MYCENAEAN CIVILIZATION: A RESEARCH GUIDE

CONTENTS

Illustrations

INTRODUCTION

Introduction to Mycenaean Civilization

Location of Mycenaean Civilization

Chronological Framework

Origins and Growth

Development and Expansion

Decline and Collapse

Resources for the Study of Mycenaean Civilization

Museums and Research Institutions

Literature of Mycenaean Civilization

Summaries of Research Activities

Journals

Monograph Series

Conference Proceedings

Electronic Resources

Arrangement and Content of the Bibliography

 Basic Literature of Mycenaean Civilization

INTRODUCTION TO MYCENAEAN CIVILIZATION

General Summaries (Entries 1-23)

Bibliographies (Entries 24-37)

History of Mycenaean Research (Entries 38-50)

Biographies (Entries 51-59)

Conferences, Symposia and Colloquia (Entries 60-68)

Environment (Entries 69-94)

Language (Entries 95-128)

Dialects (Entries 129-144)

Chronology (Entries 145-204)

Traditional and Historical Evidence (Entries 190-205)

Homer and the Trojan War (Entries 206-233)

The Dorians (Entries 234-247)

CULTURAL HISTORY AND SOCIETY

Cultural Evolution and Development (Entries 248-260)

Middle Helladic (Entries 261-265)

Origins and Growth (Entries 266-301)

Development and Expansion (Entries 302-320)

Decline and Collapse (Entries 321-375)

Dark Age (Entries 376-384)

Economic Organization (Entries 385-441)

Taxation (Entries 442-451)

Land Tenure (Entries 452-462)

Craft Specialization and Commerce (Entries 463-505)

Trade (Entries 506-545)

Ships and Shipwrecks (Entries 546-557)

Subsistence (Entries 558-592)

Demography and Population (Entries 593-599)

Physical Anthropology (Entries 600-603)

Political Organization (Entries 604-641)

Political Geography (Entries 642-659)

Military Organization (Entries 660-670)

External Contacts (Entries 671-688)

Anatolia (Entries 689-707)

Crete (Entries 708-722)

Cyclades (Entries 723-738)

Cyprus (Entries 739-751)

Dodecanese (Entries 752-756)

Egypt (Entries 757-768)

Europe (Entries 769-780)

Italy and the Central Mediterranean (Entries 781-794)

Levant (Entry 795-798)

Northern Greece (Entries 799-804)

Religion (Entries 805-844)

 Burial Patterns (Entries 845-896)

Deities (Entries 897-906)

Ritual (Entries 907-928)

Shrines (Entries 929-938)

Social Organization and Structure (Entries 939-979)

Settlement Patterns (Entries 980-1030)

MATERIAL CULTURE

Art (Entries 1031-1066)

Architecture

Palaces (Entries 1067-1089)

Shrines (Entries 1090-1093)

Domestic Architecture (Entries 1094-1105)

Tombs (Entries 1106-1119)

Fortifications (Entries 1120-1132)

Engineering (Entries 1133-1143)

Painting

Floors (Entries 1144-1145)

Frescoes (Entries 1146-1151)

Larnakes (Entry 1152-1153)

Vases (Entries 1154-1182)

Sculpture (Entries 1183-1190)

Pottery (Entries 1191-1225)

Classification and Chronology (Entries 1226-1262)

 Figurines (Entries 1263-1270)

Handmade Burnished Ware (Entries 1271-1286)

Chemical Characterization and Provenience Studies (Entries 1287-1327)

Metalwork (Entries 128-1348)

Armor (Entries 1349-1360)

Gold (Entries 1361-1374)

Iron (Entries 1375-1376)

Tools (Entry 1377)

Weapons (Entries 1378-1389)

Fasteners (Entry 1390)

Lithics (Entries 1391-1399)

Chariots (Entries 1400-1405)

Sealstones (Entries 1406-1438)

Jewelry (Entries 1439-1452)

Amber (Entries 1453-1460)

Faience (Entry 1461)

Glass (Entries 1462-1465)

Ivory (Entries 1466-1475)

Shell (Entry 1476-1477)

Textiles (Entry 1478)

Wood (Entries 1479-1487)

INTELLECTUAL LIFE

Linear B (Entries 1488-1517)

 Decipherment (Entries 1518-1531)

Origins and Development (Entries 1532-1541)

Scribal Organization and Administration (Entries 1542-1568)

Texts (Entries 1569-1575)

Khania (Entries 1576-1580)

Knossos (Entries 1581-1588)

Mallia (Entry 1589)

Midea (Entries 1590-1592)

Mycenae (Entries 1593-1596)

Pylos (Entries 1597-1603)

Thebes (Entries 1604-1608)

Tiryns (Entries 1609-1612)

Mathematics (Entries 1613-1622)

Medicine (Entries 1623-1624)

Literature (Entries 1625-1630)

Music (Entries 1631-1632)

NEW DIRECTIONS (Entries 1633-1650)

REGIONAL AND SITE REPORTS

Gazetteers (Entries 1651-1652)

Regional Syntheses (Entries 1653-1684)

Site Reports (Entries )

Aetos (Entry 1685)

 Agnanti (Entry 1686)

Aigeira (Entries 1687-1688)

Aigina (Entries 1689-1690)

Aigion (Entries 1691-1693)

Amyklaion (Entries 1694-1695)

Analipsis (Entry 1696)

Angelika (Entry 1697)

Apochori (Entry 1698)

Archangelos (Entry 1699)

Argos (Entries 1700-1702)

Arkadia (Entry 1703)

Arkasa (Entry 1704)

Arkhanes (Entry 1705)

Asine (Entries 1706-1719)

Asopos (Entry 1720)

Athens (Entries 1721-1738)

Ayia Irini (Entries 1739-1742)

Ayia Thekla (Entry 1743)

Ayios Ioannis (Entry 1744)

Ayios Stephanos (Entries 1745-1747)

Berbati (Entries 1748-1750)

Boubousti (Entry 1751)

Broglio di Trebisacce (Entries 1752-1755)

Caria (Entry 1756)

 Corinth (Entry 1757)

Deir el-Medina (Entry 1758)

Deiras (Entries 1759-1762)

Delphi (Entry 1763)

Dendra (Entries 1764-1769)

Dhramesi (Entry 1770)

Elaphotopos (Entry 1771)

Elateia (Entries 1772-1774)

Eleusis (Entries 1775-1777)

Emporio (Entries 1778-1779)

Enkomi (Entries 1780-1782)

Epidavros (Entry 1783)

Eutresis (Entry 1784)

Exalophos (Entry 1785)

Gla (Entries 1786-1793)

Glypha (Entries 1794-1796)

Gritsa (Entry 1797)

Hala Sultan Tekke (Entries 1798-1799)

Halasmenos (Entry 1800)

Ialysos (Entries 1801-1803)

Iasos (Entry 1804)

Iolkos (Entries 1805-1810)

Isthmia (Entry 1811)

Kakovatos (Entries 1812-1813)

 Kallithea (Entries 1814-1815)

Kambi (Entry 1816)

Kapakli (Entries 1817-1818)

Karpophora (Entry 1819)

Kastanas (Entry 1820)

Kastello (Entry 1821)

Kastri-Peleki (Entry 1822)

Khalkis (Entry 1823)

Khania (Entries 1824-1825)

Kiapha Thiti (Entries 1826-1827)

Kiperi (Entry 1828)

Kition (Entries 1829-1830)

Knossos (Entries 1831-1834)

Kokkolata (Entry 1835)

Kolophon (Entry 1836)

Korakou (Entries 1837-1838)

Koryphasion (Entry 1839)

Koukounara (Entry 1840)

Koukounaries (Entries 1841-1843)

Kourion (Entries 1844-1845)

Krini (Entry 1846)

Krisa (Entries 1847-1848)

Kynos (Entry 1849)

Lefkandi (Entries 1850-1853)

 Lerna (Entries 1854-1855)

Liman Tepe (Entries 1856-1857)

Limnionas (Entry 1858)

Lindos (Entry 1859)

Lithosoros (Entry 1860)

Llanete de los Moros (Entries 1861-1862)

Malthi (Entries 1863-1864)

Marathon (Entry 1865)

Marmara (Entry 1866)

Maroni (Entries 1867-1868)

Masat Höyük (Entry 1869)

Mega Monastirion (Entry 1870)

Melathrion (Entries 1871-1873)

Menelaion (Entries 1874-1877)

Menemen (Entry 1878)

Midea (Entries 1879-1892)

Monodendri (Entry 1893)

Monolithos (Entry 1894)

Mycenae (Entries 1895-1936)

Myloi (Entry 1937)

Navplion (Entry 1938)

Nea Ionia (Entries 1939-1940)

Nichoria (Entries 1941-1947)

Olympia (Entry 1948)

 Orchomenos (Entries 1949-1951)

Palaeopaphos (Entry 1952)

Palaiokastro (Entry 1953)

Pavlopetri (Entries 1954-1955)

Pelikata (Entry 1956)

Perati (Entries 1957-1960)

Peristeria (Entries 1961-1962)

Phaleron (Entry 1963)

Phylakopi (Entries 1964-1966)

Pigadhia (Entry 1967)

Prosymna (Entries 1968-1969)

Pteleon (Entry 1970)

Pyla-Kokkinokremos (Entry 1971)

Pylona (Entry 1972)

Pylos (Entries 1973-1985)

Salamis (Entry 1986)

Samikon (Entry 1987)

Sellopoulo (Entry 1988)

Spata (Entry 1989)

Tanagra (Entries 1990-1996)

Tarsus (Entry 1997)

Thebes (Entries 1998-2014)

Tiryns (Entries 2015-2028)

 Torone (Entry 2029)

Trianda (Entry 2030)

Tris Langadas (Entry 2031)

Troy (Entries 2032-2040)

Tsoungiza (Entry 2041)

Ugarit (Entry 2042)

Voidokoilia (Entry 2043)

Volimidia (Entries 2044-2045)

Zygouries (Entry 2046)

GLOSSARY

Indexes

Author Index

Place Name Index

Subject Index

ILLUSTRATIONS

1. Map of Greece and the Aegean

2. Map of the Argolid

 INTRODUCTION

This guide provides a general introduction to the study of Mycenaean civilization, a brilliant
culture considered by the Classical Greeks to be the basis of their glorious and heroic heritage,
but whose material existence was not confirmed until the excavations of Heinrich Schliemann in
the late nineteenth century. Schliemann's discoveries electrified both the general public and the
scholarly community, though in the latter case many had reservations as well. In the ensuing
years, as with the field of archaeology in general, emphasis has shifted from revealing
monuments and finding treasure to dealing with less glamorous but more scientifically-oriented
investigations concerning aspects such as social and political organization, economic functions
and settlement patterns.

The guide consists of three major sections. The first is an introduction to Mycenaean
civilization, emphasizing its origins, development and eventual collapse. Discussion focuses
primarily upon mainland Greece, the center of Mycenaean civilization, and particularly upon
developments in the Peloponnese, in southern Greece. This section also identifies resources
available for more detailed study of Mycenaean civilization.

The second and largest section of the guide is an annotated subject bibliography of the
literature pertaining to Mycenaean civilization. This section attempts to identify for a
nonspecialist reader what is currently known about the Mycenaeans. Although the body of
literature pertaining to Mycenaean civilization is extensive and truly international in origin, the
guide concentrates on material published in English, since this will be most accessible to the
reader at local public and college libraries. The advanced student or specialist will, however,
need to consult and be familiar with books and journals published in German, French, Italian and
modern Greek, since many sources, both primary and secondary (particularly site reports), are in
these languages.

The third section comprises an author, place name, and subject index to the literature
identified in the second section.

Introduction to Mycenaean Civilization

 Some distinction must be made between the terms "Mycenaean," "Mycenaean culture"
and "Mycenaean civilization" as used in this book. When used as a noun, Mycenaean or
Mycenaeans is meant to have a primarily ethnic context, referring to a specific group of people.
In general terms, it is now quite clear that Mycenaeans were an Indo-European people who spoke
a form of Greek, probably entering the Greek peninsula between 2500 and 2000 B.C. (see
below). Hence there is no question that the ruling classBthe political, social and economic
eliteBwas Mycenaean. It is equally clear that other ethnic groups, including what can be called a
pre-Mycenaean population, also occupied mainland Greece during the Late Bronze Age.

Difficulties begin to arise, however, when efforts are made to specify in any detail what
constitutes a "Mycenaean." Archaeology cannot help us here. Physical anthropology--the
determination of ethnic or racial characteristics through analysis of skeletal remains--often yields
ambiguous or controversial results. Textual analysis reveals the existence of non-Greek or non-
Mycenaean names in the Linear B tablets. Other criteria pose additional problems. If non-Indo-
Europeans spoke Greek and adopted Mycenaean culture, did that make them Mycenaean? If
members of other ethnic groups married Mycenaeans, did that make their children Mycenaean?
It is not clear, therefore, whether the "Mycenaeans" even comprised a majority of the population
of the mainland, let alone elsewhere. We encounter a similarly confusing situation in other
ancient civilizations, as with, for example, the distinction between Han Chinese and other ethnic
groups in China which formed part of Chinese civilization.

"Mycenaean culture" will refer to material culture, ideology and behavioral patterns
associated with Mycenaeans. While it is obvious that Mycenaeans therefore possessed
Mycenaean culture, it is also the case that many non-Mycenaeans, including the indigenous pre-
Mycenaean population on the mainland and the populace of areas into which the Mycenaeans
expanded, also adopted at least some elements of Mycenaean culture. It seems reasonable to
assume that while some of these people were fully assimilated--i.e., possessed all essential
elements of Mycenaean culture--others, particularly those at the periphery of the Mycenaean
world, only chose to accept certain aspects, such as pottery, weapons, or jewelry.

It should be noted, too, that there was differential participation in Mycenaean culture and
that certain elements, such as the Linear B writing system or luxury items, were utilized by a
fairly small minority of the total population. As discussed below, though embodying distinct
Indo-European elements, Mycenaean culture demonstrates considerable influence from the
contemporary Minoan civilization on the island of Crete (the nature and extent of which is a
matter of some disagreement), particularly in its early or formative phases.

Finally, "Mycenaean civilization" will refer not only to Mycenaeans and Mycenaean
culture, but also to specific economic, social and political configurations found within certain
territorial boundaries. It is thus the most inclusive term, encompassing non-Mycenaean cultures
as well. Again, when these terms are used to refer to the centers of the Mycenaean world--the
Peloponnese, for example--their usage is relatively uncomplicated. It is in more peripheral areas
that problems of identification or definition are likely to occur.

Location of Mycenaean Civilization

 The core area of Mycenaean civilization--i.e., where it originated and where it was
centered--encompasses most of southern and central Greece (see map, Figure 1). This includes
the Peloponnese, the southernmost part of Greece, an irregular peninsula connected to central
Greece by a narrow isthmus. The Peloponnese includes the regions of Corinthia, the Argolid,
Lakonia, Messenia, Elis, Achaia and Arkadia. Mycenaean culture was also strong in central
Greece, which includes the regions of Attika, Boiotia, Euboia, Lokris and Phokis, as well as the
coastal region of Thessaly. All of these areas are within the borders of modern Greece.

As it expanded in the 14th and 13th centuries B.C., Mycenaean civilization incorporated
a wider sphere of control, including the eastern and southwestern plains of Thessaly, some of the
Cycladic, Ionian and Dodecanese islands and north-central and western Crete. These territories,
too, are part of modern Greece. Beyond this area lay a wider sphere of influence in the eastern
and central Mediterranean, including coastal areas of Turkey and Italy, where Mycenaean
presence is attested in many cases, but which must be considered in some senses peripheral.

Chronological Framework

Near Eastern, Mediterranean and European prehistory was initially divided in the 19th
century into a series of phases characterized by technological developments; although these
distinctions have largely been superseded by other criteria--e.g., cultural, social and political
aspects--the terminology has nonetheless been retained. Thus the broadest chronological
divisions are the Paleolithic (Old Stone Age), Neolithic (New Stone Age) and Bronze Age.
Subsequently the Bronze Age was subdivided into the Early, Middle and Late Bronze Ages.
Although originating in the Middle Bronze Age, Mycenaean civilization is almost entirely
encompassed by the Late Bronze Age, c. 1600-1100 B.C.

For mainland Greece, the Bronze Age is also known as the Helladic period, and the Late
Bronze Age as the Late Helladic period, which has subsequently been divided into a series of
subphases. These subphases have been determined on the basis of stratigraphic sequences at
various sites correlated with more established calendrical sequences in the Near East. More
recently radiocarbon dates have also become available; the relationship between radiocarbon
dates and the traditional chronology is still at this point somewhat uncertain. For further
discussion of these issues, see Introduction to Mycenaean Civilization: Chronology, below.

The Late Bronze Age in Greece can be roughly divided into three phases: 1) origins and
growth (Late Helladic I-II, c. 1600-1400 B.C.); 2) development and expansion (Late Helladic
IIIA-B, c. 1400-1200 B.C.); 3) decline and collapse (Late Helladic IIIC, c. 1200-1050 B.C.).
 TABLE 1. AEGEAN BRONZE AGE CHRONOLOGY

(after Warren and Hankey, 1988)

Early Helladic I (EH I): 3600-2900 B.C.

Early Helladic II (EHII): 2900-2500 B.C.

Early Helladic III (EH III): 2500-2070 B.C.

Middle Helladic I-II (MH I-II): 2070-1700 B.C.

Middle Helladic III (MH III): 1700-1600 B.C.

Late Helladic I (LH I): 1600-1500 B.C.

Late Helladic IIA (LH IIA): 1500-1450 B.C.

Late Helladic IIB (LH IIB): 1450-1400 B.C.

Late Helladic IIIA1 (LH IIIA1): 1400-1370 B.C.

Late Helladic IIIA2 (LH IIIA2): 1370-1340 B.C.

Late Helladic IIIB (LH IIIB): 1340-1190 B.C.

Late Helladic IIIC1 (LH IIIC1): 1190-1100 B.C.

Late Helladic IIIC2/Submycenaean (LH IIIC2/Smc): 1100-1050

B.C.
 Protogeometric/Early Iron Age (PG/EIA): 1050-900 B.C.

Origins and Growth of Mycenaean Civilization

It is generally accepted that the ancestors of the Mycenaeans were a group or groups of
Indo-European peoples whose ultimate homeland lay to the northeast of Greece. There is also
little question that many if not most of these peoples began as and for a considerable time
continued to be nomadic pastoralists organized at a tribal or chiefdom level. Beyond these
general notions, however, there is considerable disagreement concerning how, when and where
these ancestral groups entered Greece.

It is unlikely that the Indo-European migrations, which probably occurred in the form of
several major waves over thousands of years, involved mass movements of peoples. It would be
more plausible to envision the sporadic movement of fairly small groups--bands or tribes--over
short distances in a gradually widening ambit that eventually encompassed most of central and
southern Europe, Anatolia and the Near East. One such mass of related peoples, who can be
characterized as proto-Greek speakers, penetrated the Balkans, eventually arriving in Greece.

Estimates as to the time of arrival vary widely, from the early Neolithic to the end of the
Bronze Age. These extremes, however, represent radical positions, and the majority of opinions
on this issue focus on a period from the end of the Early Bronze Age to the end of the Middle
Bronze Age, i.e., between c. 2200 and 1600 B.C. It is perhaps unnecessary to narrow this time
period much further, since, as suggested above, the ancestors of the Mycenaeans are unlikely to
have arrived as one large group at one specific time. A more realistic model would involve
either a steady stream of movement of small groups into (and perhaps back out of) Greece during
this time or perhaps several waves of larger movements.
 If we shift our perspective from outside Greece to within it, archaeological evidence
suggests several possible breaks in cultural continuity. The first of these breaks occurs between
c. 2200 and 2000 B.C., at the end of the period designated Early Helladic II, and during Early
Helladic III. Before this, from the establishment of Neolithic cultures in Thessaly beginning in
the 7th millennium B.C. a prosperous society spread throughout Greece and the Aegean,
enduring without substantial change for almost five thousand years.

In the Early Bronze Age, this society began to develop in complexity, leading to the
formation of Minoan society on Crete and a proto-urban culture in the Cyclades and on the
mainland, exemplified at sites in southern Greece such as Lerna and Tiryns. At the end of the
Early Helladic II period, however, these sites and many others were destroyed. Some of these
sites were subsequently reoccupied by people representing a different cultural tradition, as
indicated by their material culture, burial practices and architecture. It has been suggested that
some of these people were the immediate ancestors of the Mycenaeans.

The succeeding Middle Helladic period (c. 2000-1600 B.C.) thus represents a recession
from the earlier achievements of Early Helladic II, and can plausibly be seen as a settling-in
period of formerly nomadic peoples in a new environment, perhaps with some mixture of the
indigenous and intrusive populations. It was a culture of small, unwalled, self-sufficient
agricultural villages, with only limited evidence of trade, wealth or high craftsmanship. It is
possible--indeed, probable--that additional groups of proto-Mycenaeans continued to move into
Greece during this period.

The architecture of Middle Helladic Greece is characterized by simple rectangular and

oval (apsidal) buildings, few of which attain any substantial size. Burials take the form of simple
pit or cist graves with minimal grave goods. Metal of any kind is rare and precious metals are
virtually nonexistent. Unlike the Early Helladic pottery, however, Middle Helladic pottery is
wheel-made and exists primarily in the form of two wares--Matt Painted and Minyan--which
tend to improve in quality over time. Evidence of this Middle Helladic culture is found
throughout southern and central Greece, and as far north as the coast of Thessaly.

A second likely period for the further incursion of proto-Mycenaeans is at the end of the
Middle Helladic period and the beginning of the Late Helladic period, c. 1700-1600 B.C. It is at
this time that the first evidence of what has come to be termed Mycenaean civilization appears.
Although there is no sharp cultural break here (in fact, a high degree of cultural continuity can be
demonstrated from EH III through the Classical period) and no destructions take place as had
occurred at the end of EH II, there is at this time a radical increase in the wealth and power of an
elite class in the Peloponnese, along with evidence of increasing social, political and economic
complexity.

These developments, to be discussed in greater detail below, have led some writers to
propose the appearance of a small number of tribal chieftains and their followers, who by means
of their superior military organization and technology--particularly bronze weapons and the
chariot--seized control of key sites in southern Greece. The magnificent wealth and skill of the
Shaft Grave artifacts and the implied social status of those with whom they were interred do in
fact represent a striking contrast to the overall poverty of Middle Helladic culture.

It has thus been suggested that a powerful ruling class, having possibly attained both
wealth and overseas connections through military skill as either mercenaries or raiders, settled in
the Peloponnese at this time and took control. Whether or not this was the case, LH I represents
the last possible time at which population movements into Greece of any significant dimensions
took place until the end of the Late Bronze Age. To summarize, then, the most plausible
scenario for the arrival of proto-Greeks involves a series of movements beginning c. 2200 B.C.
and concluding by c. 1600 B.C. It is unlikely to have occurred as a mass population movement
during a short period of time, although it could have taken the form of several distinct waves of
immigration during that time.

Since the Shaft Graves comprise the most tangible and striking evidence for the
emergence of Mycenaean civilization, some attention to them is warranted; indeed, the early
phases of Mycenaean civilization are often referred to as the Shaft Grave period. The largest,
richest and best-known shaft graves are found at Mycenae in two groups: Grave Circle A and
Grave Circle B. The burials of Grave Circle A were discovered by Schliemann during his
earliest excavations at Mycenae, while Grave Circle B was not found until the 1960's. Please see
Cultural History and Society: Religion for further description and discussion of shaft graves.

Although more recently excavated, the burials of Grave Circle B are for the most part
earlier than those of Grave Circle A, beginning somewhat before 1600 B.C. and continuing in
use until c. 1550. These shaft graves are essentially larger, deeper, richer and more elaborate
versions of Middle Helladic cist graves and undoubtedly represent the graves of the earliest
rulers of Mycenae. In the fourteen shaft graves of Grave Circle B, a gradual progression and
elaboration of the form can be seen and there is some chronological overlap in the use of Grave
Circles A and B. In addition to drinking and pouring vessels found in other Middle Helladic
graves, more striking indicators of wealth and status such as jewelry, weapons and containers of
various materials are now deposited as well, indicating an increasingly more prominent elite
class and a change in burial practices as well.

Grave Circle A was in use from c. 1550 to 1500 B.C., or to the end of LH I. Although
the general form of these graves is similar to those of Grave Circle B, the six shaft graves contain
an astonishing amount of wealth in the form of gold, silver and bronze vessels, amber necklaces,
semiprecious stones and numerous engraved and inlaid bronze weapons. The cultural influences
and origins of these artifacts have been attributed to central Europe, Anatolia, the Levant, Egypt,
the Cyclades, and above all Crete; it is in fact almost certain that many of them were made by
Minoan craftsmen.

How to explain this sudden explosion of wealth? With the discovery of Grave Circle B,
it can be seen that although the burials of Grave Circle A are much richer, most of their elements
are already present in the earlier shaft graves, though in less spectacular form. What the shaft
graves represent, then, among other things, is a tangible expression of the growing wealth and
power of Mycenaean rulers and the emergence of a state society, of increasingly complex social,
political and economic relationships.

Architectural evidence of these processes is harder to find, in part because the early
palaces at sites such as Mycenae, Tiryns, Thebes and Pylos lie beneath and were very likely
razed to a considerable extent during the construction of later and more elaborate structures. So
the burials--first shaft graves and later tholos tombs--are the best indications of these changes.

This evidence suggests a slow and gradual development beginning at the end of the
Middle Helladic period (MH III) and continuing at a more rapid pace through LH I and II (c.
1700-1450 B.C.). There was a fair amount of regional variation and diversity in these early
developments, followed by a greater degree of cultural uniformity in LH III. Although Minoan
and Cycladic influence was considerable in many areas, such as administration, architecture, art
and religion, the essential character of Mycenaean civilization was formed on the Greek
mainland. Moreover, the processes leading toward increasing economic, political and social
complexity seem to have been largely indigenous. And although there was frequent and more or
less continuous contact between the mainland and islands of the Aegean during the entire Bronze
Age, strong Minoan influence does not occur until a Mycenaean hegemony is well established on
the mainland, during LH II.

Although the evolution of Mycenaean civilization was without question affected by a

variety of factors, the single most significant factor in accounting for the sudden wealth and
prominence of an elite ruling class seems to have been Mycenaean participation in long-distance
trade. The most likely items of value that the Mycenaeans themselves required and which were
in great demand throughout the Eastern Mediterranean were metals. How and where these
metals were obtained is difficult to establish, although it is perhaps reasonable to assume that the
Mycenaeans maintained earlier ties and relationships with metal-rich areas of central and
southeastern Europe or with the central Mediterranean area, where ties as early as LH I are
demonstrated.

The growth and prosperity of Mycenaean culture is reflected in an increase in population,

particularly in the Peloponnese, where most of the earliest advances seem to have been centered.
During LH I and II there is an increase in the number of settlements and in the size of at least
some settlements as well; i.e., it is likely that a settlement hierarchy was already developing.
Very few early Mycenaean settlements have been excavated to any extent, however, so our
knowledge of them remains limited.

Further evidence for increasing social stratification and the establishment of an elite class
comes from tholos tombs, which became the preferred method of burial for the upper class after
shaft graves went out of fashion. Both types of burials required considerable labor in their
construction--thus signifying not only the status of the deceased but the mobilization of a
communal labor force--and were customarily the repository of wealth unavailable to the average
person. In terms of visibility, however, tholoi were more conspicuous, thus advertising more
explicitly the status and power of royal or noble families. This visibility also made them more
vulnerable to grave-robbers, and most of the largest and most conspicuous tholoi were despoiled
of the majority of their treasure in antiquity; it was undoubtedly the arrogance of power that
convinced the Mycenaean rulers that such would not be the case. The more elaborate
architecture of the tholoi also offers the earliest evidence of increasing skill in construction of the
Mycenaeans. The earliest tholoi, found primarily in Messenia, chronologically overlap the later
shaft graves of Grave Circle A and eventually supplant them, as the somewhat later tholoi from
Mycenae itself attest.

Additional evidence of the increasing technical and artistic skill of Mycenaean craftsmen
is seen in LH I and LH II pottery. Strongly influenced by Minoan prototypes, early Mycenaean
pottery is well-made, comes in a variety of shapes and utilizes a fairly wide repertoire of
decorative motifs.
Development and Expansion of Mycenaean Civilization

During the course of the 14th and 13th centuries B.C. (LH IIIA and LH IIIB) Mycenaean
civilization reached the peak of its development and expansion. This was a period for the most
part of great prosperity, and the Mycenaean economy flourished. The Mycenaean kings and the
states ruled by them were powers to be reckoned with in the Aegean and the Eastern
Mediterranean. Some of the most tangible evidences of Mycenaean power and authority were
the palaces built at Mycenae, Tiryns, Pylos and Thebes. In fact, almost all of the most
impressive construction took place during LH IIIA and IIIB. Literary and material evidence
indicates that the greatest of these palaces was at Mycenae, and it may thus serve as a model for
these processes occurring elsewhere as well.

The palace at Mycenae underwent several phases of construction, the earliest of which
are preserved in only a few places. Rebuilding was dictated not only by expansion and strategic
considerations, but at least once by a severe earthquake, in LH IIIB. In LH IIIB the addition of
massive cyclopean walls also turned the acropolis into a heavily fortified citadel. The earlier
shaft graves were consciously and conspicuously incorporated within the fortification walls,
surrounded with a double ring of slabs and otherwise prominently associated with the ruling
dynasty. Outside the citadel, a number of impressive tholoi were also built.

All of this construction was certainly meant in part to demonstrate the power of the king
of Mycenae and of his state. Evidence from elsewhere indicates these processes occurring in
other centers as well, leading to the development of a palace-centered state society. The
adoption and use of the Linear B writing system also testifies to an increased degree of
administrative complexity, with a series of offices and titles and several levels of supervision.
The palaces also became the centers for economic activity on a large scale, particularly the
collection of raw materials, the manufacturing of various products for domestic use and export
and trade both within and outside the Greek peninsula.

Mycenaean control and influence now extended considerably beyond the Greek
mainland, throughout the eastern and central Mediterranean. The relationship between mainland
Greece and Crete, in which Crete had initially been the dominant cultural and economic force in
the Aegean, began to change in LH IIIA. The palace of Knossos came under Mycenaean
control, as well as the central part of Crete, including perhaps as much as one-third of the total
area of the island. Mycenaean control and/or influence was also strong in the Cycladic Islands,
replacing that of Crete, and the settlements of Ayia Irini on Keos and Phylakopi on Melos can be
seen at this time either as Mycenaean or at least under strong Mycenaean influence.

Mycenaean trade and contact expanded well beyond the Cyclades and Crete, beginning at
the end of LH IIB period and continuing in LH IIIA1. Evidence of this economic activity in LH
IIIA, primarily in the form of pottery, is now found in Egypt, Cyprus, the Dodecanese, the
Levant and Anatolia.

The period encompassing LH IIIA1 through LH IIIB1 (c. 1400-1250 B.C.) has often been
referred to as the Mycenaean "koine," characterized by a high degree of cultural uniformity
though the Aegean area. This can be seen clearly, for example, in Mycenaean pottery, which
now not only shows considerably less Minoan influence, but is highly standardized in terms of
shape and decoration and is of almost uniformly high technical quality. More detailed treatment
of these fully developed aspects of Mycenaean culture can be found in discussions of specific
topics elsewhere in this guide.

Decline and Collapse of Mycenaean Civilization

The beginnings of Mycenaean decline can be traced to LH IIIB--certainly to LH IIIB2

and in some cases to LH IIIB1. One sign of increasing political insecurity is the construction of
massive fortifications at sites such as Mycenae, Tiryns, Midea, Gla and Phylakopi, as mentioned
above. Although they testify to the considerable power of the Mycenaean state in mobilizing
materials and manpower, as well as to outstanding construction and engineering skill, the
resources of material and labor used to construct them would seem to have been more
productively employed were it not for the implied military threat. Certain Linear B tablets from
Pylos have also been interpreted as referring to the disposition of military units in response to an
impending attack, and it has been suggested that others also have to do with a state of
emergency or crisis.

There is some evidence as well for the beginnings of economic decline, perhaps in terms
of reduced agricultural productivity, but more demonstrably in the disruption of external trade.
Here we must place events in Greece within the wider context of developments at the end of the
Late Bronze Age in the Eastern Mediterranean. This was truly a "time of troubles," of
widespread movement and migration of peoples, with a series of attacks on settlements
throughout the region, resulting in the destruction of the Mycenaean and Hittite civilizations and
of many individual coastal and island sites.

A similar set of circumstances was implicated in the origins of Mycenaean civilization,

and again it is believed that it was the movement of Indo-European peoples that was the primary
factor which ultimately triggered these developments. The identity of these peoples is uncertain;
some, but certainly not all, of them have been grouped under the name of the Sea Peoples, the
term applied to a loose confederation of invaders by the Egyptians, who barely beat back several
serious attacks during the 13th century. It is not unlikely that some of these Sea Peoples were of
Aegean origin, possibly even Mycenaeans, either participating as raiders--a not unfamiliar role--
or as refugees from earlier attacks on mainland Greece.

The most tangible and compelling evidence for the decline and collapse of Mycenaean
civilization can be seen in the destruction of almost all of the major population centers and the
abandonment of many smaller sites as well. Although these destructions do not comprise a
distinct horizon, most of them take place at the end of LH IIIB. At this time the palaces of Pylos
and Knossos and the citadel at Gla were destroyed and abandoned, and the palaces at Mycenae,
Tiryns and Iolkos suffered serious damage.

In LH IIIC the processes of decline and collapse accelerated. Although many

settlements--including Mycenae, Tiryns, Athens and Iolkos--demonstrate continuity of
occupation, there must have been a sharp reduction in the standard of living. The increasingly
unsettled political situation led to considerable movement within the Aegean, with a shift of
population away from coastal areas and toward inland mountainous areas offering greater
security. Certain areas, such as Achaia, Kephallenia, eastern Attika, Euboia and Cyprus show a
population increase during this period, as well as continued or even increased prosperity. It is in
fact becoming increasingly clear that wealth and power were becoming decentralized, with a
shift away from the palatial centers and toward formerly peripheral areas. At the end of LH IIIC,
however, another wave of destruction occurs, bringing to an end the remnants of Mycenaean
civilization.

A variety of hypotheses have been advanced to explain the collapse of Mycenaean

civilization. Most of the earlier ideas can be characterized as single-cause explanations, while
more recent discussions have tended to suggest that the Mycenaean collapse was the
combination of at least several factors. The earliest and still popular hypotheses involve invasion
or attack by external forces. The Sea Peoples have already been mentioned as one set of likely
candidates. Greek tradition, as reflected in references by both Herodotus and Thucydides,
implicates others as well: the Heraklidae and the Dorians.

According to legend the Heraklidae were exiled from Greece for one hundred years,
returning at the end of the Bronze Age with a tribe called the Dorians, and conquering a number
of territories, particularly in the Peloponnese. The origin of the Dorians is uncertain. They are
believed to have been a Greek-speaking people existing on the margins of the Mycenaean world,
probably somewhere in northwestern Greece, although more recent hypotheses plausibly cast
them as a submerged population element within the Mycenaean realm itself. As with the Sea
Peoples, there is little or no archaeological evidence for the existence of the Dorians during this
period. In later times the Dorians were Greeks who spoke a distinctive dialect--Doric--and
occupied much of the Peloponnese and Crete; the most prominent of them were the Spartans. It
has been difficult, however, to link convincingly this literary and linguistic evidence to the
available archaeological record.

Other hypotheses and traditions seek the cause of collapse within the Mycenaean system
itself, either as the result of conflict between various Mycenaean states or an uprising of a
disaffected populace. Both of these are possible, either singly or in combination; nor is the latter
explanation incompatible with the notion of the Dorians as an oppressed minority.
Unfortunately, the evidence of the archaeological record can neither entirely support nor exclude
these explanations. The construction of fortifications and their subsequent destruction indicates
that fear of attack on the part of the Mycenaean elite was justified, although it cannot tell us from
whom attack was feared.

Still other hypotheses suggest changes in climatic conditions leading to long-term

economic decline or flaws in the Mycenaean political or economic structure. All of these
certainly could have been contributing factors. The apparent inability of the Mycenaean states to
cooperate with each other--mirroring perhaps a similar inability of the classical Greek city-
states--if not the cause of internecine warfare, could at the very least have left each individual
state more vulnerable to attack. If the Mycenaean states had become overly centralized--as the
Pylos Linear B tablets perhaps suggest--they may not have been able to respond effectively to
changes in their external and internal environments. The disruption of trade, for example, could
not only have eliminated the markets for their exportable products, but also denied them
necessary raw materials, particularly copper and tin.

There is likely, then, to have been a concatenation of interacting factors responsible for
the Mycenaean collapse, although the exact nature and sequence of events is still quite unclear.
The chronology of destruction and abandonments suggests that the major centers were not
destroyed simultaneously, although the first destructions could have ultimately triggered a
domino effect. Or it may be that independent and local developments may have cumulatively
resulted in a series of disasters from which a too-rigidly structured system could not recover.

LH IIIC was thus a long period during which most of the major centers and many other
settlements were destroyed and/or abandoned, there was considerable movement of populations--
Aegean and otherwise--and in which some areas on the periphery of the Mycenaean world
received an influx of immigrants and experienced continued if not increased prosperity. It was
during this time and the following centuries, according to legend and linguistic evidence, that
various groups entered and moved through the southern Balkan peninsula, some of them
ancestral to or related to later Classical dialect groups. A number of changes in cultural behavior
and material culture also occurred: in terms of burial practices, multiple inhumation was replaced
by single burial and cremation; the use of fibulae as clothing fasteners was also introduced.

Most striking, however, was the disappearance of most features associated with the
Mycenaean aristocracy and Mycenaean civilization itself. These include monumental
architecture, the Linear B script, and fine pottery and jewelry. All in all, there was a reversion to
a simpler and poorer form of life and society, based primarily on a pastoral economy and lacking
the complex forms of social, political and economic organization found at the height of
Mycenaean civilization. This period, known as the Greek Dark Age, lasted several hundred
years, roughly from the eleventh through the ninth centuries B.C.

Although much was lost, there were some elements of continuity as well. Much of the
populace, after all, though scattered and reduced, was descended from the Mycenaeans and
retained, no doubt, many ancestral customs and traditions. Some of these are reflected in later
Greek traditions and literature, such as the Homeric poems. Some continuity can be detected in
the sparse archaeological evidence from the Dark Age; in the manufacture of pottery, for
instance, there is a distinct relationship between late Mycenaean pottery and the Dark Age
Protogeometric pottery.

Certainly the classical Greeks viewed the Mycenaeans as their ancestors. Although
tradition placed the heroic and tragic stories of the kings of Mycenae and Thebes several
generations, rather than hundreds of years, in the past, the later Greeks proudly claimed ancestry
from them, honored the heroes of the Trojan war and worshipped at ancient holy places and ruins
associated with them. For them there was no doubt: the Bronze Age, the heroic age of Greece,
was the Golden Age indeed.
 Resources for the Study of Mycenaean Civilization

Unfortunately, no major museums or research institutions concerned with Mycenaean

civilization are located in the United States. This presents a distinct problem for the researcher
in terms of access to rare or specialized literature, and especially to Mycenaean artifacts.
However, a number of American universities have been and continue to be involved in research
activities. These include the University of Pennsylvania, Bryn Mawr University, The University
of Cincinnati, The University of Minnesota, Boston University, Indiana University and The
University of Texas at Austin.

Museums and Research Institutions

The most important museum and the major research institutions for the study of
Mycenaean civilization are located in Athens. The largest collection and display of Mycenaean
artifacts is the National Archaeological Museum, confined mostly to materials from the
Peloponnese. Other smaller and less accessible museums are located in Navplion, Thebes,
Lamia, Volos and Chora (near Pylos in Messenia).

The most important research institutions are the foreign schools in Athens. These include
the American School of Classical Studies (54 Odos Souidias), the British School of Archaeology
(52 Odos Souidias), l'Ecole Française d'Archéologie (6 Odos Didotou) and the Deutsches
Archäologisches Institut (1 Odos Fidias).

Literature of Mycenaean Civilization

 The number of books and journals pertaining to Mycenaean civilization is considerable.
Since this volume is a brief bibliographic survey and guide to the field, some selectivity has been
exercised so that works representative of important authors, archaeological sites and general
subject fields could be included. Many works omitted from this guide can easily be located in
the bibliographies and other reference works cited elsewhere in this volume, in the summaries of
research activities listed below, and in Nestor, a bibliographic newsletter included below with
other journals.

Summaries of Research Activities

Archaiologikon Deltion, Meros B' - Chronika. Athens, Greece: Ypourgeio Politismou. 1-,
1962. 1/yr.

Official publication of work carried out by the Archaeological Service of the Greek
Ministry of Culture, primarily salvage operations; presently there is about a seven or eight year
delay in publication of results for a given year.

Archaeological Reports. London, England: The Council of the Society for the Promotion of
Hellenic Studies and The Managing Committee of the British School at Athens. 1-,
1955-. 1\yr.

Summarizes excavation and survey results from Greek publications; the best source for
this information in English.

Bulletin de Correspondence Hellénique. Paris, France: École Française d'Athènes. v. 1-,

1877-. 4/yr.

Also includes excavation reports and research articles.

Journals

American Journal of Archaeology, Boston, MA: Archaeological Institute of America. First

Series, v. 1-10, 1885-1896; Second Series, v. 1-, 1897-. 4/yr.

Articles devoted to art and archaeology of ancient Europe and the Mediterranean world,
from prehistoric to late antique times; a major source of scholarly activity.

Annual of the British School at Athens. London, England: Managing Committee of the
British School at Athens. v. 1-, 1894-. 1/yr.

One of the most important sources of scholarly articles and excavation reports.

Archaiologika Analekta ex Athinon. Athens, Greece: Ypourgeio Politismou. 1-, 1968-.

2/yr.

Published by the Greek Ministry of Culture, designed for more rapid dissemination of
excavation and research results than formal publication Archaiologikon Deltion; most articles are
in Greek, but many are supplied with an English summary; some review articles are in both
Greek and English.

Archaiologikis Ephemeris: Periodikon tis en Athenais Archaiologikis Etaireias. Athens,

Greece: I en Athenais Archaiologiki Etaireia. v. 1-, 1837-. 1/yr.
 Scholarly articles published in Greek by the Archaeological Society of Athens, which
sponsors excavations and other archaeological activities.

Archaiologikon Deltion, Meros A' - Meletai. Athens, Greece: Ypourgeio Politismou. 1-,
1962-. 1/yr.

Scholarly articles, mostly in Greek, published by the Greek Ministry of Culture.

Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies. London, England: University of London,

Institute of Classical Studies. 1-, 1954-. 1/yr.

Summaries of papers presented at the Mycenaean Seminar.

Hesperia. Princeton, NJ: American School of Classical Studies at Athens. v. 1-, 1937-.
4/year.

Articles in English concerning aspects of ancient Greek archaeology, including

Mycenaean civilization.

Kadmos: Zeitschrift für Vor- und Frühgriechische Epigraphik. Berlin, Germany: Walter de
Gruyter. v. 1-, 1962-. 2/yr.
 Articles in various languages, mainly German and English, on aspects of ancient
epigraphy, including Linear B.

Minos: Revista de Filología Egea. Salamanca, Spain: Ediciones Universidad de

Salamanca. v. 1-, 1951-. 1/yr.

Publishes articles dealing primarily with Aegean language and writing, including Linear
B.

Nestor. Cincinnati, OH: Department of Classics, University of Cincinnati; formerly published by

the Program in Classical Archaeology, Indiana University. v. 1-, 1957- . 9/yr.

An indispensable bibliographic resource for the serious researcher; includes publications

concerning the Mediterranean, the Near East and Europe, primarily for the Neolithic through the
Early Iron Age (especially Homer).

Opuscula Atheniensia. Stockholm, Sweden: Swedish Institute at Athens. v. 1-, 1953-.

irreg.

Articles are mainly in English and deal primarily with aspects of Swedish excavations,
particularly on Cyprus and in the Argolid.

Praktika tis en Athenais Archaiologikis Etaireias. Athens, Greece: I en Athenais Archaiologiki

Etaireia. v. 1-, 1837-. 1/yr.
 Detailed reports in Greek concerning excavations carried out by members of the
Archaeological Society of Athens.

Studi Micenei ed Egeo-Anatolici. Rome, Italy: Istituto per gli studi Micenei ed Egeo-
Anatolici del Consiglio Nazionale delle Ricerche. v. 1-, 1966-. irreg.

Publishes articles in Italian, German, French and English dealing with Aegean
archaeology and language, particularly aspects concerning Linear B.

To Ergon tis Archaiologikis Etaireias. Athens, Greece: I en Athenais Archaiologiki Etaireia.

v. 1-, 1954- 1/yr.

Illustrated summaries in Greek of excavations carried out by members of the

Archaeological Society of Athens.

Monograph Series

Paul Åströms Förlag, Jonsered, Sweden.

--Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology, Monographs, v. 1-, 1962-.

--Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology and Literature, Pocket-Books, v. 1-, 1974-.

British Archaeological Reports, Oxford, England.

--International Series, no. 1-, 1975-.

 Pubblicazioni dell'Istituto pre gli Studi Micenei ed Egeo-Anatolici del Consiglio Nazionale delle
Richerche, Rome, Italy.

--Incunabula Graeca (including Studi Micenei ed Egeo-Anatolici), v. 1-, 1961-.

Conference Proceedings

Several institutions have sponsored a series of conferences on topics concerning

Mycenaean civilization, including the International Colloquium on Mycenaean Studies, Temple
University, the University of Liège and the Swedish Institute in Athens. The titles of the
conferences, symposia and colloquoia are given here; in some cases, the individual papers are
also listed as bibliographic entries.

International Colloquium on Mycenaean Studies

Études Mycéniennes: Actes du Colloque International sur les Textes Mycéniens (Gif-sur-Yvette, 3-7
avril 1956). Michel Lejeune, ed. Paris: Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, 1956. 280
p.

Mycenaean Studies: Proceedings of the Third International Colloquium for Mycenaean

Studies Held at "Wingspread," 4-8 September 1961. Emmett L. Bennett, Jr., ed. Madison:
University of Wisconsin, 1964. 284 p.

Proceedings of the Cambridge Colloquium on Mycenaean Studies. Leonard R. Palmer and John
Chadwick, eds. Cambridge, Eng.: Cambridge University Press, 1966. 309 p.
Acta Mycenaea: Proceedings of the Fifth International Colloquium on Mycenaean Studies, Held at
Salamanca, 30 March-3 April 1970. Martin S. Ruiperez, ed. Salamanca: Universidad de
Salamanca, 1972.

Colloquium Mycenaeum: Actes du Sixième Colloque International sur les Textes Mycéniens et
Égéens tenu à Chaumont sur Neuchatel du 7 au 13 Septembre 1975. Université de Neuchatel,
Receuil de Travaux Publies par la Faculte des Lettres 36. Geneva: Université de Neuchatel,
1979. 432 p.

Res Mycenaeae: Akten des VII. Internationalen Mykenologischen Colloquiums in Nürnberg

vom 6.-10. April 1981. Alfred Heubeck and Günter Neumann, eds. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck
& Ruprecht, 1983. 439 p.

Tractata Mycenaea: Proceedings of the Eighth International Colloquium on Mycenaean Studies,

Held at Ohrid, 15-20 September 1985. Petar H. Ilievski and Ljiljana Crepajac, eds. Skopje:
Macedonian Academy of Sciences and Arts, 1987. 404 p.

Mykenäika: Actes du IXe Colloque International sur les Textes Mycéniens et Égéens Organise de la
Fondation Héllenique des Recherches Scientifique et l'École Française d'Athènes (Athènes, 2-6
Octobre 1990). Jean-Pierre Olivier, ed. Bulletin de Correspondence Hellénique, Supplement 25.
Paris: Diffusion de Boccard, 1992.

Floreant Studia Mycenaea: Akten des X. Internationalen Mykenologischen Colloquiums in Salzburg

vom 1.-5. Mai 1995. Sigrid Deger-Jalkotzy, Stefan Hiller and Oswald Panagl, eds.
Veroffentlichungen der Mykenischen Kommission, v. 18. Denkschriften - Österreichische
Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-Historische Klasse, v. 274. Vienna: Verlag der
Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1999.

Université de l'Etat à Liège, Histoire de l'art et archéologie de la Grèce antique

 Thanatos: Les Coutumes Funeraires en Égée a l'Age du Bronze. Actes du colloque de Liège (21-
23 avril 1986). Robert Laffineur, ed. Aegaeum 1, Annales d'archéologie égéenne de l'Université
de Liège. Liège: Université de l'Etat à Liège, 1987. 244 p.

Transition: Le monde égéen du Bronze moyen au Bronze récent. Actes de la deuxième

Rencontre égéene internationale de l'Université de Liège (18-20 avril 1988). Robert Laffineur,
ed. Aegaeum 3, Annales d'archéologie égéenne de l'Université de Liège. Liège: Université de
l'Etat à Liège, 1989. 272 p.

Aegean Seals, Sealings and Administration: Proceedings of the NEH-Dickson Conference of the
Program in Aegean Scripts and Prehistory of the Department of Classics, University of Texas at
Austin, January 11-13, 1989. Thomas G. Palaima, ed. Aegaeum 5, Annales d'archéologie égéene
de l'Université de Liège. Liège: Université de Liège, 1990. 250 p.

Thalassa: l'Egee prehistorique et la mer. Actes de la troisième Rencontre égéenne internationale

de l'Université de Liège, Station de recherches sous-marines et oceanographiques (StaReSo),
Calvi, Corse (23-25 avril 1990). Robert Laffineur and Lucien Basch, eds. Aegaeum 7, Annales
d'archéologie égénne de l'Université de Liège. Liège: Université de Liège, 1991. 324 p.

EIKON. Aegean Bronze Age Iconography: Shaping a Methodology. Proceedings of the 4th
International Aegean Conference, University of Tasmania, Hobart, Australia, 6-9 April 1992.
Robert Laffineur and Janice Crowley, eds. Aegaeum 8, Annales d'archéologie égéenne de
l'Université de Liège. Liège: Université de Liège, 1992. 350 p.

The Role of the Ruler in the Prehistoric Aegean. Proceedings of a Panel Discussion presented at the
Annual Meeting of the Archaeological Institute of America, New Orleans, Louisiana, 28
December, 1992. Paul Rehak, ed. Aegaeum 11, Annales d'archéologie égéenne de l'Université de
Liège Liège: Université de Liège. 1995. 211 p.

Politeia: Society and State in the Aegean Bronze Age. Proceedings of the 5th International Aegean
Conference/5e Rencontre égéene internationale, University of Heidelberg, Archäologisches
Institut, 10-13 April 1994. Robert Laffineur and Wolf-Dietrich Niemeier, eds. Aegaeum 12,
Annales d'archéologie égéenne de l'Université de Liège et UT-PASP. Liège: Université de Liège
Histoire de l'art et archéologie de la Grèce antique/University of Texas at Austin Program in
Scripts and Prehistory. 1995. 2 v.
TEKHNE: Craftsmen, Craftswomen and Craftmanship in the Aegean Bronze Age. Proceedings of
the 6th International Aegean conference/6e Rencontre égéenne internationale, Philadelphia,
Temple University, 18-21 April 1996. Robert Laffineur and Philip P. Betancourt, eds. Aegaeum
16, Annales d'archéologie égéenne de l'Université de Liège et UT-PASP. Liège: Université de
Liège Histoire de l'art et archeologié de la Grèce antique and University of Texas at Austin
Program in Aegean Scripts and Prehistory. 1997. 2 v.

The Aegean and the Orient in the Second Millennium. Proceedings of the 50th Anniversary
Symposium, Cincinnati, 19-20 April 1997. Eric H. Cline and Diane Harris-Cline, eds. Aegaeum
18, Annales d'archéologie égéenne de l'Université de Liège et UT-PASP. Liège: Université de
Liège Histoire de l'art et archeologié de la Grèce antique and University of Texas at Austin
Program in Aegean Scripts and Prehistory. 1998. 363 p.

POLEMOS: Le contexte guerrier en Égée à l=âge du Bronze. Actes de la 7e Rencontre égéenne

internationale, Université de Liège, 14-17 avril 1998. Robert Laffineur, ed. Aegaeum 19,
Annales d=archéologie égéenne de l'Université de Liège et UT-PASP. Liège: Université de Liège
Histoire de l'art et archeologié de la Grèce antique and University of Texas at Austin Program in
Aegean Scripts and Prehistory. 1999. 2 v.

Meletemata: Studies in Aegean Archaeology Presented to Malcolm H. Wiener as He Enters His 65th
Year. Philip P. Betancourt, Vassos Karageorghis, Robert Laffineur and Wolf-Dietrich Niemeier,
eds. Aegaeum 20, Annales d=archéologie égéenne de l'Université de Liège et UT-PASP.
Université de Liège, Histoire de l=art et archéologie de la Grèce/University of Texas at Austin,
Programs in Aegean Scripts and Prehistory. Liège: Université de Liège, 1999. 3 v.

POTNIA: Deities and Religion in the Aegean Bronze Age. Proceedings of the 8th International
Aegean Conference/8e Rencontre ègèenne inernationale, Göteborg, University of Göteborg,
12-15 April 2000. Robert Laffineur and Robin Hägg, eds. Aegaeum 22, Annales d’archéologie
égéenne de l’Université de Liège et UT-PASP. Université de Liège, Histoire de l’art et
archéologie de la Grèce antique/University of Texas at Austin, Program in Aegean Scripts and
Prehistory, 2001. 496 p.
 Skrifter utgivna av Svenska institutet in Athen, Series 4.

Sanctuaries and Cults in the Aegean Bronze Age: Proceedings of the First International
Symposium at the Swedish Institute at Athens, 12-13 May, 1980. Robin Hägg and Nanno
Marinatos, eds. Vol. 28. Stockholm, 1981. 226 p.

The Greek Renaissance of the Eighth Century B.C.: Tradition and Innovation: Proceedings of the
Second International Symposium at the Swedish Institute in Athens, 1-5 June, 1981. Robin
Hägg, ed. Vol. 30. Stockholm, 1983. 225 p.

The Minoan Thalassocracy: Myth and Reality. Proceedings of the Third International
Symposium at the Swedish Institute in Athens, 31 May-5 June, 1982. Vol. 32. Robin Hägg and
Nanno Marinatos, eds. Stockholm, 1984. 230 p.

The Function of the Minoan Palaces: Proceedings of the Fourth International Symposium at the
Swedish Institute in Athens, 10-16 June, 1984. Vol. 35. Robin Hägg and Nanno Marinatos, eds.
Stockholm, 1987. 344 p.

Early Greek Cult Practice: Proceedings of the Fifth International Symposium at the Swedish
Institute in Athens, 26-29 June, 1986. Robin Hägg, Nanno Marinatos and Gullög
Nordquist, eds. Vol. 38. Stockholm. 303 p.

Celebrations of Death and Divinity in the Bronze Age Argolid: Proceedings of the Sixth International
Symposium at the Swedish Institute at Athens, 11-13 June, 1988. Vol. 40. Robin Hägg and
Gullög Nordquist, eds. Stockholm, 1990. 245 p.

Agriculture in Ancient Greece: Proceedings of the Seventh International Symposium at the

Swedish Institute in Athens, 16-17 May 1990. Vol. 42. Berit Wells, ed. Stockholm, 1992.
178 p.

The Function of the AMinoan Villa@: Proceedings of the Eighth International Symposium at the
Swedish Institute at Athens, 6-8 June, 1992. Vol. 46. Robin Hägg, ed. Stockholm, 1997. 245 p.
Sheffield Studies in Aegean Archaeology

Cemetery and Society in the Aegean Bronze Age. Keith Branagan, ed. Sheffield Studies in
Aegean Archaeology, 1. Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press. 1998. 173 p.

Neolithic Society in Greece. Paul Halstead, ed. Sheffield Studies in Aegean Archaeology, 2.
Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press. 1999. 163 p.

Landscape and Land Use in Postglacial Greece. Paul Halstead and Charles Frederick, eds.
Sheffield Studies in Aegean Archaeology, 3. Sheffield: Sheffield University Press. 2000. 175 p.

Urbanism in the Aegean Bronze Age. Keith Branagan, ed. Sheffield Studies in Aegean
Archaeology, 4. London: Sheffield Academic Press. 2001. 181 p.

Temple University Aegean Symposia

A series of nine symposia on various topics held at Temple University between 1976 and
1984 was edited by Philip P. Betancourt.

Electronic Resources

One of the most significant recent developments in the dissemination of information has
been the explosive expansion of the Internet. This expansion will continue to have a profound
effect on how information will be made available. Some consequences already apparent include
the rapid conveyance of news throughout the world to a potentially vast audience, wider
discussion of data and their interpretation, and the publication of data which can be searched,
downloaded and manipulated by anyone with access to the Internet, an increasingly large
percentage of the population.

For the Aegean Bronze Age there are already many sites on the Internet. These include
discussion lists, general sites concerned with archaeology, history and antiquity, meta-sites,
repositories of images, and sites concerning specific archaeological sites and survey data. Most
of these sites include links to other similar sites as well.

Listed below are some significant sites current at the end of 2002. It is important,
however, to be aware that such sites depend upon the support of individuals and institutions in
order to keep them functional and available; thus locations of current sites may change or even
disappear in the future. In accessing these sites, it is also very important to type the URL exactly
as given.

Discussion Lists

AegeaNet – listproc@ku.edu (to subscribe); aegeaNet@ku.edu (to contribute). Discussion and

newsgroup on the pre-classical Aegean world from the Paleolithic to Homer (with an emphasis
on the Bronze Age) founded in 1993 and managed (with Paul Rehak) by John G. Younger. The
essential discussion group for the Aegean Bronze Age, for specialists and non-specialists.
Archives of discussions can be found at http://lsv.uky.edu/archives/aegeanet.html.

Ancien-L: History of the Ancient Mediterranean - ANCIEN-L@listserv.louisville.edu. General

unmoderated discussion list for the ancient Mediterranean world and Near East; topics
occasionally include the Aegean Bronze Age.

On-line Course Materials

Aegean Bronze Age Archaeology - http://mailer.fsu.edu/~dpullen/ARH4110/. Syllabus of course

taught at Florida State University by Dr. Daniel J. Pullen. Detailed study of the cultures of
prehistoric Greece, the Cycladic Islands and Crete within the context of the Eastern
Mediterranean from the Paleolithic to the 12th century B.C., with particular focus on the origins
and functions of palaces and their society.

Aegean Bronze Age Archaeology and Art – http://www.people.ku.edu/~jyounger/Aegean.html.

This course surveys the Aegean Bronze Age, concentrating on its art and society, with some
emphasis on the development of administration and writing.

Archaeology of the Aegean Bronze Age -

http://warthog.cc.wm.edu/CAS/classical_studies/wehutt/490syll.html. Syllabus of course offered
by Dr. William E. Hutton of The College of William and Mary.
Bronze Age Art and Archaeology - http://www.skidmore.edu/academics/classic Syllabus of
course taught by Leslie Mechem of Skidmore College.

The Bronze Age of the Greek Mainland –

http://www.fhw.gr/chronos/02/mainland/en/index.html. This site sponsored by the Foundation of
the Hellenic World includes discussion of the following topics: historical background, habitation,
society, economy, religion, arts and crafts, achievements and the end of the Mycenaean world.
Also includes discussion of the Middle Bronze Age.

Bureaucrats and Barbarians: Minoans, Mycenaeans & The Greek Dark Age -
http://www.wsu.edu:8080/~dee/MINOA/CONTENTS.HTM. Course in World Civilizations
program offered by Washington State University; brief text concerning the Mycenaeans,
Mycenaean religion and the Greek Dark Age.

The Evolution of Civilization in the Aegean:

http://www.brynmawr.edu/Acads/Arch/CNEA209/CNEA209ndx/htm. - Course taught by Dr.
James C. Wright at Bryn Mawr College. An introduction to the pre- and protohistoric human
societies in the Aegean basin (western coast of Turkey, Aegean islands, mainland of Greece);
topics include the origins of the Mycenaeans, feasting and drinking in Mycenaean society,
Mycenaean palace society, the end of the palace society and recession and the return to village
and hamlet communities.

Lake Forest College Program in Greece and Turkey -

http://www.lfc.edu/academics/greece/index.html. Offers on-site courses in Greek civilizations,
including Greek Civilizations 202, covering Minoan and Mycenaean civilizations, organized as
tours of sites, i.e., large files with many images. Includes a Bronze Age map, sources, summaries
of Minoan and Mycenaean civilization and a tour of Mycenae and Knossos (with plans).

Mycenaean Art and Archaeology - http://e-campus.humnet.ucla.edu/classes/classicm153b-

_lec1_02f/. Introduction to the art and archaeology of prehistoric Greece in the Bronze Age
taught by Dr. Sarah Morris, focusing on the achievements of Mycenaean culture during the 2nd
millennium; topics include the origins of Mycenaean civilization, its relationship to Minoan
Crete, Near Eastern influence in the Aegean, Mycenaean language, writing and religion and the
relationship of Bronze Age archaeology to Homer. Syllabus only.
The Mycenaeans Abroad - http://asweb.artsci.uc.edu/classics/syl/mycenaeansabroad.html.
Syllabus of graduate seminar in pre-Classical Greece taught by Dr. Jack L. Davis of the
University of Cincinnati, focusing on the nature of trade between the Aegean and elsewhere in
the Eastern Mediterranean, particularly Anatolia, the Levant and Egypt. Includes study of
documents and material evidence for understanding the functioning of the Mycenaean palace
economy (including general sociological models for trade and exchange and the application of
scientific methods for establishing provienance and exchange), documentary evidence, patterns
of artifact distribution and key site-types, such as shipwrecks. Involves three case studies in
interaction between the Aegean and the Near East where historical Near Eastern texts
supplement purely archaeological data: Aegean-Egyptian relations in the Shaft Grave period; the
Aegean role in the International Age of the Amarna period; and the Aegean and the Near East at
the end of the Late Bronze Age. Also includes a brief critical bibliography.

The Prehistoric Archaeology of the Aegean - http://devlab.dartmouth.edu/history/bronze_age/.

Taught by Dr. Jeremy Rutter of Dartmouth College. Comprised of 29 lessons covering the
Aegean area from the Neolithic through the Bronze Age; includes lessons on chronology,
environment, history of the discipline, Middle Helladic Greece, the Shaft Graves, tholos tombs
and early settlements, residential architecture, public and funerary architecture, aspects of trade,
Troy VI, pictorial art and pottery, the Linear B tablets and social, political and economic
organization, religion and religious architecture, Troy VII and the historicity of the Trojan War,
the collapse of Mycenaean civilization and the coming of the Dorians and the Aegean in the 12th
century B.C. By far the best and most comprehensive on-line course available. Includes
numerous illustrations and search capability.

The Prehistory of Mainland Greece – http://classics.uc.edu/prmainland/MycTOC.html. Published

and maintained by The Center for Mycenaean Studies at The Department of Classics, University
of Cincinnati. Includes the following lectures: Curtis Runnels, “The Early Prehistory of Greece”;
Can Pullen, “Early Bronze Age Greece”; Jack L. Davis, “Origins of Mycenaean Civilization”;
John Bennet, “Mycenaean Palaces”; John Younger, “Mycenaean Art”; Ian Morris, “The End of it
All.” See also The Early Prehistory of Greece, Internet Edition -
http://classics.uc.edu/pub/MycLec/html/.

Research Institutions - Home Pages

American School of Classical Studies at Athens - http://www.ascsa.edu.gr/. Includes general

information, libraries, excavations, laboratory, e-mail addresses of staff and archives.

British School at Athens - http://www.bsa.gla.ac.uk/index.html. Includes history of the school,

archive, Fitch Laboratory, news, information, current work, and brief descriptions of excavations
including Knossos (with a virtual tour of the palace), Mycenae, the Menelaion, Emborio,
Kithera, Lefkandi and Thermi.

Deutsches Archäologisches Institut – http://www.dainst.org/abteilung.php?id=264. Describes

projects in Greece, including the Kerameikos in Athens, Orchomenos and Tiryns.

Hellenic Ministry of Culture - http://www.culture.gr/. Official site of the Greek Ministry of

Culture. Includes listings (in Greek or English) and descriptions of ephorates, museums
(alphabetical and by subject), monuments and sites, archaeological exhibits, archaeological
activities, organizations (including foreign schools) and universities.

Institute for Mycenaean, Aegean and Anatolian Studies -

http://www.mlib.cnr.it/istituti/ime/index.html. Carries out research in Cyprus, Greece and Italy
under the direction of Professor Mirjo Salvini. Projects include the hellenization of Cyprus, the
site of Sybrita on Crete, 2nd millennium Aegean architecture at Iasos on the western Anatolian
coast, connections between Italy and the Aegean, Aegean archaeological materials found in Italy,
organization of a geographical-archaeological databank of Italian sites with Mycenaean material
and studies on the historical geography of the Mycenaean kingdoms and their administrative
organization.

Institute of Nautical Archaeology -

http://www.diveturkey.com/inaturkey/uluburun/conservation/htm and
http://ina.tamu.edu/ub_main.htm. Includes description and discussion of the Uluburun
shipwreck.

Program in Aegean Scripts and Prehistory - http://www.utexas.edu/research/pasp/. Directed by

Thomas G. Palaima at the University of Texas at Austin. Includes five- and ten-year reports,
Studies in Mycenaean Inscriptions and Dialect, CIPEM (Colloque International sur les Textes
Mycéniens) and the 11th International Mycenological Colloquium held in May 2000.

SCIEM 2000: Special Research Programme of the Austrian Academy at the Austrian Science
Fund - http://www.nhm-wien.ac.at/SCIEM2000/index.html. Includes list of tasks and projects,
including Project 14.3: Publication Project Aigeira (LH III C), to establish the chronology and
cultural and historical developments of the LH IIIC period in Achaia.
Sheffield Center for Aegean Archaeology - http://www.shef.ac.uk/uni/academic/A-
C/ap/research/scaa.html. Includes information concerning staff, publications, research, facilities,
recent and current dissertations.

Université de Liége Service d=Histoire de l=Art et d=Archéologie de la Grèce antique -

http://www.ulg.ac.be/archgrec/. Program in Art History and Archaeology at the University of
Liége directed by Dr. Robert Laffineur. Includes course listings, conferences and publications
(Aegaeum).

Bibliographies

Chloris: An Aegean Bronze Age Bibliography - http://clvl.cla.umn.edu/chloris/. Searchable

bibliography of the Bronze Age archaeology of mainland Greece and Crete, organized by site or
region; includes maps.

Nestor: Bibliography of Aegean Prehistory and Related Areas -

http://asweb.artsci.uc.edu/classics/nestor/nestor.html. Internet version of this indispensable
bibliographic newsletter (see above), the great virtue of which is that it can be searched by
author, title, date, publication and keyword; includes all entries from 1957 through 2001 (c.
36,000).

Sphragis: A Bibliography for Aegean Glyptic, Part II. -

http://www.people.ku.edu/~jyounger/Sphragis. Continuation of J.G. Younger, Corpus der
minoischen und mykenischen Siegel [CMS] Beiheft 4: A Bibliography for Aegean Glyptic in the
Bronze Age (Berlin: Gebr. Mann Verlag, 1991).

Table of Contents of Journals of Interest to Classicists (TOCS-IN) -

http://www.chass.utoronto.ca/amphoras/tocs.html. Provides tables of contents of a selection of
160 classics, Near Eastern studies and religion journals, with a total of 23,000 articles, mostly
from 1992 onward, although some articles before 1992 and collections of articles are also
included; in some cases links to the full text or an abstract are available.

Archaeological Sites and Survey Areas

Classical Backpacking in Greece - http:travelto/ancientgreece. Text and images concerning sites
for a general audience; includes bibliography. Most of the sites are Classical, but some are also
Bronze Age.

CSA/AIA Guide to Archaeological Projects - http://csanet.org/archproj/. Published by the Center

for the Study of Architecture and the Archaeological Institute of America, this site provides basic
information about projects in the Eastern Mediterranean, including excavations, surveys, salvage
operations, conservation/rescue projects and laboratory-based projects such as catalogs. Bronze
Age sites currently listed include Geraki, Halos and Iklaina.

Iklaina Archaeological Project – http://www.geocities.com/mcosmopo/IKLAINA.html.

Describes excavations at the site of Iklaina in Messenia, one of the district capitals of the
kingdom of Pylos, directed by Dr. Michael B. Cosmopoulos of the University of Missouri-St.
Louis.

Minnesota Archaeological Researches in the Western Peloponnese (MARWP) -

http://clvl.cla.umn.edu/marwp/pylos.html. Research program carried out by the University of
Minnesota under the direction of Dr. Frederick Cooper. Information concerning the resumption
of excavations at the Palace of Nestor in Pylos from 1991 to 1998, including excavation of
ancillary buildings and other structures outside the palace and a topographical survey; several
reports are available.

UNCG Mochlos Archaeological Excavations - http://www.uncg.edu/~jssoles/Mochlos/first.html.

Information concerning the Greek-American excavation on the island of Mochlos in eastern
Crete, excavated since 1989 by Jeffrey Soles of the University of North Carolina at Greensboro
and Costis Davaras of the University of Athens under the auspices of the American School of
Classical Studies and the Greek Archaeological Service. Most of the text is taken directly from
recent site reports in Hesperia, including Mycenaean inhabitation of the settlement and the LH
III chamber tomb cemetery.

Nemea Valley Archaeological Project (NVAP) -

http://classics.lsa.umich.edu/NVAP/html/NVAP.html. Describes the project and provides data
from this survey project in the Peloponnese carried out by the American School of Classical
Studies and directed by John F. Cherry, Jack L. Davis and Eleni Mantzourani. Includes a
searchable site gazetteer, photo log, views and maps of the study area, discussion of Mycenaean
finds and list of publications.
Project Troia - http://www.uni-tuebingen.de/troia.eng/. Provides information about the current
excavations carried out by Tübingen University and the University of Cincinnati under the
direction of Wolf-Dietrich Niemeier, including news, brief excavation reports and information
about Studia Troica.

Pylos Regional Archaeological Project (PRAP) - http://classics.lsa.umich.edu/PRAP.html.

Detailed data from this important regional project directed by Jack L. Davis, Susan E. Alcock,
John Bennet, Yannis Lolos, Cynthia W. Shelmerdine and Eberhard Zangger. Includes an
introduction, contact information, site gazetteer, previously published or released material (1992-
1997), thematic studies (including a tour of Hall 64 of the Palace of Nestor and its environs),
views and maps of the study area, pottery calalogue, photographs, PRAP browser, interactive site
mapper, and lithic catalogue.

Databases

The C.L.I.N.E. Database (Corpus of Late Bronze Age Imports from the Near East and Egypt) -
http://home.gwu.edu/~ehcline.CLINEDB.htm. Searchable database of all worked objects
imported from Egypt, Anatolia, Syria-Palestine and Mesopotamia found within the Aegean area,
as contained within Catalogue II of Eric H. Cline=s book, Sailing the Wine-Dark Sea, as well as
bibliography (see below for further bibliographic information).

Database for Archaeological Pottery - http://helios.unive.it/~termo/DataBank/BancaDati.htm.

Provides chemical data for pottery composition for archaeological sites, by percentage of relative
oxide or element. Aegean pottery is organized by region, with a list of sites for each region; for
each site the chemical data and their sources are given. Maintained by the University of Venice,
Italy.

Dr. J=s Illustrated Guide to the Classical World - http://lilt.ilstu.edu/drjclassics/GreeceSites.shtm.

Series of illustrated tours of Greek archaeological sites and other places of interest comprised
primarily of photographic images accompanied by explanatory text, compiled by Dr. Janice
Siegel. Includes Mycenae, Argos, Tiryns, Thorikos, Thebes, Orchomenos, Gla, Pylos and
Voidokilia; the section on Mycenae, for example, includes 44 images from the Lion Gate, Grave
Circles, King=s Megaron, Cistern, Clytemnestra=s Tomb, Lion Tomb and Treasury of Atreus,
with links to some aerial views. Also includes a survey of audio-visual resources for classics.

Greek Art and Architecture - http://harpy.uccs.edu/greek/mycenae.html. Database of images for

architecture, sculpture and major archaeological sites, including Art of the Aegean: Mycenae and
Tiryns.
Keimelia - http://stream.blg.uc.edu/csc/index.html. Index and catalogue of the study collection of
the Department of Classics at the University of Cincinnati; material includes a chronological and
typological study group for pottery and minor arts. Can be searched by inventory number, date,
provenience and material.

Metis: A QTVR Interface for Ancient Greek Archaeological Sites - http://www.stoa.org/metis.

Images from sites including Lefkandi, the Menelaion, Mycenae, Troy and Vapheio compiled by
Bruce Hartzler.

Perseus Project - http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/. Digital library of resources for the study of the
ancient world maintained by Tufts University. In addition to classical texts and translations, an
atlas, text tools and lexica, an encyclopedia, essays and catalogues, the art and archaeology
section includes a library of coins, vases, sculptures, building and sites, 18 of which are Bronze
Age (including Argos, Athens, Eleusis, Mallia, Miletos, Mycenae, Pylos, Thorikos and Troy).

Meta-sites

Aegean Prehistory Web Resources -

wysiwyg://61/http://lettere.unive.it/materiale_didattico/archeologia_egea/engl1.htm. Index of
Aegean archaeology web resources published by Venice University, Italy.

Classics and Mediterranean Archaeology - http://classics.lsa.umich.edu/welcome.html. Provides

links to Internet resources of interest to classicists and Mediterranean archaeologists. Includes
texts, projects, journals, bibliographies, indices of links to other sites, exhibits, web documents
and sources of images, field reports and site-specific pages, associations and organizations,
departmental descriptions, course material and teaching resources, museums, atlases and
geographic information, news groups, mail lists and FAQs, other gophers, FTP servers and telnet
sessions by topic and other World Wide Web servers.

Forum Antiquum: Ancient World Internet Resources -

http://www.sas.upenn.edu/~ekondrat/Forum/Antiquum.html. Provides lists of and links to
Internet resources related to the study of the ancient Mediterranean world from 5000 B.C. to
1500 A.D. Comprised of two groups: Group 1 includes links to historical epochs or geographical
regions and is internally organized by category; Group 2 includes links to sites devoted to
disciplines or topics not associated with a specific region or period. Includes subject indices and
link collections, texts, projects, journals, bibliographies, archaeological field projects, atlases and
geographical information, related museum collections, related associations, centers and other
organizations, course materials and teaching resources. Compiled by Eric Kondratieff.

Kapatija: Aegean Information Sites - http://www.people.ku.edu/~jyounger/Kapatija/. List of

Internet sites for the Aegean world in the Bronze and Classical Ages compiled by John G.
Younger. Includes non-Aegean archaeological web sites, electronic journals, archives,
newsletters and books/monographs and Internet sites concerning Greece, Turkey, archaeological
sites, excavation opportunities, professional associations, conferences and symposia, schools,
institutes and programs, museums, art images, cultural property law/archaeological ethics,
publishers and booksellers, on-line resources and references, courses and course syllabi, Internet
resources in other countries and university classics departments and home pages.

Mediterranean Archaeology Resources - http://www.geocities.com/i_georganas/main.html.

Includes list of and links to journals, bibliographies, online resources, search engines, online
courses, organizations, schools and institutes; compiled by Ioannis Georganas of the University
of Nottingham.

Miscellaneous

American Journal of Archaeology - http://www.ajaonline.org/. Includes tables of contents for

past and current issues, subscription information and a limited search capacity for volumes 95-
106.

Argos: Limited Area Search of the Ancient and Medieval Inernet -

http://argos.evansville.edu/about.htm. Peer-reviewed limited search engine involving a system of
hyperlinked Internet indices managed by professionals serving as assistant editors of the project;
designed as an academically viable resource for students, teachers and scholars of the ancient
world.

International Directory of Aegean Prehistorians - http://classics.uc.edu/nestor/idap/isearch.html.

Third edition, edited by John F. Cherry, Jack L. Davis and Eric H. Cline. Comprises a searchable
index of the directory, last published as a print edition in 1995.

Mediterranean Journal of Archaeology and Archaeometry –

http://www.rhodes.aegean.gr/maa_journal. Interdisciplinary International Journal issued by The
University of the Aegean, Department of Mediterranean Studies, Rhodes, Greece focusing on the
Mediterranean region and interactions of the Mediterranean with neighboring areas.

Arrangement and Content of the Bibliography

The bibliography in the following section identifies more than 1200 entries pertaining to
Mycenaean civilization. Individual entries in the bibliography are arranged numerically and
alphabetically by author according to several broad subject areas. Authorship is followed by title
and publication information. Most entries have some annotation to indicate the subject, contents
or relative importance of the work. In a limited number of cases annotations are lacking because
the titles of works are self-explanatory or because I have not had the opportunity to examine
them personally. I have also indicated in the annotation which books and articles may be more
difficult to obtain than others, thus likely requiring the use of interlibrary loan.

I have attempted to include the most important discussions of each topic and publications
for the most significant sites, along with a representative selection of other works. I must
emphasize, however, that the bibliography is designed to be selective rather than inclusive and
obviously to some extent reflects the conscious and unconscious biases of my own research
interests and experience. I have tried to place each entry under the most appropriate subject
heading. However, such judgments are bound to be subjective to some extent, since many
subject areas are related and many entries could equally well be listed under more than one
category; a paper discussing Linear B tablets from Pylos could, for example, be listed under
economic organization, writing, or the site of Pylos. I have in some instances indicated other
subjects or topics where related entries can be located.

Three indexes provide access by personal name, place name and subject. Index entries
are given with their appropriate numerical prefixes. Headings used in constructing subject
classifications are necessarily arbitrary and cannot serve the needs of all researchers equally well.
However, they should prove adequate for providing access to most of the subject areas included
in the bibliography. I therefore strongly urge the reader to consult them as well as the subject
headings in the bibliography itself.

A note on transliteration: because they employ a different alphabet and in some cases
different phonetic values, Greek words and names are rendered into English (and other
languages) in a range of ways. Though I have striven for consistency, the reader will find some
variation among authors, especially for place names. A glossary, located at the end of the book,
defines terms likely to be unfamiliar to the nonspecialist.
 INTRODUCTION TO MYCENAEAN CIVILIZATION

General Summaries

1 Alexander, Caroline. 1999. Echoes of the heroic age: ancient

Greece, part I. National Geographic 196:54-79.

Brief, popular, well-illustrated introduction, focusing on the relationship between

Homer=s Iliad and the archaeological record.

2 Andreyev, Y.V. 1991. The world of Crete and Mycenae. In: Early
Antiquity. I.M. Diakonoff, ed. pp. 309-327. trans. Alexander Kirjanov. Chicago:
University of Chicago Press.

3 Blegen, Carl W. 1962. The Mycenaean Age: The Trojan War, The Dorian
Invasion, and Other Problems. University of Cincinnati. 37 p.

Discusses various aspects of Mycenaean Greece, including major results of earlier

research, the origins of the Greeks, the historicity of the Homeric epics, Troy and the Trojan
War, the Palace of Nestor at Pylos, chronology of the Late Bronze Age, the Dorian invasion and
the collapse of Mycenaean civilization.
4 Branigan, Keith and Michael Vickers. 1980. Hellas: The Civilizations of
Ancient Greece. New York: McGraw-Hill Book Co. 224 p.

One chapter, "Heroes and Men," in this well-illustrated popular work, gives an overview
of Mycenaean civilization.

5 Buchholz, Hans-Günter and Vassos Karageorghis. 1973. Prehistoric Greece and

Cyprus: An Archaeological Handbook. trans. Francisa Garvie. London: Phaidon. 514
p.

...... An abundantly illustrated general survey of various aspects of Neolithic and

Bronze Age culture in Greece and Cyprus, including a discussion of chronology, a catalogue of
excavated sites and sections on architecture, tombs, pottery, wall-painting, metal and stone
vessels, sculpture, jewelry, writing and small finds.

6 Chadwick, John. 1976. The Mycenaean World. Cambridge, Eng.:

Cambridge University Press. 201 p.

One of the best general introductions to Mycenaean civilization, based primarily on

documentary evidence from the Linear B tablets; Chadwick discusses--among others--the
following topics or aspects: the hellenization of Greece; the documentary evidence; Mycenaean
geography; the people of the tablets; social structure; the administrative system; religion;
agriculture; craft, industry and trade; Homer as historian; the end of the Mycenaean world. See
also 7.

7 Chadwick, John. Life in Mycenaean Greece (Scientific American 227:36-44. See

also 6.
 A general summary primarily concerning the Linear B tablets and some of the inferences
concerning Mycenaean political and economic organization that can be drawn from them.

8 Cullen, Tracey, ed. 2001. Aegean Prehistory: A Review. American Journal of

Archaeology Supplement 1. Boston: Archaeological Institute of America. 506 p.

Compilation of seven critical overviews of Aegean prehistory originally published

in the American Journal of Archaeology between 1992 and 1998. Each review, newly updated
with an addendum, provides a detailed synthesis of developments over the past few decades,
including extensive discussion of current field projects, artifact and textual studies, trends in
archaeological thought and practice and detailed bibliographical documentation. The articles also
present evidence necessary to an understanding of cultural change in the prehistoric Aegean and
articulate and assess the history of scholarship, research problems and controversies central to
the study of different regions within the eastern Mediterranean. Cullen’s introduction
summarizes each review, discusses common threads in terms of historical perspective, surveys
the current status of Aegean prehistory and provides a useful appendix listing research tools for
Aegean prehistory. Now the best and most up-to-date summary available. Contents include: T.
Cullen, Voices and visions of Aegean prehistory (pp. 1-18); J.L. Davis, The islands of the
Aegean (pp. 19-76); J.L. Davis, I. Tzonou-Herbst and A.D. Wolpert, Addendum: 1992-1999
(pp. 78-94); J.B. Rutter, The prepalatial Bronze Age of the southern and central Greek mainland
(pp. 95-147); J.B. Rutter, Addendum: 1993-1999 (pp. 148-156); L.V. Watrous, Crete from
earliest prehistory through the protopalatial period (pp. 157-215); L.V. Watrous, Addendum:
1994-1999 (pp. 216-224); C. Runnels, The Stone Age of Greece from the Paleolithic to the
advent of the Neolithic (pp. 225-254); C. Runnels, Addendum: 1995-1999 (pp. 255-258); S.
Andreou, M. Fotiadis and K. Kotsakis, The Neolithic and Bronze Age of Northern Greece (pp.
259-319); S. Andreou, M. Fotiadis and K. Kotsakis, Addendum: 1996-1999 (pp. 320-328); C.W.
Shelmerdine, The palatial Bronze Age of the southern and central Greek mainland (pp. 329-377);
C.W. Shelmerdine, Addendum: 1997-1998 (pp. 378-382); P. Rehak and J.G. Younger,
Neopalatial, Final Palatial, and Postpalatial Crete (pp. 383-465); P. Rehak and J.G. Younger,
Addendum: 1998-1999 (pp. 466-474).

9 Demakopoulou, Katie, ed. 1988. The Mycenaean World: Five Centuries of

Early Greek Culture. Athens: Ministry of Culture. 277 p.

This large-format, lavishly-illustrated book is the catalogue for an exhibit held at the
National Museum in 1989; in addition to full-color illustrations, which are arranged both
regionally and topically, it contains brief essays by various authors, including: K.
Demakopoulou, The Mycenaean civilization (pp. 22-29); K. Kilian, Mycenaean architecture (pp.
30-34), C. Boulotis, Mycenaean wall painting (pp. 35-37); J. Eiwanger and H. Donder, The
Mycenaean religion (pp. 38-40); O. Panagl, The early Greek Linear B tablets (pp. 41-43); I. Pini,
Creto-Mycenaean glyptic (pp. 44-47); A. Sakellariou, Mycenaean metalwork (pp. 48-51); K.
Demakopoulou, Mycenaean pottery (pp. 52-55); M. Marthari, The Mycenaean expansion in the
Cyclades (pp. 56-57); C. Davaras, Mycenaean Greece and Crete (pp. 58-59); V. Karageorghis,
The Achaean Greeks in Cyprus (pp. 60-61); B. Hänsel, Mycenaean Greece and Europe (pp. 62-
64).

10 Dickinson, Oliver. 1994. The Aegean Bronze Age. Cambridge, Eng.: Cambridge
University Press. 406 p.

Now probably the most up-to-date, balanced and thorough introduction to the
Helladic, Minoan and Cycladic cultures in the southern Aegean area from the late fourth
millennium to the eleventh century B.C. Specific topics include chronology, natural environment
and resources, settlement and economy, arts and crafts, burial customs, trade, exchange and
overseas contact, and religion; contains an extensive bibliography.

11 Duruy, Victor. 1975. The World of Legendary Greece. trans. Blanche

Michaels. New York: Leon Amiel. 143 p.

A well-illustrated introduction to Minoan, Mycenaean and Homeric culture for a

general audience, emphasizing associations with later myths and legends.

12 Furumark, Arne. 1978. Aegean society. Opuscula Atheniensia 12:11-17.

13 Iakovidis, Spiros E. 1979. A hundred years of Mycenaean archaeology.

Antiquaries Journal 58:13-30.

Summarizes the evolution and development of Mycenaean civilization and discusses

various aspects in terms of what we now know about them; well illustrated
14 Mylonas, George E. 1966. Mycenae and the Mycenaean Age. Princeton:
Princeton University Press. 251 p.

Discusses various aspects of Mycenaean culture, including citadels, palaces and houses,
the grave circles of Mycenae, tholos and chamber tombs, shrines and divinities, ceremonial
equipment and the cult of the dead; Mylonas concludes with a discussion of the end of
Mycenaean civilization; well illustrated; a good introduction by a distinguished Mycenaean
scholar and excavator of Mycenae.

15 Palmer, Leonard R. 1961. Mycenaeans and Minoans: Aegean Prehistory in the

Light of the Linear B tablets. New York: Alfred A. Knopf. 264 p.

In this book written for a general audience about the Linear B texts and their significance
for the understanding of Mycenaean civilization, Palmer focuses upon the two major centers in
which large numbers of tablets have been found: Pylos and Knossos. He uses the Pylos tablets to
discuss the kingdom of Nestor, the last days of the palace and various aspects of Mycenaean
culture; for Knossos he discusses the chronology of the tablets and occupation of the palace.

16 Runnels, Curtis and Priscilla Murray. 2001. Greece Before History: An

Archaeological Companion and Guide. Stanford: Stanford University
Press. 202 p.

