqcm. In contrast, limestone has a Mohs hardness of only 3 and a compression of 200 to 500kg per sqcm (Agurto 1987: 120). 4. Very few inka locations on the coast have any worked stone blocks in their struc- tures. For example, Cerro Azul has two retaining walls, laid in sedimentary style, on the sea cliff face (Marcos 1987: fig. 69); Paredones in Nasca has several walls of fine rectangu- lar, well-fitting blocks in sedimentary style topped with adobe bricks (Herrera 1997); in contrast, there is only a single fine ashlar in a door jamb at La Centinela (Santillana pers. comm.). In all cases, the rock types have not been determined. 5. All measurements were made and checked on several occasions between 1984 and 2009, using a 30m tape measure. 6. This measurement, 807.84m (500.2Ir), is made up of numerous shorter lengths, which probably accounts for the error of only 34cm in over 800m. ‘Chapter 7. Inka Public Spaces, Palaces, and ‘Temples 1. A palmo in Spanish America measured about 21.6em in length (Hemming 1970). 2. These are the June solstice, the passage of the sun through zenith, the equinoxes, the day of the passage of the sun through anti-zenith (nadir), and the December solstice (table 12.3). 3. Seda Qosqo is the municipal utility company, specializing in the installation of water and sewage infrastructure in Cusco. 4, Betanzos (1996; 48) wrote that the stone font stood half an estado high; a Spanish estado measured 1.67m. 5. The data for the sege system of shrines around Cusco was collected by Polo de On- degardo, but his original manuscript is lost. Fortunately, it was reproduced by Cobo (1990: 51-84). It is organized by suyu, sege, and then waka on each sege; hence the shorthand for the fourth waka on the fifth seqe of Chinchaysuyu is CH-5:4. This scheme is used throughout this book. The prefixes CH, AN, QO, and CU refer to the suyu: Chinchaysuyu, Antisuyu, Qollasuyu, and Kuntisuyu. 6. The excavated data would suggest that, with no side walls and the possibility that a staircase would have been located in the middle, its facade length must have been much longer than the 19.25m exposed. Its height was at least 1.8m. It is not known which direc- tion it was facing, However, given its location, this must have been among the largest usnu platforms in Tawantinsuyu (cf. table 2.5). 7. Over 300 “bags” of cultural materials were recovered, including large amounts of inka, colonial, and republican pottery, animal bones, and other items (Cornejo 1996) 8. A common place for an inka offering pit was at the threshold of a building or com- plex, For example, at the Coast gate in the Third Wall of Pachacamac, an offering was386 + Notes to Pages 150-177 placed in a pit that contained ceramic figurines, spondylus beads, and a figurine with the ‘skeleton of a young girl (Cornejo 1999). 9. Garcilaso de la Vega (1966: 69, 426-27) attributed Amarukancha to Wayna Qhapaq. Sarmiento (2007: 187) thought it had been built by Waskar, while Murua (1987: 154) stated that it was his residence. 10. The Spaniards reopened this room—only for it to be struck again by lightning (Gar- cilaso 1966: 69), U1, No other chronicler mentioned this tower. John Rowe (1991; 90) thought that Gar- cilaso’s memory of the Sunturwasi was faulty and that since he had claimed that Amaru- kancha had belonged to Wayna Qhapagq, he had confused it with Qasana, which indeed did belong to him and which did have two towers standing in front, 12, According to Garcilaso (1966: 749 pt. 2 bk. 2 ch. 7), Altamirano’s horse stumbled into a hole in the courtyard of his property and exposed the treasure. 13. The original dimensions of the extant walls of Hatunrumiyog were 47.8m (29.6r) ‘on the northern side, 69.45m (43r) on the eastern, and 66.25m (4Ir) on the western. The southern wall was about 48.45m (30r) long. 14. Given its excavated dimensions, 18m in length, with a walled 2m wide staircase at its western end, then, by using the principles of inka symmetry, the platform must have continued a similar distance to the west, making it very large indeed, certainly in excess ‘of 38m in length (cf. table 2.5). An underground site museum now shows two walls and a terrace of the platform facade, steps, and the excavation finds. Among the metal work- ing objects, there are a heavy black volcanic jiwaya and an andesite anvil, yunki, used in hammering metal leaf. Whether these represent activities conducted on the platform is not known. 