Theorising the ‘Political’ : a.) Politics as Normative , b.

)Politics as
Self-Determination

Discipline Courses-I
Semester-I
Paper: Understanding Political Theory
Lesson: Theorising the ‘Political’ : a.) Politics as Normative ,
b.)Politics as Self-Determination
Lesson Developer: Dr. Shabana Azmi
College/Department: Zakir Husain Delhi College, University of Delhi

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 Theorising the ‘Political’ : a.) Politics as Normative , b.)Politics as
Self-Determination

Table of Contents:
1. Introduction
2. Theorising the Political

a) Problems in Defining the Parameters of Political Theory

b) Studying Politics: The Relationship between Political Theory,

Political Philosophy and Political Science

3. Politics as Normative

a) Traditional Normative Theorising

b) Positivism and Political Analysis

c) Resurgence of Normative Political Theory

d) Normative Theorising in Contemporary Context

4. Politics as Self- Determination

a) Influences on Arendt thinking

b) Arendt's Conception of Politics: Politics as Self-determination

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 Theorising the ‘Political’ : a.) Politics as Normative , b.)Politics as
Self-Determination

c) Critical Evaluation of Arendt’s work

Introduction:

Different schools of political theory, thought, and philosophy since

antiquity claim, to explain the social and political reality in its
comprehensiveness, and to possess a valid and universal knowledge about
the world. To validate their claims theorists and philosophers built theories
on subject matter that is related to social reality. While constructing theories
they seek to understand, explain and analyse a political phenomenon.
Theory thus is a set of assumptions which helps discover or reveal the
pattern of relationship of cocepts/ideas underlying any event, phenomenon
or even an idea occurring in the social world. This exercise requires
understanding of already existing varied approaches/perspectives on the
subject-matter, application of methods to carry out research on it, and
analysis of it. For instance the concept of ‘Democracy’ has been understood
differently by different thinkers. A theorist who is working on any aspect of
democracy will try to convey its meaning after studying all the views on
democracy, all the aspects of democracy, and concepts comprising the term.

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 Theorising the ‘Political’ : a.) Politics as Normative , b.)Politics as
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Politics as a subject-matter has also been theorised by different thinkers

from their own perspective. Each of these perspectives equally makes a
claim to hold legitimacy on the knowledge on politics. Politics is thus a
contested concept and there have been disagreement on the methods of
theorising it. Therefore there exists no concrete definition of politics.
Theorists have defined politics variously, as a study of political institutions
such as state, power, means of conflict management, a social process, an
activity to attain freedom, politics as conflictual, and so on.

The normative approach to study politics is the oldest one. It

recognises the preeminence of element of ethical and normative judgment in
political affairs. It is primarily concerned with the abstract notion of values
such as good and bad, right and wrong, fair and unfair, justice, liberty,
freedom and other values. It is more concerned with value-judgment of a
particular social and political problem and prescribing a solution to it. In
other words, normative theorists primarily look into the ethical
considerations, rational evaluation or make enquiry into the matters related
to the moral world. They are preoccupied more with the question—what
ought to be done rather than what actually is? Though normative theorists
agree on conceding an eminent position to values in the study of political,
yet the analysis of normative theorising, across the different historical ages,
shows that there has been divergence of approach regarding the
methodology of normative theorising. The chapter seeks to understand the
meaning of political, broadly, from two standpoints of—politics as normative
and politics as self-determination. The chapter seeks to explore different
strands of normative approach—traditional as well as modern, along with
tracing the periods of its glory and condemnation, different methods used
within the normative tradition, and its present status in academics. The
chapter also provides an insight in to the view on politics as self-
determination, which has been comprehended here solely from the

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 Theorising the ‘Political’ : a.) Politics as Normative , b.)Politics as
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perspective of Hannah Arendt, a German Jewish political philosopher. The

chapter, while understanding meanings of these two views on politics, also
attempts to understand various concepts related to the ‘political’ and
‘theory’. The chapter is divided in to four parts for a better understanding of
the reader.

Theorising the Political :

Theorising is an activity or exercise pursued to understand, and give

meaning to, any occurrence or phenomenon that takes place in the real
world. This is to make the complex world more intelligible, less mysterious,
and simple to the human senses. Before beginning with the process of
theorising on any particular phenomenon, a researcher needs to discern
previous diverse views existing about it. The researcher therefore does not
just look at 'what is happening', but also ‘perceives’, ‘notices’, ‘attends to’,
and tries to ‘identify’ the phenomenon. He thus seeks to clarify the meaning
of words explaining the phenomenon by looking at different ways in which
the phenomenon has been interpreted. A theorist thus strives to make the
understanding about the phenomenon more clear and rich, and seeks to
dispel the vagueness and unintelligibility from it. The exercise of theorising
necessarily involves a procedure or method of enquiry through which the
enquirer looks in to the problem area (subject matter) and tries to establish

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 Theorising the ‘Political’ : a.) Politics as Normative , b.)Politics as
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links or relation between ideas/concepts underlying it; he then explains the

relationship pattern of those concepts. The explanation helps throw some
light on the rationale behind that phenomenon, event or practice, and hence
resolve the confusion about it. For instance a political theory looks in to the
answers as to why does a society follows a particular practice like sati
pratha, what might have been the reasons and influences for instituting such
practice, whether the rationale behind it is scientific, rational, religious,
idiosyncratic, or based on some group’s ideology(Male-dominated group in
society). A theorist seeks to explain the concepts, already present and build
around this practice, by observing it and analysing its justification, and also
evaluating the values inherent in the practice. A Theory thus explains the
internal structure (relationship between the concepts underlying a fact) of a
phenomenon and makes sense of ideas, practices, and events. Theory is a
rational enterprise, which rely on reason instead of instincts or emotions. A
theory also aspires to reach the truth, social reality and objectivity, and have
some degree of generality and abstraction. It seeks to have a universal
applicability. A theory in the modern context is free of any speculation.1 In
fact, theorising is a continuous activity until the complete or near to
complete understanding of a phenomenon is reached. It will go on until the
occurrence becomes transparent; and the element of mystery is completely
removed from a phenomenon.

Defining ‘Political’ is a difficult task as there are many meanings

attached to it. Since ancient times political thinkers have endeavored to
understand its meaning. Ancient Greek political philosophers, such as Plato
and Aristotle, understood the notion of politics as collective decision making
within the community. For them the term 'political' was attached to the
notion of common good and was an essential essence of human life to make

1
Bhargava Rajeev, “What is Political Theory”, in Rajeev Bhargava & Ashok Acharya (eds.)
Political Theory: An Introduction, Pearson: India, 2013, 2-16.

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 Theorising the ‘Political’ : a.) Politics as Normative , b.)Politics as
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human realise their true potential. The political therefore was understood in
a 'positive' sense. The meaning of political however got changed with the
change in time and context. In the modern age it came to be associated with
power of few rather than collective decision making. The scope of politics
now became narrower and it was perceived in a 'negative' sense. Many
political theorists associate political with the study power and functions of
the state. Liberal political thinkers take the meaning of political as
reconciliation of interests, while thinkers belonging to the marxist tradition
believe that politics is conflictual in nature. In such a maze of views, the
definition of politics remains vague and this creates problem in discerning its
exact meaning, nature, and scope.2

The word 'Political' has several meanings. It might refer to the collective
decision-making through peaceful means within the community, or collective
power of the community, or power over others. The study of political is also
related to the study of formal institutions like state, which in a broader sense, is
responsible for making decisions and implements them.