A popular general introduction to prehistoric Greece designed as both an

introduction and an archaeological guide. Although it concentrates on the Paleolithic and
Neolithic periods, several chapters deal with the Bronze Age. Includes a tour of principal
monuments, numerous line drawings and a bibliographic essay.

17 Samuel, Alan E. 1966. The Mycenaeans in History. Englewood Cliffs, NJ:

Prentice-Hall, Inc. 158 p.
 A general survey of Mycenaean civilization from the perspective of a classical historian,
largely discounting the Homeric poems and legends as evidence and relying primarily upon
archaeological data; discusses the following topics: the discovery of Mycenaean civilization,
forerunners of the Mycenaeans, centers of Mycenaean civilization, the nature of evidence
concerning Mycenaean civilization, religion, trade, political organization and the history of
Mycenaean civilization.

18 Taylour, William D. 1983. The Mycenaeans. 2 ed. London: Thames and Hudson.
243 p.

Taylour, one of the many excavators of Mycenae, provides an overview of

Mycenaean civilization that betrays no emphasis on any particular aspect, other than a final
chapter concerning Mycenae itself; other chapters deal with written sources, pottery and

chronology, religion and burial customs, architecture, daily life and the arts and war and trade.

19 Tsountas, Christos and J. Irving Manatt. 1969. The Mycenaean Age: A Study of
the Monuments and Culture of Pre-Homeric Greece. Amsterdam: B.R. Grüner.
417 p.

One of the earliest syntheses of Mycenaean civilization, based primarily on the

excavations of Schliemann and Tsountas at Mycenae; reprint of 1897 edition.

20 Vermeule, Emily. 1972. Greece in the Bronze Age. Chicago: University of

Chicago Press. 406 p.

Still perhaps the best general introduction to Mycenaean civilization and the Greek
Bronze Age; although now somewhat out of date in terms of specific aspects, Vermeule's
well-written and evocative treatment best captures the spirit and splendor of Mycenaean Greece;
after a brief consideration of the Neolithic, Early Bronze and Middle Bronze Age periods,
Vermeule devotes chapters to the following topics: the Shaft Graves, the early Mycenaean age,
life in a Mycenaean palace, art in the palaces, society and history in the Mycenaean world and
the Mycenaean heritage; as one might infer from these topics, there is a heavy emphasis on art
and architecture; also includes appendices listing aspects of the physical world of the
Mycenaeans and building activities and destruction levels in the late Mycenaean world; contains
a lengthy and detailed bibliography.

21 Wace, A.J.B. 1941. The Mycenaean civilization. In: Studies in Civilization. pp.
1-22. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press.

This succinct summary focuses upon the LH III period (1400-1200 B.C.), with
particular emphasis on the site of Mycenae.

22 Wardle, K.A. and Diana Wardle. 1997. Cities of Legend: The Mycenaean World.
London: Bristol Classical Press.

23 Warren, Peter. 1975. The Aegean Civilizations Lausanne: Elsevier-Phaidon. 152

p.

Popular and well-illustrated introduction, covering the following topics: the

discovery of Aegean civilization, an overview of Aegean civilization, the Neolithic and Early
Bronze Age periods, Cycladic, Minoan and Mycenaean civilizations, and the end of the Bronze
Age.

Bibliographies
24 Baumbach, Lydia. 1986. Studies in Mycenaean Inscriptions and
Dialect: 1965-1978. Incunabula Graeca 86. Rome: Edizioni dell'Ateneo. 516 p.

Deals primarily with studies of or related to Linear B texts; includes list of

authors, reference works, interpretations of specific words and placenames, tablets studied in
detail and subject index. See also 32, 33, 34 and 36.

25 Eder, Birgitta. 1994. Staat, Herrschaft, Gesellschaft in frühgriechischer Zeit:

Eine Bibliographie 1978-1991/92. Österreichische Akademie der
Wissenschaften Philosophisch- Historisch Klasse, Sitzungberichte, Vol. 611.
Vienna: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften. 248 p.

Part of a larger project called "State and Society of Early Greece" carried out by
the Mycenaean Commission of the Austrian Academy of Sciences, this useful bibliography
assembles more than 2200 references concerning the state, social structure and economic
organization, as well as aspects of Mycenaean epigraphy, linguistic subjects and philology from
1978 to 1991/1992. It is comprised of two parts, an alphabetical listing and an analytical
bibliography in which the references are organized according to the following topics: Linear B,
linguistics, society, economy, geography, religion, law and justice, military organization, science
and recreation and historical themes. The introductory materials and headings are in English as
well as German.

26 Hooker, James T. 1981. Mycenaean bibliography. Liverpool Classical Monthly

6:97-111.

Bibliography of work published between 1974 and 1980; published as a

supplement to the bibliography of Mycenaean Greece by the same author.
27 Moon, Brenda E. 1957. Mycenaean Civilization, Publications Since 1935.
University of London, Institute of Classical Studies, Bulletin Supplement 3.
77 p.

Provides author and subject listings, excluding topics concerning language,

literacy and epigraphy, for the years 1936-1957. See also 28.

28 Moon, Brenda E. 1961. Mycenaean Civilization, Publications 1956-1960, a

Second Bibliography. University of London, Institute of Classical Studies,
Supplement 12. 130 p.

Supplements and expands earlier edition. See also 27.

29 Oleson, John Peter. 1986. Bronze Age, Greek and Roman Technology: A
Select, Annotated Bibliography. Bibliographies of the History of
Science and Technology 13. New York: Garland Publishing, Inc. 515 p.

Contains 2030 annotated entries; although the bulk of the book concerns Greek
and Roman technology, there is also a substantial number of references to the Aegean Bronze
Age; unfortunately, however, Bronze Age entries are not grouped, indexed or listed separately;
the book is subdivided into topics including sources, general surveys, mining and metallurgy,
food production and preparation, energy and power, construction and engineering,
manufacturing and trade, transportation and military technology.

30 Packard, David W. and Tania Meyers. 1974. A Bibliography of

Homeric Scholarship: Preliminary Edition 1930-1970. Malibu: Udena
Publications. 183 p.

Alphabetical listing of Homeric scholarship derived from entries in l'Année

Philologique; also includes a subject index.
31 Sepp, Michael J. 1985. Aegean Prehistory: An English-Language
Bibliography. St. Louis. 86 p.

Contains 2800 entries dealing with the Aegean during the Neolithic and
Bronze Ages, focusing primarily on Minoan and Mycenaean civilizations; also includes a subject
index. May be difficult to obtain.

32 Sikkenga, Elizabeth. 1996. Studies in Mycenaean Inscriptions and Dialect 1979.

Austin: University of Texas.

Revives this series, and includes a short summary of each work, indices of Linear
B and Linear A signs, words and texts and a comprehensive and fully reworked subject index.
See also 24, 33, 34 and 36.

33 Sikkenga, Elizabeth. 1997. Studies in Mycenaean Inscriptions and Dialect 1980-

81. Austin: University of Texas.

See also 24, 32, 33 and 36.

34 Sikkenga, Elizabeth and Peter van Alfen. 1998. Studies in Mycenaean

Inscriptions and Dialect 1982-83. Austin: University of Texas.

See also 24, 32, 33, and 36.

35 Sourvinou-Inwood, Christiane. 1972. Bibliography on the archaeological
background of the Linear B tablets with special reference to ideograms of
archaeological interest. Minos 13:67-97.

Represents an attempt to cross-reference Mycenaean philology with Mycenaean

archaeology through the classification of references by classes of objects and general topics;
includes material to the end of 1971.

36 Van Alfen, Peter. 1999. Studies in Mycenaean Inscriptions and Dialect 1994-
1995. Austin: Program in Aegean Scripts and Prehistory, Department of
Classics, University of Texas at Austin.

See also 24, 32, 33, and 34.

37 Younger, John G. 1991. A Bibliography for Aegean Glyptic in the Bronze

Age. Corpus der Minoischen und Mykenischen Siegel, Beiheft 4. Berlin:
Gebr. Mann Verlag. 118 p.

Includes a bibliography arranged by author, a thematic index (primary sources,

special aspects, reviews, other relevant Bronze Age topics, glyptic of other cultures and times
and general articles on materials, methods and techniques) and a topographical index.

History of Mycenaean Research

38 Bloedow, Edmund F. 1998. Heinrich Schliemann: an archaeologist in advance of

his time? Echos du Monde Classique/Classical Views 17:579-602.
 Bloedow concludes affirmatively after examining aspects of Schliemann=s work
including problem-oriented excavation, excavation methodology, use of pottery in establishing
stratigraphy and relative chronology.

39 Bloedow, Edmund F., Sarah Noyes-Roberts and David Smulders. 1989.

Schliemann at Mycenae. Echos du Monde Classique/Classical Views 33(8): 147-165.

Examines claims by critics of Schliemann that he planted artifacts in the Shaft

Graves of Mycenae, concluding that such claims are either questionable or baseless, citing in
particular Kilian-Dirlmeier=s analysis of the burials as evidence against these assertions.

40 Calder, William M. III. 1995. "Pionier der ersten stunde": Wolfgang Schindler and
the modern study of Heinrich Schliemann. In: Modus in Rebus: Gedenkshrift für
Wolfgang Schindler. Detlef Rossler and Veit Sturmer, eds. pp. 19-25. Berlin:
Gebr. Mann Verlag.

Discusses and evaluates the role of Schindler in contributing to our current

understanding of Schliemann.

41 Calder, William H. III and David A. Traill, eds. 1986. Myth, Scandal and History:
The Heinrich Schliemann Controversy and a First Edition of the Mycenaean
Diary. Detroit: Wayne State University. 273 p.

In addition to offering a first publication of Schliemann's Mycenaean diary, this

volume contains some revisionist essays and re-evaluations of Schliemann, including: William
H. Calder III, A new picture of Heinrich Schliemann (pp. 17-47); David A. Traill, Schliemann's
acquisition of the Helios Metope and his psychopathic tendencies (pp. 48-80); Hartmut Döhl,
Schliemann the archaeologist (pp. 95-109); David A. Traill, "Priam's Treasure": Schliemann's
plan to make duplicates for illicit purposes (pp. 110-121); Heinrich Schliemann, The Mycenae
diary, 1876 (pp. 124-228).
42 Demakopoulou, Katie, ed. 1990. Troy, Mycenae, Tiryns, Orchomenos. Heinrich
Schliemann: The 100th Anniversary of his Death. Athens: Ministry
of Culture of Greece. 389 p.

Catalogue of an exhibition held from June 15, 1990 to January 15, 1991 at the
National Museum in Athens concerning Schliemann's discoveries.

43 Dickinson, O.T.P.K. 1976. Schliemann and the shaft graves. Greece and Rome
23:159-168.

A general assessment of the significance of Schliemann's work and of the Shaft

Graves of Mycenae; Dickinson provides a biographical summary of Schliemann and a
description of the excavation of the Shaft Graves and discusses the significance of the Shaft
Graves for the origins and development of Mycenaean civilization, stressing the local origin of
the first rulers of Mycenae buried therein.

44 Fitton, Lesley. 1995. Charles Newton and the discovery of the Greek Bronze
Age. In: Klados: Essays in Honour of J.N. Coldstream. Christine Morris, ed. pp.
73-78. Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies Supplement 63. London:
University of London Institute of Classical Studies.

Discusses the role of Newton, Keeper of Greek and Roman antiquities for the
British Museum from 1861 to 1886, in evaluating and interpreting the discoveries of Schliemann
at Mycenae, in encouraging and supporting Schliemann and publicizing the results of his
excavations and in producing one of the earliest syntheses of Schliemann's material.

45 Fitton, J. Lesley. 1996. The Discovery of the Greek Bronze Age. Cambridge:
Harvard University Press. 212 p.
 Popular, well-illustrated history of Aegean Bronze Age archaeology, focusing
primarily on the pre-World War II period and the early, "heroic" figures of Schliemann,
Tsountas, Evans, Wace and Blegen.

46 McDonald, William A. and Carol G. Thomas. 1990. Progress into the Past:
The Rediscovery of Mycenaean Civilization. 2 ed. Bloomington: Indiana
University Press. 534 p.

The only full-length treatment of this topic; describes and discusses Aegean
Bronze Age archaeology from its beginnings to the present, with particular emphasis upon the
work of Schliemann, Evans and Blegen; using many quotes from the original excavators, the
authors trace the evolution of research methods and ideas about Mycenaean civilization;
concludes with a discussion of current theories and problems.

47 Palaima, Thomas G. 2000. Michael Ventris and the development of his research
methods. Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 44:234-235.

Palaima uses evidence from John Chadwick, Ventris’ published worknotes, his
extensive private correspondence with his chief co-workers, materials on his personal life and its
relationship to his scholarship and his published works in order to discuss the development of his
methods. He identifies critical factors in his success as: his strong belief in group work; a
sequential process of reasoned hypothesizing about problems followed by collective analysis and
evaluation; independent mental discipline; an ability to adopt, master and apply analytical
techniques from others; and his position as a non-professional scholar.

48 Press, Ludwika. 1995. Heinrich Schliemann in the Polish writings. In: Modus in
Rebus: Gedenkshrift für Wolfgang Schindler. Detlef Rossler and Veit Sturmer, eds.
pp. 35-41. Berlin: Gebr. Mann Verlag.

Discusses the response of late 19th-century Polish scholars to the work and
publications of Schliemann and Dörpfeld.
49 Schuchhardt, Carl. 1891. Schliemann's Excavations: An Archaeological and
Historical Study. trans. Eugenie Sellers. London: Macmillan and Co.
363 p.

Summarizes and synthesizes Schliemann's data from Troy, Tiryns and Mycenae,
with brief discussions of excavations at Orchomenos and Ithaca; in his concluding "Historic
Survey of the Heroic Age of Greece," the author emphasizes differences between Mycenaean
civilization as revealed by Schliemann's excavations and as reflected in the Homeric poems or
that of classical Greece; a brief biography of Schliemann is also included.

50 Stubbings, Frank H. 1972. Prehistoric Greece. London: Rupert Hart-Davis.

95 p.

This small volume summarizes the history of Aegean archaeology, including the
discoveries of Schliemann, Evans, Wace and Blegen; other topics include Greek legend and
tradition, archaeological remains visible to early travelers to Greece, Mycenae and the Levant,
recent (up to 1970) excavations and Mycenaean writing.

Biographies

The charismatic and controversial Heinrich Schliemann, who may be said in a real
sense to have re-discovered Mycenaean civilization, is the only Mycenaean archaeologist thus
far to have been the subject of biographical writing. Most of the early biographies have focused
upon his adventurous and eventful life, while recent studies have examined his character and
archaeological methods with a more critical eye.

51 Brackman, Arnold C. 1974. The Dream of Troy. New York: Mason &
Lipscomb. 246 p.
 A popular and largely uncritical biography of Schliemann.

52 Deuel, Leo. 1977. Memoirs of Heinrich Schliemann: A Documentary Portrait

drawn from his Autobiographical Writings, Letters and Excavation
Reports. New York: Harper & Row. 405 p.

A detailed, somewhat revisionist treatment of Schliemann's life, using and

quoting extensively from his own writings.

53 Easton, D.F. 1982. The Schliemann papers. Annual of the British School at
Athens 77:93-110.

54 Lehrer, Mark and David Turner. 1989. The making of an Homeric archaeologist:
Schliemann's diary of 1868. Annual of the British School at Athens 84:221-268.

Analysis of Schliemann's 1868 diary helps to illuminate his beginnings as an

archaeologist; the authors also examine claims that Schliemann later misrepresented some of his
earlier ideas and statements.

55 Ludwig, Emil. 1931. Schliemann: The Story of a Gold-seeker. trans. D.F. Tait.
Boston: Little, Brown, and Company. 297 p.

One of the earliest biographies of Schliemann; largely favorable.

56 Payne, Robert. 1959. The Gold of Troy: The Story of Heinrich
Schliemann and the Buried Cities of Ancient Greece. New York: Funk &
Wagnalls Company, Inc. 273 p.

Popular and relatively uncritical biography.

57 Traill, David A. 1993. Excavating Schliemann: Collected Papers on Schliemann.

Illinois Classical Studies, Supplement 4. Atlanta: Scholars Press. 278 p.

Contents include: Heinrich Schliemann (pp. 1-20); The Schliemann controversy

(pp. 21-28); Schliemann's dream of Troy: the making of a legend (pp. 29-40); Schliemann's
mendacity: fire and fever in California (pp. 41-50); Schliemann's visit to Yosemite Valley and
the big trees in 1865 (pp. 51-60); Schliemann on Dickens (pp. 61-64); Schliemann's American
citizenship and divorce (pp. 65-72); Further evidence of fraudulent reporting in Schliemann's
archaeological works (pp. 73-96); Schliemann's acquisition of the Helios Metope and his
psychopathic tendencies (pp. 97-124); Schliemann's discovery of "Priam's Treasure": a re-
examination of the evidence (pp. 125-154); Hisarlik, 31 May, 1873, and the discovery of
"Priam's Treasure" (pp. 155-166); How Schliemann smuggled "Priam's Treasure" from the Troad
to Athens (pp. 167-172); "Priam's Treasure": Schliemann's plan to make duplicates for illicit
purposes (pp. 173-182); Schliemann's mendacity: a question of methodology (pp. 183-192);
Bloedow on Schliemann's accusers (pp. 193-198); "Priam's Treasure": further problems (pp. 199-
204); Schliemann's excavations at Mycenae through the eyes of Stamatakis (pp. 205-214);
Schliemann and his academic employees (pp. 215-234); The archaeological career of Sophia
Schliemann (pp. 235-244); Schliemann's trips 1841-67 and a detailed record of his movements
1868-90 (pp. 245-254); Hartmut Dôhl's Heinrich Schliemann--Mythos und Argernis: a review
(pp. 255-260).

58 Traill, David A. 1995. Schliemann of Troy: Treasure and Deceit. London: John
Murray. 365 p.
 In this revisionist biography, Traill examines Schliemann's own writings, as well as
independent data, and concludes that Schliemann was given to embroidering the truth, if not
outright fraud and mendacity, regarding certain aspects of his life and his archaeological
discoveries.

59 Turner, David. 1990. Heinrich Schliemann: The man behind the masks.
Archaeology 43:36-43.

Popular article written to commemorate the centenary of Schliemann's death;

sums up his career and discusses recent controversies and debates concerning his work and
writings.

CONFERENCES, COLLOQUIA AND SYMPOSIA

The literature of Mycenaean civilization is extensive, and the results of much recent work
are published in conference proceedings, festschriften and collections of essays and papers. The
selection here identifies a number of important collections likely to be accessible to most readers.

60 1968. Atti e Memorie del 1st Congresso Internazionale di Micenologia,

Roma 27 Settembre-3 Ottobre 1967. Incunabula Graeca 25. Rome: Edizione
dell'Ateneo. 3 v.

Important collection of papers from the first international Myceneological Congress;

contents include: C.W. Beck and G.C. Southard, The provenience of Mycenaean amber (pp. 58-
62); A. Åkerstrom, A Mycenaean potter's factory at Berbati near Mycenae (pp. 48-53); G.S.
Korres, Opaion (pp. 81-86); C. Laviosa, Il Lord di Asine e una "Sphinge"? (pp. 87-90); W.A
McDonald, Exploration in Messenia: 1964-67 (pp. 101-107); E. French Wace, Schliemann on
the pottery from Mycenae (pp. 170-175); N. Yialouris, Trouvailles mycéniennes et
premycénnienes de la region du sanctuaire d=Olympie (pp. 176-182); C. Kardara, The itinerant
art (pp. 222-227); M. Krogulska, Late Mycenaean tradition in Boeotian archaic terracottas (pp.
228-231); S. Marinatos, Mycenaean culture within the frame of Mediterranean anthropology and
archaeology (pp. 277-296); L.R. Palmer, Knossos: toward a final solution (pp. 318-325); J.
Harmatta, Ahhiyawa names -- Mycenaean names (pp. 401-409); E.L. Bennett, Jr., Linear B
diplomatics and palaeography (pp. 475-485); J. Chadwick, The editing of Mycenaean texts (pp.
486-499); M. Andronikos, The Mycenaean and the Greek script (pp. 500-503); P.H. Ilievski, A
re-examination of the PY Cn tablets (pp. 616-632); J.T. Killen, The Knossos o-pi tablets (pp.
636-643); G. Nagy, On dialectal anomalies in Pylian texts (pp. 663-679); O. Szemerenyi,
Mycenaean: a milestone between Indo-European and historical Greek (pp. 715-725); I. Chirasi,
Poseidaon-Enesidaon nei pantheon miceneo (pp. 945-991); B.C. Dietrich, Notes on the Linear B
tablets in the context of Mycenaean and Greek religion (pp. 992-1015); T. Dothan, Mycenaean
elements in the Philistine cult (pp. 1016-1020); V.R.D'A. Desborough, History and archaeology
in the last century of the Mycenaean age (pp. 1073-1093); H. Ota, Structure of the Mycenaean
society and e-re-u-te-ra (pp. 1114-1117); S. Yeivin, Mycenaean temples and their possible
influence on the countries of the eastern littoral of the Mediterranean (pp. 1130-1148); S. Levin,
Indo-European penetration of the civilized Aegean world as seen in the "Horse" tablet of
Knossos (Ca895) (pp. 1179-1185); E.D. Phillips, Odyssean references to peoples and places in
Italy considered in the light of Mycenaean archaeology (pp. 1192-1195); V.E.G. Kenna, Should
differences between Cretan and Helladic seal use imply differences in their respective use of
Linear B script? (pp. 1219-1222).

61 1999. I Periphereia tou Mykenäikou Kosmou: A= Diethnes Diepistemoniko

Symposio, Lamia, 25-29 Septemvriou 1994. Lamia: Ekdosi 14th Ephoreias
Proistorikon kai Klassikon Archaiotiton. 374 p.

Important recent international symposium on the periphery of the Mycenaean world.

Contents include: S. Steiros, Physika phainomena kai o pithanos tous rolos stin katastrophe tou
mykenäikou kosmou (pp. 1-4); F. Papadimitriou and A. Papadimitriou, Landscape instability and
the late Mycenaean world (pp. 5-6); B. Feuer, The Mycenaean periphery: some theoretical and
methodological considerations (pp. 7-14); K. Soueref, I voreia periphereia tou mykenäikou
kosmou: provlimata oriothetisis kai erimneias (pp. 15-20); I. Lemos, Some aspects of the
transition from the Late Bronze Age to the Early Iron Age in Central Greece (pp. 21-26); A.
Laszlo, La fin de l=Age du Bronze au Bas-Danube et le monde mycenien. Relations et
chronologie (pp. 27-34); V. Sîrbu and C. Schuster, Mykenische importe und einflüsse im Donau-
Karpaten-Schwarzmeerraum. Ein überblick (pp. 35-46); J. Makkay, The Mycenaean world, the
Mycenaean periphery and the Carpathian Basin (pp. 47-54); Z. Andrea, Les rapports culturels
illyro-égéens à la fin de l=Âge du Bronze et durant l=Époque du Fer (pp. 55-56); T.F. Tartaron
and K.L. Zachos, The Mycenaeans and Epirus (pp. 57-76); E. Andreou and I. Andreou, I koilada
tou Gormou sto Pogoni tis Epeirou, kendro zois kai anaptyxis kata tin proimi epochi tou sidirou
(pp. 77-90); H. Donder, Pin-types of the Late Helladic and Early Iron Age in north and central
Greece (pp. 91-98); D.V. Grammenos, I Ysteri epochi tou Chalkou sti Makedonia me basi tis
neoteres epiphaneiakes erevnes (pp. 99-102); A. Pilali-Papasteriou, I mykenäiki parousia sti
Makedonia. Provlimata kai epanektimiseis (pp. 103-106); S. Andreou and K. Kotsakis,
AMykenäiki parousia?@, AMykenäiki periphereias?@: I Toumba Thessalonikis, mia thesi tis
epochis Chalkou sti Makedonia (pp. 107-116); A. Batziou-Evstathiou, To nekrotapheio tis Neas
Ionias (Volou) kata ti metavasi apo tin YE IIIC stin PG epochi (pp. 117-130); V. Adrimi-
Sismani, Mykenaikos keramikos klivanos sto Dimini (pp. 131-142); A. Tzifalias and A. Zaouri,
Apo ti voreia Perraivia os tin archaia Krannona: nekrotapheia tis Proimis epochis tou Sidirou
(pp. 143-152); E. Nikolaou, Paidikes taphes Aintra muros@ tis eschatis Chalkokratias upo ton
Kuno tis anatolikis Lokridas (pp. 153-156); M. Jacob-Felsch, O topikos rhythmos tis mykenäikis
keramikis tis YE IIIC phasis tou ierou Artemidos Kalapodion (pp. 157-162); R.C.S. Felsch, To
mykenaiko iero sto Kalapodi: latreia kai teletourgiko (pp. 163-170); M.-F. Papakonstantinou, O
taphikos kyklos A tis Andronas. Proti parousiasi (pp. 171-180); F. Dakoronia, Nomos Fthiotidas:
meros tou mykenäikou kosmou i tis periphereias tou? (Pp. 181-186); K. Demakopoulou,
Mykenäika evrimata apo tin Elateia ston Ethniko Archaiologiko Museio (pp. 187-194); S. Deger-
Jalkotzy, Elateia and problems of pottery chronology (pp. 195-202); S. Dimaki, Nekrotapheio
Elateias: periderata apo steatiti (pp. 203-214); E. Alram-Stern, The Mycenaean figurines of
Elateia (pp. 215-222); S. Müller, Idiomorphies stin taphiki architektoniki tou Medeona Phokidas
(pp. 223-234); V. Aravantinos, Kendro kai periphereia sti mykenäiki Voiotia (perilipsi
anakoinosis) (pp. 235-236); O. Vikatou, To mykenäiko nekrotapheio tis Ayias Triadas N. Ileias
(pp. 237-256); C. Schoinas, Eikonistiki parastasi se ostraka kratira apo tin Ayia Triada Ilias (pp.
257-262); B. Eder, Ancient Elis in the Dark Ages (pp. 263-268); L. Papazoglou-Manioudaki,
Pilina kai chalkina tis Proimis Mykenäikis epochis apo tin Achaia (pp. 269-284); E. Karantzali,
Neoi mykenäikoi taphoi Rhodou (pp. 285-300); T. McGeorge, Oi anthropoi tis Pylonas (pp. 301-
302); A.G. Vlachopoulos, I Naxos kata tin YE IIIC periodo. I physiognomia kai o charaktiras
enos achmaiou nisiotikou kendrou (pp. 303-314); R.L.N. Barber, Mykenäioi sti Phylakopi (pp.
315-320); W. Coulson, I Ysteri epochi tou Chalkou kai i Proimi epochi tou Sidirou stin periochi
tou kolpou tou Mirabello stin anatoliki Kriti (pp. 321-330); I. Pini, Further research on Late
Bronze Age Aegean glass seals (pp. 331-338); V. La Rosa, APeriphereia@ kai sto mytho?
Periplaniseis sti mykenäiki parousia stin Kriti kai ti Sikelia (pp. 339-344); P. Militello, Oi
mykenäikes nopographies tis Ayias Triadas (pp. 345-352); E. Borgna, Central Crete and the
Mycenaeans at the close of the Late Bronze Age: the evidence of the AAcropoli Mediana@ at
Phaistos (pp. 353-370); S. Iakovidis, Symperasmata symposiou (pp. 371-374).

62 Betancourt, Philip P., Vassos Karageorghis, Robert Laffineur and Wolf-Dietrich

Niemeier, eds. 1999. Meletemata: Studies in Aegean Archaeology Presented to
Malcolm H. Wiener as He Enters His 65th Year. Aegaeum 20, Université de Liège,
Histoire de l=art et archéologie de la Grèce antique/University of Texas at
Austin, Programs in Aegean Scripts and Prehistory. Liège: Université de Liège. 3 v.

Important recent conference on various aspects of Aegean archaeology. Contents

include: G. Bass, The hull and anchor of the Cape Gelidonya ship (pp. 21-24); E. Bloedow, On
hunting lions in Bronze Age Greece (pp. 53-61); G. Cadogan, Vronwy Hankey (pp. 83-86); J.
Carrington-Smith, Milk-bowls: some Pylos pantries revisited (pp. 87-92); W. Cavanagh and C.
Mee, Building the Treasury of Atreus (pp. 93-102); J. Cherry, After Aidonia: further reflections
on attribution in the Aegean Bronze Age (pp. 103-110); E.H. Cline, Coals to Newcastle,
wallbrackets to Tiryns: irrationality, gift exchange, and distance value (pp. 119-123); V.
Cremasco and R. Laffineur, The engineering of Mycenaean tholoi: the circular tomb at Thorikos
revisited (pp. 139-148); M.K. Dabney, Locating Mycenaean cemeteries (pp. 171-175); J.L.
Davis, J. Bennet and C.W. Shelmerdine, The Pylos Regional Archaeological Project: the
prehistoric investigations (pp. 177-184); K. Demakopoulou, A Mycenaean terracotta figure from
Midea in the Argolid (pp. 197-205); O. Dickinson, The Catalogue of Ships and all that (pp. 207-
210); E.B. French and J.E. Tomlinson, The mainland Aconical cup@ (pp. 259-265); N.H. Gale and
Z.A. Stos-Gale, Copper oxhide ingots and the Aegean metals trade: new perspectives (pp. 267-
277); S.C. German, The politics of dancing: a reconsideration of the motif of dancing in Bronze
Age Greece (pp. 279-282); C. Gillis, The significance of color for metals in the Aegean Bronze
Age (pp. 289-298); D. Haggis, Some problems in defining Dark Age society in the Aegean (pp.
303-308); E. Hallager and B.P. Hallager, Nodules and LM IIIB Kydonian pottery from the Little
Palace at Knossos (pp. 309-317); P. Halstead, Surplus and share-croppers: the grain production
strategies of Mycenaean palaces (pp. 319-326); H. Haskell, Aspects of the nature and control of
Mycenaean foreign trade (pp. 339-342); G. Hatzi-Spiliopoulou, A Mycenaean stone vase from
Messenia (pp. 343-350); S. Hiller, Egyptian elements on the Hagia Triada sarcophagus (pp. 361-
369); V. Karageorghis, A Mycenaean pilgrim flask re-examined (pp. 395-402); E. Karantzali,
New Mycenaean finds from Rhodes (pp. 403-408); D. Katsonopoulou, Mycenaean Helike (pp.
409-413); R.B. Koehl, The Creto-Mycenaean earrings of Queen Nofretari (pp. 421-426); E.
Konsolaki-Yannopoulou, A group of new Mycenaean horsemen from Methana (pp. 427-433); N.
Marinatos, Bull hides as dadoes and emblems of prestige in Creto- Mycenaean palaces (pp. 481-
484); M. Melas, The ethnography of Minoan and Mycenaean beekeeping (pp. 485-491); P.A.
Mountjoy, Late Minoan IIIC/Late Helladic IIIC: chronology and terminology (pp. 511-516);
A.M. Nicgorski, Polypus and poppy: two unusual rhyta from the Mycenaean cemetery at
Mochlos (pp. 537-542); L. Nixon, Women, children, and weaving (pp. 561-567); G. Nordquist,
Pairing of pots in the Middle Helladic period (pp. 569-573); T.G. Palaima and E. Sikkenga,
Linear A E Linear B (pp. 599-608); M.-P. Papaconstantinou, The Grave Circle B of Antron.
Preliminary report (pp. 625-631); G. Papasavvas, P. Muhly and A. Lebessi, Weapons for men
and gods: three Knossian swords from the Syme snactuary (pp. 641-650); A. Paterakis, A
conservation survey of Bronze Age metals in the Athenian agora (pp. 651-659); J.-C. Poursat,
Ivoires Chypro-Égéens: de Chypre à Minet-el-Beidha et Mycènes (pp. 683-688); J. Prag, R.
Neave and D. Smith, The face of Pelops (pp. 689-691); G. Rapp Jr., Copper, tin and arsenic
sources in the Aegean Bronze Age (pp. 699-704); A. Sampson, Aulis mycénienne et la route
maritime de l=Egée du Nord (pp. 741-746); D.U. Schilardi, The Mycenaean horseman (?) Of
Koukounaries (pp. 751-760); M.C. Shaw, A Bronze Age enigma: the AU-shaped@ motif in
Aegean architectural representations (pp. 769-779); J.S. Soles, The ritual Akilling@ of pottery and
the discovery of a Mycenaean telestas at Mochlos (pp. 787-792); A. South, A fishy stirrup jar
and more about Aegean connections at Kalavasos (pp. 793-802); L. Steel, Wine kraters and
chariots: the Mycenaean pictorial style reconsidered (pp. 803-811); C.G. Thomas, Monarchy in
ruins (pp. 827-832); I. Tournavitou, Hearths in non-palatial settlement contexts. The LBA period
in the Peloponnese (pp. 833-840); I. Tzachili, Before sailing: the making of sails in the second
millenium (pp. 857-862); L. Vagnetti, The oldest discovery of Mycenaean pottery in Sicily (pp.
869-872); G. Walberg, The megaron complex on the lower terraces at Midea (pp. 887-892); M.
Wedde, Talking hands: a study of Minoan and Mycenaean ritual gesture - some preliminary
notes (pp. 911-920); J. Weingarten, Male and female s/he created them: further studies in
Aegean proportions (pp. 921-930); J.G. Younger, Glass seals and Alook-alike@ seals (pp. 953-
957).
63 Crossland, R.A. and Ann Birchall, eds. 1974. Bronze Age Migrations in the
Aegean: Archaeological and Linguistic Problems in Greek Prehistory.
Proceedings of the First International Colloquium on Aegean Prehistory,
Sheffield. Park Ridge: Noyes Press. 360 p.

Important collection of papers presented at the First International Colloquium on

Aegean Prehistory, many of which concern the origins and collapse of Mycenaean civilization;
contents include: R.J. Howell, The origins of the Middle Helladic culture (pp. 73-106); S.
Marinatos, The first "Mycenaeans" in Greece (pp. 107-113); Ph.H.J. Houwink ten Cate, Contact
between the Aegean region and Anatolia in the second millenium B.C. (pp. 141-158); M.
Gérard-Rousseau, Monique. 1974. Connections in religion between the Mycenaean world and
Anatolia (pp. 163-167); J. Bouzek, Bronze Age Greece and the Balkans: problems of migrations
(pp. 169-177); N.G.L. Hammond, Grave circles in Albania and Macedonia (pp. 189-197); A.M.
Snodgrass, Metal-work as evidence for immigration in the Late Bronze Age (pp. 209-214); C.
Sourvinou-Inwood, Movements of populations in Attica at the end of the Mycenaean period (pp.
215-225); I. Tegyey, Messenia and the catastrophe at the end of Late Helladic IIIB (pp. 227-
232); F.J. Tritsch, The "sackers of cities" and the "movement of populations" (pp. 233-239); V.I.
Georgiev, The arrival of the Greeks in Greece: the linguistic evidence (pp. 243-257); C.
Renfrew, Problems in the general correlation of archaeological and linguistic strata in prehistoric
Greece: the model of autochthonous origin (pp. 263-279); A. Bartonek, The place of the Dorians
in the Late Helladic world (pp. 305-311).

64 de Miro, Ernesto, Louis Godart and Anna Sacconi, eds. 1996. Atti e Memorie
del Secondo Congresso Internazionale di Micenologia, Roma- Napoli, 14-20
ottobre 1991. Incunabula Graeca 97. Rome: Gruppo Editoriale Internazionale. 3 v.

Important collection of papers presented at the Second International Mycenological

Congress in 1991. Contents include: A. Bartonek, The Mycenaean language and dialect(pp.7-
23); J.T. Killen, Thebes sealings and Knossos tablets (pp. 71-82); J.L. Melena, The
reconstruction of the fragments of the Linear B tablets from Knossos (pp. 83-91); N. Hirschfeld,
Cypriots in the Mycenaean Aegean (pp. 289-297); T.G. Palaima, "Contiguities" in the Linear B
tablets from Pylos (pp. 379-396); C.W. Shelmerdine, From Mycenae to Homer: the next
generation (pp. 467-492); R. Hägg, The religion of the Mycenaeans twenty-four years after the
1967 Mycenological Congress in Rome (pp. 599-612); G. Albers, Comparative aspects of
regional cult structures of the Late Bronze Age and Early Iron Ages in the East Mediterranean
(Aegean, Cyprus, Levant-Palestine) (pp. 647-662); J. Bouzek, The problem of migration in
Mycenaean Greece (pp. 685-692); S. Deger-Jalkotzy, Negative aspects of the Mycenaean palatial
system (pp. 715-728); B.C. Dietrich, Transformations in Mycenaean religion (pp. 737-740); A.
Leonard, Jr., MYCINDEX: Late Helladic trade in its Mediterranean setting (pp. 741-748); K.
Lewartowski, Mycenaean burials in dromoi (pp. 749-764); J. Makkay, Mycenaean burial
sacrifices and the origins of the Protogreeks (pp. 775-784); A. Schachter, Evidence for cult and
continuity from Linear B documents at Thebes (pp. 891-899); J. van Leuven, The Nilssonian
origin of Mycenaean mythology (pp. 923-938); M. Benzi, Problems of the Mycenaean expansion
in the south-eastern Aegean (pp. 947-978); K. Demakopoulou, Midea in the light of recent
excavations (pp. 979-994); J. Driessen, Architectural context, administration and political
architecture in Mycenaean Greece (pp. 1013-1028); S.E. Iakovidis, Mycenae in the light of
recent discoveries (pp. 1039-1049); V. Karageorghis, Aegean influences on the coroplastic art of
Late Bronze Age Cyprus (pp. 1051-1061); J.A. and E. Sakellarakis, Mycenaean Archanes (pp.
1111-1119); P. Åström, Excavations in Midea (pp. 1133-1135); E.F. Bloedow, The lions of the
Lion Gate at Mycenae (pp. 1133-1135); F. Dakoronia, Mycenaean East Lokris (pp. 1167-1173);
C. Gillis, The Asine chamber tombs -- graves of kings? (pp. 1193-1203); K. Kalogeropoulos,
The Mycenaean cemetery of Analypsis in Arcadia (pp. 1205-1209); J. Knauss, Arkadian and
Boiotian Orchomenos, centres of Mycenaean hydraulic engineering (pp. 1211-1219); M.
Koumouzelis, A monumental chamber tomb at Ellinika, Messenia (pp. 1221-1228); Y.G. Lolos,
Aiantos Polis: new evidence for Mycenaean presence on the island of Salamis (pp. 1239-1247);
W.-D. Niemeier, On the origin of the Mycenaean painted plaster floors (pp. 1249-1253); A.
Onassoglou, Un batiment mycenien sous les foudations du nouveau musee de Mycenes: la tombe
aux bronzes (pp. 1255-1267); A. Patrianakou-Iliaki, An ivory mirror handle from Asine (pp.
1273-1280); B. Santillo Frizell, Mycenaean Asine: a question of IIB or not II B (pp. 1287-1293);
V. Adrimi-Sismani, I mykenäiki poli sto Dimini neotera dedomena yia tin archaia Iolko (pp.
1295-1309); G. Walberg, Excavations on the lower terraces at Midea in the Argolid (pp. 1333-
1338); L. Achilara, Mycenaean events from Psara (pp. 1349-1353); A. Demetriou, Traditional
dating of the Trojan War and Cypriot archaeology (pp. 1423-1431); O. Hadjianastasiou, A
Mycenaean pictorial vase from Naxos (pp. 1433-1441); H. Matthäus, Die absolut chronologie
der periode SM II/SH IIB (pp. 1457-1470); M. Benzi and G. Graziadio, Late Mycenaean pottery
from Punta Meliso (Santa Maria di Leuca)(pp. 1523-1529); H. Whittaker, The relationship
between Mycenaean sacred and domestic architecture (pp. 1627-1635).

65 French, Elizabeth B. and K.A. Wardle, eds. 1987. Problems in Greek

Prehistory: Papers Presented at the Centenary Conference of the British
School of Archaeology at Athens, Manchester, April 1986. Bristol: Bristol
Classical Press. 609 p.

Important recent collection of papers celebrating the 100th anniversary of the

British School of Archaeology in Athens; contents include: K. Kilian, Mycenaeans up to date,
trends and changes in recent research (pp. 115-152); S. Diamant, Mycenaean origins: infiltration
from the north? (pp. 153-159); I. Kilian-Dirlmeier, Jewelry in Mycenaean and Minoan "warrior
graves" (pp. 161-165); B. Palsson Hallager, Mycenaean pottery in LM IIIA1 deposits at Khania,
Western Crete (pp. 173-183); P.A. Mountjoy, The LH IIIA pottery from Ayios Stephanos,
Laconia (pp. 185-191); M. Jacob-Felsch, Compass-drawn concentric circles in vase painting. A
problem of relative chronology at the end of the Bronze Age (pp. 193-199); A. Åkerstrom, Cultic
installations in Mycenaean rooms and tombs (pp. 201-209); G. Walberg, Problems in the
interpretation of some Minoan and Mycenaean cult symbols (pp. 211-218); A. Moore, The large
monochrome terracotta figures from Mycenae: the problem of interpretation (pp. 219-228); N.
Fernandez, Cult places of the Bronze Age: the identification problem (pp. 229-234); N.
Marinatos, The fresco from Room 31 at Mycenae: problems of method and interpretation (pp.
245-251); M. Benzi, Rhodes in the LH IIIC period (pp. 245-251); Z.A. Stos-Gale, Lead isotope
evidence for trade in copper from Cyprus during the Late Bronze Age (pp. 265-282); C.B. Mee,
A Mycenaean thalassocracy in the Eastern Aegean? (pp. 301-306); K.B. Gödecken, A
contribution to the early history of Miletus: the settlement in Mycenaean times and its
connections overseas (pp. 307-318); A. Leonard, Jr., Some problems inherent in
Mycenaean/Syro-Palestinian synchronisms (pp. 319-331); L. Vagnetti and R.E. Jones, Towards
the identification of local Mycenaean pottery in Italy (pp. 335-348); W.G. Cavanagh and R.R.
Laxton, Problem solving and the architecture of tholos tombs (pp. 385-395); E. Rystedt,
Mycenaean runners - including ABOBATAI (pp. 437-442); I. Tournavitou, Towards an
identification of a workshop space (pp. 447-467); D.E.H. Wardle, Does reconstruction help? A
Mycenaean dress and the Dendra suit of armour (pp. 469-476); J. Bennet, Approaches to the
problem of combining Linear B textual data and archaeological data in the Late Bronze Age
Aegean (pp. 509-518); P. Halstead, On redistribution and the origin of Minoan-Mycenaean
palatial economies (pp. 519-530).

66 Heubeck, Alfred and Günter Neumann, eds. 1983. Res Mycenaeae: Akten des
VII. Internationalen Mykenologischen Colloquiums in Nürnberg vom 6.-10.
April 1981. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht. 439 p.

Important collection of papers concerning the analysis and interpretation of Linear B

tablets; contents include: A. Bartonek, The Linear B texts and their quantitative evaluation (pp.
15-27); L. Baumbach, An examination of the evidence for a state of emergency at Pylos c. 1200
B.C. from the Linear B tablets (pp. 28-40); E.L. Bennett, Jr., Pylian landholding jots and tittles
(pp. 41-54); J. Chadwick, Traditional spelling or two dialects? (pp. 78-88); S. Hiller,
Fruchtbaumkulturen auf Kreta und in Pylos (pp. 171-201); P.H. Ilievski, Some structural
peculiarities of Mycenaean-Greek personal names (pp. 202-215); J.T. Killen, On the Mycenae
Ge tablets (pp. 216-233); J.L. Melena, Further thoughts on Mycenaean o-pa (pp. 258-286).

67 Ilievski, Petar H. and Ljiljana Crepajac, eds. 1988. Tractata Mycenaea:

Proceedings of the Eighth International Colloquium on Mycenaean Studies,
held at Ohrid (15-20 September 1985). Skopje: Macedonian Academy of Sciences and
Arts. 404 p.
 Collection of papers dealing with the interpretation of Linear B and Linear B texts;
contents include: V.L. Aravantinos, The Mycenaean inscribed sealings from Thebes: preliminary
notes (pp. 13-27); L. Baumbach, Mycenaean tu-ru-pte-ri-ja and Herodotus II (pp. 49-54); E.L.
Bennett, Jr., Some Linear B ideographic signs as a system (pp. 55-64); P. Carlier, A propos des
te-re-ta (pp. 65-73); J. Chadwick, The muster of the Pylian fleet (pp. 75-84); P. de Fidio, Palais
et communautes de village dans le royaume mycénien de Pylos (pp. 129-149); P.H. Ilievski, MN
a-ko-ro-qo-ro and the terms for "farmer" in the Linear B texts (pp. 151-161); J.T. Killen, Piety
begins at home: place-names on Knossos records of religious offerings (pp. 163-178); J.-P.
Olivier, Rapport sur les editions en écriture hieroglyphic Cretoise, en Linéaire A et en Linéaire B
(pp. 241-248); T.G. Palaima, Mycenaean seals and sealings in their economic and administrative
contexts (pp. 249-266); E. Risch, Die mykenischen personnamen auf -e (pp. 281-298); C.W.
Shelmerdine, Industrial activity at Pylos (pp. 333-342).

68 Morpurgo Davies, Anna and Yves Duhoux, eds. 1988. Linear B: A 1984
Survey: Proceedings of the Mycenaean Colloquium of the VIIIth Congress of the
International Federation of the Societies of Classical Studies (Dublin, 27 August-1st
September 1984). Bibliotheque des Cahiers de l'Institut de Linguistique de Louvain 26.
Louvain-la-Neuve: Peeters. 310 p.

Important collection of review essays concerning Linear B and its interpretation

in understanding various aspects of Mycenaean civilization; contents include: Y. Duhoux,
Mycénien et écriture Grécque (pp. 7-74); A. Morpurgo Davies, Mycenaean and Greek language
(pp. 75-125); L. Baumbach, Mycenaean and Greek lexicon (pp. 127-142); J. Chadwick, What do
we really know about Mycenaean religion? (pp. 191-202); R. Hägg, Mycenaean religion: the
Helladic and Minoan components (pp. 203-225); B.C. Dietrich, Some foreign elements in
Mycenaean cult places and figures (pp. 227-239); J.T. Killen, The Linear B tablets and the
Mycenaean economy (pp. 241-305).

Environment

The Greek peninsula comprises the end of a long chain of high mountain ranges
running northwest-southeast through the Balkans. It is situated between two great continental
plates, and thus has been and continues to be an area of considerable tectonic activity, resulting
periodically in devastating earthquakes, some of which are apparent in the geological and
archaeological record; recent work has provided evidence of damage to sites in the Argolid
caused by at least one temblor in LH IIIB. The only raw materials which were abundant and
readily available were stone, clay and timber. The coastline is long and irregular, with many fine
harbors, and the relative closeness of the Cyclades and other Aegean islands thus tended to favor
travel by sea rather than by land. The climate in southern and central Greece is Mediterranean,
with long, hot, dry summers and mild winters. As one moves northward and westward from the
Peloponnese, average annual rainfall increases and there are greater seasonal temperature
differences.

69 Allen, Harriet. 1990. A postglacial record from the Kopais Basin, Greece. In:
Man's Role in the Shaping of the Eastern Mediterranean Landscape. S. Bottema, G.
Entjes-Nieborg and W. Van Zeist, eds. pp. 173-182. Rotterdam: A.A. Balkema.

Analysis of palynological data demonstrates attempts to drain Lake Kopais by the

construction of dikes during the Late Bronze Age. See also 70.

70 Allen, Harriet. 1997. The environmental conditions of the Kopais Basin,

Boeotia during the post glacial with special reference to the Mycenaean period.
In: Recent Developments in the History and Archaeology of Central Greece:
Proceedings of the 6th International Boeotian Conference. John Bintliff, ed. pp. 39-58.
BAR International Series 666. Oxford: Archaeopress. See also 69.

Describes, discusses and analyzes two sediment cores and pollen analysis in the
Kopaic Basin of Boiotia in central Greece, concluding that the Minyans--or Mycenaeans--of
Orchomenos undertook to drain a basin that was beginning to move from open water to an
accumulation of peat in terms of the stages of a hydroserve.

71 Angel, J. Lawrence. 1971. Ecology and population in the Eastern Mediterranean.

World Archaeology 4:88-105.

An excellent overview; in addition to summarizing and evaluating ecological and

demographic data for the Eastern Mediterranean from the Paleolithic to the 19th century, Angel
investigates the relationship between population density, female longevity, fertility and
ecological factors; he notes an apparent correlation between rapid increases in population density
during the Neolithic, Middle-Late Bronze Age, Classical and modern periods with a balance or
decline of malaria and population decline with man-made ecological destruction.

72 Åström, Paul and Katie Demakopoulou. 1996. Signs of an earthquake at Midea?

In: Archaeoseismology. S. Stiros and R.E. Jones, eds. pp. 37-40. Fitch Laboratory
Occasional Paper 7. Athens: Institute of Geology and Mineral Exploration and the
British School at Athens.

The authors suggest that a devastating earthquake at the end of LH IIIB2 caused a
great fire, resulting in temporary abandonment of the site and resettlement of the inhabitants at
Tiryns, with subsequent re-inhabitation of parts of the site in LH IIIC. They also believe that
similar destruction occurred at Tiryns and to a lesser extent at Mycenae, and possibly at other
sites as well, leading to a consolidation of the population in the Argolid at this time.

73 Bintliff, John L. 1977. Natural Environment and Human Settlement in Prehistoric

Greece Based on Original Fieldwork. BAR Supplementary Series 28. Oxford:
British Archaeological Reports. 2 v.

The most important single work on the subject; the first part summarizes, reviews and
analyzes theory, method and data concerning environmental variables including geology,
geomorphology, vegetation and soils, as well as economic, social, political and religious aspects
of settlement patterning; the second part is comprised of detailed regional studies in the Argolid,
Lakonia and Messenia; Bintliff concludes by presenting a model of settlement hierarchy and
territory in the Late Bronze Age.

74 Bryson, R.A., H.H. Lamb and David L. Donley. 1974. Drought and the decline
of Mycenae. Antiquity 48:46-50.

An examination and evaluation of Carpenter's drought thesis by three meteorologists, who

conclude that Carpenter's hypothesis is the only one which is consistent with available evidence
and that drought conditions which occurred in Greece in 1954-1955 could well have occurred c.
1200 B.C. See also 75, 76, 86, 87 and 89.

75 Carpenter, Rhys. 1966. Discontinuity in Greek Civilization. Cambridge, Eng.:

Cambridge University Press. 80 p.

Citing climatic evidence, archaeological data and historical analogues, Carpenter

suggests that certain climatic changes, primarily a long-term shift in wind patterns, led to drought
conditions which contributed toward, if not caused, the collapse of Mycenaean civilization. See
also 74, 76, 86, 87, and 89.

76 Dickinson, O.T.P.K. 1974. Drought and the decline of Mycenae: some comments.
Antiquity 48:228-230.

Questions certain assumptions and the data upon which they are based concerning
evidence for agricultural decline and the sudden collapse of Mycenaean civilization; Dickinson
suggests that in fact the situation is considerably more complex. See also 74, 75, 86, 87 and 89.

77 Grove, A.T. and Oliver Rackham. 2001. The Nature of Mediterranean Europe: An
Ecological History. New Haven: Yale University Press. 384 p.

A broad and general survey, overview and introduction to the ecology of Mediterranean
Europe, including present and past climate, geology and geomorphology, vegentation and the
influence of human habitation and activities.
78 Higgins, Charles G. 1966. Possible disappearance of Mycenaean coastal
settlements of the Messenian peninsula. American Journal of Archaeology
70:23-29.

Discusses post-Mycenaean geological processes, such as erosion and a rise in sea

level, which may account for the lack of coastal sites in parts of southern Messenia for the Late
Helladic and earlier periods. See also 80.

79 Higgins, Michael Dennis and Reynold Higgins. 1996. A Geological Companion

to Greece and the Aegean. Ithaca: Cornell University Press.

Popular account of the geology of Greece and the Aegean coast of Turkey,
including a general introduction and discussion of the geology of individual sites. After a general
geological background and the geological history of the Mediterranean region, remaining
chapters are devoted to the geology of different regions; each site description includes a brief
cultural introduction, a detailed description of the bedrock geology and discussion of the tectonic
setting, the influence of recent geological changes and the source of construction stone.

80 Kraft, John C., Aschenbrenner, Stanley F. and George Rapp, Jr. 1977.
Paleogeographic reconstruction of coastal Aegean archaeological sites.
Science 195:941-947.

The authors describe and discuss subsurface geological processes in coastal

regions, including alluviation and colluviation, rates of change of geomorphology and the effects
of coastal change on human populations, with particular focus upon major coastal sites in the
Aegean Sea. See also 78.

81 Loy, William G. n.d. The Land of Nestor: A Physical Geography of the South
West Peloponnese. Foreign Field Research Program Report of the
National Academy of Science 34. Washington DC. 163 p.
 Includes discussion of both Bronze Age and contemporary physical settings,
physical patterns (climate, geology, geomorphology, hydrology, soils and vegetation), plus
detailed environmental descriptions of four study sites (Malthi, Parapoungion, Aristodheemion
and Nichoria) belonging to different geomorphological units; may be difficult to obtain.

82 Mylonas, George E. 1970. The lion in Mycenaean times. Archaiologika Analekta

ex Athinon 3:421-425.

Describes and interprets the depiction of lions on stelae of Grave Circle B at

Mycenae; presents evidence, including that of naturalistic representation, to support the
hypothesis that lions were present in Late Bronze Age Greece.

83 Papadopoulos, Gerasimos A. 1996. An earthquake engineering approach to the

collapse of the Mycenaean palace civilization of the Greek mainland. In:
Archaeoseismology. S. Stiros and R.E. Jones, eds. pp. 205-209. Fitch Laboratory
Occasional Paper 7. Athens: Institute of Geology and Mineral Exploration and the British
School at Athens.

Analysis of seismic intensity data available for most of the 20th century in Greece
indicates that the probability of observing at least one destructive earthquake in one or more
mainland Mycenaean regions, in time intervals of thirty years or more, is very high. Thus, from a
seismological point of view the suggestion of two phases of destruction during LH IIIB of
several Mycenaean palace sites on the Greek mainland is reasonable provided that each one of
these phases lasted for thirty years or more.

84 Rackham, Oliver. 1983. Observation on the historical ecology of Boeotia.

Annual of the British School at Athens 78:291-352.
 Botanical study concerned primarily with the structure, maintenance and history
of plant communities, including a brief discussion of climate and soils; Rackham concludes that
the ancient environment was semi-arid, and thus largely similar to modern conditions.

85 Rackham, Oliver. 1996. Ecology and pseudo- ecology: the example of ancient
Greece. In: Human Landscapes in Classical Antiquity: Environment and Culture.
Graham Shipley and John Salmon, eds. pp. 16-43. Leicester-Nottingham Studies in
Ancient Society, Volume 6. London: Routledge.

After cautioning against making assumptions concerning the nature of the Greek
landscape in the past based upon various kinds of fallacious reasoning or data, Rackham goes on
to suggest that with a few exceptions (relative land and sea levels, the presence of fens and
marshes and the existence of terracing), the earlier Greek environment may not have been
substantially different than that in modern times, and that the effects of deforestation and erosion
may have been exaggerated.

86 Shrimpton, Gordon. 1987. Regional drought and the economic decline of Mycenae.
Echoes du Monde Classique/Classical Views 6:137-178.

Analyzes LH IIIB and IIIC settlement patterns in the Argolid, concluding that the
evidence does not support the thesis of a drought at the end of the Late Bronze Age in Greece;
the author also offers a good recent review of various economic and ecological hypotheses for
the collapse of Mycenaean civilization. See also 74, 75, 76, 87 and 89.

87 Snodgrass, A.M. 1975. Climatic changes and the fall of Mycenaean Greece.
Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 22:213-214.

Offers an analysis and discussion of Carpenter's drought thesis, registering

various objections on both climatological and archaeological grounds. See also 74, 75, 76, 86
and 89.
88 van Andel, Tjeerd H., Eberhard Zangger and Anne Demitrak. 1990. Land use and
soil erosion in prehistoric and historical Greece. Journal of Field Archaeology
17:379-396.

The authors summarize three regional studies of holocene erosion and alluviation
in the southern Argolid, the Argive plain and the Larissa basin in Thessaly. Most of the recorded
holocene soil erosion events are spatially and temporally related to human interference in the
landscape. Major phases of soil erosion appear to follow by 500-1000 years the introduction of
farming. See also 90.

89 Wright, H.E., Jr. 1968. Climatic change in Mycenaean Greece. Antiquity

42:123-126.

Reviews pollen studies from the Greek Bronze Age, concluding that no
vegetational or sea level changes can be unequivocally attributed to climatic change, and that
there is therefore no convincing scientific evidence to support Carpenter's drought hypothesis.
See also 74, 75, 76, 86 and 87.

90 Zangger, Eberhard. 1991. Prehistoric coastal environments in Greece: the

vanished landscapes of Dimini Bay and Lake Lerna. Journal of Field Archaeology
18:1-15.

Reconstruction based on more than 200 auger and drill cores of two coastal
environments in Thessaly and the Argolid, similar in their geological setting and history--rich
arable land fed by ephemeral streams and encompassed by steep, barren limestone mountains--as
well as settlement history and archaeological significance. See also 88.
91 Zangger, Eberhard. 1992. Prehistoric and historic soils in Greece: assessing the
natural resources for agriculture. In: Agriculture in Ancient Greece. Proceedings
of the Seventh International Symposium at the Swedish Institute at Athens, 16- 17
May, 1990. Berit Wells, ed. pp. 13-18. Skrifter Utgivna av Svenska Institutet i Athen,
Series 4, 42. Stockholm: Paul Åströms Förlag.

Geoarchaeological reconstruction of landscape stabilization and destabilization

enables a history of soil quality and land use. Studies of data from the Argive Plain, the Southern
Argolid and Thessaly give evidence of quarternary environmental oscillations, soil
characteristics, precipitation and vegetation and soil erosion, permitting a tentative Holocene soil
history of Greece. The most significant discovery so far is that widespread soil erosion began
only within 1000 years after the introduction of agriculture and thus appears to be human-
induced.

92 Zangger, Eberhard. 1993. The Geoarchaeology of the Argolid. Berlin:

Gebr. Mann Verlag. 149 p.

Determination of the late Quaternary environmental history of the Argive Plain by

means of a detailed analysis of late Pleistocene and Holocene stratigraphy and a reconstruction
of the depositional history of the plain, including the character of its landscape, the history of soil
stability and instability, the quality of ancient soils, depositional rates, coastline shifts and the
development of hydrological systems. Historic landscape changes are related to human impact,
climatic and tectonic processes or sea level fluctuations. Includes chapters on methods,
physiography, stratigraphy, depositional history, coastal changes and landscape changes at
Tiryns, as well as appendices for soil descriptions, augur core descriptions and drill logs.

93 Zangger, Eberhard. 1994. Landscape changes around Tiryns during the Bronze
Age. American Journal of Archaeology 98:189-212.

Evidence from excavations and augur cores indicates that in LH IIIB/C a stream
running south of Tiryns shifted its course to the north, depositing up to four meters of alluvium
in the eastern part of the lower town. This event may have coincided with a destruction phase in
the archaeological record of Tiryns. In order to protect the town from future floods, an artificial
river diversion comprising a ten-meter high dam and a 12 km. long canal were constructed.
Zangger also discusses changes in the coastline in the vicinity of Tiryns during the Bronze Age.

94 Zangger, Eberhard, Michael E. Timpson, Sergei B. Yazvenko, Falko Kuhnke and

Jost Knauss. 1997. The Pylos Regional Archaeological Project, part II: landscape
evolution and site preservation. Hesperia 66:549-641.

Report of an interdisciplinary team of a geoarchaeologist, soil scientist, botanist

and palynologist, geophysicist and hydroengineer which reconstructs the environmental history
and investigates primary resources, secondary processes and the coevolution of landscape and
people in the vicinity of Pylos.

Language

Greek is one of many members of the Indo-European family of languages. Mycenaean

Greek therefore represents an intermediate stage between the original Indo-European Ur-
language--known as Proto-Indo-European--and Homeric Greek (the earliest written form of
Greek) and the classical Greek language for which extensive written documentation exists.
There is considerable disagreement among linguists, however, as to how and when Mycenaean
Greek evolved from its Proto-Indo-European predecessor. In part the controversy rests upon the
interpretation of the nature and rate of linguistic change, attempts to fix a chronology of the
evolution of Greek and archaeological evidence for the movement of Indo-European or Proto-
Greek people into Greece. In turn, the results of these linguistic analyses have been used in
attempting to date and characterize the arrival of Greek or Proto-Greek populations in
southeastern Europe (see Introduction and Cultural History and Society: Cultural Development).

It appears that the Proto-Greek Indo-European dialect had already begun its process of
differentiation by the time its speakers had entered Greece. It is widely accepted, however, that
Mycenaean Greek must have evolved as a distinct language within Greece itself, and therefore
the beginnings of the Greek language (as opposed to a dialect of Proto-Indo-European) should
probably be dated to the latter part of the third millennium B.C. By the time it began to be
written down in the 14th century B.C., Mycenaean Greek had taken a form that allows it to be
characterized as distinctly Greek and clearly related to the forms of Greek known from the
Archaic and Classical periods.

95 Anderson, Deborah. 1994-1995. Mycenaean vessel terms: evaluating the IE

evidence. Minos 29- 30:295-322.

Anderson examines the following evidence: a set of 38 likely or possible terms

and 39 ideograms for vessels in Linear B texts; linguistic evidence; ritual contexts of vessel use;
and Homeric references. She observes that names with an Indo-European background range from
26% to 46% of the total group, which is consistent with the overall Indo-European component in
Greek, and concludes that a large proportion of Mycenaean terms were retained into Homeric
times.

96 Aura Jorro, Francisco, ed. 1985. Diccionario Micenico. Madrid. 2 vols.

Dictionary of Mycenaean words, listed alphabetically; each entry includes part of

speech, tablets on which it occurs, meaning of the word and works in which the word is
discussed. See also 97.

97 Aura Jorro, Francisco and F.R. Adrados. 1993 Diccionario Micenico II. Madrid:
CISC.

See also 96.

98 Bartonek, Antonin. 1983. The main periods of early Greek linguistic

development. In: Concilium Eirene XVI: Proceedings of the 16th International
Eirene Conference, Prague 31.8. - 4.9. 1982. Vol. 3. Pavel Oliva and Alena Frolikova, eds.
pp. 69-74. Prague: Kabinet pro studia recka, rimska a latinska CSAV.
 Bartonek divides the pre- and proto-history of the Greek language into three main
chronological periods: a pre-Linear B phase from the arrival of the Indo-European ancestors of
the Greeks to the origin of Linear B, with two subphases (2200/2000-1650 and 1650-1450); the
Linear B period, from its introduction in the mid-15th century B.C. to the first known texts in the
14th century, and a second subphase encompassing the period of the surviving texts, c. 1400-1200
B.C.; a post-Mycenaean pre-alphabetic phase, with migrational shifts following the collapse of
Mycenaean civilization from 1200 to 1000 B.C. and the emergence of classical dialects between
1000 and 800 B.C. See also 99.

99 Bartonek, Antonin. 1987. On the prehistory of ancient Greek. Studi Micenei ed

Egeo-Anatolici 26:7-22.

Divides the prehistory of Greek into three phases, each with two subphases: 1)
pre-Linear B (2200/2000-1450 B.C.); 2) Linear B (1450-1200 B.C.); 3) post-Linear B
(1200-725/700 B.C.); discusses the linguistic changes and evolution of dialects that occurred.
See also 98.

100 Bartonek, Antonin. 1992. The lexical stock of Mycenaean Greek. In:
Mykenäika: Actes du IX Colloque international sur les textes mycéniens et
égéens organise par le Centre de l'Antiquite Grecque et Romaine de la Fondation
Héllenique des Recherches Scientifiques et l'École française d'Athènes (Athènes,
2-6 octobre 1990). Jean- Pierre Olivier, ed. pp. 19-56. Bulletin de
Correspondence Hellénique Supplement 25. Paris: Diffusion de Boccard.

Presents the results of a detailed analysis of the Linear B lexical stock by means of a
computer system utilizing the DBase III+ program to classify in a preliminary manner all of the
c. 3200 Linear B expressions of John Chadwick's Mycenaean Glossary, which contains all of the
complete Linear B expressions recorded up to 1972, as well as selected incomplete words which
could be plausibly restored. Includes tables classifying Mycenaean expressions morphologically
classifiable as to parts of speech; distribution of Mycenaean non-onomastical expressions;
Mycenaean declensions; distribution of semantically classifiable Mycenaean substantives;
morphological distribution of semantically classifiable Mycenaean adjectives; distribution of
semantically classifiable Mycenaean verbal forms; and an alphabetical list of Mycenaean non-
onomastical expressions. See also 101, 109 and 120.
101 Baumbach, Lydia. 1971. The Mycenaean Greek vocabulary, part 2. Glotta
49:151-190.

See also 100, 109 and 120.

102 Billigmeier, Jon-Christian. 2000. Near Eastern loanwords in Mycenaean Greek.

The Ancient World 31:15-21. See also 111 and 112.

103 Caracausi, Girolamo. 1973. Formazione e Struttura Fonologica del Miceneo.

Palermo: Universita degli studi di Palermo, Facolta di Lettere e Filosofia, Istituto di
Glottologia. 103 p.

Discusses the origin of Mycenaean Greek as an Indo-European dialect,

particularly in terms of phonology; may be difficult to obtain.

104 Chadwick, John. 1954. Mycenaean: a newly discovered Greek dialect.

Transactions of the Philological Society, London 1954:1-17.

This article, published just after the decipherment of Linear B, discusses the
decipherment and conclusions concerning Mycenaean Greek based upon it, including the script,
phonology, morphology, syntax and vocabulary; also discusses the relationship of Mycenaean to
other Greek dialects.
105 Chadwick, John. 1958. Mycenaean elements in the Homeric dialect. In: Minoica:
Festschrift zum 80 Geburtstag von Johannes Sundwall. Ernst Grumach, ed. pp.
116-122. Deutsche Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin, Schriften der Sektion
fur Altertumswissenschaft, 12. Berlin: Akademie- Verlag.

Lists 37 words of a poetic character found in both the Homeric epics and the
Linear B tablets. See also 114 and 121.

106 Chadwick, John. 1970. The "Greekness" of Linear B. Indogermanische

Forschungen 75:97-104.

Discusses synchronic and diachronic criteria for the "Greekness" of Linear B, e.g.
its affinity with other dialects of Greek and the differences between a dialect and a different
language; Chadwick argues that some divergence from later Greek in words and usages is certain
and normal; these divergences may or may not be "non-Greek," but he asserts that the existence
of any Linear B texts written in a language other than Greek remains to be demonstrated. See
also 102, 108, 111, 112, 117 and 118.

107 Chadwick, John. 1975. The prehistory of the Greek language. In: The Middle East
and the Aegean Region c. 1380-1000 B.C. I.E.S. Edwards, C.J. Gadd, N.G.L.
Hammond and E. Sollberger, eds. pp. 805-819. The Cambridge Ancient History, 2, pt. 2.
Cambridge, Eng.: Cambridge University Press.

Lists, describes and discusses elements of the hypothetical Common Greek

language--those shared by all dialects--and which distinguish Greek from other Indo-European
languages of the 2nd millennium B.C., including phonology, morphology, syntax and
vocabulary; also discusses the classification of dialects and concludes with a historical
reconstruction, asserting that the Greek language arose through the mixture of Indo-European
speakers with an earlier, indigenous population during the Middle Helladic period.
108 Chadwick, John. 1998. The Greekness of Mycenaean. Aevum 72:25-28.

Summarizes issues concerning the relationship of Mycenaean Greek to later forms

of the language. See also 106.

109 Chadwick, John and Lydia Baumbach. 1963. The Mycenaean Greek
vocabulary. Glotta 41:157-271.

Presents a vocabulary index of words from Linear B texts, with various

interpretations for each, focusing primarily upon the etymology of classical Greek words, with
commentary evaluating the probability of the interpretation. See also 100, 101 and 120.

110 Duhoux, Yves. 1975. L'ordre des mots en mycénien. Minos 14:123-163.

Discusses word order in Mycenaean Greek, providing lists and illustrative

examples.

111 Duhoux, Yves. 1988. Les contacts entre Mycéniens et Barbares d'apres le
vocabulaire du linéaire B. Minos 23:75-83.

Lists and discusses words in Linear B which refer to regions outside Greece or
which may have been borrowed from other languages. See also 102, 106, 112, 117 and 118.
112 Hooker, J.T. 1968. Non-Greek elements in the Linear B tablets.
Indogermanischen Forschungen 73:57-86.

Examines several syntactical peculiarities of Mycenaean Greek-- introductory

particles and the suffix -qe--suggesting that they represent evidence of a non-Greek language
(i.e., Minoan or Cretan) in the Linear B texts. See also 102, 106, 111, 117 and 118.

113 Ilievski, Petar H. 1979. Vocabulary words from the Mycenaean personal names.
In: Colloquium Mycenaeum: Actes du Sixième Colloque International sur
les Textes Mycéniens et Egéens tenu a Chaumont sur Neuchatel du 7 au 13
Septembre 1975. Ernst Risch and Hugo Mühlestein, eds. pp. 135-146. Université de
Neuchatel, Recueil de Travaux Publies par la Facultè des Lettres, 36.
Geneva: Université de Neuchatel.

Analyzes a number of Mycenaean personal names derived from the adjectives

"strong," "good," "beautiful," "bent," "crooked," "curved" and "round."

114 Lee, Dionys J.N. 1959. Some vestigial Mycenaean words in the Iliad. Bulletin of the
Institute of Classical Studies 6:6-21.

Discusses specific words found in both Linear B texts and the Iliad, with the
intent of using the tablets as a guide to the Homeric texts. See also 105 and 121.

115 Lejeune, Michel. 1964. Index Inverse du Grec Mycénien. Paris: Centre National
de la Recherche Scientifique. 116 p.

Index of Mycenaean words arranged by last syllable.

116 Lejeune, Michel. 1972. Phonetique historique du mycénien et du grec ancien. 3
ed. Tradition de l'Humanisme, 9. Paris: Klincksieck. 398 p.

Phonetic history of Mycenaean and ancient Greek, focusing upon changes

occurring between the end of the Late Bronze Age and the beginning of the Classical period;
includes a Mycenaean syllabic index, an alphabetic Greek index and an analytical index.

117 Levin, Saul. 1964. Greek and non-Greek inflexions in Linear B. In: Proceedings of
the Third International Colloquium for Mycenaean Studies Held at
"Wingspread," 4-8 September 1961. Emmett L. Bennett, ed. pp. 147-159. Madison:
University of Wisconsin.

Based upon his identification of non-Greek inflections in texts from Pylos and
Knossos, Levin characterizes Linear B as a kind of jargon devised for narrow and specific
administrative functions, which though primarily Greek, contained elements of other languages
reflecting other local or subordinate speech communities. See also 102, 106, 111, 112 and 118.

118 Levin, Saul. 1972. Greek with substrate phenomena, or "a jargon" - what is
the difference? Kadmos 11:129-139.

According to Levin, the language of Linear B was a specialized jargon, much of

which may not have been Greek, used primarily in the palaces. There may also have been non-
Greek-speaking populations as well. Levin uses a number of analogies and examples to indicate
the relationship between jargon and language, including that of Yiddish, Hebrew and German.
See also 102, 106, 111, 112 and 117.
119 McArthur, Jennifer K. 1985. A tentative lexicon of Mycenaean place-names, part
I: the place-names of the Knossos tablets. Minos 19:1-136.

Lists 81 certain and probable and 18 uncertain or doubtful place-names and ethnic
adjectives found in the Knossos Linear B tablets; each entry includes sources, bureaucratic
status, relationship between individual entries, scholarly opinion, statement of facts and related
assumptions and conclusions regarding classification of sign group.

120 Morpurgo, Anna. 1963. Mycenae Graecitatis Lexicon. Incunabula Graeca 3.

Rome: Edizioni dell'Ateneo. 404 p.

Lexicon of all known words from Linear B texts; each entry includes part of
speech, case and tablet or tablets on which it is found, with commentary and references to works
in which it is discussed; also includes illustrations of ideograms and syllabograms, an index of
prefixes, affixes and suffixes and an index of Greek equivalents. See also 100, 101 and 109.

121 Negri, Mario. 1981. Miceneo e lingua Omerica. Pubblicazioni della Facolta di
Lettere e Filosofia dell'Universita di Milano, 91. Florence: La Nuova
Italia. 121 p.

Discusses Mycenaean Greek, the structure of epic language, and Mycenaean and
Homeric poetry as parallel traditions. See also 105 and 114.

122 Peruzzi, Emilio G. 1980. Mycenaeans in Early Latium. Incunabula Graeca 75.
Rome: Edizioni dell'Ateneo and Bizzarri. 184 p.

Examines evidence for Mycenaean influence in Latium in ancient tradition, from

linguistic data and from archaeological material; for the first source of evidence he analyzes the
legend of Evander, while the bulk of the work is devoted to a detailed linguistic comparison
between Linear B and Latin in regard to vocabulary for weapons, building, textiles, agriculture
and religion; an appendix discusses Mycenaean imports in Central Italy.

123 Renfrew, Colin. 1997-1998. Word of Minos: the Minoan contribution to

Mycenaean Greek and the linguistic geography of the Aegean Bronze Age.
Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 42:228.

States that the question of supposedly pre-Greek languages of the Aegean in their
wider historical and cultural context has not been systematically addressed since the
decipherment of Linear B. Therefore, the time is ripe for a new synthesis of linguistic and
cultural evidence. He asserts that the Minoan language of Linear A is not a linguistic substratum
of an earlier date, but an adstratum which developed during its coexistence with Greek in the
Aegean Bronze Age. See also 124.

124 Renfrew, Colin. 1998. Word of Minos: the Minoan contribution to Mycenaean
Greek and the linguistic geography of the Bronze Age Aegean. Cambridge
Archaeological Journal 8:239-264.

Argues that the language of Linear A-Bthe Minoan language of the palacesB-was a
principal contributor to the Apre-Greek@ vocabulary of Mycenaean Greek, as the linguistic
component of the AVersailles effect@ of Minoan palatial influence within the Aegean, reaching its
apogee in the early Late Bronze Age. Renfrew=s approach focuses on the intellectual and
ideological contributions of Minoan culture to the emerging Mycenaean civilization, and
diminishes the case for a significant chronologically pre-Greek element in the Greek language.
See also 123.

125 Ruijgh, Cornelis J. 1967. Études sur le Grec Mycénien. Amsterdam: Hakkert.
439 p.
 The first part of this work presents and discusses various aspects of Mycenaean
Greek, including the Linear B script, the dialectal position of Mycenaean, phonology,
morphology and syntax; the second part lists and discusses names found in the Linear B texts;
the third part concerns the use of particles; an appendix discusses certain specific words found in
the Linear B texts.

126 Thompson, Rupert. 1998. Instrumentals, datives, locatives and ablatives: the -φι
case form in Mycenaean and Homer. Proceedings of the Cambridge Philological
Society 44:219-250.

Comparison and contrast of the usage and function of the φι case form. In Mycenaean
Greek –φι is basically an athematic instrumental plural and is also used with locatival force and
possibly with pure dative force, but not as an ablative force. See also 127 and 128.

127 Vilborg, Ebba. 1960. A Tentative Grammar of Mycenaean Greek. Göteborgs

Universitets Arsskrift, 66. Göteborg. 169 p.

Vilborg devotes chapters to the writing system, phonology, inflection (declension,

conjugation and indeclinabilia), syntax and word formation. See also 126 and 128.

128 Waanders, Frederik M.J. 1997. Studies in Local Case Relations in Mycenaean
Greek. Amsterdam: J.C. Gieben. 134 p.

Analyzes and discusses the nature of local case relations in Mycenaean texts and
the forms by which they are expressed, i.e. case forms, prepositional and propositional syntagms
and adverbs. Identifying four main categories—locative, directional, separative and perlative—
he compares these forms with the language of the Homeric epics. See also 126 and 127.

Dialects
 Although there are many more similarities than differences between the two largest
Linear B archives at Knossos and Pylos, it has been established that there were at least two and
possibly three dialects of Mycenaean Greek. There have been quite a number of efforts to
characterize and distinguish these dialects and particularly to relate these dialects to those known
to exist during Classical times. None of the later classical dialects appears to have been derived
directly from Mycenaean Greek, although the Achaean dialect seems to retain a larger number of
its elements and features.

129 Bartonek, Antonin. 1966. Mycenaean koine reconsidered. In: Proceedings of

the Cambridge Colloquium on Mycenaean Studies. Leonard R. Palmer and John
Chadwick, eds. pp. 95-103. Cambridge, Eng.: Cambridge University Press.

Examines the possibility that the language of Linear B represents a dialectal

leveling or integration leading to an interdialect or common language; also discusses the relation
of Mycenaean to preceding and contemporary dialects, as well as to later dialects of classical
Greek.

130 Bartonek, Antonin. 1968. Greek dialectology after the decipherment. In:
Studia Mycenaea. Proceedings of the Mycenaean Symposium, Brno, April 1966.
Antonin Bartonek, ed. pp. 37-51. Opera Universitatus Purkynianae Bunensis
Facultas Philosophica. Brno: Universita J.E. Purkyne.

Discusses the impact of the decipherment of Linear B on Greek dialect studies

and raises a series of questions and problems concerning the origin of dialectal differences in
ancient Greek, the origin of Mycenaean Greek and aspects of continuity between Mycenaean and
ancient Greek.

131 Bartonek, Antonin. 1968. Dialectal classification of Mycenaean in the opinion of

various scholars. In: Studia Mycenaea: Proceedings of the Mycenaean Symposium,
Brno, April 1966. Antonin Bartonek, ed. pp. 157-210. Spisy University J.E. Purkyne V
Brne Filosoficka Fakulta, 127. Brno: Universita J.E. Purkyne.
 Records the responses of 17 scholars to 14 questions concerning: 1) the origin of dialectal
differences in ancient Greek; 2) the origin of the Mycenaean language; 3) possible remnants of
Mycenaean in classical Greek. See also 132 and 134.

132 Bartonek, Antonin. 1971. Greek dialects in the 2nd millennium. Eirene 9:49-67.

Summarizes and discusses the history of research concerning early Greek dialects
and reports on the responses to a questionnaire sent to various scholars. See also 131 and 134.

133 Bartonek, Antonin. 1972. Relevance of the Linear B linguistic phenomena for the
classification of Mycenaean. In: Acta Mycenaea: Proceedings of the Fifth
International Colloquium on Mycenaean Studies, Held in Salamanca, 30 March-3 April
1970. Volume II: Communications. Martin Ruiperez, ed. pp. 329-345. Salamanca:
Universidad de Salamanca.

Examines the relevance of later Greek dialectal linguistic parallels with

Mycenaean Greek for the dialectal classification of the Linear B script; Mycenaean Greek
appears to have its closest parallels with the later Arcado-Cypriot dialect, although there is also
evidence that Late Helladic Greek was already rather varied, with several distinct lines of
division within a fairly dialectally continuous territory.

134 Bartonek, Antonin. 1972. The Brno inquiry into the problems of the dialectal
classification of Mycenaean. In: Acta Mycenaea: Proceedings of the Fifth
International Colloqium on Mycenaean Studies, Held in Salamanca, 30 March-3 April
1970. Volume II: Communications. Martin Ruiperez, ed. pp. 346-360. Salamanca:
Universidad de Salamanca.

See also 131 and 132.

135 Cowgill, Warren C. 1966. Ancient Greek dialectology in the light of
Mycenaean. In: Ancient Indo-European Dialects: Proceedings of the Conference
on Indo-European Linguistics. Henrik Birnbaum and Jaan Puhvel, eds. pp. 77-95.
Berkeley: University of California Press.

Reviews, summarizes, discusses and critiques hypotheses concerning the

relationship of Mycenaean Greek to later classical Greek dialects.

136 Dunkel, George. 1981. Mycenaean and Central Greek. Kadmos

20:132-142.

Argues, based on evidence that the Mycenaean dialect shares more innovations
with both the Arcado-Cypriot and Aeolic dialects than with each separately, that all three dialects
formed a group he terms Central Greek; Dunkel asserts, moreover, that Mycenaean cannot be the
common ancestor of the other dialects because of the large number of independent innovations
found in later Greek dialects.

137 Georgiev, Vladimir I. 1964. Mycenaean among the other Greek dialects. In:
Mycenaean Studies: Proceedings of the Third International Colloquium for
Mycenaean Studies Held at "Wingspread," 4-8 September 1961. Emmett L. Bennett, Jr.,
ed. pp. 125-139. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press.

Proposes the following scenario: at the beginning of the 2nd millennium, there
were three dialects--Doric, Aiwolian and Iawonian; during the Late Bronze Age, a mixture of
Aiwolian and Iawonian produced the Achaiwian (proto-Achaean) or Mycenaean koine dialect,
from which later evolved the Homeric and Arcado-Cyprian dialects at the end of the Late Bronze
Age and during the Dark Age.
138 Morpurgo Davies, Anna. 1992. Mycenaean, Arcadian, Cyprian and some
questions of method in dialectology. In: Mykenäika: Actes du IX Colloque
international sur les textes mycéniens et égéens organise par le Centre de l'Antiquite
Grecque et Romaine de la Fondation Héllenique des Recherches Scientifiques et
l'École française d'Athènes (Athènes, 2-6 octobre 1990). Jean-Pierre Olivier, ed.
pp. 415-432. Bulletin de Correspondence Hellénique Supplement 25. Paris: Diffusion
de Boccard.

The author begins by briefly surveying some of the major studies of Greek
dialectology from the beginning of the 19th century to the present, characterizing them as a
dialectic between "classifiers" and "separatists." She then asserts, contrary to the strong separatist
position, that dialect comparison that aims at reconstruction is both possible and fruitful. Finally,
she compares Mycenaean to the Arcado-Cyprian dialect, concluding that the methodology of
dialect comparison reveals considerable overlap between them, and identifying compatible
features.

139 Ruiperez, Martin S. 1982. Mycenaean dialects. In: Proceedings of the 7th
Congress of the International Federation of the Societies of Classical
Studies. Vol. 2. Janos Harmatta, ed. pp. 461-467. Budapest: Akademiai Kiado.

Supports the hypothesis of two Mycenaean dialects existing c. 1200-100 B.C.; the
first is a standard dialect used by Linear B scribes which is a slightly artificial form of the speech
of the Mycenaean upper class; a substandard dialect, seen sometimes in the Linear B tablets and
reflecting certain regional and/or social differences, was spoken by the lower classes, including
the Dorians, who were at this time already within the Mycenaean sphere.

140 Thompson, Rupert J. 1996-1997. Dialects in Mycenaean and Mycenaean

among the dialects. Minos 31-32:313-333.

Thompson finds no evidence for the systematic isoglosses that would demonstrate
the existence of a substrate dialect at Pylos; Mycenaean dialect does not represent a single,
uniform administrative register or lingua franca, but was rather a set of related but distinct
spoken varieties.

141 Tovar, Antonio. 1964. On the position of the Linear B dialect. In: Mycenaean
Studies: Proceedings of the Third International Colloquium for
Mycenaean Studies Held at "Wingspread," 4-8 September 1961. Emmett L. Bennett, Jr.,
ed. pp. 141-146. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press.

After reviewing several possible interpretations, the author finds Mycenaean

Greek to be a form of Achaean Greek, most closely related to later southern Achaean dialects
and somewhat more distantly related to northern Achaean and Aeolic.

142 Varias, Carlos. 1994-1995. A tentative analysis of dialectal differences in the

Linear B texts from Mycenae. Minos 29-30:135-157.

Varias analyzes four proposed dialectal features in texts and identifies four of
fifteen scribes who used non-standard forms. He concludes that there does seem to be some
evidence for dialectal differentiation, and one dialect seems to be preferred or Aofficial@. Three
scribes use both dialects. He further infers that there was a divergence over time between the
official language of the palace and that of the population outside of it, leading to some distinct
differences by c. 1250-1200 B.C.

143 Woodard, Roger D. 1986. Dialectal differences at Knossos. Kadmos 25:49-74.

Examines evidence for four features of what has been identified as the Special
Mycenaean dialect in the Knossos Linear B tablets; Woodard concludes from this evidence that
some of the Knossos scribes were speakers of this dialect.
144 Wyatt, William F. 1972. Greek dialectology and Greek prehistory. In: Acta of the
Second International Colloquium on Aegean Prehistory: The First Arrival of
Indo-Europeans Elements in Greece. pp. 18-22. Athens.

Evidence from Greek dialects and their distribution argues for the introduction of
Greek speech to the Peloponnese around 1400 B.C. Wyatt notes the great similarity and mutual
intelligibility of the dialects to each other and to the putative proto-Greek ancestral language,
thus indicating a single linguistic system; since these differences were slight and of a local
nature, Greek dialects must have evolved within Greece itself, roughly where they continued to
exist in Classical times. He identifies three stages of development: origination of proto-Greek in
Thessaly (from some indeterminate time to 1400 B.C.); division into northern and southern
dialects (by 1200 B.C.); development of mainstream Greek (1100-600 B.C.).

Chronology

The chronology of the Aegean Late Bronze Age is now reasonably securely established
and has in fact been so for almost fifty years. This chronology is based upon a succession of
ceramic phases which have been correlated with the well-attested chronologies of other cultures,
most notably that of Egypt. More recently efforts have also been made to use chronometric or
"absolute" dating methods such as radiocarbon dating.

The first stage in defining a Mycenaean ceramic sequence was Carl Blegen's publication
of his excavations at Zygouries, a well-stratified site in the Argolid, in which he proposed a
tripartite division into Late Helladic I, II and III; this scheme echoed the tripartite structure of the
Minoan ceramic sequence already established by Arthur Evans. This framework was then
elaborated in Arne Furumark's The Chronology of Mycenaean Pottery, in which he subdivided
LH I, II and III and utilized synchronisms with Egypt and elsewhere to establish an absolute
chronology as well. Subsequent work, particularly at Mycenae by Elizabeth French and others,
has refined Furumark's chronology but has not changed its basic outlines.