15. Some of these gold objects reached Seville between 1533 and 1538 as gifts to the king of Spain. They are listed by Xerez (1985: 158-59) in documents summarized by Lothrop (1938) and in the 1534 Relacién Francesa (Porras Barrenechea 1967: 73-77). They include thirty-one gold panels used to decorate doors and benches, a life-sized statue of a 10-year- old boy, twenty dressed female statues, four life-sized llamas, two maize stalks with three leaves and two cobs, as well as 116 gold vessels and eight lids. 16. Given the dimensions of the Spanish foot (27.9cm), then Qorikancha would have been either 111.76m or 139.69m square, 17, The west wall of R-3 was demolished during the colonial period to build monks’ cells; it was rebuilt during the PER-39 conservation process in the 1970s. 18. Vilka is a hallucinogen derived from the ground dried seeds of the tropical legu- minous tree Anadenanthera colubrina (Torres and Repke 2006). It was generally either snuffed or used as an enema by shamans (Guaman Poma (1980: 71 [71], 119 [119]), although Albornoz (1989; 172) reported that it was ground in a wooden or stone gonopa and was also added to chicha, It is a term that also came to mean something sacred, such as the Sun, For an archaeometric perspective, Cortella and Pochettino (2001) have concluded that a wooden gonopa in the Museo de La Plata, with a Cusco provenance, had coca leaves ground and burned within it, 19. From Pumapungo in Tumibamba, Jaime Idrovo (2000: 231, 263, 277) reported the following finds: in Tomb V1 in the patio of the Aqllawasi Occidental kancha, there was an arrangement of four silver tupu around a copper pectoral; in tomb II in Qorikancha390 » Notes to Pages 328-357 a human standing beneath an arch is found in Siete Culebras on the andesite wall Beaterio de las Nazarenas (mz12) (van de Guchte 1990). 3. Sarmiento (2007: 69) called this stone Ayar Awka cuzco wanka, which he glossed as the “boundary marker of marble” but which can also be translated as Ayar Awka, the sacred stone at the navel of the world. 4, Fourteen groups of rocks around Cusco turned inte soldiers, pururauca, to resist the Chanka invasion. Following victory, they were repetrified and forever revered as waka (Cobo 1990: 51-84). 5. ‘The type of tree was transcribed in the Cobo texts (e-g., 1990: 58) asa “quinoa.” This cannot be correct because quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa) is an annual pseudo-cereal crop plant. The more appropriate transcription would be the qeufa. 6. A second definition of Wanakawri was given by Gonzalez Holguin (1989: 73), who translated huayakauri as “rainbow?” and by Sarmiento (2007: 66), who translated his tran- scripted word, wanakawri, also as “rainbow.” In his analysis of Wanakawri, Szeminski (1988) translates it as “the fertilizing waka” 7. The toponym churucana, which also appears in ancient text as churucani, churun- cani, churicalla, has not been specifically translated by Beyersdorff (1998: 186, 219) because neither of the possible stems matches the topographical features observed. These are the verb churukay, meaning to place or put an object, to store, or churukuna, meaning a place or the ground between two rivers. Alternatively, it could also be derived from the quechua word churi, which means “the son of an important man” 8. Research by Zawaski and Malville (2007-2008) confirms that the inkas made obser- vations of the sun on the horizon on eight critical days of the year: the solstices, equinoxes, zenith, and anti-zenith. In fieldwork at many sites in the Cusco area, they have recorded that from each site several of these risings or settings could have been viewed, occurring behind various important mountains or other landscape features (table 12,3). 9. Londres (London) was founded in 1558 in the vicinity of El Shincal; its name com- memorates the marriage in London of Mary, queen of England (daughter of Henry VIII), to Philip, the heir to the Spanish throne. 10. The inventory also includes inka provincial ceramics, regional ceramics, a maka rim, the bird handle of a plate, two inverted plates, an inverted pot; a bronze tumi, a bronze spangle; obsidian flakes, quartz core; carbonized maize, beans, peanuts, squash, coca leaves; adult camelid bone, bird and rodent bone, deer antlers, suri (Rhea americana) eggshell; fish scales; an Argopecten purpuratus shell (peruvian scallop); and a Conus xi- ‘menes shell (Raffino et al. 1997). Ll. Two drinks are made from Prosopis sp. seeds in Argentina: afiapa, an alcoholic drink, and aloja, a nonalcoholic one (Capparelli 2011). 12, In northwest Argentina, Prosopis flour is made into a flatbread called patay (Cap- parelli 2011). 13, The term salamanca is used in Argentina to refer to a cave in which the devil is thought to live and practice. Its use comes from a medieval legend of the dangers of such a cave in the Spanish city of Salamanca.388 - Notes to Pages 255-302 with their logic and evidence for the assignment of certain waka names to particular loca- tions and, therefore, the overall acceptability of their evidence. 