Problems in Defining the Parameters of Political Theory :

Political theory has survived a long historical past and has been
shaped by heterogeneous sources which have rendered its dimensions─
heterogeneous and complex. The complexity has resulted in a wide ranging
disagreement on not only the meaning, nature and scope of political theory
but also on the methods to study the political aspects of life. One of the
reasons of this disagreement is the influence of other disciplines, such as
philosophy, history, law, mathematics, natural sciences, economics, and
psychology, in the sphere of political which has drastically altered its
boundaries. Due to this influence political theorists, across the historical

2
ibid

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periods and regions, have adopted new approaches and methodology. The
present age of globalisation, advanced technologies, ideological and social
movements, and rapid transformation going in the world, has further
produced conflicting political ideas and ideologies. This has made it even
more difficult to determine the parameters of political theory. The
subsequent endless debates and contestations about the definition, values,
and area of political theory have also resulted in the inconsistency in its
meaning. The pursuit of defining the political led some to debate that
political theory should be distinguished from the other disciplines like
philosophy and history, while others suggest that it is an intellectual activity
which is all encompassing and inclusive of the study of political thought,
philosophy and ideology as specific forms of theory. Some even emphasised
on the scientific analysis of political theory, whereas others strongly
favoured a value-laden political theory. Some refuted the idea of political
theory being a branch of knowledge, and acknowledged it only as a tool to
gain knowledge.3

Studying Politics: The Relationship between Political Theory,

Political Philosophy and Political Science :

Political Theory has passed through many ups and downs, period of
turmoil and conflict, and of pessimism and confidence. Due to its linkage
with philosophy, political theory as a branch of knowledge, has been
criticised by the scientific school of political analysis as biased, value-loaded
and incapacitated to grasp the political reality. In fact it has sometimes been
blamed of distorting the reality. It therefore is important to discuss the
meaning and major points of divergence in the Political theory, political
science and political philosophy. Political theory, political science and political

3
Rathore, L.S, Relevance of Political Theory, India: Rawat Publications, 2010

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philosophy are considered to be the sub-fields of politics to study the

political. Political Science as a branch of Knowledge of politics stresses on
applying the scientific methods in the similar way as the natural sciences do
in studying a political phenomenon. Its methodology to acquire knowledge is
hence based on empirical research (evidence based), and includes
observation, description and explanation of the realities of human political
behaviour. It focuses on making generalisations about such behaviour. This
according to political scientists provides certainty to a political action or
phenomenon, and helps make predictions on the future course of action in
the field of politics. Political theory, on the other hand, is not only concerned
about the empirical study of the political phenomena, but it also prescribes
the solutions which a society and institutions (formal and informal) ought to
pursue. Political theory also aims to generalise about the right conduct in the
political life and about the legitimate use of power. Thus political theory is
considered to be a combination of political philosophy and political science.4

Political philosophy might be confused with political theory but there is

a difference between the two. Political philosophy is more related to wisdom
and understanding of an idea or reality. It is an open ended term and can be
used to cover any abstract thought about politics, institutions, and law.
Political philosophy belongs to the category of normative political theory. It
is concerned with not only explaining what ‘is’ but also what ‘ought’ to be. It
does not restrict itself to the questions about the methodology of obtaining
knowledge and presentation of its finding, but to a more value oriented
question of evaluation of existing or earlier political beliefs, ideas, and
practices. Political Philosophy thus allows prescription on the basis of
evaluation of a reality or idea. Before pronouncing the value judgments
political philosophy also seeks to understand, interpret, clarify and refine

4
Heywood Andrew, Political Theory : An Introduction, New York: Palgrave Macmillan,2004

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concepts used in political discourse. The major point which differentiates

political theory from political philosophy is that political theory can employ
both normative and empirical points of view. But a political philosopher can
be abstract or speculative. A political theorist, therefore, seeks to explain
both the purpose and the value preferences underlying the subject-matter
and describes the realities of political behaviour.5

Politics as Normative :

Traditionally politics has been theorised from the normative

perspective. The theorists belonging to this school primarily concern
themselves with values and norms (old and new) in the society. The
normative approach has therefore been associated with the value orientation
towards the understanding of the political. The normative theorisation of any
phenomenon in the realm of politics seeks to explain all human actions in
the light of ethical considerations. It primarily focuses on the question ‘what
ought to be’ rather than ‘what is’. The tradition of normative approach to the
analysis of political has been the longest one and cherished by many revered
philosophers such as Plato, Aristotle, Thomas Hobbes, John Locke, Jean
Jacques Rousseau, J.S Mill, Karl Marx, and many others belonging to the
tradition of western political philosophy. But at the same time the normative
approach has been criticised by many and witnessed the conflict between
tradition and modernity. There have been different normative schools of

5
ibid

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 Theorising the ‘Political’ : a.) Politics as Normative , b.)Politics as
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thinking with their unique intellectual styles of normative theorising, spread

across different time periods. There is no unanimity among them on the
application of methodologies and techniques of research. Since ancient
period many of them have appeared, reappeared and been modified. It is
therefore difficult to fix the boundaries of normative political theory.

Traditional Normative Theorising :

The normative approach to Political theory, particularly the old one, has
largely been based on metaphysical, epistemological and ontological
premises. It framed the political theory mainly through thoughts, ideas,
speculation and philosophy. The grand tradition of normative theory extends
through Plato, Aristotle, Rousseau, G.W.F Hegal, and Karl Marx. The theories
in this tradition are oriented towards ethical and normative judgments.
Normative theorising thus takes into consideration the question of
prescription and evaluation. This involves the question of which values
should be given priority in the political community? There existed a
divergence of approach in theorising the normative within the traditional
political theory. Classical thinkers like Plato and Aristotle sought the 'ethical'
way of thinking, and were mainly concerned with the issue a 'good order' in
society, and the question that ‘what kind of life is good for human beings’.6
For Plato 'good' transcends the world of senses, the empirical world, whereas

The term epistemology comes from the Greek word epistêmê, the term for
knowledge. In simple terms, epistemology is the philosophy of knowledge or of how
we come to know. It is distinct from methodology in the sense that though
methodology also concerns with how we come to know, but is much more practical
in nature.

6
Parekh Bhikhu, “Political Theory: Traditions in Political Philosophy”, in Robert Goodinn & H.
Dieter Klingemann (eds), A New Handbook of Political Science, New York: Oxford
University Press, 1996,503-519.

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 Theorising the ‘Political’ : a.) Politics as Normative , b.)Politics as
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Aristotle sought to explain an imminent rational order in the empirical world

and adopted a teleological approach, which envisaged that all the things in
the world grow and develop to their perfection. This is a deterministic
approach to look at things. Both Plato and Aristotle applied intuitive faculty,
7
speculation and metaphysics a method to study the politics.

Plato :

7
Rathore, L.S, no.3

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Source:
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Plato_Silanion_Musei_Capitolini_MC1377.jp
g

Political philosophers of modern age like Thomas Hobbes and John Locke
also proffered to define the purpose of politics through the lens of
normative. They looked in to the problem of maintaining the order in
society. They saw the solution in 'regulating the behaviour' of individuals to
make peace among them. They however are distinct from the classical
political philosophers in the sense that they did not stick to providing the
justification of any political order, and rather focused on explanation of the
political affairs of their time. 8They advocated for the natural theory, which is
based on 'precepts of reason' rather than 'divinely ordained set of values'.
Theory of naturalism assumes that reality can be comprehended through the
empirical world. The phenomenon existing in the world can only be observed
through sense experience and introspection. These philosophers belonged to
the tradition of enlightenment and placed man rather than God as the center
of their study. It attacked the 'divine right theory', developed the contract
theories, and advocated a form of government that was based on
9
constitutionalism. The philosophers of enlightened tradition although
applied the scientific rigour in the modern sense according to their times,
they nevertheless followed the normative tradition. For they also raised the
problem of a good society in their works, a society that is good for
individuals, and which inescapably has a value element in it. Traditional
normative political approach therefore involved the element of moral
judgments about the goodness and badness, right or wrong, justice and
injustice. The epoch also witnessed the normative approach which was
radical in nature and based on the view that world can be changed through

8
Parekh Bhikhu, no.6
9
Rathore, L.S, no.3

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revolution. Karl Marx is the most powerful exponent of this view. He through
the application of method of historical materialism and economic analysis
claimed to use scientific methods to his enquiry into the then existing
society. He postulated to provide a theory which is objective and gives
complete account of reality. He, on the pretext of presenting an objective
knowledge of society, justified his radical ideas and his theory of revolution
to bring in change in society. But Marx also took a normative recourse to
analyse the political situation and attempted to design new value order for a
new society. Such a rich, diverse and glorious tradition of normative
approach, however, confronted severe challenges and undergone crisis and
change in the early 20th century, particularly in the post war period. A radical
shift could be easily witnessed towards study of politics from ethical and
value-oriented to a neutral scientific enquiry based on empirical research.