The earliest efforts to determine an absolute chronology involved those Mycenaean

artifacts--mostly ceramic--which had been found or excavated in a datable historical context, i.e.
outside of Greece in Egypt or the Near East. The absolute dates thus obtained (see Table 1)
represent the best available chronology, although there is naturally some disagreement
concerning some of the more specific subphases.
 More recently, radiocarbon dating of burned or otherwise preserved plant material or
wood has also provided specific dates in some instances, although these dates have not always
been entirely congruent with those previously obtained by other methods. Given disputes
concerning their calibration and an often fairly wide margin of error, these radiocarbon dates
have not been as yet fully accepted, although they are valuable in providing an independent
source of dating. Since the chronologies obtained through the traditional methods described
above and through more recent chronometric methodsB-including the date of the massive
volcanic eruption on the island of Thera--two chronologies have emerged: a Ahigh@ chronology
based upon the latter and a Alow@ chronology based on the former methods. Much recent debate
has focused on which of these chronologies should be accepted.

Much effort has also been made to date specific events or artifacts known through either
legend or archaeology. In the case of myth or legend, many scholars have tried to correlate
various stories or traditions with the archaeological record; since most of these attempts have
been largely speculative in nature, it is difficult to evaluate their validity, and they should
probably be treated with some caution. Many other events, particularly the destruction of the
major palatial centers, have been dated with some degree of precision using the established
ceramic chronology combined with stratigraphic data.

One of the most controversial chronological issues concerns the date of the Linear B
tablets found in the palace of Knossos. The excavator of Knossos, Arthur Evans, associated the
tablets with the penultimate destruction of the palace in LM IB, c. 1400 B.C. In the 1960's,
however, a number of investigators began to question the stratigraphic and ceramic data upon
which this assumption was based, arguing for a LM IIIB date, c. 1200 B.C. The most significant
implications of this disagreement have to do with the development of the Linear B script and the
period of time during which the palace of Knossos was under Mycenaean control before its final
destruction.

145 Betancourt, Philip P. 1987. Dating the Aegean Late Bronze Age with
radiocarbon. Archaeometry 29:45-49.

Discusses discrepancies between the traditional chronology derived from cultural

cross-dating and that obtained from radiocarbon dating; Betancourt suggests that the chronology
derived from radiocarbon, which is about one hundred years earlier than the traditional one,
resolves certain earlier problems and difficulties in correlating regional sequences. See also 147,
150, 163, 165 and 186.

146 Betancourt, Philip P. 1998. The chronology of the Aegean Late Bronze Age:
unanswered questions. In: Sardinian and Aegean Chronology: Towards the
Resolution of Relative and Absolute Dating in the Mediterranean. Proceedings of the
International Colloquium >Sardinian Stratigraphy and Mediterranean
Chronology=, Tufts University, Medford, Massachusetts, March 17-19, 1995. Miriam
S. Balmuth and Robert H.Tykot, eds. pp. 291-296. Studies in Sardinian Archaeology V.
Oxford: Oxbow Books.

Brief summary and discussion of issues concerning the use of radiocarbon dating,
dendrochronology, ice cores and synchronisms with Egypt and Western Asia in determining the
chronology of the Bronze Age Aegean and the relevance of Aegean synchronisms to Sardinia
and other parts of the Mediterranean and Europe.

147 Betancourt, Philip P. and Gail A. Weinstein. 1976. Carbon-14 and the beginning
of the Late Bronze Age in the Aegean. American Journal of Archaeology
80:329-348.

The authors analyze 68 late Middle Bronze Age and early Late Bronze Age
radiocarbon dates from 12 sites, including 4 from mainland Greece (Dendra, Lerna, Mycenae
and Pylos), discussing each individual site and the nature of the samples; along with a table of
radiocarbon dates, the authors give relative dating evidence for each sub-period of the early Late
Bronze Age. See also 145, 150, 163, 165 and 186.

148 Bietak, Manfred. 1998. The Late Cypriot White Slip I-Ware as an obstacle to the
high Aegean chronology. In: Sardinian and Aegean Chronology: Towards
the Resolution of Relative and Absolute Dating in the Mediterranean.
Proceedings of the International Colloquium >Sardinian Stratigraphy and Mediterranean
Chronology=, Tufts University, Medford, Massachusetts, March 17-19, 1995. Miriam
S. Balmuth and Robert H. Tykot, eds. pp. 321-322. Studies in Sardinian
Archaeology V. Oxford: Oxbow Books.

Cites ceramic, stratigraphic and other evidence from the Egyptian site of Tell el-Dab=a
which casts doubt on the high chronology based on a date of 1628 B.C for the Thera eruption.
See also 155, 162, 166, 170, 177 and 187.
149 Blegen, Carl W. 1958. A chronological problem. In: Minoica: Festschrift zum 80.
Geburtstag von Johannes Sundwall. Ernst Grumach, ed. pp. 61-66. Deutsche
Akademie der Wissenschaften zum Berlin, Schriften der Sektion für
Altertumswissenschaft 12. Berlin: Akademie-Verlag.

Suggests, based upon striking similarities between the mainland and Knossos
Linear B tablets and the belief that Knossos was conquered by Mycenaeans in LM II, that the
Knossos tablets are contemporary with those of the mainland, and should be dated therefore to
LH IIIB. See also 154, 157-159, 171-176, 178, 179, 181 and 182.

150 Branigan, Keith. 1973. Radio-carbon and the absolute chronology of the
Aegean Bronze Age. Kritika Chronika 25:352-374.

Attempts to correlate a limited number of radiocarbon dates with historical evidence

for the chronology of the Middle and Late Bronze Ages; Branigan notes that dates calculated
from 5568 and 5730-year half-lives more often coincide with historical dates than do tree-ring
corrected dates. See also 145, 147, 163, 165 and 186.

151 French, Elizabeth B. 1977. Mycenaean problems 1400-1200 B.C. Bulletin of the
Institute of Classical Studies 24:136-138.

Reaffirms the basic ceramic chronology for LH IIIA1 through LH IIIB2 and also
raises problems associated with it, especially in regard to the relationship of the ceramic
sequence in the Argolid to other areas of Greece and the Aegean. See also 156.

152 Graziadio, Giampaolo. 1985. Grave Circle B: some problems dealing with its
chronology. Hydra 1:38-58.
 Analyzes the pottery of the graves in terms of ceramic groups and then examines
the relationship between them, leading to the identification of a number of burial complexes. See
also 153 and 184.

153 Graziadio, Giampaolo. 1988. The chronology of the graves of Circle B at

Mycenae: a new hypothesis. American Journal of Archaeology 92:343-372.

Detailed re-examination of changes in grave form, methods of burial, richness of grave

goods and ceramic form and design. Combined with the analysis of recently discovered
contemporary comparative material Graziado then constructs a chronology of Grave Circle B.
On the basis of this evidence he proposes three chronological phases, the last--Late Phase II--
overlapping the earliest burials of Grave Circle A. See also 152 and 184.

154 Hallager, Erik. 1988. Final palatial Crete: an essay in Minoan chronology. In:
Studies in Ancient History and Numismatics presented to Rudi Thomsen. pp.
11-21. Aarhus University Press.

Discusses and evaluates problems of chronology and several chronological

schemes for the Late Minoan period, with particular reference to the period of Mycenaean
occupation. See also 149, 157-159, 171-176, 178, 179, 181 and 182.

155 Hankey, Vronwy and Olga Tufnell. 1973. The tomb of Maket and its Mycenaean
import. Annual of the British School at Athens 68:103-111.

Describes an Egyptian tomb in the Fayum whose contents include a LH IIB squat
jar and briefly discusses the jar and other similar examples from mainland Greece and the
Aegean; since the tomb can be dated to between 1525 and 1450 B.C., the jar becomes supporting
evidence for dating the beginning of the LH IIB period to 1450 B.C., at the end of the reign of
Tuthmosis III. See also 148, 162, 170 and 187.

156 Hankey, Vronwy and Peter Warren. 1974. The absolute chronology of the
Aegean Late Bronze Age. Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies
21:142-152.

Re-examines Furumark's Late Bronze Age chronology in light of subsequent

evidence and chronological studies in order to arrive at absolute dates; includes discussion of
radiocarbon dating, Late Minoan-Mycenaean synchronisms, Egyptian chronology, methods and
principles, dating evidence and interpretation; the authors note that new data concerning
Egyptian synchronisms has resulted in a reasonably good structure for Aegean absolute
chronology from LM IB/LH II onward.

157 Hood, M.S.F. 1966. Date of the "reoccupation" pottery from the Palace of Minos
at Knossos. Kadmos 5:121-141.

Asserts that stratigraphic evidence indicates that a group of pottery datable to LM

IIIA2 is associated with the destruction horizon of the last palace of Knossos. See also 149, 154,
158, 159, 171-176, 178, 179, 181 and 182.

158 Hood, M.S.F. 1967. The last palace at Knossos and the date of its destruction.
Studi Micenei ed Egeo-Anatolici 2:63-70.

Discusses stratigraphic and contextual problems concerning the final destruction

of the palace, and the arguments for different dates. See also 149, 154, 157, 159, 171-176, 178,
179, 181 and 182.
159 Hooker, James T. 1965. The "unity of the archives" at Knossos. Kadmos
3:114-121, 1965.

States that the majority of the Knossos Linear B tablets date to a major destruction
of the palace c. 1400 B.C., but that other tablets were also preserved by smaller subsequent fires
in the palace. See also 149, 154, 157, 158, 171-176, 178, 179, 181 and 182.

160 Iakovidis, Spiros E. 1979. The chronology of LH IIIC. American Journal of

Archaeology 83:454-462.

Detailed discussion of the origins and characteristics of LH IIIC pottery, of earlier

efforts at characterizing and dating LH IIIC pottery, of other contemporary events and
developments and of the chronology of the LH IIIC period, for which Iakovidis gives the
following dates: LH IIIC 1a, 1190/85-1170/65 B.C.; LH IIIC 1b, 1170/65-1100; LH IIIC 1c,
1100-1075; LH IIIC 2, 1075-1050.

161 Jacob-Felsch, Margrit. 2000. Problems in Mycenaean chronology. Hephaistos

18:29-71.

162 Manning, Sturt W. 1991. Response to J.D. Muhly on problems of chronology in

the Aegean Late Bronze Age. Journal of Mediterranean Archaeology 4:249-262.

See also 148, 155, 166, 170, 177 and 187.

163 Manning, Sturt W. 1998. Aegean and Sardinian chronology: radiocarbon,
calibration and Thera. In: Sardinian and Aegean Chronology: Towards the
Resolution of Relative and Absolute Dating in the Mediterranean. Proceedings of the
International Colloquium >Sardinian Stratigraphy and Mediterranean
Chronology=, Tufts University, Medford, Massachusetts, March 17-19, 1995. Miriam
S. Balmuth and Robert H. Tykot, eds. pp. 297-307. Studies in Sardinian Archaeology V.
Oxford: Oxbow Books.

After briefly reviewing relative chronology and radiocarbon dates for the period in
Sardinia equivalent to the Late Bronze I period in the Aegean and calibration curves of
radiocarbon curves for the Mediterranean region, Manning concludes that this evidence offers
broad support for a 17th century BC date for the LH I period and a 1628 BC date for the Thera
eruption, i.e. the Ahigh@ Aegean chronology. See also 145, 147, 150, 165 and 186.

164 Manning, Sturt W. 1999. A Test of Time: The Volcano of Thera and the
Chronology and History of the Aegean and East Mediterranean in the Mid Second
Millenium BC. Oxford: Oxbow Books. 494 p.

Manning reviews the history of the debate over the date of the Bronze Age
eruption of Thera, considers and analyzes all the different types of evidence currently available
from both archaeology and science, considers various problems and apparent contradictions and
on this basis proposes what seem to him on the balance of probabilities to be the most likely date
or dates, both in relative and absolute terms. He considers the most likely date of the eruption to
be 1628 B.C., and dates the Aegean Late Bronze Age as follows: LM IA, c. 1675-c. 1600/1580
B.C.; LM IB, c. 1600/1580-c. 1500/1490 B.C.; LM II, c. 1500/1490-c. 1440/1425 B.C.; and LM
IIIA1, c. 1440/1425-1390/1370 B.C. He then considers what these dates may mean in terms of
the archaeology and history of the Aegean and the east Mediterranean.

165 Manning, Sturt W. and Bernhard Weiniger. 1992. A light in the dark:
archaeological wiggle matching and the absolute chronology of the close of the
Aegean Late Bronze Age. Antiquity 66:636-663.

An exhaustive and critical re-examination of radiocarbon dates from key sites in the
Aegean using the technique of probabilistic computer archaeological wiggle matching; the
authors conclude that the conventional chronology for the Aegean Late Bronze Age is validated
by independent radiocarbon dating; includes a good, recent bibliography on the topic and an
appendix listing Aegean radiocarbon dates from LH III to the beginning of the Iron Age. See
also 145, 147, 150, 163 and 187.

166 Matthäus, Hartmut. 1995. Representations of Keftiu in Egyptian tombs and the
absolute chronology of the Aegean Late Bronze Age. Bulletin of the
Institute of Classical Studies 40:177-194.

Summarizes arguments for the low and high Aegean chronologies, as well as
methodological aspects concerning traditional archaeological methods involving cultural
synchronisms on the one hand, and radiocarbon dating and other scientific approaches,
exemplified in the work of Warren and Hankey and Betancourt on the other. Matthäus then
examines the depiction of Aegean metal vases in 15th-century Theban tombs. Comparison of
these representations with similar artifacts from dated contexts, typological criteria and wider
developments in Aegean style and craftsmanship indicate that dates for LM II/LHIIB should be
1480-1430/20 or 1440-1390/80 (depending on whether one accepts the long or short Egyptian
chronology); in either case, this interpretation supports the traditional chronology rather than the
higher radiocarbon dates. See also 148, 155, 162, 160, 177 and 187.

167 McNeal, R.A. 1975. Helladic prehistory through the looking-glass. Historia
24:385-401.

Discusses the origins and usage of chronological terminology.

168 Mountjoy. P.A. 1997. Troia phase VIf and phase VIg: the Mycenaean pottery. In:
Studia Troica, Volume 7. pp. 275-294. Mainz am Rhein: Verlag Philipp von
Zabern.
 Mountjoy dates phases VId-g in terms of a Mycenaean ceramic chronology based on a
reassessment of pottery published by Blegen and new drawings of pottery from two important
deposits which date phases VIf-g. She lists, describes, analyzes, discusses and illustrates pottery
from various deposits. She concludes by making the following correlations: VId = LH IIA; VI e
= LH IIB; VI f = late LH IIB; and VI g = LH IIIA1.

169 Mountjoy, Penelope A. 1997. The destruction of the palace at Pylos reconsidered.
Annual of the British School at Athens 92:109-137.

Detailed analysis of pottery from the palace suggests a destruction date at the transition
between LH IIIB2 and LH IIIC early. This pottery belongs to a destruction horizon in southern
and central Greece identified at about 15 sites. The destructions, however, did not occur
simultaneously, even at sites in fairly close proximity. Mountjoy describes and illustrates
characteristics of this pottery, which are mostly deep bowls, and discusses examples at other
sites. See also 180.

170 Mulhy, James D. 1991. Egypt, the Aegean and Late Bronze Age
chronology in the Eastern Mediterranean. Journal of Mediterranean
Archaeology 4:235-247.

Reviews, evaluates and argues against the position of those who deny direct
Mycenaean contact with Egypt and a high chronology for the Late Bronze Age based on
radiocarbon dates. See also 148, 155, 162, 166, 177 and 1987.

171 Niemeier, Wolf-Dietrich. 1982. Mycenaean Knossos and the age of Linear B.
Studi Micenei ed Egeo-Anatolici 23:219-287.

A long paper which examines evidence relating to the dating of the Knossos
Linear B tablets; after a brief discussion of the dating controversy, Niemeier considers the
stratigraphic context of the tablets, arguing for a LM IIIB date; examination of Linear B
ideograms for contemporary artifacts also suggests a late date; the historical consequences of this
dating thus would include a later Mycenaean arrival--rather than an invasion--when Knossos had
already been weakened through intra-island conflict. See also 149, 154, 157-159, 172-176, 178,
179, 181 and 182.

172 Niemeier, Wolf-Dietrich. 1982. Das mykenische Knossos und das Alter von
Linear B. Beiträge zur agäischen Bronzezeit, Kleine Schriften aus dem
Vorgeschichtlichen Seminar Marburg 11:29-127.

An extensive discussion of the dating of the Knossos Linear B tablets, including

the history of their excavation, their stratigraphic context, evidence from within the tablets
themselves, ideograms and sealings and Evans' original dating of the tablets. See also 149, 154,
157-159, 171, 173-176, 178, 179, 181 and 182.

173 Palmer, Leonard R. 1973. Mycenaean inscribed vases, part 3: the consequences for
Aegean history Kadmos 12:60-75, 1973.

See also 149, 154, 157-159, 171, 172, 174-176, 178, 179, 181 and 182.

174 Palmer, Leonard R. 1976. Knossos: some instructive recent errors. Minos
15:34-67.

Examines and analyzes stratigraphic evidence from Knossos concerning the final
destruction of the palace. See also 149, 154, 157-159, 171-173, 175, 176, 178, 179, 181 and 182.
175 Palmer, Leonard R. The first fortnight at Knossos. 1980. Studi Micenei ed
Egeo-Anatolici 21:273-302.

Re-examines and re-evaluates evidence from early excavations--most

significantly stratigraphic context of pottery and Linear B tablets--and discusses hypotheses
concerning the date of destruction of the Mycenaean palace, arguing for a LM IIIB/C date. See
also 149, 154, 157-159, 171-174, 176, 178, 179, 181 and 182.

176 Palmer, Leonard R. and John Boardman. 1963. On the Knossos Tablets. Oxford:
Clarendon Press. 352 p.

Presents two opposing interpretations of the same source material: the excavation
notebooks and records compiled by Arthur Evans and his associates. Palmer concludes that the
Linear B tablets are to be dated to LM IIIb (c. 1150 B.C.), whereas Boardman agrees with Evans'
original dating of the tablets to LM II (c. 1400 B.C.). See also 149, 154, 157-159, 171-175, 178,
179, 181 and 182.

177 Phillips, Jacke. 1997-1998. The Anew@ Aegean chronology: an Egyptian

perspective. Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 42:219- 220.

Evaluates the Along@ (or high) and Ashort@ (or low) LBA Aegean chronologies
with reference to recent data, most specifically from Egypt. This evidence seems to support the
short chronology. See also 148, 155, 162, 166, 170 and 187.

178 Popham, Mervyn R. 1966. The palace of Knossos: its destruction and
reoccupation reconsidered. Kadmos 5:17-24.
 Argues for the traditional view that the palace at Knossos was destroyed c. 1400
B.C., reoccupied in part subsequently and abandoned in the late 13th century B.C. See also 149,
154, 157-159, 171-176, 179, 181 and 182.

179 Popham, Mervyn R. 1988. The historical implications of the Linear B archive
at Knossos dating to either c. 1400 or 1200 B.C. Cretan Studies 1:217-227.

After reviewing arguments for both dates, examines archaeological evidence for
them, Popham concludes that available evidence supports the earlier date. See also 149, 154,
157-159, 171-175, 178, 179, 181 and 182.

180 Popham, Mervyn R. 1991. Pylos: reflections on the date of its destruction and on
its Iron Age. Oxford Journal of Archaeology 10:315-324.

Questions Blegen's dating of the final destruction of Pylos on the basis of a

re-analysis of destruction-level pottery, proposing instead a destruction date of very early LH
IIIB, as well as a more substantial Iron Age occupation than previously believed. See also 169.

181 Shelmerdine, Cynthia W. 1992. Historical and economic considerations in

interpreting Mycenaean texts. In: Mykenäika: Actes du IX Colloque
international sur les textes mycéniens et géens organise par le Centre de
l'Antiquite Grecque et Romaine de la Fondation Héllenique des Recherches
Scientifiques et l'École française d'Athènes (Athènes, 2-6 octobre 1990). Jean-Pierre
Olivier, ed. pp. 569-590. Bulletin de Correspondence Hellénique Supplement 25.
Paris: Diffusion de Boccard.

Looks at archaeological and textual evidence--specifically the distribution of sites in

Late Minoan III Crete and the relationship of Knossos to other sites with administrative links to
the palace--in order to shed light on the date of the palace's destruction and the Linear B tablets
in the main archive preserved in the fires that consumed the palace. It is concluded that this
evidence best fits a date of LM IIIA2. See also 149, 154, 157-159, 171-176, 178, 179, and 182.
182 Smith, C.H. 1975. The Knossos tablets: a reconsideration. Kadmos 14:125-132.

Reviews the evidence and arguments for, and implications of, dating the Knossos
Linear B tablets, attempting to reconcile opposing views by suggesting that the palace of
Knossos was briefly occupied by Mycenaeans purely for administrative purposes after its final
destruction. See also 149, 154, 157-159, 171-176, 178, 179, and 181.

183 Snodgrass, Anthony M. 1975. Mycenae, Northern Europe and Radiocarbon dates.
Archaeologia Atlantica 1:33-48.

184 Taracha, Piotr. 1993. Weapons in the Shaft Graves of Mycenae: aspects of the
relative chronology of Circle A and B burials. Archeologia 44:7-24.

Proposes a chronology of the burials based upon criteria independent of

ceramic evidence, primarily sets of weapons found in association with male burials. He provides
a detailed discussion of these weapons and their burial contexts, identifying three types of
weapon sets, and discusses their use in battle. Finally, he suggests a developmental sequence of
these sets and correlates this relative chronology with ceramic and other evidence. See also 152
and 153.

185 Wace, A.J.B. 1956. The last days of Mycenae. In: The Aegean and the Near East:
Studies Presented to Hetty Goldman on the Occasion of Her
Seventy-Fifth Birthday. Saul S. Weinberg, ed. pp. 126-135. Locust Valley: J.J. Augustin.
 Through analysis of stratigraphy at Mycenae and other contemporary sites, Wace
concludes that occupation of the site ceased at the end of LH IIIC; he then proposes absolute
dates for the LH III A, B and C periods.

186 Warren, Peter M. 1987. Absolute dating of the Aegean Late Bronze Age.
Archaeometry 29:205-211.

Discusses and analyzes evidence for raising the chronology of the Aegean Late
Bronze Age; Warren argues that available radiocarbon dates are in themselves as yet both
insufficient and too inconclusive to serve as a basis for altering substantially the traditional
chronology, although he does accept 1600 B.C. as a beginning date for the Late Bronze Age. See
also 145, 147, 150, 163 and 165.

187 Warren, Peter. 1998. Aegean Late Bronze 1-2 absolute chronology: some
new contributions. In: Sardinian and Aegean Chronology: Towards the Resolution
of Relative and Absolute Dating in the Mediterranean. Proceedings of the International
Colloquium >Sardinian Stratigraphy and Mediterranean Chronology=, Tufts
University, Medford, Massachusetts, March 17-19, 1995. Miriam S. Balmuth and
Robert H. Tykot, eds. pp. 323-331. Studies in Sardinian Archaeology V. Oxford: Oxbow
Books.

After reviewing evidence for the Ahigh@ Aegean chronology proposed by

Betancourt and Manning, Warren examines and discusses seven new pieces of archaeological
evidence, which, combined with eleven pieces previously discussed, lead him to support a Alow@
chronology based on cross-links to Egypt, with LM IA beginning around or soon after 1580
B.C., the eruption of Thera c. 1520 B.C., the LM IA-B transition around the last quarter of the
16th century B.C. and the LM IB destruction of Crete within 1450-1425 B.C. See also 148, 155,
162, 166, 170 and 177.

188 Warren, Peter and Vronwy Hankey. 1989. Aegean Bronze Age Chronology.
Bristol: BristolClassical Press. 246 p.
 This recent detailed and thorough examination of Aegean Bronze Age chronology is
likely to be an important reference for many years to come; the authors present all available
evidence for the relative and absolute chronology of mainland Greece, Crete and the Cyclades
from the final Neolithic period through the end of the Late Bronze Age; an appendix lists all
relevant radiocarbon dates; extensive bibliography and index of sites.

189 Wiener, Malcolm H. 1998. The absolute chronology of Late Helladic IIIA2. In:
Sardinian and Aegean Chronology: Towards the Resolution of Relative and
Absolute Dating in the Mediterranean. Proceedings of the International Colloquium
>Sardinian Stratigraphy and Mediterranean Chronology=, Tufts University, Medford,
Massachusetts, March 17-19, 1995. Miriam S. Balmuth and Robert H. Tykot, eds. pp.
309-319. Studies in Sardinian Archaeology V. Oxford: Oxbow Books.

Detailed examination of evidence leads Wiener to conclude that the production of LH

IIIA2 pottery spanned a period of 70 to 80 years from 1390/70 to 1320/00 B.C.

Tradition and Historical Evidence

The Late Bronze Age in the Aegean is a period that is sometimes referred to as
protohistoric, wherein some documentary evidence is available, but before true history begins.
In the case of Mycenaean Greece, the primary sources of contemporary documentation are
Linear B tablets; these, however, are almost entirely economic records, and with one possible
exception (see below) do not refer to historic events. Contemporary documents from other
civilizations, such as certain Hittite tablets (the Ahhijawa texts) and Egyptian tomb paintings
have been interpreted as referring to the Mycenaean culture, but these interpretations are
ambiguous at best.

A second source of documentary evidence comes from later Greek tradition, legend and
history, i.e., stories and writings from the Archaic period onward which reflect or are believed to
reflect the earlier Bronze Age world. Ultimately these stories derive from oral literature from the
interval preceding the return to literacy in the 8th century B.C., which subsequently became
embedded in myths, legends and traditions.

Some of these stories remained myths or stories, others were incorporated into the
historical writings of Herodotos and Thucydides, while still others were transformed into literary
works such as the Homeric epics or plays. Although many later Greeks and even later classical
scholars have accepted these stories as representing a historical reality, more recent analyses
have tended to apply more rigid standards of proof before accepting their validity as historical
documents. It has become increasingly apparent that these sources of evidence need to be
carefully compared to archaeological data and that their interpretation is by no means
straightforward.

Many myths and oral traditions appear to derive from the Bronze Age. Many of them
deal with the movement of peoples and/or with the founders of the later classical cities or of
fabled dynasties. There has been considerable effort expended in finding historical or
archaeological evidence for them, although if stringent requirements of proof are applied very
few of them can be said to have been verified. As with the Trojan War, it is likely that in many
cases a kernel of truth lies beneath the accumulation of elaboration and revision. Aside from the
Trojan War, the so-called Dorian Invasion, to which either wholly or in part the collapse of
Mycenaean civilization has been attributed, has attracted the most discussion. Although earlier
generations of scholars placed considerable credence in the Dorian Invasion as a historical event,
more doubt concerning its existence and nature exists today.

Although the archaeological record on occasion reveals the existence of specific events,
such as the destruction of a settlement or part of it, the evidence rarely if ever enables us to know
how, why or by what agency the destruction occurred. As discussed elsewhere, this uncertainty
contributes to the lack of clarity concerning the collapse of Mycenaean civilization. There is,
however, one instance of what has been interpreted as documentary evidence for such an event,
the destruction of the palace at Pylos at the very end of the LH IIIB period. It has been
suggested that some of the Linear B tablets, the great majority of which were inadvertently
preserved in the tremendous conflagration which engulfed the palace--and thus date to the very
year of destruction--refer to military and other preparations for an expected invasion. There is
fairly widespread support for this notion, although there is also some disagreement as to the
specific interpretation of these tablets and their implications.

190 Brilliante, Carlo. 1981. La Leggenda Eròica e la Civiltà Micenea. Filologia e

Critica, 40. Rome: Edizioni dell'Ateneo. 263 p.

Attempts to correlate Classical Greek heroic legends with archaeological evidence from
Mycenaean Greece and attempts to place these legends within the Late Helladic chronology;
looks specifically at legends concerning the Pelopidae, Perseidei and Heraklidae, providing
detailed genealogies.
191 Chadwick, John. 1973. The Linear B tablets as historical documents. In: The
Middle East and the Aegean Region c. 1800-1380 B.C. I.E.S. Edwards, C.J. Gadd,
N.G.L. Hammond and E. Sollberger, eds. pp. 609-626. The Cambridge Ancient History 2,
pt. 1. Cambridge, Eng.: Cambridge University Press.

After briefly summarizing information concerning the nature of Linear B and

obstacles to interpretation--primarily the incompleteness and lack of context of the
tablets--Chadwick discusses historical conclusions that can be drawn from study of the tablets,
including the Greekness of the Mycenaean people, social and political organization, commerce,
land tenure, agriculture and the state of emergency prior to the destruction of Pylos. See also
192.

192 Chadwick, John. 1979. The use of Mycenaean documents as historical

evidence. In: Colloquium Mycenaeum: Actes du Sixième Colloque
International sur les Textes Mycéniens et Egéens tenu a Chaumont sur Neuchatel du 7 au
13 September 1975. Ernst Risch and Hugo Mühlestein, eds. pp. 21-33. Geneva:
Université de Neuchatel.

Chadwick offers a brief but cogent introduction to the use of Linear B texts as
historical evidence; comparing the study of ancient texts to the gathering of military intelligence,
he identifies four approaches to interpretation: epigraphic, linguistic, semantic and contextual; he
further suggests that comparing the form and nature of Mycenaean documents with those from
analogous societies or describing similar but better understood situations can be enlightening; as
an example, he compares some of the Pylos E series tablets with William the Conqueror's
Domesday Book as records of land-holding and taxation. See also 191.

193 Edwards, Ruth B. 1979. Kadmos the Phoenician: A Study in Greek Legends and
the Mycenaean Age. Amsterdam: Adolf M. Hakkert. 265 p.

Edwards uses the myth of Kadmos as a means for investigating the relationship of
Greek legends to the Mycenaean age; after a thorough analysis of the Kadmos myth, she
concludes that although no element of the myth can be conclusively given a historical origin,
legendary material--if scrupulously analyzed--can supplement or corroborate archaeological,
linguistic or textual evidence.

194 Forsdyke, John. 1964. Greece Before Homer: Ancient Chronology and
Mythology. New York: W.W. Norton & Company, Inc. 176 p.

An introduction to the literary and archaeological records of prehistoric Greece

for a general audience; examines the uses of mythology as historical evidence and the processes
by which prehistoric narratives were adopted in historical Greek literature and elaborated with
details of genealogy and chronology.

195 Hammond, N.G.L. 1975. The end of Mycenaean civilization and the Dark
Age: the literary tradition for the migrations. In: The Middle East and the
Aegean Region c. 1380-1000 B.C. I.E.S. Edwards, C.J. Gadd, N.G.L. Hammond and
E. Sollberger, eds. pp. 678-712. The Cambridge Ancient History 2, pt. 2.
Cambridge, Eng.: Cambridge University Press.

Discusses at some length legends associated with the collapse of Mycenaean

civilization and the subsequent movement and migrations of peoples in southeastern Europe and
the Eastern Mediterranean; most of the discussion deals with the Dorians and the Heraklidae;
also includes discussion of the nature of the literary evidence and its relationship to
archaeological data.

196 Hiller, Stefan. 1983. Possible historical reasons for the rediscovery of the
Mycenaean past in the age of Homer. In: The Greek Renaissance of the
Eighth Century B.C.: Proceedings of the Second International Symposium
at the Swedish Institute at Athens, 1-5 June, 1981. Robin Hägg, ed. pp. 9-15.
Skrifter utgivna av Svenska Institutet i Athen, Series 4, vol. 30. Stockholm.
 Hiller suggests that Greek memory of the Mycenaean past preceded Homer in the
form of colonization of areas in the eastern and western Mediterranean previously visited and
settled by Mycenaeans and that oral traditions other than Homer preserved elements of the heroic
past.

197 Hooker, James T. 1982. The end of Pylos and the Linear B evidence. Studi
Micenei ed Egeo-Anatolici 23:209-217.

Argues against the interpretation of the Pylos Aa/Ab, An and Jn 829 Linear B
tablets as indicating an immanent state of emergency due to external invasion; rather, he suggests
that these and other documents could just as plausibly indicate a slow internal economic decline,
making the Pylian state vulnerable to a revolt of its own population. See also 200 and 204.

198 Nichols, Marianne. 1975. Man, Myth and Monument. New York: William
Morrow and Company, Inc. 340 p.

Juxtaposes myths and the archaeological record in an effort to suggest, without

insisting upon, historical analogues; directed at general audience, the book has chapters on the
myths of Europa, Kadmos, Perseus, Theseus, Herakles, Agamemnon, Jason and Odysseus.

199 Nilsson, Martin P. 1983. The Mycenaean Origin of Greek Mythology. Sather
Classical Lectures, 8. Berkeley: University of California Press. 258 p.

Nilsson devotes the body of this work to the correlation of various myths to
archaeological data on a region-by-region basis, discussing also more general topics concerning
the continuity of Mycenaean institutions and beliefs; like his book on Minoan- Mycenaean
religion, this was a ground-breaking effort whose findings remain largely valid.
200 Palaima, Thomas G. 1995. The last days of the Pylos polity. In: Politeia: Society
and State in the Aegean Bronze Age. Proceedings of the 5th International
Aegean Conference/5e Rencontre égéene internationale, University of
Heidelberg, Archäologisches Institut, 10- 13 April 1994. Robert Laffineur and Wolf-
Dietrich Niemeier, eds. pp. 623-633. Aegaeum 12, Annales d'archéologie égéenne de
l'Université de Liège et UT-PASP. Liège: Université de Liège Histoire de l'art et
archéologie de la Grèce antique/University of Texas at Austin Program in Scripts and
Prehistory.

Uses evidence from Linear B tablet find-spots, scribal hands, scribal assignments
and textual cross-references in order to propose a rough internal chronology for some tablets and
a tentative chronology of events during the last months before the palace was destroyed. On the
basis of this reconstruction and a careful analysis of the crucial tablet Py Tn 316, it is concluded
that tablets interpreted as reflecting a state of emergency record normal activities, not a crisis
situation. See also 197 and 204.

201 Salowey, C.A. 1994. Herakles and the waterworks: Mycenaean dams, Classical
fountains, Roman aqueducts. In: Archaeology in the Peloponnese: New
Excavations and Research. Kenneth A. Sheedy, ed. pp. 77-94. Oxbow Monograph 48.
Oxford: Oxbow Books.

Summarizes research concerning possible Mycenaean hydraulic projects in the

Peloponnese at Stymphalos, Pheneatike and the Peneios Valley in Elis and attempts to connect
them with the labors of Herakles.

202 Tegyey, Imre. 1967. Some problems of the political history of the S.W.
Peloponnese in the Late Helladic Age. Acta Classica Universitatus Scientiarum
Debrenceniensis 3:13-21.

Examines and attempts to reconstruct political events in Messenia from the

Middle Helladic period to LH IIIB, based primarily upon evidence from archaeological survey.
203 Thomas, Carol G. 1982. Theseus and synoicism. Studi Micenei ed
Egeo-Anatolici 23:337-349.

Thomas suggests that the legend of Theseus is to be associated with the late 13th
and early 12th centuries B.C., when Athens, perhaps due to immigrants from the Argolid,
escaped destruction and consolidated its power in Attika, leading to a position of superiority in
the early Dark Ages.

204 Yamakawa, Hiroshi. 1988. The social situation and the Pylos kingship at the close
of the Mycenaean age from the Linear B tablets. In: Forms of Control and
Subordination in Antiquity. Toru Yuge and Masaoki Doi, eds. pp. 443-448. Leiden: E.J.
Brill.

Yamakawa infers from examination of the circumstances by which the Pylos

Linear B tablets were preserved and the contents of the tablets themselves that the kingdom was
in a state of emergency and facing a crisis requiring military preparations and reallocation of
resources and manpower during the year in which the palace was destroyed. See also 197 and
200.

205 Zafiropulo, Jean. 1966. Mead and Wine: A History of the Bronze Age in Greece.
trans. Peter Green. New York: Schocken Books. 148 p.

Attempts to reconstruct Mycenaean history through a combination of legendary

and archaeological evidence, based upon a chronology of the dynasties of Mycenae, Thebes and
Crete.
Homer and the Trojan War

Clearly, without Homer's incomparable portrayal of the heroic age of Greece, Heinrich
Schliemann and countless others would undoubtedly have been less motivated to search the
places so specifically described therein. Certainly the Classical Greeks believed that Homer was
writing accurately and truthfully about their heroic Bronze Age ancestors. Schliemann, too, had
no doubts that the Iliad and the Odyssey described a world of real people, places and events.
And although he was undoubtedly mistaken in some of his specific attributions and beliefs (e.g.,
the mask of Agamemnon, the Treasury of Atreus, the correct dating of the Trojan stratigraphy),
his excavations at Troy, Mycenae and Tiryns clearly demonstrated a relationship between the
Homeric poems, the archaeological record and, perhaps, Mycenaean history.

Since Schliemann's excavations, much effort has been expended in determining the
"truth" of the Homeric epics, i.e., the extent to which they accurately depict Mycenaean
civilization. Just as Schliemann demonstrated that a belief in their total unhistoricity is
untenable, it is likewise apparent from his own work and those of others that the opposite
extreme position--that the poems are correct in every aspect of their description of Late Bronze
Age Greece--cannot be seriously upheld. In addition to examining the archaeological record,
many scholars have intensively studied the composition of the poems and the nature of oral
literature, whereby it has become evident that the poems themselves represent the accretion of
various literary and temporal "strata," only the earliest of which extend back to the Bronze Age.

Whether or not we accept the historicity of "Homer"--i.e., a single individual responsible

for the collation, synthesis and structuring of the materials which became the Iliad and the
Odyssey--it is now widely agreed that parts of the poems (perhaps a substantial part) reflect the
realities of the subsequent Dark Ages and even perhaps the early Archaic period. It would be
beyond the scope of this work to discuss in detail which elements are Mycenaean and which not
(especially since in some cases these elements are almost inextricably intertwined), but it would
seem that many geographical details--as seen most notably in the Catalogue of Ships in the
Iliad--and many aspects of material culture are more or less accurately reflected, while many
aspects of social, political and economic organization seem to reflect later periods.

Since the Iliad and Odyssey focus upon the Trojan War and its aftermath, it's not
surprising that considerable effort has been devoted to finding historical or archaeological
confirmation for it. Again, hardly anyone today would assert that Homer's account is either
wholly true or wholly false, so the issue largely has to do with what aspects can be verified.
Although he was wrong about which stratum of the site was contemporary with Mycenaean
civilization, Schliemann did establish beyond doubt the existence of Troy, a prosperous and
heavily fortified city in a strategic location which had been occupied for thousands of years.

It is evident from the presence of Mycenaean pottery there that the Trojans had contact
with the Mycenaean world, probably--like that of so many other cultures--primarily of a
commercial nature. And Troy VIIa--identified by Carl Blegen, a more recent excavator of Troy,
as Homer's Troy--was violently destroyed, according to Blegen, around 1250 B.C. Moreover,
many of the names of the Homeric heroes can also be found in the Linear B tablets, although
they mostly belong to humble trades such as shepherd and craftsman. There is, of course, a fair
amount of disagreement about specific aspects, but it is now generally believed that a conflict
between the Trojans and some Mycenaeans--though not necessarily all of those described by
Homer--did occur toward the end of the Late Bronze Age, sometime in LH IIIB-C. See also
excavations of Troy in Site Reports.

206 Baumbach, Lydia. 1976. Linear B and Homer. Akroterion 21:35-39.

See also 211, 212 and 232.

207 Bloedow, Edmund F. 1987. Mycenaean fishing in troubled waters. Classical

Views 6:179-185.

Commentary on and critique of Mee’s article concerning fishing and economic

competition with Troy. Bloedow finds little archaeological, faunal or iconographical evidence
for tuna fishing by Trojans or that it represented a vital economic interest. See also 207 and 221.

208 Bloedow, Edmund F. 1988. The Trojan War and Late Helladic IIIC.
Prähistorische Zeitschrift 63:23-52.

Applies recent evidence from Mycenae and Tiryns concerning the chronology of
LH IIIB/C pottery to the results of Blegen's excavations at Troy, suggesting that a copper
shortage at the end of the Late Bronze Age forced Mycenaeans to seek sources other than
Cyprus, such as deposits in the Pontic region, thus coming into conflict with the inhabitants of
Troy VI.

209 Crielaard, Jan Paul. 1995. Homer, history and archaeology: some remarks on the
date of the Homeric world. In: Homeric Questions: Essays in Philology,
Ancient History and Archaeology, Including the Papers of a Conference Organized by
the Netherlands Institute at Athens (15 May 1993). Jan Paul Crielaard, ed. pp. 201-288.
Publications of the Netherlands Institute at Athens, Volume 2. Amsterdam: J.C. Gieben.

After considering arguments for dating the Homeric epics and examining
evidence concerning writing, narrative art, intensification of overseas contact, colonization,
manifestations of the polis and the expansion of religious activities, Crielaard concludes that the
epics reflect a rather late stage in the Early Iron Age, and that the Mycenaean elements in them
represent anachronistic survivals. See also 210.

210 Crielaard, Jan Paul. 2000. Homeric and Mycenaean long-distance contacts:
discrepancies in the evidence. Bulletin Antieke Beschaving Annual Papers on
Classical Archaeology 75:51-63.

Critically reviews Mycenaean elements in the Homeric epics and compares

features of political and economic organization in the Mycenaean era and in the Homeric world.
Although some linguistic elements and specific artifacts go back to the Bronze Age, the general
picture presented in the Homeric epics is hard to reconcile with Mycenaean civilization,
especially the degree of sociopolitical and economic complexity. Crielaard compares long-
distance communication in the two periods in terms of differences in scale, nature and setting,
concluding that the differences are more conspicuous than the similarities and that Homeric
overseas exchange seems more similar to the postpalatial period and the Archaic era. See also
211.

211 Finley, Moses I. 1957. Homer and Mycenae: property and tenure.
Historia 6:133-159.

Finley raises methodological and historical issues concerning the continuity or

congruity of the Linear B tablets and the Homeric poems regarding property and land tenure; he
finds evidence of considerable discontinuity between them in terms of social structure; whereas
Mycenaean land tenure was both conditional and communal, neither is the case in the Homeric
poems; he therefore concludes that the Homeric poems are not a useful source of information
about earlier institutions. See also 206, 212 and 232.
212 Gray, D.H.F. 1958. Mycenaean names in Homer. Journal of Hellenic Studies
78:43-48.

Gray's analysis of Homeric names found in the Linear B tablets shows that the greatest
number of these names are associated with Pylos, particularly with Nestor, his ancestors and
sons; Gray also lists and discusses other names, noting that heroic cycles associated with
Thessaly and Crete are also prominent. See also 206, 211 and 232.

213 Hiller, Stefan. 1991. Two Trojan Wars? On the destructions of Troy VIh and
VIIa. In: Studia Troica, Vol. 1. pp. 145-154. Mainz am Rhein: Verlag Philipp
von Zabern.

Discusses and evaluates evidence from mythology, archaeology and Homer

regarding the destructions of Troy VIh and VIIa. After considering aspects of chronology and
arguments as to which destruction most likely represents the Trojan War of Homer, Hiller
suggests that the two destructions may in fact correspond to the tradition in Greek mythology of
a second Trojan War two generations before the first.

214 Hood, Sinclair. 1995. The Bronze Age context of Homer. In: The Ages of
Homer: A Tribute to Emily Townsend Vermeule. Jane B. Carter and Sarah P.
Morris, eds. pp. 25-32. Austin: University of Texas Press.

Hood's primary assertion is that the core of the Homeric poems, and more
especially that of the Iliad, appears to reflect the Mycenaean world as it was in the final stage of
the Late Bronze Age in LH IIIC, and that if there was an Achaian sack of Troy, the best current
candidate for that city is Troy VIIb.

215 Hope Simpson, Richard and J.F. Lazenby. 1970. The Catalogue of the Ships in
Homer's Iliad. Oxford: Clarendon Press. 191 p.
 After an introductory chapter which discusses the extent to which Homer's poems
accurately reflect aspects of Mycenaean civilization, the authors attempt--in part through
documentary evidence, but primarily through archaeological survey data--to locate and identify
the sites mentioned in the Catalogue of Ships; they conclude that the Catalogue preserves not
only the names of many sites dating to the end of the Late Bronze Age, but perhaps to some
extent its political geography as well. See also 216 and 230.

216 Huxley, George L. 1956. Mycenaean decline and the Homeric Catalogue of
Ships. Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 3:19-30.

Examines the Achaean and Trojan Catalogues in the Iliad in order to determine
what period they describe, whether they describe the same period and if they are authentic,
concluding that both are authentic historical documents describing the situation in Greece and
Troy c. 1240 B.C., i.e. LH IIIB. See also 215 and 230.

217 Kirk, G.S. 1975. The Homeric poems as history. In: The Middle East and the
Aegean Region c. 1380-1000 B.C. I.E.S. Edwards, C.J. Gadd, N.G.L. Hammond
and E. Sollberger, eds. pp. 820-850. The Cambridge Ancient History 2, pt. 2. Cambridge,
Eng.: Cambridge University Press.

A good summary of the Homeric poems as historical documents; discusses the

Iliad and Odyssey as traditional oral poems, the language of the poems, the nature and extent of
Bronze Age survivals, continuity and discontinuity of traditions from the Bronze Age to Homer
and the Dark Ages.

218 Lang, Mabel L. 1987. Pylos polytropos. In: Studies in Mycenaean and
Classical Greek Presented to John Chadwick. John T. Killen, Jose
L. Melena and Jean-Pierre Olivier, eds. pp. 333-342. Salamanca: Ediciones Universidad
de Salamanca.
 Lang compares evidence from Linear B tablets and frescoes at Pylos with
descriptions, discussion and stories of Pylos in the Homeric poems, suggesting that this evidence
reflects to a considerable degree the depiction of Pylos in the poems. See also 226.

219 Lorimer, H.L. 1950. Homer and the Monuments. London: Macmillan & Co. 552
p.

Detailed examination of archaeological evidence from Late Bronze Age and Early
Iron Age Greece for elements in the Homeric poems, including arms and armor, dress and
architecture; also includes an introduction to prehistoric Greece and discussion of foreign
relations during the Late Bronze Age, the use of iron, cremation and writing in Late Bronze Age
Greece and the composition of the Iliad and Odyssey; probably the most thorough discussion of
this topic.

220 Luce, John V. 1975. Homer and the Heroic Age. London: Thames and Hudson.
200 p.

Uses archaeological evidence to interpret and analyze the Homeric poems and
Homeric tradition, attempting to establish their authenticity and to assess their historic accuracy
and value, which Luce believes is considerable; in addition to a discussion of the nature of the
Homeric poems and problems with their interpretation, Luce devotes particular attention to
weapons and warfare, Troy and the Trojan War and the island of Ithaka.

221 Mee, Christopher B. 1981. The Mycenaeans and Troy. In: The Trojan War: Its
Historicity and Context. Papers of the First Greenbank Colloquium,
Liverpool, 1981. Lin Foxhall and John K. Davies, eds. pp. 45-56. Bristol:
Bristol Classical Press.
 Mee presents archaeological evidence for Mycenaean contact with Troy,
primarily LH IIIA1-LH IIIB imported pottery and local imitations, as well as some jewelry; he
suggests that these are the result of limited but regular trade, perhaps occasioned by Mycenaeans
drawn to the area for the purpose of fishing. See also 207 and 208.

222 Mellink, Machteld J., ed. 1986. Troy and the Trojan War: A Symposium Held at
Bryn Mawr College, October 1984. Bryn Mawr, PA: Bryn Mawr College.
101 p.

Contents include: M. Korfmann, Troy: topography and navigation (pp. 1-16); M.

Korfmann, Besik Tepe: new evidence for the period of the Trojan sixth and seventh settlements
(pp. 17-28); J. Sperling, Reminiscences of Troy (pp. 29-32); H.G. Guterböck, Troy in Hittite
texts? Wilusa, Ahhiyawa, and Hittite history (pp. 33-44); C. Watkins, The language of the
Trojans (pp. 45-62); J.L. Angel, The physical identity of the Trojans (pp. 63-76); E.D.T.
Vermeule, "Priam's castle blazing": a thousand years of Trojan memories (pp. 77-92); M.J.
Mellink, Postscript (pp. 93-101).

223 Muhly, James D. 1970. Homer and the Phoenicians: the relations
between Greece and the Near East in the Late Bronze and Early Iron Ages.
Berytus 19:19-64.

Reviews and evaluates literary and archaeological evidence, concluding that both
Homer and the Phoenicians date only as far back as the Early Iron Age and not to the Late
Bronze Age in any meaningful way.

224 Page, Denys L. 1959. History and the Homeric Iliad. Berkeley: University of
California Press. 350 p.
 Combines documentary (the Hittite Ahhijawa texts and Mycenaean Linear B
texts) and archeological evidence to investigate the historicity of the Homeric poems,
specifically those aspects dealing with the Trojan War; one of the best treatments of this topic.

225 Page, Denys L. 1959. The historical sack of Troy. Antiquity 33:25-31.

Summarizes the results of Blegen's excavations at Troy; describes Troy VIIa and
its destruction.

226 Pantelidou, M. 1969. The problem of Homeric Pylos. Archaiologika Analekta

ex Athinon 2:316-322.

Attempts to locate and characterize Pylos by using and comparing its description
in the Homeric epics and available archaeological evidence. See also 218.

227 Podzuweit, Christian. 1982. Die Mykenische Welt und Troja. In: Sudosteuropa
zwischen 1600 und 1000 v. Chr. Prähistorische Archäologie in
Sudosteuropa, Band 1. Bernhard Hänsel, ed. pp. 65-88. Sudosteuropa Jahrbuch
13. Berlin: Moreland Editions, Bad Bramstedt.

Discusses the relationship to Troy to the Mycenaean world, especially in terms of

Mycenaean pottery found at Troy.

228 Sherratt, E.S. 1990. "Reading the texts": archaeology and the Homeric
question. Antiquity 64:807-824.
 This is a good recent discussion of the historicity of the Homeric poems. Treating
each as a "text," Sherratt reviews literary and archaeological approaches to Homer. She then
considers the archaeology of the texts themselves as the juxtaposition of several chronological
periods, providing textual examples (use of iron, spearheads, shields), treating various structural
elements in terms of how material from different periods could be interpolated. Sherratt
identifies three periods associated with the creation of the poems, indicating the major
contributions of each: 1) the early Mycenaean period; 2) a post-palatial period of re-creation,
which comprises the body of the poems; 3) the 12th-9th centuries B.C. and the early 8th century.

229 Snodgrass, Anthony M. 1974. An historical Homeric society? Journal of

Hellenic Studies 94:114-125.

Examines internal evidence within the Homeric poems regarding

marriage-settlements, as well as archaeological data, concluding that the poems do not reflect a
historical society, but rather represent a diversity of cultural behavior over several centuries of
time.

230 Thompson, Maurice S. 1912. The distribution of Mycenaean remains and the
Homeric catalogue. Annals of Anthropology and Archaeology,
University of Liverpool 4:128-139.

Examines evidence for the correspondence of known Mycenaean sites and the
Catalogue of Ships in the Iliad. See also 215, 216 and 231.

231 Thompson, Maurice S. 1912. Some notes on Homeric armour. Annals of

Anthropology and Archaeology, University of Liverpool 5:1-20.
 Examines evidence from various artistic representations--most notably the
Warrior Vase from Mycenae--in order to demonstrate that armor and other military equipment
described by Homer can be dated to the end of the Late Bronze Age. See also 230.

232 Webster, T.B.L. 1955. Homer and the Mycenaean tablets. Antiquity 29:10-14.

Describes and discusses similarities found in the Homeric poems and the
newly-deciphered Linear B tablets in terms of form and structure of language, names of deities,
warfare and social, political and economic organization. See also 206, 211 and 212.

233 Wood, Michael. 1996. In Search of the Trojan War. rev. ed. Berkeley:
University of California Press. 272 p.

Popular treatment of the Aegean Late Bronze Age, focusing on the historicity of
the Trojan War; individual chapters concern Troy and the Trojan War, early archaeological
exploration in Greece and the Troad, Heinrich Schliemann, Homer, Mycenae and Mycenaean
Greece, the Hittite civilization and the Sea Peoples; well-illustrated; print version of videotape
series. The revised edition includes a postscript describing recent excavations at Troy and their
significance.

The Dorians

There has been considerable discussion in the literature dealing with Mycenaean
civilization concerning the nature and origin of a people known as the Dorians and their role, if
any, in the destruction of the major palatial centers and the collapse of Mycenaean society.
According to legend, the Dorians, along with an exiled clan descended from Herakles (the
Heraklidae), entered Greece after the end of the Trojan War and destroyed and conquered
Mycenae and other major centers.
 Thus the Dorian Invasion, along with internecine conflict, was considered by the
Classical Greeks and subsequent scholars to have been one of the--if not the most--prominent
factors in the demise of Mycenaean culture. Evidence for this was seen primarily in the presence
of speakers of the Doric dialect--and thus presumably descendants of the Dorians--in various
parts of western Greece and on Crete during Classical times and presumably for some time
before. The best known group of Doric-speakers was the Spartans.

However, it has been difficult to find archaeological evidence for the Dorians at the end
of the Late Bronze Age or the beginning of the Early Iron Age, let alone that they may have been
responsible for the various destructions caused at this time. This has led to a revision of the
tradition on the part of some scholars, who have suggested that the Dorians did not enter Greece
until well after the collapse of Mycenaean civilization, filling the power vacuum left by the
collapse and occupying areas which were already destroyed, depopulated and impoverished.
According to this hypothesis, the Dorians probably lived somewhere in north-central or
northwestern Greece, on the periphery of the Mycenaean world, speaking a different dialect of
Greek, one which, unlike the dialect of the Mycenaeans, was not written down until centuries
later. Another interpretation views the Dorians as a lower class within Mycenaean territory
which either rose up against the Mycenaeans at the end of the Bronze Age or merely took
advantage of their destruction by others.

234 Chadwick, John. 1976. Who were the Dorians? La Parola del Passato
31:103-117.

Reviews archaeological and linguistic evidence concerning the Dorians,

concluding that they do not appear in the archaeological record as an intrusive group at the end
of the Late Bronze Age because they had already been present throughout Greece during the
Mycenaean period as a submerged population element which became dominant only after the
collapse of the Mycenaean political and economic structure and the departure of the ruling elite.
See also 235, 236, 238 and 239.

235 Chadwick, John. 1976. The Mycenaean Dorians. Bulletin of the Institute of
Classical Studies 23:115-116.

Basing his argument upon linguistic analysis of the Linear B tablets, combined
with other data, Chadwick suggests that the Dorians represented the underclass of Mycenaean
society, speaking a substandard dialect of Mycenaean Greek which was an ancestor of the later
West Greek dialect, while the standard Mycenaean dialect evolved into the later Arcadian
dialect; according to this hypothesis, Indo-Europeans entered Greece c. 2000 B.C., mixing with
earlier inhabitants and forming the Greek language and c. 1650 a Minoan-influenced southern
Greek aristocracy created an upper-class dialect from which Minoan scribes created the Linear B
script. See also 234, 236, 238 and 239.

236 Dietrich, Bernard C. 1969. Some myth and fact about the Dorians. Acta Classica
12:47-52.

Views the Dorians as an established presence in Mycenaean Greece who shared a

similar social organization and religious beliefs and inhabited parts of Thessaly and Central
Greece. See also 234, 235, 238 and 239.

237 Hammond, N.G.L. 1931. Prehistoric Epirus and the Dorian Invasion. Annual of
the British School at Athens 32:131-179.

Hammond summarizes known prehistoric finds in Epirus, along with a

description of its topography and geography; he also examines and evaluates literary evidence
for the Dorians, as well as archaeological and linguistic evidence for their affinities in
northwestern Greece; he concludes that archaeological evidence supports the literary traditions,
suggesting that the Dorians were nomadic pastoralists existing at the periphery of the Mycenaean
world, driven south by the expanding Bronze Age Central European Lausitz culture.

238 Hooker, James T. 1979. New reflexions on the Dorian invasion. Klio
61:353-360.

Hooker reviews and examines Greek legends concerning the Dorian invasion and attempts
to correlate them with archaeological and linguistic data; he concludes that linguistic evidence
does not support the legends and therefore that the Dorian invasion never took place because the
Dorians were part of the Mycenaean world, moving from one part to another, rather than outside
it. See also 234-236 and 239.
239 Moralejo Alvarez, Juan Jose. 1977. Los dorios, su migracion y su dialecto.
Emerita 45:243-267.

Accepts tradition and myth as reliable sources concerning the Dorians and rejects
linguistic evidence suggesting that the Dorians were a lower class within Mycenaean society. See
also 234-236 and 238.

240 Nixon, Ivor Gray. 1968. The Rise of the Dorians. New York: Frederick A.
Praeger. 170 p.

Nixon's thesis is that the Dorians were less civilized Greeks inhabiting Thessaly
and Macedonia who, after destroying the Hittites and attacking Egypt, attacked and destroyed
Pylos by sea, leading to the collapse of Mycenaean civilization.

241 Rubinsohn, Zeev. 1975. The Dorian invasion again. La Parola del Passato
30:105-131.

After a lengthy and detailed examination of linguistic, literary and archaeological

evidence, the author concludes that there is no direct connection between the end of the
Mycenaean world c. 1200 and the coming of the Dorians c. 1000 B.C.

242 Thomas, Carol G. 1978. A Dorian invasion? The early literary evidence. Studi
Micenei ed Egeo-Anatolici 19:77-87.
 After summarizing the traditional view of the Dorian invasion, Thomas analyzes
possible references in the earliest Classical documents commonly cited as evidence for it,
including Homer, Herodotos, Thucydides and Tyrtaeus; her examination of these texts finds such
evidence either contradictory, confusing or nonexistent.

243 Thomas, Carol G. 1980. The Celts: a model for the Dorian invasion? Studi
Micenei ed Egeo-Anatolici 21:303-308.

Argues that the settlement of European Celts in 3rd century B.C. Anatolia is not a
valid model for the "Dorian Invasion" because of significant differences in settlement data for
the two situations. See also 247.

244 van Soesbergen, Peter G. 1981. The coming of the Dorians. Kadmos 20:38-51.

Examines archaeological, linguistic and epigraphic evidence, along with various

literary traditions concerning the Dorians, concluding that the "Dorian invasion" represents the
movement of a proto-Greek population related to the Mycenaeans and speaking a mutually
intelligible dialect.

245 Vilmos, Laszlo. 1987. Some remarks on the Dorian problem. Specimina Nova
1:3-14.

246 Wallace, Paul W. and Edward W. Kase. 1978. The route of the Dorian
invasion. Archaeologika Analekta ex Athinon 11:102-107.

The authors suggest that the Dorians followed the Phokis-Doris corridor from
Naupaktos to Amphissa, arguing that this natural corridor represents the most direct route from
central Greece to the Peloponnese and citing historical evidence for the movement of troops.
247 Winter, Frederick A. 1977. An historically derived model for the Dorian
invasion. In: Symposium on the Dark Ages in Greece. Ellen N. Davis, ed.
pp. 60-76.

Uses historical evidence of settlement of European Celtic tribes in the 3rd century
B.C. in Turkey as a model for a migration of peoples which left few significant archaeological
traces or material records; may be difficult to obtain. See also 243.

CULTURAL HISTORY AND SOCIETY

Cultural Evolution and Development

Like all great civilizations, Mycenaean civilization follows a pattern of rise and
fall, of origin and growth, development and expansion, decline and collapse. For more specific
aspects of these processes, see Introduction.

248 Bloedow, Edmund F. 1995. Human and environmental interaction in the

emergence and decline of Mycenaean state and society. In: Politeia: Society
and State in the Aegean Bronze Age. Proceedings of the 5th International
Aegean Conference/5e Rencontre égéene internationale, University of
Heidelberg, Archäologisches Institut, 10-13 April 1994. Robert Laffineur and Wolf-
Dietrich Niemeier, eds. pp. 623-633. Aegaeum 12, Annales d'archéologie égéenne de
l'Université de Liège et UT-PASP. Liége: Université de Liège Histoire de l'art et
archéologie de la Grèce antique/University of Texas at Austin Program in Scripts and
Prehistory.

Describes, discusses and evaluates a proposed model which identifies

environmental modification as a primary causal factor in both the rise and fall of Mycenae,
raising a number of questions and potential difficulties involved therein.

249 Bouzek, Jan. 1969. Homerisches Griechenland im Lichte der Archäologischen

Quellen. Acta Universitatus Carolinae Philosophica et Historica Monographia 29.
Prague: Universita Karlova. 230 p.

Discusses the evolution of culture on the Greek mainland from the fall of Crete
through the end of the Dark Age (c. 1450-700 B.C.).

250 Bouzek, Jan. 1994. Invasions and migrations in the Bronze Age Aegean: how to
decipher the archaeological evidence. Eirene 30:155-160.

Proposes three basic models: invasion of a higher culture into a less developed
area (colonization); invasion of a lower culture into a more developed one; invasion of one
culture by another of a roughly equal cultural level. Discusses problems in interpreting
archaeological evidence, using examples from the Aegean, including those involving Mycenaean
civilization. See also 254.

251 Caskey, John L. 1969. Crises in the Minoan-Mycenaean world.

Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society 113:433-448.

Discusses elements of change and crisis during the Middle Bronze and Late
Bronze Ages, including the arrival of the Greeks, the relationship between Crete and the
mainland and the collapse of Mycenaean civilization.
252 Finley, Moses I. 1970. Early Greece: The Bronze and Archaic Ages. New York:
W.W. Norton & Company, Inc. 155 p.

A general account of Greek prehistory, including the Late Bronze Age, by a

distinguished classical historian.

253 Halstead, Paul. 1994. The north-south divide: regional paths to complexity in
prehistoric Greece. In: Development and Decline in the Mediterranean
Bronze Age. Clay Mathers and Simon Stoddart, eds. pp. 195-219. Sheffield
Archaeological Monographs 8. Sheffield: J.R. Collis Publications.

Building upon Renfrew's The Emergence of Civilisation, Halstead analyzes and

discusses factors involved in the emergence of complexity in northern and southern Greece from
the Neolithic through the Late Bronze Age. After reviewing empirical developments representing
different classes of evidence--including natural environment, settlement, subsistence, society,
exchange and craft production--he evaluates, on both empirical and theoretical grounds, recent
attempts to understand Bronze Age social change in ecological and economic terms. In doing so,
he discusses a number of alternative models and offers a diachronic developmental sketch based
upon a model involving risk, risk buffering and social storage. Also includes an excellent recent
bibliography.

254 Hammond, Nicholas G.L. 1976. Migrations and Invasions in Greece and
Adjacent Areas. Park Ridge: Noyes Press. 187 p.

Discusses the beginning and end of Mycenaean civilization in the context of a

series of migrations of pastoral peoples in the prehistoric southwestern Balkans, relying
primarily upon historical analogies with the movements of nomadic and settled peoples. See also
250.
255 Hooker, James T. 1976. Mycenaean Greece. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul.
316 p.

Hooker's approach is primarily historical and chronological, beginning with the

origins of the Greeks and concluding with the collapse of Mycenaean civilization; he has chosen
to focus on some of the most controversial aspects, rather than presenting a continuous narrative;
as such, the book represents one of best efforts to treat Mycenaean development in a thorough
and comprehensive manner.

256 Hopper, R.J. 1976. The Early Greeks. London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson. 257
p.

Discussion, from the perspective of a Classical historian, of the geographical

background, the relationship between Crete and the mainland, the Bronze Age, the Dark Age and
the Archaic period.

257 Kardara, Chrysoula P. 1970. Peri to avkauges tis Ellenikis istorias.

Archaiologika Analekta ex Athinon 3:440-454.

Discusses hypotheses concerning various aspects of early Greek history, including

identification of the earliest Indo-European immigrants, the origins and collapse of Mycenaean
civilization, the identification of the Sea Peoples and the movement of groups into, through and
around Greece during the Bronze Age; text in Greek and English.

258 Lewartowski, Kazimierz. 1990. Mycenae - Greece: continuity or discontinuity?

Etudes et Travaux 15:238-242.
 Discusses ethnic, political, cultural and religious aspects of possible continuity
between Mycenaean and Classical Greece.

259 Schachermeyr, Fritz. 1984. Griechische Frühgeschichte: Ein Versuch,

frühe Geschichte wenigstens in Umrissen verständlich zu machen.
Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften Philosophisch-Historisch
Klasse, Sitzungsberichte 425. Vienna: Verlag der Österreichen Akademie der
Wissenschaften. 334 p.

Discusses aspects of early Greek history; major sections include: cultures and
civilizations of the Aegean Bronze Age; the origin and development of Mycenaean culture;
Mycenaean palatial society; the Sea Peoples; Mycenaean efforts toward recovery after the first
wave of incursions; the period of invasion and movement of peoples; Athens during the Dark
Age; the development of classical Greek culture.

260 Wace, A.J.B. 1953. The history of Greece in the third and second millenniums
B.C. Historia 2:74-94.

Summarizes cultural developments during the Middle Helladic and Late Helladic
periods, discussing a number of specific aspects and issues, particularly those dealing with
continuity and discontinuity.

Middle Helladic

261 Banou, Emilia. 2000. Middle Helladic Laconia: new evidence. Studi Micenei ed
Egeo-Anatolici 42:175-199.

Describes and discusses three new Middle Helladic sites in Lakonia discovered
during Banou’s survey in 1990-1994 as well as new Middle Helladic material from three other
sites: Kouphovouno, Skoura-Ayios Georgios, Skoura-Vouno Panagias, Mavrovouni-Vardies,
Daimona-Kastelli and Asopos-Boza. Includes a catalogue of pottery collected.
262 Buck, Robert J. 1966. The Middle Helladic period. Phoenix 20:193-209.

A good summary article which describes and discusses aspects of material culture
and cultural developments; Buck suggests that Middle Helladic culture was an amalgam of an
intrusive non-Aegean element and an indigenous Aegean one, influenced by contact with the
Cyclades and Crete.

263 Caskey, John L. 1973. Greece and the Aegean Islands in the Middle
Bronze Age. In: The Middle East and the Aegean Region c. 1800-1380
B.C. I.E.S. Edwards, C.J. Gadd, N.G.L. Hammond and E. Sollberger, eds. pp.
117-140. The Cambridge Ancient History 2, pt. 1. Cambridge, Eng.: Cambridge
University Press.

A good summary of the Middle Helladic period, including a survey of

archaeological evidence (pottery, burials, architecture) and a discussion of chronology, language,
and ethnicity, focusing on the site of Lerna in the Argolid.

264 Harland, James Penrose. 1948. Life in a Minyan village. Archaeology

1:94-103.

A popular, now somewhat outdated summary of Middle Helladic culture,

including architecture, pottery, clothing, subsistence, trade, crafts, religion and society. See also
265.
265 Nordquist, Gullög C. 1987. A Middle Helladic Village: Asine in the Argolid.
Boreas: Uppsala Studies in Ancient Mediterranean and Near Eastern
Civilizations 16. Uppsala. 195 p.

Synthesizes data from excavations in the 1920's and 1970's at Asine in order to
present an overview of a Middle Helladic village of 300-500 people in its natural, cultural and
socio-economic contexts; includes description and discussion of environment, demography, site
setting and planning, the subsistence economy, handicrafts and industry, exchange and
communication, the Middle Helladic household, graves and burial customs; also includes a list of
finds and graves; well illustrated; the best general description of a Middle Helladic settlement
and Middle Helladic culture. See also 264.

Origins and Growth

266 Astour, Michael C. 1965. Hellenosemitica: An Ethnic and Cultural Study in

Western Semitic Impact on Mycenaean Greece. 2 ed. Leiden: E.J. Brill. 415
p.

Marshals linguistic and archaeological data, along with Greek and Near Eastern
mythology, to assert that during its formative stages Mycenaean Greece was settled by Western
Semites, specifically Danunians from Cilicia in the Argolid and Phoenicians in Boiotia; Astour
focuses particularly on the myths of Kadmos and Bellerophon as evidence of Western Semitic
influence.

267 Coleman, John E. 2000. An archaeological scenario for the >coming of the
Greeks= ca. 3200 B.C. Journal of Indo-European Studies 28:101-153.

After evaluating the current theory of a later arrival of proto-Greeks ca.

2400/2200 B.C. and suggesting that this theory now seems less likely than previously believed,
Coleman argues that the Indo-European language that evolved into Greek arrived with people
from the north at the beginning of the Early Bronze Age in the late 4th millennium B.C. These
proto-Greeks entered a largely depopulated landscape and thus came to dominate most of the
Greek mainland. Later influence from the Cyclades contributed to the evolution of the Early
Helladic civilization from which the later Bronze Age population was descended. See also 280,
281, 285, 287 and 292.
268 Dickinson, O.T.P.K. 1972. The shaft graves and Mycenaean origins. Bulletin
of the Institute of Classical Studies 19:146-147.

Discusses developments in the construction of burial structures and in social

organization; Dickinson sees the Shaft Graves as an indigenous development by a local group in
the Argolid who adopted new methods of warfare and developed a relationship with Crete by
acting as middlemen in supplying raw materials from Europe. See also 272, 283, 286, 291, 294,
297 and 298.

269 Dickinson, O.T.P.K. 1977. The Origins of Mycenaean Civilisation. Studies in

Mediterranean Archaeology 49. Göteborg: Paul Åströms Förlag. 134
p.

The best synthesis of material on this topic and the best single discussion of the
issues involved. Individual chapters deal with the Middle Helladic and early Late Helladic
pottery sequence and chronology, the Middle Helladic period, the Shaft Graves, early
Mycenaean grave types, early Mycenaean industries (weapons and armor, jewelry and
ornaments, and precious vessels), the provinces of early Mycenaean Greece (discussion of
regional developments) and overseas trade. In his concluding historical summary, Dickinson
stresses the essentially local origin and character of Mycenaean civilization in terms of its
derivation from Middle Helladic society and its independence from the rest of the Aegean world,
although the accumulation of wealth on the part of the emerging Mycenaean elite brought with it
considerable contact with the outside world and an influx of Aegean artistic influence. See also
373 and 274.

270 Dickinson, O.T.P.K. 1984. Cretan contacts with the mainland during the period
of the Shaft Graves. In: The Minoan Thalassocracy: Myth and Reality.
Proceedings of the Third International Symposium at the Swedish
Institute in Athens, 31 May-5 June, 1982. Robin Hägg and Nanno Marinatos, eds. pp.
115- 118. Skrifter utgivna av Svenska institutet i Athen, Series 4, vol. 32.
Stockholm.
 The strongest Minoan influence at this time is seen in weapons and artifacts of
precious metal found in the graves of the emerging Mycenaean elite, probably made by migrant
Aegean craftsmen; the rarest types may have been directly imported. There is little evidence, on
the other hand, for specifically Cretan influence on burial customs. See also 279 and 282.

271 Dickinson, O.T.P.K. 1997-1998. Invasion, migration and the Shaft Graves.
Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 42:223- 224.

A response to Huxley=s paper in which Dickinson suggests that theories of

migration should not be multiplied beyond necessity and argues that migration for the purpose of
settlement in the prehistoric Aegean was rare, though more common in historic times; most,
however, were attempts at conquest or looting. He points out various difficulties of the invasion
model, including the general reluctance of people to migrate or be driven out of their territory,
the lack of attractiveness of the terrain of southern mainland Greece to settlers and practical
difficulties for chariot-users. Finally, he suggests that sufficient indigenous Aegean analogues
exist and notes that features identifying this group of Indo-Iranians in the Shaft Graves are late
and relatively rare. See also 268, 283, 286, 291, 294, 297 and 298.

272 Dietz, Søren. 1984. Kontinuität und kulturwende in der Argolis von
2000-700 v. Chr.: ergebnisse der neuen schwedisch-danischen
ausgrabungen in Asine. In: Zur Agäischen Frühzeit. Otto-Herman Frey and
Helmut Roth, eds. pp. 23-52. Kleine Schriften aus dem Vorgeschichtlichen Seminar
Marburg 17.

Presents the results of the 1970-1974 Swedish excavations at Asine, specifically

the excavation of 20 MH III/LH I cist burials covered by a tumulus; Dietz uses these data to
discuss the nature and chronology of the transition between the Middle Helladic and Late
Helladic periods and to specify characteristics of and distinctions between the MH IIIA, MH IIIB
and LH I periods; he also notes shifting occupation during these and later periods in different
areas in the vicinity of Asine.
273 Dietz, Søren. 1988. On the origin of the Mycenaean civilization. In: Studies
in Ancient History and Numismatics Presented to Rudi Thomsen. pp.
22-28. Aarhus: Aarhus University Press.

In this recent brief but cogent summary, Dietz asserts that the characteristic
elements of Mycenaean civilization evolved and were established well before evidence of strong
Minoan influence; he divides the formative phase of development into two periods: 1)
1650-1550 BC, in which Minoan influence in the Argolid is minimal and largely indirect and
local development is slow and gradual, eventuating in the origin of the Mycenaean state and; 2)
1550-1450, when Minoan influence was considerable. See also 269 and 274.

274 Dietz, Søren. 1991. The Argolid at the Transition to the Mycenaean
Age; Studies in the Chronology and Cultural Development in the Shaft Grave
Period. Copenhagen: The National Museum of Denmark, Department of
Near Eastern and Classical Antiquities. 336 p.

A detailed synthesis of archaeological data, primarily ceramic, explicating the

origins of Mycenaean culture in the Argolid. Presents a detailed analysis of the chronology and
evolution of pottery at the site of Asine from MH II through LH IA, dividing this period into
phases of 1-2 generations. Discusses graves and burial contexts in the Argolid, provides a
typology of pottery from graves and summarizes the development of pottery from MH II to LH
IB. Also discusses non-pottery gravegoods from Grave Circle B at Mycenae, graves and burial
rites, site and settlement patterns in the Argolid and aspects of trade and communication. Dietz
stresses that Mycenaean culture and major parts of its social and economic structure developed
locally, and that in the case of the Argolid this process took place over a relatively brief period of
time in terms of short-term internal change during the late Middle Helladic period resulting
largely from strong influences from other cultures. See also 269 and 273.

275 Doumas, Christos G. 1996. Early Helladic III and the coming of the Greeks.
Cretan Studies 5:51-61.
276 Drews, Robert. 1988. The Coming of the Greeks: Indo-European Conquest
in the Aegean and the Near East. Princeton: Princeton University Press. 257
p.

Discusses earlier theories concerning Indo-European migrations and the origin of

the Greeks, linguistic and archaeological considerations, evidence from the Near East and
changes in the nature of warfare in the Bronze age, concluding that Greek speakers arrived in
Greece c. 1600 B.C.; rather than a mass migration, the first Mycenaeans comprised fairly small
groups of well-organized warriors whose use of the chariot gave them a military advantage over
the indigenous non-Indo-European inhabitants. See also 284, 285 and 290.

277 Evans, Arthur J. 1912. The Minoan and Mycenaean element in Hellenic
life. Journal of Hellenic Studies 32:277-297.

Argues for a conquest of mainland Greece by Minoans c. 1550 B.C., with

continued evolution of the Palace Style of pottery at Knossos c. 1400 B.C., and cultural
development on the mainland remaining stagnant. See also 278.

278 Evans, Arthur J. 1932. Knossos and Mycenae . . . . In: Proceedings of the First
International Congress of Prehistoric and Protohistoric Sciences, pp. 1-6, London.

See also 277.

279 Hägg, Robin. 1982. On the nature of the Minoan influence in early
Mycenaean Messenia. Opuscula Atheniensia 14:27-37.

Traces early stages of Minoan influence in Messenia, primarily based on the

analysis of pottery found in burials; Hägg notes very few imported Minoan vessels in LH I, but
an increase in their number in LH II; he suggests that an aristocratic Minoan element may have
been present in early Mycenaean Messenia that became somewhat Mycenaeanized, while at the
same time contributing to the Minoization of Messenia. See also 270 and 282.

280 Hammond, N.G.L. 1967. Tumulus-burial in Albania, the grave circles of

Mycenae, and the Indo-Europeans. Annual of the British School at Athens
62:77-105.

Hammond describes a number of tumulus burials in Albania, which he dates to

the Middle Helladic period, and which he characterizes as antecedents of the Grave Circles of
Mycenae, especially Grave Circle B; he suggests that the founders of Mycenae were of Kurgan
origin from the Danube basin, bringing with them the horse and the practice of tumulus burial,
settling in the vicinity of Servia in western Macedonia during the late Neolithic period and
already speaking Ur-Greek, an Indo-European dialect; later they moved into central and southern
Albania, from whence a fairly small group of chieftains and their followers arrived in the
Peloponnese by sea c. 1700 B.C. See also 267, 281, 285, 287 and 292.

281 Holmberg, E.J. 1978. Some notes on the immigration of Indo-Europeans

into Greece during the Early Bronze Age. Opuscula Atheniensia 12:1-9.

Proposes a scenario involving the immigration of Indo-European Kurgan peoples

into Macedonia from southeastern Bulgaria at the beginning of the Early Bronze Age; after the
mingling of these cultures, further immigration took place westward through central Albania to
the Adriatic coast and thence to Kerkyra and Levkas; finally, at the end of the Early Bronze Age,
various related groups moved south into different parts of central and southern Greece. See also
267, 280, 285, 287 and 292.

282 Hood, Sinclair. 1992. Cretans in Laconia? In: PHILOLAKON: Lakonian Studies
in Honour of Hector Catling. Jan Motyka Sanders, ed. pp. 135-139. London:
The British School at Athens.
 Reviews and evaluates evidence from Minoan settlements in the Aegean and from
architecture, burials and pottery, concluding that if Cretan settlers colonized Lakonia at the end
of the Middle Helladic period, such occupation was probably restricted in numbers, Cretans
would have been much outnumbered by the indigenous population, and that any Cretan political
control that existed must have been ephemeral and could hardly have lasted past c. 1450 B.C.
See also 270 and 279.

283 Hooker, James T. 1967. The Mycenaean siege rhyton and the question of
Egyptian influence. American Journal of Archaeology 71:269-281.

Examines and evaluates various interpretations of this silver vessel from the Shaft
Graves of Mycenae, concluding that it does not depict any specific historical events; analysis of
this and other Shaft Grave artifacts leads Hooker to reject the idea that they were obtained as
plunder by Mycenaean mercenaries or that they involve direct Egyptian contact or influence; he
postulates that Mycenaean culture evolved gradually, with peaceful contact between Crete and
the mainland. See also 268, 271, 286, 291, 294, 297 and 298.

284 Hooker, James T. 1989. The coming of the Greeks, III. Minos 24:55-68.

Presents linguistic and archaeological arguments against the hypothesis that

Greeks arrived in Greece c. 1600 B.C. See also 276, 285 and 290.

285 Hooker, James T. 1999. The Coming of The Greeks. Claremont, CA: Regina
Books. 96 p.

Three essays responding to ideas on this topic: Ernst Grumach=s conclusion that
the Greeks entered the Aegean from the Danube basin in a single movement at a late date; Colin
Renfrew and Marija Gimbutas= hypotheses about the origin and dispersal of the earliest Greeks;
and Robert Drews= ideas concerning evidence for horse-drawn chariots in the Near East and
Mediterranean and the movement of peoples. See also 267, 276, 280, 281, 284, 285, 287, 290
and 292.

286 Huxley, George. 1996. Language and migration: Greek, Indo-Iranian, and the
rise of Mycenae. Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 41:146.

Huxley approaches the historical geography of Greek dialects in terms of

migration, and proposes the following scenario: immigration from Anatolia toward the end of the
Early Bronze Age, followed by the arrival of proto-Greek speakers c. 2000 B.C., likely Indo-
Iranian warrior aristocrats with chariots, reflected at Mycenae, where certain innovations such as
stelae, chariots and death masks indicate immigration and a political takeover. He then discusses
links between proto-Greek and Iranian languages, as well as similar burial practices. See also
268, 271, 291, 294 and 298.

287 Katona, A.L. 2000. Proto-Greeks and the Kurgan Theory. Journal of Indo-
European Studies 28:65-100.

Supports an interpretation of Marija Gimbutas= Kurgan theory involving the migration

of a proto-Greek population which arrived in Greece during the Early Helladic period. See also
267, 280, 281, 285 and 292.

288 Kopke, Guenter. 1995. The Argolid in 1400 - what happened? In: Politeia:
Society and State in the Aegean Bronze Age. Proceedings of the 5th
International Aegean Conference/5e Rencontre égéene internationale, University
of Heidelberg, Archäologisches Institut, 10- 13 April 1994. Robert Laffineur and Wolf-
Dietrich Niemeier, eds. pp. 89-92. Aegaeum 12, Annales d'archéologie égéenne de
l'Université de Liège et UT-PASP. Liège: Université de Liège Histoire de l'art et
archéologie de la Grèece antique/University of Texas at Austin Program in Scripts and
Prehistory.
 Summarizes developments in the first quarter of the 14th century B.C. in the
Argolid, which he characterizes as radical and dramatic, leading to the establishment of a
prosperous, socially stratified state society.

289 Laffineur, Robert, ed. 1989. Transition: Le Monde Égéen du Bronze Moyen au
Bronze Récent. Actes de la deuxième Rencontre égéene internationale de
l'Université de Liège (18- 20) avril 1988). Aegaeum 3, Annales
d'archéologie égéenne de l'Université de Liège. Liège: Université de l'Etat à Liège,
1989. 267 p.

Important collection of papers concerning the origins of Mycenaean civilization

and aspects of Mycenaean civilization in the late Middle Helladic and the early Late Helladic
periods; contents include: G. Touchais, Le passage du bronze moyen au bronze récent en Grèce
continentale: état de la question (pp. 113-121); S. Dietz, The concept of the Middle Helladic III
period in a historical perspective (pp. 123-129); O.T.P.K. Dickinson, "The Origins of Mycenaean
Civilisation" revisited (pp. 131-136); S. Hiller, On the origins of the shaft graves (pp. 137-144);
J.H. Crouwel, Pictorial pottery from Mycenae at the time of the shaft graves (pp. 155-165); Y.
Lolos, The tholos tomb at Koryphasion: evidence for the transition from Middle to Late Helladic
in Messenia (pp. 171-175); T.J. Papadopoulos, The Greek mainland and its Aegean neighbors
during the transitional period from MBA to LBA: the evidence of metalwork (pp. 183-189); J.C.
van Leuven, The religion of the Shaft Grave Folk (pp. 191-201); J.L. Crowley, Subject matter in
Aegean art: the crucial changes (pp. 203-214); C. Gates, Iconography at the crossroads: the
Aegina treasure, (pp. 215-225).

290 Littauer, M.A. and J.H. Crouwel. 1996. Robert Drews and the role of chariotry
in Bronze Age Greece. Oxford Journal of Archaeology 15:297- 305.

The authors suggest that several of Drews= assumptions about the use of chariots
are untenable and that they played a much less significant role than he asserts. See also 276, 284
and 285.
291 Muhly, James D. 1979. On the Shaft Graves at Mycenae. In: Studies in Honor
of Tom B. Jones. Marvin A. Powell, Jr. and Ronald H. Sack, eds. pp.
311-323. Alter Orient und Altes Testament, 203. Verlag Butzon & Bercker
Kevelaer.

Draws upon linguistic and archaeological evidence to suggest the ultimate origin
of the proto-Greeks in Central Asia; according to this hypothesis the earliest Mycenaeans entered
Greece c. 1700 B.C. from the northeast, owing their power to the horse and chariot and their
wealth to access to Central European metals, acting as middlemen between Central Europe and
Crete. See also 268, 271, 283, 286, 294, 297 and 298.

292 Mylonas, George E. 1962. The Luvian invasions of Greece. Hesperia 31:284-30.

Rejects the hypothesis of a Luvian invasion of Greece from Western Anatolia at

the end of the Early Helladic period in favor of an invasion by Greek-speaking Indo-Europeans
c. 1900 B.C., probably from the north, who were the ancestors of the Mycenaeans. See also 267,
280, 281, 285 and 287.

293 Nilsson, Martin P. 1953. The prehistoric migrations of the Greeks. Opuscula
Atheniensia 1:1-8.

Postulates three waves of immigration into Greece during the Middle Helladic
period, using the Vikings as a historical analogue.

294 Penner, Sylvia. 1998. Schliemanns Schachtgräberrund und der

Europäische Nordosten: Studien zur Herkunft der frühmykenischen
Streitwagenausstattung. Saarbrücken Beiträge zur Altertumskunde, v. 60.
Bonn: Dr. Rudolf Habelt Verlag GMBH.
 Detailed comparison of cultural connections between Grave Circle A at Mycenae
and northeastern Europe, with a particular focus on the origins of the chariot in Mycenaean
culture. See also 268, 271, 283, 286, 291, 297 and 298.

295 Pulgram, Ernest. 1959. Linear B, Greek and the Greeks. Glotta 38:171-181.

Urges caution in equating language, culture and ethnicity, especially in respect to

Linear B and the origins of the Greeks and their arrival in Greece.

296 Rutter, Jeremy B. 1993. Review of Aegean prehistory II: the pre-palatial
Bronze Age of the southern and central Greek mainland. American Journal of
Archaeology 97:745-797.

Summarizes, surveys and outlines development from the Early Helladic through
the LH IIB/IIIA1 periods, focusing on principal discoveries, questions addresses and research
strategies during the last fifteen years. Extensive bibliographic references.

297 Stubbings, Frank H. 1973. The rise of Mycenaean civilization. In: The
Middle East and the Aegean Region c. 1800-1380 B.C. I.E.S. Edwards, C.J.
Gadd, N.G.L. Hammond and E. Sollberger, eds. pp. 627-658. The
Cambridge Ancient History 2, pt. 1. Cambridge, Eng.: Cambridge University
Press.

After a brief consideration of the nature of the evidence, Stubbings discusses the
Shaft Graves of Mycenae, in which he sees a strong Egyptian influence; linking this evidence to
the myth of Danaus, he suggests that the earliest kings of Mycenae were Hyksos; he further
examines evidence for settlement and burial in LH I-II and attempts to relate this evidence to the
legends of Perseus and Herakles; finally, he considers the relationship between Crete and the
mainland. See also 268, 271, 283, 286, 291, 294 and 298.
298 Tournavitou, Iphigenia. 1995. The Shaft Grave phenomenon. A dead end? In:
Trade and Production in Premonetary Greece: Aspects of Trade.
Proceedings of the Third International Workshop, Athens 1993. Carole Gillis,
Christina Risberg and Birgitta Sjöberg, eds. pp. 111-123. Studies in Mediterranean
Archaeology and Literature Pocket-Book 134. Jonsered: Paul Åströms Förlag.