2. In terms of location and function, these inka suburban villages were not unlike the classic suburbs of the medieval European town (see Keene 1987: 71). 3. The mummies and wawki of two other Inkas, Lloque Yupanki and Qhapaq Yupanki, were found in a village near Cusco (Sarmiento 2007: 81, 87; Cobo 1979: 117, 123), which could have been either Cayaokachi or Wimpillay. 4, Higgs and Vita-Finzi (1972) developed site catchment analysis, based on the geo- ‘graphical ideas of von Thiinen and Chisholm, in which intensity of land use declines with distance from a site, suggesting that circles with radii of 1.0 and 5.0km about each village would indicate the extent of intensively and extensively cultivated farmland. 5..Peska, pichca or pichica is a game of chance played throughout the Andes with a numbered die and a marked board (Gentile 1998). Cobo (1979: 148) described a game played by Thupag Inka Yupanki, and Guaman Poma (1980: 243 [245]) mentioned that it dice at Machu Picchu. 6. When first excavated, archaeologists had expected an occupation dating to the ear- lier Qotakalli period but instead discovered that the site was inka (table 1.1). 7. Radiocarbon dates for the inka secondary burials in R-75 imply a late LIP or early inka period date (1290-1420, a 2 sigma calibrated date), but no information has been published for the nature of the material that has been dated or the laboratory number of the assay (Andrushko 2007: 64). 8. The dimensions of Pukakanche’s three buildings are as follows: B-1 measures 24.0m (14.9r) by 1.4m (7r); B-2 is 17.6m (LIr) by 9.6m (6r); B-3 is 27.4m (17r) by 11.4m (7r). The patio is 20.8m (13r) by 26.2m (16.257). 9..A wood charcoal sample [AA 34936] from UE 4 in structure B-1 at Pukakancha yielded a date of 440345 BP (calibrated 95.4% probability: AD 1400 [85.3%], AD 1530, AD 1570 [10.1%], AD 1630) (Bauer and Jones 2003: 6). 10. Urbanization, in the form of uncontrolled residential sprawl and waste disposal, now threatens the surviving lengths of the Suriwaylla and Santutis schemes. ‘Chapter 11. Ceremony and Ritual 1. As an insignia of their status, nobles (initiated inka men) were entitled to wear deco- rated ear plugs and, as a consequence, were called orejones by the Spaniards. The term “broken ears” refers to those whose earlobe had subsequently been torn; this reduced their status, and they became regarded as imperfect specimens. 2. On the basis of his published maps, Bauer only located 57 (17.4%) of the 328 seqe waka precisely. He placed a further 82 (25%) in a general “area of shrine” category, while he failed to locate the remainder (189 57.6%), simply giving a potential area for their location. 3. The mummies and wawki of the Inka kings of Hanan Cusco were not found at these locations by the Spaniards, as they had been hidden elsewhere within their lands and properties, For example, those of Pachakuti Inka Yupanki were found in the suburban village of Totogachi, just below Patallaqta (Sarmiento 2007: 155), that of Viracocha Inka in his rural palace of Huchuy Cusco (Sarmiento 2007: 104, 122), and those of Inka Roca in a village near Larapa (Sarmiento 2007: 89). ‘The mummy and wawki of Yawar WaqaqNotes to Pages 303-328 - 389 were not discovered and were thought to be in the village of Paullu (Sarmiento 2007: 96). ‘The mummy of Thupaq Inka Yupanki had been burned during the civil war before the ‘Spanish occupation, although his ashes were found buried with his wawki at Qalispukio (Sarmiento 2007: 171). 4. This tunnel through the limestone outcrop was dynamited during the early part of the twentieth century. 5. The two waka on Mantocallas hill were Mantocallaspa (AN-3:5), a fountain of good water in which the Indians bathed, and Caripuquiu (AN-3:7), another fountain that re- ceived offerings of shells (Cobo 1990: 65). 6. Dance (taki), accompanied by drumming and song, was fundamental to all inka ceremonies. Specific dances are mentioned associated with certain ceremonies, such as the wari with the warichiquy initiation rituals of December. Cayo was a dance that was performed four times a day during the June solstice inti raymi festivities and at the con- clusion of ghapaq raymi, the celebration of the December solstice (Cobo 1990: 133, 142). 7. Niles (1987: 199) suggested that Chogekancha was the site of Arkawasi, in the Ru- miwasi group, while Sherbondy (1982: 47) thought it was Kusikallanka, part of the same complex. While these are significant locations, neither is a hilltop. In contrast, Zecenarro (2001: 78-79) placed it further east on a terraced hill, Wayraqpunku, above the Tambillo terraces, an interesting area but not strictly “above San Sebastién” 8. This description would suggest that these bodies were probably placed in clay capsules. 