Karl Marx (1818–1883)

Source :http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Karl_Marx_001.jpg

Foundational/essentialist/Ontological approach: is a normative style of thinking which

claims to provide absolutist foundation of certain
14 set of principles related to the existence of
human. It claims a universal status for such principles, which are actually partial in nature.
 Theorising the ‘Political’ : a.) Politics as Normative , b.)Politics as
Self-Determination

Diverse sources and schools of political science such as logical positivism,

linguistic philosophy, sociology of knowledge, behavioural approach, severely
criticised the normative theories. They disapproved of the methods of
normative theory to evaluate every human act or any practice in the light of
ethical or value considerations. They denounced the claims of traditional and
modern political philosophy, to provide for an objective knowledge and a
complete truth for the social reality, as flawed. According to positivists or
scientific minded early modernists it is impossible to make a rational enquiry
in to the moral world. They questioned the fundamental basis of the
normative methods and techniques in investigating a political problems and
reaching their solutions. The normative investigation, according to
positivists, was predominantly based on value preferences, opinions, and,
individual tastes, that could not be testified and verified, and thus could not
be objectively defended. The normative claim about the universal validity of
their knowledge was thus condemned by early positivists as
illegitimate.10They asserted that normative enquiry should not be given the
status of knowledge as it was speculative and nonsensical, and called for
reforms in methods of political analysis.

Positivism and Political Analysis :

The intellectual movement in social sciences─positivism swept the

domain of political in the mid-twentieth century. It gave a new insight and a
new turn to fact/value relationship. Different schools of the scientific

10
Steve Buckler, “Normative Theory”, in Gerry Stoker and David Marsh (eds), Theory and
Methods in Political Science, New York: Macmillan, ,1997, 172-194

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tradition saw the existence of real world as independent of human

knowledge. They emphasised on empirical and direct observation methods.
According to them the knowledge which is based on values and value
judgment is no more than idiosyncrasies, opinions and personal preferences
of individual, and is thus subjective in nature. Behaviouralists such as David
Easton and Robert Dahl strongly advocated for a complete reorganisation of
knowledge based on methods of enquiry in to the social sciences. They
stressed on the use of scientific and objective methods as used in natural
sciences. They called for an interdisciplinary approach and import of
objective methods such as observation, experimentation and quantification,
methods of verifying and falsifying the statements, and accuracy from the
disciplines of natural sciences into the study of politics.

The intellectual origin of positivism has been complex and traced to

many sources. David Hume's sceptical philosophy provides for its
philosophical base. Later on many exponents of this field asserted to adopt
empiricism, voluntarism and a multi-disciplinary approach in social science
research also. Graham Wallas attempted to make a model of politics based
on psychology. John Dewey stressed on the conception of truth based on
observation of experience rather than the ideal principles. Watson, a
psychologist coined the term 'behaviouralism' and elaborated that in order to
study a phenomenon relation between stimuli and responses should be
studied. Positivism as a movement imbibed in itself the behavioural
revolution. The Chicago School of Behaviouralism was the main protagonist
of the revolution. David Easton was one of the main proponents of
behaviouralism and offered a new scientific orientation to the study of
11
politics, in the form of ‘System's Analysis’.

According to scientific school, the scientific methods to study politics could be

11 used through
Rathore, L.S., no.various
3 steps. First a researcher postulates theory through
deductive reasoning. The theory can be tested (the principle of verifiability)
.Based on the results of the studies or research
16 which has been conducted
through empiricism, the viability of the theory can be learnt. If the theory does
not fit the facts well it needs to be revised to predict reality with accurate
precision.
 Theorising the ‘Political’ : a.) Politics as Normative , b.)Politics as
Self-Determination

The intellectual base of the scientific reform movement in the social

research was greatly influenced by logical positivism. Logical Positivism
came to the fore in 1929 and was discussed widely in the Vienna circle.
Logical positivism entails that a statement is meaningful only if it can be
proved true or false, at least in principle, by ‘means of the experience’.
Moreover, the school emphasises on verification of the statement through
the ‘principle of verifiability’. Thus, according to school of logical positivism
statements about metaphysics, religion and ethics are meaningless and
must be rejected as nonsensical and meaningless. According to Rudolf
Carnap, one of the exponents of the logical positivism, the theory is centred
on "the elimination of metaphysics through the logical analysis of
language." 12 The instrument to bring about such change was to be the
"principle of verification", whose essence goes back to Hume who
says ”When we run over libraries, persuaded of these principles, what havoc
must we make? If we take in our hand any volume; of divinity or school
metaphysics, for instance; let us ask, does it contain any abstract reasoning
concerning quantity or number? No. Does it contain any experimental

12
Carnap Rudolf, http://www.calstatela.edu/dept/phil/pdf/res/Carnap-Elimination-of-
Metaphysics.pdf

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reasoning concerning matter of fact and existence? No. Commit it then to

the flames: for it can contain nothing but sophistry and illusion.” 13

LOGICAL POSITIVISM (also known as logical empiricism or logical neopositivism)

was a philosophical movement risen in Austria and Germany in 1920s, primarily
concerned with the logical analysis of scientific knowledge, which affirmed that
statements about metaphysics, religion, and ethics are void of cognitive meaning and
thus nothing but expression of feelings or desires; only statements about
mathematics, logic and natural sciences have a definite meaning.

Positivists thus viewed the world as determined by the laws of cause and
effect. These laws can be discerned through the application of unique
approach of the scientific method. In political field also direct experience,
empiricism, experiment, generalisation, prediction and control should be the
key components of a research. The positivists therefore seek to establish
causal relationships between political phenomena, develop explanatory, and
indeed predictive models.

Empiricism is the idea that observation and measurement is the core of the
scientific endeavor. In this the key approach of the scientific method is the
experiment, the attempt to discern natural laws through direct manipulation

and observation.

The use of scientific methodology in social sciences, therefore, in turn, help

not just in developing a concrete and reliable means to attain knowledge but
a systematic, objective, and a value free knowledge itself about the society.

13
Hume David, http://18th.eserver.org/hume-enquiry.html

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David Easton

Source : http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:DavidEaston.JPG

Positivists called study of politics as ‘Political Science’ and asserted that

political science can be treated as similar to natural sciences, Knowledge of
which enjoys an almost unquestioned authority. Positivists like Harold
Lasswel and Mortan Kaplan believed that it is possible to separate empirical
questions about what is—from normative questions—about what should be.
Therefore it is possible for social science to be objective and value free. In
fact in making efforts to colour the discipline in scientific identity positivists
called for an end of normative political theory.14

Behavioural Science is a form of political analysis which seeks to study

the behaviour of man in an objective and measurable way.