Investigation of how and why the raw materials and finished objects made their way into
the Mycenae shaft graves, including discussion of the sociopolitical background of the early
Mycenaean period, modes of exchange (plunder, trade and gift exchange), the provenance of raw
materials, stylistic identity of objects and the role of Crete. Tournavitou suggests that the need to
exhibit opulence on the part of the emerging Mycenaean elite accounts in part for why these
objects were acquired, but how they were obtained still is not clearly understood. See also 268,
271, 283, 286, 291, 294, 300 and 301.

299 van Royen, Rene A. and Benjamin H. Isaac. 1979. The Arrival of the Greeks:
The Evidence from the Settlements. Publications of the Henri Frankfort
Foundation 5. Amsterdam: B.R. Grüner Publishing Co. 76 p.

Examination of settlement data for evidence of cultural continuity and discontinuity

between 2000 and 1600 B.C.; given the considerable evidence of discontinuity during this
period, the authors feel it likely that immigration and cultural change occurred not only around
2000, but around 1600 B.C. as well.

300 Voutsaki, Sophia. 2001. The rise of Mycenae: political inter-relations and
archaeological evidence. Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies
45:183-184.

Argues that the rise of Mycenae is part of a complex process of political change
that cannot be attributed to one or two isolated factors. Analysis of Middle Helladic mortuary
evidence from the Argolid reveals that in MH I-II there are concentrations of simple ornaments
and weapons at Lerna, Asine and Argos, but not at Mycenae, Tiryns and Dendra on the eastern
side of the plain; in MH III-LH I, however, the pattern is reversed, thus beginning a growing
divergence between the two parts of the plain. The evidence indicates that the rise of Mycenae
was the result of intense competition, and possibly warfare, between these polities. There is no
evidence of rigid social divisions in MH I-II, with clear differences attested only from MH III
onward. Voutsaki suggests that the main organizational principle in MH I-II was kinship rather
than status; however, this changed in MH III with an influx of luxury items and the increasing
integration of mainland Greece into Aegean gift exchange networks. Thus the wealth of
Mycenae resulted from the initiation of diplomatic relations with the Minoan new palaces and
possibly Knossos. See also 298 and 301.

301 Wright, James. 2001. Factions and the origins of leadership and identity in
Mycenaean society. Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 45:182.

Wright proposes using the concept of factions in studying the archaeological

histories of tribal communities, rather than focusing on chiefdoms, suggesting that the operation
of factions accounts more satisfactorily for variability in the archaeological record in the Middle
Helladic period and the early stages of the Late Helladic period. The primary strength of this
model lies in the ability to explain the origins of leadership, especially as it emerges from
settings where rank may be recognized, but where stratification has not yet been established.
Faction leadership involves intra-community relationships and the manipulation of external
resources for the benefit of the leader and his faction, and this perspective clarifies the dynamic
relationship between settlements on mainland Greece and those of the Aegean islands and Crete.
Wright explores the context of early high-status Middle Helladic burials, using those at Lerna,
Asine and Argos as case studies, demonstrating that rank distinctions emerged before the advent
of monumental tombs. See also 298 and 300.

Development and Expansion

302 Begg, D.J.I. 1987. Continuity in the West Wing at Knossos. In: The Function
of the Minoan Palaces. Proceedings of the Fourth International Symposium
at the Swedish Institute in Athens, 10-16 June, 1984. Robin Hägg and
Nanno Marinatos, eds. pp. 179-186. Skrifter utgivna av Svenska institutet i
Athen, vol. 35. Stockholm.

Presents evidence for daily activities of artisans, scribes and officials conducted in
the west wing, including the carving and storage of stone objects, storage of painted pithoid jars
and the inscribing of tablets; it would seem that these activities continued during the period of
Mycenaean occupation, suggesting some degree of cooperation between Minoans and
Mycenaeans, which might have coincided with the development of Linear B from an ancestor of
Linear A. See also 307 and 320.
303 Blegen, Carl W. 1975. The expansion of the Mycenaean civilization. In:
The Middle East and the Aegean Region c. 1380-1000 B.C. I.E.S. Edwards,
C.J. Gadd, N.G.L. Hammond and E. Sollberger, eds. pp. 165-187. The C
Cambridge Ancient History 2, pt. 2. Cambridge, Eng.: Cambridge University
Press.

Summarizes developments during the LH IIIA and IIIB periods, including the
destruction of the palaces of Knossos and Thebes, social and economic expansion of Mycenaean
society, the construction of various citadels and palaces and the widening of overseas contacts
with Cyprus and the Eastern and Central Mediterranean areas; also discusses evidence for
legends concerning the houses of Kadmos and Pelops.

304 Catling, H.W. 1989. Some Problems in Aegean Prehistory c. 1450-1380 B.C..
Oxford: Leopard's Head Press. 21 p.

Catling assembles evidence to support the notion that the LH IIIA1 period
involved a series of changes and developments, including certain "untoward events" in the
Aegean area. These include: innovative early palatial construction, destruction and
reconstruction at the Menelaion in Lakonia and other sites in southern and central Greece;
Mycenaean presence and/or occupation of parts of Crete and the Aegean islands; less elaborate
burial structures, such as tholoi and warrior graves; signs of a metal shortage and a decline in
metalworking skills; and a change in patterns of exchange.

305 Cline, Eric H. 1997. A wrinkle in time: orientalia and the Mycenaean
occupation(s) of Crete. In: Ancient Egypt, the Aegean, and the Near East:
Studies in Honor of Martha Rhoads Bell. J. Phillips, L. Bell and B.B. Williams,
eds. pp. 163-167. San Antonio.

Reconsideration of the traditional hypothesis for the date of the Mycenaean

invasion of Minoan Crete, based upon the evidence presented by the Egyptian and Near Eastern
imports found in Bronze Age Greece.
306 Doxey, Denise. 1987. Causes and effects of the fall of Knossos in 1375 B.C.
Oxford Journal of Archaeology 6:301-324.

Suggests that competition for control of access to copper and other commodities
from the Eastern Mediterranean may have contributed to conflict between major Mycenaean
centers, resulting in the destruction of Knossos and other important sites in LH IIIA.

307 Driessen, Jan. 1980. An Early Destruction in the Mycenaean Palace at Knossos:
A New Interpretation of the Excavation Field-Notes of the
South-East Area of the West Wing. Acta Archaeologica Lovaniensia Monographiae 2.
Leuven. 151 p.

Detailed discussion of the context of the Knossos Linear B tablets and the
architectural history of the area in which they were found; continuity in the administrative
function of the west wing implies the coexistence of Mycenaeans and Minoans during an
intermediate phase between the end of Minoan and the beginning of Mycenaean control, as well
as the adaptation of Linear A into Linear B script during the LM II period. See also 302 and 320.

308 Driessen, Jan. 1995. The palace at Knossos and its administration during LM
II-III. Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 40:244-246.

Driessen presents evidence to demonstrate the existence of public authority for

LM II-IIIA1, but not afterward, when there are clear traces of such authority elsewhere at Ayia
Triada, Tylissos and Kommos. He also discusses the kinds of evidence that could be used to
reconstruct changes and developments at Knossos during this period, including pottery,
architecture, Linear B tablets and sealings.

309 Driessen, Jan. 1998-1999. Kretes and Iawones: some observations on the
identity of Late Bronze Age Knossians. In: A-na-qo-ta: Studies Presented to
J.T. Killen. John Bennet and Jan Driessen, eds. pp. 83-105. Minos 33-34.
Salamanca: Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca.
 Driessen raises some interesting and useful questions in this paper concerning the
nature of ethnicity, the perception of ethnicity, the nature of Minoan and Mycenaean ethnicity,
the nature of the Mycenaean presence on Crete, and the textual, artistic and archaeological
evidence by which these issues can examined. He suggests that some portion of Crete was ruled
in LM II-III from Knossos by a socially distinct elite based upon certain linguistic, religious,
social, political and economic criteria, comprised both of Mycenaean and indigenous Minoan
members. This elite may have gained power and legitimized itself though the integrative
mechanisms of military force, an effective common communication system (Linear B), religious
syncretism and possibly the establishment of large-scale economic enterprises producing for the
central authority.

310 Driessen, Jan and Alexandre Farnoux, eds. 1997. La Crète mycénienne: Actes
de la Table Ronde Internationale Organisée par l'Ecole française d'Athènes,
26-28 Mars 1991. Bulletin de Correspondence Hellénique Supplement
30. Athens: Ecole française d'Athènes.

Important recent conference concerning aspects of Mycenaean Crete. Contents

include: E. Andrikou, Thoughts and considerations on the mycenaeanisation of Crete, motivated
by pottery from Archanes (pp. 9-22); N. Cucuzza, The North Sector buildings of Hagia Triada
(pp. 72-84); K. Demakopoulou, Crete and the Argolid in the LM II/LH IIB to IIIA1 periods.
Evidence from Kokla (pp. 101-112); E.B. French, Ephyrean goblets at Knossos: the chicken or
the egg (pp. 149-152); R. Hägg, Religious syncretism at Knossos and in post-palatial Crete? (pp.
163-168); E. Hallager and M. Vlasaki, New Linear B tablets from Khania (pp. 169-174); E.
Hallager, Architecture of the LM II/III settlement in Khania (pp. 175-185); H.W. Haskell,
Mycenaeans at Knossos: patterns in the evidence (pp. 187-193); S. Hiller, Cretan sanctuaries and
Mycenaean palatial administration at Knossos (pp. 205-212); H. Kallitsaki, The Mycenaean
burial enclosure in Phourni, Archanes (pp. 213-227); A. Kanta, Late Bronze Age tholos tombs,
origins and evolution. The missing links (pp. 229-247); C.F. Macdonald, The prelude to
Mycenaean Crete (pp. 267-273); J.A. MacGillivray, The re-occupation of eastern Crete in the
Late Minoan II-IIIA1/2 periods (pp. 275-279); N. Marinatos, Minoan and Mycenaean larnakes: a
comparison (pp. 281-292); L. Preston Day, The Late Minoan IIIC period at Vronda, Kavousi
(pp. 391-406); G. Rethemiotakis, A chest-shaped vessel and other LM IIIC pottery from Kastelli
Pediada (pp. 407-421); I. Tournavitou, Arts and crafts: contrasts and comparisons between
Neopalatial and "Mycenaean" Crete. The case of ivory (pp. 445-454); L.V. Watrous and H.
Blitzer, Central Crete in Late Minoan II-IIIB1: the archaeological background of the Knossos
tablets (pp. 511-516); J. Weingarten, The sealing bureaucracy of Mycenaean Knossos: the
identification of some officials and their seals (pp. 517-535).
311 Driessen, Jan and Colin F. MacDonald. 1997. The Troubled Island: Minoan
Crete Before and After the Santorini Eruption. Aegaeum 17, Annales
d'archéologie égéenne de l'Université de Liège et UT-PASP. Liège: Université de
Liège, Histoire de l'art et archéologie de la Grèce antique/University of Texas at Austin
Program in Aegean Scripts and Prehistory. 284 p.

Detailed examination of the Late Minoan I period on Crete (c. 1600-1425 B.C.),
including discussion of chronology and terminology, the nature of Neopalatial settlements,
patterns of change in LM I, the Santorini eruption and the final destruction in LM IB. The
authors advance the hypothesis that a devastating earthquake, followed by the volcanic eruption
on Thera, led to social and economic changes which precipitated the decline of Minoan
civilization and that it was at this time that the expanding Mycenaean civilization began to
increase its influence and control over the island, filling the power vacuum thus created. The
remaining half of the book is comprised of an extensive gazetteer of Neopalatial sites on Crete
and the southern Aegean islands describing architectural changes indicating economic and socio-
political developments.

312 Haskell, Halford W. 1989. LM III Knossos: evidence beyond the palace.
Studi Micenei ed Egeo-Anatolici 27:81-110.

Given the difficulty of evaluating stratigraphic evidence from LM III Knossos

itself, Haskell proposes looking at evidence outside the palace, including settlement patterns,
pottery, trade, architecture, burial customs and weapons; this evidence suggests two points in
time which are characterized by significant change: the beginning of LM II and LM III; he
associates Mycenaean control of the palace with the former period and the final destruction of
the palace with the latter.

313 Hood, Sinclair. 1965. "Last palace" and "reoccupation" at Knossos. Kadmos
4:16-44.

Rejects the hypothesis of reoccupation of the palace of Knossos after its final
destruction on the grounds that there is a lack of convincing stratigraphic evidence and states that
pottery assigned to the reoccupation phase belongs, along with the Linear B tablets, to the last
phase of occupation of the palace. See also 314.
314 Hood, Sinclair. 1973. The destruction of Crete c. 1450 B.C. Bulletin of the
Institute of Classical Studies 20:151-153

Noting subsequent cultural changes in architecture and burial practices, Hood

asserts that the destruction horizon in Crete of LM IB (c. 1450 B.C.) was due to invasion from
mainland Greece, rather than earthquakes or the eruption of the Thera volcano. See also 305 and
313.

315 Hopkins, Clark. 1970. The second Late Helladic period. Studi Miceni ed
Egeo-Anatolici 12:58-67.

Reconstructs events and developments in the 15th century B.C., emphasizing the
role of Mycenaean dominance in the Aegean, as opposed to earlier ideas of Minoan supremacy
in this period.

316 Niemeier, Wolf-Dietrich. 1984. The end of the Minoan thalassocracy. In: The
Minoan Thalassocracy: Myth and Reality: Proceedings of the Third
International Symposium at the Swedish Institute in Athens, 31 May-5 June,
1982. Robin Hägg and Nanno Marinatos, eds. pp. 205-215. Skrifter
utgivna av Svenska institutet i Athen, Series 4, No. 32. Stockholm.

Niemeier proposes the following sequence of historical events: 1) earthquakes and

internal conflicts in LM IB/II lead to domination of Crete by Knossos; 2) Mycenaeans
subsequently exploit Minoan weakness by occupying sites in the Cyclades; 3) continued
Mycenaean expansion into Crete and the Eastern Aegean in LM/LH IIIA1/2.
317 Shelmerdine, Cynthia W. 1997. Review of Aegean Prehistory VI: The
palatial Bronze Age of the southern and central Greek mainland. American
Journal of Archaeology 101:537-585.

Focuses on the Late Bronze Age in southern and central Greece, with emphasis on
current scholarly views about Mycenaean culture in the palatial age, i.e. LH IIIA-B (14th and 13th
centuries B.C.). Topics include chronology, work at palatial centers and other sites, regional
surveys and settlement patterns, technological advances, ceramic studies, the development of
Mycenaean states (construction of administrative building complexes, the development of
writing, complexity of social ranking and trade in prestige goods), new inscriptions, political
organization, economic administration (animal husbandry and agricultural production, taxation
and industries), religion and destructions.

318 Sperling, Jerome. 1991. The last phase of Troy VI and Mycenaean expansion.
In: Studia Troica, Vol. 1. pp. 155-158. Mainz am Rhein: Verlag Philipp von
Zabern.

Sperling draws upon evidence from recent excavations to suggest that remains of
a settlement and burials at Besik Bay, nearby and contemporary with Troy VI, may have been
occupied by Mycenaeans during the phase of expansion c. 1300-1250 B.C. Although Troy VIh
appears to have been destroyed by an earthquake, these Mycenaeans may have also played a role
in the destruction of the city.

319 Voutsaki, Sofia. 1998. Mortuary evidence, symbolic meanings and social
change: a comparison between Messenia and the Argolid in the Mycenaean
period. In: Cemetery and Society in the Aegean Bronze Age. Keith
Branigan, ed. pp. 41-58. Sheffield Studies in Aegean Archaeology, 1. Sheffield:
Sheffield Academic Press.

Asserting that we cannot understand mortuary practices without placing them within
their appropriate cultural, social and symbolic contexts, Voutsaki approaches the transformation
of Greek mainland society at the end of the MBA and the later emergence of palatial society
through the examination of developments in the Argolid and Messenia. She argues that the
appearance and evolution of the shaft grave and tholos tomb, extramural burial, and increasingly
elaborate funereal structures, rites and grave goods were responsible in part for creating a new
social and symbolic reality. This transformation, from a basically egalitarian, kinship-based
society to a stratified state society, stimulated in part by contact with Minoan Crete, resulted in
the redefinition of individual and collective identity.

320 Younger, John G. 2000. The Spectacle-Eyes Group: continuity and innovation
for the first Mycenaean administration at Knossos. In: Minoisch-
Mykenische Glytik: Stil, Ikonographie, Funktion. V. Internalen Siegel-
Symposium, Marburg, 23.-25. September 1999. Walter Müller, ed. pp. 347-360. Corpus
der Minoischen und Mykenischen Siegel, Beiheft 6. Berlin: Gebr. Mann
Verlag.

Younger describes, illustrates and discusses this large group of almost 300 seals which he
asserts were produced and primarily used at Knossos principally during LM IIIA1 and which are
characterized by the distinctive manner in which the eyes of men and animals are created. He
suggests that the makers of these seals self-consciously designed a group which would display
continuity of rule with different offices and personnel, i.e. a Mycenaean administration. Thus
continuity in motifs, shapes and materials combined with innovations in materials such as lapis
lacedemonius and hematite and motifs such as bull-vaulting and men-monsters was meant to
inaugurate the earliest Mycenaean administration at Knossos by signaling a new and different
situation. Includes appendices listing dated contexts and provenience and a catalogue of all seals
in this group. See also 302 and 307.

Decline and Collapse

321 Ålin, Per. 1977. Mycenaean decline--some problems and thoughts. In: Greece
and the Eastern Mediterranean in Ancient History and Prehistory: Studies
Presented to Fritz Schachermeyr on the Occasion of his Eightieth Birthday.
K.H. Kinzl, ed. pp. 31-39. Berlin: Walter de Gruyter.

After reviewing matters of chronology and evidence of destruction, Ålin comes to

the following tentative conclusions: accurate reconstruction of events requires that destruction
and rebuilding of palaces be related to a wider regional settlement context; the process of decline
begins in LH IIIB, with destructions throughout the period, culminating in the final destruction
of most of the palaces by external forces at the end of LH IIIB, with the end of Mycenaean
civilization coming later, in LH IIIC.

322 Åström, Paul. 1992. Continuity, discontinuity, catastrophe, nucleation: some

remarks on terminology. In: The Crisis Years: The 12th Century B.C. From
Beyond the Danube to the Tigris. William A. Ward and Martha Sharp
Joukowsky, eds. pp. 27-30. Dubuque: Kendall/Hunt Publishing Company.

See also 323.

323 Åström, Paul. 1998. Continuity or discontinuity? Indigenous and foreign

elements in Cyprus around 1200 BCE. In: Mediterranean Peoples in Transition,
Thirteenth to Early Tenth Centuries BCE. Seymour Gitin, Amihai Mazar and
Ephriam Stern, eds. pp. 80-86. Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society.

In considering this issue, Åström briefly reviews evidence for novelties and
indigenous and foreign features on Cyprus around 1200 B.C. He argues that destructions at this
time meant abrupt changes for those who fled their homes, but some of the novelties had been
introduced before the catastrophes and some traditions continued. Afterward a specific uniform
Cypriot culture emerged in the 11th century which blended Aegean, Syro-Palestinian and
Cypriot elements. See also 322, 348-351, and 357.

324 Betancourt, Philip P. 1976. The end of the Greek Bronze Age. Antiquity
50:40-47.

After reviewing various hypotheses concerning the collapse of Mycenaean

civilization, Betancourt opts for a multicausal explanation focusing upon the Mycenaean
economy; he suggests that three systemic features of the Mycenaean economy--a population in
excess of environmental carrying capacity, the reliance on a central bureaucracy and an
overspecialization in certain crops, such as grains--may have made the Mycenaean system
vulnerable to short-term economic depression or other disturbances.

325 Betancourt, Philip P. 2000. The Aegean and the origin of the Sea Peoples. In:
The Sea Peoples and their World: A Reassessment. Eliezer D. Oren, ed. pp.
297-303. University Museum Monograph 108, University Museum
Symposium Series 11. Philadelphia: The University Museum, University of
Philadelphia.

326 Borgna, Elisabetta. 1997. Kitchen-ware from LM IIIC Phaistos: cooking

traditions and ritual activities in LBA Cretan societies. Studi Micenei ed
Egeo-Anatolici 39:189-217.

Borgna describes, illustrates and discusses kitchenware from the “Casa a ovest del
Piazzale I” at LH IIIC Phaistos, which according to her represents considerable variability either
as a consequence of complexity and specialization of cooking functions and the social
organization of kitchen activities derived from Minoan tradition or possibly as a decrease in
standardization or centralized production. In general, the globular tripod pot with a round bottom
seems to be associated with Mycenaean tradition, suited primarily to utilitarian functions and a
diet based on boiled food for domestic consumption, while the open cylindrical pot—an
exclusive Minoan—production—appears to be strongly influenced by ideological constraints
which favored its continued production and use. In Crete limited evidence of pots suitable for
slow-boiling cooking processes is outweighed by more substantial evidence of ovens and vessels
related to baking practices, which were probably more suited to Minoan ritual use and domestic
consumption. It would thus appear that a strong increase in ideological behavior and ritualized
social practices affected food and drink consumption in post-palatial societies on both Crete and
the Greek mainland. See also 340 and 347.

327 Buck, Robert J. 1969. The Mycenaean time of troubles. Historia

18:276-298.

Buck looks at evidence from later Greek tradition, such as the Dorian invasion,
the return of the Heraklids, the aftermath of the Trojan War and mentions of invasions by
Thracians or Illyrians; by combining these traditional legends with archaeological evidence, he
proposes a historical reconstruction of events at the end of the Late Bronze Age and the Early
Iron Age.
328 Cartledge, P.A. 1992. Early Lacedaimon: the making of a conquest-state. In:
PHILOLAKON: Lakonian Studies in Honour of Hector Catling. Jan Motyka
Sanders, ed. pp. 49-55. London: The British School at Athens.

Evidence from the ceramic assemblage at Amyklai and changes in settlement

pattern in Lakonia support a hypothesis of cultural discontinuity at the end of the Mycenaean
period and the beginning of the Dark Age. Cartledge suggests that this evidence, in addition to
linguistic evidence and Spartan tradition, is not inconsistent with legends of the return of the
Heraklidae and the arrival of the Dorians. He further suggests that the establishment of cult
worship Apollo at Amyklai, Ortheia at Limnai, Athena Poliakhos at Sparta and Menelaos and
Helen at the Menelaion reflect a process of accommodation and assimilation of the Dorian
Spartans and the remains of the indigenous post-Mycenaean population at this time.

329 Deger-Jalkotzy, Sigrid. 1977. Fremde Zuwanderer im Spätmykenische

Griechenland: zu eine Gruppe Handgemachten Keramik aus dem
Mykenischen IIIC Siedlungsschichten von Aigeira. Österreichische Akademie der
Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-Historisch Klasse, Sitzungsberichte 326. Vienna:
Verlag der Österreichen Akademie der Wissenschaft. 89 p.

Examines the possibility of foreign immigrants in Greece at the end of the Late
Bronze Age; the presence of hand-made non-Mycenaean pottery during the LH IIIC period at the
site of Aegeira in Achaia suggests the infiltration and settlement of groups from the north; after a
brief description of Aegeira and this handmade pottery, the author looks at comparative ceramic
material both within and outside Greece, finding the closest parallels in the Urnfield cultures of
southeastern and Central Europe. See also 330.

330 Deger-Jalkotzy, Sigrid. 1991. Zum verlauf der periode SH IIIC in Achaia. In:
Archaia Achaia kai Eleia: Anakoinoseis kata to Proto Diethnes Symposio,
Athina, 19-21 Maiou 1989. A.D. Rizakis, ed. pp. 19-29. Kentron Ellenikis
kai Romaikis Archaiotitos, Ethnikon Idryma Erevnon, Meletimata 13. Athens.
 Drawing upon recent evidence from the excavation of the site of Aigeira and
comparing its LH IIIC pottery to the well-stratified contemporary material from Tiryns, the
author attempts to reconstruct and characterize the LH IIIC period in Achaia with special
reference to three aspects: 1) the alleged arrival of refugees in early LH IIIC; 2) the prosperity of
Achaia during the later LH IIIC period; 3) the end of Mycenaean Achaia and the transition to the
Early Iron Age. See also 329.

331 Deger-Jalkotzy, Sigrid. 1998. The Last Mycenaeans and their Successors
updated. In: Mediterranean Peoples in Transition, Thirteenth to Early
Tenth Centuries BCE. Seymour Gitin, Amihai Mazar and Ephriam Stern,
eds. pp. 114-128. Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society.

Draws upon excavations and archaeological research of the last twenty years to
amend and supplement Desborough's picture of the LH IIIC period. She focuses particularly
upon the LH IIIC Middle phase, which witnessed the last flowering of Mycenaean civilization
and which gave momentum to the cultural, social and political processes during the period of
transition to the Early Iron Age, discussing a number of related issues, including aspects of
chronology, 12th and 11the century and its relationship to the Aegean, the meaning of the term
"Submycenaean," and Mycenaean survivals in the culture of 1st-millenium Greece. See also 333,
334, 344 and 363.

332 Deger-Jalkotzy, Sigrid. 1998. The Aegean islands and the breakdown of the
Mycenaean palaces. In: Eastern Mediterranean: Cyprus- Dodecanese-Crete
16th-6th cent. B.C. Proceedings of the International Symposium.
Rethymnon 13-16 May 1997. Vassos Karageorghis and Nikolaos Stampolidis, eds. pp.
105-120. Athens: University of Crete and the A.G. Leventis Foundation.

333 Desborough, Vincent Robin d'Arba. 1964. The Last Mycenaeans and their
Successors: An Archaeological Survey c. 1200-1000 B.C.
Oxford: Clarendon Press. 289 p.
 Still the best single in-depth treatment of this period, although subsequent
discoveries have modified specific aspects. Desborough aims in this work to examine the
breakdown of Mycenaean civilization, the subsequent survival of Mycenaean communities and
culture, the extent to which non-Mycenaean elements appeared and the circumstances under
which Greece and the Aegean returned to conditions of relative normality. In doing so, he first
discusses LH IIIB and IIIC pottery, then various types of non-ceramic evidence; he then
discusses each region in considerable detail before offering a summary in which offers a
hypothetical historical reconstruction of events. See also 331, 334 and 344 and 363.

334 Desborough, V.R.d'A. 1965. The Greek mainland c. 1150-c. 1000 B.C.
Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 31:213-228.

Reviews the relative significance of surviving Mycenaean and intrusive elements

at the end of the Late Bronze Age, including settlements, burials, pottery and other artifacts,
finding evidence at this time of a non-Mycenaean element originating in northwestern Greece.
See also 331, 333 and 344.

335 Desborough, Vincent Robin D'Arba. 1975. The end of Mycenaean civilization
and the Dark Age: the archaeological background. In: The Middle East and
the Aegean Region c. 1380-1000 B.C. I.E.S. Edwards, C.J. Gadd,
N.G.L. Hammond and E. Sollberger, eds. pp. 658-677. The Cambridge Ancient
History 2, pt. 2. Cambridge, Eng.: Cambridge University Press.

Summarizes events and processes occurring during the 13th century B.C. (LH
IIIC), including various destructions, population movements and cultural developments; also
includes a brief discussion of the Protogeometric period.

336 Dothan, Trude. 1998. Initial Philistine settlement: from migration to

coexistence. In: Mediterranean Peoples in Transition, Thirteenth to Early
Tenth Centuries BCE. Seymour Gitin, Amihai Mazar and Ephriam Stern,
eds. pp. 148-161. Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society.
 In her discussion of initial Philistine settlement, based largely upon and illustrated
with evidence from her excavations at Tel Miqne-Ekron, Dothan emphasizes the Mycenaean
elements in the material culture of the original settlers, particularly pottery, metallurgy and
architecture. See also 337 and 356.

337 Dothan, Trude. 2000. Reflections on the initial phase of Philistine settlement.
In: The Sea Peoples and their World: A Reassessment. Eliezer D. Oren,
ed. pp. 297- 303. University Museum Monograph 108, University
Museum Symposium Series 11. Philadelphia: The University Museum,
University of Philadelphia.

See also 336 and 356.

338 Drews, Robert. 1993. The End of the Bronze Age: Changes in Warfare and the
Catastrophe ca. 1200 B.C. Princeton: Princeton University Press. 252 p.

After examining evidence for destruction at the end of the Bronze Age in Anatolia,
Cyprus, Syria, the southern Levant, Mesopotamia, Egypt, Greece, Crete and the Aegean, Drews
discusses and evaluates a number of explanations for this catastrophic destruction, including
earthquakes, migrations, drought, raiders and systems collapse. He then advances and argues for
his own explanation, a radical innovation in which chariots--which had heretofore dominated
military conflicts--were neutralized and defeated by weapons and guerilla tactics used by and
borrowed from Abarbarians@ from marginal territories. See also 341 and 360.

339 French, Elizabeth B. 1998. The ups and downs of Mycenae: 1250-1150 BCE.
In: Mediterranean Peoples in Transition, Thirteenth to Early Tenth Centuries
BCE. Seymour Gitin, Amihai Mazar and Ephriam Stern, eds. pp. 2-5.
Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society.
 Examines recent information about and interpretations of the two destructions at
Mycenae in the second half of the 13th century B.C. and outlines materials at the site which can
be associated with them, particularly in regard to the extent to which they disrupted the
continuity and prosperity of the Mycenaean mainland at the start of the 12th century. Materials
associated with the stratigraphic record and the problems arising from them relevant to the
Eastern Mediterranean are also discussed. French emphasizes two points about the pottery from
this period: the early phases of LH IIIC on the mainland show a long, slow return to decorative
elaboration; and this elaboration does not arrive fully fledged, but emerges gradually by stages
that can be clearly traced. Thus, there is some likelihood that a source outside the Aegean may be
the origin of both Philistine and mainland styles.

340 Godart, L. and I. Tzedakis. 1991. La Crete du Minoen Récent III B a l'epoque
geometrique. In: La Transizione dal Miceneo all'Alto Arcaismo: dal palazzo
alla citta. Atti del Convegno Internazionale Roma, 14-19 marzo 1988. D.
Musti et al., eds. pp. 187-195. Rome: Consiglio Nazionale delle Ricerche.

Discusses change and continuity on Crete during three periods: the Mycenaean
palatial period, focusing on the sites of Knossos and Khania; the postpalatial period; and the
Geometric period. See also 326 and 347.

341 Greenhalgh, P.A.L. 1978. How are the mighty fallen? Acta Classica
21:1-38.

A good discussion of evidence for the end of Mycenaean civilization, including

an analysis of archaeological evidence for destruction and continuity of the major centers of
power on mainland Greece c. 1200 B.C., examination of contemporary Near Eastern texts and an
analysis of linguistic developments and literary tradition. The author does not accept the notion
of a Mycenaean empire, suggesting that internecine warfare and formalized and antiquated
methods of fighting left the Mycenaeans vulnerable to outside attack from the Dorians, who
came from northwestern Greece as part of a chain-reaction movement of peoples, including the
Thessaloi and Boiotoi, and ultimately destroyed the major Mycenaean centers of power. See also
338.
342 Holloway, R. Ross. 1992. Italy and the Central Mediterranean in the crisis
years. In: The Crisis Years: The 12th Century B.C. From Beyond the Danube
to the Tigris. William A. Ward and Martha Sharp Joukowsky, eds. pp. 40-45.
Dubuque: Kendall/Hunt Publishing Company.

Recent archaeological work demonstrates that this area was within the Eastern
Mediterranean orbit during the 12th century B.C. Commercial contact began as early as the 17th
century, with ample evidence of Mycenaean and Cypriot imports. Metallurgy and the faience
industry were eastern imports and workshops producing Mycenaean pottery are known at several
Italian sites.

343 Hood, Sinclair. 1972. Arguments for the arrival of the first non-Dorian
Greeks in southern Greece c. 1200 B.C. In: Acta of the Second International
Colloquium on Aegean Prehistory: The First Arrival of Indo European
Elements in Greece. pp. 62-71. Athens.

Argues, based upon archaeological evidence (changes in burial customs,

appearance of hand-made pottery, changes in dress and the introduction of new, simpler house
forms) and anthropological evidence (skeletal remains and the depictions of Mycenaeans and
later Greeks) that ancestors of non-Dorian Greeks were responsible for the destructions of LH
IIIB and IIIC, and were followed by the migration of Dorians 100 years later. See also 345.

344 Hood, M.S.F. 1983. Northern "barbaric" elements in early Greek civilization
c. 1200 - 500 B.C. In: Concilium Eirene XVI: Proceedings of the 16th
International Eirene Conference, Prague 31.8. - 4.9. 1982, vol. 3. Pavel Oliva
and Alena Frolikova, eds. pp. 98-103. Prague: Kabinet pro studia recka,
rimska a latinska CSAV.

Cites evidence for northern elements introduced into Greece at the end of the Late
Bronze Age, including: primitive hand-made pottery; burial in single graves rather than multiple
inhumation; the reappearance of apsidal structures; new types of bronze tools and weapons; long
pins as part of women's dress; new types of whorls and loomweights; a shift from dairy farming
with sheep and goats to cattle raising. See also 331, 334, 344 and 363.
345 Hooker, James T. 1976. The coming of the Greeks. Historia 25:129-145.

After examining linguistic and archaeological evidence in support of the

hypothesis that the Greeks did not arrive until the end of the Late Bronze Age, Hooker concludes
that the hypothesis is incorrect. See also 343.

346 Iakovidis, Spyros E. 1993. The impact of trade disruption on the Mycenaean
economy in the 13th-12th centuries B.C.E. In Biblical Archaeology Today,
1990: Proceedings of the Second International Congress on Biblical
Archaeology, Jerusalem, June-July 1990. Avraham Biran and Joseph Aviram, eds.
pp. 314-320. Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society.

Iakovidis suggests that the destruction of major centers in the Levant by Sea
Peoples indirectly led to the decline and collapse of highly-centralized Mycenaean states due to
the cessation of trade upon which they depended. The loss of both imports and markets for
exports disrupted their system of commercial and economic planning on a large scale may have
led to their loss of wealth, power, control and authority, leading to the break-up of the
Mycenaean koine and increased decentralization, and ultimately the disappearance of
Mycenaean civilization. See also 353, 357, 361, 365 and 373.

347 Kanta, Athanasia. 1980. The Late Minoan III Period in Crete: A Survey of
Sites, Pottery and their Distribution. Studies in Mediterranean
Archaeology 58. Göteborg: Paul Åströms Förlag. 383 p.

Part I comprises a description, listing and discussion of all known LM III sites
organized by region (East, Central and West). Part II discusses the decoration and evolution of
LM III pottery, regional variations, trade and Minoan influence on the Mycenaean world. Part III
includes the following conclusions: 1) there is evidence of constant communication between
Crete and the mainland, even after the fall of Knossos, channeled through certain prominent
settlements, such as Khania; 2) the control exercised by Knossos during this period was probably
limited to central Crete; 3) the final destruction of Knossos was probably due to a local uprising;
4) Mycenaeans seem to have been almost fully assimilated into the local population; 5) the LM
III period in Crete was generally a prosperous one. See also 326 and 340.

348 Karageorghis, Vassos. 1982. Cyprus between the Orient and the Occident in
the eleventh century B.C. In: Archeologie au Levant: Recueil à la memoire
de Roger Saidah. pp. 173-178. Collection de la Maison de l'Orient
Mediterraneen, 16. Lyon: Maison de l'Orient.

Summarizes cultural and historical developments on Cyprus during the transition

from the Late Bronze Age to the Iron Age; this period is characterized by continuation and
consolidation of Mycenaean colonization; unlike elsewhere in the Aegean, particularly the Greek
mainland, material evidence suggests that this period was largely a prosperous one on Cyprus.
See also 323, 349-351 and 357.

349 Karageorghis, Vassos. 1987. Western Cyprus at the close of the Bronze Age. In:
Western Cyprus: Connections. David W. Rupp, ed. pp. 115-124. Studies in
Mediterranean Archaeology 77. Göteborg: Paul Åströms Förlag.

The introduction of large quantities of LH IIIC1 pottery in western Cyprus

suggests a massive emigration, possibly following a series of destructions, from mainland Greece
at this time; these immigrants, who arrived soon after 1200 B.C., destroyed and subsequently
rebuilt a number of sites, eventually becoming assimilated into the indigenous population; in
addition to LH IIIC1 pottery, hand-made burnished ware also appears at the same time. See also
323, 348, 350, 351 and 357.

350 Karageorghis, Vassos. 1990. The End of the Late Bronze Age in Cyprus.
Nicosia: Pierides Foundation. 36 p.
 Summarizes data concerning twelve sites established, occupied, abandoned and/or
destroyed between 1300 and 1050 B.C. (LC IIC-IIIB). The author notes that a number of newly
established sites in the LC IIC and IIIA periods are either associated with metal-working or are
heavily fortified. Other new developments during this time include ashlar masonry, cyclopean
walls, large rooms with hearths, handmade burnished pottery and evidence of Mycenaean
influence and/or presence, including LH IIIC:1b pottery and bronze fibulae and weapons.
Karageorghis proposes the following historical reconstruction: immigration of Mycenaeans,
possibly fleeing destructions on the mainland, to Cyprus during the 12th century, leading to
uneasy coexistence and eventually conflict between local and intrusive population elements,
resulting in the establishment of Mycenaean control in LC IIIB (c. 1100 B.C.) and further
immigration from the mainland, culminating in a period of prosperity continuing into the next
century. See also 323, 348, 349, 351, and 357.

351 Karageorghis, Vassos. 1992. The crisis years: Cyprus. In: The Crisis Years: The
12th Century B.C. From Beyond the Danube to the Tigris. William A.
Ward and Martha Sharp Joukowsky, eds. pp. 79-86. Dubuque:
Kendall/Hunt Publishing Company.

Discusses the profound changes occurring on the island shortly before and after 1200
B.C., including the destruction, abandonment and rebuilding of already-established towns and
the appearance of novelties in religious, domestic and military architecture, weaponry and
objects of everyday use. These changes, which should be associated with the Aegean world,
affected various parts of the island in different ways and at different times and herald the
Achaian/Mycenaean colonization of Cyprus, a phenomenon which is apparent from
archaeological and linguistic evidence only from the 11th century B.C. See also 323, 348-350,
and 357.

352 Karageorghis, Vassos and Christine E. Morris, eds. 2001. Defensive Settlements
in the Aegean and the Eastern Mediterranean after c. 1200 B.C. Proceedings of
an International Workshop held at Trinity College Dublin, 7th- 9th May 1999.
Nicosia: Trinity College Dublin and the Anastasios G. Leventis Foundation.
259 p.

Focuses on defensible fortified settlements forming part of the new geopolitical

landscape of the post-collapse Bronze Age in Italy, Greece, the Cyclades, Crete, Cyprus and
Israel. See also 359.
353 Lehmann, G.A. 1985. Die mykenisch-frühgriechische Welt und
der östliche Mittelmeerraum in der Zeit der "Seevölker"-Invasion um v.
Chr. Rheinisch-Westfälische Akademie der Wissenschaften,
Vorträge 276. Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag. 74 p.

A discussion of the Sea Peoples and the Mycenaean world at the end of the Late
Bronze age including the following topics: destruction and disruption in mainland Greece,
Egyptian and Hittite texts relating to the Sea Peoples; movements of the Sea Peoples; possible
places of origin of the Sea Peoples; and Egyptian battles with the Sea Peoples. See also 346, 357,
361 and 365.

354 Lewartowski, Kazimierz. 1989. The Decline of Mycenaean Civilization: An

Archaeological Study of Events in the Greek Mainland. Archiwum
Filologiczne 43. Wroclaw: Polska Akademia Nauk Komitet Nauk o Kulturze
Antycznej. 231 p.

This recent work summarizes and reviews evidence concerning the decline and
collapse of Mycenaean civilization; the author begins with a thorough examination of settlement
data by region, followed by the consideration of changes in material culture and art (pottery,
jewelry, weapons); he then summarizes developments from c. 1300 to 1000 B.C. and reviews
various explanatory hypotheses; includes maps, tables and figures showing changes in settlement
patterns.

355 MacDonald, Colin F. 1986. Problems of the twelfth century B.C. in the
Dodecanese. Annual of the British School at Athens 81:125-151.

Analysis of burials on the islands of Rhodes, Kos and Kalymnos gives evidence
of increased maritime trade and prosperity in the 12th century B.C., but with considerable
regional variation due to the relative isolation of each island from the other; the perception of a
rapid population increase on Rhodes at this time may be due to the increased prosperity of the
site of Ialysos and a concommitant concentration of the population at major sites.
356 Margalith, Othniel. 1995. Where did the Philistines come from? Zeitschrift
für die Alttestamentliche Wissenschaft 107:101-109.

Argues, primarily on the basis of linguistic, archaeological and historical

evidence, that the Peleset came from Pylos. See also 336 and 337.

357 Muhly, J.D. 1984. The role of the Sea Peoples in Cyprus during the LC III
period. In: Cyprus at the Close of the Late Bronze Age. Vassos
Karageorghis and James D. Muhly, eds. pp. 39-56. Nicosia: A.G. Leventis Foundation.

Reviews, summarizes and evaluates archaeological evidence concerning events at

the end of the Late Bronze Age in the Aegean, and specifically in Cyprus; Muhly concludes that
rather than two waves of destruction, there was only one, at the end of Late Cypriot IIC, and that
this destruction was caused by related groups of people, who might have included Achaeans, Sea
Peoples or Philistines; Muhly also emphasizes the complexity of the archaeological record and
the difficulties in using it to develop a historical record. See also 323, 346, 348-351, 353, 361
and 365.

358 Muhly, J.D. 1992. The crisis years in the Mediterranean world: transition or
cultural disintegration? In: The Crisis Years: The 12th Century B.C. From
Beyond the Danube to the Tigris. William A. Ward and Martha Sharp
Joukowsky, eds. pp. 10-26. Dubuque: Kendall/Hunt Publishing Company.

Drawing upon recent research and scholarship, Muhly gives a good summary and
discussion of current interpretations of a number of issues associated with the end of the Late
Bronze Age, including the nature of the Dark Age, aspects of change and continuity, the nature
and causes of destructions, the movement of peoples and the Trojan War. He argues that the
most important element is not the invasions and destructions, but what happened after them, how
the peoples of the Eastern Mediterranean responded to the disasters of the 12th century, and how
the decline of international trade stimulated subsequent creative economic and political
developments. Thus the crisis of the 12th century was in fact a response to the events of the
preceding century. Rather than a world of sea raiders, pirates and freebooting merchants, the
Eastern Mediterranean 12th century was a world of enterprising merchants and traders exploiting
new economic opportunities, new markets and new sources of raw materials, a world taking the
first tentative steps toward the Greek and Phoenician expansion of the later Orientalizing period.

359 Nowicki, Krzystof. 1997-1998. From Minoan to dark age Crete: archaeological
evidence and historical reconstruction. Bulletin of the Institute of Classical
Studies 42:217-218.

According to Nowicki, the end of Mycenaean civilization on Crete in the second

half of the 13th century B.C. is characterized by considerable changes in settlement patterns, with
much population movement, mostly into defensible sites in the mountains, some of which were
quite large in area. LM IIIA1/2, under Mycenaean domination, was peaceful and prosperous.
However, occupation of coastal plains in Late LM IIIB was either very restricted or very
unstable, and most sites were abandoned toward the end of the 13th century. Nowicki therefore
believes that the primary threat to security at this time must have come from the sea. See also
352.

360 Nur, Amos and Eric H. Cline. 2000. Poseidon=s horses: plate tectonics and
earthquake storms in the Late Bronze Age Aegean and Eastern Mediterranean.
Journal of Archaeological Science 27:43-63.

A new study of earthquakes in the Aegean and Eastern Mediterranean during the
20th century using data recorded since the invention of seismic tracking devices reveals that the
area is cris-crossed by major fault lines and temblors of 6.5 magnitude occur frequently.
Moreover, such earthquakes often occur in groups, known as Asequences@ or Astorms,@ in which
one large earthquake is followed by others within a few years, if not months or days. A map of
such 20th-century occurrences shows that virtually all sites listed, mapped by Robert Drews in
The End of the Bronze Age lie within this zone. Thus an Aearthquake storm@ may have occurred
between 1225 and 1175 B.C., interacting with other forces c. 1200 B.C. Also includes specific
description and destruction of damage at Mycenae, Tiryns, Midea, Thebes, the Menelaion,
Kynos and Troy and other sites and a brief comparison of damage caused at contemporaneous
sites destroyed by invaders. See also 338.
361 Oren, Eliezer D., ed. 2000. The Sea Peoples and Their World: A Reassessment.
University Museum Monograph 108, University Museum Symposium
Series 11. Philadelphia: The University Museum, University of
Philadelphia.

See also 346, 353, 357 and 365.

362 Rutter, Jeremy. 1992. Cultural novelties in the post-palatial Aegean world:
indices of vitality or decline? In: The Crisis Years: The 12th Century B.C.
From Beyond the Danube to the Tigris. William A. Ward and Martha Sharp
Joukowsky, eds. pp. 61-78. Dubuque: Kendall/Hunt Publishing Company.

Despite the decisive and permanent abandonment of aspects of material culture

associated with the palatial system, the post-palatial period demonstrates considerable continuity
with the earlier period; in fact, many of the cultural features usually associated with LH IIIC
were introduced in the later LH IIIB period during the last several generations of the palaces'
existence. What seems to have changed most noticeably are features of the economy such as the
organization of production and patterns of exchange, resulting in greater localism in some areas
of material culture and greater uniformity in others. Above all, there was a far simpler and less
varied array of material goods, reflecting a less complexly stratified social order. Despite some
major shifts in the distribution of people over the landscape and probably a substantial decline in
overall population, the Aegean world survived the palatial collapse of c. 1200 B.C. reasonably
well. It was a series of poorly understood events a little over a century later which led to the
rapid decline and extinction of Mycenaean culture. See also 323.

363 Sandars, Nancy K. 1964. The last Mycenaeans and the European Late Bronze
Age (Antiquity 38:258-262.

Discusses several aspects of the collapse of Mycenaean civilization related to

Bronze Age cultures of Europe. See also 331, 334, 344, 364 and 366.
364 Sandars, Nancy K. 1971. From Bronze Age to Iron Age: a sequel to a sequel.
In: The European Community in Later Prehistory: Studies in Honour of
C.F.C. Hawkes. John Boardman, M.A. Brown and T.G.E. Powell, eds. pp.
1-30. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul.

Attempts to reconstruct events and processes occurring at the end of the Late
Bronze Age by covering in some detail the following aspects: chronology of the LH III period in
Greece and the Eastern Mediterranean, correlations between this chronology and that of Europe
during the same period, material evidence for contact and trade between the two areas and
indications of massive movements of a variety of peoples throughout both areas at the end of the
Late Bronze Age; a good summary of a very complex sequence of events. See also 363 and 366.

365 Sandars, Nancy K. 1978. The Sea Peoples: Warriors of the Ancient
Mediterranean, 1250-1150 BC. London: Thames and Hudson. 224 p.

Sandars offers a vivid picture of the economic travail, political conflict and social
unrest at the end of the Late Bronze Age; after describing the situation in the Aegean and the
Eastern Mediterranean and in the 13th century B.C., she describes and discusses in some detail
the movement of peoples and the destructions wrought during the 12th century, including those
in Greece. See also 346, 353, 357 and 361.

366 Sandars, Nancy K. 1983. North and south at the end of the Mycenaean age:
aspects of an old problem. Oxford Journal of Archaeology 2:43-68.

Believing that external factors may have played a significant role in the collapse
of Mycenaean civilization, Sandars approaches the problem from the perspective of social and
technological change in Danubian Europe and the Balkans, focusing upon changes in military
technology and organization; she concludes by examining and evaluating a number of possible
invasion models, several of which are based on various historical analogies. See also 363 and
364.
367 Sarkady, Janos. 1975. Outlines of the development of Greek society in
the period between the 12th and 8th centuries B.C. Acta Antiqua
Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 23:107-125.

Marxist description and analysis of social and economic aspects of Mycenaean

society; Sarkady then discusses its collapse and subsequent transformation during the ensuing
Dark Age.

368 Schachermeyr, Fritz. 1982. Die Agäische Frühzeit: die Ausgrabungen und
ihre Ergebnisse für unser Geschichtsbild. 5. Band: Die Levante im
Zeitalter der Wanderungen vom 13. bis zum 11. Jahrhundeert v.
Chr. Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften
Philosophisch-Historisch Klasse, Sitzungsberichte 387. Vienna: Verlag der
Österreichen Akademie der Wissenschaften. 330 p.

Discusses cultural and historical developments in the Eastern Mediterranean area

in the 13th and 12th centuries B.C.; includes contacts and relationships between Mycenaeans,
Hittites, the Sea Peoples and other local cultures in Anatolia, the Levant and Cyprus.

369 Schilardi, Demetrius U. 1992. Paros and the Cyclades after the fall of the
Mycenaean palaces. In: Mykenäika: Actes du IX Colloque international sur
les textes mycéniens et égéens organise par le Centre de l'Antiquite Grecque
et Romaine de la Fondation Héllenique des Recherches Scientifiques et l'École
française d'Athènes (Athènes, 2-6 octobre 1990). Jean-Pierre Olivier, ed. pp. 621-639.
Bulletin de Correspondence Hellénique Supplement 25. Paris: Diffusion de
Boccard.

Summarizes historical events and cultural transformations affecting the Cycladic

islands in the 12th century B.C. Asserts that the destruction of the mainland palaces caused a
disruption in commercial relations and a massive exodus to the Aegean by the Mycenaean elite,
leading to the establishment of local kingdoms. Describes the site of Koukounaries on the island
of Paros, characterized as a heavily fortified citadel including a large complex of rooms--the
Mansion--which contained workshops and storage facilities and served as the center of a
flourishing commercial trade; the site was violently destroyed toward the end of the LH IIIC
period. It appears, however, that remnants of the Mycenaean population on Paros and other main
Cycladic islands such as Kea, Melos, Naxos and Delos continued to exist into the Dark Ages,
reflecting a continuity of occupation from the beginning of LH IIIC.

370 Stiebing, William. 1980. The end of the Mycenaean age. Biblical
Archaeologist 43:7-21.

A popular discussion of the collapse of Mycenaean civilization; reviews,

discusses and evaluates various hypotheses.

371 Stubbings, Frank H. 1975. The recession of Mycenaean civilization. In: The
Middle East and the Aegean Region c. 1380-1000 B.C. I.E.S. Edwards, C.J.
Gadd, N.G.L. Hammond and E. Sollberger, eds. pp. 338-358. The
Cambridge Ancient History 2, pt. 2. Cambridge, Eng.: Cambridge University
Press.

Summarizes and discusses developments during the late LH IIIB and LH IIIC
periods, including various disturbances in the Eastern Mediterranean, disturbances within Greece
resulting from invasion and/or immigration and the political geography of the late Mycenaean
period as reflected in the Catalogue of Ships in Homer's Iliad.

372 Styrenius, Carl-Gustaf. 2001. The Submycenaean period revisited. In:

Contributions to the Archaeology and History of the Bronze and Iron Ages in the
Eastern Mediterranean. Peter M. Fischer, ed. pp. 139- 142. Österreichisches
Archäologisches Institut Sonderschiften vol. 39.

Styrenius outlines the development of research on the Submycenaean period since

he published his Submycenaean Studies in 1967. He notes that the term “Dark Age” became very
common from the beginning of the 1970’s until recently, when it has been suggested that the
term be abandoned. He likewise discusses the definition of the term “Submycenaean,” which
originally had been applied primarily to an Attic pottery style contemporary with the final
Mycenaean ceramic phase in the Argolid, but which now has been broadened to refer to a period
and culture, both in the Peloponnese and in central Greece.
373 Vermeule, Emily Townsend. 1960. The fall of the Mycenaean empire.
Archaeology 13:66-76.

A good general summary; Vermeule suggests that disruption of trade and

internecine warfare among the Mycenaean states were primary factors in the collapse of
Mycenaean civilization. See also 346.

374 Walløe, Lars. 1999. Was the disruption of the Mycenaean world caused by
repeated epidemics of bubonic plague? Opuscula Atheniensia 24:121-126.

Cites analogies with historical outbreaks of plague epidemics, most notably the
Plague of Justinian and the Black Death. In both cases a series of plagues occurred at intervals of
ten to thirty years over the course of two to three hundred years.

375 Wells, Peter S. 1992. Crisis years? The 12th century B.C. in Central and
Southeastern Europe. In: The Crisis Years: The 12th Century B.C. From
Beyond the Danube to the Tigris. William A. Ward and Martha Sharp
Joukowsky, eds. pp. 31-39. Dubuque: Kendall/Hunt Publishing Company.

Wells briefly describes cultural life in Central Europe and the Balkans in the 12th
century B.C., discusses cultural change during that period and considers the interaction between
these regions and Greece and the Aegean. Although there was considerable contact in the form
of trade, there is no direct evidence of northern participation in the events associated with the
collapse of the Aegean palace systems. Rather, cultural changes in both areas were part of a
general process of economic transformation affecting the Mediterranean environmental and
cultural system that took place at the end of the Bronze Age.

Dark Age
376 Desborough, Vincent Robin D'Arba. 1972. The Greek Dark Ages. London:
Ernest Benn Limited. 388 p.

This is one of two books, published almost simultaneously, which offer a

comprehensive treatment of the Greek Dark Age. After a brief but cogent summary of
Mycenaean civilization, Desborough offers a discussion, primarily based upon ceramic analysis
of the early dark age, c. 1125-1050 B.C.. The second chapter deals with the later dark age, c.
1050-900 and a discussion of developments by region, mainly having to do with Protogeometric
pottery. The third chapter is devoted to various forms of material evidence, including
settlements, tombs, sanctuaries and cult places, pottery, dress, armor and weapons and metals;
the fourth chapter concerns later oral traditions concerning the Dark Ages. The final chapter
summarizes and interprets the evidence presented, offering a number of hypotheses concerning
developments during this period.

377 Eder, Birgitta. 1998. Argolis, Lakonien, Messenien: Vom Ende der
mykenischen Palastzeit bis zur Einwanderung der Dorier.
Veröffentlichungen der mykenischen Kommission, v. 17. Österreichische
Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-Historische Klasse. Vienna:
Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften. 236 p.

Surveys developments in the regions of the Argolid, Lakonia and Messenia from
c. 1200 to 800 B.C., i.e., from the collapse of the palatial system to the origins of the historical
city-states of Argos and Sparta, with particular attention to changes in settlement patterns, based
upon archaeological evidence and a historical evaluation of written sources. Concludes with a
discussion of the Dorian invasion.

378 Hiller, Stefan. 1991. The Greek Dark Ages: Helladic traditions and Mycenaean
traditions in culture and art. In: La Transizione dal Miceneo all'Alto
Archaismo. Dal palazzo alla citta. Atti del Convegno Internazionale, Roma,
14-19 marzo 1988. D. Musti, A. Sacconi, M. Rocchi, E. Scafa, L. Sportiello and M.E.
Gianotta, eds. pp. 117-132. Rome: Istituto per gli Studi Micenei ed Egeo-Anatolici,
Consiglio Nazionale delle Ricerche.
 Hiller observes that whereas most elements of Minoan-influenced Mycenaean
palace culture disappear at the end of the Late Bronze Age, certain elements of "folk" culture,
such as particular pottery types, cist graves and apsidal structures, continue into the Early Iron
Age; he suggests that these "Helladic" elements represent aspects of culture submerged during
Mycenaean times, but which continued from pre-Mycenaean--i.e, Middle Helladic--times; well
illustrated. See also 379.

379 Karageorghis, Vassos. 1962. Notes on some Mycenaean survivals in

Cyprus during the first millennium B.C. Kadmos 1:71-77.

Lists, describes and discusses several elements of Mycenaean culture--including

the figure-eight shield, horns of consecration, horse burials and the megaron form--that survived
on Cyprus after the collapse of Mycenaean civilization, a phenomenon that the author attributes
to the isolation of Cyprus from the Greek world and the conservative nature of Cypriot tradition.
See also 378.

380 Maraz, Amihai. 1988. Some aspects of the "Sea Peoples'" settlement. In: Society
and Economy in the Eastern Mediterranean (c. 1500-1000 B.C.): Proceedings
of the International Symposium held at the University of Haifa from the
28th of April to the 2nd of May 1985. Michael Heltzer and E. Lipinski, eds.
pp. 251-260. Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 23. Leuven: Uitgeverij Peeters.

Noting an abundance of locally-manufactured LH IIIC1b pottery, which is

succeeded by Philistine bichrome ware, at the sites of Ashdod and Ekron, Maraz asserts that the
Sea Peoples who settled in Philistia and Cyprus during and after the reign of Ramesses III at the
very beginning of the Early Iron Age were groups of related Aegean immigrants, founding there
a new urban culture.

381 Small, David B. 1998. Surviving the collapse: the oikos and structural continuity
between Late Bronze Age and later Greece. In: Mediterranean Peoples in
Transition, Thirteenth to Early Tenth Centuries BCE. Seymour Gitin,
Amihai Mazar and Ephriam Stern, eds. pp. 283-291. Jerusalem: Israel
Exploration Society.

Small argues that the idea of the transformation from a Late Bronze Age society
based upon complex chiefdoms or early states to the Geometric societies based upon less
complex forms of social and political structure three hundred years later is improbable and that
archaeologists have misinterpreted the nature of this change because their current models of
Mycenaean culture have missed its real internal structure. He asserts, based upon settlement data
and the administrative structure of Messenia, that although Greece did witness a population
decline and a loss of some political centers, the underlying structure of power lay in small-scale
lineages and continued to remain so for at least three hundred years.

382 Snodgrass, Anthony M. 1971. The Dark Age of Greece. Edinburgh:

Edinburgh University Press. 456 p.

Although considerable data have accumulated since this book was published, it
remains one of the two most comprehensive treatments of this period; Snodgrass devotes
chapters to the following topics: chronology, pottery styles, burials, metals, external relations and
the internal situation. In each chapter evidence is presented for each region of Greece, the
Aegean and the Eastern Mediterranean, as well as for specific topics or problems; in the final
two chapters, Snodgrass summarizes developments in Greece and the Aegean from the 11th to
the 8th century B.C.

383 Thomas, Carol G. and Craig Conant. 1999. Citadel to City-State: The
Transformation of Greece, 1200-700 B.C.E. Bloomington: Indiana University
Press. 199 p.

A semi-popular discussion of the Dark Age focusing on developments at the sites

of Mycenae, Nichoria, Athens, Lefkandi, Corinth and Ascra.
384 Whitley, James. 1991. Style and Society in Dark Age Greece: The Changing
Face of a Pre- literate Society 1100-700 BC. Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press.

Combines the perspectives of history, art history and archaeology to investigate

the relationship between the development of pottery style, changes in mortuary practice and
social change in Athens. Pot shape and painted decoration are examined in relationship to
features such as metal artifacts, grave architecture, funerary rites and the age and sex of the
deceased, as well as the different contexts in which the shapes and decorations appear. A
computer analysis of grave assemblages is used in order to focus on ways in which ceramic style
represents an integral part of the collective representation of early Athenian society and also
enables a broader view of the changing social circumstances of Dark Age Greece. Whitley's
methodology utilizes recent approaches to mortuary variability, thus challenging more traditional
ideas. In his conclusions he emphasizes the following points: 1) Greek society and Greek art
during the Dark Ages was always diverse; 2) Homer and other literary sources can provide only
a limited understanding of Dark Age society; 3) the range of Dark Age social forms is partly
evident in the distinction between stable and unstable settlement types; 4) in the earlier Dark
Age, big-man or proto-chiefdom societies were common, but do not appear to have been
common or important after the 10th century B.C.; 5) a major social change occurred between the
10th and 9th centuries in which stable communities became more important and there was a
transition from a relatively egalitarian to a more hierarchical form of society; the divergent paths
taken by Athens, Knossos and Argos during this period illustrate both general trends and
diversity of development.

Economic Organization

While the decipherment of Linear B has contributed greatly to our understanding of social,
political and religious aspects of Mycenaean civilization, the texts are primarily economic
documents and thus shed the greatest light upon economic organization. Since the vast majority
of the tablets come from palace contexts, it follows that our understanding of economic
processes is greatest at the highest levels of the economic system, although the system itself
embraces the lowliest shepherd or slave. What the tablets have made clear is the high degree of
bureaucratic organization, centralization and specialization of the palace economy, at least at
Knossos and Pylos--the sites from which the bulk of the preserved records come--and by
inference, at least, Mycenae as well.

The tablets also demonstrate the extent of control by the palaces over their territories. The
Pylos tablets depict the division of the kingdom into two provinces, each with a capital, and a
listing in each province of a number of towns which probably functioned as regional centers,
thus revealing the existence of at least a three-tiered hierarchy. Likewise, it has been suggested
that Knossos controlled much of central and western Crete through five or six secondary centers.
In many cases it can be established that various and specific activities took place at these
outlying sites listed in the tablets. Recent research, however, has demonstrated that palatial
interest and control was limited to certain economic spheres and activities, and that others, most
notably the production of staple crops, were less closely regulated from above. This research also
suggests that economic organization was more complex than previously believed, involving
different kinds of arrangements for different sectors of the economy.

Archaeological and textual evidence indicate that certain craft activities were performed
within or nearby the palaces themselves, while other activities were scattered throughout the
territory of the state. In this respect, the palaces functioned as central places for the storage and
redistribution of goods, not only for the king and his family, but for a large number of
dependents as well. It was for these redistributive functions that the Linear B system of
accounting and record-keeping was used. The great majority of the tablets deal therefore with
people, places, quantities, titles and activities of an economic nature. Seals and sealings were
used to mark, designate and keep track of commodities for storage and shipment. The entire
redistribution system required the recording and transmission of documents to assure the
balanced exchange and equivalence of various goods, as well as the assessment of taxes, the
disbursement of rations and the storage and processing of raw materials and finished products.

385 Baumbach, Lydia. 1966. Economic aspects of life in Bronze Age Greece.
Nuusbrief, Department of Greek and Latin, University of Stellenbosch 11:54-
58.

A brief but good summary of economic derivable from the Linear B tablets.

386 Bennet, John. 1987. Knossos and LM III Crete: a post-palatial palace? In: The
Function of the Minoan Palaces: Proceedings of the Fourth International
Symposium at the Swedish Institute in Athens, 10-16 June, 1984. Robin Hägg
and Nanno Marinatos, eds. pp. 307-312. Skrifter utgivna av Svenska institutet i
Athen, Series 4, vol. 35. Stockholm.
 An analysis of the place names in the Knossos Linear B tablets, indicating that in
LM III the palace functioned as the sole central place in western and central Crete, exercising
control and monitoring activities through second-order centers such as Khania, Amnisos and
Phaistos. See 387, 423, 431 and 437.

387 Bennet, John. 1988. "Outside in the distance": problems in understanding the
economic geography of Mycenaean palatial territories. In: Texts, Tablets and Scribes:
Studies in Mycenaean Epigraphy and Economy Offered to Emmett L. Bennett, Jr.
Jean-Pierre Olivier and Thomas G. Palaima, eds. pp. 19- 41. Suplementos a Minos
10. Salamanca.

Examines possibilities and problems involved in the combination of Linear B

textual data and archaeological data; discusses the nature of both sources and methodological
approaches to combining them, focusing on three areas of potential value: 1) the extent of
palatial involvement; 2) the nature of palatial involvement; 3) changes in palatial involvement
through time. Bennet uses material from LM III Crete to discuss the economic role of Knossos
and other more peripheral sites. See also 386 and 423.

388 Bennet, John. 1992. "Collectors" or "owners"? An examination of their possible

functions within the palatial economy of LM III Crete. In: Mykenäika: Actes du IX
Colloque international sur les textes mycéniens et égéens organise par le
Centre de l'Antiquite Grecque et Romaine de la Fondation Héllenique des
Recherches Scientifiques et l'École française d'Athènes (Athènes, 2-6 octobre
1990). Jean-Pierre Olivier, ed. pp. 65-101. Bulletin de Correspondence Hellénique
Supplement 25. Paris: Diffusion de Boccard.

Bennet presents and uses an interpretive methodology involving several stages of analysis
of textual and archaeological evidence: examination of textual patterns in documents referring to
"collectors" at Pylos, Knossos and Thebes and the interpretation of these patterns; an
interpretation of administrative procedures reflected in these texts and the possible implications
for ways in which "collectors" functioned within that administration, based on how this
information is handled specifically in the Knossos archive; a wider reconstruction of the status
and functions of these individuals within the Knossos administration based on the distribution of
"collector" names within different areas of the economic administration and their geographical
associations within Crete; and integration of the reconstructed likely statuses and functions of the
"collectors" with a diachronic reconstruction of the development of the Knossos administration
based primarily on archaeological data. He concludes by suggesting that these individuals, who
may not be associated with the ruling elite at Knossos and may have belonged to local elites of
settlements subordinate to the palace, are likely to have owned the livestock and work groups
against which they are recorded, and that they probably concentrated their activities outside the
immediate region of the palace. The appearance of "collectors" thus can be seen as a result of
Knossos' expansion to manage much of the economy of central and west-central Crete in the LM
II period. See also 414 and 421.

389 Crossland, R.A. 1967. Hittite society and its economic basis. Bulletin of the
Institute of Classical Studies 14:106-108.

Compares Hittite and Mycenaean societies in terms of economic and military

organization. Craft product consumption as an economic indicator of site status in regional
studies.

390 Dabney, Mary K. 1997. In: TEKHNE: Craftsmen, Craftswomen and Craftmanship
in the Aegean Bronze Age. Proceedings of the 6th International Aegean
conference/6e Rencontre égéenne internationale, Philadelphia, Temple University,
18-21 April 1996, Vol. 2. Robert Laffineur and Philip P. Betancourt, eds. pp. 467-
471. Liège: Université de Liège Histoire de l'art et archeologié de la Grèce antique
and University of Texas at Austin Program in Aegean Scripts and Prehistory.

Comparison between a group of LH IIIB domestic dwellings at Tsoungiza and

contemporaneous structures (the Panagia Houses and "Ivory Houses") at nearby Mycenae. Since
the houses at Tsoungiza were not elaborately built and contained a limited range of artifacts--
almost entirely decorated pottery, with none made of imported raw materials--it is suggested that
the settlement was part of a social and economic network centered at Mycenae whereby craft
specialists produced items for consumption in return for agricultural products. Comparison with
a model derived from Aztec civilization in the Valley of Mexico suggests a situation in which
craft production at Mycenae stimulated intensified agricultural production and increased
population density in adjacent areas such as the Nemea Valley and the Berbati Valley, which in
turn created a greater market for craft products.
391 De Fidio, Pia. 1982. Fiscalita, redistributione, equivalenze: per una
discussióne sull'economía micenea. Studi Micenei ed Egeo-Anatolici
23:83-136.

Analyzes the structure and content of Linear B documents, particularly the Pylos
Ma series of tablets, in terms of the development of a bureaucratic redistributive system based on
an elaborate set of equivalences of foodstuffs, raw materials and finished products. See also 395.

392 De Fidio, Pia. 1989. Razioni alimentàri e tenóri di vita nel mondo miceneo. In:
Studia Mycenaea (1988). Thomas G. Palaima, Cynthia W. Shelmerdine and Petar
H. Ilievski, eds. pp. 9-38. Ziva Antika, Monographies, 7. Skopje.

Reviews data from Linear B tablets at Knossos concerning ration allotments and
quantities and suggests the allotment of different quantities to various groups can be
distinguished by age, sex and economic work status. See also 428.

393 Deger-Jalkotzy, Sigrid. 1998-1999. Working for the palace: some observations
on PY An 261. In: A-na-qo-ta: Studies Presented to J.T. Killen. John Bennet and
Jan Driessen, eds. pp. 65-81. Minos 33-34. Salamanca: Ediciones Universidad
de Salamanca.

Summarizes epigraphical details and structural features of this tablet and

discusses the usage, context and significance of the terms ke-ro-si-ja and qa-si-re-wi-ja as local
provincial chiefs and/or administrators, the latter working directly related to the organization of
labor and the economy within the palace system and the former outside of it; i.e, she interprets
these terms as referring to aspects of social organization. The tablet is then read as listing
bronzesmiths who had been sent to Pylos where they comprised a work group of professionals
performing obligatory labor, or corvée. See also 409 and 439.

394 Duhoux, Yves. 1976. Aspects du Vocabulaire Économique Mycénien

(Cadastre-Artisanat-Fiscalite). Amsterdam: Adolf
M. Hakkert. 202 p.
 Interpretation and discussion of Linear B terms regarding aspects of the
Mycenaean economy, including landholding, taxation, agriculture, crafts, accounting and other
fiscal matters.

395 Finley, Moses I. 1957. The Mycenaean tablets and economic history. Economic
History Review 10:128-141.

Describes and discusses the Linear B tablets as economic documents,

emphasizing limitations of interpretation and evidence for the existence of a palace-centered
redistributive system. See also 427.

396 Flouda, Georgia S. 2000. Inscribed Pylian nodules: their use in the
administration of the storerooms of the Pylian palace. Studi Micenei ed Egeo-
Anatolici 42:213-245.

Describes and discusses the use of clay sealings in the collection of raw materials
and products in centralized storerooms and their subsequent distribution for secondary
processing or consumption. Examines the extent to which the use of inscribed nodules at Pylos
fits into ideas about their function as a broader category, using contextual analysis, i.e. their
closed context and comparison with Linear B tablet entries. Flouda reconstructs the function of
spaces in which nodules were found, contending that the Northeast Building functioned as the
center of collection and distribution, not as a major industrial workshop as previously proposed.
She suggests that nodules were used to monitor the collection of resources and produced
commodities for storage, mainly animal hides and wine, but also textiles and oil. They were also
used as receipts for the compilation of summary tablets; this compares well with the inferred use
of such nodules at Knossos, Thebes and Mycenae. See also 426, 433, 434 and 437.

397 Gallagher, William R. 1988. A reconsideration of o-no in Mycenaean Greek.

Minos 23:85-106.
 Argues that rather than "price" or "payment," o-no refers to a donkey-load,
equivalent to the large dry and wet measures in the Linear B texts. See also 407, 408, 410 and
416.

398 Gillis, Carole, Christina Risberg and Birgitta Sjöberg, eds. 2001. Trade and
Production in Premonetary Greece: Acquisition and Distribution of Raw Material and
Finished Products. Proceedings of the 6th International Workshop, Athens
1966. Jonsered: Paul Åströms Förlag. 119 p.

Papers presented at this workshop concern the acquisition and distribution of metals
and textiles, based on analysis of textual and archaeological evidence. Contents include: H.
Landenius Enegren, Craft production at Knossos B raw materials and finished goods -- the Linear
B evidence; M.-L. Bech Nosch, Acquisition and distribution: ta-ra-si-ja in the Mycenaean
textile industry; I. Tournavitou and M. Sugerman, Metals to metalworkers: a view to the East; S.
Mossman, Mycenaean lead: a fresh look at an old material.

399 Halstead, Paul. 1990-1991. Lost sheep? On the Linear B evidence for breeding
flocks at Mycenaean Knossos and Pylos. Minos 25-26:343- 365.

Reviews Linear B evidence for breeding flocks at Knossos and Pylos, revealing
differences between the palaces in the organization of sheep husbandry, in respect to the culling
and restocking of flocks, the composition of flocks and the role of Acollectors@; Halstead notes
similar differences in the organization of palatial textile production. Thus, while Knossos used
progeny of its own breeding flocks and surplus lambs from non-palatial flocks, Pylos was self-
sufficient in breeding wool sheep, implying more extensive and centralized bureaucratic control.
See also 401, 402, 412, 418, 424 and 425.

400 Halstead, Paul. 1992. The Mycenaean palatial economy: making the most of the
gaps in the evidence. Proceedings of the Cambridge Philological Society 38:57-
86.

Analysis of archival (i.e., Linear B) and archaeological evidence, plus analogies

with present-day rural economies, suggests the following: palaces were financed both directly
from the produce of extensively farmed estates controlled by the elite and indirectly by
exchanging palatial craft goods for surplus produce from the non-palatial sector; palaces
exercised only partial control over economic activity within their territories, and only a small
fraction of the total labor force was directly controlled by the palaces; palatial crop production
was concentrated in the vicinity of major centers and subcenters, and several commodities were
only produced in the non-palatial centers; exchange, rather than redistribution, seems to have
been the basis for the movement of goods and services between palatial and non-palatial sectors;
wealth finance may have played an important role in the economic and political integration of
early states ill-equipped in terms of transport technology for the movement of bulk staple
resources over long distances; the palatial taxation system, in which each community contributed
the same commodities in the same proportions, is the exact opposite of classical redistribution or
Apooling@; the palaces were complex and multifaceted institutions which fulfilled a number of
functions. A good, recent summary. See also 403.

401 Halstead, Paul. 1996-1997. Linear B evidence for the management of sheep
breeding at Knossos. Minos 31-32:187-199.

An analysis demonstrating that herders of palatial breeding stocks made up

shortages of both ewes and lambs with their own stock, substituting yearlings for them; thus it
seems that in addition to contributing their labor, herders also contributed significant numbers of
their own livestock as well. See also 399, 402, 412, 418, 424 and 425.

402 Halstead, Paul. 1999. Missing sheep: on the meaning and wider significance of o
in Knossos sheep records. Annual of the British School at Athens 94:145-166.

Analysis of recorded deficits of breeding ewes in D series records of wool flock

composition, wool flock shearing records and breeding flock composition, confirming John
Killen=s hypothesis that herders compensated for the loss of animals in palatial flocks from their
own livestock. These actions took place within a dual economy in which flocks of the palace and
those of non-palatial herders were mingled and separated at various times; the records indicate
that the primary concerns of the palace centered on large numbers of wethers for feasting and
high targets for wool to be made into textiles. See also 399, 401, 412, 418, 424 and 425.
403 Halstead, Paul. 1999. Towards a model of Mycenaean palatial mobilization. In:
Rethinking Mycenaean Palaces: New Interpretations of an Old Idea. Michael L.
Galaty and William A. Parkinson, eds. pp. 35- 41. Cotsen Institute of Archaeology,
University of California, Los Angeles, Monograph 41. Los Angeles: Cotsen Institute
of Archaeology, University of California, Los Angeles.

According to Halstead, Mycenaean palatial mobilization was accomplished

through a combination of taxation, direct production and exchange, and was enforced, rewarded
or legitimized through control of land, provision of rations, manipulation of status
differentiation, conspicuous consumption and provision of ritual and defensive services. Palatial
mobilization, particularly of staple food resources, was arguably dominated by transactions not
recorded in Linear B administrative documents involving some form of exchange; a major role
was also played by direct agricultural production, but taxation, although the most obvious and
intensively studied form of resource mobilizaiton, played a relatively minor direct role.
However, mobilization through taxation of nonstaple raw materials and skilled master craftsmen
was of vital indirect importance to the palatial economy, if palatial craft goods played a major
role in unrecorded exchange transactions. See also 400.

404 Hiller, Stefan. 1992. The "Corridor of the Sword Tablets" and the "Arsenal". The
evidence of the Linear B texts. In: Mykenäika: Actes du IX Colloque international
sur les textes mycéniens et égéens organise par le Centre de l'Antiquite Grecque et
Romaine de la Fondation Héllenique des Recherches Scientifiques et l'École française
d'Athènes (Athènes, 2-6 octobre 1990). Jean- Pierre Olivier, ed. pp. 303-314. Bulletin de
Correspondence Hellénique Supplement 25. Paris: Diffusion de Boccard.

Hiller examines Linear B tablets from these two areas and concludes that those
from the Corridor of the Sword Tablets have to do with a workshop in which materials such as
ivory and horn were inlaid into sword hilts and furniture and that the Arsenal was a storeroom
for military equipment including chariots frame and wheels, armor, spearheads and arrowheads
and raw materials used in their manufacture. He suggests that the tablets from the Corridor of the
Sword Tablets refer to the transfer of ivory-workers to Amnisos, who were provided with raw
materials from the Arsenal.

405 Hooker, James T. 1987. Minoan and Mycenaean administration: a comparison of

the Knossos and Pylos archives. In: The Function of the Minoan Palaces:
Proceedings of the Fourth International Symposium at the Swedish Institute in
Athens, 10-16 June, 1984. Robin Hägg and Nanno Marinatos, eds. pp. 313-316.
Skrifter utgivna av Svenska institutet i Athen,Series 4, vol. 35. Stockholm.

Comparative analysis of Linear B documents indicates that although the two

palaces shared many common administrative features (control of production; receipt, storage and
distribution of commodities; organization of workers for specific tasks; supervision of cult
activities), there appear to be differences in emphasis on certain economic activities and the use
of some terms; it therefore seems that the two administrative systems developed along separate
lines from a common origin.

406 Hutchinson, J.S. 1977. Mycenaean kingdoms and medieval estates (an analogical
approach to the history of LH III). Historia 26:1-23.

In this interesting paper, Hutchinson makes the following points: 1) there is a

strong similarity in the general historical framework of medieval Europe and Bronze Age Greece
in the pattern of expansion, recession and collapse; 2) activities recorded in the Pylos Linear B
tablets are basically economic in nature; 3) the Pylian kingdom relied upon a delicately balanced
system of trade and interdependence with the outlying regions of Messenia; parallels between the
kingdom of Pylos and the great medieval estates and abbeys of Europe include effects of external
wealth, cultural fluorescence, population increase, the nature of economic units (units of indirect
consumption, area specialization, control of capital equipment, currency and accounting systems
and inventory systems) and the instability of both Mycenaean and medieval estates in boom
conditions (land shortages, declining crop yields, land disputes and decreases in plot size
possibly the reason for the collection of data, and citing specific parallels between the Pylos E
series and Volume 1 of the Domesday records). See also 438.

407 Hutton, W.F. 1990-1991. The meaning of qe-te- o in Linear B. Minos 25-26:105-
131.

A re-examination of texts containing this term and several variants, and a re-
examination of the linguistic and contextual evidence for a meaning of Ato be paid.@
408 Ilievski, Petar H. 1979. Mycenaean ka-ra-na-ko (Studi Mycenei ed
Egeo-Anatolici 20:161-169.

Ilievski suggests that this term refers to an office concerned with the
supply and distribution of water. See also 397, 407, 410 and 416.

409 Killen, John T. 1979. Linear B tablets and economic history: some problems.
Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 26:133-134.

Discusses the nature and status of the labor force in Mycenaean kingdoms; Killen
observes that while women listed in the Pylos Aa and Ab tablets and in the Knossos Ak tablets
appear to be fully dependent workers maintained by the palaces on a full-time basis, the male
craftsmen listed on similar rosters are more likely to have been semi-dependent workers. See
also 393 and 439.

410 Killen, John T. 1983. TA and DA. In: Concilium Eirene XVI: Proceedings of
the 16th International Eirene Conference, Prague 31.8 - 4.9, 1982, Vol. 3, Pavel
Oliva and Alena Frolikova, eds., pp. 121-126, Prague: Kabinet pro studia recka,
rimska a latinska CSAV.

Reviews and discusses the interpretation of these Linear B terms; although it is

generally agreed that they refer to supervisors, there is disagreement as to whether they are male
and/or female and "external" or "internal." See also 399, 407, 408 and 416.

411 Killen, John T. 1992. Observations on the Thebes sealings. In: Mykenäika:
Actes du IX Colloque international sur les textes myceniens et égéens organise
par le Centre de l'Antiquite Grecque et Romaine de la Fondation Héllenique des
Recherches Scientifiques et l'Ecole française d'Athénes (Athénes, 2-6 octobre
1990). Jean-Pierre Olivier, ed. pp. 365-380. Bulletin de Correspondence
Hellénique Supplement 25. Paris: Diffusion de Boccard.

Analyzes and reinterprets the Wu sealings from Thebes as dealing not only with
animals intended for consumption at a banquet or banquets, but also other commodities as well.
See also 413 and 415.

412 Killen, John. 1993. Records of sheep and goats at Mycenaean Knossos and
Pylos. Bulletin on Sumerian Agriculture 7:209-218.

Killen argues that records of sheep and goats do not represent tribute, but rather
real flocks which have been allocated to specific shepherds who were responsible for making
good deficits in flocks held from the palace with animals of their own. See also 399, 401, 402,
418, 424 and 425.

413 Killen, J.T. 1994. Thebes sealings, Knossos tablets and Mycenaean state
banquets. Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 39:67-84.

Killen begins by describing and discussing the economic organization of palaces,

especially the textile industry at Knossos. He then uses evidence from Linear B tablets and
sealings to suggest that incoming revenue was used to provide state-organized banquets at
Thebes, Pylos and Knossos. He notes that Thebes sealings and Knossos tablets have a very
similar pattern of entry involving animals and foodstuffs designated for slaughter, sacrifice and
consumption. See also 411 and 415.

414 Killen, J.T. 1995. Some further thoughts on "collectors." In Politeia: Society and
State in the Aegean Bronze Age. Proceedings of the 5th International Aegean
Conference/5e Rencontre égéene internationale, University of Heidelberg,
Archäologisches Institut, 10- 13 April 1994. Robert Laffineur and Wolf- Dietrich
Niemeier, eds. pp. 213-221. Aegaeum 12, Annales d'archéologie égéenne de
l'Université de Liège et UT-PASP. Liège: Université de Liège Histoire de l'art et
archéologie de la Grèce antique/University of Texas at Austin Program in Scripts and
Prehistory.
 Killen suggests that in addition to being members of the ruling elite who have
been granted by the palace a portion of the kingdom's productive capacity for their own benefit,
the "collectors" may also have been involved in the organization and administration of external
trade, citing evidence from Linear B tablets from Knossos and Pylos for possible dealings with
Cyprus. See also 388 and 421.

415 Killen, J.T. 1998. The Pylos Ta tablets revisited. Bulletin de Correspondence
Hellénique 122:421-422.

Discusses the motivations of palace administration in compiling the Ta series

records of furniture, vessels and other equipment. He rejects previous explanations (a list of
furnishings of a luxurious reception room, the record of stored valuables in the palace to be used
as gifts, and the list of contents of a tomb) as insufficient, suggesting instead that they represent
the recorded audit of palace equipment for banqueting, including the consumption of sacrificial
animals. See also 411 and 413.

416 Killen, John T. 1999. Mycenaean o-pa. In: Floreant Studia Mycenaea: Akten des
X. Internationalen Mykenologischen Colloquiums in Salzburg vom 1.-5. Mai
1995. Sigrid Deger- Jalkotzy, Stefan Hiller and Oswald Panagl, eds. pp. 325-342.
Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-Historisch Klasse,
Denkschriften v. 274. Vienna: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der
Wissenschaften.

Further consideration of this word and its contexts gives reason to believe that it
refers to work on a completed manufactured item or a unit of livestock, and is thus distinct from
ta-ra-si-ja, which always refers to an issue of raw materials or an object manufactured with the
help of such an issue. Includes an appendix of all texts containing o-pa. See also 397, 407, 408
and 410.

417 Killen, John T. 1999. Critique: a view from the tablets (in: Rethinking Mycenaean
Palaces: New Interpretations of an Old Idea, Michael L. Galaty and William A. Parkinson,
eds., pp. 87-90, Cotsen Institute of Archaeology, University of California, Los
Angeles, Monograph 41. Los Angeles: Cotsen Institute of Archaeology, University of
California, Los Angeles.

A rebuttal of some of Parkinson=s assertions concerning the nature of the palatial

economy. See also 430.

418 Lang, Mabel L. 1966. Cn flocks. In: Proceedings of the Cambridge

Colloquium on Mycenaean Studies. Leonard R. Palmer and John Chadwick, eds.
pp. 250-259. Cambridge, Eng.: Cambridge University Press.

According to the author's interpretation, the Pylos Cn Linear B tablets refer to

breeding arrangements in at least two centers for sexually segregated flocks and assessment and
delivery from and within districts; the ultimate disposition of these animals seems to be
concerned with contributions for sacrifices to 14 divinities, each carried out by an associated
tribal organization. See also 399, 401, 402, 412, 424 and 425.

419 Lupack, Susan. 1998. The role of the religious sector in Mycenaean
economics. Bulletin de Correspondence Hellénique 122:423-425.

The religious sector, in addition to receiving goods from the palace, had an active
hand in procuring livelihood for its members through agriculture and animal husbandry. The
relationship between workshops and the religious sector can be seen in the Linear B tablets, in
which religious personnel working in the name of Potnia were involved in industrial activities,
deriving part of their livelihood and perhaps a profit from goods produced in workshops.
Sanctuaries could have served as smaller-scale redistribution centers analogous to those managed
by the palaces and probably palatial and religious spheres cooperated in mutually beneficial
ways. This relationship seems to have been a longstanding one and may have evolved along with
the respective institutions. See also 418, 420 and 422.
420 Lupack, Susan. 1999. Palaces, sanctuaries, and workshops: the role of the
religious sector in Mycenaean economics. In: Rethinking Mycenaean Palaces:
New Interpretations of an Old Idea. Michael L. Galaty and William A. Parkinson,
eds. pp. 25-34. Cotsen Institute of Archaeology, University of California, Los
Angeles, Monograph 41. Los Angeles: Cotsen Institute of Archaeology, University of
California, Los Angeles.

Analysis of Linear B texts and archaeological evidence indicates that religious

personnel were involved in a variety of economic activities in their own workshops and in those
of the palace, including agriculture, animal husbandry and the manufacture of perfumed oil and
textiles. It appears that the palatial and religious spheres may have been complementary and
cooperative in this respect for their mutual benefit, whereby religious personnel and the
sanctuaries to which they belonged derived part of their livelihood and perhaps a profit from the
goods produced. See also 418, 419 and 422.

421 Nosch, M.-L. B. 2001. Entre collecteurs et travailleurs: les “responsables” dans
l’industrie textile de Cnossos. Ktema 26:133- 143.

Discusses people in the Knossos Linear B tablets with certain responsibilities in

the textile industry—those preceded by the preposition o-pi and those indicated by the
abbreviations DA and TA—who were at an intermediate level in the administrative hierarchy.
See also 388 and 414.

422 Olivier, Jean-Pierre. 1960. A Propos d'une "Liste" de Desservants de Sanctuaire

dans les Documents en Lineàire B de Pylos. Brussels: Presses Universitaires de
Bruxelles. 162 p.

An analysis of Pylos Linear B tablets focusing on certain lists of workers and

activities associated with religious institutions. See also 418-420.

423 Palaima, Thomas G. 1987. Preliminary comparative textual evidence

for palatial control of economic activity in Minoan and Mycenaean Crete. In:
The Function of the Minoan Palaces: Proceedings of the Fourth International
Symposium at the Swedish Institute in Athens. Robin Hägg and Nanno
Marinatos, eds. pp. 301-306. Skrifter utgivna av Svenska institutet i Athen, Series
4, vol. 35. Stockholm.