9. According to Cobo (1990: 51-84), anthropomorphic figurines were offered at Chuquipalta (CH-4:8), Llulpactuto (QO-3:9), and Catonge (QO-5:1); zoomorphic ones at Sucanca (CH-8:7); Pirquipuquio (AN-8:2), and Cuipanamaro (AN-8:3); and minia- ture clothing at Guamansaui (QO-1:7), Llulpactuto (QO-3:9), Wanakawri (QO-6:7), and Quiquijana (QO-6:9). 10, On his website, Luis Barreda has noted that during the 1972 excavation campaign in Qorikancha, “tens of marine shell sculptures were found, that represented small Hamas and humans” (www.luisbarredamurillo.galeon.com). 11. In 2004, Sabino Quispe and Gloria Choque announced that in their excavations at Muyuqmarka they had found a miniature workshop that yielded evidence of the manu- facture of anthropomorphic figurines out of spondylus, gold, and silver (Xinhua News Agency. 16/11/2004). There has to date been no publication of this work. Chapter 12. The Navel of the World 1. On the day of the December solstice, the sun has an azimuth of 112°, which means a person standing on the summit of Wanakawri would see the rainbow center on a bearing 0f 292°, Cusco is about likm from this observation point, and at this distance the rainbow would have a radius of about 7.4km, encompassing the location of the old city at the head of the valley. 2. This motif is significant in the symbolic imagery of Cusco for two reasons. First, a rainbow was seen shortly after dawn near the December solstice to arch over the location of the city from Wanakawri. Second, just before dawn at the same time of the year, the Milky Way would have arched across the southern sky with its apex, marked by the star Alpha Crucis, above the city and the origin place. A stone block with a bas-relief carving of390 - Notes to Pages 328-357 a human standing beneath an arch is found in Siete Culebras on the andesite wall Beaterio de las Nazarenas (mzi2) (van de Guchte 1990). 3. Sarmiento (2007: 69) called this stone Ayar Awka cuzco wanka, which he glossed as the “boundary marker of marble” but which can also be translated as Ayar Awka, the ‘sacred stone at the navel of the world. 4, Fourteen groups of rocks around Cusco turned into soldiers, pururauca, to resist the Chanka invasion. Following victory, they were repetrified and forever revered as waka (Cobo 1990; 51-84), ‘5. The type of tree was transcribed in the Cobo texts (e.g., 1990: 58) as a “quinoa” This cannot be correct because quinea (Chenopodium quinoa) is an annual pseudo-cereal crop plant. The more appropriate transcription would be the geuria. 6, A second definition of Wanakawri was given by Gonzalez Holguin (1989: 73), who translated huayakauri as “rainbow,” and by Sarmiento (2007: 66), who translated his tran- scripted word, wanakawri, also as “rainbow” In his analysis of Wanakawri, Szeminski (1988) translates it as “the fertilizing waka” 7. The toponym churucana, which also appears in ancient text as churucani, churun- cani, churicalla, has not been specifically translated by Beyersdorff (1998: 186, 219) because neither of the possible stems matches the topographical features observed. These are the verb churukay, meaning to place or put an object, to store, or churukuna, meaning a place or the ground between two rivers. Alternatively, it could also be derived from the quechua word churi, which means “the son of an important man” 8. Research by Zawaski and Malville (2007-2008) confirms that the inkas made obser- vations of the sun on the horizon on eight critical days of the year: the solstices, equinoxes, zenith, and anti-zenith. In fieldwork at many sites in the Cusco area, they have recorded that from each site several of these risings or settings could have been viewed, occurring behind various important mountains or other landscape features (table 12.3). 9. Londres (London) was founded in 1558 in the vicinity of El Shincal; its name com- memorates the marriage in London of Mary, queen of England (daughter of Henry VIII), to Philip, the heir to the Spanish throne. 10. ‘The inventory also includes inka provincial ceramics, regional ceramics, a maka rim, the bird handle of a plate, two inverted plates, an inverted pot; a bronze turmi, a bronze spangle; obsidian flakes, quartz core; carbonized maize, beans, peanuts, squash, coca leaves; adult camelid bone, bird and rodent bone, deer antlers, suri (Rhea americana) eggshell; fish scales; an Argopecten purpuratus shell (peruvian scallop); and a Conus xi- menes shell (Raffino et al. 1997). 11, Two drinks are made from Prosopis sp. seeds in Argentina: a#tapa, an alcoholic drink, and aloja, a nonalcoholic one (Capparelli 2011). 12, In northwest Argentina, Prosopis flour is made into a flatbread called patay (Cap- parelli 2011). 13, The term salamanca is used in Argentina to refer to a cave in which the devil is thought to live and practice. Its use comes from a medieval legend of the dangers of such a cave in the Spanish city of Salamanca.