Resurgence of Normative Political Theory :

The claims of scientific approach, however, got re-examined in 1970’s and

social research once again witnessed the revival and resurgence of the
normative theory, but in a form different from traditional normative

14
Gerring John, Yesnowitz Joshua, A Normative Turn in Political Science?
http://sws.bu.edu/jgerring/documents/NormativePolity.pdf

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philosophy. The resurgence of normative approach was conditioned by

various factors including the intellectual, and new developments in the
international politics, such as Vietnam War, civil rights movement in America
(protests by people of African origin in America) and emergence of newly
independent nation states on the global map. In this backdrop of changing
time and context, rapid transformation and crisis across the countries in the
world, methods and utility of political science as a branch of knowledge were
questioned by all the quarters including—administrative and intellectual. In
the face of tough challenges, political science with its new identity failed to
give a solution to the real problems of the society. It also failed to make
progress in building a scientific political theory. The role of political science,
as a branch of study of politics and its credentials to understand the political
problems in a proper way were questioned. Its relevance to provide a
solution to human problems was seen with skepticism. Many scholars saw
positivism as part and parcel of instrumental trend which was in a way
responsible for growing sense of alienation, social malaise, and social
disintegration. Positivists were blamed to be acting as status-quoists and
supporting the vested interests resistant to any social engagement and
moral enquiry which was much needed to respond to social challenges.
Positivism based on empirical knowledge was widely criticised as a method
of gaining valid knowledge thwarting the interests of weaker sections of
society, in alleviating their sufferings and providing social justice. 15 It was
condemned for its failure to unearth the complete truth, through research,
about the behaviour of institutions, political authority, common people and
real causes for crisis situation prevailing in the society in a non-prejudiced
way. The use of scientific methods and overtures for the theory building

15
Buchanan, David R, Beyond positivism: Humanistic Perspectives on Theory and Research
in Health Education, her.oxfordjournals.org/content/13/3/439.full.pdf‎

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based on mere observation, experimentation and measurement of a

particular phenomenon failed to serve the purpose of human emancipation.

Critics of Positivism underlines the fact that the purpose of social

science must be to contribute to the better understanding of the world and if
need be prescribing the solution to the on-going problems. Robert Lynd
marks the role of political science as organised part of culture which helps
man to understand their culture better, determine the problems, and
forward the purposes of human beings. In a similar way Patrick Edward
Dove writes that mere collection of data is not sufficient but the political
statistics should be useful in bringing the benefits to the society. 16 Moreover
it is conceded that social sciences in general and political science in
particular deal with the study of society and therefore, besides the cognitive
aspects, calls for normative understanding of the issues making them more
meaningful to understand the human problems. This necessarily requires
attention on normative intent, that is, what would be good or bad for the
community in question. Politics and normative inquiry are therefore
intertwined and cannot be separated from each other. The job of political
science therefore should not be merely based on conducting research, but
also requires proactivity, sense of duty, responsibility and action on part of
social scientists.

The voices of dissent were also raised from within the political science
community itself. Behavioralists such as David Easton and Heinz Eulau felt
the need of reform in behaviouralism and the exercise to pursue those
reforms came to be known as post-behaviouralism. They admitted that there
is a need to study the political reality and social change also. They also
highlighted that studying values are equally important like studying facts to
help society to preserve and develop its values. Knowledge should be

16
Gerring John, Yesnowitz Joshua, no.13

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interlinked to action rather than just carrying out research. In this backdrop,
normative or the value component were now seen as substantial part in
conducting a social science research.17

The rejuvenation of normative theorising is underpinned by the

thought that human beings have the unique faculty of thinking, and they
constitute their own norms, concepts, practices in life. This is unlike the
physical world where everything is already patterned naturally and scientists
just need to discover, rediscover, and generalise the concepts by seeing
cause and effect relationship through observation and experiments. This is
possible in natural sciences as non-living objects react in the same manner
whenever they are exposed to the stimulus in a particular situation. But the
case of human beings is different as they act differently in same situation on
the basis of their thinking, which in most cases is already conditioned by
factors such as culture, reason, values, their own uniqueness and
preferences. Oakeshott makes a distinction between the processes in the
natural world and human practices. As per his understanding natural
processes are embedded in the very structure of nature. They are inherent
product of configurations and compositions of the component elements. In
contrast human practices require intelligence, and they need to be learned
18
understood, and granted one’s assent. Manners, customs, religion,
observances, taboos and any other complex behaviour need to be learned.
Human practices are therefore a different kind of phenomenon than the ones
that occur in natural or physical world. Hence human practices require a
different approach in order to understand their meaning, morality and

17
Wogu, Ikedinachi Ayodele, An Analysis of the Philosophical Foundations of
Behaviouralism & Constructivism: Any Imperative to Modern
Political Science? http://www.ijsk.org/uploads/3/1/1/7/3117743/8_political_science.pdf

18
M Oakeshott, On Human Conduct, Oxford: Claredon Press, 1975

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Self-Determination

motivation. Some normative theorist belonging to the critical School of

thought- Horkheimer and Adorno- though appreciate positivist tradition for it
at least in principle promised to liberate human in both intellectual and
material terms. They however criticise its application which by and large
presents a deeply disempowering vision of human beings. According to them
the scientific outlook subordinates the human to the impersonal and causal
mechanisms like deterministic laws. Positivist outlook supports the market
mechanism in society based on impersonal and automatic law, and controls
the man to devoid him of his independent ethical standpoint. With this the
capitalist ideology succeeds in reconciling interests of the people to the
capitalist system, and eliminating any tendency to bring in social change. In
order to understand such real issues, related to human science, focus should
be more on interpretation and understanding of the human world rather
than observation and prediction as used in scientific study. Human reality,
therefore, essentially carry a normative meaning. 19 Normative theorists
therefore denounce the overuse of scientific methods to get insight into the
human affairs, and suggested new methods and goal to the study of social
sciences. In modern times normative thinkers grounds their arguments in
more concrete and objective ways. Modern normative approaches center
their argument around the point that one of the main purposes of social
sciences is to grasp and uncover the meaning and significance of events. It
also lays stress on interpretation of events and appreciation of their
significance.

Normative Theorising in Contemporary Context :

The normative theorising in contemporary times mainly focusses on
rational account of political life which is essentially grounded in basic human
capacities and needs (Isaiah Berlin), human nature, and human agency.

19
Steve Buckler , no.9

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 Theorising the ‘Political’ : a.) Politics as Normative , b.)Politics as
Self-Determination

Isaiah Berlin argues that the human world is essentially characterised by

value pluralism (where differences of values exist), and is different from
physical objective world.20 Hence, the understanding of such world cannot be
reduced to the empirical or purely logical enquiry and an alternative
normative approach is required to look at the things in the human world.
The normative approach underlines the distinction between the realm of
political and natural sciences. It emphasises on the fact that realm of
political is constituted by human beings and thus depends on human action.
Elaborating on this presumption, the normative theorists believe that in a
human society all human action, practices, and situations are already
constituted by concepts. In order to understand the political and social
phenomenon it becomes imperative to grasp the complicated structure of
these concepts. That is why the component of interpretation is given a
crucial position in normative approach, what we mean by empirical in human
sciences.