Analysis of differences between Linear A and Linear B record-keeping systems in

terms of: 1) extent of use; 2) document typology; 3) numbers and percentages of documents; 4)
nature of inscriptions; and 5) regional interest in specific commodities; although both systems
represent administrative structures which monitored, rather than necessarily controlled,
economic activity on Crete, it is suggested that there was a wholesale transformation of the
economic organization of the island during the period of Mycenaean occupation. See also 386
and 387.

424 Palaima, Thomas G. 1989. Perspectives on the Pylos oxen tablets: textual (and
archaeological) evidence for the use and management of oxen in
Late Bronze Age Messenia (and Crete). In: Studia Mycenaea (1988). Thomas
G. Palaima, Cynthia W. Shelmerdine and Petar H. Ilievski, eds. pp. 85-124.
Ziva Antika, Monographies, 7. Skopje.

Extensive analysis of Linear B texts, primarily from Pylos, but also from
Knossos, concerning how, where and why oxen were used for religious and economic purposes;
after discussing the nature of the Linear B tablets and problems of interpretation, Palaima
examines terms for oxen and oxherds and from their context deduces that oxen were maintained
for specific purposes in specific locations; an appendix includes texts of the oxen tablets. See
also 399, 401, 402, 414, 418 and 425.

425 Palaima, Thomas G. 1992. The Knossos oxen dossier: the use of oxen in
Mycenaean Crete. Part I: general background and Scribe 107. In: Mykenäika:
Actes du IX Colloque international sur les textes mycéniens et égéens
organise par le Centre de l'Antiquite Grecque et Romaine de la Fondation Héllenique
des Recherches Scientifiques et l'École française d'Athènes (Athènes, 2-6 octobre
1990). Jean-Pierre Olivier, ed. pp. 462-474. Bulletin de Correspondence Hellénique
Supplement 25. Paris: Diffusion de Boccard.

Initial portion of a detailed study of references to oxen in the Knossos Linear B

texts, focusing on how oxen were managed and used in the palatial economy. Palaima begins by
discussing the general background of the oxen texts, the reasons for studying them, initial
assumptions and limitations of the data. He then examines the work of a single scribe (Scribe
107) to demonstrate problems inherent in interpreting this heterogeneous set of documents. He
concludes by suggesting that the Mycenaean administrations at both Pylos and Knossos were
dealing with much larger numbers of animals than the extant texts reflect. See also 399, 401,
402, 414, 418 and 424.

426 Palaima, Thomas G. 2001. The modalities of economic control at Pylos. Ktema
26:151-159.

Discusses textual evidence for institutional, official and personal hierarchies in

the administrative organization of the Mycenaean regional palatial economy of Late Bronze Age
Messenia. Palaima stresses that earlier three-level models which he proposed in 1985 are only a
general framework for understanding modalities of economic control and that we should not
expect to find streamlined efficiency in a large-scale system which evolved over several hundred
years. Analysis of the major Ma “taxation” series—and more specifically Linear B tablet Jn 829,
which deals with the collection of bronze—reveals how extensive a system of standard
transactional relationships must have existed in order to keep the highly specialized palatial
system operating. See also 396, 433, 434 and 437.

427 Palmer, Leonard R. 1962. Linear B texts of economic interest. In: Serta
Philologica Aenipontana. Robert Muth, Fritz Gschnitzer, Franz Hampl and
Johann Knobloch, eds. pp. 1-12. Innsbrucker Beiträge zur
Kulturwissenschaft 7. Innsbruck

One of the first attempts to discuss Linear B tablets as economic documents;

Palmer's analysis establishes a system of capacity measures for the daily allocation of grain,
ratios of allocation for men, women and children, a scale of allocations based upon social rank
and function (slaves, skilled workers, supervisors and "managers") and the allocation ratio of
grain to wine; Palmer also discusses the possible significance of various titles, particularly in
terms of distinguishing temple personnel. See also 395.

428 Palmer, Ruth. 1989. Subsistence rations at Pylos and Knossos. Minos 24:89-124.
 Evaluates the standard reconstruction of the Mycenaean ration system based upon
data from the Pylos Ab and An and Knossos Am Linear B tablets; after re-examining the
wheat/barley ratios in the tablets and discussing the nutritional content of daily rations, Palmer,
using the Classical ration system as an analogue, evaluates two alternative ration systems in
terms of their ability to supply adequate subsistence. See also 392.

429 Palmer, Ruth. 1994. Wine in the Mycenaean Palace Economy. Aegaeum 10,
Annales d'archéologie égéenne de l'Université de Liège et UT-PASP. Liège:
Université de Liège Histoire de l'art et archéologie de la Grèce antique and
University of Texas at Austin Program in Aegean Scripts and Prehistory. 209 p.

Analysis of the economic and social role of wine in Mycenaean society, focusing
on the administrative methods used by the palace bureaucracies based upon evidence from
Linear B tests, archaeological evidence for the cultivation of vines and the production of wine,
descriptions from ancient authors and modern ethnographers on the tasks and timing involved in
grape growing and wine-making and material evidence for feasting and sacrifice in the Bronze
age Aegean. Chapter headings include: background to wine as an agricultural commodity; the
development of the wine ideogram; Mycenaean vocabulary in reference to viticulture and wine;
the distribution of wine; wine in the Pylos mixed commodity tablets; wine in the Knossos Fs
tablets; the impressed nodules from the Wine Magazine at Pylos; wine in the Knossos and
Mycenae tablets; and the place of wine in the Mycenaean palace economy. Wine was obtained,
along with other agricultural goods, from farmers throughout the kingdom, was stored in or near
the palace and was consumed, with meat, milk products and honey, as a high status product,
particularly on ceremonial occasions.

430 Parkinson, William A. 1999. Chipping away at a Mycenaean economy: obsidian

exchange, Linear B, and palatial control in Late Bronze Age Messenia. In:
Rethinking Mycenaean Palaces: New Interpretations of an Old Idea. Michael L.
Galaty and William A. Parkinson, eds. pp. 73-85. Cotsen Institute of
Archaeology, University of California, Los Angeles, Monograph 41. Los Angeles:
Cotsen Institute of Archaeology, University of California, Los Angeles.

Parkinson begins by arguing against the idea that the economies of Mycenaean
palaces were essentially similar, and that they primarily functioned as centers of redistribution.
He then analyzes how obsidian blades were produced and circulated throughout the Pylian state,
leading to the following conclusions: 1) at Pylos there was a dual economic system in which the
palace exercised control over the production of luxury goods, while autonomous systems of
regional production and exchange (including obsidian blades and ceramic coarseware and locally
self-sufficient agriculture) operated independently of palatial control; 2) the Pylian state was one
of several competing small state systems on the Greek mainland, in which luxury goods
produced by the palace were used in part to obtain and maintain the allegiance of local elites
through gift exchange; 3) although during the course of state formation the palace incorporated
some aspects of regional systems of production and exchange, they were never fully integrated
under palatial control, resulting in an inherently unstable system whereby the Mycenaean elite
were unable to develop a successful system of finance based on the production and circulation of
both wealth and staple goods. See also 417.

431 Sainer, Alan. 1976. An index of the place names at Pylos. Studi Micenei ed
Egeo-Anatolici 17:17-63.

Lists place names found on the Pylos Linear B tablets with reference to where
each occurs, what activity or commodity is associated with it and to which other place names it is
related. See also 386 and 437.

432 Shelmerdine, Cynthia W. 1988. Scribal organization and

administrative procedures. In: Texts, Tablets and Scribes: Studies in
Mycenaean Epigraphy and Economy Offered to Emmett L. Bennett, Jr. Jean-Pierre
Olivier and Thomas G. Palaima, eds. pp. 343-384. Suplementos a Minos 10.
Salamanca.

Reviews aspects of scribal specialization and division of labor at Knossos and

Pylos; dividing the scribes into three levels of specialization (non-specialized, semi-specialized
and fully specialized), the author concludes that there seems to be greater specialization of
particular industries or functions at Knossos than at Pylos, although both systems are organized
in a consistent fashion.

433 Shelmerdine, Cynthia W. 1998-1999. The southwestern department at Pylos.

In: A-na- qo-ta: Studies Presented to J.T. Killen. John Bennet and Jan Driessen, eds.
pp. 309-337. Minos 33-34. Salamanca: Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca.
 Describes and discusses Linear B tablets associated with the Southwest Building,
particularly with the partially preserved rooms southeast of Hall 65, the core group of which, the
Mb and Mn series, is concerned with textiles, specifically *146, a type of cloth manufactured
outside of the palatial textile industry. Shelmerdine concludes that these tablets form a coherent
administrative department with functions involving inventory and distribution records of tax
contributions, and was thus a specialized department dealing with more than one aspect of the
textile industry. See also 396, 426, 434 and 437.

434 Shelmerdine, Cynthia W. and Thomas G. Palaima, eds. 1984. Pylos Comes
Alive: Industry and Administration in a Mycenaean Palace. New York. 107 p.

Collection of essays concerning the economic and administrative functions at

Pylos and other Mycenaean palaces; contents include: J.C. Wright, Changes in form and function
of the palace of Pylos (pp. 19-29); T.G. Palaima, Scribal organization and palatial activity (pp.
31-39); V.L. Aravantinos, The use of sealings in the administration of Mycenaean palaces (pp.
41-48); J.T. Killen, The textile industries at Pylos and Knossos (pp. 49-63); I. Tegyey, The
northeast workshop at Pylos (pp. 65-79); C.W. Shelmerdine, The perfumed oil industry at Pylos
(pp. 81-95); H.W. Haskell, Pylos: stirrup jars and the international oil trade (pp. 97-107). See
also 396, 426, 433 and 437.

435 Sjöberg, Birgitta L. 1990. The Mycenaean economy: theoretical

frameworks. Hydra 7:59-75.

An application of Karl Polanyi's formalist and substantivist paradigms to the

pre-monetary Late Helladic society and an examination of their implications for archaeological
research; may be difficult to obtain. See also 436.

436 Sjöberg, Bigitta L. 1995. The Mycenaean economy: theoretical frameworks. In:
Trade and Production in Premonetary Greece: Aspects of Trade. Proceedings of
the Third International Workshop, Athens 1993. Carole Gillis, Christina
Risberg and Birgitta Sjöberg, eds. pp. 19-32. Studies in Mediterranean
Archaeology and Literature Pocket-Book 134. Jonsered: Paul Åströms Förlag.
 Summarizes, reviews and evaluates discussion and application of the two major
paradigms of formalism and substantivism first identified and by Karl Polanyi. Noting that the
substantivist paradigm with its emphasis on centralization and redistribution has dominated
analyses of the Mycenaean economy, Sjöberg argues that a market economy could have
coexisted with palatial redistribution and that Aegean archaeologists have not made much effort
to find evidence of such markets in premonetary societies such as Mycenaean Greece. See also
435.

437 Stavrianopoulou, Eftychia. 1989. Untersuchungen zur Struktur des Reiches

von Pylos. Die Stellung der Ortschaften im Lichte der Linear B-Texte. Studies in
Mediterranean Archaeology Pocket-Book 77. Göteborg: Paul Åströms Förlag. 252
p.

Analysis of Linear B tablets from Pylos, with a specific focus on the Aa, Ab, Cn,
Ma, Na and Jn series, and discussing the following topics: the role of various sites in the Pylian
economy, the ordering of sites into districts and provinces, economic distinctions between
districts and provinces, distinctions between major sites and other sites, the distribution of
settlements and the extent of the Pylian kingdom. Specific economic activities discussed include
flax and textile production, mining and animal husbandry; also lists and discusses cult places and
military organization. Includes lists of places and references to them in the Linear B tablets. See
also 386, 396, 426, 431, 433 and 434.

438 Thomas, Carol G. 1970. The Mycenaean Domesday records. La Parola del Passato
25:301-311.

Compares the Linear B tablets to the Domesday records of Norman England,

finding similarities in the nature of information collected, the method of compilation and on the
basis of this comparison, Thomas suggests that inferences concerning the bureaucratic structure
of Mycenaean kingdoms may be erroneous, since the Domesday records derive from an
aristocratic, non-bureaucratic structure. See also 406.
439 Uchitel, Alexander. 1984. Women at work: Pylos and Knossos, Lagash and Ur.
Historia 33:257-289.

Analyzes analogous documents from the archives of Pylos, Knossos, Ur and

Lagash, discovering similarities in how they deal with women with children at work; in both the
Mycenaean and Sumerian cases, there is a basic division of labor by age and sex; inferences
concerning the social position of these women suggest a system of corvée labor rather than one
of slavery. See also 393 and 409.

440 van Leuven, Jon C. 1980. Economic determinism and Bronze Age Greece.
Historia 29:129-141.

Critique of the materialist economic/environmental approach to the topics of

Mycenaean origins, the political and economic independence of the mainland from Crete, the use
of various settlement models and the use of mathematics and mathematical models.

441 Voutsaki, Sofia and John Killen, eds. 2001. Economy and Politics in the
Mycenaean Palace States: Proceedings of a Conference held on 1-3 July 1999 in the
Faculty of Classics, Cambridge. Cambridge Philological Society Supplementary
Volume no. 27. Cambridge, Eng.: Cambridge Philological Society. 254 p.

Important recent conference concerning the centralization of resources in the

Mycenaean palatial economy and its political basis. Contents include: S. Voutsaki, Introduction
(pp. 1-14); P. de Fidio, Centralization and its limits in the Mycenaean palatial system (pp. 15-
24); J. Bennet, Agency and bureaucracy: thoughts on the nature and extent of administration in
Bronze Age Pylos (pp. 25-37); P. Halstead, Mycenaean wheat, flax and sheep: palatial
intervention in farming and its implications for rural society (pp. 38-50); T. Whitelaw, Reading
between the tablets: assessing Mycenaean palatial involvement in ceramic production and
consumption (pp. 51-79); C. Knappett, Oveseen or overlooked? Ceramic production in a
Mycenaean palatial system (pp. 80-95); J. Driessen, Centre and periphery: some observations on
the administration of the kingdom of Knossos (pp. 96-112); C.W. Shelmerdine, The evolution of
administration at Pylos (pp. 113-128); F. Rougemont, Some thoughts on the identification of the
“collectors” in the Linear B tablets (pp. 129-138); J.-P. Olivier, Les ‘collecteurs”: leur
distribution spatiale et temporelle (pp. 139-160); J. Killen, Some thoughts on ta-ra-si-ja (pp. 161-
180); J.N. Postgate, System and style in three Near Eastern bureaucracies (pp. 181-194); S.
Voutsaki, Economic control, power and prestige in the Mycenaean world: the archaeological
evidence (pp. 195-213); S. Sherratt, Potemkin palaces and route-based economies (pp. 214-238).
Taxation

It has been argued that many of the Linear B tablets are concerned, either directly or
indirectly, with taxes paid by various groups to the palace; taxes appear to have been assessed
against each region, and then divided by province or administrative district, and finally applied to
various land-holding groups and individuals (see Land Tenure, below).

442 Deroy, Louis. 1968. Les Leveurs d'impôts dans le royaume mycénien de
Pylos. Incunabula Graeca 24. Rome: Edizioni dell'Ateneo. 121 p.

Challenges the hypothesis that the o-ka tablets refer to military organization;
Deroy suggests rather that these tablets record the collection of taxes arranged by district in the
kingdom of Pylos.

443 Foster, Ellen D. 1981. The flax impost at Pylos and Mycenaean landholding.
Minos 17:67-121.

In this analysis of the Na series of Linear B tablets from Pylos, Foster suggests that
these tablets record assessments of raw flax on certain landowners; since some of the owners of
flax-growing land have professional titles, it is also suggested that it was a widespread
Mycenaean practice for workers and supervisors to own small plots of land in return for some
service or obligation; it is further suggested that certain industries or the profits from them
belonged to the wanax, certain individuals, and gods.

444 Killen, John T. 1984. Last year's debts on the Pylos Ma tablets. Studi Micenei ed
Egeo-Anatolici 24:173-188.
 Examines interpretations of the Ma tablets as economic documents concerning
assessments and payments, concluding that their purpose was to record debts still outstanding.
See also 448, 449 and 451.

445 Killen, J.T. 1996. Administering a Mycenaean kingdom: some taxing problems.
Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 41:147- 148.

Discusses problems relating to taxation in Mycenaean kingdoms based on the

analysis of several tablets from Pylos, focusing on how Mycenaean administrators calculated tax
liabilities.

446 Killen, John T. 1998. The rôle of the state in wheat and olive production in
Mycenaean Crete. Aevum 72:19-23.

Killen interprets a-ma in the Knossos tablets as referring to records of stored

crops and investigates where crops were produced, concluding that most came from lands of the
damos, i.e. from village communities contributing surplus agricultural produce as a form of
taxation to the palace, possibly using oxen owned by the palace for cultivation of damos land.

447 Rougement, Françoise. 2001. Les agents du contrôle économique dans le monde
mycénien: le cas particulier des anthromponymes de la série Mc de Cnossos.
Ktema 26:127-132.

The Knossos Mc tablets register taxation in kind on four different products and are often
compared to the Pylos Ma records because in both cases a proportional relation exists between
the quantities claimed by the palatial administration. However, the Knossos Mc tablets also list a
series of personal names which Rougement suggests are not names of taxpayers, but
intermediaries between the palace and the population in the collection of taxes; i.e., these
individuals acted as agents of economic control.
448 Shelmerdine, Cynthia W. 1973. The Pylos Ma tablets reconsidered. American
Journal of Archaeology 77:261-275.

Asserts that this set of tablets represents a taxation system in which subgroups are
assessed, with each assessment further subdivided among towns and individual tax contributors
in terms of different products; for this purpose, each of the Pylian provinces is divided into two
subgroups with equal assessments; this set of tablets indicates not only some mathematical
sophistication and a high degree of organization, but also suggests principles of organization that
may have been the basis of the Pylian bureaucracy. See also 444, 449 and 451.

449 Shelmerdine, Cynthia W. 1989. Mycenaean taxation. In: Studia Mycenaea

(1988). Thomas G. Palaima, Cynthia W. Shelmerdine and Petar H. Ilievski, eds. pp.
125-148. Ziva Antika, Monographies, 7. Skopje.

Reviews, evaluates and analyzes two theories concerning the nature of the
Mycenaean taxation system as seen in the Pylos Ma series of Linear B tablets, in regard to two
questions: 1) what and how widespread was the system of calculation used and 2) what is the
evidence for a system of reductions proposed in one of the theories? The author concludes that
aspects of both theories seem to apply to the Ma series, but another set of procedures seems to
have been used in the N and Jn series. See also 444, 448 and 451.

450 Stavrianopoulou, Eftychia. 1989. Uberlegungen zum Abgabensystem von

Pylos. In: Studia Mycenaea (1988). Thomas G. Palaima, Cynthia W.
Shelmerdine and Petar H. Ilievski, eds. pp. 149-157. Ziva Antika, Monographies, 7.
Skopje.

Analyzes and discusses Linear B tablets from Pylos concerning certain

commodities in order to articulate the system of contributions to the palace by various
individuals and towns.
451 Wyatt, W.F. 1962. The Ma tablets from Pylos American Journal of Archaeology
66:21-41.

Characterizes this set of Linear B tablets as a series of documents concerning

taxation of specified administrative units; he suggests that the Pylian kingdom was divided into
two provinces, one of seven towns and one of nine, which were further subdivided into smaller
units; each province was assessed the same amount, with taxes paid in various commodities; also
discusses means by which assessments were made. See also 444, 448 and 449.

Land Tenure

It is from the Pylos E series of Linear B tablets that we obtain the clearest view of land
tenure and taxation in a Mycenaean kingdom. From these documents, it appears that the nature
of land-holding and land tenure was fairly complicated, with different categories of land and
different categories of land-holders. And one of the primary reasons for the existence of these
records is as a basis for the assessment of taxes, owed and paid, i.e. as cadastral documents.

Land was both publicly and privately owned, by groups and by individuals; much of the
public land was owned by the damos, or community, while other portions were owned by
institutions, such as the temenos of the god Poseidon. Land could also be leased by groups or
individuals, including the king, the nobility, freemen or even slaves, although only freemen
could lease common land. Other kinds of land, such as marginal land or pasturage, were either
owned by the king or were available for use by anyone.

452 Bennett, Emmett L., Jr. 1956. The landholders of Pylos. American Journal of
Archaeology 60:103-133.

An important first effort to work out aspects of land tenure in the Pylos Linear B
tablets, specifically the E series; Bennett considers these tablets in some detail, describing and
discussing the process of their analysis and interpretation, their significance, the identity of
landholders and kinds of landholding, as well as their form, organization and content (especially
various formulae); he also provides translated texts of the En and Eo texts and translates and
discusses various terms for and kinds of landholding.

453 Brown, W. Edward. 1956. Land tenure in Mycenaean Pylos. Historia

5:385-400.

According to this interpretation of the Pylos Series E Linear B tablets, there were
several types of land, including private, common, and marginal land and pasturage; private land
was held by free men of all classes and was leased to both free men and slaves; however, only
free men could lease common land; common land was also divided into land leased by the king,
the military commander and the landed gentry. See also 458.

454 Carpenter, Michael. 1983. Ki-ti-me-na and ke-ke-me-na at Pylos. Minos

18:81-88.

Interprets these terms as modifiers of ko-to-na (plots of land); ki-ti-me-na is

translated as the best land (enclosed land), near a settlement and owned by a few individuals,
while ke-ke-me-na is seen as outlying or marginal land, usually held by a community, but
sometimes also by individuals. See also 456 and 457.

455 Deroy, Louis and Monique Gerard. 1965. Le Cadastre Mycénien de Pylos.
Incunabula Graeca 10. Rome: Edizioni dell'Ateneo. 196 p.

Analysis of the Series E Linear B tablets from Pylos as a public registration of

land for the purpose of taxation; related topics include the nature of land tenure, sale, acquisition
and transfer of property, social structure and organization, categories of land and conditions
relating to slavery. See also 462.
456 Dunkel, George E. 1981. Mycenaean ke-ke-me-na, ki-ti-me-na. Minos
17:18-29.

Re-interprets these terms as referring respectively to fallow and cultivated land.

See also 454 and 457.

457 Kazanskiene, Vanda P. 1995. Land tenure and social position in Mycenaean
Greece. In: Politeia: Society and State in the Aegean Bronze Age. Proceedings
of the 5th International Aegean Conference/5e Rencontre égéene
internationale, University of Heidelberg, Archäologisches Institut, 10-13 April
1994. Robert Laffineur and Wolf- Dietrich Niemeier, eds. pp. 603-611. Aegaeum
12, Annales d'archéologie égéenne de l'Université de Liège et UT-PASP. Liège:
Université de Liège Histoire de l'art et archéologie de la Grèce antique/University of
Texas at Austin Program in Scripts and Prehistory.

Detailed analysis of the terms te-re-ta, da-ma-te and ko-to-no-o-ko as they are
used in the Pylos Linear B tablets and as they appear in later Greek contexts. On the basis of this
analysis, it is concluded that te-re-ta was an institutionalized group with a high position in the
social hierarchy connected with the religious center at Pa-ki-ja-na whose function as ko-to-no-o-
ko was to protect land and people, for which they receive plots of land from the damos; damantes
are interpreted as a more diverse group of men and women subordinate to the teretai who
performed duties as prophets, priests and practical counselors. See also 454, 456 and 460.

458 Krigas, E.J. 1987. The land registry: a survey of the Ea-Eb-Ed-Ep tablets of the
Pylian archive. Studi Micenei ed Egeo-Anatolici 26:23-34.

Identifies terms referring to specific land-holding groups or individuals that may

characterize their function; also identifies terms referring to public and private land. See also
453.
459 Lang, Mabel L. 1964. Es proportions. In: Mycenaean Studies: Proceedings of
the Third International Colloquium for Mycenaean Studies Held at
"Wingspread," 4-8 September 1961. Emmett L. Bennett, Jr., ed. pp. 37-51.
Madison: University of Wisconsin Press.

Analysis of the Es series of Linear B tablets from Pylos reveals a system of land
tenure in which land is held simultaneously by a corporation and by the individuals comprising
it; the document records taxes and contributions to Poseidon for fourteen individuals, reckoned
proportionate to the amount of land each holds; in addition, each man was granted a subsidy of
seed in fixed proportion to their holding, totaling 10% of the previous year's harvest.

460 Palmer, Ruth. 1998-1999. Models in Linear B landholding: an analysis of

methodology. In: A-na-qo-ta: Studies Presented to J.T. Killen. John Bennet and Jan
Driessen, eds. pp. 223- 250. Minos 33-34. Salamanca: Ediciones Universidad de
Salamanca.

Palmer focuses on the use of analogies drawn from Near Eastern administrative
texts and Indo-European linguistics which shaped models of landholding and land use based
upon contextual analysis. She includes discussion of the general background to economic models
and phases of interpretation, including: 1) one-to-one correspondences; 2) landholding as part of
the palace economy; 3) landholding as a reflection of local organization; and 4) viewing
Mycenaean landholding from a Near Eastern perspective. She concludes with an analysis of the
Pylos pa-ki-ja-ne tablets. See also 457.

461 Sarkady, Janos. 1981. Landownership relations in Pylos. Acta Orientalia

Academiae Scientarum Hungaricae 35:291-313.

Examines and analyzes the E series of Linear B tablets from Pylos in order to
elucidate basic forms of landholding and their structural connections. See also 462.

462 Tegyey, Imre. 1965. Observations on a Linear B cadastral list. Acta Classica
Universitatus Scientiarum Debreceniensis 1:1-10.
 A similar analysis of the Pylos Ea series of Linear B tablets. See also 455 and
461.

Craft Specialization and Commerce

In addition to various localized craft activities, there is evidence for the production of at
least three products in quantities beyond immediate necessity: textiles, olive oil and pottery.
Archaeological evidence and the Linear B tablets give a rough indication of the scale of
production, which was organized by the palaces in a redistributive or allotment system whereby
the necessary raw materials were acquired and allocated to craftsmen, most of whom worked in
or near the palace. Only a limited number of craftsmen, however, such as goldsmiths or weapon-
makers, were probably employed full-time. Although some of these products were for local use
and consumption, it is likely that much was produced for external trade.

There appear to be some regional differences in the ways in which production was
organized, with greater centralization at Mycenae and Pylos than at Knossos; these differences
may be in part attributable to the necessity of taking over and adapting an already-existing
economic structure on Crete by Mycenaean occupiers.

The production of wool and textiles seems to have been the primary economic activity at
Knossos, as indicated by the large number of tablets dealing with aspects of this industry in
considerable detail. The tablets describe a large number of sites and personnel involved in the
herding and treatment of over 100,000 sheep. The wool obtained from these sheep was then
brought to the palace at Knossos, where it was treated, woven, finished and turned into cloth or
clothing. A similar industry existed at Pylos, although the growing of flax and the production of
linen appears to have been the major focus there. The difference in emphasis undoubtedly has to
do with the relative suitability of climate and terrain for sheep and flax in the two areas. The two
textile industries, nevertheless, appear to have been similarly organized.

A second major industry was the manufacture of olive oil. Although a substantial quantity
of oil was used in cooking, a great deal also was further transformed by the addition of spices,
herbs, resins, flowers and gums into perfumed oil. It would appear that much storage space and
many personnel were involved in this industry at Pylos and Mycenae and on Crete.

A third industry was the production of pottery. Some types of pottery, such as stirrup jars
and kraters with pictorial decoration, seem to have been manufactured primarily for purposes of
trade. Stirrup jars in particular were turned out in quantity because they were the primary
containers in which olive oil was shipped.
 A fourth possible industry was the manufacture of bronze implements, primarily weapons.
Documentary evidence for this industry is somewhat less secure, but the wide distribution of
swords of Aegean origin in southern and central Europe and the Eastern Mediterranean during
the Late Bronze Age suggests that Minoan-Mycenaean weapons were highly prized. At least
one workshop at Knossos has been suggested, and others on the mainland are likely.

463 Aravantinos, Vassilis L. 1990. The Mycenaean inscribed sealings from

Thebes: problems of context and function. In: Aegean Seals, Sealings and
Administration. Proceedings of the NEH-Dickson Conference of the Program in
Aegean Scripts and Prehistory of the Department of Classics, University of Texas
at Austin, January 11-13, 1989. Thomas G. Palaima, ed. pp. 149-174. Aegaeum 5,
Annales d'archéologie égéenne de l'Université de Liège. Liège: Université de
Liège.

After a thorough description and discussion of the nature and context of the
Thebes sealings, Aravantinos compares them to other groups of sealings and offers
interpretations of the inscribed ideograms; he concludes that the sealings are concerned in some
manner with various species of animals and presents a number of alternative hypotheses
concerning their specific function.

464 Blitzer, Harriet. 1990. Koroneϊka: storage- jar production and trade in the
traditional Aegean. Hesperia 59:675-711.

Ethnoarchaeological study of the manufacture and distribution of large storage

jars produced in the 19th and 20th centuries at Koroni in Messenia. Includes a detailed description
of potters, clays, workshops, production methods, types of vessels produced, kilns, marketing
and trade. Blitzer concludes that the distribution pattern suggests possibilities other than palace
production and trade by Mycenaean ships in LH III; i.e., the nature of trade may have been more
complex than this. See also 468, 469, 482, 486 and 502.

465 Erard-Cerceau, Isabelle. 1990. Vegetaux, parfums et parmumeurs a l'epoque

mycénienne. Studi Micenei ed Egeo-Anatolici 28:252-285.
 Analysis of Linear B tablets from Knossos and Pylos in regard to the manufacture
of perfume, including identification of references to spices, herbs, flowers, resins and gums used
as ingredients, as well as references to the manufacture of perfume. See also 503 and 504.

466 Foster, Ellen D. 1977. An administrative department at Knossos concerned

with perfumery and offerings. Minos 16:19-51.

Describes and discusses the activities of a department located in the West Wing
of the palace of Knossos, the primary function of which appears to have been the collection and
distribution of large amounts of coriander, cyperus, honey and olive oil for the manufacture of
perfumed oil, and smaller amounts of these materials to be used as cult offerings. Also discusses
the specific activities and functions of Scribe 136, which included supervising the production and
collection of crops grown for use in various palace industries and involved the surveying of land
areas for crop production, calculating of assessments for the West Wing department and
recording of actual payment and deficits. See also 484, 485, 493 and 494.

467 Foster, Ellen D. 1977. Po-ni-ki-jo in the Knossos tablets reconsidered. Minos
16:52-66.

Identifies po-ni-ki-jo as a red dye material, probably alkanet, used for coloring
perfumed oil and perhaps also for treating textiles; it thus appears to be an industrial crop like a
number of other plants listed in the Knossos Linear B tablets, which was cultivated in outlying
areas and brought to the palace for processing and utilization. See also 487.

468 Galaty, Michael L. 1999. Nestor=s Wine Cups: Investigating Ceramic Manufacture
and Exchange in a Late Bronze Age AMycenaean@ State. BAR Inernational
Series 766. Oxford: Tempvs Reparatvm.

Analysis of 310 LH IIIB ceramic samples, approximately a third of which were

kylikes, by means of petrography and inductively coupled plasma spectroscopy (ICP) from
Messenia in order to examine the structure of the Pylian state system and regional patterns of
ceramic production and distribution. Discussion includes the origins of the state in mainland
Greece, theoretical expectations, methodology, models of Mycenaean political economy and
results and assessment of research; appendices include site ceramic ecology, raw chemical data
and petrographic fabric descriptions. It is concluded that Mycenaean states do not appear to have
tightly controlled local industries, but rather implemented several different strategies for
mobilizing utilitarian goods involving a complex interaction of bureaucratic palatial systems
with a wider regional hinterland. See aksi 464, 469, 482, 496 and 502.

469 Galaty, Michael L. 1999. Wealth ceramics, staple ceramics: pots and Mycenaean
palaces. In: Rethinking Mycenaean Palaces: New Interpretations of an Old Idea.
Michael L. Galaty and William A. Parkinson, eds. pp. 49- 59. Cotsen Institute of
Archaeology, University of California, Los Angeles, Monograph 41. Los
Angeles: Cotsen Institute of Archaeology, University of California, Los Angeles.

After discussing the social, political and economic contexts of kylikes on the one
hand and utilitarian wares on the other, Galaty compares their production and distribution based
upon a chemical analysis utilizing weak acid extraction and inductively coupled plasma
spectroscopy of 310 ceramic samples from 18 LH IIIB sites in Messenia located in the vicinity of
the palace at Pylos as part of the Pylos Regional Archaeological Project. Based upon the analysis
of these results, he concludes that while the utilitarian wares--representing a form of staple
goods--were manufactured locally and therefore represent a much wider range of paste groups
and a high degree of elemental heterogeneity, the kylikesB-representing a form of wealth goodsB-
appear to have been manufactured in a single central location (as yet unidentified) and represent
fewer paste groups with a higher degree of elemental homogeneity. Given its pronounced interest
in wealth goods, it is suggested that the palace may therefore have had a greater desire to control
the production of kylikes and other finewares than utilitarian vessels, while utilitarian wares were
produced by an independent and parallel local economy that only superficially intersected with
the palace economy. See also 464, 468, 482, 496 and 502.

470 Gillis, Carole. 1997. The smith in the Late Bronze Age - state employee,
independent artisan, or both? In: TEKHNE: Craftsmen, Craftswomen and
Craftmanship in the Aegean Bronze Age. Proceedings of the 6th
International Aegean conference/6e Rencontre égéenne internationale, Philadelphia,
Temple University, 18-21 April 1996, Vol. 2. Robert Laffineur and Philip P.
Betancourt, eds. pp. 505-513. Liège: Université de Liège Histoire de l'art et
archéologie de la Grèce antique and University of Texas at Austin Program in
Aegean Scripts and Prehistory.
 Gillis begins by examining the Pylos Jn-series Linear B tablets which refer to
metal-working, specifically two terms, ka-ko, which she interprets as referring to bronze, and ta-
ra-si-ja, which she infers as a demand for finished products. Thus, rather than a palace-controlled
industry which supplied raw materials to resident smiths, she suggests a more decentralized
arrangement whereby independent or semi-independent smiths lived and worked in scattered
villages where abundant fuel was available, acquired necessary raw materials (i.e., copper and
bronze), supported themselves through metallurgy (supervised by local authorities) and other
occupations such as farming and herding, and paid taxes or performed obligatory service to the
palace by supplying finished metal products. See also 481, 497 and 500.

471 Gillis, Carole, Christina Risberg and Birgitta Sjöberg, eds. 1997. Trade and
Production in Premonetary Greece: Production and the Craftsman. Proceedings of the 4th
and 5th International Workshops, Athens 1994 and 1995. Studies in Mediterranean
Archaeology and Literature Pocket-book 143. Jonsered: Paul Åströms Förlag.
285 p.

Collection of papers delivered at a series of workshops at the Swedish Institute in

Athens. Contents include: I. Tournavitou, The social and economic position of artisans in the
Mycenaean world (pp. 29-41); M.L.B. Gregersen, Craftsmen in the Linear B archives (pp. 43-
55); A.-L. Schallin, The Late Bronze Age potter's workshop at Mastos in the Berbati valley (pp.
73-88); B. Sjöberg, Two possible Late Helladic kilns at Asine: a research note (pp. 89-100); H.
Haskell, Trade and production in "Mycenaean" Crete (pp. 101-111); C. Gillis, Tin-covered Late
Bronze Age vessels: analysis and social implications (pp. 131-138); I. Tournavitou, Jewellers
moulds and jewellers workshops in Mycenaean Greece. An archaeological utopia (pp. 209-256);
K.M. Nilsson, Fragments of production, down to the bare bones (pp. 275-281).

472 Gregersen, Marie Louise Bech. 1997. Pylian craftsmen: payment in kind/rations
or land? In: TEKHNE: Craftsmen, Craftswomen and Craftmanship in the
Aegean Bronze Age. Proceedings of the 6th International Aegean conference/6e
Rencontre égéenne internationale, Philadelphia, Temple University, 18-
21 April 1996, Vol. 2. Robert Laffineur and Philip P. Betancourt, eds. pp. 398-405.
Liège: Université de Liège Histoire de l'art et archéologie de la Grèce antique and
University of Texas at Austin Program in Aegean Scripts and Prehistory.
 Analysis of the limited number of Linear B tablets at Pylos dealing with
craftsmen yields the following inferences: 1) the remuneration system for craftsmen was directed
from the palace, whereby they could either hold land or receive payment in kind, but not both; 2)
none of the craftsmen referred to in the tablets appears to have had a ration system identical to
that of the women workers; 3) in general, there seems to be no standard system of remuneration,
but rather a multitude of possible systems, including monthly payment in exchange for one
month of work, payment in kind to groups, rations as for the women and children, payment in
kind to individuals and payment defined as o-no.

473 Hallager, Erik. 1987. The inscribed stirrup jars: implications for Late Minoan IIIB
Crete. American Journal of Archaeology 91:171-190.

Examination of patterning and variability of Linear B inscriptions on stirrup jars

elucidates the system used and results in the identification of at least three and as many as six
workshops for their production in different regions of Crete; Hallager also uses the inscribed
stirrup jars to investigate the evidence for and nature of literacy in LM IIIB Crete, concluding
that knowledge of the Linear B system was sufficiently widespread to indicate continued
Mycenaean occupation or control during this period. See also 489 and 501.

474 Hart, Gillian R. 1965. The grouping of place-names in the Knossos tablets.
Mnemosyne 18:1-28.

Examines internal evidence within the Knossos Linear B tablets for the
connection between places listed, most of which have to do with shepherds and flocks of sheep;
Hart hypothesizes that ownerless flocks, which are concentrated in northern and central Crete,
belong to the palace, thus making the palace the largest sheep-owner on the island; includes an
index of place names, an index of place-names co-occurring on the same tablet, an index of
owners and a list of herdsmen. See also 475-478, 480, 486, 491 and 505.

475 Killen, John T. 1964. The wool industry of Crete in the Late Bronze Age.
Annual of the British School at Athens 59:1-15.
 Describes and analyzes the Knossos Linear B D series dealing with sheep;
comparison of practices in medieval England leads to discussion of the function of subsets within
the documents, in terms of male/female, sheared/unsheared and castrated/uncastrated ratios, as
well as herd demography; it is concluded that the wool industry was a major source of wealth in
Mycenaean Crete, with textiles serving as an item of trade with Egypt; analysis also suggests
evidence of detailed organization of this industry. See also 474, 477, 478, 480, 486, 491 and 505.

476 Killen, John T. 1966. The Knossos Lc (Cloth) tablets. Bulletin of the Institute of
Classical Studies 13:105-109.

Describes and analyzes the Lc series of Linear B tablets at Knossos, concluding

that they are records of a decentralized system in which wool is supplied to weavers in various
parts of Crete who weave it into cloth of a specified weight. See also 474, 475, 477, 478, 480,
486, 491 and 505.

477 Killen, John T. 1968. Minoan woolgathering: a reply (Part I). Kadmos 7:105-123.

Killen responds to criticisms concerning his ideas about rations of sheep and wool
and targeted wool yields. See also 474-476, 478, 480, 486, 491 and 505.

478 Killen, John T. 1969. Minoan woolgathering: a reply (Part II). Kadmos 8:23-42.

Discusses the relationship of the Knossos Linear B Da-Dg tablets, which deal
only with sheep, and the Dk tablets, which concern both sheep and wool; according to Killen's
analysis, the tablets list contributions of wool for each shepherd; there is then some discussion as
to whether the numbers--an estimated 100,000 sheep, thus indicating the importance of wool in
the Knossian economy--represent actual flocks or records of tribute. See also 474-477, 480, 486,
491 and 505.
479 Killen, John T. 1979. The Knossos Ld(1) tablets. In: Colloquium Mycenaeum:
Actes du Sixième Colloque International sur les Textes Mycéniens et Égéens tenu à
Chaumont sur Neuchatel du 7 au 13 Septembre 1975. Ernst Risch and Hugo
Mühlestein, eds. pp. 151-181. Université de Neuchatel, Receuil de Travaux Publies
par la Faculte des Lettres 36. Geneva: Université de Neuchatel.

Proposes that the Ld(1) tablets, one of a number of sets of tablets dealing with the
storage and delivery of cloth, concern the finishing or fulling of woven cloth by male workers
designated by the term o-nu-ka. See also 476, 483, 480, 491 and 498.

480 Killen, John T. 1988. Epigraphy and interpretation in Knossos

WOMAN and CLOTH records. In: Texts, Tablets and Scribes: Studies
in Mycenaean Epigraphy and Economy Offered to Emmett L. Bennett, Jr. Jean-
Pierre Olivier and Thomas G. Palaima, eds. pp. 167-183. Suplementos a
Minos 10. Salamanca.

Discusses various Linear B tablets from Knossos concerning the size and
rationing of groups of women involved in the finishing and production of woolen and linen cloth
and clothing. See also 474-480, 483, 491 and 498.

481 Lang, Mabel L. 1966. Jn formulas and groups. Hesperia 35:397-412.

An analysis of the Pylos Jn Linear B texts which sheds light upon both scribal
practices and the grouping of bronzesmiths based upon the interpretation of formulaic phrases
and amounts of bronze allotments; the analysis indicates that smiths were organized into
corporations of various sizes, but equal capacity, possibly on a geographic basis; given the form
of these tablets, it seems that some place designations could vary according to the function in
whose context they were listed; thus sometimes areas and names may have overlapped each
other. See also 470, 497 and 500.
482 Lindblom, Michael. 2001. Marks and Makers: Appearance, Distribution and
Function of Middle and Late Helladic Manufacturers’ Marks on Aeginetan
Pottery. Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology Vol. 128. Jonsered: Paul
Åströms Förlag. 153 p.

Analyzes the systematic marking of vessels produced on the island of Aigina in

the Middle and Late Helladic periods, dealing with both their form and function, applied during
the manufacture of functionally different vases. Detailed description, illustration and discussion
of morphological characteristics of the marks and their spatial and chronological contexts,
concluding with an examination of the possible organization of pottery production on Aigina,
including consideration of the potters and their marks within their socioeconomic context as part
of an extensive economic network. Ethnographic analogies suggest that pre-firing marks on
pottery are typically devised as a means of regulating economic interests among different
producers within a community, as seems to have been the case at Middle and Late Helladic
Kolonna, the primary settlement on the island, and the technological, spatial and chronological
contexts of most mark types conform well to those expected for small work-groups and reflect
their organization and economic interests. The prefiring marks most likely served their purpose
when several independent actors used the same working spaces and installations or performed
different tasks. Lindblom also suggests that the marks may have functioned as a means of
regulating obligations between rulers and dependent potters. Also includes discussion of
previous research on Aegean potters’ marks, the Aiginetan potting tradition, concordances and
numerous illustrations. See also 464, 468, 469, 496 and 502.

483 Melena, José Luis. 1975. Studies on Some Mycenaean Inscriptions from
Knossos Dealing with Textiles. Suplementos a Minos 5.
Salamanca: Universidad de Salamanca. 153 p.

The large number and particular significance of Linear B tablets at Knossos

dealing with textiles leads the author to conduct a detailed study of what he perceives to be the
primary economic activity at the palace; this is the case, according to Melena, because ashfall
from the eruption of the Thera volcano severely affected grain production. See also 476, 479,
480, 491 and 498.

484 Melena, José Luis. 1976. Coriander on the Knossos tablets. Minos 15:133-163.
 An analysis of the Knossos Ga series of Linear B tablets dealing with the delivery
and storage of spices, which indicates that coriander was an important crop in the Knossian
economy and was cultivated on a large scale; in addition to its use as a flavoring for food and as
an offering to the gods, Melena suggests that it was used, along with honey and rush, as an
ingredient in the manufacture of perfumed oil. See also 466, 485, 493 and 494.

485 Melena, José Luis. 1983. Olive oil and other sorts of oil in the Mycenaean tablets.
Minos 18:89-123.

Describes and discusses the Linear B ideogram for olives, as well as

paleoethnobotanical evidence for at least two kinds of olive in Bronze Age Greece, wild and
cultivated. Melena suggests that wild olives were preferred for the manufacture of perfumed oil
because of their lower grease content. Analysis of Knossos tablets dealing with olives suggests
some evidence that the palace controlled and recorded olive production from c. 4000 trees.
Discusses in some detail the production, storage and distribution of olive oil and the possible use
of olive oil in tanning and textile processing. Also describes and discusses other oleaginous
plants used by the Mycenaeans, including sesame, safflower and flax, noting that, unlike olives,
these were not apparently used in great quantity. See also 466, 484, 493 and 494.

486 Melena, José Luis. 1987. On the Linear B ideogrammatic syllabogram ZE. In:
Studies in Mycenaean and Classical Greek Presented to John Chadwick. John T.
Killen, Jose L. Melena and Jean-Pierre Olivier, eds. pp. 389-458, Salamanca:
Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca.

Melena suggests that this ideogram represents a comb made of ivory, and that
these combs were used to pluck wool from moulting sheep by seasonal workers at fixed places
with sufficient water to wash the wool before plucking. See also 474-478, 480, 491 and 505.

487 Murray, Caroline and Peter Warren. 1976. Po-ni-ki-jo among the dye-plants of
Minoan Crete. Kadmos 15:40-60.
 Description and discussion of Linear B tablets from Knossos mentioning
po-ni-ki-jo; analysis of these tablets indicates that communities providing it are in northern
Crete, probably not far from Knossos itself, and its association with coriander suggests that it is a
native plant or plant product; rejecting an earlier identification as dates, the authors conclude that
it is some kind of red dye, possibly made from safflower. See also 467.

488 Nordquist, Gullög. 1997. Male craft and female industry: two types of
production in the Aegean Bronze Age. In: TEKHNE: Craftsmen, Craftswomen and
Craftmanship in the Aegean Bronze Age. Proceedings of the 6th
International Aegean conference/6e Rencontre égéenne internationale, Philadelphia,
Temple University, 18-21 April 1996, Vol. 2. Robert Laffineur and Philip P.
Betancourt, eds. pp. 533-537. Liège: Université de Liège Histoire de l'art et
archéologie de la Grèce antique and University of Texas at Austin Program in
Aegean Scripts and Prehistory.

Examines the meaning of the terms "craft" and "industry" and their implications
in respect to the nature, structure and organization of production of textiles and metal products in
Mycenaean Greece, with particular reference to the roles and functions of men, women and
children.

489 Palaima, Thomas G. 1984. Inscribed stirrup jars and regionalism in Linear B
Crete (Studi Micenei ed Egeo-Anatolici 24:189-203.

Palaima argues that evidence from the distribution of stirrup jars and of the
inscribed toponyms points to a regionalized production and distribution of olive oil in stirrup jars
on Crete, rather than centralized control of this industry from Knossos. See also 473 and 501.

490 Palaima, Thomas G. 1997. Potter and fuller: the royal craftsmen. In: TEKHNE:
Craftsmen, Craftswomen and Craftmanship in the Aegean Bronze Age.
Proceedings of the 6th International Aegean conference/6e Rencontre égéenne
internationale, Philadelphia, Temple University, 18-21 April 1996, Vol. 2. Robert
Laffineur and Philip P. Betancourt, eds. pp. 407-412. Liège: Université de Liège Histoire
de l'art et archéologie de la Grèce antique and University of Texas at Austin Program in
Aegean Scripts and Prehistory.

Describes and discusses Linear B documents on which are found the terms
wanakteros or wanaka, pertaining to the wanax or king, i.e. royal or royalty. The small number
of these references concern a limited number of goods, persons and activities (bakers,
beekeepers, clothing preparation and cleaning and food preparation); this situation is strikingly
similar to that found in roughly contemporary Hittite documents. Palaima suggests that the types
of specialist craftsmen identified with this term (potter, fuller, "finisher" and purple-dye worker)
were directly associated with the religious/ritual/cultic/ceremonial activities of the wanax, and
were accordingly rewarded with enhanced prestige and land-holdings for participating in the
social process of distinguishing his rank and status.

491 Palmer, Leonard R. 1955. Observations on the Linear "B" tablets from Mycenae.
Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 2:36-45.

Palmer concludes that these tablets are largely concerned with wool and rations
issued to wool-workers. See also 474-478, 480, 486 and 505.

492 Robkin, Anne Lou H. 1979. The agricultural year, the commodity SA and the
linen industry of Mycenaean Pylos. American Journal of Archaeology
83:469-474.

Analysis of the Pylos Linear B N series suggests that the term SA refers to a unit
of flax fiber; given the quantities listed in the tablets, the production of linen may thus have been
a major industry in the Pylian kingdom; discusses and describes the methods of processing flax,
based on analogies with later cultures; given the Messenian climate, which is suitable for
growing flax, Robkin posits a growing season beginning in early autumn and ending with harvest
in January.
493 Shelmerdine, Cynthia Wright. 1985. The Perfume Industry in Mycenaean
Pylos. Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology Pocket-Book 34. Göteborg: Paul
Åströms Förlag. 184 p.

By examining the conjunction of textual and archaeological evidence, plus

comparative data from the Bronze Age Near East and Classical Greece, the author essays the
following topics: ingredients used and method of manufacture; storage and use of perfumed oil,
scribal administration (implying official, centralized control) and the role of perfumed oil in the
economy of Pylos. See also 466, 484, 485 and 495.

494 Shelmerdine, Cynthia W. 1995. Shining and fragrant cloth in Homeric epic. In:
The Ages of Homer: A Tribute to Emily Townsend Vermeule. Jane B. Carter
and Sarah P. Morris, eds. pp. 99-107. Austin: University of Texas Press.

Examination of Linear B texts from Pylos and Knossos suggests that Homeric
references to shining and fragrant cloth reflects a Mycenaean practice of treating wool and linen
with perfumed oil. See also 466, 484, 485 and 493.

495 Shelmerdine, Cynthia W. 1997. Workshops and record keeping in the Mycenaean
world. In: TEKHNE: Craftsmen, Craftswomen and Craftmanship in the
Aegean Bronze Age. Proceedings of the 6th International Aegean conference/6e
Rencontre égéenne internationale, Philadelphia, Temple University, 18-
21 April 1996, Vol. 2. Robert Laffineur and Philip P. Betancourt, eds. pp. 387-396.
Liège: Université de Liège Histoire de l'art et archéologie de la Grèce antique and
University of Texas at Austin Program in Aegean Scripts and Prehistory.

Argues on the basis of evidence from tablet groups and their contexts at Thebes,
Mycenae and Pylos that identification of rooms as archives or workshops based on groups of
tablets found in outlying buildings at Mycenaean centers is usually incorrect. Rather, most of
these rooms so identified seem to have been repositories and clearing houses, i.e. central places
where goods from outlying locations could be brought and entered into the administration's
record-keeping system and where administrators could oversee workers and their supplies.
496 Sherratt, E.S. 1982. Patterns of contact: manufacture and distribution of
Mycenaean pottery, 1400-1100 B.C. In: Interaction and Acculturation in the
Mediterranean: Proceedings of the Second International Congress of
Mediterranean Pre- and Protohistory. Jan G.P. Best and Nanny M.W. De
Vries, eds. pp. 179-195. Publications of the Henri Frankfort Foundation 7. Amsterdam:
B.R. Grüner.

Describes, discusses and analyzes patterns of ceramic production and distribution

during LH III, relating changes in economic organization to cultural and political developments.
Analysis of fabric and chemical studies, combined with a high degree of standardization,
indicates that LH IIIA1 pottery was produced in a few major centers--most notably the northeast
Peloponnese--and distributed throughout the Mycenaean world. This uniformity--perhaps
betokening a high level of cultural and political control and leadership--continues in LH IIIA2
and IIIB1, with an expansion of distribution to the Eastern and Central Mediterranean, where, it
is suggested, much of this pottery was designed specifically for export, in exchange for metals.
LH IIIB2, on the other hand, marks a change in the pattern, toward greater autonomy and
independent regional development, perhaps associated with disruption of trade and
communication and the beginning of cultural and political decline. By the middle of LH IIIC the
center of innovation has shifted to the Eastern Aegean, resulting in a reversal in the direction of
influence, renewed interregional contact and prosperity between autonomous communities and a
brief cultural renaissance prior to the final collapse of Mycenaean civilization. See also 464, 468,
469, 482 and 502.

497 Smith, Joanna S. 1992-1993. The Pylos Jn series. Minos 27-28:167-259.

Smith analyzes archaeological, epigraphical, physical and linguistic details of the

Jn tablets to establish the order in which they were written and thus to discover how
metallurgical activity was organized in the Pylian kingdom, including the system by which metal
was allocated to smiths and the collection of metal. She examines the findspots of tablets in the
archive complex, the layout of information on tablets, the physical conditions and size of tablets
and the vocabulary used. She concludes that the distribution of metal was organized
geographically according to type of metal and work performed by smiths. Includes an appendix
of annotated transcriptions and drawings of the Jn series tablets. See also 470, 481 and 500.
498 Tegyey, Imre. 1983. Scribe 103 at Knossos. In: Concilium Eirene XVI:
Proceedings of the 16th International Eirene Conference, Prague 31.8 - 4.9, 1982.
Vol. 3. Pavel Oliva and Alena Frolikova, eds. pp. 127-132. Prague: Kabinet pro
studia recka, rimska a latinska CSAV.

According to Tegyey, Scribe 103 was the principal clerk at Knossos in the
department dealing with the textile industry; unlike the ten other scribes in this department, who
had more limited and specialized tasks, his responsibility was to account for the personnel
working with wool and textiles, to list their rations of grain and oil, to register different kinds of
wool and cloth and to record the disbursement of wool to, and finished cloth from, weavers. See
also 476, 479, 480, 483 and 491.

499 Tegyey, Imre. 1989. The Linear B tablets of the west wing of the palace of
Knossos. In: Studia Mycenaea (1988). Thomas G. Palaima, Cynthia
W.Shelmerdine and Petar H. Ilievski, eds. pp. 159-166. Ziva Antika, Monographies,
7. Skopje.

Describes and discusses tablets from three offices in the West Wing concerning
perfumery, offerings, sheep and textiles.

500 Uchitel, Alexander. 1990-1991. Bronze-smiths of Pylos and silver-smiths of Ur.

Minos 25- 26:195-202.

Comparison of archives from Pylos and the Third Dynasty of Ur suggests that
metal-workers operated in a similar system of rotation between workshops and their own
agricultural fields; this might explain why some bronze-workers listed on the Pylos Linear B
tablets are given allocations of bronze while others are not. See also 470, 481 and 497.

501 Van Alfen, Peter G. 1996-1997. The Linear B inscribed stirrup jars as links in an
administrative chain. Minos 31-32:251-274.
 Van Alfen focuses on the function of inscribed stirrup jars as an administrative
tool to trace and record the fulfillment of an individual=s obligation to provide the contents of a
jar to a higher authority; he finds the closest analogy here to the use of sealing nodules, i.e., as an
aid in monitoring the production of oil. Also provides a detailed description and discussion of the
stirrup jar inscriptions and their function. See also 473 and 489.

502 van Wijngaarden, Gert Jan. 1999. Production, circulation and consumption of
Mycenaean pottery (sixteenth to twelfth centuries BC). In: The Complex Past of
Pottery: Production, Circulation and Consumption of Mycenaean and Greek Pottery
(Sixteenth to Early Fifth Centuries B.C.). Proceedings of the ARCHON
International Conference, Held in Amsterdam, 8-9 November 1996. Jan Paul Crielaard,
Vladimir Stissi and Gert Jan van Wijngaarden, eds. pp. 21-47. Amsterdam: J.C. Gieben.

See also 464, 468, 469, 482 and 496.

503 Wylock, Michel. 1970. La fabrication des parfums a l'epoque mycénienne

d'apres les tablettes Fr de Pylos. Studi Micenei ed Egeo-Anatolici 11:116-133.

Examines evidence from Linear B tablets at Pylos for the manufacture of

perfume; this evidence indicates that oil-based perfumes were scented with roses, sage and
sedqe; sedge may also have been utilized to fix the scent; Wylock suggests manufacturing
procedures based upon analogues found in later Greek and Roman sources. See also 465 and
504.

504 Wylock, Michel. 1972. Les aromates dans les tablettes Ge de Mycenes. Studi
Micenei ed Egeo-Anatolici 15:105-146.

Discusses the use of aromatic plants--including fennel, cumin, sesame, cress,

celery, coriander and mint--mentioned in the Ge series of Linear B tablets from Mycenae. See
also 465 and 503.
505 Young, D. 1965. Some puzzles about Minoan woolgathering. Kadmos
4:111-122.

Young questions some of J.T. Killen's assumptions concerning the wool industry
at Knossos. See also 474-478, 480, 486 and 491.

Trade

While agriculture formed the basis of the Mycenaean economy, trade supplied both
necessities and luxury items to the palaces and other settlements. If necessary, settlements could
be--and often were--self-sufficient. However, as Mycenaean society became more complex, the
demand for raw materials and finished products largely lacking in mainland Greece increased.
Likewise, the generation of agricultural surplus and the manufacture of products discussed in the
previous section completed the equation, providing both the means and the motivation for
systems of exchange. Long-distance trade was largely driven by demands of the ruling class for
metals, exotic raw materials and luxury finished goods, rather than a need to find markets for the
result of production beyond subsistence.

Exchange was the primary mechanism of distribution and took place on a number of
levels, both within the Mycenaean system and outside it. A number of trade networks, some
local and regional (the Saronic Gulf, the AWestern String@ of the Cyclades, for example) and
others broader in scope (eastern Mediterranean and central Mediterranean) have been identified.
As already suggested, the establishment of a redistribution system involves exchange on a local
level, within and between communities, and as the Pylos Linear B tablets demonstrate, within
each Mycenaean state. Very likely, too, exchange took place between states, although this is
somewhat more difficult to document. Finally, exchange took place on an international level, as
Mycenaeans participated in a regional exchange system encompassing almost the entire
Mediterranean area, as well as regions to the north. It is upon this long-distance trade and the
resulting contacts with other cultures that I will focus here.

In the ancient world, trade was rarely if ever a purely economic activity. Political,
social and cultural aspects were almost always involved. This is particularly the case in the
exchange of prestige or luxury items. Very often trade took the form or guise of gift exchange
between rulers or might even be characterized as the payment of tribute (when in fact the
exaction of "tribute" might be reciprocal). Thus the depiction of Keftiu (Aegeans of some kind,
most likely Minoans or Mycenaeans) by the Egyptians as bearing tribute most plausibly
represents a high level exchange of prestige items between the king of Mycenae or Knossos and
the Egyptian pharaoh.

Other less valuable items in greater quantity typically accompanied these high level
exchanges. Foreign policy, as it were, is likely therefore to have been a fairly complex
undertaking for the Mycenaean state, not only due to the sophisticated exchange mechanisms
required and the logistical problems involved, but because of the nature of supply and demand
and the large number of societies--ranging in social, political and economic complexity from
tribal societies in Europe to highly organized and powerful empires such as those of Egypt and
the Hittites--with whom they had to deal. Certainly this would have been in itself a strong
stimulus for developing the Linear B writing system and the system of record-keeping for which
it was designed.

Our understanding of the nature and organization of various Mediterranean trade

networks has become fuller due to a considerable amount of recent research devoted to this topic.
It now seems, for instance, that much of the trade was carried out by middlemen and
entrepreneurs not directly connected with palace or state organizations; Cyprus, in particular,
was well placed to serve as an active intermediary in this respect. It also seems that the major
Mycenaean centers may have established specific and perhaps exclusive trade arrangements with
entrepôts throughout the Mediterranean.

The Mycenaeans sought and obtained from elsewhere at least one class of material
essential to the functioning of their civilization: these were copper and tin ores necessary for the
alloying of bronze. They also obtained through exchange raw materials including amber, ivory,
gold and semiprecious stones and finished products of these and other materials from a variety of
sources. They traded in turn products such as pottery, olive oil, textiles and bronze artifacts.
Where and how they exchanged these goods and the nature and extent of their contacts and
relationships with other peoples in doing so varied from place to place, and will be therefore
discussed on a region-by-region basis (see External Contacts, below).

506 Bass, George F. 1997. Prolegomena to a study of maritime traffic in raw materials
to the Aegean during the fourteenth and thirteenth centuries B.C. In: TEKHNE:
Craftsmen, Craftswomen and Craftmanship in the Aegean Bronze Age.
Proceedings of the 6th International Aegean conference/6e Rencontre égéenne
internationale, Philadelphia, Temple University, 18-21 April 1996, Vol. 1. Robert
Laffineur and Philip P. Betancourt, eds. pp. 153-170. Liege: Université de Liège Histoire
de l'art et archéologie de la Grèce antique and University of Texas at Austin Program in
Aegean Scripts and Prehistory.

Describes and discusses raw materials found in four sunken Late Bronze Age ships
at Cape Gelidonya, Uluburun, Kfar Samir and Point Iria, including metals, other minerals, ivory,
glass, wood, perfume and incense, dyes, ostrich eggshells, lapidary materials, tortoise carapaces
and foodstuffs. Bass states that there is no reason to believe that any of these ships was
Mycenaean, although they carried some Mycenaean artifacts and may have had Mycenaean
merchants onboard; thus a strong Eastern Mediterranean role in maritime commerce seems
evident, while the role Mycenaeans played remains a matter for debate. See also 531.

507 Belardelli, Clarissa. 1993. Aegean-type pottery from Coppa Nevigata, Apulia.
In: Proceedings of the International Conference, Wace and Blegen: Pottery as
Evidence for Trade in the Aegean Bronze Age, 1939-1989, Held at the American
School of Classical Studies at Athens, Athens, December 2-3, 1989. Carol
Zerner, Peter Zerner and John Winder, eds. pp. 347-352. Amsterdam: J.C.
Gieben.

Briefly describes and discusses Mycenaean pottery at this site in southeastern

Italy, the only truly urban settlement on the Adriatic coast during the Late Bronze Age, which
may have engaged in direct trade with the Aegean area. The pottery, which dates to LH IIIB,
appears to have been produced locally. See also 508, 528, 534-536, 542 and 543.

508 Bietti Sestieri, Anna Maria. 1988. The "Mycenaean connection" and its impact
on Central Mediterranean societies. Dialoghia di Archeologia 6:23-51.

Proposes and discusses a model of contact and interaction between Mycenaean

Greece and the Central Mediterranean area, and examines archaeological evidence related to it.
See also 507, 528, 534-536, 542 and 543.

509 Cadogan, Gerald. 1969. Mycenaean trade. Bulletin of the Institute of Classical
Studies 16:152-154.

A good, brief summary paper in which Cadogan suggests that unlike Minoan
civilization, trade did not have a significant impact on Mycenaean life, nor did it have political
repercussions; rather, Mycenaean trade was driven primarily by the need for raw materials,
particularly copper and tin. See also 544.

510 Catling, Hector W. 1991. Bronze Age trade in the Mediterranean: a view.
In: Bronze Age Trade in the Mediterranean: Papers Presented at the Conference
held at Rewley House, Oxford, in December 1989. Noel H. Gale, ed. pp. 1-13.
Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology 90. Jonsered: Paul Åströms Förlag.

Provides an overview and general discussion of Bronze Age trade in the

Mediterranean, emphasizing in particular difficulties in and complexities of interpretation, with
specific reference to relations between Cyprus and Mycenaean Greece; Catling believes that the
primary focus of analysis should be on the identification of imports, their precise spatial and
chronological contexts, and if possible, their places of origin by means of conoisseurship and
scientific analysis. See also 523-525 and 537.

511 Cline, Eric H. 1991. A possible Hittite embargo against the Mycenaeans.
Historia 40:1-9.

Examination of material evidence reveals a great disparity between the number of

Egyptian and Near Eastern (c. 800) and Hittite (6) artifacts in the Aegean and Egyptian/Near
Eastern vs. Mycenaean artifacts in central Anatolia, suggesting the existence of an economic
embargo against the Mycenaeans by the Hittites; in terms of textual evidence, there is little
mention of Mycenaeans in Hittite texts and no mention of Hittites in Linear B texts; further
support for this hypothesis comes from a known embargo of Assyria by the Hittites.

512 Cline, Eric H. 1994. Sailing the wine-Dark Sea: International Trade and the Late
Bronze Age Aegean. BAR International Series 591. Oxford: Tempvs Revaratvm.
316 p.
 This extensive description and analysis of trade and contact between the Aegean
and other areas during the Late Bronze Age consists of: 1) discussion of trade and contact
chronologically and geographically; 2) discussion of trade mechanisms involved, trade routes,
merchant nationalities, goods, motivations and partnerships; 3) a literary and pictorial catalogue
of evidence for outsiders' knowledge of the LBA Aegean region and vice versa; 4) a catalogue of
942 objects, arranged by type, listing and describing Anatolian, Cypriot, Egyptian, Italian,
Mesopotamian and Syro-Palestinian finished objects found in LH/LM I-IIIC contexts on
mainland Greece, Crete, Rhodes, and the Cycladic Islands; 5) conclusions, including the
following: trade was primarily directional to the major palatial centers of the Aegean, with
secondary redistribution from those centers; trade was primarily commercial, although some gift
exchanges at the court level may have taken place as well; primary trade goods included wines,
perfumes, oils, and metals; the nature and volume of trade varied from place to place and shifted
over time; individual foreign merchants, diplomats, craftsmen or sailors may have had permanent
or temporary domiciles in various cities and towns of the LBA Aegean; trade networks and
diplomatic connections were as complex and politically motivated in the ancient world as they
are today. Includes numerous tables and an extensive bibliography.

513 Cline, Eric H. 1995. "My brother, my son": rulership and trade between the LBA
Aegean, Egypt and the Near East. In: The Role of the Ruler in the Prehistoric
Aegean. Proceedings of a Panel Discussion presented at the Annual Meeting of the
Archaeological Institute of America, New Orleans, Louisiana, 28 December 1992,
With Additions. Paul Rehak, ed. pp. 143-150. Aegaeum 11, Annales d'archéologie
égéenne de l'Université de Liège et UT-PASP. Liège: Université de Liège Histoire de l'art
et archéologie de la Grèce antique/University of Texas at Austin Program in Aegean
Scripts and Prehistory.

Cline cites ethnographic analogy, as well as archaeological and textual evidence,

in support of the idea that much trade in the Late Bronze Age Eastern Mediterranean area took
the form of gift exchange between rulers. See also 541.

514 Cline, Eric H. 1995. Egyptian and Near Eastern imports at Late Bronze Age
Mycenae. In: Egypt, the Aegean and the Levant: Interconnections in the
Second Millenium BC. pp. 91-115. W. Vivian Davies and Louise Schofield, eds.
London: British Museum Press.
 Examination of imported artifacts from Egypt and the Near East from Mycenae
reveals three categories of items: functional trade-related objects; ornamental items from widely-
scattered areas of the Eastern Mediterranean; and inscribed Egyptian objects likely associated
with more formal diplomatic contacts. The distribution pattern suggests that Mycenae served as a
"gateway community" for the importation of such foreign goods and was the focal point of a
deliberate directional trade from Egypt and the Near East. Such trade, while taking place at least
since LH I, reached a height in the LH IIIB period, just after the reign of Akhenaten. Includes a
catalogue of 113 objects arranged by type. See also 521.

515 Evans, J.A.S. 1980. The Mycenaean trading empire after the radiocarbon
revolution. Echoes du Monde Classique 24:89-94.

516 Gillis, Carole. 1995. Trade in the Late Bronze Age. In: Trade and Production in
Premonetary Greece: Aspects of Trade. Proceedings of the Third
International Workshop, Athens 1993. Carole Gillis, Christina Risberg and
Birgitta Sjöberg, eds. pp. 61-86. Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology and
Literature Pocket-Book 134. Jonsered: Paul Åströms Förlag.

A good recent summary. After describing and discussing trade in the Aegean Bronze
Age, Gillis concludes that many types and levels of trade and exchange coexisted in the Eastern
Mediterranean during the Late Bronze Age and that commercial, market-oriented long-distance
trade conducted by professional middlemen-either independent or Aemployed@, private or state-
ownedBworking on a profit or commission basis was one of them. In the Aegean area, at least
three different modes of exchange existed coevally: 1) gift/exchange/redistribution and simple
barter predominating on the local and regional level; 2) commercial trade with the Eastern
Mediterranean, in which Aegean peoples were participants, but not active traders; 3) active
commercial trade with the Central Mediterranean conducted by Mycenaeans.

517 Graziado, Giampaolo. 1998. Trade circuits and trade routes in the Shaft Grave
period. Studi Miceni ed Egeo-Anatolici 40:29-76.

Graziado defines two separate trade circuits: an eastern circuit including east-
central Greece, the eastern Peloponnese, Aigina, the Cyclades and Crete; and a western circuit
involving the western Peloponnese, Kythera and Crete. He discusses the routes between various
regions as well as contacts between both circuits, placing the southern Peloponnese and Crete in
intermediate positions between them. Also discusses ceramic evidence for trade routes,
specifically Aegean pottery of the Shaft Grave period in Italy and routes to the western
Mediterranean.

518 Gunneweg, J. and Helen V. Michel. 1999. Does the different layout of the Late
Bronze Age tombs at Laish/Dan and Akko in northern Canaan reflect different
trade relations? An instrumental neutron activation study on Mycenaean pottery.
Journal of Archaeological Science 26:989-995.

Examines the origin of LH IIIA-B ware found in burials along with Cypriot and
local Canaanite pottery, weapons, bronze vessels, gold and silver jewelry and bone and ivory
objects. Whereas all of the 28 LH IIIA2-B1 pots--including a pictorial krater depicting two
charioteers--was found to derive from Mycenae/Berbati, the pottery from Akko came from
Nichoria. The authors therefore suggest that certain tombs at both sites were reserved for
resident foreigners representing Mycenaean and other commercial interests, and that these
middlemen had connections with different mainland sites. See also 520, 533 and 537.

519 Hallager, Birgitta P. 1993. Mycenaean pottery in Crete. In: Proceedings of the
International Conference, Wace and Blegen: Pottery as Evidence for Trade in the Aegean
Bronze Age, 1939-1989, Held at the American School of Classical Studies at Athens,
Athens, December 2-3, 1989. Carol Zerner, Peter Zerner and John Winder, eds. pp. 263-
269. Amsterdam: J.C. Gieben.

Hallager interprets the presence of Mycenaean pottery at 23 LM IIIA and IIIB

sites as evidence of trade with the Greek mainland. The steady increase in frequency through LM
IIIB1 and the prevalence of one shape, the stirrup jar, indicates a regular trade in which many of
the vases probably served as containers for desired goods. See also 521, 522, 525, 532, 533, 540
and 545.

520 Hankey, Vronwy. 1970. Mycenaean trade with the south-eastern Mediterranean.
Melanges de l'Université Saint-Joseph 46:9-30.
 A good summary article; Hankey reports good evidence for contact between
mainland Greece and Egypt before c. 1475 B.C., although goods or influence may have reached
Greece by way of Anatolia and Egypt via Crete, which would imply Minoan-Mycenaean
collaboration until the destruction of Knossos c. 1380. In the 14th century, Mycenaean pottery
was manufactured on a large scale in the Argolid for export, mainly to Cyprus. The organization,
quantity and quality of this trade declined in the latter part of the 13th century; there is little
evidence for Mycenaean trading colonies at this time. Some sporadic trade with Attika continued
during the 12th century. See also 518, 523 and 537.

521 Hankey, Vronwy. 1995. Stirrup jars at El- Amarna. In: Egypt, the Aegean and
the Levant: Interconnections in the Second Millenium BC. pp. 116-124. W. Vivian
Davies and Louise Schofield, eds. London: British Museum Press.

Hankey briefly describes, illustrates and discusses nine fragments of LH IIIA2-

IIIB1 stirrup jars from El-Amarna, which she infers were, along with vertical flasks, used for the
transport--most likely from Crete--and storage of perfumed olive oil. See also 514, 519, 522,
525, 531, 533, 540 and 545..

522 Haskell, Halford W. 1983. From palace to town administration: the evidence of
coarse-ware stirrup-jars. In: Minoan Society: Proceedings of the Cambridge
Colloquium 1981. Olga Krzyszkowska and Lucia Nixon, eds. pp. 121-128.
Bristol: Bristol Classical Press.

Haskell suggests that Mycenaean features such as the use of inscribed

coarse-ware stirrup jars could represent a post-palatial context characterized by a resurgence of
regionalism in which sites such as Khania in western Crete retained either members or methods
of the Mycenaean bureaucratic system for the management of trade in olive oil or wine; contains
a good summary of the LM III administrative structure. See also 519, 521, 525, 531, 533, 540
and 545.

523 Hirschfeld, Nicolle. 1992. Cypriot marks on Mycenaean pottery. In: Mykenäika:
Actes du IX Colloque international sur les textes mycéniens et égéens organise
par le Centre de l'Antiquite Grecque et Romaine de la Fondation Héllenique des
Recherches Scientifiques et l'École française d'Athènes (Athènes, 2-6 octobre
1990). Jean-Pierre Olivier, ed. pp. 315-319. Bulletin de Correspondence
Hellénique Supplement 25. Paris: Diffusion de Boccard.

Since most incised marks on LH IIIA-B pottery are restricted to the handles of
large transport/storage vessels from a limited number of places (the Argolid, Cyprus and Ras
Shamra/Minet el Beidha), it is suggested that they comprised a marking system associated with a
specific and directed use. Hirschfeld argues that this system is directly related to potmarking
practices on Cyprus, whereby vessels with Cypro-Minoan signs were routed via Cyprus or
handled by people familiar with the Cypriot marking system. She further suggests that these
vessels designated for export from the Argolid to Cyprus as part of a highly-organized trade
network. See also 510, 518, 520, 524, 525, 533 and 537.

524 Hirschfeld, Nicolle. 1993. Incised marks (post-firing) on Aegean wares. In:
Proceedings of the International Conference, Wace and Blegen: Pottery as Evidence for
Trade in the Aegean Bronze Age, 1939-1989, Held at the American School of Classical
Studies at Athens, Athens, December 2-3, 1989, Carol Zerner, Peter Zerner and John
Winder, eds., pp. 310-318, Amsterdam: J.C. Gieben.

Hirschfeld notes that, compared to earlier periods, Aegean vases bearing marks
incised after firing are relatively few in number, consist of a limited range of shapes and are
primarily a LH/LM IIIB phenomenon. In contrast, the practice of marking pottery with incised
signs is common on Cyprus and in the Near East, and large numbers of incised Aegean wares are
found on Cyprus in a wider range of shapes than those found on the mainland. It is suggested
that these marks are directly associated with Cypriot marking systems, probably involving direct
trade between Cyprus and the Argolid. See also 510, 523, 525 and 537.

525 Hirschfeld, Nicole. 1997-1998. Ways of exchange in the LBA Eastern

Mediterranean: the evidence of marked vases. Bulletin of the Institute of Classical
Studies 42:212-213.

There are at least 900 traded vessels in the Eastern Mediterranean with marks
incised or painted on their handles, bases or bodies, but they are restricted to specific periods and
regions. In the 14th and 13th centuries the marking of pottery falls into specific and limited
categories, including the marking of certain local shapes and wares in Egypt and Cyprus and the
systematic, though infrequent, marking of Minoan coarseware stirrup jars, Mycenaean decorated
fine-ware vases and Canaanite amphorae, all of which were commonly traded in the Eastern
Mediterranean. The marks seem to have little to do with places of origin, but rather were applied
by middlemen--merchants, distributors or handlers--using signs related to Cypro-Minoan script.
The incising of Cypriot signs into Mycenaean vases was limited to large storage vessels (stirrup
and piriform jars) and pottery with pictorial decoration (mainly large kraters) in LH IIIA-B.
Signs were also painted, but on a wider and different range of shapes, mostly small decorated
fine-wares, thus suggesting the use of different marking systems depending on the type of vessel,
their contents and their destination. This indicates a strictly stratified organization of trade, with
different kinds of goods administered separately, from Cyprus. Hirschfeld suggests that possibly
Cypriot merchants in the Peloponnese also were selecting and marking pottery for shipment
eastward. See also 510, 519, 521-525, 531, 533, 537, 540 and 545.

526 Immerwahr, Sara A. 1960. Mycenaean trade and colonization. Archaeology

13:4-13.

One of the best summaries of this topic; traces the development of Mycenaean
trade from c. 2000 to c. 1200 B.C., based primarily on the distribution of pottery outside Greece
proper; Immerwahr believes that the Mycenaeans conducted most of their own seaborne trade,
which is largely restricted to coastal areas of the eastern and central Mediterranean; also
discusses the relationship of mainland Greece to Crete in respect to trade; discusses in particular
evidence from Rhodes and Cyprus in terms of contact and influence.

527 Jones, Richard E. 1993. Pottery as evidence for trade and colonisation in the
Aegean Bronze Age: the contribution of scientific techniques. In: Proceedings of
the International Conference, Wace and Blegen: Pottery as Evidence for
Trade in the Aegean Bronze Age, 1939-1989, Held at the American School of
Classical Studies at Athens, Athens, December 2-3, 1989. Carol Zerner, Peter
Zerner and John Winder, eds. pp. 11-17. Amsterdam: J.C. Gieben.

Historical survey and critical examination of the contributions and potential of

laboratory-based techniques, replication experiments and raw materials prospection, particularly
the development of characterization studies by chemical and petrographic methods and ceramic
ecology.
528 Jones, Richard E. and Lucia Vagnetti. 1991. Traders and craftsmen in the
Central Mediterranean: archaeological evidence and archaeometric
research. In: Bronze Age Trade in the Mediterranean: Papers Presented at the
Conference held at Rewley House, Oxford, in

December 1989. Noel H. Gale, ed. pp. 127-147. Studies in Mediterranean

Archaeology 90. Jonsered: Paul Åströms Förlag.

Summarizes recent archaeological and archaeometric data concerning Italy in the

Late Bronze Age; the authors present the following reconstruction of trade/contact with the
Aegean: 1) around 1600 B.C. traders from mainland Greece in search of raw material establish
systematic connections with the south Tyrrhenian coast; 2) this pattern of trade continues and
increases with the development of the Mycenaean palatial economy, with expanded contact with
southern Italy and southeastern Sicily; 3) a change in this pattern during the 13th century B.C.,
continuing into the 12th century, with the local manufacture of Aegean-type pottery and Aegean
and Cypriot-type metalwork, possibly resulting from the activity of itinerant craftsmen and
traders. See also 507, 508, 534-536, 542 and 543.

529 Kardulias, P. Nick. 1999. Flaked stone and the role of the palaces in the
Mycenaean world system. In: Rethinking Mycenaean Palaces: New
Interpretations of an Old Idea. Michael L. Galaty and William A. Parkinson, eds.
pp. 61-71. Cotsen Institute of Archaeology, University of California, Los
Angeles, Monograph 41. Los Angeles: Cotsen Institute of Archaeology, University of
California, Los Angeles.

Kardulias provides a useful summary of the Bronze Age Aegean world system
model, and suggests that flaked stone, particularly obsidian, was not part of the inter-regional
system of trade encompassing the Eastern Mediterranean, but rather involved local and regional
decentralized acquisition, production and distribution, largely beyond the interest and control of
the palaces, which focused their attention on the accumulation of wealth through products such
as oil, bronze and textiles, and because flintknapping was an easily transferrable technology.
530 Kardulias, P. Nick, Timothy Gregory and Jed Sawmiller. 1995. Bronze Age and
late antique exploitation of an islet in the Saronic Gulf, Greece. Journal of Field
Archaeology 22:3-21.

Survey of the island of Euraionisos in the western Saronic Gulf indicates that
although it was a marginal environment, it was inhabited and exploited in Mycenaean times,
when it was used for manufacturing and distributing saddle querns made of andesite from a site
in or around the Saronic Gulf and was a link in the trade network for these items.

531 Knapp, A. Bernard. 1991. Spice, drugs, grain and grog: organic goods in Bronze
Age East Mediterranean trade. In: Bronze Age Trade in the Mediterranean:
Papers Presented at the Conference at Rewley House, Oxford, in
December 1989. Noel H. Gale, ed. pp. 21-68. Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology 90.
Jonsered: Paul Åströms Förlag.

In this examination and analysis of textual references to or archaeological

evidence of the trade or exchange of organic or perishable items in the Eastern Mediterranean,
Knapp considers the use of stirrup jars to transport oils, and lists and discusses a variety of
organic materials described in the Linear B tablets; in his closing discussion, he notes evidence
for regional specialization and a diversity of trade mechanisms; an important article. See also
506, 519, 521, 522, 525, 533, 540 and 545.

532 Kopke, Günter. 1990. Handel. Archaeologia Homerica 2, pt. M.

Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht. 157 p.

Discusses trade in the Aegean and Mediterranean from the Early Bronze Age to
the Archaic period; several chapters, comprising more than one-third of the text, concern
mainland Greece in the Late Bronze Age; includes an excellent bibliography arranged by topic.
533 Leonard, Albert, Jr. 1995. "Canaanite Jars" and the Late Bronze Age Aegeo-
Levantine wine trade. In: The Origins and Ancient History of Wine. Patrick E.
McGovern, Stuart J. Fleming and Solomon H. Katz, eds. pp. 233-254.
Philadelphia: Gordon and Breach Publishers.

After reviewing evidence for the making and consumption of wine in the eastern
Mediterranean, the worship of Dionysos and the drinking of wine, the origins and use of the
Canaanite jar and the distribution of Canaanite jars in the Aegean, Leonard concludes that
Canaanite jars were multipurpose containers in which a variety of commodities, both edible and
inedible, were exchanged among the cultures of the eastern Mediterranean and that an Aegeo-
Levantine wine trade cannot yet be demonstrated archaeologically. See also 518-522, 525, 531,
537, 540 and 545.

534 Marazzi, Massimiliano. 1988. La più antíca marineria micenea in occidènte.

Dialoghia di Archeologia 6:5-22.

Discusses possible commercial routes involved in Mycenaean trade in the Eastern

and Central Mediterranean in the 16th and 15th centuries B.C., with particular reference to the
Gulf of Naples. See also 507, 508, 528, 535, 536, 542 and 543.

535 Marazzi, Massimiliano and Sebastiano Tusa. 1979. Die mykenische penetration
im westlichen Mittelmeerraum: probleme und vorasusetzungen bei der
gestaltung einer forschung über die italienischen und sizilianischen
handelszentren. Klio 61:309-351.

Examines trade mechanisms and economic processes and the evidence for them in
order to discuss the Mycenaean development of trade with and penetration into the Western
Mediterranean. See also 507, 508, 528, 534, 536, 542 and 543.
536 Mederos Martin, Alfred. 1997. Cambio de rumbo. Interacción comercial entre
el Bronce Final Atlántico Ibérico y Micénico en el Mediterráneo central (1425-
1050 A.C.). Trabajos de Prehistoria 54(2):113-134.

Analysis of metallic axes and swords suggests that the presence of LH IIIA-B
pottery in Andalucia is not an isolated phenomenon, but represents part of a commercial network
involving the eastern and western Mediterranean centered in the islands of Sicily and Sardinia.
See also 507, 508, 528, 534, 535, 542 and 543.

537 Merillees, Robert S. 1974. Trade and Transcendence in the Bronze

Age Levant. Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology 39. Göteborg: Paul
Åströms Förlag. 81 p.

One essay in this collection, "Cypriote Relations with the Bronze Age Aegean,"
discusses the nature of contact between Cyprus and Mycenaean Greece, enumerating the
evidence for this contact, particularly the presence of Cypriote pottery in the Aegean; Merrillees
suggests that the bulk of trade between the two areas was carried out by independent
entrepreneurs. See also 518, 520 and 533.

538 Muhly, James David. 1973. Copper and tin. The distribution of mineral resources
and the nature of the metals trade in the Bronze Age. Transactions of the
Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences, v.43, pp. 155-535. New Haven:
Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences.

See also 509 and 539.

539 Muhly, James David. 1976. Supplement to Copper and Tin: The Distribution of
Mineral Resources and the Nature of the Metals Trade in the Bronze Age.
Transactions of The Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences, v.46, pp. 77-
136. Hamden, CT: Archon Books.

Discusses a number of important publications since the original appearance of

Muhly’s monograph, emphasizing problems directly related to metallurgy rather than
archaeology or philology. See also 509 and 538.
540 Negbi, Ora and Moshe Negbi. 1993. Stirrup- jars versus Canaanite jars: their
contents and reciprocal trade. In: Proceedings of the International Conference,
Wace and Blegen: Pottery as Evidence for Trade in the Aegean Bronze Age, 1939-
1989, Held at the American School of Classical Studies at Athens, Athens,
December 2-3, 1989. Carol Zerner, Peter Zerner and John Winder, eds. pp. 319-
329. Amsterdam: J.C. Gieben.

The authors suggest that Mycenaean stirrup jars served the purpose of storing and
transporting flavored wine and perfumed oil, while Syro-Palestinian amphorae were containers
for resins used by the Mycenaeans to produce scented wine. See also 519, 521, 522, 525, 531,
533 and 545.

541 Peltenberg, E.J. 1991. Greeting gifts and luxury faience: a context for
orientalising trends in late Mycenaean Greece. In: Bronze Age Trade in the
Mediterranean: Papers Presented at the Conference held at Rewley House,
Oxford, in December 1989. Noel H. Gale, ed. pp. 162-179. Studies in
Mediterranean Archaeology 90. Jonsered: Paul Åströms Förlag.

Peltenberg argues that faience vessels found at Mycenae and Kition have little in
common with earlier Minoan-Mycenaean faience traditions and represent an orientalizing
International Style which supplanted indigenous Aegean work due to the increasing involvement
of Mycenae and other mainland states with a system of reciprocal gift-giving in the Eastern
Mediterranean which stimulated a preference for Oriental and Orientalizing luxury goods, such
as the faiences discussed. See also 513.

542 Re, Licia. 1993. Early Mycenaean plain and coarse ware from Italy. In:
Proceedings of the International Conference, Wace and Blegen: Pottery as
Evidence for Trade in the Aegean Bronze Age, 1939-1989, Held at the American
School of Classical Studies at Athens, Athens, December 2-3, 1989. Carol
Zerner, Peter Zerner and John Winder, eds. pp. 331-334. Amsterdam: J.C. Gieben.
 Describes and discusses more than 240 fragments of painted and undecorated
domestic pottery of Middle Helladic tradition dating to LH I-IIA from the island of Vivara,
which may have been storage vessels imported as part of a complex exchange system. These
finds represent the first complete assemblage of early Mycenaean fine and coarse domestic wares
found in Italy. See also 507, 508, 528, 534-536 and 543.

543 Smith, Thyrza R. 1987. Mycenaean Trade and Interaction in the West Central
Mediterranean, 1600-1000 B.C.. BAR International Series 371. Oxford: British
Archaeological Reports. 189 p.

This detailed and thorough analysis is the best recent work on the subject. In it,
Smith describes, examines and appraises archaeological evidence for Aegean trade and
interaction in the West Central Mediterranean area in the 2nd millennium B.C. within the context
of theoretical approaches to long distance maritime trade. Also included are a gazetteer of West
Central Mediterranean sites with Aegean Bronze Age material and a discussion of patterns of
distribution of Mycenaean pottery in that area. She suggests that the primary motivation for trade
and contact was the Mycenaean acquisition of metals, conducted largely through coastal and
island gateway communities with Mycenaeans in residence. Although the majority of Italian
Bronze Age communities demonstrate little evidence of contact, these trade nodes exhibit
considerable Mycenaean influence and a higher level of socio-economic complexity. See also
507-509, 528, 534-536, 538, 539 and 542.

544 Snodgrass, Anthony M. 1991. Bronze Age exchange: a minimalist view.

In: Bronze Age Trade in the Mediterranean: Papers Presented at the
Conference held at Rewley House, Oxford, in December 1989. Noel H. Gale, ed.
pp. 15-20. Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology 90. Jonsered: Paul Åströms
Förlag.

Offers some caveats concerning the interpretation of Bronze Age trade in terms of
commercial, profit-oriented enterprise, suggesting rather that the available evidence indicates the
dominance of non-commercial exchange, primarily in the forms of reciprocity and redistribution.
See also 509.
545 Tournavitou, Iphegenia. 1990. Aspects of trade and production in Mycenaean
Greece. Hydra 7:76-91.

An analysis of four LH IIIB1 houses at Mycenae (the West House, the House of
Shields, the House of the Oil Merchant and the House of the Sphinxes) in terms of their function
and status; the large number of stirrup jars in these houses suggests their association with the oil
trade, as does the large number of imported faience artifacts in the House of the Shields and
Linear B tablets dealing with oil and spices; the evidence thus points to central control of
long-distance trade; may be difficult to obtain. See also 519-522, 525, 531, 533, and 540.

Ships and Shipwrecks

Several shipwrecks in the MediterraneanB-at Cape Gelidonya and Uluburun off the
coast of Turkey and at Point Iria off the coast of Greece-Bhave contributed immeasurably to our
understanding of Late Bronze Age trade. Some of the most important information derived from
these wrecks includes the nature and construction of the ships themselves, the contents they
carried, the routes that they followed, and the nationality of the sailors and those on board.

546 Bass. George F. 1967. Cape Gelidonya: A Bronze Age Shipwreck.

Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, vol. 57, pt. 8. Philadelphia.

Final publication of the first fully-excavated Bronze Age shipwreck, found off the
southwestern coast of Anatolia.

547 Bass, George F. 1986. A Bronze Age shipwreck at Ulu Burun (Ka): 1984
campaign. American Journal of Archaeology 90:269-296.
 The first preliminary account of excavation of this 14th century B.C. shipwreck;
initial discoveries include copper and tin ingots, glass ingots, unworked ivory, gold and silver
jewelry, bronze tools and weapons, and Cypriot, Mycenaean and Syro-Palestinian pottery. See
also 552-554.

548 Hocker, Fred and Thomas G. Palaima. 1990- 1991. Late Bronze Age Aegean
ships and the Pylos tablets Vn 46 and Vn 879. Minos 25- 26:297-317.

Discusses these two texts, which might deal with materials for ship construction,
from a nautical and archaeological perspective, primarily based on evidence from representations
of ships and shipwrecks. See also 549.

549 Palaima, Thomas G. 1991. Maritime matters in the Linear B tablets. In: Thalassa:
L'Egée Prehistorique et la Mer. Actes de la troisième Rencontre egéene
internationale de l'Université de Liège, Station de recherches sous-marines et
oceanographiques (StaReSo), Calvi, Corse. Robert Laffineur and Lucien Basch,
eds. pp. 273-310. Aegaeum 7, Annales d'archéologie égéenne de l'Université de
Liège. Liège: Université de Liège.

Examines evidence in Linear B texts for the nature and organization of trade
between the mainland and Mycenaean Crete, i.e. collection and interpretation of all textual
references pertaining to the general process of trade during the developed palatial period and
other ways Mycenaeans made use of the sea, including maritime trade, fishing, organization of a
military or commercial fleet, trade products, materials for ship construction and personnel
connected with ships. Palaima concludes that evidence does exist that the central palatial
administrations at Knossos and Pylos had organized systems for building, maintaining and
manning sizable fleets, at least for military purposes, including references to ship builders,
materials and component pieces for ship construction and rowers; there is, however, little direct
reference to trade or shipping activities. See also 548.

550 Pennas, H., Y. Vichos and Y. Lolos. 1991. The 1991 underwater survey of the
Late Bronze Age Wreck at Point Iria. Enalia Annual 3:4-16.
 See also 551 and 555.

551 Phelps, William, Yannos Lolos and Yannis Vichos, eds. 1999. The Point Iria
Wreck: Interconnections in the Mediterranean ca. 1200 B.C. Proceedings of the
International Conference, Island of Spetses, 19 September 1998. Athens: Hellenic
Institute of Marine Archaeology.

See also 550 and 555.

552 Pulak, Cemal. 1988. The Bronze Age shipwreck at Ulu Burun, Turkey: the 1985
campaign. American Journal of Archaeology 92:1-37.

Preliminary excavation report describing the wreck and describing, discussing and
illustrating finds, most notably copper oxhide ingots, Mycenaean, Cypriot and Near Eastern
pottery, bronze tools and weapons, balance pan weights, gold and silver jewelry and beads. Pulak
discusses the chronology of the wreck, the route of the ship and its nationality. See also 547, 553
and 554.

553 Pulak, Cemal. 1997. The Uluburun shipwreck. In: Res Maritimae: Cyprus and the
Eastern Mediterranean from Prehistory to Late Antiquity. Proceedings of the
Second International Symposium "Cities on the Sea," Nicosia, Cyprus, October
18-22, 1994. ed. Stuart Swiny, Robert L. Hohlfelder and Helena Wylde Swiny. pp.
233-262. Cyprus American Archaeological Research Institute Monograph Series,
Volume 1. Atlanta: Scholars Press.

This is now probably the single best and most detailed summary, description and
discussion of this important Late Bronze Age shipwreck off the southwestern coast of Anatolia.
The ship contained mostly raw materials, the most significant contents of which include more
than 484 ingots of copper totaling ten tons, nearly a ton of virtually pure tin, about a ton of
terebinth resin stored in a large number of Caananite amphoras, 175 glass ingots, logs of wood,
elephant ivory and hippopotamus teeth. Finished goods included Cypriot and Mycenaean
pottery, Cypriot, Caananite and Egyptian metal vessels and jewelry and Caananite and
Mycenaean swords and daggers. Pulak suggests that the ship, which probably sank not long after
1306 B.C., may have been an official royal shipment originating at Ugarit with an ultimate
Aegean destination, and making stops at specifically designated "gateway communities" on the
Syro-Palestinian coast, Cyprus and Egypt. In addition to products of Caananite, Cypriot,
Egyptian, Nubian, Baltic, Northern Balkan, Old Babylonian, Kassite, Assyrian and possibly
other cultures, the Mycenaean pottery on board helps to date the transition between LH IIIA2
and LH IIIB1 to 1320-1295 B.C., and may also indicate the presence of important Mycenaean
passengers on the ship itself. See also 547, 552 and 554.

554 Pulak, Cemal. 1998. The Uluburun shipwreck: an overview. International Journal
of Nautical Archaeology and Underwater Exploration 27:188-224.

A report on eleven seasons of excavation with full references to earlier articles,

discussing reasons for a date of the ship=s sinking shortly after 1316 B.C., a diversity of objects
from at least nine cultures, the presence of many types of pan-balance weights(epitomizing
various means by which Near Eastern goods reached the Aegean), the amount of Cypriot pottery
(twice that of all other Cypriot pots found throughout the Aegean) and the construction of the
ship of planks and keel of cedar and oak tenons. See also 547, 552 and 553.

555 Vichos, Yannis and Yannos Lolos. 1997. The Cypro-Mycenaean wreck at Point
Iria in the Argolic Gulf: first thoughts on the origin and the nature of the vessel.
In: Res Maritimae: Cyprus and the Eastern Mediterranean from
Prehistory to Late Antiquity. Proceedings of the Second International
Symposium "Cities on the Sea," Nicosia, Cyprus, October 18-22, 1994. ed. Stuart
Swiny, Robert L. Hohlfelder and Helena Wylde Swiny. pp. 321-335. Cyprus American
Archaeological Research Institute Monograph Series, Volume 1. Atlanta: Scholars Press.

Preliminary description and discussion of the results of the 1990-1994 underwater

excavation of a Cypro-Mycenaean ship at Point Iria in the Argolic Gulf. The relatively small ship
had a cargo of 7-10 Cypriot (LC IIC/IIIA), 7-9 Mycenaean (LH IIIB2) and 8 Cretan-Mycenaean
(LM IIIB2) ceramic vessels; these pots enable the authors to date the shipwreck to c. 1200 B.C.
The authors hypothesize that the ship set out from the south coast of Cyprus, stopping near
Knossos in northern Crete, and then possibly calling at one or two ports in the Argolic Gulf
before sinking off Point Iria; this seems consistent with close and frequent commercial links
between the Argolid and Cyprus at the end of the 13th century B.C. within a predominantly
Mycenaean cultural environment. They also attempt to reconstruct the shape of the ship based
upon clay models and pictorial representations. See also 550.

556 Wachsmann, Shelley. 1997. Were the Sea Peoples Mycenaean? The evidence
of ship iconography. In: Res Maritimae: Cyprus and the Eastern Mediterranean
from Prehistory to Late Antiquity. Proceedings of the Second International
Symposium "Cities on the Sea," Nicosia, Cyprus, October 18-22, 1994. ed. Stuart
Swiny, Robert L. Hohlfelder and Helena Wylde Swiny. pp. 339-356. Cyprus American
Archaeological Research Institute Monograph Series, Volume 1. Atlanta: Scholars Press.

A detailed analysis of the depiction of a Sea Peoples galley at Medinet Habu finds
the closest parallels in contemporaneous Mycenaean ships, although the double bird-head device
on the sternpost suggests a Central European origin as well.

557 Wachsmann, Shelley. 1998. Seagoing Ships & Seamanship in the Bronze Age
Levant. College Station: Texas A&M Press. 417 p.

This comprehensive, fully-illustrated treatment is divided into two parts: a review

of the evidence for ships in various parts of the Eastern Mediterranean, including chapters on
Mycenaean/Achaean ships and the ships of the Sea Peoples, as well as the Cape Gelidonya and
Uluburun shipwrecks; and aspects of maritime activity, including ship construction, propulsion,
anchors, navigation, sea trade, war at sea and piracy. In his concluding chapter, Wachsmann
suggests that there is very little evidence for direct Mycenaean trade contacts with the Levant
and Egypt, while the role played by ships and seafaring in the expansion of Mycenaean culture
overseas has been underemphasized. Includes an extensive bibliography. See also 547, 547 and
552-554.
 Subsistence

Although trade and commerce played significant roles, the basis of the Mycenaean
economy was agriculture. The highly mountainous environment of Greece was well suited to
pastoralism, especially the herding of sheep and goats. Although for the most part small, the
plains could support the growth of grains and legumes without the necessity of irrigation. The
seas also provided abundant resources in the form of fish and shellfish.

In addition to pasturage, hillsides were often terraced and planted with tree and vine
crops, most notably olives and vines. Olives, particularly in the form of olive oil, were an
important element of the Mycenaean diet. Although it takes some time for olive trees to bear
fruit, the trees can be planted in areas unsuitable for other crops and continue to produce for
hundreds of years with minimal maintenance.

The Mycenaean subsistence economy was thus largely based upon the so-called
Mediterranean triad of wheat, vines and olives. During the long Neolithic period, both people
and domesticated species migrated from Asia Minor, first into northern Greece and later into
southern Greece. Although some species may have been locally domesticated, the basic
domesticates of the Greek Neolithic-Bemmer wheat, barley, sheep, goats, cattle, pigs, beans, peas
and lentils--greatly resemble those of the Near East. Vines and olives, on the other hand, appear
to have been domesticated first in the Aegean, where they grew wild naturally, by the beginning
of the Early Bronze Age, if not earlier. Other foods attested through carbonized remains or
mentioned in the Linear B tablets include figs and honey.

Like most other aspects of Mycenaean life, the agricultural economy was largely
controlled by the palace, which regulated and recorded the holding of agricultural land, the
distribution of seed and breeding animals and the harvesting, storing and redistribution of crops.

558 Bruns, Gerda. 1970. Kuchenwesen und Mahlzeiten. Archaeologia Homerica

2, pt. Q. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht. 69 p.

Surveys and discusses evidence for cooking and preparation of food in the
Mycenaean and Geometric periods and as described in the Homeric epics; includes
archaeological data, artistic representations and interpretation of Linear B tablets concerning
kinds of food and drink, eating and drinking vessels and implements used in food preparation.
559 Davaras, C. 1986. A new interpretation of the ideogram *168. Kadmos 25:38-43.

Davaras suggests that this ideogram represents a cylindrical clay beehive. See also
574, 576, 584 and 585.

560 Forbes, Hamish. 1992. The ethnoarchaeological approach to ancient Greek

agriculture. In: Agriculture in Ancient Greece. Proceedings of the Seventh
International Symposium at the Swedish Institute at Athens, 16-17 May, 1990.
Berit Wells, ed. pp. 87-101. Skrifter Utgivna av Svenska Institutet i Athen, Series 4, 42.
Stockholm: Paul Åströms Förlag.

Discusses applications of ethnoarchaeological research with reference to

discrepancies between modern data and ancient sources, focusing particularly on olive
cultivation and processing; Forbes argues that the lack of fit between different studies is due in
part to the cultural filters and contexts affecting quantified data. He concludes by considering
what constitutes ethnoarchaeologically relevant data. See also 568.

561 Foxhall, Lin. 1995. Bronze to iron: agricultural systems and political
structures in Late Bronze Age and Early Iron Age Greece. Annual of the British
School at Athens 90:239-250.

Surveys farming practices and associated administrative structures in Mycenaean

Greece and suggests changes that might have occurred in regional farming systems during the
Dark Age. The underlying subsistence base of agriculture probably remained substantially the
same, but the role and constitution of elites may have changed considerably. Thus, those areas
under direct palace control would have changed more radically than more autonomous second-
or third-order centers.
562 Gamble, Clive. 1982. Animal husbandry, population and urbanization. In: An
Island Polity: The Archaeology of Exploitation in Melos, Colin Renfrew and
Malcolm Wagstaff, eds., pp. 161-171, Cambridge, Eng.: Cambridge University
Press.

Examines the practice of animal husbandry on Melos in relation to the entire

range of subsistence activities, particularly in terms of the spatial patterning of population. See
also 564, 566, 568 and 569.

563 Halstead, Paul. 1981. Counting sheep in Neolithic and Bronze Age Greece. In:
Pattern of the Past: Studies in Honour of David Clarke. Ian Hodder, Glynn Isaac
and Norman Hammond, eds. pp. 307-339. Cambridge, Eng.: Cambridge
University Press.

Attempts to establish the nature and extent of the Greek Neolithic agricultural
base, focusing upon land use, then discussing changes in the Bronze Age, including factors such
as human alteration of the environment, the introduction of new domesticates and the
implications of increased settlement size; Halstead also suggests ways in which the relationship
between exchange and self-sufficiency in the Late Bronze Age might be investigated. See also
565, 566 and 570.

564 Halstead, Paul. 1987. Man and other animals in later Greek prehistory. Annual of
the British School at Athens 82:71-83.

A brief survey of Neolithic and Bronze Age Greece regarding which species were
exploited where and when, how each species was managed and what the role of animal
husbandry was in the overall economy. See also 562, 566, 568 and 569.
565 Halstead, Paul. 1992. Agriculture in the Bronze Age Aegean: towards a model
of palatial economy. In: Agriculture in Ancient Greece. Proceedings of the
Seventh International Symposium at the Swedish Institute at Athens, 16-
17 May, 1990. Berit Wells, ed. pp. 105-116. Skrifter Utgivna av Svenska Institutet
i Athen, Series 4, 42. Stockholm: Paul Åströms Förlag.

Halstead begins by discussing in some detail aspects of specialization,

intensification and the production and mobilization of surplus. He states that there is little
evidence for specialization on a scale conducive to regional integration and none for the creation
of surplus through intensification. In his opinion, the greatest potential for surplus production is
through extensification using work animals to enable cultivation on a large scale by a small labor
force; this seems to be indicated by references in Linear B archives, and partly accounts for the
specialization in wheat, wool and olive oil apparent in the archival records of palatial agriculture.
By contrast, archaeological evidence indicates that non-palatial agriculture was highly
diversified and supplied the palaces with staple grains not recorded in the archives. The
combination of archival and archaeological evidence suggests that, in addition to the regular
transactions in the archives, there were irregular flows of goods and services to and from the
palaces, consistent with a centralized system of surplus banking through "social storage." See
also 563, 566 and 570.

566 Halstead, Paul. 1993. Banking on livestock: indirect storage in Greek agriculture.
Bulletin on Sumerian Agriculture 7:63-75.

Halstead discusses the great diversity of ways in which modern Greek farmers
have used livestock for banking or indirect storage of temporary agricultural surpluses and the
significance of such indirect storage for the redistributive economies of Late Bronze Age
palaces. Citing evidence from Linear B texts, he emphasizes the important but often covert role
of palaces in providing a source of subsistence relief for farming households, without denying
the primary interest of the palace. Rather, he asserts, the interaction of palace and subordinate
households served both to convert palatial grain supplies into alternative and more exchangeable
forms of sheep or textiles and to create obligations of service to the palace. See also 562-566 and
568-570.

567 Halstead, Paul. 1995. Late Bronze Age grain crops and Linear B ideograms *65,
*120, and *121. Annual of the British School at Athens 90:229-234.

Discusses the discrepancy between the wide range of grain crops identified by
archaeobotanical research and the limited number of categories indicated in Linear B texts.
Halstead argues that the Linear B evidence reflects selective palatial involvement in grain
production. He also notes that the specific identity of crops represented by ideograms is
uncertain and that all pulses and some cereals were grown outside palace control, citing similar
discrepancies for livestock and pottery. See also 570, 573, 576, 577, 580, 584 and 585.

568 Halstead, Paul. 1996. Pastoralism or household herding? Problems of scale

and specialization in early Greek animal husbandry. World Archaeology
28:20-42.

Examines ethnoarchaeological and archaeozoological data from Greece and

Linear B documents, discusses archaeozoological correlates of large-scale pastoralism and small-
scale mixed farming and applies these models to prehistoric Greece in order to estimate the scale
and nature of animal husbandry. The evidence indicates Neolithic small-scale mixed farming and
larger herds in the Late Bronze Age connected with the palatial economy and mixed farming
Aestates@ consistent with the existence of large-scale pastoralism. See also 560, 562, 564, 566 and
569.

569 Halstead, Paul. 1998-1999. Texts, bones and herders: approaches to animal
husbandry in Late Bronze Age Greece. In: A-na-qo-ta: Studies Presented to J.T.
Killen. John Bennet and Jan Driessen, eds. pp. 149-189. Minos 33- 34. Salamanca:
Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca.

Reviews and compares textual and archaeo-zoological evidence for animal

husbandry and analyzes and discusses problems of interpretation. The degree of consistency
between both data sets is then evaluated as a basis for assessing the nature and extent of palatial
involvement in animal exploitation. Comparative analysis is greatly complicated by various
biases and ambiguities in both sets of data and because the texts record live animals and faunal
remains represent dead ones. Halstead concludes that the Linear B documents provide a very
incomplete picture of the Mycenaean economy because palatial control over regional resource
use was extremely patchy. And while further major discoveries of texts are somewhat
problematical, the potential for the recovery of faunal assemblages is great; thus the future of
comparative analysis is promising, in part due to improving methods of faunal and taphonomic
analysis. See also 562, 564, 566 and 568.

570 Halstead, Paul. 1999. Mycenaean agriculture: the nature of palatial intervention.
Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 43:211- 212.
 Palatial intervention in Mycenaean agriculture was highly selective, emphasizing
extensive production of wheat and wool; this took the form not of palatial Aestates@ farmed by
palace personnel, but of centrally-managed collaborative ventures with local communities in the
case of wheat and individual subjects in the case of wool. The palaces did not own most of the
land used for Apalatial@ wheat harvests, and likewise enjoyed the rights to wool from Apalatial@
flocks rather than absolute ownership of the sheep. See also 563, 565 and 566.

571 Hansen, Julie M. 1988. Agriculture in the prehistoric Aegean: data versus
speculation. American Journal of Archaeology 92:39-52.

This is largely a theoretical and methodological exercise in which the author

offers a framework for analyzing three models to explain the economic basis for the development
of Mycenaean society, involving changes including greater crop diversity, increasing crop purity
and specialization and intensification of land use resulting in the production of surplus. Although
her attempt to test these models against the limited available botanical data is inconclusive,
Hansen does suggest methodological procedures and criteria for collecting and utilizing existing
and future data to evaluate such models.

572 Jones, Glynis. 1987. Agricultural practice in Greek prehistory. Annual of the
British School at Athens 82:115-123.

This paper deals with three aspects of crop production and consumption: 1)
methods of crop cultivation; 2) processing of harvested crops for storage and consumption; 3)
patterns of crop storage; the author draws heavily on evidence from the sites of Assiros Toumba
in Macedonia and the Unexplored Mansion at Knossos on Crete. See also 575.

573 Jones, Glynis. 1995. Charred grain from Late Bronze Age Gla, Boiotia. Annual of
the British School at Athens 90:235-238.
 Identification, description and discussion of charred grain from storage areas. All
of the grain was einkorn wheat, thus offering supporting evidence for a wide range of grain crops
in southern Greece during the Bronze Age. See also 567, 570, 576, 577, 580, 584 and 585.

574 Jones, Glynis and Paul Halstead. 1993. An early find of Afava@ from Thebes.
Annual of the British School at Athens 88:103-104.

Reports the discovery of charred seeds of vicia faba (field beans) in a LH IIIA
destruction level. They had been processed and were found in a fineware decorated krater,
suggesting that the beans were grown as a separate crop and prepared like modern Greek Afava.@

575 Jones, Glynis, Kenneth Wardle, Paul Halstead and Diana Wardle. 1986. Crop
storage at Assiros. Scientific American 254:96-103.

Describes and discusses crop growing and storage at a Late Bronze Age site in
Macedonia, where at least six varieties of grain were grown and stored individually in specific
rooms; evidence for communal storage suggests a system of redistribution and the development
of what the authors term a protopalatial society. See also 572.

576 Kroll, Helmut. 1984. Zum Ackerbau gegen Ende der mykenischen Epoche in der
Argolis (Archäologischer Anzeiger 1984:211-222.

Describes and discusses plants cultivated in the Argolid during the LH IIIB-C
period, based upon evidence from Tiryns. See also 567, 570, 573, 577, 580, 584 and 585.
577 Kroll, Helmut. 1993. Kulturpflanzen von Kalapodi. Archäologischer Anzeiger
1993:161- 182.

Describes and identifies cultivated plants at the site of Kalapodi in Phthiotis from
LH IIIC through Middle Geometric times. See also 567, 570, 573, 576, 580, 584 and 585.

578 Melena, José Luis. 1975. Po-ni-ki-jo in the Knossos Ga tablets. Minos 14:77-84.

Melena identifies po-ni-ki-jo as referring to palm dates, which were grown in

southern Crete. See also 559 and 574.

579 Nobis, Günter. 1993. Archäozoologische untersuchungen von tierresten aus

dem APalast des Nestor@ bei Pylos in Messenien/SW Peloponnes. Zeitschrift für
Archäologie 27:151-173.

See also 591.

580 Palmer, Ruth. 1992. Wheat and barley in Mycenaean society. In: Mykenäika:
Actes du IX Colloque international sur les textes mycéniens et égéens organise
par le Centre de l'Antiquite Grecque et Romaine de la Fondation Héllenique des
Recherches Scientifiques et l'École française d'Athènes (Athènes, 2-6 octobre
1990). Jean-Pierre Olivier, ed. pp. 475-497. Bulletin de Correspondence
Hellénique Supplement 25. Paris: Diffusion de Boccard.

Palmer utilizes data from recent analyses of fossil plants and seeds from
prehistoric Greek excavation and new studies on subsistence agriculture to discuss
archaeological and textual evidence for grain and grain use in Mycenaean Greece. She concludes
that the most widely grown grain was barley, which formed the basis for land measurement, but
emmer wheat was the preferred grain for eating. Bread wheat, which is less hardy than emmer,
but more productive and desirable as a food source, was present as a separate crop at Knossos,
where its consumption was probably limited to the elite. Linear B words pertaining to grain and
grain products are few in number and relatively straightforward in meaning; they refer to the
processing of grain into coarse meal for bread and to the religious connotations of grain. Includes
an appendix listing various studies concerning the productivity of wheat and barley in Greece.
See also 567, 570, 573, 576, 577, 584 and 585.

581 Palmer, Ruth. 1995. Wine and viticulture in the Linear A and B texts of the
Bronze Age Aegean. In: The Origins and Ancient History of Wine. Patrick E.
McGovern, Stuart J. Fleming and Solomon H. Katz, eds. pp. 269- 285. Gordon
and Breach Publishers.

In this excellent summary, Palmer describes and discusses the appearance and
context of the wine ideogram in Linear A and B tablets; the Linear B vocabulary of wine and
vines; the assessment, distribution and collection of wine; wine in mixed commodity texts; the
Wine Magazine at Pylos; and evidence for the Mycenaean wine trade. The many contexts in
which wine appears in the Linear B tablets enables some understanding of the ways in which the
palaces collected and distributed it. The assessment tablets for vines and fruit trees show that
vines were often grown with fig trees, and that the palace assessors noted methods of cultivation
as well as the number of vines in order to estimate yield more accurately. The palaces were not
directly involved in the production of wine, but collected the fermented product from local
farmers in the form of taxes. Paleobotanical evidence indicates that vines had been cultivated in
Greece for at least 1500 years before the beginning of the Mycenaean period and that by the Late
Bronze Age vine-growing was widespread throughout Greece. The textual evidence shows that
wine was a common but relatively valuable agricultural product grown by numerous landholders,
collected by the palace and then distributed directly to individuals or sent to towns or sanctuaries.
Uses for the wine collected by the palace included immediate consumption as part of upper class
ritual and diet, for perfume manufacture, for trade, or as a gift to the gods to be consumed at
festivals. Thus the pattern of wine use in the Late Bronze Age is ancestral to the traditional use
of wine in the Classical period. See also 588.

582 Palmer, Ruth. 1999. Perishable goods in Mycenaean texts. In: Floreant Studia
Mycenaea: Akten des X. Internationalen Mykenologischen Colloquiums in Salzburg
vom 1.-5. Mai 1995. Sigrid Deger-Jalkotzy, Stefan Hiller and Oswald Panagl, eds.
pp. 463-485. Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-
Historisch Klasse, Denkschriften v. 274. Vienna: Verlag der
Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften.

Nearly all the commodities identified to date in Linear B texts have long storage
life or are live animals, which is to be expected since the management of long-term staple
commodities forms the basis of the palace economy. Mentions of identifiable perishable
commodities, especially animal products, are extremely rare. Analysis of plant and animal
remains, knowledge of traditional patterns of farming, pictorial evidence and analysis of the texts
indicate that palace administrations had access to a wide range of fresh commodities which could
not be stored in the same manner as long-term staples. To procure perishable goods, the palaces
might not have used the assessment and collection systems geared toward stockpiling staples.
Some of the flowers, herbs and spices used in perfumed oil and cooking had to be fresh for best
effect, and analysis of the Mycenae Ge series suggests that under certain conditions, herb
growers could provide fresh herbs continually throughout the growing season. Farmers would
have had to balance subsistence needs with palatial demands. Tablets concerning different types
of cyperus and other spices illuminate factors involved in growing these plants and the nature
and degree of interaction between the palaces and the growers.

583 Rackham, Oliver and Jennifer A. Moody. 1992. Terraces. In: Agriculture in
Ancient Greece. Proceedings of the Seventh International Symposium at the
Swedish Institute at Athens, 16-17 May, 1990. Berit Wells, ed. pp. 123- 130.
Skrifter Utgivna av Svenska Institutet i Athen, Series 4, 42. Stockholm: Paul Åströms
Förlag.

General discussion of the use of terracing, including purposes, incidence, history

and modern usage. The authors suggest that terraces go back at least as far as the Bronze Age,
and that their use may have been overlooked or underestimated.

584 Renfrew, Jane M. 1966. A report on recent finds of carbonized cereal grains and
seeds from prehistoric Thessaly. Thessalika 5:21-36.

Analysis of carbonized grain and seed samples from Neolithic sites and the Late
Bronze Age site of Iolkos; Renfrew notes that in contrast to the Neolithic samples, the chief
cereal cultivated in the Late Bronze Age was hulled 6-row barley, that beans and peas increased
in importance and that there is evidence as well for the cultivation of olives and grapes; may be
difficult to obtain. See also 567, 570, 573, 576, 577, 580 and 585.
585 Renfrew, Jane. 1982. Early agriculture in Melos. In: An Island Polity: The
Archaeology of Exploitation in Melos. Colin Renfrew and Malcolm Wagstaff, eds.
pp. 156-160. Cambridge, Eng.: Cambridge University Press.

Briefly outlines Neolithic and Bronze Age agriculture on Melos and in the
Aegean; Renfrew notes that the spectrum of crops grown during the Late Bronze Age is
remarkably similar to that of Neolithic Greece with the addition of cultivated grapes and olives.
See also 584.

586 Ruiperez, Martin S. 1957. Notes on Mycenaean land-division and

livestock-grazing. Minos 5:174-206.

Proposes, based upon the analysis of Linear B tablets, the existence of

communities of cattle breeders and farmers (opa) corporately owning cattle, led by an official
possibly appointed by the wanax of Knossos or Pylos, and employing two shepherds, a cowherd,
a goatherd and a swineherd; Ruiperez also suggests a parallel system for land-farming, analogous
to that practiced by Germans and other Indo-European peoples in Roman times, involving the
allotment of strips of land in rotation (i.e, a form of redistribution). See also 589.

587 Sarpaki, Anaya. 1992. The paleoethnobotanical approach: the Mediterranean triad
or is it a quartet? In: Agriculture in Ancient Greece. Proceedings of the Seventh
International Symposium at the Swedish Institute at Athens, 16-17 May, 1990.
Berit Wells, ed. pp. 61-75. Skrifter Utgivna av Svenska Institutet i Athen, Series
4, 42. Stockholm: Paul Åströms Förlag.

Discusses various environmental parameters which influenced agriculture in

Greece, with particular focus on soil and rainfall and the possibility of crop rotation. Using
paleoethnobotanical data--most specifically from the site of Akrotiri on Thera--Sarpaki examines
in some detail the widely-accepted belief that the economy of the Bronze Age was based upon
the exploitation of cereals, vines and olives. She asserts that a fourth crop, legumes, although less
visible in the archaeological and archaeobotanical record, may have been more significant in the
Late Bronze Age diet than heretofore believed in terms of providing protein and their capacities
for maintaining and restoring nutrients in the soil. Also includes several useful tables showing
the distribution of cereals, olives, vines and legumes at Neolithic and Bronze Age sites and a list
of references to archaeobotanical work done at them.

588 Stanley, P.V. 1982. KN Uc 160 and Mycenaean wines. American Journal of
Archaeology 86:577-578.

A reading of this Linear B tablet from Knossos suggests that Mycenaeans

recognized and distinguished at least three grades of wine, the finest being a sweet wine made
from the first pressing of the grapes. See also 581.

589 Uchitel, Alexander. 1984. On the "military" character of the o-ka tablets.
Kadmos 23:136-163.

A re-examination and reconsideration of the Pylos Linear B o-ka tablets and

comparison with the erin tablets from Sumer suggest that these tablets do not have a military
association, but rather an agricultural context, probably having to do with plowing. See also 586.

590 Vickery, Kenton Frank. 1936. Food in Early Greece. University of Illinois
Bulletin 34, no. 7. Illinois Studies in the Social Sciences 20. Urbana:
University of Illinois. 97 p.

Although much paleobotanical and paleozoological data have since accumulated,

this is still one of the best summaries and discussions of plant and animal resources available and
utilized during the Late Bronze Age.

591 von den Driesch, Angela. 1987. Haus- und jagdtiere im vorgeschichlichten
Thessalien. Prähistorische Zeitschrift 62:1-21.
 Reviews the results of research on faunal remains from German excavations in
Thessaly from 1955 through 1973, covering a chronological span from the preceramic Neolithic
to the Late Bronze Age and emphasizing the regional history of the economy in Thessaly. See
also 579 and 584.

592 Wagstaff, Malcolm and Siv Augustson. 1982. Traditional land use. In: An
Island Polity: The Archaeology of Exploitation in Melos. Colin Renfrew and
Malcolm Wagstaff, eds. pp. 106-133. Cambridge, Eng.: Cambridge University
Press.

Demography and Population

593 Alden, Maureen Joan. 1977. Absentee Mycenaeans (Bulletin of the Institute
of Classical Studies 24:138-141.

See also 594.

594 Alden, Maureen Joan. 1981. Bronze Age Population Fluctuations in the
Argolid from the Evidence of Mycenaean Tombs. Studies in Mediterranean
Archaeology Pocketbook 15. Göteborg: Paul Åströms Förlag.

Analyzes data from chamber tombs in the vicinity of Mycenae in order to

examine shifts in population during the Late Bronze Age. See also 593.
595 Angel, J. Lawrence. 1946. Social biology of Greek culture growth.
American Anthropologist 48:493-527.

Analyzes data from 450 skulls and 130 skeletons from southern and central
Greece from Neolithic through Byzantine times to examine the interaction of cultural and
biological factors in the evolution of Greek society, which Angel characterizes as a pattern of
invasion and destruction, fusion and creation, followed by fruition, most notably from 2000-1150
B.C.; in particular, he sees human heterogeneity and the process of fusion as positive factors in
Greek culture growth.

596 Angel, J. Lawrence. 1965. Porotic hyperostosis, anemias, malarias, and

marshes in the prehistoric Eastern Mediterranean. Science 153:760-763.

Examines the relationship between porotic hyperostosis, a consequence of

thalassemia, and falciparum malaria in the Eastern Mediterranean; the frequency of porotic
hyperostosis decreased during the Bronze Age in Greece, suggesting a segregation of recessive
genes for thalassemia following the arrival of the first Greek-speaking people in the Middle
Bronze Age, presumably from areas relatively free from malaria.

597 Firth, Richard J. 1994-1995. Estimating the population of Crete during LM

IIIA/B. Minos 29-30:33-55.

Utilizes data from historical population levels, capacity for self-sufficiency in

food production, relative components of diet based on archaeological information, the Linear B
archives and archaeological survey data to estimate population levels and distribution and
distribution. Firth estimates the total rural population at 85,000 in LM IIIA and 100,000 in LM
IIIB, with an urban population of 10,000, distributed as follows: western Crete, 10,000; west-
central Crete, 18,000; central Crete, 60,000; and eastern Crete 25,000.
598 Halstead, Paul. 1977. The Bronze Age demography of Crete and Greece -- a
note. Annual of the British School at Athens 72:107-111.

Examines the effect of disease as a severe restraint on child survival and

population growth; Halstead notes an increase in life expectancy through the Bronze Age,
roughly paralleling the rise and fall of Aegean civilization.

599 Manolisi, S.K., A.A. Neroutsos, E. Andreopoulou-Magou, A. Chasiakou

and G.I. Panagiaris. 2001. Comparative study of cultural data of four
Mycenaean locations using archaeometric methods. In: Archaeometry Issues in
Greek Prehistory and Antiquity. Y. Bassiakos, E. Aloupi and Y. Facorellis, eds. pp.
111-124. Athens: Hellenic Society for Archaeometry and Society of Messenean
Archaeological Studies.

Analysis of paleodemographical, paleopathological and paleonutritional data for

human skeletal remains from four Late Bronze Age sites in Attika and Messenia and correlation
with archaeological data.

Physical Anthropology

600 Brown, Terence A., Keri A. Brown, Christin E. Flaherty, Lisa M. Little and
A.J.N.W. Prag. 2000. DNA analysis of bones from Grave Circle B at Mycenae: a
first report. Annual of the British School at Athens 95:115-120.

Brief discussion of analytical procedures used, involving twenty-two samples,

including sex identification by polymerase chain reactions and kinship studies, resulting in nine
positive identifications. Determinations of relative age and sex are compared to earlier analyses
using different methods and the authors discuss the potential of these methods for further work,
especially kinship studies. See also 602.
601 Musgrave, Jonathan H. and Mervyn Popham. 1991. The Late Helladic IIIC
intramural burials at Lefkandi, Euboea. Annual of the British School at Athens
86:273-296.

Anthropological analysis of 15 burials found in pits dug into the floors of rooms
near the walls of houses; the skeletal material was examined to determine sex, age and stature;
most of the twenty individuals were children in poor health.

602 Musgrave, J.H., R.A.H. Neave and A.J.N.W. Prag. 1995. Seven Faces from
Grave Circle B at Mycenae. Annual of the British School at Athens 90:107-136.

Reconstruction of the faces of seven skulls, using the technique of facial

reconstruction to look for family resemblances among burial groups. Some similarities among
the facial features were observed.

603 Smith, Susan Kirkpatrick. 2000. Skeletal and dental evidence for social status in
Late Bronze Age Athens. In: Palaeodiet in the Aegean. Sarah J. Vaughan and
William D.E. Coulson, eds. pp. 1-9. Wiener Laboratory Monograph 1. Oxford:
Oxbow Books.

Smith compares archaeological information concerning burials in 47 chamber tombs

and 12 pit and cist graves on the northwest side of the Akropolis in Late Bronze Age Athens with
skeletal data concerning stature, tooth wear and attrition and dental caries in order to investigate
determinants of social status. The resulting analysis showed that higher status individuals were
taller, had less antemortem tooth loss and had fewer caries, indicating a diet with more proteins
and fats and fewer carbohydrates. It is also suggested that the quantity and quality of grave goods
is a more accurate marker of status than burial type or size. See also 600.

Political Organization
 The primary sources of data concerning political organization are the Linear B
tablets from Pylos and Knossos and settlement data. The correlation of these data has enabled
the development of a reasonably good idea of the main elements of the Mycenaean political
system. Other sources, such as architectural and artifactual data, artistic representations and the
Homeric poems (particularly the Catalogue of Ships in the Iliad) have also contributed to our
understanding.

Prior to the evolution of the Mycenaean state, political organization seems to have been on a
tribal basis, a form of organization which may never have been entirely superseded by the later
bureaucratic state structure. These tribal groups appear to have been led by warrior chiefs and
their successors who, during the course of the 16th and 15th centuries B.C., were able to increase
the territory and population under their control, evolving into more powerful chiefdoms. These
chiefs, particularly at places like Mycenae, Pylos, Sparta and Thebes, evidently were able to
expand their inherited power through the centralization and coordination of economic, social and
religious activities and to maintain their authority through control of ritual and the display of
prestige goods and symbols of power. Very likely they took the already well-developed Minoan
political structure, as well as that of other societies in the Near East, as models for the
development of their own political system.

Evidence of this transformation can be seen in LH II-IIIA, with the construction of

the first palaces as central places and tholos tombs as symbols of wealth and power; whereas
earlier tholoi were larger and more widely distributed, in LH IIIA2-B they tend to be smaller and
concentrated at palatial centers, thus indicating the consolidation of power and possibly the
elimination or incorporation of smaller polities at the expense of larger and stronger ones. This
process ultimately resulted in the emergence of a number of regional states whose rulers and elite
class chose to display their status and authority less through burials and to a greater extent in
palatial architecture.

The Mycenaean sociopolitical structure has been compared, not incorrectly in my

opinion, with the feudal structure of medieval Europe. The analogy can be carried only so far, of
course, but the outlines are essentially similar in many respects. The Mycenaean states were
ruled by a hereditary king whose power was maintained by a warrior aristocracy who held land
granted by the king in return for their pledge of loyalty and military service. The power of the
Mycenaean state was thus maintained through military force and control of major economic
resources derived from agriculture and trade.

The Pylos Linear B tablets list a series of titles or offices which have been
interpreted, on the basis of their inferred function and/or their meaning in later Greek society, as
positions within a political hierarchy. These included the wanax, the ra-wa-ke-ta (or lawagetas),
the qa-si-re-u, the te-re-ta (or telestas), and the korete. The wanax, it is clear, is the king, who in
addition to his political authority may also have had a semi-divine status. The ra-wa-ke-ta, the
Aleader of the people,@ is believed to be the chief military leader and second in importance to the
wanax. The telestai seem to be important court officials, while the koretai were governors or
mayors of administrative districts. Another group, the equetai, Acompanions@ or "followers," are
interpreted as either military or administrative officials attached to the palace who performed a
variety of functions as required.

These offices and the specialization illustrated by them imply then a fairly elaborate
political bureaucracy with several levels of administrative responsibility. It is not certain,
however, that all states were this highly organized. Differences in titles and functions between
Pylos and Knossos suggest that there were some significant differences in how they were
organized, and that each major state may have evolved a structure related to the local and
particular circumstances involved in its formation.

A final aspect here concerns the degree of political integration reached in Mycenaean
Greece, i.e., whether there was ever anything that could be termed a Mycenaean "empire."
Although there was a remarkable extent of cultural uniformity in LH IIIA-B, there is no
convincing evidence to suggest that an equivalent extent of political unification was achieved. In
this instance, Mycenaean civilization seems to parallel a similar situation seen elsewhere, such as
was the case with the Sumerian and Mayan civilizations, in which independent states within a
fairly large region shared a similar set of cultural attributes; this configuration is characterized by
Colin Renfrew as Apeer polity interaction.@ In the Iliad, Agamemnon is the supreme, but not
unchallenged, military leader of the expedition against Troy--and Mycenae may indeed have
been the most powerful and influential kingdom--but there is at present no reason to believe that
the King of Mycenae directly (or even indirectly) controlled other areas of Greece.

604 Bennet, John. 1983. The Linear B administration at Knossos and the
archaeology of Late Minoan Crete: some considerations. Bulletin of the Institute of
Classical Studies 30:189-190.

Looks at evidence from the Linear B tablets from Knossos and archaeological
data from LM III Crete to study Knossos' interest in the rest of the island; ultimately comprising
between 1/4 and 1/3 of Crete, the expansion of Knossos' area of control seems to have taken
place through the incorporation of centers initially established and autonomously functioning in
LM I; also discusses the relationship of various sites--such as Knossos, Phaistos, Tylissos, Ayia
Triadha and Khania--during LM III. See also 605 and 606.

605 Bennet, John. 1985. The structure of the Linear B administration at Knossos.
American Journal of Archaeology 89:231-249.

Combines the analysis of archaeological data with documentary data from the
Knossos Linear B tablets, postulating that only Knossos had a Linear B archive during LM III,
thus serving as a central place in Crete and dealing with over 100 outlying sites through a
number of second-order centers, which can be identified from the frequency and ordering of
toponyms in the tablets; given these centers, the remaining sites can be grouped into
administrative regions. See also 604 and 606.

606 Bennet, John. 1987. The wild country east of Dikte: the problem of East Crete in
the LM III period. In: Studies in Mycenaean and Classical Greek Presented to
John Chadwick. John T. Killen, Jose L. Melena and Jean-Pierre Olivier, eds.
pp. 77-88. Salamanca: Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca.

An analysis of archaeological evidence for the LM III period, indicating that

control from Knossos did not extend to eastern Crete, perhaps because Knossos was unable to
extend its control past the Lasithi plain and/or because the site of Palaikastro had become in LM
III strong enough to prevent further eastward expansion; it thus appears that eastern Crete had a
different settlement history than those of central or western Crete. See also 604 and 605.

607 Bennet, John. 1990. Knossos in context: comparative perspectives on the

Linear B administration of LH II-III Crete. American Journal of
Archaeology 94:193-212.

Comparison of LM III Crete with the Palatial, Classical-Roman and Venetian

periods leads to the following conclusions: 1) due at least in part to topography, Crete can be
partitioned in terms of a number of natural divisions, which can form higher or lower level
administrative units; 2) there is no natural single administrative center, and when one existed, it
was externally imposed; 3) thus Knossos may have conformed to this pattern by incorporating
pre-existing units into a 3-level Linear B administrative hierarchy, which might explain the lack
of palaces other than at Knossos during this period; 4) it's likely, however, that the primacy of
Knossos was inherently unstable, externally imposed, or both. See also 611, 627, 228 and 635.

608 Bennet, John. 1999. Pylos: the expansion of a Mycenaean palatial center. In:
Rethinking Mycenaean Palaces: New Interpretations of an Old Idea. Michael L.
Galaty and William A. Parkinson, eds. pp. 9-18. Cotsen Institute of Archaeology,
University of California Los Angeles, Monograph 41. Los Angeles: Cotsen
Institute of Archaeology, University of California, Los Angeles.
 Traces the evolution and expansion of the palace from Middle Helladic through
Late Helladic IIIB based upon recent survey data from the Pylos Regional Archaeological
Project. This evidence indicates that the settlement had already attained a considerable size by
the end of the Hiddle Helladic period and had extended its control over much of the immediate
area, dominating and incorporating other competing centers which had earlier been roughly
equivalent in size and importance, as indicated the use and placement of tholos tombs, and which
subsequently became subsidiary or secondary regional centers in the expanded Pylian kingdom.

609 Böckisch, Gabriele and Heinz Geiss. 1973. Beginn und entwicklung der
mykenischen staaten. In: Beiträge zur Entstehung des Staats. Joachim
Herrmann and Irmgard Sellnow, eds. pp. 104-122. Veröffentlichungen des
Zentralinstituts für Altgeschichte und Archäologie der Akademie der Wissenschaften
d. DDR. Kolloquium Probleme der Staatsentstehung 1.

Discusses the origin and development of the Mycenaean states, including

pre-Mycenaean social and political organization, early and later Mycenaean citadels and
associated political developments. See also 611, 636, 637 and 639.

610 Carlier, Pierre. 1987. Palais et sanctuaires dans le monde mycénien. In: Le
Système Palatial en Orient, en Grèce et à Rome. E. Levy, ed. pp. 255-273.
Université des Sciences Humaines de Strasbourg, Travaux du Centre de
Recherche sur le Proche Orient et la Grèce Antiques 9.

Examines Linear B texts, primarily from Pylos, in order to discuss the relationship
between palaces and sanctuaries, especially in regard to the degree of control over the
performance of cult rituals, personnel, equipment and land.

611 Cavanagh, William G. 1995. Development of the Mycenaean state in Laconia:

evidence from the Laconia Survey. In Politeia: Society and State in the Aegean
Bronze Age. Proceedings of the 5th International Aegean Conference/5e Rencontre
égéene internationale, University of Heidelberg, Archäologisches Institut, 10- 13
April 1994. Robert Laffineur and Wolf- Dietrich Niemeier, eds. pp. 81-87. Aegaeum
12, Annales d'archéologie égéenne de l'Université de Liège et UT-PASP. Liège:
Université de Liège Histoire del'art et archéologie de la Grèce antique/University of
Texas at Austin Program in Scripts and Prehistory.

Describes and discusses evidence from an intensive survey in central Lakonia for
developments in settlement pattern and political organization in the Middle and Late Helladic
periods, and compares these results to those for other regions in southern Greece. See also 609,
636, 637 and 639.

612 Crowley, Janice L. 1995. Images of power in the Bronze Age Aegean. In:
Politeia: Society and State in the Aegean Bronze Age. P Proceedings of the 5th
International Aegean Conference/5e Rencontre égéene internationale,
University of Heidelberg, Archäologisches Institut, 10-13 April 1994. Robert
Laffineur and Wolf-Dietrich Niemeier, eds. pp. 475-491. Aegaeum 12, Annales
d'archéologie égéenne de l'Université de Liège et UT-PASP. Liège: Université de Liège
Histoire de l'art et archèologie de la Grèce antique/University of Texas at Austin Program
in Scripts and Prehistory.

Systematically examines images of the human figure in the artistic record as

images of power by establishing a check list of possibilities for depicting the human body and
criteria for identifying powerful individuals in varied artistic traditions; these include:
abnormality of portrayal (excrescences and hybridization); body size (relativity and focus); body
shape (especially facial detail); clothing (especially headdress); insignia (especially object held);
surrounding symbols (especially throne or podium); familiars (animals and fantastic creatures);
official portrait (head or full length); audience scenes (homage, procession and investiture); and
characteristic activities (special powers and celebrated deeds). After discussion and illustration
of these criteria, they are compared to images of the Aegean Bronze Age. Crowley concludes
that although the number of such images in the Aegean is limited, a set of human authority
figures can be identified, but they give us for the most part only oblique images of power. See
also 626 and 641.

613 Donlan, Walter and Carol G. Thomas. 1993. The village community of ancient
Greece: Neolithic, Bronze and Dark Ages. Studi Micenei ed Egeo-Anatolici
31:61-71.
 The authors suggest that the village formed not only the basic living unit, but also
exhibits continuity as the primary form of polity, able to retain a political identity even within a
larger central government. The settlement of Nichoria in the southwestern Peloponnese is used as
an example of such continuity before, during and after the rise and fall of the Pylian state. They
go on to assert that many Dark Age villages endured to form the basis of the Classical Greek
polis, often under the leadership of the local village chief or basileus. See also 633.

614 French, Elizabeth. 1989. "Dynamis" in the archaeological record at Mycenae. In:
Images of Authority: Papers presented to Joyce Reynolds on the occasion of her
70th birthday. Mary Margaret Mackenzie and Charlotte Roueche, eds. pp.
122-130. Cambridge Philological Society Supplementary Volume no. 16.

French describes and discusses in chronological order from 1600 to 1250 B.C. the
construction of tombs, walls and buildings at Mycenae as symbols of status, power and authority.
She concludes by suggesting that at the beginning of this period a group of chieftans pre-eminent
in a society emerging from a long period of stagnation proclaimed their authority through the
construction of shaft graves and tholoi. This was followed by an emphasis on overseas expansion
and perhaps domination (a time in which few new tombs were built), and the consolidation of
leadership in a single ruler, culminating in the construction of extensive fortifications toward the
end of the period. See also 638.

615 Heltzer, Michael. 1988. The Late Bronze Age service system and its
decline. In: Society and Economy in the Eastern Mediterranean (c. 1500-1000
B.C.). Michael Heltzer and E. Lipinski, eds. pp. 7-18. Orientalia
Lovaniensia Analecta 23. Leuven: Uitgeverij Peeters.

Describes and discusses the development and collapse of a form of political,

social and economic organization characterized by a royal service system in which the main
participants were royal dependents; Heltzer treats this development as a phenomenon
encompassing the Late Bronze Age/Early Iron Age Eastern Mediterranean, focusing on Ugarit,
but also discussing Mycenaean Greece within this broader context.
616 Hooker, James T. 1979. The "wanax" in Linear B texts. Kadmos 18:100-111.

Discusses the interpretation, function and significance of wanax and related terms
in the Linear B tablets, mainly from Pylos; noting the ambiguity of its context, Hooker suggests
that it was the title of more than one important individual, rather than necessarily that of a single
ruler. See also 618, 619, 622, 623, 625, 629 and 632.

617 Hooker, James T. 1987. Titles and functions in the Pylian state. In: Studies in
Mycenaean and Classical Greek Presented to John Chadwick. John T. Killen,
Jose L. Melena and Jean-Pierre Olivier, eds. pp. 257-268. Salamanca: Ediciones
Universidad de Salamanca.

Discusses, analyzes and evaluates possible functions of a number of titles,

including wa-na-ka, te-re-ta, ra-wa-ke-ta and e-qe-ta; in addition to suggesting that reliance on
later Greek equivalents may be misleading, he concludes that we can discern the relative status
of these positions, but not their specific function nor their relationships to each other. See also
621.

618 Kilian, Klaus. 1988. The emergence of the wanax ideology in the Mycenaean
palaces. Oxford Journal of Archaeology 7:291-302.

Discusses the prominent position of the wanax in Mycenaean society based upon
analysis of evidence from palatial architecture, burials and Linear B tablets; multivariate analysis
and the analysis of repeated patterns reveal distinct stages in ideology from LH IIIA1 onwards;
Kilian suggests that the complex and sophisticated social position of the wanax can be associated
with the rise of centralized kingdoms and that the palace itself can be seen as the vast
embodiment of personal propaganda. See also 616, 619, 622, 623, 625, 629 and 632.

619 Laffineur, Robert. 1995. Aspects of rulership at Mycenae in the Shaft Grave
period. In: The Role of the Ruler in the Prehistoric Aegean. Proceedings of a Panel
Discussion presented at the Annual Meeting of the Archaeological Institite of
America, New Orleans, Louisiana, 28 December 1992, With Additions. Paul Rehak,
ed. pp. 81-94. Aegaeum 11, Annales d'archéologie égéenne de l'Université de
Liège et UT-PASP. Liège: Université de Liège Histoire de l'art et archéologie de la Grèce
antique/University of Texas at Austin Program in Aegean Scripts and Prehistory.

Laffineur considers the following related problems: 1) evidence for palaces and
kings in the early Mycenaean period; 2) evidence of contemporary palace control; 3) the possible
relation between the shaft graves of Grave Circle A and the LH IIIB double circle of slabs; 4) the
possibility that the shaft grave stelae were re-erected later than LH IIIB; 5) the identification of
the LH IIIB double circle as a grave circle; 6) the state of the shaft graves and the area around
them in later Mycenaean times. He concludes that there is no definitive evidence of kingship in
the early Mycenaean period and that architectural and stratigraphic data do not support the
traditional belief that the six early shaft graves survived in the memory of the LH IIIB rulers of
Mycenae and that they were consequently given a special status. See also 616, 618, 611, 623,
625, 629, 631 and 632.

620 Mee, Christopher B. and William G. Cavanagh. 1984. Mycenaean tombs as

evidence for social and political organization. Oxford Journal of Archaeology
3:45-63.

Chronological and spatial analysis of Mycenaean tomb types, which are seen as
reflecting Late Helladic social and political changes; the authors' analysis demonstrates that
Middle Helladic burial practices were more complex than previously believed and foreshadow
early Mycenaean innovations inspired by political motives; they also state that increasing
standardization of burial practices in LH III was conditioned by the emergence of a palace
system, whose collapse caused changes in LH IIIC burial practices. See also 636 and 638.

621 Morpurgo Davies, Anna. 1979. Terminology of power and terminology of

work in Greek and Linear B. In: Colloquium Mycenaeum: Actes du
Sixième Colloque International sur les Textes Mycéniens et Égéens tenu à Chaumont sur
Neuchatel du 7 au 13 Septembre 1975. Ernst Risch and Hugo Mühlestein,
eds. pp. 87-108. Geneva: Université de Neuchatel.
 This paper examines terminology in two areas--political titles or offices and
occupational designations--as an index of cultural, social and linguistic continuity between
Mycenaean Greece and the subsequent Dark Age and Classical periods; the author concludes
that terms which are more general in their designation demonstrate the greatest continuity,
whereas many more specialized offices and crafts in the complex Mycenaean political economic
structure seem to have disappeared by Homeric times variability in the nature, title and functions
of the ruler in different states. See also 617.

622 Mylonas, George E. 1969. The wanax of the Mycenaean state. In: Classical
Studies Presented to Ben Edwin Perry. pp. 66-79. Illinois Studies in Language
and Literature 58. Urbana: University of Illinois Press.

Examines and reviews evidence from archaeology, Linear B tablets and epic
literature in order to discuss the nature of the wanax and of Mycenaean kingship; Mylonas
concludes that the wanax was the supreme ruler of Pylos who had certain privileges and
exercised considerable control over the people of Messenia, but may not have been given divine
honors or considered the embodiment of a god; he further suggests that there may have been
some variability in the nature, title and functions of the ruler in different states. See also 616,
618, 619, 623, 625, 629 and 632.

623 Palaima, Thomas G. 1995. The Nature of the Mycenaean wanax: non-Indo-
European origins and priestly functions. In: The Role of the Ruler in the
Prehistoric Aegean. Proceedings of a Panel Discussion presented at the Annual
Meeting of the Archaeological Institute of America, New Orleans, Louisiana, 28
December 1992, With Additions. Paul Rehak, ed. pp. 119-139. Aegaeum 11,
Annales d'archéologie égéenne de l'Université de Liège et UT-PASP. Liège:
Université de Liège Histoire de l'art et archéologie de la Grèce antique/University of
Texas at Austin Program in Aegean Scripts and Prehistory.

Palaima considers the following issues: Indo-European theory and Mycenaean

terminology for kingship; the historical and cultural context for wanax ideology; archaeological
and textual evidence for the origins of the wanax and his functions during the most fully
developed stage of Mycenaean palatial culture; the iconography of the megaron at Pylos and its
relationship to textual evidence; archival evidence for the identity of Ekhelawon as wanax in the
Pylos Linear B tablets; the ideology and origins of the scepter as a sacred symbol; the word
skeptron. On these issues he asserts: the terminology directly relating to Mycenaean and later
Greek kingship and kingly ideology is either non-Indo-European or Greek-specific; the term
wanax and any associated ideology may have been introduced from Minoan culture, whether or
not they actually originated with the Minoans; the powers and authority of the wanax are
intimately connected with and derived from his religious associations; the wanax is the most
conspicuous human figure in the Pylos Linear B tablets; the skeptron or scepter goes back to the
Mycenaean period, is associated with the wanax, and may also have been borrowed from the
Minoans. See also 616, 618, 619, 622, 625, 629 and 632.

624 Papadopoulos, Thanasis J. and Litsa Kontorli- Papadopoulou. 2001. Death, power
and troubles in late Mycenaean Peloponnese: the evidence of warrior-graves.
Iconographical notes on two stele fragments from Grave Circle A at Mycenae. In:
Contributions to the Archaeology and History of the Bronze and Iron Ages in the
Eastern Mediterranean. Peter M. Fischer, ed. pp. 127-138. Österreichisches
Archäologisches Institut Sonderschiften vol. 39.

Review and survey of evidence concerning late Mycenaean warrior graves in the
Peloponnese. The authors believe that the occurrence of these graves, which often display a
spectacular concentration of power and wealth, in all districts of the area, though not frequent,
points to the existence of a well-organized society with local centers, leaders, official and
warriors capable of maintaining an effective system of administration and protection from
external raids and invasions.

625 Puhvel, Jaan. 1958. Helladic kingship and the gods. In: Minoica: Festschrift zum
80. Geburtstag von Johannes Sundwall. Ernst Grumach, ed. pp. 327-333.
Deutsche Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin, Schriften der Sektion fur
Altertumswissenschaft 12. Berlin: Akademie-Verlag.

Proposes that the Mycenaean wanax represents the fusion of Indo-European and
Minoan/Aegean concepts of the divine nature and functions of the ruler, in which the
Indo-European notion of an impersonal obligation to rule in the name of the gods is combined
with the Minoan notion of a personal relationship between the king and a specific deity, a
process that accompanied the linking of Indo-European gods with Minoan female deities. See
also 616, 618, 619, 622, 623, 629, 631 and 632.

626 Rehak, Paul. 1995. Enthroned figures in Aegean art and the function of the
Mycenaean megaron. In: The Role of the Ruler in the Prehistoric Aegean.
Proceedings of a Panel Discussion presented at the Annual Meeting of the
Archaeological Institute of America, New Orleans, Louisiana, 28 December 1992, With
Additions. Paul Rehak, ed. pp. 95-118. Aegaeum 11, Annales d'archéologie égéenne de
l'Université de Liège et UT-PASP. Liège: Université de Liège Histoire de l'art et
archéologie de la Grèce antique/University of Texas at Austin Program in Aegean Scripts
and Prehistory.

Rehak carefully examines and analyzes archaeological and iconographic evidence

for Aegean thrones on Crete and the mainland, and for enthroned figures generally, in order to
investigate the function of the megaron in Mycenaean palaces and its relationship to the wanax
or ruler. On the basis of this evidence he concludes that a major function of the megaron may
have been for communal drinking, that a woman--either a queen or a priestess--with an important
ceremonial role may have sat on the throne during these occasions, and that there is no evidence
for the existence of the wanax during the early Mycenaean period (MH-LH I); rather, he
suggests, there was a kind of collective rulership during most of the Mycenaean period. See also
612 and 641.

627 Rehak, Paul and John G. Younger. 2000. Minoan and Mycenaean administration
in the early Late Bronze Age: an overview. In: Administrative Documents
in the Aegean and their Near Eastern Counterparts: Proceedings of the
International Colloquium, Naples, February 29 – March 2, 1996. Massimo Perna,
ed. Pp. 277-301. Ufficio Centrale per I Beni Archivistici.

Comparison and contrast of administrative systems on Crete and the Greek

mainland during the 14th and 15th centuries B.C., focusing primarily on architecture and the use
of sealstones. The authors suggest that both societies were in a state of flux or transition, toward
decentralization on Crete and toward centralization on the mainland. Analysis of the presence of
seals in groups of two or three in tholos tombs in the Peloponnese indicates that they may have
functioned as tokens of a simple administrative system used independently of writing. See also
607, 611, 628 and 635.

628 Shelmerdine, Cynthia W. 1999. A comparative look at Mycenaean

administrations. In: Floreant Studia Mycenaea: Akten des X. Internationalen
Mykenologischen Colloquiums in Salzburg vom 1.-5. Mai 1995. Sigrid Deger-
Jalkotzy, Stefan Hiller and Oswald Panagl, eds. pp. 555-576. Österreichische Akademie
der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-Historisch Klasse, Denkschriften v. 274. Vienna:
Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften.

Shelmerdine begins by reviewing evidence for the emergence of states in the early
Mycenaean period, including social stratification, elite trade, writing and palatial architecture,
and then goes on to compare Mycenaean kingdoms at their height in LH IIIB in terms of size,
settlement pattern, tomb types, fortifications, and pottery, concluding that each region had a
somewhat different history and differed in various administrative respects. Turning to textual
evidence from various centers, she finds in addition to striking similarities some differences in
detail between Knossos, Pylos and Mycenae in respect to the spatial distribution of departments
and archives and scribal specialization. See also 607, 611, 627 and 635.
629 Shelmerdine, Cynthia W. 1999. Administration in the Mycenaean palaces: where=s
the chief? In: Rethinking Mycenaean Palaces: New Interpretations of an Old
Idea. Michael L. Galaty and William A. Parkinson, eds. pp. 19- 24. Cotsen Institute
of Archaeology, University of California, Los Angeles, Monograph 41. Los
Angeles: Cotsen Institute of Archaeology, University of California, Los Angeles.

Summarizes palatial administrative functions based primarily on evidence from

the Pylos Linear B tablets, and concludes that the ceremonial and religious roles of the wanax are
clearer than his administrative ones, and although certain individuals, types of craftsmen and
commodities are associated with him, his exact relationship to them and to the functioning of the
palace and the state are still somewhat unclear. See also 616, 618, 619, 622, 623, 625 and 632.

630 Small, David B. 1999. Mycenaean polities: states or estates? In: Rethinking
Mycenaean Palaces: New Interpretations of an Old Idea. Michael L. Galaty and
William A. Parkinson, eds. pp. 43-47. Cotsen Institute of Archaeology,
University of California, Monograph 41. Los Angeles: Cotsen Institute of
Archaeology, University of California, Los Angeles.

Utilizing comparative data from rank-size analysis and the collapse of ancient
states, Small argues against the administrative model of the Pylian kingdom as a complex
hierarchically-organized state-level polity involving hierarchically ordered regional centers;
rather, he suggests, it should be viewed as an expanded estate which exercised direct centralized
control over surrounding settlements in order to supply raw materials for its workshops.

631 Thomas, Carol G. 1970. A Mycenaean hegemony? A reconsideration. Journal of

Hellenic Studies 90:184-192.

Examination of literary and archaeological evidence leads to fairly inconclusive

results, although Thomas concludes that there is little basis for the existence of a Mycenaean
empire.
632 Thomas, Carol G. 1976. The nature of Mycenaean kingship. Studi Micenei ed
Egeo-Anatolici 17:93-116.

Thomas traces the nature of Mycenaean kingship to primarily Indo-European

origins. The first Mycenaean kings were part of a warrior aristocracy who imposed their rule
over an indigenous population by means of military might and ability and through direct control
of economic resources. As population increased and as the Mycenaean state with a complex
centralized administrative structure evolved, the wanax retained personal authority while
delegating certain responsibilities to lesser officials. While the king undoubtedly also performed
religious functions, Thomas does not believe that he was considered a divinity himself. See also
616, 618, 619, 622, 623, 625 and 629.

633 Thomas, Carol G. 1977. The Dorians and the polis. Minos 16:207-218.

Thomas notes a number of significant instances of continuity between the

Mycenaean state and the later Classical polis, including specific aspects of political organization;
since these aspects are similar in both Dorian and Ionian areas of Greece, this indicates that the
Dorians did not enter Greece at the end of the Late Bronze Age, but were present in Greece
throughout the period. See also 613.

634 Thomas, Carol G. 1984. Mycenaean law in its oral context. Studi Micenei
ed Egeo-Anatolici 24:247-253.

Thomas suggests that although Linear B came to be used for specific--primarily

accounting--functions, the culture itself remained largely non-literate; thus it is likely that law
remained part of a collective oral tradition.
635 Thomas, Carol G. 1995. The components of political identity in Mycenaean
Greece. In: Politeia: Society and State in the Aegean Bronze Age. Proceedings of
the 5th International Aegean Conference/5e Rencontre egééene internationale,
University of Heidelberg, Archäologisches Institut, 10-13 April 1994. Robert
Laffineur and Wolf- Dietrich Niemeier, eds. pp. 349-354. Aegaeum 12, Annales
d'archéologie égéenne de l'Université de Liège et UT-PASP. Liège:
Université de Liège Histoire de l'art et archéologie de la Grèce antique/University of
Texas at Austin Program in Scripts and Prehistory.

Thomas examines evidence from settlement patterns, Linear B tablets and tholos
burials in order to discuss the emergence and consolidation of political control, the sharing and
distribution of power between centralized palatial rule and local authority, and regional
differences in the above at Mycenae, Pylos and Athens. See also 607, 611, 627 and 628.

636 Voutsaki, Sofia. 1995. Social and political processes in the Mycenaean Argolid:
the evidence from the mortuary practices. In: Politeia: Society and State in the
Aegean Bronze Age. Proceedings of the 5th International Aegean
Conference/5e Rencontre égéene internationale, University of Heidelberg,
Archäologisches Institut, 10-13 April 1994. Robert Laffineur and Wolf-
Dietrich Niemeier, eds. pp. 55-66. Aegaeum 12, Annales d'archéologie égéenne de
l'Université de Liège et UT-PASP. Liège: Université de Liège Histoire del'art et
archéologie de la Grèce antique/University of Texas at Austin Program in Scripts and
Prehistory.

Voutsaki attempts to reconstruct political and social change in the Argolid,

especially the formation of a hierarchical society and a centralized political system through an
analysis of mortuary practices, most notably the diversity of objects in various types of tombs.
She asserts that mortuary display can function to create as well as legitimate status, and that the
mortuary evidence offers evidence of a process whereby increasing elaboration of mortuary
practices in LH I-II was an essential element of social and political competition, while the
progressive restriction of mortuary display in LH IIIA-B represents the establishment and
consolidation of palatial control at the expense of local elites. See also 609, 611, 620 636, 638
and 639.
637 Wright, James C. 1984. Umpiring the Mycenaean empire. In: Temple
University Aegean Symposium 9. Philip P. Betancourt, ed. pp. 58-70.
Philadelphia.

Attempts to correlate theories of political evolution with archaeological evidence

from the Late Bronze Age Aegean, emphasizing the development of sociopolitical complexity
and the nature of the expansion of the Mycenaean political system; Wright focuses in particular
upon the role of the Cyclades as intermediary agents in state formation by means of trade and
dissemination of ideas and materials from Crete; may be difficult to obtain. See also 609, 611,
636 and 639.

638 Wright, James Clinton. 1987. Death and power at Mycenae: changing symbols in
mortuary practice. In: Thanatos: Les Coutumes Funeraires en Égée à l'Age
du Bronze. Actes du colloque de Liège (21-23 avril 1986). Robert Laffineur, ed.
pp. 171-184. Aegaeum 1, Annales d'archéologie égéenne de l'Université de Liège.
Liège: Université de l'Etat à Liège.

Analyzes the use of mortuary symbolism in connection with the development of

social and political complexity at Mycenae; the increased visibility, planning and investment of
labor in the construction of tholos tombs as compared to the earlier shaft graves indicates a major
change related to the social and political expansion of the Mycenaean state around LH IIIA1; the
widespread use of a local conglomerate stone for several late tholoi, the Lion Gate, Grave Circle
A and other contemporary structures suggests a shift toward a symbolic public and monumental
display of power linking earlier generations of leaders to the ruling dynasty. See also 614, 620
and 636.

639 Wright, James C. 1995. From chief to king in Mycenaean society. In: The Role of
the Ruler in the Prehistoric Aegean. Proceedings of a Panel Discussion presented at
the Annual Meeting of the Archaeological Institute of America, New Orleans,
Louisiana, 28 December 1992, With Additions. Paul Rehak, ed. pp. 63- 80.
Aegaeum 11, Annales d'archéologie égéenne de l'Université de Liège et UT-PASP. Liège:
Université de Liège Histoire de l'art et archéologie de la Grèce antique/University of
Texas at Austin Program in Aegean Scripts and Prehistory.
 Wright offers a model for the evolution of some early Mycenaean chiefdoms into
centralized palace-states based upon theoretical constructs including secondary state formation,
prestige exchange mechanisms and peer polity interaction and which focuses on the role of the
chief and the transformation of his position. He suggests that during the early Mycenaean period
(i.e. MH III-LH IIB), chiefs competed with each other to obtain land, people, wealth and status
and to consolidate and legitimate their control and authority through the acquisition of prestige
goods from Crete and the creation of a belief system derived in part from Minoan antecedents.
Subsequently, however, the emerging proto-states largely shifted from competitive display of
prestige objects to more cooperative productive activities, as evidenced by the relative cultural
and material homogeneity observed in LH IIIA-B. Includes a table listing the distribution and
frequency of metal vessels in LBA burials in mainland Greece. See also 609, 611 and 639.

640 Wundsam, Klaus. 1968. Die Politische und Soziale Struktur in den
Mykenischen Residenzen nach den Linear B Texten. Dissertationen der
Universität Wien, 7. Vienna: Verlag Notring. 205 p.

Wundsam's analysis of Linear B texts suggests a type of feudal social and

political organization in Pylos with a relatively weak king sharing power with two classes of
nobility, one of which was more autonomous and independent of him than the other.

641 Younger, John G. 1995. The iconography of rulership: a conspectus. In: The
Role of the Ruler in the Prehistoric Aegean. Proceedings of a Panel Discussion
presented at the Annual Meeting of the Archaeological Institute of America, New
Orleans, Louisiana, 28 December 1992, With Additions. Paul Rehak, ed. pp. 151-
211. Aegaeum 11, Annales d'archéologie égéenne de l'Université de Liège et UT-PASP.
Liège: Université de Liège Histoire de l'art et archéologie de la Grèce antique/University
of Texas at Austin Program in Aegean Scripts and Prehistory.

Younger presents catalogues of plans and reconstructed drawings of citadels,

palaces and villas and their identified throne rooms and representations of figures of power and
authority on seals, rings, seal impressions, frescoes, ivories and other materials, as well as
transcribed texts concerning the wanax. Also includes a concordance, an extensive bibliography
and numerous illustrations. See also 612 and 626.

Political Geography
 It is widely assumed that buildings identified as palaces and other similar structures
represented the capitals or centers of states. There may have been as many as a dozen of these
states, which tended to be larger in extent than the classical city-states, often encompassing entire
geographical regions. Some efforts, based upon geography, the Catalogue of Ships in Homer's
Iliad, analogues with later Classical city-states and--in the case of Messenia and Crete--Linear B
data, have been made to delineate the approximate borders of these states and to identify the
major settlements within them. On the basis of current material and structural evidence, the most
important states were probably Mycenae in the Argolid, Pylos in Messenia, Knossos on the
island of Crete and Thebes in Boiotia.

642 Aravantinos, Vassilis L. 1987. Mycenaean place-names from Thebes:

the new evidence. In: Studies in Mycenaean and Classical Greek Presented to
John Chadwick. John T. Killen, Jose L. Melena and Jean-Pierre Olivier, eds.
pp. 33-40. Salamanca: Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca.

The author identifies a number of place-names from inscribed sealings found

within the palace at Thebes, including Thebes itself; two other sites, Karystos and Amarynthos,
are located on the western coast of Euboia, suggesting close contact with or even direct control
by Thebes. See also 643.

643 Bartonek, Antonin. 1988. The name of Thebes in the documents of the
Mycenaean era. Minos 22:39-46.

Discusses possible words and variants denoting Thebes, noting that it is the only
major center mentioned directly or indirectly in all of the important Linear B archives, and thus
testifying to its significance; he also summarizes references to other major sites in the Linear B
texts. See also 642.

644 Bennet, John. 1995. Space through time: diachronic perspective on the spatial
organization of the Pylian state. In: Politeia: Society and State in the Aegean
Bronze Age. Proceedings of the 5th International Aegean Conference/5e Rencontre
égéene internationale, University of Heidelberg, Archäologisches Institut, 10-13
April 1994. Robert Laffineur and Wolf- Dietrich Niemeier, eds. pp. 587-602. Aegaeum
12, Annales d'archéologie égéenne de l'Université de Liège et UT-PASP. Liège:
Université de Liège Histoire de l'art et archéologie de la Grèce antique/University of
Texas at Austin Program in Scripts and Prehistory.

Attempts to reconstruct the political geography of the Pylian kingdom and the
expansion of the Pylian state through time based upon evidence from Linear B tablets and
archaeological survey data. A plausible reconstruction would be that the kingdom began in the
vicinity of Pylos, first comprising what is known as the Hither Province in western Messenia by
LH IIIA, then expanding eastward beyond the Aigaleion mountain range to incorporate the
Further Province in LH IIIB. Settlement and excavation data, along with changes in burial
evidence, would seem to support this hypothesis. See also 645-647, 649, 650 and 657.

645 Bennet, John. 1998-1999. Re-u-ko-to-ro za-we- te: Leuktron as a secondary capital
in the Pylos kingdom? In: A-na-qo-ta: Studies Presented to J.T. Killen. John
Bennet and Jan Driessen, eds. pp. 11-30. Minos 33-34. Salamanca: Ediciones
Universidad de Salamanca.

Bennet attempts to illustrate, by example, how arguments relating to the

identification of place-names have been constructed and to point out some of the uncertaincies
involved in doing so. Combining textual and archaeological evidence, he suggests that this place
was in the northwestern Further Province and discusses a number of archaeological sites which
could be equated with it before settling upon the site of Mouriatada Elliniko. See also 644, 646,
647m 649, 650 and 657.

646 Bennet, John. 1999. The Mycenaean conceptualization of space or Pylian

geography (. . . yet again!). In: Floreant Studia Mycenaea: Akten des X. Internationalen
Mykenologischen Colloquiums in Salzburg vom 1.-5. Mai 1995. Sigrid Deger-Jalkotzy,
Stefan Hiller and Oswald Panagl, eds. pp. 131-157. Österreichische Akademie der
Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-Historisch Klasse, Denkschriften v. 274.
Vienna: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften.

Bennet begins by distinguishing between small-scale maps of large areas, as commonly

used in the modern world, and large-scale city or cadastral plans which seem to have been the
only kind used in the ancient world. Suggesting that the Mycenaean concept of space was
probably not unlike that in other early societies, he considers it unlikely that a Mycenaean scribe
would have had a small-scale map of an entire polity, but possible that he might have had a
large-scale cadastral plan. A “mental map” of the Pylos polity seems to have included division of
the realm into hither and further provinces, a fixed order of places in the hither province (perhaps
based on groupings established in the course of the expansion of the polity centered on the
palace) and a less clear order of toponyms in the further province. Given the less clear definition
among further province toponyms, it may also be that the incorporation of the further province
was an ongoing process, just complete or even still underway at the time recorded by the Linear
B documents. He concludes by offering some possible identifications of the Linear B toponyms
with actual archaeological sites. See also 644, 645, 647, 649, 650 and 657.

647 Chadwick, John. 1963. The two provinces of Pylos. Minos 7:125-141.

Discusses inferences from various sets of Linear B tablets from Pylos, along with
archaeological survey data, in order to identify the location of major sites, as well as the border
between the two provinces, which he believes is the Aigaleon mountain range north of Pylos.
See also 644-646, 649, 650 and 657.

648 Chadwick, John. 1977. Arcadia in the Pylos tablets? Minos 16:219-227.

Rejects the assertion that any place-names in the Pylos Linear B tablets are
located in Arcadia, while not denying that Pylos may have controlled a few passes of strategic
importance in the extreme southwestern fringes of Arcadia.

649 Chadwick, John. Esti Pylos pro Pyloio. Minos 14:39-59.

Discusses hypotheses, arguments and evidence concerning the geography of the

kingdom of Pylos and Mycenaean geography as reflected in the Homeric poems. See also 644-
647, 650 and 657.

650 Hiller, Stefan. 1972. Studien zur Geographie des Reiches um Pylos nach dem
mykenischen und Homerischen Texten. Österreichischen Akademie der
Wissenschaftlichen Philosophisch-Historisch Klasse,
Sitzungsberichte 278, vol. 5. Vienna: Herman Bohlaus. 247 p.
 Attempts to reconstruct the political geography of the kingdom of Pylos, based on
analysis of the Pylos Linear B Oka series; includes discussion of provinces and internal political
divisions; Hiller also compares the picture obtained from the Linear B tablets with the
description of the kingdom of Pylos in Homer. See also 644-647, 649 and 657.

651 Hiller, Stefan. 1982. Amnisos in den mykenischen texten. Kadmos 21:33-63.

Discusses the significance and context of references to Amnisos in the Knossos

Linear B tablets, wherein it is seen as an important economic, military and religious center, i.e., a
center of textile and olive oil production, a military garrison and a cult center. See also 654-656
and 659.

652 Hope Simpson, Richard. 1957. Identifying a Mycenaean state. Annual of

the British School at Athens 52:231-259.

Hope Simpson surveyed an area in the vicinity of the Messenian Gulf in an effort
to identify the seven cities offered by Agamemnon to Achilles in the Iliad. After discussing
earlier speculation as to their location and problems in their identification, he describes 17 sites
and identifies six of the cities. He suggests that they formed a small independent state serving as
a buffer between the kingdoms of Nestor in Messenia and Menelaus in Lakonia. This state, with
two good harbors, a maritime orientation and a capital in the city of Pherae, apparently reached a
height of prosperity in LH IIIB, and may have been the kingdom later known as Messene. See
also 653.

653 Hope Simpson, Richard. 1966. The seven cities offered by Agamemnon to
Achilles (Iliad ix ff., 291 ff.). Annual of the British School at Athens 61:113-131.

See also 652.

654 McArthur, Jennifer K. 1981. The textual evidence for location of place-names
in the Knossos tablets. Minos 17:147-210.

Review of and commentary upon four major studies attempting to extract

information from the Knossos Linear B tablets concerning the location of place-names; this
evidence derives from contextual associations and/or associations of activities and products with
a particular environment; points of agreement include eight acceptable place-name associations
(Amnisos, Aptara, Knossos, Kydonia, Phaistos, Tylissos, Sybrita and Inatos), although there is
considerable disagreement concerning methods employed. See also 651, 655, 656 and 659.

655 McArthur, Jennifer K. 1993. Place-Names in the Knossos Tablets. Identification

and Location. Supplementos a Minos 9, Salamanca. 312 p.

See also 651, 654, 656 and 659.

656 Owens, Gareth. 1994. Was se-to-i-ja at Archanes? Kadmos 33:22-28.

Examines the twenty-one references in the Knossos Linear B archive to this site
and archaeological evidence, concluding in the affirmative. See also 651, 654, 655 and 659.

657 Palaima, Thomas G. 2000. Θεμις in the Mycenaean lexicon and the
etymology of the place-name *ti-mi-to a-ko. Faventia 22(1):7- 19.

Examines words in Linear B texts which have been connected with the later
Greek word themis. New readings of several key texts argue against this interpretation, which is
consistent with a general lack of references to legal records and a specific absence of any
derivatives of the word for the notion of “justice.” Palaima further explores the significance of
these conclusions for the interpretation of the toponym ti-mi-to a-ko, a prominent provincial
capital referred to in the Pylos tablets, which has been identified as the archaeological site of
Nichoria. Using survey results, archaeobotanical studies and analyses of botanical terms from
Mycenaean and later periods, he proposes that “agkos of the terebinth trees” would fit both the
topography of Nichoria and its environs as well as the attested exploitation of products from
terebinth trees in late palatial Crete and Messenia. See also 644-647, 649 and 650.

658 Sarkady, Janos. 1973. Zur Politischen Karte Griechenlands im

Mykenischen Zeitalter. Acta Classica Universitatis Scientiarum
Debreceniensis 9:15-24.

Discusses Mycenaean political geography and attempts to construct a political

map of Late Bronze Age Greece.

659 Wilson, A.L. 1977. The place-names in the Linear B tablets from Knossos: some
preliminary considerations. Minos 16:67-125.

Reviews recent studies and presents a preliminary evaluation of contextual

relationships among place-names on the Knossos tablets. Wilson discusses the contextual
approach and examines evidence for toponymic associations and groupings, noting that the
groups seem to correspond to sub-regions of the island. He reviews previously identified
locations and of five groups; based on this evidence and the fact that the number of place-names
listed in the tablets is smaller than the total number of settlements for LM III Crete, he suggests
that Knossos was not in contact with eastern Crete and controlled only the central part of the
island, about 1/3 of the total area. Appendices list the frequency of appearance of toponyms and
tablets, sets and series of tablets with associations of place-names. See also 651 and 654-656.

Military Organization

There are many indications of the significance of warfare in Mycenaean society: the
frequency of weapons--both functional and ceremonial--in high-status burials, the many artistic
representations of fighting scenes, and the massive fortifications erected during LH III, to list the
most obvious. It seems clear that the existence of the Mycenaean warrior aristocracy, and
perhaps to a large degree as well the Mycenaean state, rested upon military strength and prowess.
And as indicated above, most of the most important positions in the Mycenaean political system
were connected wholly or in part with military activities.

The Mycenaean warrior was equipped with a bronze sword and spear; other weapons
included daggers and bows and arrows. The most elaborate set of armor found is the panoply
from Dendra, consisting of a series of overlapping bronze sheets covering the torso; other
defensive armor included boar's tusk helmets and bronze greaves. Mycenaean soldiers also
carried large figure-eight shields covered with oxhide. After the 15th century B.C., Mycenaean
military equipment evolved toward lighter armor, smaller round shields, and swords more
suitable for slashing than thrusting; it has been suggested that these changes indicate both Near
Eastern and/or European influence and a shift to a more mobile style of fighting.

The most formidable piece of Mycenaean military equipment was the horse-drawn
chariot--also likely derived from Near Eastern prototypes--manned by a driver and fighting man.
It is unclear to what extent chariots were used merely as transportation--as described in the Iliad,
for example--and to what extent they may actually have been used in battle; it is evident that a
warrior wearing something like the Dendra panoply could not have moved very effectively on
foot. It seems likely, in any case, that the great majority of fighting took the form of single
combat on foot. See also Material Culture: Metalwork and Chariots for further discussion of
military equipment.

660 Chadwick, John. 1998-1999. Pylian gold and local administration: PY Jo 438. In:
A-na-qo- ta: Studies Presented to J.T. Killen. John Bennet and Jan Driessen, eds.
pp. 31-37. Minos 33-34. Salamanca: Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca.

Argues that this tablet records the collection of more than five kilograms of gold,
possibly for the king to hire mercenaries to assist in the defense of his kingdom. See also 661,
663, 667 and 670.

661 Driessen, Jan M. 1984. Some military aspects of the Aegean in the late fifteenth
and early fourteenth centuries B.C., Part I: mercenaries at Mycenaean
Knossos? Annual of the British School at Athens 79:49-56.

Examines and discusses Linear B tablets from Knossos with military

connotations; Driessen suggests that some of these tablets refer to groups of men from different
parts of the Mycenaean world serving the king of Knossos as mercenaries used to maintain his
control over parts of Crete. See also 660 and 666.
662 Godart, Louis. 1987. Le rôle du palais dans l'organization militaire mycénienne.
In: Le Système Palatial en Orient, en Grèce et à Rome: Actes du
colloque de Strasbourg 19-22 juin 1985. E. Levy, ed. pp. 237-253. Université
des Sciences Humaines de Strasbourg, Travaux du Centre de Recherche sur
le Proche-Orient et la Grèce Antiques 9.

Uses evidence from Pylos and Knossos Linear B tablets to discuss the role of the
palaces in military organization and preparation, in the placement of troops and in the
manufacture, repair, maintenance and disbursement of offensive and defensive weapons. See
also 668.

663 Killen, John T. 1983. PY An 1. Minos 18:71-79.

Drawing upon an analogy with records dealing with naval activity at Ugarit, as
well as with other Linear B tablets in the Pylos An series, Killen suggests that this tablet is a
taxation record arrived at through the calculation of available rowers from a given village,
indicating a system of conscription based upon obligation to the palace for military service. See
also 660, 667 and 670.

664 Laffineur, Robert, ed. 1999. Polemos: Le contexte guerrier en Égée à l=âge du
Bronze. Actes de la 7e Rencontre égéenne internationale, Université de
Liège, 14-17 avril 1998. Aegaeum 19, Annales d=archéologie égéenne de
l'Université de Liège et UT-PASP. Liège: Université de Liège Histoire de l'art et
archeologié de la Grèce antique and University of Texas at Austin Program in
Aegean Scripts and Prehistory. 2 v.