The normative approach in present context constitutes different

strands including the interpretive theory, the critical approach, the
communitarian approach, the deontological approach, the post-modern
perspective, and the capability approach. The interpretive
understanding to the study of politics is mainly concerned with the
meanings that shape human actions, human relationships, and
institutions. 21 An interpretive theory seeks to understand the meaning an
actor gives to its environment. In other words human beings in performing
an act are influenced by several expressions like reason, intentions, and
belief. Hence, no objective knowledge of society exist which is independent
of human thinking and reasoning. Study of any political action or
phenomena, besides the observation of actions of man, must be inclusive of

20
Parekh Bhikhu, no.6
21
Steve Buckler, no.9

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 Theorising the ‘Political’ : a.) Politics as Normative , b.)Politics as
Self-Determination

such beliefs and preferences. For instance voting behaviour of people is

actually influenced by their preferences, and based on such preferences
they vote to a particular political party. Therefore an enquirer who is
studying the voting behaviour will take into accounts both measurement or
statistical data and individual preferences impacting the outcome of the
political party’s performance. The factual data would cover the actual
number of votes a particular party gets and the constituency from which it
garner maximum number of votes. From analysis of this data, agenda and
ideological leanings of the political parties, and people’s preferences and
values, can be ascertained. Based on similar study of elections held over
many years generalisation can also be made. Thus interpretive view takes
into account the role of ideas and meanings in individuals’ lives and political
practices. Interpretists further postulate that individuals’ actions and their
interactions with each other are reflective of the rules of conduct formulated
by the society. They behave in a particular manner and in conformity with
the roles assigned to them by their cultural and institutional settings.
Therefore it is more important to know the subjective meanings lying be-
neath an action or event. The way individuals or members of society appre-
hend, understand and make sense of social practices should be uncovered.
It helps fathom the reason why a social action is performed. For this
political scientists need to recreate and interpret the situation in which the
social act would have been performed. The normative approach claims that
meaningful and unique nature of human life renders natural sciences
methods as inappropriate and flawed in the analysis of political. Interpretive
theory is a better tool for a true understanding of a meaningful or patterned
social behaviour.

Communitarian worldview has also helped strengthening of normative

theorising in the contemporary times. According to communitarians an

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 Theorising the ‘Political’ : a.) Politics as Normative , b.)Politics as
Self-Determination

individual life is embedded in a human society. And the society shares a

substantial conception of good. It is thus possible to theorise such
normative principles grounded in the ‘common and general moral
consensuses’ in a society. Communitarians like Alasdair Macintyre argue
that there is a space for values and moralities in the study of politics.
Therefore political propositions are not observable terms or statements of
behaviour. They are rather explained in terms of shared values in which an
actor is embedded. Communitarians thus contradict the claims of empirical
22
social science, of a ‘true objective reality’.

Critical approach to understand politics is also one of the modern

normative approaches, which presents strong challenge to the scientific
tradition to study social sciences. Critical theory itself encompasses different
strands of thinking across different times and context. Originating in
Germany its earlier phase is marked by Western European Marxist tradition
known as the Frankfurt School. Some of the prominent thinkers who have
been associated with this school are Max Horkheimer (philosopher and
sociologist), Theodor Adorno (philosopher, sociologist, and musicologist),
Erich Fromm (psychologist), Franz Neumann (political scientist), and
Friedrich Pollock (economist), Herbert Marcuse (philosopher), Walter
Benjamin (essayist and literary critic) and Leo Lowenthal (literary critic).
Broadly, the Critical theory perceives the Marxian approach in a new light
and emphasises on rethinking of Marxian approach. It sought to take a
different methodological framework and developed a radical critique of
capitalism. Critical theory aims at human emancipation or human liberation
23
from the circumstances that enslave them. It mainly focusses on
domination of human beings in modern societies in its varied dimensions. A
Critical enquirer mainly observes the meaning of concepts underneath the

22
ibid
23
Horkheimer, M., Critical Theory, New York: Seabury Press, 1982.

26
 Theorising the ‘Political’ : a.) Politics as Normative , b.)Politics as
Self-Determination

domination and freedom in all their forms, and attempts to reach the
solution on how to reduce domination and enhance free conditions. Critical
theorists acknowledge the significant role of both philosophy and the social
sciences in a social inquiry. They seek to conduct social enquiry on both
descriptive and normative basis. A critical theory in this way without losing
its scientific credentials embraces explanation and understanding, regularity
and normativity. Critical theory deems interdisciplinary empirical social
research, which includes psychological, cultural, social, and institutional
forms of domination as significant to study politics. A critical theorist looks
critically at the current situation in society and seeks to explain the ongoing
problem with current social reality. On the basis of his observation he
reaches certain conclusions and provides both clear norms for criticism and
achievable practical goals for social transformation. A Critical theory thus
aims at social change and transformation of the circumstances that enslave
human beings. 24 Critical theorist Jurgen Habermas’s work is important to
mention here as he endeavoured to ground the normative critique. Taking a
stance different from interpretists, Habermas postulated that the form of
rationality through which human beings communicate like rational debates
over the matter of principles can be treated as a fact. These rational modes
of communication reflect a more universal category than the conventions
and norms as considered by interpretists. Habermas states that the
rationality in communication can be found in an ‘ideal speech situation’. An
ideal speech situation is the one when communication is ‘free from any
distortions’, like hidden agendas, biases or arbitrary closures. Here all
participants have an equal chance to speak, to make an argument or

24
Horkheimer, M., Between Philosophy and Social Science, Cambridge: MIT Press,1993

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Self-Determination

express a point of view. This, according to Habermas, provides more

concrete ground for observation than the social and political actions.25

Constructivism :

Constructivism is yet another strand of normative thinking which does

not go in to interpreting the moral values but examine critically the very
moral ideas themselves. It stresses on the philosophical aspect of normative
thinking, the systematic effort of separating valid and invalid ideas, justified
and spurious beliefs, true and false opinions. But constructivist endeavors
can go in many directions. Philosophers have proposed different ways of
resolving moral disagreement by testing the validity of ideas about right and
wrong.

Deontological approaches :
Deontological approach furthers a kind of normative philosophical
theory which emphasises on the rightness of the action rather than rightness
of the consequences. It stresses that the choices made by an actor to carry
out a work cannot be justified by their effects. On the contrary choices which
are morally forbidden must not be taken into account even if their
consequences are morally good. The approach outlines the ethics of
dutifulness or moral norm in making a choice. The moral norms are to be
simply obeyed by the moral agents (citizens) and not to be followed just to
maximise the benefits or good. In this sense the 'right' is given priority over
the 'good' while providing justification of any act or a choice. If an act is not
in congruence with the right it may not be undertaken, no matter the good
that it might produce. Deontolgical standpoints relate to the ethics which are

25
Steve Buckler, no.9

28
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Self-Determination

duty-based or obligation based. Deontological approaches are opposite to

teleological or utilitarian approach which justifies the right, moral duty, or
obligation, on the ground that it maximises the pleasure or good of a person
and minimises the pain. The distinction between utilitarian and deontological
theories is that while the previous is related to the promotion of the ‘good’,
the later (deontological theories) are mainly concerned with the distribution
of the ‘good’ according to rules of justice. By justice it implies fairness and
substantive equality .Deontology is, hence, a non-maximising ethics.
Deontological approach may be consistent with moral absolutism that some
actions are wrong even if the consequences are right. Immanual Kant
argued that it is always wrong to lie even if it means lying to a murderer.
But others Like W.D. Ross also refer to moral relativism who emphasis on
consequences in certain respects such as lying may sometimes make lying
the right thing to do.

Value systems are model through which people look at the world and they embody
deeply held convictions. Philosophy explains and clarify these models and thus plays an
important role in theorising the political.
John Rawls theory of Justice is an example of deontological approach. It
aims at identifying a set of plausible principles of social justice which provide
moral standards that cannot be compromised. These principles are aimed at
resolving each individual’s competing claims in the society. Such principles,
according to Rawls would help resolve claims on design of the basic structure
or major social institutions, legislation and government policies, that
distribute rights and duties. These principles therefore will act as guide to
the political leadership to exercise its authority in accordance with the
26
principles of fair justice.

26
Casal Paula and Williams Andrews, “Equality”, in Katriona Mackinnon (eds.) Issues in
Political Theory, New York: Oxford University Press, 2008, 149-166.

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 Theorising the ‘Political’ : a.) Politics as Normative , b.)Politics as
Self-Determination

In the current context the political theory debate is built around the
concept of value-pluralism. John Rawls theory of justice reflects this as it
seeks to theorise a conception of Justice which facilitates governing of
political communities, irrespective of irreconcilable moral disagreement in
modern plural societies. He arrives at the theory of justice from the
standpoint of deontological.

John Rawls
Source : http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/en/9/9c/03-rawls-225.jpg

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 Theorising the ‘Political’ : a.) Politics as Normative , b.)Politics as
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The deontological approach is criticised by Rawls theory of justice is

based on two principles.
many as dressed-up version of popular morality. First is the principle of ‘fair
equality of opportunity’.
Utilitarians like J S Mill criticise deontological
This reflects the liberal
approach to fail to specify which principles should principle of formal equality.
The principle envisages an
take priority when there is a conflict between equal right to the most
extensive liberty,
rights and duties. It therefore cannot offer compatible with liberty of
others, to each individual.
complete moral guidance. Robert Nozick, the The second comprises the
‘difference principle’. As per
libertarian thinker pinpoints that deontology these principles Social and
forbids those acts that maximises the overall economic inequalities are
to be arranged so that they
welfare of the individuals. He quotes the example are both to the greatest
benefit of the least
of a trolley hurtling towards five innocent and advantage, and attached to
positions and officies open
immobile people at the end of a track where the to all under conditions of
fair equality of
only way to stop the trolley and save the five is to
oppurtunity.That the
throw one innocent bystander in front of the material inequalities are
justified only when they
trolley. The Principle of permissible harm in work to the advantage of
the less well-off.
Deontology rules out deliberately throwing a
person in front of the trolley, but the consequence of that is that five
innocent bystanders die (which also contravenes the Principle of Permissible
Harm).

Capability Approach :

The capability approach, which places prime moral importance to

freedom, which can lead to the well-being of people at large, provides a
normative theoretical framework. The freedom to achieve well-being is
understood in terms of enhancing people's capabilities, that is, their real
opportunities to attain a kind of life that they are effectively able to lead. The
approach has also led to the development of a new and highly
interdisciplinary literature in the social sciences resulting in new statistics

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Self-Determination

and social indicators, and to a new policy paradigm which is mainly used in
development studies, the so-called ‘human development approach’. It is
economist-philosopher Amartya Sen who pioneered the approach and
philosopher Martha Nussbaum and a growing number of other scholars
across the humanities and the social sciences who have significantly
developed it. Scholars and policy makers use the capability approach in a
wide range of fields, most prominently in development studies and
policymaking, welfare economics, social policy, and social and political
philosophy.27

Post Modern perspective :

There is yet another strand of normative approach which is associated
with the post-modern perspective. The post-modern approach, which
emerged in 1960's and early 70's in Paris, embraces the intellectual
doctrines of structuralism, post-structuralism and deconstruction. These
doctrines reject the foundational theories which confer upon a universal
status to a particular worldview. According to these viewpoints the
foundational forecloses the other ways of looking at the reality and therefore
is a closed set of moral and political prescription.28

The discussion on the normative theory in the present context shows

that it has maintained its intellectual vigour and social relevance in the
present context. The normative perspective which was once on the verge of
losing its identity has been designated a significant position in defining the
parameters of knowledge, after its revival. A normative analysis seeks to
pursue a critical evaluation of beliefs and then seeks their clarification. It

27
Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/capability-
approach/

28
Newman, Saul, Power and Politics in Poststructuralist Thought: New Theories of Political,
London: Routledge, 2005.

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Self-Determination

sees the metaphysical content as just subject to study but does not basis its
assumption on any metaphysical value itself.29 Conceptual clarification also
forms an important part of the social science research. One thing which
comes clearly out of the debate on normative approach is that the normative
theorists base their claims on the assumption that political theory besides
applying objective methods also need to look into the aspects which are sui
generis to human beings by the virtue of being human. They denounce the
desperate aspirations to apply scientific methods to the study of politics limit
the scope of political theory. The questions of moral philosophy and the
human condition are equally important as the methods to be applied to
ascertain the human behaviour are. Normative approach has been successful
in restoring a role for normative enquiry in relation to the study of politics.
Modern normative approach also endeavoured to give a different meaning to
the normative inquiry, different from its previous form. It does take into
account the role of value preferences, metaphysics in making the world
intelligible to our senses, but it does not place metaphysics in philosophical
inquiry itself. It decries the traditional normative claims that there are
ultimate metaphysical truths beyond the world which appears to us.
According to contemporary normative approach the philosopher’s task is to
elucidate various world views.

Politics as Self- Determination :

The discussion in the above part of the chapter indicates towards a

wide ranging political spectrum across which various perspectives exist.
Among these, one view which takes a very distinct position on politics is of
Hannah Arendt, a German-Jewish scholar. Arendt without indulging in to any
methodological debate attempts to theorise the political in an unconventional
manner. Her understanding of politics 'as a condition of human existence,

29
Parekh Bhikhu, no.6

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Self-Determination

human self-determination, and human emancipation', stands in

contradistinction to the established and popular views about politics. She
envisions politics in an optimistic sense and underlines its role in attaining a
better life for human beings. This contrasts with more usual concept of
politics as perceived by popular opinion, journalism and other social sciences
which assume it as a bad activity.30 These views assume that politics is a
game of competition among elites for votes and influence, where citizens are
primarily consumers and spectators. But for Hannah Arendt the idea of
politics is rather constructive, creative and enabling for a citizen. Arendt's
idea of politics is commensurable with the participatory and active
citizenship. Arendt therefore believes that the meaning of political is not
bounded by the relationship between the ruler and the ruled, but it means
an active and free participation of people in public life. Such participation
entails civic engagement, and collective deliberation about all matters
affecting the political community. Here Arendt has attempted to transcend
down the political to the 'realm of people' from ‘the realm of authority’.31
Political therefore is the most notable expression of the human life. Men
through the means of politics express themselves in their entirety, and thus
attain their originality and true freedom. Politics as an activity is manifested
in form of collective public life where people move out from their private
needs and sufferings to create a public world. Here each of them can appear
before the others in his/her specificity or with their unique qualities. Arendt
argues that the essence of politics is 'freedom' which can be attained only if
people are free from any want or necessity and ideas which pertain to the

30
Young, Iris Marion, “Political Theory: An Overview”, in Robert Goodinn & H. Dieter
Klingemann (eds.) A New Handbook of Political Science, New York: Oxford University Press,
1996,479-502.

31
ibid

34
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Self-Determination

other worldly non-human realm. Arendt in this sense has presented a

performative and agonistic view of politics.

Hannah Arendt
Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hannah_Arendt

Influences on Arendt thinking:

In framing her perspective on politics Hannah
Arendt was mainly influenced by the rapid transformations taking place in
the West in mid-20th century, and its impact on the political situation,
including devastating world wars and the holocaust in Germany where
thousands of Jews were exterminated. She locates the reasons of such
massive destruction in the flawed conception of the meaning and sphere of
politics by political philosophers and theorists. Arendt sought to define the
political by beginning with the question what politics is not? She
conceptualises politics as self-determination and an affair of human realm
rather the realm of philosophy or some external force like God. Her premises
are therefore based on her critique of idea of politics conceived by thinkers
belonging to tradition of western political philosophy, across different
periods-from Plato to Marx. She criticises them for deviating politics from the
path of its real subject matter that is human affairs, and making it subdued
to the realm of philosophy. Arendt claims that Plato, the first western
political philosopher, was responsible for such dismissive attitude towards
the reality which is made of complex human action. Plato, according to her,
presumed that political realm should be governed by metaphysics or illusion,
and placed action and appearances at a subordinate position to the eternal
realm of the ideas. Arendt also denounces the modern liberal tradition for

35
 Theorising the ‘Political’ : a.) Politics as Normative , b.)Politics as
Self-Determination

relegating politics to the arena of non-political aspects of life like philosophy,

religion, or psychology as the political. According to her no political thinker
from western political philosophical tradition attempted to place politics, an
activity of human beings, the mortal beings, in the earthly realm. She
criticises the western political tradition for causing damage to politics by
giving away power from people(many) to decide their own affairs to tyrants
or rulers(single man or a group of few) in the name of religion, maintaining
order, and providing security. Contrary to such political views, politics for her
is based on human plurality. She postulates that politics is something unique
to human beings as the effect of politics can only be produced by the
interaction among plurality of men. The meaning of Politics thus denotes
coexistence and association of different men. It is based on the principle of
human differentiation with their active participation together in public space.
Arendt emphatically spelled out that politics is quite outside the scope of a
single man or entity like state as they are apolitical entities.