Important recent publication of an international conference on the subject of

warfare in the Aegean Bronze Age. Contents include: J. Driessen, The archaeology of Aegean
warfare (pp. 11-20); O. Dickinson, Robert Drews= theories about the nature of warfare in the Late
Bronze Age (pp. 21-27); M. Finkelberg, Greek epic tradition on population movements in
Bronze Age Greece (pp. 31-36); A.-L. D=Agata, Hidden wars: Minoans and Mycenaeans at
Haghia Triada in the LM III period. The evidence from pottery (pp. 47-55); J.S. Soles, The
collapse of ancient Minoan civilization: the evidence of the broken ashlar (pp. 57-63); A.
Peatfield, The paradox of violence: weaponry and martial art in Minoan Crete (pp. 67-72); P.E.
Acheson, The role of force in the development of early Mycenaean polities (pp. 97-102); J.L.
Davis and J. Bennet, Making Mycenaean warfare, territorial expansion, and representations of
the other in the Pylian kingdom (pp. 105-119); S. Deger-Jalkotzy, Military prowess and social
status in Mycenaean Greece (pp. 121-131); R.L.N. Barber, Hostile Mycenaeans in the Cyclades?
(Pp. 133-138); W.-D. Niemeier, Mycenaeans and Hittites in war in western Asia Minor (pp. 141-
155); G. Walberg, The end of the Late Bronze Age at Midea (pp. 157-160); J.K. Papadopoulos,
G.M. Cross, R.E. Jones and L. Sharpe, The prehistoric fortifications of Torone (pp. 163-170); S.
Iakovidis, Late Helladic fortifications (pp. 199-204); K. Demakopoulou and N. Divari-Valakou,
The fortifications of the Mycenaean acropolis of Midea (pp. 205-213); P.P. Betancourt,
Discontinuity in the Minoan-Mycenaean religions: smooth development or disruptions and war?
(Pp. 219-223); P. Rehak, The Mycenaean >Warrior Goddess= revisited (pp. 227-237); T.J.
Papadopoulos, Warrior-graves in Achaean Mycenaean cemeteries (pp. 267-274); E.F. Bloedow,
AHector is a lion@: new light on warfare in the Aegean Bronze Age from the Homeric simile (pp.
285-293); N.R. Thomas, The war animal: three days in the life of the Mycenaean lion (pp. 297-
310); R. Laffineur, De Mycènes à Homère. Réflexions sur l=iconographie guerrière mycéienne
(pp. 313-316); S. Hiller, Scenes of warfare and combat in the arts of Aegean Late Bronze Age.
Reflections on typology and development (pp. 319-328); L. Kontorli-Papadopoulou, Fresco
fighting - scenes as evidence for warlike activities in the LBA Aegean (pp. 331-339); A. Sacconi,
Les tablettes de Pylos et la guerre (pp. 361-365); T.G. Palaima, Mycenaean militarism from a
textual perspective. Onomastics in context: lwos, dmos, klewos (pp. 367-378); M. Perna,
Fiscalità ed emergenza a Pilo (pp. 381-386); J. Driessen and I. Schoep, The stylus and the sword.
The role of scribes and warriors in the conquest of Crete (pp. 389-397); C.W. Shelmerdine,
Pylian politics: the latest evidence on military matters (pp. 403-408); B. Eder, Late Bronze Age
swords from ancient Elis (pp. 443-447); B.P. Hallager, A warrior and an unknown chariot type
on a LM IIIB:2 krater in Khania (pp. 449-452); J. Crouwel, Fighting on land and sea in
Mycenaean times (pp. 455-460); M. Wedde, War at sea: the Mycenaean and Early Iron Age
oared galley (pp. 465-474); O. Krzyszkowska, So where=s the loot? The spoils of war in the
Aegean Bronze Age (pp. 489-496); R. Arnott, War wounds and their treatment in the Aegean
Bronze Age (pp. 499-505).

665 Lejeune, Michel. 1968. La civilisation mycénienne et la guerre. In:

Problèmes de la guerre en Grèce ancienne. Jean-Pierre Vernant, ed. pp. 31-51.
Paris: Mouton.

Analysis of data in Linear B tablets concerning offensive and defensive weapons,

including records of helmets, cuirasses, swords, javelins, daggers, arrows and chariots; Lejeune
infers the existence of knights fighting from chariots with equipment supplied by the palace, as
well as a class of conscripted foot soldiers.
666 Macdonald, Colin F. 1984. Some military aspects of the Aegean in the late
fifteenth and early fourteenth centuries B.C., Part II: Aegean swords and warrior
graves: their implications for Knossian military organization. Annual of the
British School at Athens 79: 56-74.

Detailed examination and analysis of LM II-IIIA swords and warrior burials in the
vicinity of Knossos (defined here as those with Type C, D, and G swords). Macdonald suggests
that the Sellopoulo and Zapher Papoura cemeteries were the burial grounds for the aristocracy of
Mycenaean Knossos, that the sword above all other weapons was the symbol of military prowess
and prestige and that the warrior burials are those of officials of different ranks in the Knossos
military organization, drawn from different levels of society. Also contains a catalogue of all
Type C, D, E and G swords found between 1960 and 1984 and a supplementary catalogue listing
all examples of these types now known. See also 661.

667 Palmer, Leonard R. 1956. Military arrangements for the defence of Pylos.
Minos 4:120-145.

In this interpretation of the incomplete An series of Linear B tablets from Pylos,

each paragraph names a military unit (oka), its commander, its headquarters, two officers and
place-names indicating where the unit was or is to be posted; Palmer suggests that the purpose of
these units is to provide early warning and defense against an attack by sea; he also lists,
discusses and locates the position of the units along the western and southern coasts of Messenia.
See also 660, 663 and 670.

668 Palmer, Leonard R. 1977. War and society in a Mycenaean kingdom. In:
Armées et Fiscalité dans le Monde Antique. pp. 35-64. Colloques Nationaux de
Centre National de Recherche Scientifique 936. Paris: Editions du Centre
National de la Recherche Scientifique.

In this detailed analysis of oka and ereta Linear B tablets from Pylos, Palmer
demonstrates the complex coordination of land and naval forces and the economic organization
used to support and maintain them; of particular note is the distinction between royal and divine
administrative institutions--as represented by the equeta on the one hand and the ijereu on the
other--and the manner in which they jointly and independently operated; there is also specific
discussion of a temple estate dedicated to Poseidon. See also 662.

669 Uchitel, Alexander. 1988. Charioteers of Knossos. Minos 23:47-58.

Discusses the Knossos Sc series of Linear B tablets, comprising more than 100
tablets found in the "Room of the Chariot Tablets," which concern the registration of weapons to
be distributed to individual warriors; the author compares these tablets to similar texts from
Alalakh, Assur and Nuzi, attempting, among other things, to explain and account for missing
equipment, since since only about 20% of the warriors are fully equipped.

670 Was, Daniel A. 1969. The kingdom of Pylos: its topography and defence.
Anatolica 3:147-176.

Offers an alternative reconstruction of the military organization of the kingdom of

Pylos to that proposed by Palmer. See also 660, 663 and 667.

External Contacts

Mycenaean contact with other cultures seems to have had primarily economic
motives, although political aspects cannot, as in the case of Crete and other areas of the Aegean,
be ruled out entirely. This is certainly the case during the early phases of Mycenaean
civilization, and appears to be largely true as well during its period of expansion in the 14th and
13th centuries B.C. It is not always possible to determine on the basis of limited material
evidence alone the precise nature of Mycenaean presence outside of mainland Greece, given the
alternatives of military conquest, peaceful occupation, colonization, the establishment of trading
posts or purely economic exchange (although it is unlikely that purely economic transactions in
the modern sense took place during the Bronze Age, as suggested above; see Economic
Organization: Trade).

The presence of Mycenaean artifacts, such as pottery, is susceptible to a variety of

interpretations: 1) as items of trade imported from Greece, either as containers for products such
as olive oil or for their own sake; 2) as part of the cultural repertoire of Mycenaeans either
temporarily or permanently resident in a given place; 3) as locally-produced imitations of
Mycenaean vessels by native potters; 4) as locally-produced pottery for Mycenaean or native
consumers by Mycenaean potters. This does not exhaust the possibilities, but does suggest the
complexity of interpretation involved. The presence of other cultural indicators, such as
figurines or specific burial customs may also be useful in determining the nature of Mycenaean
presence (for further definition of these issues, see Introduction).

Even during the early phases of their history, the Mycenaeans were in contact
with other peoples, primarily the Minoans and the Cycladic islanders. The precise nature of
these contacts is not entirely clear, although the foreign derivation of many of the Mycenae Shaft
Grave artifacts suggests a strong cultural influence. On the other hand, there is also some
evidence that the Mycenaeans were not merely passive recipients of such interchanges, but were
themselves skilled seafarers who actively initiated contact as well.

During the expansion of Mycenaean civilization, contacts with other peoples broadened
and intensified throughout the central and eastern Mediterranean basin and, to a lesser extent,
northward as well. Mycenaean presence becomes more pronounced in a number of areas,
although, as discussed above, the exact nature of that presence is often difficult to discern. LH
IIIA and LH IIIB pottery is widely distributed, testifying to an aggressive involvement in the
Eastern Mediterranean trade system, especially following the collapse of Minoan civilization
around 1450 B.C. In the 12th century B.C. widespread disturbances both within Greece and
throughout the Eastern Mediterranean began to affect and limit Mycenaean trade, leading to a
diminution and eventually an almost total cessation of trade and contact by the end of LH IIIC,
although certain areas remained prosperous even following the collapse of Mycenaean
civilization itself. For further discussion of the areas below, see also Regional and Site Reports:
Regional Syntheses.

671 1973. Acts of the International Archaeological Symposium, "The

Mycenaeans in the Eastern Mediterranean". Nicosia: Department of
Antiquities, Cyprus. 410 p.

Important collection of papers concerning Mycenaean contact, trade and

settlement in the Eastern Mediterranean area; contents include: H.W. Catling, The Achaean
settlement of Cyprus (pp. 34-39); M.S.F. Hood, Mycenaean settlement in Cyprus and the coming
of the Greeks (pp. 40-50); K. Nicolaou, The first Mycenaeans in Cyprus (pp. 51-61); F.G. Maier,
Evidence for Mycenaean settlement at Old Paphos (pp. 68-78); V.R.D'A. Desborough,
Mycenaeans in Cyprus in the 11th century B.C. (pp. 79-97); G.E. Mylonas, Contribution to the
religion of the Achaeans (pp. 101-104); V. Hankey, The Aegean deposit at El Amarna (pp. 128-
136); J.-C. Curtois, Sur diverse groupes de vases Mycéniens en Mediterranee orientale (1250-
1150 B.C.) (pp. 137-165); G. Cadogan, Patterns in the distribution of Mycenaean pottery in the
Eastern Mediterranean (pp. 166-174); R.S. Merrillees, Mycenaean pottery from the time of
Akhenaten in Egypt (pp. 175-186); T. Dothan, Philistine material culture and its Mycenaean
affinities (pp. 187-188); S.E. Iakovides, Rhodes and Ahhijava (pp. 189-192); D.C. Baramki, The
impact of the Mycenaeans on ancient Phoenicia (pp. 193-197); P.J. Riis, The Mycenaean
expansion in the light of the Danish expeditions at Hama and Sukas (pp. 198-206); F.H.
Stubbings, Mycenaean pottery in Cyprus: some doubts and queries about clay analysis (pp. 207-
212); F. Asaro and I. Perlman, Provenience studies of Mycenaean pottery employing neutron
activation analysis (pp. 213-224); M. Loulloupis, Mycenaean "horns of consecration" in Cyprus
(pp. 225-244); A. Pierides, Observations on some Mycenaean ivoires from Cyprus (pp. 274-
277); V.E.G. Kenna, Cyprus and the Aegean world: the evidence of the seals (pp. 290-294).

672 Benzi, Mario. 1999. Mycenaean figurines from Iasos. La Parola del Passato
54:269-282.

The earliest Mycenaean pottery from Iasos dates from LH II-IIIA1, which is
consistent with the transition from Minoan to Mycenaean influence seen at Miletos and in the
Dodecanese. Most, however, is LH IIIA2-B, although canonical Mycenaean pottery is far
outnumbered by local wares. Five Mycenaean figurines made from local micaceous clay were
also found in mixed deposits in the Agora. Benzi discusses the presence of figurines in western
coastal Anatolia and the Dodecanese, observing that their frequency decreases in a northward
direction and suggesting that when they are found with other substantial Mycenaean features
they hint at the presence of Mycenaeans in residence, as at Miletos and in the Dodecanese.

673 Bouzek, Jan. 1979. Mycenae, Anatolia and the Balkans during the middle third of
the second millennium B.C. In: Rapports, co-rapports, communications
Tchecoslovaqes pour le IV Congrès de l'Association Internationale d'Etudes du
Sud-Est Europeen. Karel Herman and Jozef Vladar, eds. pp. 71-81. Prague:
L'Institut de l'Histoire tchecoslovaque et mondiale de l'Academie Tchecoslavique des
Sciences.

A review of chronology and similarities of artifact types and decorative motifs

which suggests that relations between these areas were not as close as previously believed, but
that they did nonetheless exist and were rather complicated; Bouzek attributes certain cultural
similarities to contact at various levels, including trade; northwest Anatolia seems to have played
a particularly significant role in the transmission of cultural elements. See also 674.
674 Bouzek, Jan. 1985. The Aegean, Anatolia and Europe: Cultural Interrelations in
the Second Millennium B.C. Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology 29.
Göteborg: Paul Åströms Förlag. 271 p.

The most comprehensive presentation of evidence for contact and mutual influence
among the three culture areas; primarily descriptive, but also offers explanation for cross-cultural
similarities in material culture and ideology in terms of trade and diffusion of ideas and
technology. Discusses in detail specific artifact classes and types, including bronze weapons and
tools, jewelry and pottery, as well as symbols, decorative motifs and burial practices. According
to the author much of the contact was stimulated by Mycenaean demand for raw materials such
as copper, gold and amber, traded for finished products, particularly weapons. Aegean influence
and imitation resulted in similarities in weaponry and personal adornment throughout large
portions of Europe during the last quarter of the second millennium. Amply illustrated with
drawings and distribution maps. See also 673.

675 Cline, Eric H. 1993. Eastern imports at mainland Greek sites: the contributions
of Wace and Blegen. In: Proceedings of the International Conference, Wace and
Blegen: Pottery as Evidence for Trade in the Aegean Bronze Age, 1939-1989,
Held at the American School of Classical Studies at Athens, Athens, December
2-3, 1989. Carol Zerner, Peter Zerner and John Winder, eds. pp. 225- 230.
Amsterdam: J.C. Gieben.

Describes and discusses 20 Eastern Mediterranean imports found in Mycenaean

Greece by Wace and Blegen and their significance as indications of international trade and
contact between the two areas during the latter part of the second millenium B.C. See also 679,
681, 682 and 687.

676 Cline, Eric H. 1995. Tinker, tailor, soldier, sailor: Minoans and Mycenaeans
abroad. In: Politeia: Society and State in the Aegean Bronze Age. Proceedings of
the 5th International Aegean Conference/5e Rencontre égéene internationale,
University of Heidelberg, Archäologisches Institut, 10-13 April 1994. Robert
Laffineur and Wolf- Dietrich Niemeier, eds. pp. 265-283. Aegaeum 12, Annales
d'archéologie égéenne de l'Université de Liège et UT-PASP. Liège:
Université de Liège Histoire de l'art et archéologie de la Grèce antique/University of
Texas at Austin Program in Scripts and Prehistory.
 Examines material and textual evidence from Egypt, the Levant, Mesopotamia
and Anatolia for possible itinerant Aegean artisans, mercenaries, merchants, sailors, physicians
or diplomats in those regions.

677 Cline, Eric H. and Diane Harris-Cline, eds. 1998. The Aegean and the Orient in
the Second Millenium. Proccedings of the 50th Anniversity Symposium,
Cincinnati, 18-20 April 1997. Aegaeum 18, Annales d'archéologie égéenne de
l'Université de Liège et UT-PASP. Liège: Université de Liège, Histoire de l'art et
archéologie de la Grèce antique/University of Texas at Austin, Program in Aegean Scripts
and Prehistory.

Conference held on the 50th anniversary of the publication of Helene Kantor's The
Aegean and the Orient in the Second Millennium. Contents include: V. Hankey and A. Leonard,
Jr., Aegean LB I-II pottery in the East: "Who is the pottery, pray, and who the pot?" (pp. 29-36);
A. Leonard, Jr., Trade during the Late Helladic III period (pp. 99-104); V. Karageorghis,
Mycenaean 'acropoleis' in the Aegean and Cyprus: some comparisons (pp. 127-136); C. Mee,
Anatolia and the Aegean in the Late Bronze Age (pp. 137-146); A. E. Killebrew, Mycenaean and
Aegean-style pottery in Canaan during the 14th-12th centuries B.C. (pp. 159-166); G.F. Bass,
Sailing between the Aegean and the Orient in the second millenium BC. (pp. 183-189); K.
Demakopoulou, Stone vases from Midea (pp. 221-226); P. Rehak and J.G. Younger,
International styles in ivory carving in the Bronze Age (pp. 229-255); P. Åström, Ceramics:
influences east and west (pp. 257-263); C.W. Shelmerdine, Where do we go from here? And
how can the Linear B tablets help us get there? (pp. 291-298); J. Aruz, The Aegean and the
Orient: the evidence of stamp and cylinder seals (pp. 301-309); S.W. Manning, From process to
people: longue duree to history (pp. 311-325).

678 Furumark, Arne. 1950. The settlement at Ialysos and Aegean history c.
1550-1400 B.C. Opuscula Archaeologica 6:150-271.

Describes the site of Ialysos on Rhodes, its stratigraphy, finds, chronology and
history; Furumark then expands the scope of his analysis to offer a detailed discussion of Minoan
and Mycenaean expansion in the Aegean area c. 1550-1400 B.C.
679 Hankey, Vronwy. 1967. Mycenaean pottery in the Middle East: notes on finds
since 1951. Annual of the British School at Athens 62:107-147.

Hankey updates Stubbing's earlier work in this area by discussing finds of

Mycenaean pottery at 57 sites on the Eastern Mediterranean coast. She finds very little evidence
of LH I pottery, except on Cyprus, and not much more LH II, indicating only sporadic trade at
this time; 25 sites, however, have LH IIIA and B pottery, mostly from small closed vessels.
There is, on the other hand, not much LH IIIC pottery. Mycenaean pottery is almost always
found with Cypriot pottery, the main difference being quantity rather than quality or type, thus
possibly indicating a common source. She suggests that more and higher quality Mycenaean
pottery is found on Cyprus than further east because it reached Cyprus first and the Cypriots got
first choice. See also 683 and 686.

680 Kilian, Klaus. 1990. Mycenaean colonization: norm and variety. In: Greek
Colonists and Native Populations: Procedings of the First Australian Congress of
Classical Archaeology held in honour of Emeritus Professor A.D. Trendall,
Sydney 9-14 July 1985. Jean-Paul Descoeudres, ed. pp. 445-467. Oxford:
Clarendon Press.

After discussing the meaning and definition of Mycenaean and Mycenaean

civilization, Kilian describes and discussed Mycenaean presence, influence, trade and
colonization in various areas of the periphery of the Mycenaean world, including northern
Greece, Europe and the Central Mediterranean. A discussion of various forms of cultural,
political and economic processes and interactions, he concludes that there was no homogeneous
Mycenaean colonization, but rather a complex variety of expansion defined in terms of time,
space and pattern.

681 Laffineur, Robert. 1990-1991. Material and craftsmanship in the Mycenae Shaft
Graves: imports vs. local production. Minos 25- 26:245-295.

Proposes a model involving local and imported sources of material,

manufacturing techniques, shape, decoration, style and meaning of artifacts and applies it to
materials from the Shaft Graves, including sheet gold jewelry, tools and weapons, ivory, faience,
glass, abmer and semiprecious stone objects, solid jewelry and vases. Laffineur concludes that
many raw materials were traded from the Eastern Mediterranean, along with strong artistic
influence from this region, but imported objects are few. He compares the Shaft Graves to
contemporary assemblages on Crete and Thera, where imported objects are more common,
suggesting that these areas could have served as intermediaries between the Greek mainland and
the Levant. See also 675, 679, 682 abd 687.

682 Laffineur, Robert. 1995. Interconnections in the Aegean and the Eastern
Mediterranean in the Shaft Grave Period. Bulletin of the Institute of Classical
Studies 40:247-248.

Examines the possibility of relations between mainland Greece and the Eastern
Mediterranean at the beginning of the Mycenaean period, involving evidence such as raw
materials, imported objects and techniques of craftsmanship. See also 675, 679, 681 and 687.

683 Lambrou-Phillipson, C. 1990. Hellenorientalia: The Near Eastern

Presence in the Bronze Age Aegean ca. 3000-1100 B.C. Studies in Mediterranean
Archaeology Pocket- Book 95. Göteborg: Paul Åströms Förlag.

Collection and presentation of all available data on the presence of Near

Easterners in the Bronze Age Aegean. The author examines and evaluates the chronology,
distribution, the kind and volume of exchanges between the two areas and relevant contemporary
written evidence from both areas. Includes a catalogue of Egyptian, Mesopotamian, Mitannian,
Syro-Palestinian, Cypriot and Anatolian objects found in the Bronze Age Aegean. See also 679
and 686.

684 Marazzi, Massimiliano, Sebastiano Tusa and Lucia Vagnetti, eds. 1986.
Tràffici Micenei nel Mediterràneo: Problèmi Stòrici e Documentàzione
Archeòlogia. Atti del Convègno di Palermo (11-12 maggio e 3-6 decembre
1984). Magna Graecia 3. Taranto: Istitúto per la Stòria e l'Archaeòlogia della Magno
Grecia.

Collection of papers from a conference concerning trade and contact in the

Mediterranean; contents include: M. Marazzi and L. Re, Importaziòne egeo-micenee dall'isola di
Vivara (Procida) (pp. 155-173); R.E. Jones, Chemical analysis of Aegean-type Late Bronze Age
pottery found in Italy (pp. 205-214); O.T.P.K. Dickinson, Early Mycenaean Greece and the
Mediterranean (pp. 271-276); E.B. French, Mycenaean Greece and the Mediterranean world in
LH III (pp. 277-282); I. Vincentelli and F. Tiradritti, La presènza Egea in Egitto (pp. 327-334);
L. Re, Presènza micenee in Anatolia (pp. 344-364); B. Gregori and G. Palumbo, Presènza
micenee in Siria-Palestina (pp. 365-389); C. Zaccagnini, Aspects of copper trade in the Eastern
Mediterranean during the Late Bronze Age (pp. 413-424).

685 Nicolaou, Kyriakos. 1982. The Mycenaeans in the East. In: Studies in the History
and Archaeology of Jordan. Volume 1. Adnan Hadidi, ed. pp. 121-126.
Amman: Department of Antiquities.

A good summary which gives a general picture of the arrival of Mycenaeans in

the East, their commercial activities in the region and the extent of their settlement and
acculturation.

686 Porada, Edith. 1981/1982. The cylindrical seals found at Thebes in Boeotia.
Archiv für Orientforschung 28:1-70.

Porada describes the discovery of the seals, discusses their material (lapis lazuli)
and describes and illustrates the seals according to a classification by group: Cypriot (1-11);
Mesopotamian (12-18); Mitannian (19-24); Hittite (25); and Kassite (26-37). A catalogue of
these seals includes description, comments on style, possible location, iconography and
comparative examples; at the end of each group, principal features are summarized. A
concluding section discusses historical circumstances which might account for the presence of
various groups. Porada suggests that the Cypriot seals may have been collected over some period
of time, while the Kassite seals might have been sent by Tikulti-Nunurta as a gift to the king of
Thebes between 1225 and 1220 B.C. to help forge an alliance against the Hittites. See also 679
and 683.

687 Schachermeyr, Fritz. 1967. Agäis und Orient: die überseeischen

Kulturbeziehungen von Kreta und Mykenai mit Ägypten, der Levante und
Kleinasien unter besonderer Berucksichtigung des 2. Jahrtausends v. Chr. Österreichische
Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch- Historisch Klasse,
Denkschriften 93. Vienna: Hermann Bohlaus. 82 p.

Examines interrelationships between cultures in the Eastern Mediterranean area

from 2000 to 1200 B.C.; specific topics include the Eastern Mediterranean as a unified
geographical and cultural area, interrelationships during the 6th, 5th, 4th and 3rd millennia B.C.,
cities and palaces during the 2nd millennium and archaeological evidence for interrelationships
during the 2nd millennium; the author observes that cultural influence and economic exchange
was extensive and largely harmonious. See also 675, 679 t81 and 682.

688 van Wijngaarden, Gert Jan. 2001. The cultural significance of Mycenaean pictorial
kraters. Pharos 9:75-95.

Analysis of the context of LH IIIA-B1 Mycenaean pictorial kraters in different

places outside mainland Greece indicates that although they constitute a homogeneous body in
terms of shape, material and decoration, they were endowed with different meanings. At Enkomi
on Cyprus, pictorial kraters, usually found in high-status burials, appear to have functioned to
define social roles within the increasingly complex fabric of Late Cypriot society; at Ugarit in
the Levant, on the other hand, decoration does not seem to have been a significant element and
the pictorial kraters were not distinguished from other Mycenaean pottery; finally, at Termitito in
southern Italy, pictorial kraters, which were quite rare, appear to have been used in exclusive
dining rituals, after which they were discarded in pits.

Anatolia

The nature of Mycenaean contact with Anatolia was apparently complex and is somewhat
difficult to assess. One of the most problematical aspects, because of subsequent tradition and
ambiguous archaeological evidence, concerns the relationship of Troy to the Greek mainland.
The presence of Mycenaean pottery at Troy throughout the Late Bronze Age testifies to
continued though sporadic contact, but the relative lack of Trojan artifacts in Greece and the
story of the Trojan war make interpretation somewhat difficult. It would perhaps be reasonable
to state that the Trojans and Mycenaeans, who probably belonged to fairly closely related ethnic
groups, engaged in frequent but not extensive trade and probably engaged in conflict at some
point during LH IIIB or IIIC (see also Introduction to Mycenaean Civilization: Traditional and
Historical Evidence).
 The Mycenaeans may have had a similarly mixed relationship with the Hittite empire, a
major political and economic power in the Near East during the Late Bronze Age. The Hittites,
too, are likely to have been at least distantly related to the Mycenaeans, arriving in Anatolia at
roughly the same time the Mycenaeans were entering Greece as part of a pervasive series of
Indo-European migrations and suffering destruction and collapse at the end of the Late Bronze
Age, as did the Mycenaeans. Archaeological evidence for contact is fairly limited, although
some Mycenaean pottery--mostly LH IIIA-B--has been found within Hittite territory, and Hittite
artifacts in Greece are quite rare. On the other hand, Anatolia is rich in natural resources such as
copper, and possibly tin, an essential component in the manufacturing of bronze.

The other evidence of contact can be found in a set of Hittite documents dating to the
fourteenth and early thirteenth centuries B.C. known as the Ahhijawa texts. It is fairly widely
accepted that the people referred to in the texts as Ahhijawa were Mycenaeans, but there has
been considerable disagreement or uncertainty as to where the Ahhijawa were located; in these
texts the Ahhijawa are referred to and treated both as allies and as adversaries, not unusual given
the shifting balance of power in the Near East during this period. A recent analysis of the
imbalance of Egyptian and Near Eastern vs. Hittite artifacts in Greece and vice versa suggests a
Hittite embargo against the Mycenaeans or at the very least a different relationship between
Greece and the two areas.

Hittite control, however, did not extend to the western coast of Anatolia, and here evidence
of Mycenaean contact is considerable. In fact, Mycenaean influence at the site of Miletos during
the LH III period is so strong that it has been suggested that it was a Mycenaean colony; if not,
there was undoubtedly a very strong Mycenaean presence there. There is also some limited
evidence to suggest that Mycenaeans penetrated at least the south-eastern periphery of the Black
Sea.

689 Bryce, Trevor R. 1989. Ahhiyawans and Mycenaeans - an Anatolian

viewpoint. Oxford Journal of Archaeology 8:297-310, 1989.

A good review of the "Ahhijawa problem" which reviews recent developments in

Hittite scholarship relating to relations between Hatti and Ahhiyawa, summarizing the contents
of documents referring to Ahhiyawa dating from the second half of the 15th century to the last
quarter of the 13th century B.C. and presenting arguments for and problems with the equation of
Ahhiyawa with Mycenaeans. See also 694-697, 699, 700, 703, 705 and 707.

690 Bryce, Trevor R. 1989. The nature of Mycenaean involvement in Western

Anatolia. Historia 38:1-21.
 Discusses Hittite documents--the Ahhijawa texts--interpreted as referring to
Mycenaean civilization; Bryce's reading of these texts suggests to him that Mycenaean influence
extended inland from the Anatolian coast and that the settlement of Miletos may have served as a
base from which Hittite vassal states were attacked. See also 672, 690, 701, 702 and 706.

691 Bryce, Trevor R. 1999. Anatolian scribes in Mycenaean Greece. Historia 48:257-
264.

Bryce proposes, based upon evidence from Hittite documents—especially the so-
called Tawagalawa Letter--that by the middle of the 13th century B.C., a substantial number—in
the thousands—of western Anatolians were living in the Mycenaean world, possibly as part of
the labor force. He suggests that almost certainly some of these Anatolians had been trained as
scribes and could have aided in communications with Hittites and other western Anatolian
peoples, possibly on wax-coated wood tablets such as the one found in the Ulu Burun shipwreck.
He suggests that they also could have transmitted various Near Eastern literary works and
traditions.

692 French, David H. 1982. Mycenaeans in the Black Sea? In: Thracia Pontica I,
Premier Symposium International: La Mer noire et le Monde mediterranean,
Sozopol, 9-12 October 1979. pp. 19-30. Sofia: Centre d'histoire maritime et
d'archéologie sous-marine, Institut de Thracology de l'Academie Bulgare des
Sciences, Conseil municipal du Department de Bourgas.

Raises questions about the nature of contact and interaction between Mycenaeans
and inhabitants of the Black Sea area based upon ceramic evidence from Masat in northern
Anatolia. See also 698.

693 French, Elizabeth B. 1993. Turkey and the East Aegean. In: Proceedings of the
International Conference, Wace and Blegen: Pottery as Evidence for Trade in the Aegean
Bronze Age, 1939-1989, Held at the American School of Classical Studies at Athens,
Athens, December 2-3, 1989. Carol Zerner, Peter Zerner and John Winder, eds. pp. 155-
158. Amsterdam: J.C. Gieben.
694 Gates, Charles. 1955. Defining boundaries of a state: the Mycenaeans and their
Anatolian frontier. In: Politeia: Society and State in the Aegean Bronze Age.
Proceedings of the 5th International Aegean Conference/5e Rencontre égéene
internationale, University of Heidelberg, Archäologisches Institut, 10-13 April
1994. Robert Laffineur and Wolf- Dietrich Niemeier, eds. pp. 289-297. Aegaeum
12, Annales d'archéologie égéenne de l'Université de Liège et UT-PASP. Liège:
Université de Liège Histoire del'art et archéologie de la Grèce antique/University of
Texas at Austin Program in Scripts and Prehistory.

Gates examines archaeological and textual evidence, focusing on pottery from the
site of Miletos, offering several possible models to explain the identity and motivation of the
inhabitants making pottery in the Mycenaean style. He also reviews geographical and ethnic
references in the Hittite texts, particularly to the Ahhiyawa. He concludes by emphasizing the
unity of the Aegean basin as a region, suggesting that the western Anatolian coast may have been
an integral part of and active participant in the Mycenaean world from the Middle Bronze Age
onward. See also 672, 690, 701, 702 and 706.

695 Güterbock, Hans G. 1983. The Hittites and the Aegean world: Part 1, the
Ahhijawa problem reconsidered. American Journal of Archaeology 87:133-138.

Güterbock's analysis of Hittite documents suggests mainland Greece as the most

likely home of the Ahhijawa. See also 689, 696, 697, 699, 700, 703, 705 and 707.

696 Güterbock, Hans. 1984. Hittites and Mycenaeans: a new look. Proceedings
of the American Philosophical Society 128:114-122.

Reviews, discusses and evaluates documentary and archaeological evidence

concerning the relationship between Hittites and Mycenaeans. Güterbock cautiously infers that
the Great King of the Ahhiyawa ruled over mainland Greece, the islands of the Aegean and
settlements in western Anatolia. See also 689, 695, 697, 699, 700, 703, 705 and 707.
697 Hawkins, David. 1997-1998. Hittites on the Aegean coast: new evidence.
Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 42:231-232.

Hawkins locates Mira, an Arzawa kingdom, in the Meander Valley, south of Hatti
and north of Miletos and Wilusa in the Troad. He thus infers that there is no place for Ahhiyawa
on the western coast, and that it must therefore be in the Aegean or on the Greek mainland. See
also 689, 695, 696, 699, 700, 703, 705 and 707.

698 Hiller, Stefan. 1991. The Mycenaeans and the Black Sea.

Examines evidence (pottery, stone anchors, oxhide ingots, double axes, horse bits
and weapons) of contact, suggesting a Mycenaean source for Jason and the Argonauts at the site
of Iolkos in Thessaly. See also 692.

699 Huxley, George. 1960. Achaeans and Hittites. Oxford. 54 p.

Examines historical evidence (the so-called Ahhijawa texts and other documents),
archaeological data and Homeric tradition to illuminate relations between the Hittites and
Mycenaean Greeks in the 14th and 13th centuries B.C. See also 689, 695-697, 700, 703, 705 and
707.

700 Koehl, Robert B. 1995. The silver stag "BIBRU" from Mycenae. In: The Ages
of Homer: A Tribute to Emily Townsend Vermeule. Jane B. Carter and Sarah P.
Morris, eds. pp. 61-66. Austin: University of Texas Press.

Koehl's analysis of this zoomorphic vessel made from almost pure silver found in
Shaft Grave IV indicates that it is likely Hittite in origin and may have been part of a royal gift
exchange, thus representing the earliest evidence of contact between Mycenaean and Hittite
rulers. See also 689, 695-697, 699, 703, 705 and 707.

701 Marchese, Ronald T. 1978. Late Mycenaean ceramic finds in the lower
Maeander River Valley and a catalogue of Late Bronze Age painted motifs from
Aphrodisias. Archaeological Journal 135:15-31.

Describes and discusses the nature, frequency and distribution of Mycenaean

pottery, noting that it is mostly confined to the coastal region. From the catalogue of painted
motifs at Aphrodisias, however, it would seem that Mycenaean ceramic traditions influenced
local pottery further inland as well, resulting in the merging of Mycenaean and south-western
Anatolian styles. See also 672, 690, 694, 702 and 706.

702 Mee, Christopher. 1978. Aegean trade and settlement in Anatolia in the second
millennium B.C. Anatolian Studies 28:121-156.

Lists sites at which Minoan and Mycenaean pottery and other artifacts have been
found and summarizes the nature of contact with the Aegean by region. See also 672, 690, 694,
701 and 706.

703 Mellink, Machteld J. 1983. The Hittites and the Aegean world: part 2,
archaeological comments on Ahhijawa-Achaians in Western Anatolia.
American Journal of Archaeology 87:138-141.

Mellink states that archaeological evidence from Western Anatolia does not
contradict Güterbock's hypothesis. See also 689, 695-697, 699, 700, 705 and 707.

704 Meriç, Recep and P.A. Mountjoy. 2001. Three Mycenaean vases from Ionia.
Istanbuler Mitteilungen 51:137-141.
 The authors describe, illustrate and discuss three rare advanced middle and late
LH IIIC complete vessels said to be from Yeniköy-Torbali, near Metropolis, probably from
tombs, representing some of the latest Mycenaean vessels found so far in western Anatolia.
These pots—two alabastra and a stirrup jar—indicate that contacts with the Mycenaean world
remained strong enough for local manufacture to take place in later LH IIIC.

705 Muhly, James D. 1974. Hittites and Achaeans: Ahhijawa redomitus. Historia
23:129-145.

Rejects previous identifications of Ahhiyawa with mainland Greece or Rhodes,

suggesting instead that it was an Anatolian name for the Troad. See also 689, 695-697, 699, 700,
703 and 707.

706 Niemeier, Wolf-Dietrich. 1998. The Mycenaeans in Western Anatolia and the
problem of the origins of the Sea Peoples. In: Mediterranean Peoples in Transition,
Thirteenth to Early Tenth Centuries BCE. Seymour Gitin, Amihai Mazar and
Ephriam Stern, eds. pp. 17-65. Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society.

In analyzing and arguing against Eberhard Zangger's hypothesis concerning the

Trojan War and the origins of the Sea Peoples, Niemeier discusses aspects of Mycenaean contact
and involvement with Western Anatolia, including the political geography of Western Anatolia
and relationships between Mycenaeans and Hittites. In an extensive discussion of recent
excavations at the site of Miletos, he demonstrates that there was a strong Mycenaean influence
there, which corresponds to Hittite textual references to the city of Millawanda; he also cites
archaeological evidence for a similar Mycenaean presence and activity at other sites in
southwestern Anatolia, where they undoubtedly came into contact with the Hittites. Includes an
extensive bibliography. See also 672, 690, 694, 701 and 702.

707 Schachermeyr, Fritz. 1935. Hethiter und Achäer. Mitteilungen der

Altorientalischen Gesellschaft 9. Leipzig: Verlag von Otto Harrassowitz. 174 p.
 Examines the relationship between the Hittites and the Ahhijawa, based upon the
analysis of Hittite texts and the geography of the Eastern Mediterranean; the author concludes
that the evidence points to Mycenae, and later possibly Rhodes, as the home of the Ahhijawa.
See also 689, 695-697, 699, 700, 703 and 705.

Crete

Without question Minoan civilization had the most intense contact with and exerted the
strongest influence on the Mycenaeans. Since the Minoans were an older and more sophisticated
culture, dominating the Aegean during the Middle Bronze Age, it was perhaps inevitable that this
should be so. In some aspects of culture, such as art and religion, it is difficult if not impossible
to distinguish Minoan from Mycenaean elements; as a result, they have often been collectively
referred to as Minoan-Mycenaean or Aegean (see also various topical listings in Material
Culture).

Minoan civilization evolved and developed on and was largely confined to the island of
Crete--although certain settlements on a number of Aegean islands have been characterized as
colonies--and their trade contacts extended widely throughout the Eastern Mediterranean.
Minoan civilization began around the middle of the third millennium B.C. and reached its peak
of development between c. 2000 and 1400 B.C. Thus while the ancestors of the Mycenaeans
were establishing themselves on the mainland, the Minoans had already reached a high level of
development as a prosperous society whose great palaces were centers of trade and artistic
production.

During this time the two cultures were in sporadic contact. There is limited evidence for
the early Middle Helladic period and more substantial evidence--largely in the form of pottery--
for the latter part of the period for interaction between Crete and the mainland, largely initiated,
one must assume, by the Minoans. During the early Mycenaean or Shaft Grave period, contact
between the two cultures intensified, and the Shaft Graves themselves provide the most eloquent
testimony to the growing influence of Minoan culture, although similar though less spectacular
evidence also exists in other areas of the Peloponnese such as Messenia and Lakonia. It is during
LH I and II, in fact, when contact between the two cultures and Minoan influence reaches its
peak of intensity, a pattern in contrast to Mycenaean relationships elsewhere.

In the middle of the 15th century B.C. a series of catastrophes struck Crete, some perhaps
due to a tremendous volcanic explosion on the nearby island of Thera, resulting in the
destruction of the Minoan palaces and other settlements as well. Only Knossos was re-built, but
it, too, suffered another destruction, possibly due to an earthquake, around 1400 B.C.
 These events had several consequences affecting not only the Minoans, but Mycenaean
civilization as well. They effectively spelled the end of Minoan greatness and of their
domination of the Eastern Mediterranean. As a result, Mycenaean civilization, which had
consistently maintained its own cultural identity while borrowing heavily from Minoans, now
followed its own path of cultural autonomy even more clearly through the remainder of the Late
Bronze Age. And though they too had traveled and traded in the Eastern Mediterranean, the
vacuum created by the virtual collapse of Minoan civilization--at least as a major political and
economic force--now offered them the opportunity to fill that vacuum by becoming a major
player in that area.

Finally, Mycenaeans seized physical control--whether by force or default--of much of

Crete itself, rebuilding the palace of Knossos and establishing a Mycenaean state which appears
to have controlled much of central and western Crete. It is not clear how many Mycenaeans
occupied Crete or how dominant they were, for there are indications of substantial continuity of
Minoan culture during the LM III period of occupation. It would appear that, as elsewhere, the
disturbances in the Eastern Mediterranean at the end of the Late Bronze Age brought to an end
Mycenaean civilization on Crete. See also Cultural Evolution and Development, especially
Origins and Growth and Development and Expansion, for further discussion of these issues.

708 Borgna, Elizabetta. 1997. Some observations on deep bowls and kraters from the
“Acropoli Mediana” at Phaistos. In: Late Minoan III Pottery: Chronology and
Terminology. Acts of a Meeting Held at the Danish Institute at Athens, August 12-
14, 1994. Erik and Birgitta P. Hallager, eds. pp. 273-303. Monographs of the Danish
Institute at Athens, Vol. 1.

Discusses Mycenaean influence in Crete and evidence for “mycenaeanization” in

respect to the diffusion of certain pottery shapes such as deep bowls and kraters and decorative
patterns including antithetical spirals and panels. This evidence suggests important new
connections with the Mycenaean world in terms of pottery production from at least LM IIIB into
LM IIIC. These elements seem to have been introduced gradually rather than all at once and
were eventually incorporated into the Minoan ceramic tradition.

709 Bouzek, Jan. 1996. Mycenaean Greece and Minoan Crete: the problem of
migrations. Cretan Studies 5:85-90.

710 Buchholz, Hans-Günter. 1980. The problem of Minoan relations with the
West at the beginning of the Late Bronze Age. In: Temple University
Archaeological Symposium 6. Philip P. Betancourt, ed. pp. 45-60. Philadelphia.
 Examination of Minoan artifacts in the Western Mediterranean area suggests very
limited contact as compared to the amount of material--primarily pottery, but some metal
artifacts as well--from mainland Greece, Rhodes and Cyprus in Italy, Sicily, Sardinia and Lipari;
during this period, Crete seems rather to have focused its attention on the Eastern Mediterranean
area; may be difficult to obtain.

711 Catling, Hector William. 1996. Minoan and "Minoan" pottery at the Menelaion,
Sparta. In: Minotaur and Centaur: Studies in the Archaeology of Crete and
Euboea Presented to Mervyn Popham. Doniert Evely, Irene S. Lemos and Susan
Sherratt, eds. pp. 70-78. BAR International Series 638. Oxford: Tempvs
Reparatvm.

Presents a catalogue of 29 decorated sherds dating to LM IB which were either

made in Crete and brought to Lakonia, made outside Crete by Minoan potters working abroad or
others taught directly by Minoan potters. Includes illustrations and a brief discussion.

712 Dickinson, Oliver. 1996. Minoans in mainland Greece, Mycenaeans in Crete?

Cretan Studies 5:63-71.

713 Hägg, Robin. 1984. Degrees and character of the Minoan influence on the
mainland. In: The Minoan Thalassocracy: Myth and Reality. Proceedings of
the Third International Symposium at the Swedish Institute in Athens,
31 May-5 June, 1982. Robin Hägg and Nanno Marinatos, eds. pp. 119-122.
Skrifter utgivna av Svenska institutet i Athen, Series 4, vol. 32. Stockholm.

After establishing criteria for the identification of a Minoan element in the

population of mainland Greece, Hägg examines evidence for two of these criteria--burial
customs and religious practices--at four sites: Kastri on the island of Kythera, Ayios Stephanos
in Lakonia and Mycenae and the sanctuary of Apollo Maleatas in the Argolid; while Kastri
seems clearly to be a Minoan settlement, there is no evidence for a Cretan population at any of
the mainland sites, other than perhaps a few potters and artisans.
714 Hallager, Erik. 1978. The history of the palace at Knossos in the Late Minoan
period. Studi Micenei ed Egeo-Anatolici 19:17-33.

Hallager re-evaluates the chronology of the palace in the Late Minoan period,
classifying it into three phases: Minoan (to the end of LM IB), Intermediate (LM II and IIIA:1),
and Mycenaean (LM IIIA:2 and IIIB. He then presents evidence for characterizing the period
from c. 1375 to 1200 B.C. as Mycenaean, including the presence of the megaron form and most
significantly, inscribed stirrup jars which suggest the presence of a Mycenaean wanax. A
detailed analysis of the stratigraphy of destruction-level pottery adds further weight to this
conclusion. Finally, he concludes that the preceding Intermediate phase was essentially Minoan
in character, with highly centralized control of the entire island from the palace at Knossos.

715 Hiller, Stefan. 1996. Knossos and Pylos. A case of special relationship? Cretan
Studies 5:73-83.

See also 716, 717 and 721.

716 Korres, George S. 1984. The relations between Crete and Messenia in the Late
Middle Helladic and Early Late Helladic period. In: The Minoan Thalassocracy:
Myth and Reality. Proceedings of the Third International Symposium at the
Swedish Institute in Athens, 31 May-5 June, 1982. Robin Hägg and Nanno
Marinatos, eds. pp. 141-152. Skrifter utgivna av Svenska institutet i Athen, Series 4, vol.
32. Stockholm.

Korres maintains that Minoan influence was minimal, and that the presence of
Minoan artifacts in Messenia at this time can be accounted for entirely as the result of trade. See
also 715, 717 and 721.

717 Korres, George S. 1993. Messenia and its commercial connections in the
Bronze Age. In: Proceedings of the International Conference, Wace and Blegen:
Pottery as Evidence for Trade in the Aegean Bronze Age, 1939-1989, Held at
the American School of Classical Studies at Athens, Athens, December 2-3,
1989. Carol Zerner, Peter Zerner and John Winder, eds. pp. 231-248. Amsterdam: J.C.
Gieben.

Examination of archaeological evidence--including settlement patterns, burial

practices, architecture and material culture--from the area of the Bay of Navarino indicates a
continuity of population from Early Helladic times, with little evidence of heavy Minoan
influence or colonization. See also 715, 716 and 721.

718 Palmer, Leonard R. 1972. Mycenaean inscribed vases, part 2: the mainland
finds. Kadmos 11:27-46.

Examines the relationship of place-names in the Knossos Linear B tablets with

those on inscribed stirrup jars from Thebes and other mainland sites; the similarity of sign groups
indicates a close connection between Crete and the mainland during LM IIIB. See also 719 and
720.

719 Popham, Mervyn R. 1976. Mycenaean-Minoan relations between 1450 and

1400 B.C. Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 23:119-121.

Lists common features found in Crete and on mainland Greece at this time and
suggests that Mycenaeans were in control of Knossos either just before or just after the main
series of destructions in LM IB; Popham also believes that relations at this time were as close, if
not closer, than during LM IB/IIA, a relationship in which Crete is seen as the main innovator.
See also 718 and 720.

720 Popham, M.R. 1994. Late Minoan II to the end of the Bronze Age. In: Knossos: A
Labyrinth of History. Papers Presented in Honour of Sinclair Hood. Don Evely,
Helen Hughes-Brock and Nicoletta Momigliano, eds. pp. 89-102. Oxford: The
Managing Committee of the British School at Athens.

After briefly describing events and developments on Crete from LM II to LM

IIIC, Popham focuses on the following topics: the Mycenaeans at Knossos; relations between
Crete and the mainland c. 1450-1375; Knossos in the 13th century; and the contribution of the
Knossos potters. See also 718 and 719.

721 Rutter, Jeremy B. and Carol W. Zerner. 1984. Early Hellado-Minoan contacts. In:
The Minoan Thalassocracy: Myth and Reality. Proceedings of the Third
International Symposium at the Swedish Institute in Athens, 31 May-5 June,
1982. Robin Hägg and Nanno Marinatos, eds. pp. 75-83. Skrifter utgivna av
Svenska institutet i Athen, Series 4, vol. 32. Stockholm.

Although the nature of relations between Crete and the mainland changed
dramatically in MH III/LM IA, earlier contacts established a pattern of interaction upon which
later developments may have been based. Demonstrated contacts begin as early as Early Helladic
II, initially probably utilizing Kythera as an intermediary. Although there is no evidence for
contact in EH III, a system of exchange between Crete and the eastern coast of the Peloponnese
developed in which finished Minoan products such as pottery were traded for mainland raw
materials including metal ores and stone; there may have been some exchange of technology as
well. The authors also include an appendix listing evidence of all early Hellado-Minoan contacts.
See also 715-717.

722 Watrous, Livingston V. 1993. Cretan relations with the Aegean in the Late Bronze
Age. In: Proceedings of the International Conference, Wace and Blegen: Pottery as
Evidence for Trade in the Aegean Bronze Age, 1939-1989, Held at the American
School of Classical Studies at Athens, Athens, December 2-3, 1989. Carol
Zerner, Peter Zerner and John Winder, eds. pp. 81-90. Amsterdam: J.C.
Gieben.

Examines Cretan commercial and political relations with the Greek mainland as
they develop through three distinct phases: 1) MM III-LMIB, when Crete controlled several of
the Aegean islands and Minoan ideas were absorbed by the Mycenaeans; 2) LM II-IIIA1, when
Cretan control of the Aegean islands was broken by Mycenean conquest and expansion and
when Knossos was probably occupied by Mycenaeans; 3) LM IIIA2-IIIB2, when Cretan and
Mycenaean overseas trade seem to have assumed complementary roles.

Cyclades

The Cyclades comprise about a dozen large and a number of smaller islands located in the
Aegean Sea between mainland Greece and Crete. Many of them are within sight of each other
and travel between them, the mainland, and Crete, when the weather is good, is relatively easy.
Interaction between the Cycladic Islands, the mainland and Crete occurred to varying extents
throughout the Bronze Age, and perhaps even earlier, due at least in part to the exploitation of
obsidian on the island of Melos, which began in Neolithic times.

The pattern of contact and influence is similar to that of Crete and the mainland: Cycladic
influence on the mainland is stronger during the early Mycenaean period and Mycenaean
influence on the islands is stronger during the later Mycenaean period. Minoan influence must
also be factored into the equation, as discussed above. In addition to direct Minoan influence on
the mainland, the Minoans also strongly influenced the Cyclades, which may in turn have acted
as intermediaries or middlemen. Minoan influence on the Cyclades is so strong that some
scholars view them as Minoan colonies or as adjuncts of Minoan civilization; the majority of
current opinion, however, views the Cyclades as an autonomous, culturally distinct province.

As stated above, contact between the mainland and the Cyclades can be demonstrated from
at least the Early Bronze Age, before the appearance of Mycenaean civilization; this contact was
very likely largely initiated by the islanders. During LH I and II, there is greater evidence of
mutual contact. On the mainland, there is Cycladic pottery at a number of mainland sites and
artifacts such as inlaid daggers in the Mycenae Shaft Graves; on the islands, there is Mycenaean
pottery at a number of important sites such as Ayia Irini, Phylakopi and Akrotiri, which suggests
that these sites functioned as trading centers visited by Mycenaeans and Minoans along a well-
established trade route.

The depiction of what are claimed to be Mycenaeans on frescoes at Akrotiri on the island
of Thera and similarities in artifact types and artistic styles have led to suggestions that some
Mycenaeans may have resided on Thera and that artists and artisans--Mycenaean, Minoan and
Cycladic--may have regularly traveled among the three areas and sometimes established
workshops on foreign soil. Overall, then, Cycladic impact on the mainland was probably less
than that of Crete but nonetheless significant, while Mycenaean presence in the Cyclades was
palpable but considerably less than that of Crete.
 The picture changes in LH III, as Minoan influence declines and Mycenaean contact
increases. This was a gradual process, probably beginning at the end of the 15th century B.C.
and accelerating after the explosion of the Thera volcano and the subsequent decline of Minoan
civilization. At the end of LH II or the beginning of LH III there is now evidence for either
Mycenaean occupation or strong political control at the sites of Ayia Irini on Kea and Phylakopi
on Melos; other, smaller, settlements and islands, however, seem less affected. This evidence,
combined with that from Crete, suggests that the Mycenaeans preferred to control the largest and
most important centers, rather than attempt to subdue or even control the entire population;
again, as mentioned above, this may indicate a primarily economic rather than military or
political interest in these areas. As elsewhere, Mycenaean dominance and control began to
diminish in LH IIIC and ceased entirely by the end of the period.

723 Barber, R.L.N. 1981. The Late Cycladic period: a review. Annual of the
British School at Athens 76:1-21.

Discusses the chronology, nature and frequency of contact with mainland Greece.
In the first part of the Late Cycladic period there are strong indications of contact with
Mycenaean culture, but the major external influence was Minoan, focusing upon the islands of
Kea, Melos and Thera. In LC II, there was an increasing proportion of Mycenaean imports.
Mycenaean invasion and/or occupation of Melos and Kea occurred at the end of LC II or the
beginning of LC III, but was confined to major centers, probably due to reasons of trade and
defense. Although the early LC III period reflects Mycenaean cultural dominance, decline and
almost total cessation of contact with the mainland takes place in the middle phase of LC III,
along with the construction of fortifications. Includes an index of Late Cycladic sites.

724 Cherry, John F. and Jack L. Davis. 1982. The Cyclades and the Greek mainland in
LC I: the evidence of the pottery. American Journal of Archaeology 86:333-341.

Discusses the distribution of LH I pottery at the sites of Ayia Irini (Kea),

Phylakopi (Melos) and Akrotiri (Thera); since there is little pottery found at other sites in the
Cyclades, the authors suggest that these sites, where Minoan pottery is also concentrated, served
as trading stations in the "Western String" of islands; the decreasing frequency of LH I pottery
from north to south suggests that Mycenaeans or other middlemen followed a route from Kea to
Melos to Thera, then on to Crete and eastward toward Cyprus and the Eastern Mediterranean
coast.
725 Cosmopoulos, Michael B. 1997. Ceramic regionalism and artistic interaction:
The LH IIIA1-IIIA2 evidence from Grotta. In: TEKHNE: Craftsmen, Craftswomen
and Craftmanship in the Aegean Bronze Age. Proceedings of the 6th International
Aegean conference/6e Rencontre égéenne internationale, Philadelphia, Temple
University, 18-21 April 1996, Vol. 2. Robert Laffineur and Philip P. Betancourt, eds. pp.
369-376. Liège: Université de Liège Histoire de l'art et archéologie de la Grèce antique
and University of Texas at Austin Program in Aegean Scripts and Prehistory.

Examines Mycenaean influences on the LH IIIA1-2 pottery of Grotta on the

Cycladic island of Naxos in order to assess the extent of artistic interaction with the mainland.
Describes local and imported pottery and discusses the degree of its variation or uniformity with
the rest of the Aegean. In general, developments closely follow those observed at Phylakopi on
Melos and Ayia Irini on Kea, i.e., an overwhelming Mycenaean presence with limited local
ceramic production. See also 728.

726 Crowley, Janice L. 1983. More on Mycenaeans at Thera. American Journal of

Archaeology 87:83-85.

Notes similarities between the blazons on ships depicted in frescoes at Thera and
niello daggers from mainland Greece; that the depictions of galloping lions and leaping dolphins
utilize a similar style and iconography suggests an interaction possibly due to the movement of
artisans between the two areas. See also 727, 729-732 and 734.

727 Davis, Jack L. 1981. Mycenaeans at Thera: another look. American Journal of
Archaeology 85:69-70.

Re-evaluates evidence of pottery, frescoes and luxury goods to cast doubt on the
actual presence of Mycenaeans on Thera; Davis suggests that the pattern of relationships can be
explained purely as the consequence of exchange between the two areas. See also 726, 729-732
and 734.
728 Hadjianastasiou, O. 1993. Naxian pottery and external relations in Late Cycladic I-
II. In: Proceedings of the International Conference, Wace and Blegen: Pottery as
Evidence for Trade in the Aegean Bronze Age, 1939-1989, Held at the American
School of Classical Studies at Athens, Athens, December 2-3, 1989, Carol
Zerner, Peter Zerner and John Winder, eds., pp. 257-262, Amsterdam: J.C.
Gieben.

Analysis of ceramic evidence from the sites of Grotta, Midre Vigla and Kato
Kouphonisi indicates that Naxos, centrally located within the Cyclades, was part of the trade and
cultural routes between Crete and the Greek mainland. See also 733.

729 Iakovidis, Spyros E. 1979. Thera and Mycenaean Greece. American Journal
of Archaeology 83:101-102.

Iakovidis believes that correspondence between certain artifact types and artistic
representations--most notably the frescoes of Thera--suggests direct and frequent contact
between Mycenae and Thera during the early Mycenaean period; this contact appears to have
been initiated and maintained primarily by the Mycenaeans, who by this time possessed a
sophisticated sea-going technology; the evidence also suggests that at least a small number of
Mycenaeans resided in Thera as well. See also 726, 727, 730-732 and 734.

730 Immerwahr, Sara. 1977. Mycenaeans at Thera: some reflections on the paintings
from the West House. In: Greece and the Eastern Mediterranean in Ancient
History and Prehistory: Studies Presented to Fritz Schachermayr on the
Occasion of his Eightieth Birthday. K.H. Kinzel, ed. pp. 173-191. Berlin: Walter
de Gruyter.

Analysis of the content and iconography of the West House frescoes combined
with archaeological evidence (mainly ceramic) from Thera and mainland Greece, suggest: 1)
contact between Thera and the mainland during the Shaft Grave period; 2) some actual
Mycenaean presence on Thera during this period; 3) mutual coexistence and cooperation
between Crete, the Cyclades and the mainland during the formative period of Mycenaean
civilization. See also 726, 727, 729, 731, 732 and 734.

731 Laffineur, Robert. 1984. Mycenaeans at Thera: further evidence? In: The Minoan
Thalassocracy: Myth and Reality. Proceedings of the Third International Symposium at the
Swedish Institute in Athens, 31 May-5 June, 1982. Robin Hägg and Nanno Marinatos,
eds. pp. 133-139. Skrifter utgivna av Svenska institutet i Athen, Series 4, vol. 32.
Stockholm.

Discusses similarities in iconography between the "fleet fresco" in the West

House of Akrotiri and the inlaid daggers of the Shaft Graves and other early Mycenaean art. See
also 726, 727, 730, 732 and 734.

732 Marthari, Marisa. 1993. The ceramic evidence for contacts between Thera and the
Greek mainland. In: Proceedings of the International Conference, Wace
and Blegen: Pottery as Evidence for Trade in the Aegean Bronze Age, 1939-1989,
Held at the American School of Classical Studies at Athens, Athens, December
2-3, 1989. Carol Zerner, Peter Zerner and John Winder, eds. pp. 249- 256.
Amsterdam: J.C. Gieben.

The analysis of pottery imported from the Greek mainland to Thera and from
Thera to the mainland suggests that a considerable commerce in goods, including LH I style
cups, took place during the Shaft Grave period. Commercial contacts between Thera and the
northeastern Peloponnese were particularly close during this period and even earlier, probably
due in part to the geographical proximity of the two areas. Marthari suggests a possible sea route
via Melos which would have facilitated such contacts, one perhaps established earlier by
Minoans. She also emphasizes the role of Thera as a focal point for Aegean seaborne trade and
the possible consequences thereupon of the volcanic eruption. See also 726, 727, 729-730 and
734.

733 Morris, Christine and Richard Jones. 1998. The Late Bronze Age III town of
Ayia Irini and its Aegean relations. In: Kea-Kythnos: History and Archaeology.
Proceedings of an International Symposium, Kea-Kythnos, 22-25 June 1994. L.G.
Mendoni and A.J. Mazarakis Ainian, eds. pp. 189-199. Research Center for Greek
and Roman Antiquity, National Hellenic Research Center, Meletimata 27. Athens.

Results of a typological and preliminary chemical analysis of Late Bronze Age III
pottery indicate the following: 1) the amount of Mycenaean pottery at Ayia Irini is consistent in
form and frequency during the Late Bronze Age, while Minoan pottery disappears; 2)
Mycenaean pottery is imported from several sources, including the northeast Peloponnese,
Attika, and possibly Euboia; 3) other pottery wares are also imported from Attika and Aegina.
These results suggest that: 1) there does not seem to be an abrupt change in Mycenaean presence
or influence in LH III; 2) all fine table wares and specialized water vessels were imported, from
neighboring areas, as well as more distant sources (e.g., the Argolid); 3) the northeastern
Peloponnese was the primary supplier of Mycenaean fine wares in LH IIIA1 and LH IIIA2. See
also 738.

734 Niemeier, Wolf- Dietrich. 1990. Mycenaean elements in the Miniature Fresco
from Thera? In: Thera and the Aegean World III. Volume I: Archaeology.
Proceedings of the Third International Congress, Santorini, Greece, 3- 9
September 1989, D.A. Hardy, C.G. Doumas, J.A. Sakellarakis and P.M. Warren, eds., pp.
267-284, London: The Thera Foundation.

Niemeier urges caution in distinguishing Minoan and Mycenaean features at the

beginning of the Late Bronze Age. He sees no evidence for identifying the ships in the Miniature
Fresco as Mycenaean. Rather, he interprets the fresco as an illustration of the bellicose and
religious aspects of the AMinoan Thalassocracy.@

735 Polychronakou-Sgouritsa, N. 1988. Oi Kyklades kata ti mykenaïkos periodo

upothesis yia tin apousia tous apo ton neon katalogo. Archaiologika Analekta
ex Athinon 21:129-136.

Offers some speculations as to why the Cyclades are not mentioned in the Iliad=s
Catalogue of Ships, despite the strong Mycenaean presence from the 14th century B.C. onward,
and especially during LH IIIA2-B. Possibly this was because as a group or individual islands
they were colonies or controlled by mainland states, and thus seen as allies or supporters rather
than autonomous polities. Brief English summary.

736 Schallin, Ann-Louise. 1993. Islands Under Influence: The Cyclades in the Late
Bronze Age and the Nature of Mycenaean Presence. Studies in Mediterranean
Archaeology, Volume 111. Jonsered: Paul Åströms Förlag. 210 p.

After briefly discussing previous research and interpretations, Schallin presents

and discusses material evidence bearing upon the nature of Mycenaean presence in the Cyclades;
this includes a catalogue of LBA sites, site distribution and site patterns, the internal structure of
sites, tombs, and finds. She then examines three hypotheses concerning Mycenaean political,
economic and social impact on the islands in the light this evidence, concluding that there is little
support for the idea of Mycenaean political or economic domination. Rather, she argues that
interaction seems to have been small-scale, perhaps based in part on kinship reciprocity, gift
exchange and votive giving and characterizes the situation in the LBA as a form of peer polity
interaction. See also 737.

737 Schallin, A.-L. 1998. The nature of Mycenaean presence and peer polity
interaction in the Late Bronze Age Cyclades. In: Kea-Kythnos: History and
Archaeology. Proceedings of an International Symposium, Kea-Kythnos, 22-25
June 1994. L.G. Mendoni and A.J. Mazarakis Ainian, eds. pp. 175-187. Research Center
for Greek and Roman Antiquity, National Hellenic Research Center, Meletimata 27.
Athens.

Schallin attempts to determine the nature of Mycenaean presence based on the

following kinds of evidence: development and changes in general Cycladic settlement patterns;
possible changes in the organization of individual Cycladic sites; changing burial practices;
various artifact categories. Based on this analysis she concludes that there was no strong
Mycenaean political or economic control, and that during the middle and late LBA, following the
collapse of the Minoan-dominated trade network, a number of local chiefdoms competing for
prestige and power and lacking central authority were influenced by various parts of the Aegean,
including the Greek mainland. See also 736.
738 Schofield, Elizabeth. 1979. Kea and its Aegean connections in the Late Bronze
Age. Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 26:132.

Citing evidence from House A on Kea, the author states that during LH I and II
connections with the mainland equaled if not surpassed those with Crete; after the disastrous
earthquake at the end of LH II, Minoan influence ended entirely and was replaced in LH IIIA1
with an overwhelming Mycenaean presence when the house was reoccupied. See also 733.

Cyprus

Like the other areas discussed so far, Cyprus is situated at a crossroads of cultures, and
appears to have been a major hub or nexus in the Eastern Mediterranean exchange system. Its
proximity to the Eastern Mediterranean coast, however, made it more susceptible to influences
from that direction than from the Aegean, although the Cypriots, perhaps because of their insular
nature, maintained a distinct culture of their own.

It was widely believed at one time that Cyprus, with its rich ore sources, was the primary
source of copper for the Mycenaean world; however, recent chemical analyses have largely
disproved this hypothesis. There was nonetheless considerable contact between the Greek
mainland and Cyprus beginning at the end of LH II and reaching its peak during LH IIIA2 and
LH IIIB. The main evidence of trade is the substantial quantities of Mycenaean pottery--
especially pictorial pottery--found at sites such as Enkomi and Kition. As was the case with
Rhodes, it is likely that Cyprus served as an intermediary in the exchange between Mycenaean
products on the one hand and goods and raw materials from the Levant and the Near East on the
other.

In LH IIIC, however, the pattern of contact changed, with a series of destructions and
apparently several waves of immigration from the mainland, resulting in a strong Cypro-
Mycenaean character at most of the major population centers. Perhaps due to this influx of
Mycenaeans--who may themselves have been fleeing the attack and destruction of their own
homes--Cyprus from this time forward becomes part of the Greek world.

739 Åström, Paul. 1988. Relations between Cyprus and the Dodecanese in the Bronze
Age. In: Archaeology in the Dodecanese. Søren Dietz and Ioannis
Papachristodoulou, eds. pp. 76-79. Copenhagen: National Museum of
Denmark.
 Presents evidence of contact between the two areas beginning in the Early Bronze
Age and continuing throughout the Bronze Age; evidence indicates that a large-scale
immigration of Mycenaeans to Cyprus occurred in at least three waves, beginning c. 1150 B.C.,
and that some of these immigrants undoubtedly came from the Dodecanese.

740 Cadogan, Gerald. 1993. Cyprus, Mycenaean pottery, trade and colonisation. In:
Proceedings of the International Conference, Wace and Blegen: Pottery as Evidence for
Trade in the Aegean Bronze Age, 1939-1989, Held at the American School of Classical
Studies at Athens, Athens, December 2-3, 1989. Carol Zerner, Peter Zerner and John
Winder, eds. pp. 91-99. Amsterdam: J.C. Gieben.

After briefly giving a history of excavation on Cyprus, Cadogan summarizes

interaction between Cyprus and the Aegean in the Late Bronze Age, discussing the presence of
Mycenaean pottery, aspects of trade and Mycenaean immigration/colonization. He concludes
with some suggestions concerning the future study of Mycenaean pottery in Cyprus.

741 Catling, H.W. 1991. A late Cypriot import in Rhodes. Annual of the British
School at Athens 86:1-7.

Describes and discusses a fragment of a Late Cypriot White slip I bowl from the
Mycenaean Moschu Vounara cemetery on Rhodes, other Cypriot finds in the Aegean and the
distribution of Cypriot goods in the Aegean in the early Late Bronze Age. See also 745.

742 Cook, Valerie. 1988. Cyprus and the outside world during the transition
from the Bronze Age to the Iron Age. Opuscula Atheniensia 17:13-32.

Cook's survey of the Late Cypriot III period (c. 1175-1050 B.C.) includes analysis
of pottery, architecture and burial customs; contrary to previous interpretations, she finds little
evidence of Mycenaean colonization during this period, but considerable influence from the Near
East.
743 Himmelhoch, Leah. 1990-1991. The use of the ethnics a-ra-si-jo and ku-pi-ri-jo in
Linear B texts. Minos 25-26:91-104.

Discusses the general context of these terms in order to determine if they indicate
contact with Cyprus and, if so, the nature of that contact.

744 Karageorghis, Vassos, ed. 1994. Proceedings of the International Symposium,

Cyprus in the 11th Century B.C. Nicosia: A.G. Leventis Foundation.

Contents include: V. Karageorghis, The prehistory of an ethnogenesis (pp. 1-10);

S. Deger-Jalkotzy, The post-palatial period of Greece: an Aegean prelude to the 11th century
B.C. in Cyprus. The prehistory of an ethnogenesis (pp. 11-29); J.N. Coldstream, What sort of
Aegean migration? (pp. 143-146); D. Christou, Kourion in the 11th century B.C. (pp. 177-187).

745 Karageorghis, Vassos. 1998. Note on a Mycenaean IIIB rhyton from Ugarit.
Archäologischer Anzeiger 1998:1-3.

Discusses finds of conical rhyta at Ugarit, which has more of these vessels than
any other site in the Eastern Mediterranean, suggesting Aegean influence on cult activities.
Karageorghis describes and illustrates a rhyton with octopus decoration, which he attributes to
the hand of the APainter of Swallows,@ the creator of other similar works found on Cyprus. See
also 741.

746 Pacci, Marco. 1986. Presenze Micenee a Cipro. In: Tràffici Micenei nel
Mediterràneo: Problèmi Stòrici e Documentàzione Archeòlogia. Atti del
Convègno di Palermo (11-12 maggio e 3-6 decembre 1984). Massimiliano
Marazzi, Sebastiano Tusa and Lucia Vagnetti, eds. pp. 335-342. Magna
Graecia 3. Taranto: Istitúto per la Stòria e l'Archaeòlogia della Magno Grecia.
 Describes and discusses the presence of Mycenaean pottery on Cyprus during the
Late Bronze Age; includes a list of sites with the periods represented for each and a distribution
map.

747 Sherratt, E.S. 1992. Immigration and archaeology: some indirect

reflections. In: Acta Cypria: Acts of an International Congress on
Cypriote Archaeology held at Göteborg on 22-24 August 1991, Part 2. Paul
Åström, ed. pp. 316-347. Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology 117. Jonsered: Paul
Åströms Förlag.

A thoughtful analysis which raises and considers issues and implications

concerning ethnicity and its relationship to material culture, especially pottery, and specifically
concerning the identity of the makers of Mycenaean pottery outside of Greece, in the Levant and
Cyprus; Sherratt examines and questions the nature of immigration, suggesting that much
immigration is archaeologically invisible, and discusses the "Greekness" of 11th century B.C.
Cyprus.

748 South, Alison K. and Pamela J. Russell. 1993. Mycenaean pottery and social
hierarchy at Kalavasos-Ayios Dhimitrios, Cyprus. In: Proceedings of the
International Conference, Wace and Blegen: Pottery as Evidence for Trade in the
Aegean Bronze Age, 1939-1989, Held at the American School of Classical
Studies at Athens, Athens, December 2-3, 1989. Carol Zerner, Peter Zerner and John
Winder, eds. pp. 303-310. Amsterdam: J.C. Gieben.

The authors describe, illustrate and discuss Mycenaean pottery found mostly in
settlement contexts, suggesting that small quantities of mainly closed vessels, perhaps valued for
their contents, reached many of the inhabitants of the settlement, while a select few enjoyed the
use of large amounts of fine table wares. See also 749 and 750.

749 Steel, Louise. 1997-1998. The social impact of Mycenaean pottery in Cyprus in
the fourteenth and thirteenth centuries. Bulletin of the Institute of Classical
Studies 42:203- 204.
 Imported Mycenaean pottery is found mainly in funerary contexts in two main
classes: drinking sets, especially pictorial kraters; and container vases, especially small unguent
jars. In Late Bronze Age Cyprus emergent elite groups in large trading emporia along the
southern coast used elaborate mortuary displays and restricted access to imported exotica to
express their new identity and differentiate themselves from the rest of Cypriot society.
Mycenaean drinking sets quickly became popular and displaced other similar wares, thus
reducing the range of shapes from at least the 13th century B.C. onwards. On the other hand,
unguent jars in the local red lustrous ware were preferred in these burials, while the Mycenaean
alabastra and stirrup jars were more widely distributed and readily available. See also 748 and
750.

750 Steel, Louise. 1998. The social impact of Mycenaean imported pottery in
Cyprus. Annual of the British School at Athens 93:285-296.

Steel examines the context and function of Mycenaean pottery imported to

Cyprus during the Late Cypriot II period, i.e., from the late 15th to the mid-13th centuries B.C.,
to assess its impact on Late Cypriot society. She suggests that imported finewares--most notably
drinking-sets (kraters for mixing wine, jugs, large spouted bowls and various drinking vessels)
and unguent vases--had a multiplicity of roles within Late Cypriot society. While the drinking
sets and pictorial pottery were appropriated by the elite as status symbols to define their
exclusivity and are found primarily in burial contexts, the smaller, more widely available
unguent containers were adopted by those members of Cypriot society who chose to emulate the
elite, but did not have access to the more highly valued Red Lustrous perfume bottles. The
integration of the drinking sets in particular had a dramatic impact on the indigenous ceramic
industry and eventually resulted in the disappearance of the traditional handmade finewares. See
also 748 and 749.

751 Vermeule, Emily and Florence Wolsky. 1978. New Aegean relations with
Cyprus: the Minoan and Mycenaean pottery from Toumba tou Skourou,
Morphou. Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society 122:294-317.

The authors describe pottery from the settlement and tombs, most of which is
Minoan. The Mycenaean pottery consists of standard types exported widely in the eastern
Mediterranean from LH IIIA2 to LH IIIB-C.
Dodecanese

Mycenaean contact with the Dodecanese began toward the end of LH IIB or the beginning
of LH IIIA1; these initial contacts appear to have been primarily for the purpose of trade. While
it is possible to guess some of the products that the Mycenaeans brought (pottery, perfumed oils,
textiles), it is not always clear what they were exchanging them for. Perhaps the islanders acted
in this respect as intermediaries for the cities of the Eastern Mediterranean littoral.

The amount of contact increased and its nature changed in LH IIIA2, with evidence at this
time for Mycenaean settlement and/or colonization of Rhodes, particularly at the site of Ialysos,
which seems to have been a major port involved in the Eastern Mediterranean trade network.
Mycenaean presence and even perhaps dominance continued through the LH IIIB period.
Despite this strong influence, the Dodecanese retained a distinct and local character of their own
as well. There seems to have been a particularly close relationship between Rhodes and the
northeastern Argolid (i.e., Mycenae and territories under its control), and the Rhodians also seem
to have traveled and traded throughout the Aegean and Central Mediterranean.

752 Benzi, Mario. 1993. The Late Bronze Age pottery from Vathy Cave,
Kalymnos. In: Proceedings of the International Conference, Wace and Blegen:
Pottery as Evidence for Trade in the Aegean Bronze Age, 1939-1989, Held at
the American School of Classical Studies at Athens, Athens, December 2-3,
1989. Carol Zerner, Peter Zerner and John Winder, eds. pp. 275-288. Amsterdam: J.C.
Gieben.

Describes and illustrates previously unpublished Late Bronze Age pottery from
1922 excavations. Based upon this ceramic evidence it can be concluded that Kalymnos
developed along roughly the same lines as many other sites in the southeastern Aegean, with an
early Minoan phase followed by a Mycenaean one lasting well into LH IIIC. It would also
appear that Kalymnos was a landing station of some importance along the route of trade and
communication leading from eastern Crete along the western coast of Anatolia.

753 Mee, Christopher. 1980. The first Mycenaeans in the Eastern Aegean. Bulletin of
the Institute of Classical Studies 27:135-136.
 Mee suggests that the best documented evidence for the transition between
Minoan and Mycenaean control of the Dodecanese can be found at Trianda on Rhodes, where
LH IIB and LH IIIA1 pottery is found following its destruction and reconstruction in LM IB, as
well as in the establishment of Mycenaean chamber tomb cemeteries at nearby Ialysos. This
evidence indicates initial Mycenaean coexistence with the Minoan colony there, followed by
progressive Mycenization and the gradual loss of its Minoan character. It is also suggested that
both Minoan and Mycenaean settlement here may have been due to the need or desire to control
and protect trade routes; similar evidence is found at the Seraglio on Kos, Iasos and Miletus.

754 Mee, Christopher. 1988. The LH IIIB period in the Dodecanese. In:
Archaeology in the Dodecanese. Søren Dietz and Ioannes
Papachristodoulou, eds. pp. 56-58. Copenhagen: National Museum of Denmark.

Mee finds evidence of instability in the Dodecanese during this period, as

exemplified by a decrease in the number of tombs in use at Ialysos on Rhodes and other
cemeteries from LH IIIA2 to LH IIIB, as well as evidence of destruction at the Seraglio on Kos,
the only excavated Mycenaean site in the Dodecanese. This evidence undermines the idea of a
Mycenaean koine during LH IIIB, at least in the Eastern Aegean. Ceramic evidence also supports
the hypothesis of destruction, depopulation and/or disruption of trade, with a decrease in pottery
imported from the Peloponnese and the absence of characteristic LH IIIB2 pottery. The
reoccupation of sites and the reuse of chamber tombs in LH IIIC suggests the arrival at this time
of refugees from the mainland who settled in previously abandoned sites.

755 Papadopoulos, Thanasis. 1980. Rhodiaka in Achaea. Opuscula

Atheniensia 13:225-235.

Evidence of artifacts, primarily ceramic--and specifically fragments of

three-handled jars from the cemetery of Gymnasion at Aigion--demonstrate a close relationship
between Achaia and Rhodes; it is suggested that a long-term relationship between the two areas
existed and that these artifacts represent a small colony of Rhodians residing in Achaia along a
trade route running along the northern Peloponnese to southern Italy; includes an appendix of
chemical analyses of sherds from Rhodes and Achaia. See also 756.
756 Papadopoulos, Thanasis. 1988. The Dodecanese and the Western Peloponnese in
the Late Bronze Age: some thoughts on the problem of their relations. In:
Archaeology in the Dodecanese, Søren Dietz and Ioannes
Papachristodoulou, eds., pp. 73-75, Copenhagen: National Museum of Denmark.

Presents and discusses evidence for relations between the two areas; objects from
the western Peloponnese in the Dodecanese are few and rare, while pottery from Rhodes is
somewhat more evident in the western Peloponnese; the author notes certain common elements
and similarities in terms of specific pottery types and jewelry motifs, suggesting that these are
evidence of long-lasting commercial and possibly cultural contacts from LH IIIA2 into LH IIIC.
See also 755.

Egypt

Actual contact between Egypt and Mycenaean Greece seems to have been fairly limited,
taking place primarily between 1500 and 1300 B.C. Because of its geographical position and
earlier development, Crete may have had more extensive relationships with Egypt during earlier
phases of the Bronze Age, and was itself undoubtedly influenced by Egyptian culture--an even
older civilization--in a number of ways. Thus it is likely that any early Egyptian influence on
mainland Greece was transmitted by the Minoans. A fairly small number of Egyptian artifacts in
Greece, some Mycenaean pottery found in Egypt primarily during the Amarna period and the
depiction of Aegeans--probably Mycenaeans--on the walls of the tombs of Thebes suggest a
high-level exchange of luxury goods between the pharaoh of Egypt and the kings of Mycenae;
the intensity of contact may have reached a peak during the rule of Amenhotep III in the 14th
century B.C.

757 Cline, Eric. 1987. Amenhotep III and the Aegean: a reassessment of Egypto-
Aegean relations in the 14th century B.C. Orientalia 56:1-36.

Cline examines three sources of evidence: (1) the AAegean@ list of Amenhotep III
at his funerary temple at Kom El-Hetan, which may be an itinerary of the route from Egypt to the
Aegean and back, and is probably a valid contemporary record of one or more voyages; (2) find-
spots in the Aegean of objects inscribed with cartouches of Amenhotep III or Queen Tiy which
may represent luxury gift-exchange items; (3) relative amounts of Mycenaean pottery in Egypt
during the reigns of Amenhotep III and Akhenaten, which are similar. On the basis of this
evidence he concludes that there was significant Egypto-Aegean contact and trade during the LH
IIIA-B/New Kingdom periods, which may be correlated with the emergence of Mycenae as a
dominant Aegean power worthy of an official embassy from Amenhotep III. Includes tables of
names and objects. See also 758, 760, 761 and 765.

758 Cline, Eric. 1990. An unpublished Amenhotep III faience plaque from Mycenae.
Journal of the American Oriental Society 110:200-212.

Detailed description of two fragments excavated by Lord William Taylour in

1968-1969, which are part of one of six--and possibly as many as nine--faience plaques dating to
LH IIIB. Cline reconstructs the rectangular plaques, which were used as foundation deposits
during the late 18th Dynasty and suggests that they may be from an official Egyptian embassy to
Mycenae during the LH IIIA1 period. See also 757, 760, 761 and 765.

759 Cline, Eric. H. 1990-1991. Contact and trade or colonization? Egypt and the
Aegean in the 14th-13th centuries B.C. Minos 25-26:7-36.

Review of archaeological, textual and pictorial material, with a particular focus on

Martin Bernal=s claim in Black Athena, Vol. II that the Aegean was under Egyptian hegemony
during the Late Bronze Age. This period represents the high point of relations between the
Aegean, Egypt and the Near East in the Late Bronze Age; relations between the Aegean and
Egypt continued earlier contacts, but may have entered a new phase involving diplomatic
communications as well as routine commercial exchanges of trade goods. There is, however, no
archaeological evidence of Egyptian hegemony.

760 Cline, Eric H. 1991. Monkey business in the Bronze Age Aegean: the Amenhotep
III faience figurines at Mycenae and Tiryns. Annual of the British School at Athens
86:29-42.
 Cline describes the two figurines in detail and discusses other similar figurines in
the Late Bronze Age Aegean. After further discussion of chronology and their possible purpose
and presence in mainland Greece, implications for relations between Egypt and the Aegean are
considered. See also 757, 758, 761 and 765.

761 Cline, Eric H. 1998. Amenhotep III, the Aegean, and Anatolia. In: Amenhotep
III: Perspectives on His Reign, David O'Connor and Eric H. Cline, eds., pp. 236-
250, Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press.

Cline presents evidence to suggest that a list of names carved into the base of a
statue at the mortuary temple site of Kom el-Hetan near the Valley of the Kings represents the
itinerary of an Egyptian embassy to Mycenae and other Aegean centers of power--including
Knossos and Troy--during the reign of Amenhotep III, designed in part to promote commercial
and diplomatic links and possibly to contain the rising power and westward expansion of the
Hittite empire. He also suggests that inscribed faience plaques and other objects at Mycenae and
other sites may have been gifts presented to rulers by that embassy and that Mycenae may have
been the focal point of the trip, i.e. to establish a special relationship between Egypt and
Mycenae. See also 757, 758, 760 and 765.

762 Hankey, Vronwy. 1993. Pottery as evidence for trade: Egypt. In: Proceedings of
the International Conference, Wace and Blegen: Pottery as Evidence for Trade
in the Aegean Bronze Age, 1939-1989, Held at the American School of Classical
Studies at Athens, Athens, December 2-3, 1989. Carol Zerner, Peter Zerner
and John Winder, eds. pp. 109- 116. Amsterdam: J.C. Gieben.

Briefly summarizes and discusses historical background, conditions in Egypt on

the arrival of Aegean traders, conditions for trade in Egypt, the nature of trade, contexts of finds,
date and types of Aegean pottery found and the end of trade. Includes a list of Egyptian sites at
which Late Bronze Age Aegean pottery has been found.

763 Hankey, Vronwy and David Aston. 1995. Mycenaean pottery at Saqqara:
finds from excavations by the Egypt Exploration Society of London and the
Rijksmuseum van Oudhen, Leiden, 1975-1990. In: The Ages of Homer: A Tribute
to Emily Townsend Vermeule. Jane B. Carter and Sarah P. Morris, eds. pp. 67-91.
Austin: University of Texas Press.

Mycenaean pottery found in prestigious contexts during recent excavations

provides new information about Mycenaean relations with Pharaonic Egypt. The authors discuss
early finds of Mycenaean pottery, particularly at El-Amarna, and discuss their significance for
Aegean chronology, as well as Homer's references to Egypt and the archaeological or historical
reality they may reflect. They then describe the excavations at Saqqara and present a catalogue
and illustrations of sherds from 25 LH IIIA2-B vessels. They suggest that some of these vessels
may have served as luxury items with an unusually long use life.

764 Kantor, Helene. 1947. The Aegean and the Orient in the second millennium
B.C. American Journal of Archaeology 51:1-103.

An extensive examination of the relationship between Crete and mainland Greece

on the one hand and Egypt and the Near East on the other; topics include Aegean pottery found
in the Eastern Mediterranean, the depiction of Aegeans in Egyptian tombs, Aegean influence on
Egyptian and Western Asian art and trade during LH III and its effect on Near Eastern art;
Kantor emphasizes the role of sea trade from mainland Greece as early as LH I-II, the decline of
Minoan influence in the LM period and Mycenaean cultural dominance in LH III; republished in
1997 on its 50th anniversary as The Aegean & the Orient in the Sceond Millenium B.C.:
Monographs on Archaeology & Fine Arts.

765 Lilyquist, C. 1999. On the Amenhotep III inscribed faience fragments from
Mycenae. Journal of the American Oriental Society 119:303-308.

Argues that on the basis of present evidence the fragments have few parallels in
th
18 Dynasty models; since the identity of the maker and place of manufacture are uncertain, they
could have been made locally, rather than being involved in trade and/or gift exchange. See also
757, 758, 760 and 761.
766 Merrillees, Robert. 1972. Aegean Bronze Age relations with Egypt.
American Journal of Archaeology 76:281-294.

Examines archaeological, artistic and documentary evidence from Egypt during

Dynasty XVIII to identify and characterize Aegean relations with Egypt; in the 16th century
B.C., all evidence suggests Minoan contact, but in the 15th century the situation is reversed, with
the appearance of LH IIA pottery and the depiction of Mycenaeans in the Theban tombs, the first
Aegeans actually to visit Egypt; it is thus suggested that the main period of Egyptian-Mycenaean
contact was between c. 1500 and 1300 B.C.

767 Parkinson, R. and L. Schofield. 1995. Images of Mycenaeans: a recently acquired

papyrus from El-Amarna. In: Egypt, the Aegean and the Levant: Interconnections
in the Second Millenium BC. W. Vivian Davies and Louise Schofield, eds.,
pp. 125-126, London: British Museum Press.

The authors describe a number of papyrus fragments from El-Amarna recently

acquired by the British Museum dating to c. 1340 B.C. which depict battle scenes involving
soldiers of various nationalities, including two figures wearing Mycenaean boar's tusk helmets.
See also 768.

768 Schofield, L. and R.B. Parkinson. 1994. Of helmets and heretics: a possible
Egyptian representation of Mycenaean warriors on a papyrus from el-Amarna.
Annual of the British School at Athens 89:157-170.