Hannah Arendt, in envisioning the meaning of political, was actually

influenced by the Greek tradition. She appreciated the tradition of the Greek
city-state ‘Polis’ for treasuring the free space available for its citizens, and
where individuals participated in their unique spirit in plurality yet as equals.
She was inspired by the ancient notion of praxis, and hence attempted to
revive the theory of action. She therefore sought to rediscover a past over
which the tradition had no longer a claim. She attempted to set the criterion
of genuineness and importance of public and political spaces in a
community’s life, as against the authoritative traditions of later periods.

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Self-Determination

Arendt's Conception of Politics: Politics as Self-Determination :

Self-determination, in its literal sense, means the power or ability to

make a decision for oneself without any influence from outside. Arendt
applies the same in defining the meaning of politics. She postulates that
human beings are self-determined beings as they collectively participate in
their own affairs free from any external pressures of necessities, force or
violence. Politics, according to Arendt, can only take place between plurality
of men having distinct identities, and that through the means of
participation, dialogue and deliberation. Participation in politics thus provides
an opportunity to all the individuals in a community who are distinct from
each other in their dispositions and thoughts, to express themselves freely
and determine their true selves. The unique personality of every individual
might get subdued in private sphere ─ family and society. Human beings can
express their personalities in the public space only which is the political
space. Arendt's therefore gives utmost importance to ‘human action’ in
political life and devotes much attention in explaining its significance. She
postulates that instead of thoughts and ideas, which many political thinkers
and philosophers professed, action and pro-activeness on part of individuals
constitutes politics. In other words politics cannot be perceived in terms of
thoughts, but only in terms of political experience, which is best
demonstrated through action. She attempted to demarcate the spheres of
thought and action and denounced the dominant view on man as only
thinking or a reasoned being. For her it is only the meaningful action that
establishes a relation between the self and other in society. Action for Arendt
is peculiar to human beings and thus is a value of highest order among other
values. Action for her means initiating something new, particularly through
speech, founding a public realm (res publica or republic), promising and
forgiving others. None of these actions can be undertaken alone but always
and only in concert with each other, though absolute distinctness among the

37
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Self-Determination

participants remains intact. To act thus means to take the initiative, to

introduce something new, something unexpected into the world and carry
that out with the help of community.

“Action, the only activity that goes on directly between men without the
intermediary of things or matter, corresponds to the human condition of
plurality … this plurality is specifically the condition — not only the conditio
32
sine qua non, but the conditio per quam — of all political life ”

Hannah Arendt asserts that politics belongs to the world of appearances

(the vita activa) and not to the life of contemplation, which concerns itself
with the essences and the eternal (the vita contemplativa). She denounces
the western political philosophy for relegating the human ability to act to the
process of history or historical necessities like production (economy, money,
food etc.). The human action according to her instead should be determined
by human beings themselves through the sphere of politics. Plurality of men
should not be the slave to the conditions or some external factor; they
instead should rule themselves, through the political space they created for
themselves, and should resort to the means of interaction, deliberations, and
participation. Human emancipation thus lies not in becoming a thinking or
contemplative being (the other worldly being), but in becoming an active
and participative being (this worldly being). Here Arendt takes an approach
which is emancipatory for human beings, by freeing them from any
deterministic force or law.

32
Arendt Hannah, The Human Condition, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1958, p.7.

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Self-Determination

Hannah Arendt distinguishes between three activities — labour, work and action. She
considered all these three equally important in a human life as they all contribute to
the realisation of our human capacities. She however described action as the utmost
important activity as it is something which is very specific to human beings, as it
distinguishes men from both the life of animal (who also need to put labour to
sustain and reproduce themselves) and the life of the gods (related to the activity of
contemplation). Action as per Arendt provides opportunity to men to express
themselves or their distinctness completely, in the public spaces. Arendt thus
postulated that human beings will lose the essence of human life if they are reduced
to only engage in labour and work activities .This reduces their lives to mere survival
and in production of things. Until and unless human beings are given spaces for action
and deliberation and express their complete self they cannot enjoy the freedom of
being human, and sense of different from machines and other species of living being.
In simple words they cannot enjoy sense of humanness. Arendt thus considers action
out of transcendent realm of god, and gives it back to the community.

Hannah Arendt, in conceiving the idea of political, has attempted to explain

the relationship between the concepts of plurality, action, freedom, and
power. Politics, therefore, is not an outcome of a single man’s action or
thought, but an outcome of action taken in concert by men, and therefore is
essentially an activity by plurality of men. She acknowledges the fact that
human life is bounded and limited because of life and death. This beginning
and an end of a life confers on unique identity to an individual and a
recognisable life story from birth to death. This human condition is subjected
to story and narrative as an individual cannot tell his own life story but only
others, who were present during his lifetime, can narrate it. This bounded
human condition (opening and closing of life) allows life to be meaningful,
yet this meaning is available to the community that survives the death of the

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Self-Determination

person. Therefore initiation of speech or action in specificity can be done by

an individual but it reaches its conclusion when community in concert
witnesses it. Politics is therefore neither a solitary activity nor it is above
people or withdrawn from the mundane world. Individuals, who are distinct
from each other by their nature, join together and interact with one another
through action, mainly determined by their speech. Through action they
determine their distinctness or self and themselves create a world between
them and for them. There is no intervention in their activity either through
force or violence. Any forceful action is nothing but non-political form of
body politic like dictatorships or totalitarian form of political organisation,
which is deterministic and anti-human. It causes the receding of both
political and public to the background with other factors like history, religion,
and metaphysics coming to the forefront. Thus politics for Arendt occur only
in the presence of all men who are dissimilar in their outlook, sees things
and reality from their diverse perspectives, and are capable of judging the
quality of what is being enacted. Action to this extent require appearing in
public, making oneself known through words and deeds, and eliciting the
consent of others, and this can only exist in a context defined by plurality.
Arendt also seeks to establish a correlation between freedom and
equality. She postulates that problem in the achievement of freedom is that
it has always been related more to justice rather than to politics. She
understood politics and freedom as intertwined. She rejects the established
notion that aim or end goal of politics is to achieve freedom. She in fact
turns this notion upside down and states that it is freedom which is a
prerequisite to reach the ‘political’ goal. As per Arendt’s understanding
freedom means, the capacity to begin something new, to do the unexpected
whose outcome is not pre-determined. This notion of freedom and politics
focuses on freedom as mere means rather than becoming future goals (such
as justice and salvation) to attain the political. Such conception of freedom

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Self-Determination

helps human beings to determine their true capacities and true selves in an
already existing free environment, free from any deterrence, free from any
influence from others or outside. This helps people lead their lives in a
peaceful and a meaningful way. They can live according to their own choice
rather than merely aspiring for any future goals. This Arendt calls as the real
freedom, and ability to act or perform action a prerequisite to achieve such
freedom. Action therefore means actualization of freedom, it carries with it
“the capacity to perform miracles, that is, to introduce what is totally
unexpected. “It is in the nature of beginning” — she claims — “that
something new is started which cannot be expected from whatever may
have happened before. This character of startling unexpectedness is inherent
in all beginnings. The fact that man is capable of action means that the
unexpected can be expected from him, that he is able to perform what is
infinitely improbable. And this again is possible only because each man is
unique, so that with each birth something uniquely new comes into the
world”33
Arendt also tries to clarify the relationship between politics and
equality. Arendt equates the term equality, in the political space, with the
concept of distinctiveness among individual. This is opposed to its prevalent
meaning which defines equality as sameness of identities or that of equality
of all men before God. For Arendt, equality as political expression manifests
itself in the distinctness of all men who all are deemed as equal when they
act together in plurality. Thus the fundamental basis of equality is
uniqueness of every human being, which they seek to show in the political
space by measuring it against the others. Here honouring each other’s
individuality becomes the principle of action. An equal chance is provided to
every civic participant to come in to his own, and becoming a unique

33
Arendt Hannah, The Human Condition, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1958, p.177-
178

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Self-Determination

individual, and winning recognition for his uniqueness in the public sphere.
Such kind of equality can only be attained in political that is public, which is
different from social, economic and other areas. Society cannot give man a
free life as it is fraught with vicious power competition, conflict, deprivation,
and violence, which always threaten to destroy political space. For Arendt
'social behaviour’ imposes the condition on people to abide by society's code
of rules, which actually constrains the area of action and self-determination
of an individual. It leads to a state of unfreedom and violent coercion, taking
away the creative and spontaneous potential of human action, which is
unbecoming of the public and political space. Economic sphere also binds
human in the world of necessities which mar the creative capacities of men
and subordinate them to the circumstances. Arendt through her works has
attempted to emancipate human beings by freeing him from the non-
political and anti-political factors that are external to men and control their
action from without. Politics in this sense become an arena of self-
determination in the community.34
Hannah Arendt’s views on politics indicate that politics for her is a very
productive and positive project. However it is unable to produce positive
impact as it has never been defined correctly and there exists prejudices
against it. People visualise politics as a state of despair and a means of
violent force. Subsiding these fears and prejudices Arendt postulates that
the human deprivation can only be mitigated if the political is separated
from non-political and is brought at the centre stage of human affairs.
Arendt finds fault with the conception of meaning of politics and power. She
tries to do away with such perception of politics and revises the conception
of power in a different way. She looks at the ways in which power organises
relationship between individuals. She argues that power is fundamentally

34
Swift Simon, Hannah Arendt (Routledge Critical Thinkers), New York: Routledge, 2009.

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Self-Determination

enabling rather than a coercive factor in human social interaction. She

claims that power is distinct from brute force, and the wrong perception of
politics creates confusion between the two. Power can only arise in public
sphere where all men come together, act in concert, and generate power.
Power is related to political as the concerted action takes place in political
space only. But such sort of real power cannot be found anywhere in the
contemporary world, as force has taken over its space. Force, she explains,
is an individual phenomena which is derived from an organised space of
people and is combined with the power (phenomenon of many), to create a
brute force. It grows and develops at the expense of people's power in the
name of providing condition of freedom and protection to the individuals. But
this in effect takes away freedom and life both from the people. In fact the
very essence of freedom, which is act of self-determination (taking ones own
decisions), itself goes away as political and public space largely becomes the
arena of force (used by authority) rather than the arena of free participation
by people. This she reasons out as the cause of crisis, instability, and other
problems going on in the modern world. This, according to Arendt, has led to
the monstrous growth of force and mass destruction, manifested in the
disastrous World Wars and bombing of Japanese cities.

“Ever since the invention of atomic weapons, the foremost political issue of
our time has been the question as to what role force should have in
international affairs and/or how the employment of the means of force can
be excluded from international affairs. But the phenomenon of force
predominating at the expense of all other political factors is older; it first
appeared in World War I, with its huge mechanized battles on the western
front. It should be noted that this disastrous new role for force, which
developed automatically out of itself and constantly grew among all
participants, caught unprepared nations, politicians, and public opinion

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Self-Determination

totally by surprise. And in fact the growth of force in the public,

governmental sphere had, so to speak, taken place behind the backs of
those acting in that sphere—during a century that might be counted among
the most peaceful or, let us, least violent in history.”35Arendt’s distinction of
force and power did not just give an insight into the problems of the modern
world, but it also endeavoured to find out a solution to the vexed problems
of the contemporary times.
Hannah Arendt, thereby, articulated such a conception of politics in
which questions of meaning and identity of people can be addressed in a
fresh and original manner. Her theory of action is judged by its ability to
disclose the true and exclusive identity of the people, to affirm the reality of
the world, and to actualize their capacity for freedom. Moreover by viewing
action as a mode of human togetherness Arendt was able to develop a
conception of participatory democracy, which stands in direct contrast to the
bureaucratized and elitist forms of politics, which are characteristic of the
modern epoch.

Critical Evaluation of Arendt’s work :

Arendt’s conception of politics is aimed at integrating individuals on the

basis of active citizenship. She was inspired by the tradition of civic
republicanism and realised the importance of civic engagement and
collective deliberation by each individual, about all matters affecting the
political community. She postulated that politics finds its authentic
expression whenever citizens gather together in a public space to deliberate
and decide about matters of collective concern. Political activity is valued not
because it may lead to agreement or to a shared conception of the good, but

35
Arendt, Hannah, The Promise of Politics, US: Random House, 1990, 147-148.

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Self-Determination

because it enables each citizen to exercise his or her powers of agency, to

develop the capacities for judgment and to attain by concerted action.

Hannah Arendt’s work has not been free from criticisms. She has been
severely criticised particularly for the rigid distinction she made between
public and private. Most prominently feminists have leveled their criticism
against this distinction. Feminists think that excluding the household or
family out of the realm of political exclude women out of public and
legitimate political spaces, where political decisions are taken. This helps
maintain the dominance of men in the sphere of politics. Marxist also
criticise Arendt’s intention of confining matters of material distribution and
economic management to the extra political realm. It therefore delegitimises
questions of material social justice, poverty and exploitation from political
discussion and contestation. Arendt also came under criticism for excluding
representative institutions which for some are most workable model for the
modern mass complex societies. Inspired by the concept of political freedom
of ancient Athenian polis, Arendt places preference to direct citizen
deliberation delegation. She is also challenged for reducing other aspects of
human life such as social, psychological, cultural, spiritual and others to a
subordinating status and elevating politics to the apex of human good and
goals. Notwithstanding, all these and other criticisms, Arendt remains one of
the most original, challenging and influential political thinkers of the
20th century, and her work will no doubt continue to provide inspiration to
political philosophers in the contemporary times also.

Analyses of Hannah Arendt’s view of politics gives an impression that

she perceived politics in a very positive sense and has related it to human
freedom and human emancipation. For her, it is impossible for few people to
visualise the reality in its totality and a comprehensive understanding of the
reality can only be reached if many share their distinct and individual

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Self-Determination

experiences, and express themselves in their full capacity. This is possible

only when a political space is organised and is accessible to all. In that
political space all men are allowed to participate and act through speech,
equally and freely. They take initiative as they can fully express themselves
among equals. For Arendt meaning of political is intended towards the
community life rather than the state, as has been outlined by many political
thinkers like Plato, Hegal, and Hobbes, in their works. Her thoughts are,
thus, more intended towards human emancipation from the brute force held
by the state.

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Self-Determination

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Arendt builds her theory of politics on the basis of perception that politics is
a project which rises in conditions that are exclusive to human beings and
human nature

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