Interpretation of a battle scene on a papyrus dated to c. 1340 B.C. depicting

figures wearing boar=s tusk helmets and Mycenaean-style tunics. This depiction adds to evidence
for direct contact between Egypt and the Mycenaean world, suggesting that Mycenaean features
were part of the Egyptian iconographic repertoire, and supports indirect evidence from the large
amount of LH IIIA2 pottery at the site. See also 767.
Europe

Quite a number of efforts have been made to connect Mycenaean Greece with its northern
neighbors, based primarily on three sets of evidence: 1) similarities in artistic motifs; 2)
Mycenaean bronze weapons found in southeastern and central Europe; 3) raw materials such as
amber and metallic ores which either were or may have been imported into Greece. In regard to
the first set of evidence, it can be assumed that such similarities derive either from an initial
cultural heritage shared by the Mycenaeans and other related Indo-European groups who
migrated into central and southeastern Europe at roughly the same time, or as the result of
contact incidental to trade activities.

Mycenaean bronze weapons have been found distributed widely, not only in Europe, but
throughout the eastern and central Mediterranean as well. Until about 1200 B.C. they were
among the finest weapons of their time and were therefore highly desired as both implements of
war and as high status items. In Europe, as elsewhere, they are usually found in warrior burials,
most often representing the only Aegean-type artifacts present. How they came to Europe is
difficult to determine, although it has been suggested that many of them were the product of
itinerant bronze-workers.

Chemical analyses have clearly established that the amber found in abundance in the shaft
graves of Mycenae and other burials comes from the Baltic region, and must therefore have
reached Greece through long-distance trade, probably down the Rhine and Danube and thence to
the head of the Adriatic Sea. Trade for metallic ores is more problematic, because the chemical
characterization of metals is a much more complicated issue than for amber or pottery. Many
areas of southeastern Europe, such as the Carpathian mountains, are rich in metal ores, and it is
possible that much gold, copper and tin ore could have been obtained by Mycenaeans, but direct
evidence of a metals trade has been difficult to establish. It is, however, tempting to envision the
exchange of raw materials for finished metal goods.

Overall, it is unlikely that extensive trade took place between Europe and Greece. This
must in part be due to the topography of southeastern Europe, whose mountainous terrain made
travel extremely difficult, particularly contrasted with the relative ease of travel by sea
throughout the Mediterranean, toward which Mycenaean interest seems largely to have been
focused. Unlike metal artifacts, Mycenaean pottery would have been difficult to transport, and is
in fact hardly found in any significant quantities beyond the northern borders of Greece itself.

The relationship between Mycenaean Greece and Europe (including Italy, for which
see below) was different than that with its neighbors in the Aegean and the Eastern
Mediterranean, in that they were dealing not with equivalent or more advanced civilizations, but
with societies less complexly organized. It therefore appears that as a more sophisticated and
technologically advanced culture, the Mycenaeans primarily sought raw materials from Europe
and served in return as a source of finished products, such as weapons, and as a stimulus, through
the diffusion of these artifacts, technology and ideas, toward more complex forms of social and
economic organization.
 As for European influence or artifacts in Greece, these are extremely rare, although
some northern influences have been noted in the Mycenae Shaft Grave artifacts. Artifacts of
European origin do appear in Greece at the end of the Late Bronze Age, primarily during LH
IIIC. The most significant of these artifacts are flange-hilted swords, which began to supercede
Aegean swords around 1200 B.C., thus reversing the direction of exchange. The presence of
other artifact types such as fibulae and a type of pottery termed "barbarian ware" during LH IIIC
has led to the supposition of an infiltration from the north at this time, though whether as
invaders or migrants cannot be determined from the nature and context of evidence presently
available.

769 Almagro-Gorbea, Martin and Fernando Fontes. 1997. The introduction of wheel-
made pottery in the Iberian peninsula: Mycenaeans or pre- orientalizing contacts?
Oxford Journal of Archaeology 16:345-361.

Describes wheel-made LBA pottery found at a number of sites in Spain. The

authors incline toward the view, based upon chemical analysis, that this pottery is Mycenaean
and imported from elsewhere.

770 Bouzek, Jan. 1966. The Aegean and Central Europe: an introduction to the
study of cultural interrelations 1600-1300 B.C. Pamatky Archeologicke
57:242-276.

771 Bouzek, Jan. 1982. Mycenae and the Western Balkans, ca. 1500-1000 B.C.
Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 29:127.

In analyzing the relationship between Mycenaean Greece and the Western

Balkans, Bouzek suggests that the primary nature of their contact and interaction was stimulated
by Mycenaean desire to acquire raw materials such as copper, tin, gold and amber; these contacts
are characterized by some degree of mutual influence, but relatively little exchange of finished
products, such as bronze sheet objects or thrust and cut swords; he also notes a brief period of
uniformity of weapons and armor c. 1300 B.C. See also 772 and 780.
772 Bouzek, Jan. 1994. Late Bronze Age Greece and the Balkans: a review of the
present picture. Annual of the British School at Athens 89:217-234.

Updates earlier work, including a refined chronology and new finds. See also 771
and 780.

773 Buchholz, H.-G. 1983. Doppelaxte und die frage der Balkanbeziehungen des
Ägaischen kulturkreises. In: Ancient Bulgaria: Papers Presented to the
International Symposium on the Ancient History and Archaeology of Bulgaria,
University of Nottingham, 1981. Part 1. A.G. Poulter, ed. pp. 43-134.
Nottingham.

Examines the relationship between the Balkans and the Aegean through a focus
upon the distribution of double axes, most notably in Northern Greece. See also 774.

774 Harding, Anthony F. 1975. Mycenaean Greece and Europe: The evidence of
bronze tools and implements. Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society
41:183-202.

Presents a catalogue and discussion of Mycenaean bronze agricultural,

wood-working, metallurgical and general purpose tools found in Europe; he concludes that this
class of evidence is neither extensive nor conclusive in establishing the nature and extent of
contact between Europe and Greece during the Late Bronze Age. See also 773.

775 Harding, Anthony F. 1984. The Mycenaeans and Europe. London: Academic
Press. 334 p.
 The best treatment of this subject; includes discussion of theoretical and
methodological aspects of prehistoric trade, raw materials, trade in luxury goods and everyday
items, weapons and armor, artistic motifs and symbolism, the northern contribution to the
Mycenaean world and the Mycenaeans overseas; throughout the book and in his conclusions,
Harding takes a fairly negative and minimalist position concerning the extent of direct contact
and the degree of population movement in either direction. See also 776, 778 and 780.

776 Hiller, Stefan. 1984. The Mycenaeans and their northern neighbors. In: Temple
University Aegean Symposium 9. Philip P. Betancourt, ed. pp. 14-30. Philadelphia.

Lists and discusses evidence for contact between the Mycenaean world and
northern and central Europe, primarily amber and bronze weapons. See also 775, 778 and 780.

777 Hoddinott, R.F. 1989. Thracians, Mycenaeans and "the Trojan Question". In:
Thracians and Mycenaeans: Proceedings of the Fourth International Congress of
Thracology, Rotterdam, 24-26 September 1984. Jan G.P. Best and Nanny
M.W. De Vries, eds. pp. 52-67. Publications of the Henri Frankfort Foundation
11.

Examines parallels in decorative motifs of the Shaft Graves of Mycenae and those
of the East Central European Middle Bronze Age; the author suggests that there was relatively
little contact between the two areas until the 14th century B.C., as the Mycenaeans expanded into
Macedonia, where, at that time, imported and local Mycenaean pottery coexists with
Macedonian and Thracian pottery.

778 Kilian, Klaus. 1976. Nordgrenze des agäischen kulterbereiches in mykenischer

und nachmykenischer zeit. Jahresbericht des Instituts fur Vorgeschichte der
Universität Frankfurt A.M. 1976:112-129.
 Describes and discusses the distribution of Mycenaean swords, pottery, double
axes and fibulae in Italy and Southeastern Europe. See also 771, 772, 775, 776 and 780.

779 Pare, Christopher. 1987. Wheels with thickened spokes and the problem of
cultural contact between the Aegean world and Europe in the Late Bronze Age.
Oxford Journal of Archaeology 6:43-61.

Suggests that innovation in wheel construction involving spokes with thickened or

strengthened ends in Central Europe at the beginning of the Late Bronze Age originated in the
Aegean, where such wheels are depicted on late Mycenaean kraters and on Linear B ideograms.

780 Parovic-Pesikan, M. 1980. Finds of Mycenaean pottery imported into Macedonia.

Archaeologica Iugoslavica 20:56-61.

Describes, illustrates and discusses Mycenaean pottery found at the sites of

Devdelija and Visoi-Beranci in Yugoslavian Macedonia dating from LH IIIA to LH IIIC. See
also 771, 772, 775 and 776.

Italy and the Central Mediterranean

As with Anatolia, the pattern of contact here is somewhat complex, due to changes over
time and apparently varying relationships between Greece and different regions of the area.
Contact between Greece and Italy began early, with finds of LH I and II pottery known primarily
from Lipari and other Aeolian islands. During LH III, Mycenaean pottery is found widely in
southern Italy--mainly on the western or Tyrrhenian coast--as well as in Sicily and Sardinia.
Some sites, such as Scoglio del Tonno in southern Italy, contain great amounts of pottery, as well
as figurines, leading to the suggestion that they might have been colonies or at least major
trading stations with a resident Mycenaean population. Much of the pottery seems to have been
manufactured locally rather than imported.
 Certain parts of the central Mediterranean, particularly Sardinia, are rich in metal ores, and
it is likely that these resources were the reason for much contact between Italy and Greece. It
has been suggested, too, that Mycenaean contact with Sardinia is responsible for similarities
between corbelled Mycenaean tholos tombs and contemporary Sardinian nuraghi, although the
dating of the nuraghi is not as secure and it has been argued that the style of construction of the
two types of structures demonstrates the independent use of a similar technique rather than direct
influence. It seems, in fact, that in many areas there was some resistance to what may have been
perceived as excessive Mycenaean penetration, and that as elsewhere in the Mediterranean,
offshore or coastal trading centers acted as middlemen in trade transactions, preventing the
Mycenaeans from penetrating further inland.

Few Italian artifacts dating to before LH IIIC have been found in mainland Greece. The
presence of hand-made burnished ware in southern Greece at that time has led to a search for the
source for this type of pottery, and one of the places where analogous pottery has been found is
Italy. The distribution of hand-made burnished ware in the Aegean has led to the speculation
that there was during this period a trade network including Greece and the central Mediterranean
which involved groups of traveling merchants and craftsmen, some of whom may have
established enclaves within Mycenaean settlements.

781 Benzi, Mario and Giampaolo Graziadio. 1996. The last Mycenaeans in Italy? Late
LHIIIC pottery from Punta Meliso, Leuca. Studi Micenei ed Ego-Anatolici
38:95-138.

The authors characterize this assemblage of 300 sherds at this site in Apulia as the
most homogeneous and substantial group of late LH IIIC pottery found in Italy to date. After
describing and illustrating this pottery, they provide an extensive comparison with LH IIIC
pottery from the Greek mainland and other sites in Italy. They conclude that this pottery, which
contains shapes rarely if ever represented on other Italian sites, was made locally by a
Mycenaean potter or potters. Includes an appendix reporting the results of the thin-section
analysis of local and Mycenaean sherds.

782 D’Agata, Anna Lucia. 2000. Interactions between Aegean groups and local
communities in Sicily in the Bronze Atge: the evidence from pottery. Studi
Micenei ed Egeo-Anatolici 42:61-83.

D’Agata analyzes pottery from the site of Thapsos, a Middle Bronze Age protourban center in on
the eastern coast of Sicily, identifying three ceramic classes of Aegean origin: imported vessels;
close imitations, probably produced locally; and vessels of Aegean origin, but made in the local
handmade ware. Focusing on the last category, she suggests that the circulation of foreign
imports, which represented prestige goods, stimulated local production, consequent with the
emergence of an elite class and specialized craft production. In a society with various levels
within the social organization of production, this pottery seems to have been produced by not by
specialized production units, but was rather a collateral activity by a restricted number of potters
closely connected with the elite class, able to obtain access to information about exotic imported
pottery.

783 Ferrarese Cerutti, Maria Luisa. 1979. Ceràmica micenea in Sardegna, (notizia
preliminare). Rivísta di Sciènze Preistòrica 34:243-253.

A preliminary description and illustration of Mycenaean pottery found within a

nuraghic fortress at Antigori on Sardinia, the first instance in which Mycenaean and nuraghic
pottery is associated in the same stratum; the author suggests that contact between Greece and
Sardinia was probably associated with the metals trade. See also 784, 789 and 792.

784 Ferrarese Cerutti, Maria Luisa. 1987. Minoici, Micenei e Ciprioti in Sardegna
nella secónda meta del II millènnio a.C. In: Studies in Sardinian Archaeology
III: Nuragic Sardinia and the Mycenaean World. Miriam S. Balmuth, ed. pp. 7-38.
BAR International Series 387. Oxford: British Archaeological Reports.

Preliminary results from excavation of the nuragic site of Antigori on Sardinia

include the following: imports from the Aegean begin appearing in Sardinia perhaps as early as
the 14th century B.C., but systematic trade does not occur until the 12th and 13th centuries;
imported Aegean pottery influenced the production of local imitations; the site of Antigori seems
to have served as an entrepot for importation of items from the Near East, Cyprus and the
Aegean; English summary. See also 783, 789 and 792.

785 French, Elizabeth B. 1984. Problems in Mycenaean contacts with the

central Mediterranean. In: Temple University Aegean Symposium 9.
Philip P. Betancourt, ed. pp. 31-39. Philadelphia.
 Identifies problems associated with three successive periods: 1) the source of and
the means of transmission of shaft grave material to Lipari and Filicudi; 2) significant differences
during LH IIIA1-B1 between Sicily, which received a variety of imported features and Italy,
where each site appears to have had contact with specific areas in the Aegean and where the
presence of imported figurines and local imitations suggest actual Mycenaean settlement; 3)
problems concerning the source and direction of Mycenaean influence on Italy and Italian
influence on Greece in the form of handmade burnished ware and a type of gray ware; may be
difficult to obtain.

786 Macnamara, Ellen. 1970. A group of bronzes from Surbo, Italy: new evidence for
Aegean contacts with Apulia during Mycenaean IIIB and C. Proceedings of the
Prehistoric Society 36:241-260.

Describes, analyzes and discusses a hoard of bronze artifacts from southern Italy,
including part of a Type F sword, a winged axe, several shaft-hole axes, a hammerhead and a
chisel, dating to c. 1200-1150 B.C.

787 Malone, Caroline and Simon Stoddart, eds. 1985. Papers in Italian Archaeology
IV: The Cambridge Conference. Part iii: Patterns in Protohistory. BAR
International Series 245. Oxford: British Archaeological Reports.

Important collection of papers concerning the Italian Bronze Age and Mycenaean
contacts with southern Italy, Sicily and Sardinia; contents include: G. Bergonzi, Southern Italy
and the Aegean during the Late Bronze Age: economic strategies and specialized craft products
(pp. 355-387); E.B. French, The Mycenaean spectrum (pp. 295-303); A.M. Bietti Sestieri,
Contact, exchange, and conflict in the Italian Bronze Age: the Mycenaeans on the Tyrrhenian
coasts and islands (pp. 305-337); R. Leighton, Evidence, extent and effects of Mycenaean
contacts with southeast Sicily during theLate Bronze Age (pp. 399-412).

788 Marazzi, Massimiliano. 1993. The early Aegean-Mycenaean presence in the

Gulf of Naples: past and recent discoveries. In: Proceedings of the International
Conference, Wace and Blegen: Pottery as Evidence for Trade in the Aegean
Bronze Age, 1939-1989, Held at the American School of Classical Studies at
Athens, Athens, December 2-3, 1989. Carol Zerner, Peter Zerner and John
Winder, eds. pp. 335-342. Amsterdam: J.C. Gieben.

Presents statistical data concerning the shapes of fine decorated pottery from the
island of Vivara. Compared to other peripheral sites in the eastern and western Mediterranean
from the early Mycenaean period, the corpus of imported pottery from Vivara is particularly rich
in terms of quantity and quality, indicating that the Mycenaean presence in the western
Mediterranean between the 16th and 17th centuries B.C. was greater than commonly assumed.
Includes several illustrations, charts and graphs.

789 Re, Licia. 1998. A catalog of Aegean finds in Sardinia. In: Sardinian and Aegean
Chronology: Towards the Resolution of Relative and Absolute Dating in the
Mediterranean. Proceedings of the International colloquium >Sardinian
Stratigraphy and Mediterranean Chronology=, Tufts University, Medford, Massachusetts,
March 17-19, 1995. Miriam S. Balmuth and Robert H. Tykot, eds. pp. 287-290. Studies
in Sardinian Archaeology V. Oxford: Oxbow Books.

Lists and maps 13 sites at which Mycenaean and other Aegean artifacts have been
found. See also 783, 784 and 792.

790 Tusa, Sebastiano. 1985. Tyrrhenian relations and Mycenaean exchange in the
Early Bronze Age. In: Papers in Italian Archaeology IV: The Cambridge
Conference. Part iii: Patterns in Protohistory. Caroline Malone and Simon Stoddart,
eds. pp. 339-353. BAR International Series 245. Oxford: British
Archaeological Reports.

Tusa suggests that the involvement of Mycenaeans beginning in LH I in the existing

trade network in the lower Tyrrhenian region of Italy and Sicily was a factor in stimulating
interregional cultural integration by enabling local societies in coastal and insular areas to
participate in the wider Mediterranean trade network, thus leading to the emergence of more
complex social, political and economic organization.
791 Vagnetti, Lucia. 1993. Mycenaean pottery in Italy: fifty years of study. In:
Proceedings of the International Conference, Wace and Blegen: Pottery as
Evidence for Trade in the Aegean Bronze Age, 1939-1989, Held at the American
School of Classical Studies at Athens, Athens, December 2-3, 1989. Carol
Zerner, Peter Zerner and John Winder, eds. pp. 143-154. Amsterdam: J.C. Gieben.

Summarizes research in Italy since 1939, with a particular focus on work done in
the 1980's. Vagnetti interprets the evidence from Mycenaean pottery in Italy as indicating the
participation of some areas of Italy in a long-distance trade network and the settlement of small
groups of people from the Aegean in local communities for the purpose of facilitating such trade;
this type of settlement, though falling short of colonization per se, resulted in the introduction of
Mycenaean technologies to these communities. See also 793.

792 Vagnetti, Lucia. 1998. Aegean chronology session: introductory remarks. In:
Sardinian and Aegean Chronology: Towards the Resolution of Relative and
Absolute Dating in the Mediterranean. Proceedings of the International
colloquium >Sardinian Stratigraphy and Mediterranean Chronology=, Tufts
University, Medford, Massachusetts, March 17-19, 1995. Miriam S. Balmuth and
Robert H. Tykot, eds. pp. 285-286. Studies in Sardinian Archaeology V. Oxford: Oxbow
Books.

Briefly discusses the distribution of Mycenaean pottery in Sardinia. See also 783,
784 and 789.

793 Vagnetti, Lucia. 1998. Variety and function of the Aegean derivative pottery in
the Central Mediterranean in the Late Bronze Age. In: Mediterranean Peoples in
Transition, Thirteenth to Early Tenth Centuries BCE. Seymour Gitin, Amihai
Mazar and Ephriam Stern, eds. pp. 66-77. Jerusalem: Israel Exploration
Society.

Thorough examination of finds from sites excavated in the 1980's, supplemented

by archaeometric research, reveals the following: 1) from the very beginning of the Aegean Late
Bronze Age, Mycenaean pottery travels overseas, both eastward and westward; 2) in the Central
Mediterranean, this pottery can be found in local contexts in peninsular Italy, Sicily and on the
small Tyrrhenian islands, where it is distinguished from the handmade, burnished and generally
unsophisticated local ware by aspects of technical sophistication, including clay levigation, use
of the potter's wheel, painted decoration and high-temperature firing; 3) in the 14th century, the
climax of Aegean long-distance trade, Mycenaean pottery also reaches Sardinia and the Iberian
peninsula, and continues to be found up to the latest phase of Mycenaean civilization; 4) in the
13th and 12th centuries B.C. workshops producing local Mycenaean pottery were established at
many sites in southern Italy and Sardinia; 5) at some sites, other specialized classes of pottery
and forms of metallurgy whose origin can be traced to the Aegean, particularly Cyprus, also
appear at this time. See also 791.

794 von Hase, Friedrich-Wilhelm. 1982. Mykenische keramik in Italien:

erlauterungen zu einer verbreitungskarte nach dem augenblicklichen
forschungsstand. Beiträge zur agäischen Bronzezeit, Kleine Schriften aus dem
Vorgeschichtlichen Seminar Marburg 11:13-28.

Brief summary and discussion of Mycenaean pottery in Italy; contains a good list
of finds and their documentation.

Levant

It is not clear how much direct contact the Mycenaeans had with the Eastern Mediterranean
coast, and how much of this contact was carried out by various intermediaries, such as
independent entrepreneurs sailing the circuit of the region. Quite a bit of Mycenaean pottery has
been found in this region, mostly however confined to the coastal strip; a few products from this
area have also been found in Greece, but not many. Contact during LH I and II is only
sporadically attested, with a vast increase in pottery for LH IIIA and B.

795 Hankey, Vronwy. 1966. Late Mycenaean pottery at Beth-Shan. American Journal
of Archaeology 70:169-171.
 Discusses several fragments of LH IIIC1b pottery found in Israel and their
implications for trade and contact.

796 Hankey, Vronwy. 1982. Pottery and people of the Mycenaean IIIC period in the
Levant. In: Archeologie au Levant: Recuil à la Memorie de Roger Saidah.
pp. 167-172. Collection de la Maison de l'Orient Mediterraneen 12. Lyon: Maison
de l'Orient.

Suggests that LH IIIC pottery found in the Levant may have been manufactured
by Mycenaeans who first emigrated from mainland Greece and Crete to Cyprus and
subsequently from Cyprus to the Levant and that these latter settlers were too few and poorly
organized to maintain a substantial presence there.

797 Hankey, Vronwy. 1993. Pottery as evidence for trade: the Levant from the mouth
of the River Orontes to the Egyptian border. In: Proceedings of the
International Conference, Wace and Blegen: Pottery as Evidence for Trade in the
Aegean Bronze Age, 1939-1989, Held at the American School of Classical
Studies at Athens, Athens, December 2-3, 1989. Carol Zerner, Peter Zerner and John
Winder, eds. pp. 101-108. Amsterdam: J.C. Gieben.

Briefly summarizes and discusses Aegean-Levantine trade and Aegean pottery

found at Late Bronze Age sites in the Levant; includes a list of sites at which such pottery has
been found.

798 Leonard, Albert, Jr. and Eric H. Cline. 1998. The Aegean pottery at Megiddo: an
appraisal and reanalysis. Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research
309:3-39.
 Analysis of 87 whole or fragmentary LH IIIA-B vessels from 1925-1939
excavations. A computer-generated intrasite locational analysis demonstrates that each of the 51
whole or fragmentary vessels from the settlement came from three general locations: in or near
the palace, the vicinity of the city gate and a cluster of residences at the southern end of the site.
This tight concentration contrasts strongly with the wide distribution of 25 vessels from funerary
contexts in eleven tombs.

Northern Greece

Much recent work in this region has provided considerable information concerning
the nature and degree of Mycenaean contact. The primary evidence for this contact is ceramic,
beginning as early as LH I at the site of Torone at the tip of the Khalkidiki peninsula. As
elsewhere, this pottery is initially imported, and later, in LH IIIB, begins to be manufactured
locally. Large sites such as Tomba Thessaloniki, Assiros Toumba and Kastanas appear to have
functioned to some extent as Agateway@ communities in the manufacture and distribution of
Mycenaean pottery.

799 Cambitoglou, Alexander and John K. Papadopoulos. 1993. The earliest

Mycenaeans in Macedonia. In: Proceedings of the International Conference,
Wace and Blegen: Pottery as Evidence for Trade in the Aegean Bronze Age, 1939-
1989, Held at the American School of Classical Studies at Athens, Athens,
December 2-3, 1989. Carol Zerner, Peter Zerner and John Winder, eds. pp. 289-
302. Amsterdam: J.C. Gieben.

The authors present a catalogue, description, discussion and illustration of 16 LH

I/II sherds from the site of Torone in Chalkidike. Since the earliest previously attested
Mycenaean pottery dates to LH IIIA2/B1, these sherds represent the earliest Mycenaean imports
to central Macedonia and demonstrate that the earliest contacts between Macedonia and the
Mycenaean world occurred at coastal sites such as Torone, which functioned as intermediaries in
the transmission of aspects of Mycenaean culture--primarily ceramic--to settlements further
inland. Finds of Aegean pottery in late MBA levels suggest that some contact, however sporadic,
existed between Macedonia and areas of the Greek mainland further south before the Late
Bronze Age as well.

800 Kiriatzi, Evangelia. 2000. Pottery technologies and people at LBA Toumba
Thessalonikis. Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 44:222.
 Investigates the relationship of LBA Macedonian handmade pottery and
wheelmade Mycenaean pottery in order to understand mechanisms whereby Mycenaean
influence affected local structures and processes, particularly in terms of the introduction of
“new” elements. Kiriatzi contrasts the two wares, which she asserts were products of different
technologies, probably practiced by different potters with different degrees of specialization who
organized their production in different ways. Handmade pottery was associated with small-scale
production by a large number of potters and distributed by small-scale regional exchange, while
Mycenaean pottery was produced by specialist potters, both within and outside of central
Macedonia, who controlled hard-to-acquire technical knowledge specific to the technique using
more complex and specific equipment. Moreover, the two types of pottery were used in different
contexts with distinct social roles and meaning for local communities. Whereas handmade
vessels had been produced and consumed in central Macedonia for centuries and filled a wide
range of needs including storage, preparation and consumption of food and drink, Mycenaean
pottery represented a new phenomenon related to specific practices—the consumption of
alcoholic drinks and treatment of the body with ointments or aromatic substances. Thus the
former were part of mundane everyday life, while the latter were employed in symbolically
charged events of a communal character. Such a clear distinction also seems to reflect distinct
social roles and identities for the respective potters. Handmade pottery production was primarily
confined to the household level and had a rather conservative character, whrereas Mycenaean
pottery represented an innovation whose adoption indicates the establishment of new social
arenas at both the intra- and inter-settlement level. Thus the introduction of new elements and the
co-existence of the two pottery traditions signals a transformation in social relations among the
members of local communities.

801 Koukouli-Chrysanthaki, Chaido. 1982. Late Bronze Age in Eastern Macedonia.

In: Thracia Praehistorica. Supplementum Pulpudeva 3. Semaines phippopolitaines
de l’histoire et de la culture thrace, Plovdiv, 4-19 Octobre 1978. pp. 231-258.
Sofia: Editions de l’Academie Bulgare des Sciences.

Reviews and summarizes the Late Bronze Age in eastern Macedonia, based upon
excavation and surface survey. Focuses on pottery in three categories: local handmade pottery,
imported Mycenaean pottery and local Mycenaean pottery. Describes, illustrates and discusses
imported and local Mycenaean pottery from the sites of Thasos and Stathmos Aggista; such finds
are limited, but indicate that eastern Macedonia was in touch with the Mycenaean world. The
author concluses by discussing the relationship of LBA eastern Macedonia to neighboring
regions, including Aegean influence on bronze objects and architecture.

802 Soueref, Kostas. 1993. Mykenäika stoicheia sta paralia kai esoteriko tis kentrikis
Makedonias. In: Ancient Macedonia V: Papers Read at the Fifth International Symposium
Held in Thessaloniki, October 10-15, 1989. Institute for Balkan Studies, 240.
Thessaloniki.
 Describes and discusses the evidence for and the nature of Mycenaean contact
with, and presence and influence in the coastal and interior regions of central Macedonia.

803 Wardle, K.A. 1975. The northern frontier of Mycenaean Greece. Bulletin of the
Institute of Classical Studies 22:206-212, 1975.

Brief summary of the prehistory of northern Greece and adjacent territories from
1500 to 799 B.C.; traces the introduction and diffusion of Mycenaean artifacts, especially metal;
Wardle finds little archaeological evidence here of the Dorians; lists sites of importance in
northern Greece and Albania, with brief description and references.

804 Wardle, K.A. 1993. Mycenaean trade and influence in northern Greece. In:
Proceedings of the International Conference, Wace and Blegen: Pottery as
Evidence for Trade in the Aegean Bronze Age, 1939-1989, Held at the American
School of Classical Studies at Athens, Athens, December 2-3, 1989. Carol
Zerner, Peter Zerner and John Winder, eds. pp. 117-141. Amsterdam: J.C. Gieben.

This is the best recent summary and overview of Mycenaean contact with and
penetration of northern Greece. Wardle compiles much recent work in the region in order to
provide a clearer and more detailed picture than previously available. After briefly describing the
Late Bronze Age period in Macedonia and Epirus, particularly in respect to pottery, he discusses
the extent and nature of contact in the Shaft Grave period, LH IIB-IIIA1, LH IIIA2-B and LH
IIIC, drawing much of his data from the site of Assiros Toumba in central Macedonia. Overall,
Mycenaean influence in northern Greece seems to have been limited, particularly before LH
IIIA2, although Wardle suggests that some developments in social, political and economic
organization at larger sites such as Assiros may have resulted from contact with the south.
Mycenaean material culture seems largely to have been restricted to metal weapons and pottery,
although much of the later pottery (i.e. LH IIIB-C) was manufactured locally.
 Religion

Although Mycenaean religion exhibits certain significant indigenous and distinctive

features, it is perhaps best viewed in the context of a broader Aegean religious belief system,
with additional influences from the Near East. There is some evidence, that is, that a common
system of symbolism, iconography and religious practice was shared widely throughout the
Aegean area. One issue that has engendered considerable discussion has, in fact, been the extent
to which Minoan and Mycenaean religious beliefs and practices can be distinguished. It is clear
that the Minoans, as in other areas, exercised a strong influence on certain aspects of Mycenaean
religion and many elements of Minoan religion, such as the symbolic use of double axes and
horns of consecration, can also be found in mainland shrines. Minoan influence in particular
seems to have been most strong on the Mycenaean aristocracy during LH I and II. In addition to
a state cult--equivalent perhaps to the later Classical Olympian system--associated with the
palaces and the nobility, there may have been more popular cults for different social classes or
elements of the population.

It would seem that the Mycenaeans, like the later Classical Greeks, were somewhat
eclectic in their religious beliefs and practices; it has been suggested, for example, that several
different cults were practiced concurrently at the Cult Center at Mycenae. Likewise, aspects of
Mycenaean religion were exported to sites outside the Greek mainland during the Late Bronze
Age; Mycenaean shrines have been found at the Cycladic sites of Ayia Irini on Kea and
Phylakopi on Melos. Furthermore it appears that the Philistines, probably ultimately of
Mycenaean origin or strongly influenced by Mycenaean culture, introduced Mycenaean religious
concepts and practices in Canaan as well.

As attested by artistic representations--primarily on frescoes and sealstones--and as

described in lists of places, deities and items in the Linear B tablets, cult activity seems to have
involved the presentation of offerings, the pouring of libations and the burning of sacrificial
animals and plants in honor of various male and female deities. As in other Aegean and
Mediterranean religions, the Mycenaean king or wanax may have been considered to have
himself been a deity. It is clear from the Linear B tablets, in any case, that the wanax performed
or was responsible for certain cult functions, along with other designated individuals.

805 Antonaccio, Carla M. 1997. Placing the past: the Bronze Age in the cultic
topography of early Greece. In: Placing the Gods: Sanctuaries and Sacred
Space in Ancient Greece. Susan E. Alcock and Robin Osborne, eds. pp. 79-104.
Clarendon Press: Oxford.
 Discusses how Bronze Age sanctuaries, tombs and habitation sites
structured the landscape in Iron Age Argolis, Lakonia and Attika in terms of corporate identity
and cult practices.

806 Baumbach, Lydia. 1979. The Mycenaean contribution to the study of Greek
religion in the Bronze Age. In: Studi Micenei ed Egeo-Anatolici 20:143-160.

After reviewing views of Mycenaean religion based upon archaeological data, Baumbach
discusses confirmation of these beliefs and new information provided by translation and analysis
of the Linear B tablets concerning the identity and role of various deities (Dionysos, Hera, Zeus,
Poseidon and Potnia), the nature and functions of the wanax and occupational titles associated
with religious activities. See also 818 and 825.

807 De Fidio, Pia. 1977. I Dosmoi Pilii a Poseidon una Tèrra Sacra di Età
Micenea. Incunabula Graeca 65. Rome: Edizioni dell'Ateneo & Bizzari. 206
p.

An interpretation of certain Linear B tablets in regard to religious personnel and

activities; De Fidio identifies a list of individuals, inferring certain cult and economic activities
connected with a precinct sacred to the god Poseidon. See also 817.

808 Dietrich, Bernard C. 1968. Prolegomena to the study of Greek cult continuity.
Acta Classica 11:153-169.

Summarizes basic traditional features of early Greek religion and suggests that
these elements were transmitted by communities organized on a tribal basis, some evidence for
which is found in the Pylos Linear B tablets in the form of the damos. See also 809, 812, 814,
819 and 835.
809 Dietrich, Bernard C. 1970. Some evidence of religious continuity in the Greek
Dark Age. Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 17:16-31.

Examines heroic traditions, linguistic studies and archaeological material for

evidence of cultural discontinuity between the Bronze and Iron Ages; Dietrich finds evidence for
continuity in cult practice, cult traditions, divine nomenclature, the association of state and
religion and in tribal organization, thus confirming that in essence later Greek religion was a
continuation of Bronze Age traditions. See also 808, 812, 814, 819 and 835.

810 Dietrich, Bernard C. 1973. A religious function of the megaron. Rivista Storica
dell'Antichita 3:1-12.

Discusses the etymology of "megaron," tracing it to an association with caves and

cult activities practiced therein; Dietrich examines evidence of later fertility festivals involving
caves and the megaron, concluding that an important function of the megaron was to represent a
cave sanctuary wherein rituals involving rebirth were conducted; he argues strongly for the
importance of palaces--in which the megaron was the central and most important room--as
religious centers.

811 Dietrich, Bernard C. 1974. The Origins of Greek Religion. Berlin: Walter de
Gruyter. 345 p.

Dietrich devotes one chapter to Mycenaean religion, emphasizing the similarities

of Minoan and Mycenaean cult practice, especially with regard to worship of a female goddess
of nature and her male consort; also discussed are sanctuaries, burial practices and evidence from
the Linear B tablets; other chapters deal with Eastern (particularly Anatolian) and Minoan
influences and the continuity of Mycenaean religion into and through the Dark Ages. See also
815, 819 and 831.
812 Dietrich, Bernard C. 1983. Tradition in Greek religion. In: The Greek Renaissance
of the Eighth Century B.C.: Tradition and Innovation. Proceedings of the
Second International Symposium at the Swedish Institute in Athens, 1-5
June, 1981. Robin Hägg, ed., pp. 85-90, Skrifter utgivna av Svenska institutet i
Athen, Series 4, vol. 30. Stockholm.

Discusses prehistoric and protohistoric elements--including Mycenaean--retained

or revived in classical Greek religion. See also 808, 809, 814, 819 and 835.

813 Dietrich, Bernard C. 1987. A case for Minoan/Mycenaean religion.

In: Forschungen zur Aegäischen Vorgeschichte: Das Ende der mykenischen
Welt. Akten des internationalen Kolloquiums, 7.-8. Juli 1984 in Köln.
Eberhard Thomas, ed. pp. 173-191. Cologne.

Presents archaeological evidence for a common system of symbolism,

iconography and practice throughout the Aegean area during the Late Bronze Age. See also 814,
815, 819, 820, 824, 839, 841 and 843.

814 Dietrich, Bernard C. 1992. The transmission of symbolism in Aegean religion. in:
Studia Aegaea et Balcanica: in honorem Lodovicae Press, pp. 75-79. Warsaw:
Wydawnictwa Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego.

Discusses the images of the goddess with upraised arms and the smiting god as
examples of symbols which were transmitted throughout the Aegean, suggesting a kind of
Aegean Bronze Age religious koine implying some degree of shared meaning and interpretation
and which persisted into the Iron Age and beyond, and signifying a continuity of religious
tradition. See also 808, 809, 812, 813, 815, 819, 835 and 841.
815 Dietrich, Bernard C. 1993. Uniformity and change in Minoan and Mycenaean
religion. Kernos 6:113-122.

Emphasizes similarities between Minoan and Mycenaean religion on the one hand
and continuity of Mycenaean religion into historical Greek times on the other, and minimizes the
role of political developments and events or iconographic transformations in influencing cult
activities. See also 811, 813, 814, 819, 820, 824, 831, 839, 841 and 843.

816 Garcia Lopez, José. 1970. Sacrificio y Sacerdocio en las religiones

micenica y homerica. Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientificas,
Manuales y Anejos de "Emerita," 26. Madrid: Instituto Antonio de Nebrija. 120
p.

Discusses archaeological evidence for Minoan and Mycenaean religion, the

meaning and role of sacrifices and the nature and organization of Mycenaean religion based upon
examination of the Linear B tablets.

817 Gerard-Rousseau, Monique. 1968. Les mentions religieuses dans les tablettes
mycéniennes. Incunabula Graeca 29. Rome: Edizioni dell'Ateneo. 271 p.

Discusses terms in Linear B tablets with religious significance, including deities,

individuals with religious functions, sanctuaries and cult activities. See also 807.

818 Guthrie, W.K.C. 1959. Early Greek religion in the light of the decipherment of
Linear B. Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 6:35-46.

Reviews, evaluates and discusses aspects of Mycenaean religion reflected in the Linear B
tablets. See also 806 and 825.
819 Guthrie, W.K.C. 1975. The religion and mythology of the Greeks. In: The
Middle East and the Aegean Region c. 1380-1000 B.C.. I.E.S. Edwards, C.J.
Gadd, N.G.L. Hammond and E. Sollberger, eds. pp. 851-905. The Cambridge
Ancient History 2, pt. 2. Cambridge, Eng.: Cambridge University Press.

This excellent summary begins with a discussion of the origins of Greek religion
(particularly in terms of the fusion of Indo-European and chthonic elements), continues with an
extensive discussion of Minoan and Mycenaean religion and concludes with a consideration of
later Greek religion in the context of its origins, including mythology, Olympian deities and
Homeric religion. See also 808, 809, 812, 813, 815, 820, 824, 831, 835, 839 and 843.

820 Hägg, Robin. 1990. Mycenaean religion in perspective: cult practices and
beliefs. Journal of Prehistoric Religion 3:48-49.

Summarizes differences between Minoan and Mycenaean religion and variation

within Mycenaean religion; Hägg identifies three phases in the development of Mycenaean
religion: 1) importation of Minoan luxury objects, though not necessarily beliefs in the 16th
century B.C.; 2) a Minoan-Mycenaean koine, with a temporary syncretism of beliefs among the
aristocracy in the 15th century; 3) a gradual decrease in Minoan elements from the 14th century
onward; archaeological evidence suggests that Minoan elements in mainland cult practice were
more short-lived and superficial than iconography taken by itself implies. See also 813, 815, 819,
824, 839 and 843.

821 Hägg, Robin. 1995. State and religion in Mycenaean Greece. In: Politeia:
Society and State in the Aegean Bronze Age. Proceedings of the 5th International
Aegean Conference/5e Rencontre égéene internationale, University of Heidelberg,
Archäologisches Institut, 10- 13 April 1994. Robert Laffineur and Wolf- Dietrich
Niemeier, eds. pp. 387-390. Aegaeum 12, Annales d'archéologie égéenne de
l'Université de Liège et UT-PASP. Liège: Université de Liège Histoire de l'art et
archéologie de la Grèce antique/University of Texas at Austin Program in Scripts and
Prehistory.
 Cites two major sources of evidence for the existence of an official or state cult,
i.e. one in which the ruler is involved and/or conducted by the elite: 1) Linear B texts, which
document palatial administration of the delivery of commodities to deities and sanctuaries, refer
to special religious festivals, priests and priestesses and may record the delivery of animals for
sacrifice at ceremonies and associated feasts; 2) archaeological data, including palatial cult
buildings, the use of the palace megaron for religious functions, and items including
anthropomorphic and theriomorphic figurines, chariot models, miniature furniture and vessels,
large animal figures, rhyta and large-size terracotta figures. Popular cults, on the other hand,
seem to be characterized only by ordinary terracotta figurines and a limited repertoire of ceramic
vessels for eating and drinking. Hägg suggests that the official cult may have become a kind of
state cult in the late palatial period, with decisive involvement of the Mycenaean ruler. See also
842.

822 Hägg, Robin and Nanno Marinatos, eds. 1981. Sanctuaries and Cults in the
Aegean Bronze Age: Proceedings of the First International Symposium at the
Swedish Institute at Athens, 12-13 May, 1980. Skrifter utgivna av Svenska
institutet i Athen, Series 4, No. 40. Stockholm. 226 p.

Important collection of papers given at a symposium concerning Aegean religion

at the Swedish Institute in Athens; contents include: J.C. van Leuven, Problems and methods of
prehellenic naology (pp. 11-25); C. Renfrew, Questions of Minoan and Mycenaean cult (pp. 27-
33); R. Hägg, Official and popular cults in Mycenaean Greece (pp. 35-39); E.B. French, Cult
places at Mycenae (pp. 41-48); K. Kilian, Zeugnisse mykenischer Kultausübung in Tiryns (pp.
49-58); V. Lambrudinakis, Remains of the Mycenaean period in the sanctuary of Apollo
Maleatas (pp. 59-65); C. Renfrew, The sanctuary at Phylakopi (pp. 67-79); R. Hägg, The house
sanctuary at Asine revisited (pp. 91-94); M.E. Caskey, Ayia Irini, Kea: the terracotta statues and
the cult in the temple (pp. 127-135); E.B. French, Mycenaean figures and figurines: their
typology and function (pp. 173-177); R.B. Koehl, The functions of Aegean Bronze Age rhyta
(pp. 179-187; R. Hägg and N. Marinatos, Conclusions and prospects (pp. 188-191).

823 Hägg, Robin and Gullög C. Nordquist, eds. 1990. Celebrations of Death and
Divinity in the Bronze Age Argolid: Proceedings of the Sixth International
Symposium at the Swedish Institute at Athens, 11-13 June, 1988. Skrifter
utgivna av Svenska institutet i Athen, Series 4, vol. 40. Stockholm. 245 p.
 Important collection of papers concerning religion and burial practices in the
Argolid; contents include: C. Zerner, Ceramics and ceremony: pottery and burials from Lerna in
the Middle and early Late Bronze Ages (pp. 23-34); G. Nordquist, Middle Helladic burial rites:
some speculations (pp. 35-41); M.K. Dabney and J.C. Wright, Mortuary customs, palatial society
and state formation in the Aegean area: a comparative study (pp. 45-53); W.G. Cavanagh and
C.B. Mee, The location of Mycenaean chamber tombs in the Argolid (pp. 55-64); B.L. Sjöberg,
Pottery frequency fluctuations in Late Helladic tombs (pp. 65-68); E. Protonariou-Deilaki, The
tumuli of Mycenae and Dendra (pp. 85-106); O. Pelon, Les tombes à tholos d'Argolide:
architecture et rituel funeraire (pp. 107-112); K. Demakopoulou, The burial ritual in the tholos
tomb at Kokla, Argolis (pp. 113-123); B. Wells, Death at Dendra: on mortuary practice in a
Mycenaean community (pp. 125-140); N. Marinatos, Celebrations of death and the symbolism of
the lion hunt (pp. 143-149); C. Morris, In pursuit of the white tusked boar: aspects of hunting in
Mycenaean society (pp. 149-156); I. Kilian-Dirlmeier, Remarks on the non-military functions of
swords in the Mycenaean Argolid (pp. 157-161); W.-D. Niemeier, Cult scenes on gold rings
from the Argolid (pp. 165-170); R. Hägg, The role of libations in Mycenaean ceremony and cult
(pp. 177-184); K. Kilian, Patterns in the cult activity in the Mycenaean Argolid: Haghia Triada
(Klenies), the Profitis Elias cave (Haghios Hadrianos) and the citadel of Tiryns (pp. 185-197); R.
Laffineur, Grave Circle A at Mycenae: further reflections of its history (pp. 201-206); B. Eder,
The Dorian migration: religious consequences in the Argolid (pp. 207-209).

824 Hood, Sinclair. 1986. A Mycenaean horns of consecration. In: Philia epi
eis Georgion E. Mylonas: dia to 60 eti tou anaskaphikou to ergou, Vol. 1. pp.
148-151. Vivliothiki tis en Athenais Archaiologikis Etaireias 103. Athens: Library
of the Archaeological Association in Athens.

Although predominantly a Minoan/Cretan phenomenon, large horns of

consecration, used to mark a structure or place as sacred, have also been found on the mainland,
including a fragment at Mycenae. See also 813, 815, 819, 820, 839 and 843.

825 Jameson, Michael. 1960. Mycenaean religion. Archaeology 13:33-39.

Provides a brief summary and overview, focusing upon inferences from the Linear B
tablets concerning members of the Mycenaean pantheon and the nature and presentation of
offerings, particularly emphasizing the interpenetration of sacred and secular aspects. See also
806 and 818.
826 Kontorli-Papadopoulou, Litsa. 1996. Aegean Frescoes of Religious Character.
Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology, Vol. 117. Göteborg: Paul Åströms
Förlag. 257 p.

Examines frescoes portraying or related to religious themes as they embody

prehistoric Aegean iconography and in respect to their meaning and role in Greek prehistoric
religion. Discussion focuses on religious aspects represented by the frescoes, including cult
places, cult emblems, symbols and furnishings, costumes, hairstyle, deities and priests, mythical
creatures, animals, sacred trees, and festive events and acts. Specific problems arising from the
study of such frescoes, such as local peculiarities, interrelations and affinities with similar
representations in other media and written records, and Near Eastern and Egyptian elements and
artistic influences, are also considered. Includes a catalogue of 111 items, 46 of which come
from the mainland sites of Mycenae, Tiryns, Pylos, Thebes and Orchomenos. Extensively
illustrated.

827 Laffineur, Robert and Robin Hägg, eds. 2001. POTNIA: Deities and Religion in
the Aegean Bronze Age. Proceedings of the 8th International Aegean
Conference/8e Rencontre ègèenne internationale, Göteborg, University of
Göteborg, 12-15 April 2000. Aegaeum 22, Annales d’archéologie égéenne de
l’Université de Liège et UT-PASP. Université de Liège, Histoire de l’art et
archéologie de la Grèce antique/University of Texas at Austin, Program in
Aegean Scripts and Prehistory. 496 p.

Proceedings of an important recent conference concerning various aspects of

Aegean Bronze Age religion. Contents include: C. Thomas and M. Wedde, Desperately seeking
Potnia (pp. 3-14); K. Kopaka, A Day in Potnia’s life: aspects of Potnia and Reflected “mistress”
activities in the Aegean Bronze Age (pp. 15-30); M. Hielte-Stavropoulou, The horseshoe-shaped
and other structures and installations for performing rituals in funereal contexts in Middle
Helladic and early Mycenaean times (pp. 103-112); J. Maran, Political and religious aspects of
architectural change in the upper citadel of Tiryns: the case of Building T (pp. 113-122); E.
Kyriakidis, The economics of Potnia: storage in ‘temples’ of prehistoric Greece (pp. 123-130);
G. Albers, Rethinking Mycenaean sanctuaries (pp. 131-144); N. Cucuzza, Religion and
architecture: early LM IIIA2 buildings in the southern area of Haghia Triada (pp. 169-174); E.
Hallager, A waste deposit from a LBA-shrine in Khania (?) (pp. 175-180); K. Demakopoulou
and N. Divari-Valakou, Evidence for cult practice at Midea: figures, figurines and ritual objects
(pp. 181-192); R. Felsch, Opferhandlungen des Alltagslebens im Heiligtum der Artemis
Elaphebolos von Hyampolis in den Phasen SH IIIC-Spätgeometrisch (pp. 193-200); B. Eder,
Continuity of Bronze Age cult at Olympia? The evidence of the Late Bronze Age and Early Iron
Age pottery (pp. 201-212); E. Konsolaki-Yannopoulou, New evidence for the practice of
libations in the Aegean Bronze Age (pp. 213-221); J.S. Soles, Reverence for dead ancestors in
prehistoric Crete (pp.229-236); E. French, The Mycenae figures (pp. 275-276); S. Müller-Celka,
Les personages féminens de perles mycèniennes en verre bleu (pp. 277-292); S. Hiller,
Potnia/Potnios Aigon: on the religious aspects of goats in the Aegean Late Bronze Age (pp. 293-
304); D. Rousioti, Did the Mycenaeans believe in theriomorphic deities? (pp. 305-314); B.P.
Hallager, The ram in cultic contexts? (pp. 315-322); V. Karageorghis, The Great Goddess of
Cyprus between the Aegeans and the “Eteocypriots” (pp. 323-328); A. Yasur-Landau, “The
mother(s) of all Philistines? Aegean enthroned deities of the 12th-11th century Philistia (pp. 329-
345); A.L. D’Agata, Religion, society and ethnicity on Crete at the end of the Late Bronze Age:
the contextual framework of LM IIIC cult activities (pp. 345-354); H. Whittaker, Reflections on
the socio-political function of Mycenaean religion (pp. 355-360); R. Laffineur, Seeing is
believing: reflections on divine imagery in the Aegean Bronze Age (pp. 387-393); E. Rystedt, A
new (old) Mycenaean scene of worship (pp. 393-402); S. Morris, Potnia Aswiya: Anatolian
contributions to Greek religion (pp. 423-434); J. Killen, Religion at Pylos: the evidence of the Fn
tablets (pp. 435-434); L. Bendall, The economics of Potnia in the Linear B documents: palatial
support for Mycenaean religion (pp. 445-452); J. Gulizio, K. Pluta and T.G. Palaima, Religion in
the Room of the Chariot Tablets (pp. 453-462); M.L. Nosch and M. Perna, Cloth in the cult (pp.
471-478).

828 Murray, Caroline M. 1977. The community of pa-ki-ja-na. Bulletin of the

Institute of Classical Studies 24:142-144.

Analysis of Linear B tablets from Pylos indicates that Pa-ki-ja-na, a site near
Pylos, was an important religious center.

829 Mylonas, George E. 1977. Mykenaiki Thriskeia: Naoi, Bomoi kai

Temeni/Mycenaean Religion: Temples, Altars and Temenea. Pragmateiai tis
Akademias Athinon 39. Athens: Grapheion Demosievmaton tis Akademias Athinon.
147 p.

Discussion of Mycenaean religious practice includes temples and shrines,

sanctuaries, altars, sacred trees and branches, sacred columns, figure-eight shields, horns of
consecration, representations of birds and double axes; dual Greek/English text; may be difficult
to obtain.

830 Nilsson, Martin P. 1950. The Minoan-Mycenaean Religion and its Survival in
Greek Religion. 2 ed. New York: Biblo and Tannen. 656 p.

Although written more than fifty years ago, Nilsson's work, the first
comprehensive treatment of this subject, remains the definitive source on many, if not most,
aspects of Mycenaean religion; the first part deals with topics derived from archaeological
evidence and artistic representations, including sanctuaries, altars, dress, religious equipment,
idols, and gods and goddesses; the second part concerns the relationship of Minoan-Mycenaean
religion to Homeric and classical Greek religion.

831 Palaima, Thomas G. 1998. Linear B and the origins of Greek religion: >di-wo-
nu-so=. In: The History of the Hellenic Language and Writing: From the Second to
the First Millennium B.C.: Break or Continuity? Acts of the 2nd International
Conference of the Society for the Study and Spreading of Hellenic History
held at Ohlstadt, Germany 03.-06.10.1996. N. Dimoudis and A. Kyriatsoulis,
eds. pp. 205-222. Altenburg: DZA Verlag für Kultur und Wissenschaft GmBH.

See also 811, 815 and 819.

832 Palaima, Thomas G. 1999. “Kn02 – Tn316.” In: Floreant Studia Mycenaea: Akten
des X. Internationalen Mykenologischen Colloquiums in Salzburg vom 1.-5.
Mai 1995. Sigrid Deger- Jalkotzy, Stefan Hiller and Oswald Panagl, eds. pp. 437-
461. Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-Historisch
Klasse, Denkschriften v. 274. Vienna: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der
Wissenschaften.

In order to interpret this important and much-analyzed Linear B tablet concerning

Mycenaean religious practices from the Pylos archives, Palaima concentrates on its textual
history and key details of the text, including how it came to be written, what its scribe was trying
to record and why he recorded what he did. A review of previous scholarship and a detailed
analysis of the text lead him to the following conclusions: 1) the tablet was written under normal
prevailing conditions, and does not necessarily imply a state of emergency; 2) the text refers to
religious ceremonies associated with po-ti-ni-ja (Potnia) at pa-ki-ja-ne and other divinities
connected with her and grouped in other sanctuaries; 3) the listing of deities is hierarchical, with
Potnia taking precedence at the particular time in the calendar year when the tablet was written;
4) female deities are given special prominence and male deities are recorded in subordinate
positions; 5) the ceremonies involved the use of precious gold heirloom vessels, the forms of
which were linked with elite drinking rituals developed in the LH I and II periods, probably at
least somewhat specific to particular deities. Includes drawings, photographs and transcriptions
of the text.

833 Palmer, Leonard R. 1958. New religious texts from Pylos. Transactions of
the Philological Society, London 1958:1-35.

Interprets the Fr series of Linear B tablets from Pylos as records connected with a
spring festival and dealing with the description of unguents, recipient deities, places and dates;
Palmer sees similarities in this festival with elements of Sumerian religion. See also 834.

834 Palmer, Leonard R. 1983. Studies in Mycenaean Religion. In: Festschrift für
Robert Muth, Paul Händel and Wolfgang Meid, eds., pp. 283-296. Innsbrucker
Beiträge zur Kulturwissenschaft 22, Innsbruck: Institut für
Sprachwissenschaft der Universität Innsbruck.

See also 833.

835 Persson, Axel W. 1942. The Religion of Greece in Prehistoric Times. Sather
Classical Lectures 17. Berkeley: University of California Press. 189 p.

This series of lectures deals with the following topics: the survival of
Minoan-Minoan religion in classical Greek religion and myth; Minoan-Mycenaean signet rings
and the vegetation cycle; offerings and festivals associated with death and resurrection; worship
of a powerful mother goddess; Minoan-Mycenaean religion compared with religions of Asia
Minor, Syria, Babylonia and Egypt; Persson emphasizes the significance of the vegetation cycle
and the worship of a powerful mother goddess. See also 808, 809, 812, 814 and 819.

836 Renfrew, Colin. 1985. The Archaeology of Cult: the Sanctuary at Phylakopi.
British School at Athens, Supplement 10. London: Thames and Hudson. 513 p.

Final publication of 1974-1977 excavations at the site of Phylakopi on Melos;

although the book is largely in the form of an excavation report, Renfrew places it within the
framework of an inquiry concerning the archaeological investigation of cult practice and the
nature of Aegean religion; he and other contributors present a comprehensive description of the
excavation itself, site stratigraphy, artifactual material in its stratigraphic context, classes of
artifacts (pottery, figures and figurines, sealstones and other artifacts), concluding with an
extensive discussion of the history and use of the Phylakopi Sanctuary and its significance in the
broader context of cult practice in the Aegean. An important theoretical and methodological
discussion which synthesizes much previous data. See also 837.

837 Taylour, William D. 1970. New light on Mycenaean religion. Antiquity

44:270-280.

Describes results of 1968-1969 excavations of the Cult Center at Mycenae. See

also 836.

838 van Leuven, Jon C. 1975. Aspects of Mycenaean religion. Bulletin of the
Institute of Classical Studies 22:203-205.

Discusses the classification and identification of evidence in the Linear B tablets

concerning Mycenaean religion--such as the names of deities and cult officials--principles for the
analysis of prehistoric and Mycenaean religion, fertility worship, and the association of figurines
and child burials at the site of Prosymna; the author also identifies an important family of five
goddesses and one god, distinguishes between several types of sanctuaries and discusses the
symbolic content of art and its religious significance.

839 Vermeule, Emily Townsend. 1974. Götterkult. Archaeologia Homerica 3, pt.

V. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht. 179 p.

Major topics dealt with in this discussion of religion include: Minoan influences
on the Late Helladic religious tradition, archaeological evidence for Mycenaean religion,
references to Mycenaean religion in the Knossos and Pylos Linear B texts, the Dark Age
transitional period, religion in Homer and archaeological evidence for cult activities in the age of
Homer; Vermeule discusses, inter alia, similarities and differences between Minoan and
Mycenaean religion.

840 Walcot, Peter. 1967. The divinity of the Mycenaean king. Studi Micenei ed
Egeo-Anatolici 2:53-62.

Examination of the origin and development of the story of the conception of

Herakles suggests that the Mycenaean king (wanax) was considered a deity in his own lifetime
and that this concept of monarchy was borrowed from the royal ideology of Egypt. See also 844.

841 Wedde, Michael. 1995. On hierarchical thinking in Aegean Bronze Age

glyptic imagery. In: Politeia: Society and State in the Aegean Bronze Age.
Proceedings of the 5th International Aegean Conference/5e Rencontre égéene
internationale, University of Heidelberg, Archäologisches Institut, 10-13 April
1994. Robert Laffineur and Wolf- Dietrich Niemeier, eds. pp. 493-503. Aegaeum
12, Annales d'archéologie égéenne de l'Université de Liège et UT-PASP. Liège:
Université de Liège Histoire de l'art et archéologie de la Grèce antique/University of
Texas at Austin Program in Scripts and Prehistory.
 Attempts to identify elements of hierarchy in glyptic representations of religious
motifs depicting an interplay between worshiper and worshiped based upon aspects including
dress, gesture and pictorial structure. The latter aspect--specifically scenes of pyramidal
hierarchy--are examined in some detail in order to develop a theoretical framework for
interpreting Minoan-Mycenaean glyptic ritual imagery.

842 Wright, James C. 1994. The spatial configuration of belief: the archaeology
of Mycenaean religion. In: Placing the Gods: Sanctuaries and Sacred Space in
Ancient Greece. Susan E. Alcock and Robin Osborne, eds. pp. 36-78. Clarendon
Press: Oxford.

Wright applies evolutionary and post-structural theories in order to examine

synchronically the structure and functioning of Mycenaean religion from its origins in the
Middle Bronze Age into and beyond the palace period. In investigating the symbolic significance
of spatial organization he argues for the pre-eminence of belief and custom as determining a
social system of lineage relations evolving into a hierarchical descent-based state political
structure with strong control of the central rituals of the society. In identifying and discussing
three types of religious sites--the megaron with a central hearth and throne, the shrine building
(often associated with the palatial complex) and open-air settings--he rejects the simple
dichotomy of official and popular cults, arguing that they reflect complex manifestations of
several levels of religious organization and practice. See also 821.

843 Wright, James C. 1995. The archaeological correlates of religion: case studies in
the Aegean. In: Politeia: Society and State in the Aegean Bronze Age. Proceedings
of the 5th International Aegean Conference/5e Rencontre égéene internationale,
University of Heidelberg, Archäologisches Institut, 10-13 April 1994. Robert
Laffineur and Wolf- Dietrich Niemeier, eds. pp. 341-348. Aegaeum 12, Annales
d'archéologie égéenne de l'Université de Liège et UT-PASP. Liège:
Université de Liège Histoire de l'art et archéologie de la Grece antique/University of
Texas at Austin Program in Scripts and Prehistory.

One of the case studies in this methodological discussion of reconstructing

religious belief and behavior based upon cultural and ethnographic models and analogies
involves an attempt to identify core Helladic--and ultimately Indo-European--beliefs and
practices in Mycenaean religion (as separate from Minoan influence) from iconographic,
linguistic and material evidence. These might include, according to Wright, elements or aspects
such as drinking, feasting, oath-taking, hearths and sacred fires.

844 Yiannouli, Evyenia. 1998. Fecundity and the sacred. Some preliminary thoughts
regarding Bronze Age Greece. Journal of Prehistoric Religion 11-12:65-84.

Explores the relationship between votives related to fertility and offerings of

weapons, with some discussion of changes in religious belief and practice and the role of the
wanax in combining these associations. See also 840.

Burial Patterns

During the fluorescence of Mycenaean civilization, the preferred method of burial--at least
for the wealthier members of society--was multiple inhumation in either tholos or chamber
tombs. Tholos tombs, the most elaborate burial structures, were probably constructed only for
nobility or very wealthy families or individuals. The central chamber was dug into soft rock,
usually into the side of a hill or ridge; the chamber was then faced with worked masonry blocks
or slabs using the technique of corbeling to create a domed ceiling. Often side chambers were
also constructed, as well as other features such as pits dug into the floor or interior structures
such as benches or cists. The door to the chamber was constructed using a lintel and post
arrangement, sometimes with a relieving triangle, of large stone slabs. From the doorway, a long
opening, also faced with stone, called the dromos, led to the outside world.

More than one hundred tholos tombs are known from the Late Helladic period. It is clear
that, at least in the Argolid and probably elsewhere as well, that these tombs, which when intact
contained rich and abundant grave goods, were constructed to indicate the high status of their
occupants. It has been suggested, in fact that, like the Egyptian pyramids, their siting, size and
prominence were designed to draw attention and that their development through time reflects the
increasing power and authority of the Mycenaean kings and other nobility.
 Chamber tombs had a similar structure (central chamber, side chambers, doorway and
dromos), but were less elaborately constructed; i.e., they were smaller and worked stone was
usually used only for the doorway and the dromos. A related type of burial, the built tomb,
imitated the form of the chamber tomb, but was built of roughly worked stones and covered with
a mound of earth; these built tombs are usually found in areas lacking suitable terrain for the
construction of chamber tombs. A third type of burial, less commonly found, is the cist grave,
consisting of a rectangular pit dug into the ground, with walls formed by four large slabs, and
usually covered by one or more slabs; the floor of the grave is often covered with pebbles.

All of these types were utilized throughout the Late Helladic period, and some, such as the
tholos and the cist grave, continued in use beyond the Late Bronze Age. One other type of
burial, however, the shaft grave, is found only in the early Mycenaean period. Although a few
examples have been found elsewhere in the Peloponnese, they are primarily--and most
famously--known from Mycenae, where they comprise two groups: Grave Circles A and B.
Grave Circle A, discovered by Schliemann, and dating primarily to the LH I period, consists of
five deep shafts, most containing more than one individual and an incredible assemblage of rich
grave goods. The burial chambers were roofed and covered by several layers of different
materials and then the remainder of the shaft was covered with earth. The graves were marked
by carved stone stelae. The burials in Grave Circle B, dating to the end of the Middle Helladic
period and the beginning of LH I, are similar in form, but not as rich. Both sets of burials were
located inside the citadel walls at Mycenae and surrounded by a circular wall of upright stone
slabs.

It has been suggested that both grave circles were originally covered with a tumulus, i.e., a
circular mound of dirt. Burial in tumuli was apparently an old Indo-European custom, for there
are many examples dating primarily to the Middle Helladic period throughout the Balkans,
although both earlier and later instances are known as well. Often the tumulus was raised over
the central burial of a chief and subsequent cist grave burials were dug into the tumulus.

The origin of the cist grave is the easiest to trace, since it was the method of burial used on
the mainland during the preceding Middle Helladic period, and continued unchanged in form
through the Late Bronze Age and into the Dark Age. The shaft grave, likewise, can be seen as a
larger, deeper and more elaborate version of the cist grave. The chamber tomb also seems to be
a burial type wholly Mycenaean in origin, appearing first in LH II, and comprising the most
popular burial type in LH III.

It is the tholos tombs whose origins have been most discussed, in part because of their size,
construction and wealth and in part because earlier and similar structures are found on Crete. In
general, there was more experimentation with burial typesBand therefore greater diversity within
and among regions--at the beginning and the end of the Late Bronze Age than during, for
example, LH IIIA and B, when the chamber tomb and the tholos were the predominant types.

Although cist graves almost always held a single individual, often in a flexed or contracted
position, chamber tombs and tholoi were re-used. This practice of serial and multiple
inhumation has led to the conclusion that each tomb was used by a single family, usually for at
least several generations. After the burial of an individual, the doorway would be blocked with
large unworked stones and the dromos filled with earth. When another individual was to be
interred, the dromos was dug out, the door was unblocked, and the remains of previous
interments were pushed unceremoniously aside so that the body could be laid out in the center of
the chamber in an extended position.

The presence not only of grave goods, but also the predominance of closed ceramic vessels
such as stirrup jars and alabastra and frequent evidence of fire or burning within the tomb
suggest various rites carried out on behalf of the dead. Very likely the stirrup jars held liquids or
other substances used for the pouring of libations or for presentation to the gods, and the traces
of fire may indicate either some form of sacrifice within the tomb, or perhaps a rite of
purification, either upon opening or closing the tomb. In some early tholos tombs, parallel
grooves cut into the floor and passing under the doorway may have been used for the pouring of
libations or some form of communication with the dead. Insofar as it can be ascertained, there is
considerable evidence for continuity of these burial rituals from Middle Helladic times.

845 Åkerström, Ake. 1978. Mycenaean problems. Opuscula Atheniensia

12:19-86.

Discusses three separate and specific topics: 1) the nature of Mycenaean chariots,
based on the examination of artistic representations, particularly in terms of technical problems;
2) the function of four bronze casings found in Shaft Grave III at Mycenae, which he suggests
were used to protect the legs of a wooden coffin, with a general discussion of Mycenaean burial
practices; 3) the so-called cenotaph of Dendra, which he believes served as a base and support
for a wooden coffin. See also 857, 859, 864, 877, 878 and 889.

846 Belli, Paolo. 1991. Tholoi nell'Egeo dal II al I millennio. In: La Transizione dal
Miceneo all'Alto Arcaismo: dal Palazzo alla Citta. Atti del Convegno Internazionale
Roma, 14-19 marzo 1988. Domenico Musti et al., eds. pp. 425-450. Rome:
Consiglio Nazionale delle Ricerche.

Surveys, illustrates and discusses the nature and use of tholos tombs in the
Aegean from the end of the Late Bronze Age (LH III) through the Geometric period. See also
884 and 885.

847 Blegen, Carl W. and A.J.B. Wace. 1930. Middle Helladic tombs. Symbolae
Osloensis 9:28-37.
 Describes Middle Helladic burial types and discusses burial practices.

848 Cavanagh, William G. 1978. A Mycenaean second burial custom? Bulletin of the
Institute of Classical Studies 25:171-172.

Evidence from cemeteries at the Argive Heraion and Deiras in the Argolid
suggests the practice of a second funeral for the deceased about a year after death involving
removal and display of the skeleton, followed by its return to its tomb and mixture with the
bones of previous interments; Cavanagh suggests that this custom was not practiced in Middle
Helladic times, but was linked specifically with the use of the chamber tomb. See also 850, 863,
870, 874, 875 and 879.

849 Cavanagh, William G. 1987. Cluster analysis of Mycenaean chamber tombs. In:
Thanatos: Les Coutumes funeraires en Egée à l'Age du Bronze. Actes du
colloque de Liège (21-23 avril 1986). Robert Laffineur, ed. pp. 161-169.
Aegaeum 1, Annales d'archéologie de l'Université de Liège. Liège: Université de
l'Etat à Liège.

A cluster analysis of variables defining the size and shape of 136 tombs, resulting
in the identification of four groups, mainly differentiated by size and chronology, and relatively
unaffected by variables such as geography, geology or fashion; further analysis suggests that in
LH IIIC chamber tombs became smaller and less care was paid to functional/ritual
considerations, such as the design of the tomb entrance. See also 865, 872 and 892.

850 Cavanagh, William. 1998. Innovation, conservatism and variation in

Mycenaean funerary ritual. In: Cemetery and Society in the Aegean Bronze Age.
Keith Branigan, ed. pp. 103-114. Sheffield Studies in Aegean Archaeology, 1.
Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press.
 In exploring innovation and change on the one hand and tradition and
conservatism on the other, Cavanagh examines and discusses a number of funerary ritual
practices, including dressing the dead and the use of masks, the mourning gesture, the use of
unction and wine and libation. After the description and analysis of regional variation in these
practices, he concludes that differences in tomb assemblage from village to village and region to
region reflect differences in the ways that individuals were represented in death, and that the
emphasis upon or ignoring of particular religious and social symbols represent cultural
statements concerning their social identity in respect to other communities or areas. See also 848,
863, 870, 874, 875 and 879.

851 Cavanagh, William G. and Christopher B. Mee. 1978. The re-use of earlier
tombs in the LH IIIC period. Annual of the British School at Athens
73:31-44.

In addition to presenting a catalogue of all known examples of this phenomenon,

the authors offer arguments for and against re-use; they conclude that this practice may have
been a transitional phase between the earlier multiple interment and the subsequent use of
simpler grave forms and the practice of single inhumation in the Dark Age period.

852 Cavanagh, William and Christopher Mee. 1995. Mourning before and after the
Dark Age. In: Klados: Essays in Honour of J.N. Coldstream. Christine Morris, ed.
pp. 45-61. Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies Supplement 63. London:
University of London Institute of Classical Studies.

Detailed description, discussion, analysis and comparison of scenes of mourning

on the LH IIIA-AB larnakes from the chamber tomb cemetery at Tanagra and 8th century Attic
funerary vases. The authors conclude that the recurring elements--the tending of the body, the
distinction of male and female mourners through gesture, the conduct of processions in rhythmic
movement and the practice of self-mutilation--represent continuity of mourning ritual and
similarity of funeral practices (rather than artistic continuity or external influence) despite
significant changes or differences in the manner of burial. See also 862 and 870.
853 Cavanagh, William and Christopher Mee. 1998. A Private Place: Death in
Prehistoric Greece. Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology, Vol. 125. Jonsered:
Paul Astroms Forlag. 258 p.

This important detailed overview and synthesis of burial customs is divided into
two parts. The first part consists of primary data about burials in mainland Greece arranged
chronologically from the Mesolithic through LH IIIC; after a discussion of architecture and
treatment of the dead for each tomb type, there is a catalogue of sites with references (up to
1996) and other details for each period. The second part, based upon data presented in the first
part, deals with aspects of social and cultural identity, status and ritual performance, particularly
in respect to long-term continuities and discontinuities. Includes an extensive bibliography and
numerous maps, plans and illustrations.

854 Dickinson, O.T.P.K. 1982. Cist graves and chamber tombs. Bulletin of the
Institute of Classical Studies 29:123-125.

Reviews various opinions concerning Mycenaean burial customs and the

significance of chamber tombs; Dickinson suggests: 1) that all Mycenaean burial types
ultimately have a local origin; 2) that cists and pits coexisted with chamber tombs and are
sometimes found within them and tholoi; 3) that chamber tombs were popular with, but not
universally used by all but the highest social classes; 4) that multiple burial was a common
practice, but single burials are not unknown and 5) that there is considerable local variability in
burial patterns. See also 855.

855 Dickinson, O.T.P.K. 1983. Cist graves and chamber tombs. Annual of the
British School at Athens 78:55-67.

One of the best general discussions of burial practices; surveys Aegean burial
customs in the Middle and Late Helladic periods, with a useful discussion of grave types and
burial terminology; Dickinson concludes that there is considerably greater diversity, both
temporally and spatially, than commonly believed, noting that even though the chamber tomb
was the preferred form of burial in LH III, it or other burial types cannot be clearly correlated
with variables such as wealth, social class or ethnicity. See also 854.
856 Evans, Arthur J. 1929. The Shaft Graves and Bee-Hive Tombs of Mycenae
and their Interrelation. London: Macmillan and Co., Ltd. 93 p.

Evans argues that both types of burial are associated with a single dynasty and
that their remains were transferred from the earlier tholoi to the shaft graves for purposes of
security; as in his other writings, Evans emphasizes the Minoan origin of the burials and their
contents.

857 Gates, Charles. 1985. Rethinking the building history of Grave Circle A at
Mycenae. American Journal of Archaeology 89:263-274.

Reviews the stratigraphy of Grave Circle A, emphasizing ambiguities and the

complexity of its history. Gates suggests that the cemetery fell into disuse between the last
interment in LH II and later construction in LH IIIB and reconstructs its probable appearance
before LH IIIB. He postulates two major late Mycenaean construction phases: 1) construction of
a curved retaining wall filled with earth, the setting of nine stelae within the fill and above that
an enclosed circle of parallel slabs in LH IIIB; 2) the creation of an entrance in the double ring
wall and the further addition of soil, at least partly covering the stelae. Not only does this
reconstruction imply less continuity of use, but it also reflects changing functions of the area,
with the LH IIIB work representing a conscious effort of Mycenae's rulers to honor and re-
emphasize their past and ancestry. See also 845, 864, 877, 878 and 889.

858 Hägg, Robin. 1974. Die Gräber der Argolis in Submykenischer, Protogeometrischer
und Geometrischer Zeit. 1: Lage und Form der Gräber. Acta Universitatis
Upsaliensis Boreas. Uppsala Studies in Ancient Mediterranean and Near
Eastern Civilizations 7. Uppsala. 172 p.

Detailed description and analysis of the form, location and disposition of 550
graves from nine sites in the Argolid during Submycenaean and succeeding periods. See also 869
and 890.
859 Hägg, R. and F. Sieurin. 1982. On the origin of the wooden coffin in Late Bronze
Age Greece. Annual of the British School at Athens 77:177-186.

Examines evidence for the use of wooden coffins in the Shaft Graves of Mycenae,
LH II-IIIA chamber tombs at Dendra, Prosymna and the Athenian Agora and evidence from
Crete. The authors argue that the use of wooden coffins was an innovation occurring at LH I
Mycenae which was never a common practice, but was probably restricted to royalty and the
upper nobility, and which continued in use in the central Argolid for 150 years. The practice may
have been introduced to Crete by Mycenaean settlers at Knossos at the beginning of the LM II
period, where it may be associated with the so-called warrior graves. See also 845.

860 Hamilakis, Yannis. 1996. A footnote on the archaeology of power: animal bones
from a Mycenaean chamber tomb at Galatas, NE Peloponnese. Annual of the
British School at Athens 91:153-166.

Hamilakis describes burial of a dog in the Galatas chamber tomb and provides a
catalogue of ten LH III dog burials in chamber and tholos tombs. The casual deposition of
animals, similar to other grave goods, suggests an association with the social and ideological role
of hunting in Mycenaean society. Such burials are thus a symbol of elite status, with hunting
both a claim to and confirmation of power. See also 886.

861 Hamilakis, Yannis. 1998. Eating the dead: mortuary feasting and the politics of
memory in the Aegean Bronze Age societies. In: Cemetery and Society in the
Aegean Bronze Age. Keith Branigan, ed. pp. 115-132. Sheffield Studies in
Aegean Archaeology, 1. Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press.

Hamilakis uses mortuary data from the Bronze Age Aegean--including the LBA
Greek mainland--to investigate the social meaning of food and drink consumption, particularly in
terms of its role in respect to remembering and forgetting associated with the processes of death
and the re-enactment of power relationships.
862 Iakovidis, Spiros E. 1966. A Mycenaean mourning custom. American Journal
of Archaeology 70:43-50.

The existence of female figurines with their arms raised to their heads in LH IIIC
burials at Perati is added and compared to similar finds elsewhere in Greece and the Eastern
Mediterranean and to depictions on painted larnakes in order to substantiate the practice of
mourning the dead as part of Mycenaean burial ritual. See also 852 and 870.

863 Iakovidis, Spiros E. 1969. Mycenaean burial customs. Archaiologika Analekta ex

Athinon 2:120-131.

A summary article providing a brief but cogent discussion of the topic; text in
Greek and English. See also 848, 850, 870, 874, 875 and 879.

864 Iakovidis, Spiros E. 1981. Royal shaft graves outside Mycenae. In: Temple
University Aegean Symposium 6. Philip P. Betancourt, ed. pp. 17-28.
Philadelphia.

Iakovidis gives a detailed description of the shaft grave at Peristeria, as well as

others in Messenia dating from the MH through LH II periods; these shaft graves are smaller,
shallower, less regular in form and less elaborately constructed than those at Mycenae; most of
them were found in groups surrounded by a low circular enclosure wall; sharing similar shape,
burial customs and furnishings, all of these graves and contemporary tholoi belong to the same
cultural tradition, the primary difference being that the Messenia shaft graves are not as rich;
may be difficult to obtain. See also 845, 857, 877, 878 and 889.
865 Kontorli-Papadopoulou, Litsa. 1987. Some aspects concerning local
peculiarities of the Mycenaean chamber tombs. In: Thanatos: Les Coutumes
funeraires en Egée à l'Age du Bronze. Actes du colloque de Liège (21-23 avril
1986). Robert Laffineur, ed. pp. 145-160. Aegaeum 1, Annales d'archéologie
égéenne de l'Université de Liège. Liège: Université de l'Etat à Liège.

Discusses local variations in construction and burial customs of the most common
and characteristic Mycenaean burial form; reasons for these peculiarities include: economy of
effort or local geological conditions; imitation or influence from other Aegean tomb types;
independent local tradition; fear of disease or tomb-robbers; religious beliefs and funeral rites
and social status of the owners of the tomb. See also 849, 872 and 892.

866 Kontorli-Papadopoulou, Litsa. 1995. Mycenaean tholos tombs: some thoughts on

burial customs and rites. In: Klados: Essays in Honour of J.N. Coldstream.
Christine Morris, ed. pp. 111-122. Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies
Supplement 63. London: University of London Institute of Classical Studies.

Describes and summarizes the range of burial customs and rites, with illustrations.
The author notes that they are essentially similar to those found in chamber tombs, the main
difference being that the funeral ceremonies for those interred in tholoi would have been larger,
more elaborate and spectacular. See also 867, 894 and 895.

867 Korres, George S. 1983. Burial customs in Tholos Tomb 2 at Routsi

(Myrsinochrori). In: Concilium Eirene XVI. Proceedings of the 16th International
Eirene Conference, Prague 31.8 - 4.9, 1982. Vol. 3. Pavel Oliva and Anna
Frolikova, eds. pp. 91-97. Prague: Kabinet pro studia recka, rimska a latinska CSAV.

Provides a detailed description of the serial use, rebuilding and modification of

this extremely rich LH I-II tholos tomb, along with a listing of the most significant grave goods;
among the unusual characteristics of this and other early Mycenaean tholos tombs in Messenia
are parallel grooves leading from the dromos through the doorway into the tomb and a
depression in the center of the floor. See also 866, 894 and 895.
868 Kosmopoulos, M.B. 1982. Usterelladikoi Thalamotoi Taphoi. Athens.
99 p.

Study of Late Helladic chamber tombs; contains many plans of burials; includes a
brief English summary; may be difficult to obtain. See also 882.

869 Lewartowski, Kazimierz. 1995. Submycenaean cemetery in Kerameikos: some

observations. In: Modus in Rebus: Gedenkshrift für Wolfgang Schindler. Detlef
Rossler and Veit Sturmer, eds. pp. 42-45. Berlin: Gebr. Mann Verlag.

Using a number of computer programs, Lewartowski analyzes 117 graves on the

northern bank of the Eridanos in order to reconstruct missing dimensions, identify the sex and
social status of the deceased and establish a relative chronology. Among the results of this
analysis were that women's burials were richer than those of men or children, and that graves
were grouped in family plots within the cemetery. See also 858 and 890.

870 Long, Charlotte R. 1974. The Ayia Triadha Sarcophagus: A Study of Late
Minoan and Mycenaean Funerary Practices and Beliefs. Studies in
Mediterranean Archaeology 41. Göteborg: Paul Åströms Förlag. 90 p.

Long describes the tomb in which the sarcophagus was found and the
construction, use and decoration of the sarcophagus itself, including an extensive analysis and
discussion of the decoration; she also discusses late Minoan and Mycenaean burial practices and
mourning rites, suggesting that the sarcophagus and other related evidence indicates a mingling
of Minoan and Mycenaean elements; a table lists the dimensions of fifty-seven known larnakes.
See also 848, 850, 863, 874, 875 and 879.
871 Mee, Christopher. 1998. Gender bias in Mycenaean mortuary practices. In:
Cemetery and Society in the Aegean Bronze Age. Keith Branigan, ed. pp. 165-
170. Sheffield Studies in Aegean Archaeology, 1. Sheffield: Sheffield
Academic Press.

Analysis of mortuary data indicates that the number of men buried generally
outnumber that of women and that the quantity and quality of grave offerings is similar for men
and women. Mee suggests that unmarried and widowed women may have been excluded and
that the status of women was defined by their roles as wives or daughters, and thus should be
characterized as ascribed rather than achieved.

872 Mee, Christopher B. and W.G. Cavanagh. 1990. Spatial distribution of

Mycenaean tombs. In: Annual of the British School at Athens
85:225-244.

The authors examine the spatial patterning of burials at three levels: 1) on a

regional basis, they discern variation from district to district in the use of chamber and tholos
tombs which they believe reflects differing attitudes toward burial tradition; 2) in cemeteries
within a territory it seems that earlier tradition, religious beliefs and a prominent location for the
most imposing tombs are the most significant factors in placement, while dispersed settlement
pattern, function as territorial markers or proximity to roads seem less significant factors; 3) in
terms of location of burials within cemeteries, the authors suggest that tombs were clustered and
associated according to loose political alliances between wealthier and poorer families within the
community. See also 849, 865 and 892.

873 Müller, Sylvie. 1989. Les tumuli Helladiques: ou? quand? comment? Bulletin de
Correspondence Hellénique 113:1-42.

Discusses Middle Helladic and Late Helladic tumulus burials in terms of

chronology, regional variation, typology and their relationship to other types of burials; includes
a catalogue of 69 tumuli.
874 Mylonas, George E. 1948. Homeric and Mycenaean burial customs.
American Journal of Archaeology 52:56-81.

Describes in some detail burial practices in the Homeric epics--particularly the

burial of Patroklos in the Iliad--and compares them to archaeological evidence from mainland
Greece in the Late Bronze Age; Mylonas finds that the basic conception of what happens to the
spirit after death is the same; the main differences are that Homer doesn't mention the use of
tholos or chamber tombs and that there is no evidence for the use of cremation in Mycenaean
burial practices. See also 848, 850, 863, 870, 875 and 879.

875 Mylonas, George E. 1951. The cult of the dead in Helladic times. In: Studies
Presented to D.M. Robinson on his Seventieth Birthday. Vol. 1. George E.
Mylonas, ed. pp. 64-105. St. Louis: Washington University.

Surveys, summarizes, discusses and analyzes Middle Helladic and Late Helladic
burial data, concluding that no evidence for a general cult of the dead exists during these periods
on the Greek mainland; Mylonas finds, evidence, however, for the existence of a hero-cult in
Grave Circle A at Mycenae based on a belief in the superhuman qualities of the kings buried
therein, probably patterned after the Egyptian worship of the Pharaoh. See also 848, 850, 863,
870, 874 and 892.

876 Mylonas, George E. 1951. The figured Mycenaean stelae. American Journal
of Archaeology 55:134-147.

A detailed discussion of three stelai from Grave Circle A and the chariot motif on
them; after comparison with other similar artistic representations, Mylonas interprets the stelai as
belonging to a single shaft grave and depicting chariot races held as part of funeral games. See
also 896.
877 Mylonas, George E. 1958. The Grave Circles of Mycenae. In: Minoica:
Festschrift zum 80. Geburtstag von Johannes Sundwall. Ernst Grumach, ed.
pp. 276-286. Deutsche Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin, Schriften der
Sektion für Altertumswissenschaft 12. Berlin: Akademie-Verlag.

Uses evidence from Grave Circle A and newly-discovered burials of Grave Circle
B and Middle Helladic graves at Eleusis to demonstrate that the shaft graves represent the
elaboration of existing Middle Helladic burial structures; Mylonas also states that although the
idea for tholoi and chamber tombs was borrowed from Egypt, actual burial practices demonstrate
continuity from Middle Helladic times. See also 845, 857, 864, 878 and 889.

878 Mylonas, George E. 1969. O pemptos lakkoeidis taphos tou kyklon A ton
Mykenon. Archaiologikis Ephemeris 1969:125-142.

Re-evaluation of Shaft Grave V in Grave Circle A at Mycenae based upon a

detailed examination of the grave goods and comparison with Grave Circle B allows Mylonas to
reinterpret several aspects; he reconstructs the order of burial of the three bodies in the tomb,
suggesting that there were two men and a woman, rather than three men; he also suggests that the
woman, who was embalmed, was Egyptian; English summary. See also 845, 857, 864, 877 and
889.

879 Mylonas, George E. 1972. Burial customs of the Middle and Late Bronze Ages.
In: Acta of the Second International Colloquium on Aegean Prehistory, Athens,
1972. pp. 113-114. Athens.

Mylonas notes a number of common features in Middle Helladic and early

Mycenaean burials, including siting of burials in detached groups, inhumation as the only mode
of burial, multiple inhumation and an associated lack of respect for earlier burials, the nature of
grave goods and lack of evidence of a cult of the dead; thus the totality of evidence, plus
evidence from Grave Circle B, indicates considerable continuity in burial customs, with chamber
and tholos tombs representing the only major foreign innovations. See also 848, 850, 863, 870,
874 and 875.
880 Paidoussis, Mikes and Christos N. Sbarounis. 1975. A study of cremated bones
from the cemetery of Perati (LH IIIC). Opuscula Atheniensia
11:129-159.

Description and detailed analysis of bones from twelve graves at Perati; the
authors discuss methods of cremation and the treatment of bones during and subsequent to
burning. See also 891.

881 Palmer, Leonard R. 1957. A Mycenaean tomb inventory. Minos 5:58-92.

Palmer provides a Greek text, translation and detailed analysis of twelve Linear B
tablets from the Pylos Ta series; this analysis, combined with archaeological data concerning
Mycenaean burials, leads to the interpretation of the tablets as the inventory of a re-opened royal
or noble tomb containing pottery, tripods, and tables, chairs and footstools inlaid with ivory.

882 Papadimitriou, Nikolas. 2001. Built Chamber Tombs of Middle and Late Bronze
Age Date in Mainland Greece and the Islands. BAR International Series 925.
Oxford: John and Erica Hedges Ltd.

See also 868.

883 Papadopoulos, Thanasis J. 1987. Tombs and burial customs in Late

Bronze Age Epirus. In: Thanatos: Les Cotumes funeraires en Egée à l'Age
du Bronze. Actes du colloque de Liège (21-23 avril 1986). Robert Laffineur, ed.
pp. 137-143. Aegaeum 1, Annales d'archéologie égéenne de
l'Université de Liège. Liège: Université de l'Etat à Liège.
 Of the 27 Late Bronze Age tombs from 14 sites, the majority are isolated cist
graves with minimal grave goods; there is also one tholos tomb, at Kiperi, and two tumuli
groups, at Ephyra and Pogoni; the burials demonstrate a mixture of local, Mycenaean and
northern influences.

884 Pelon, Olivier. 1976. Tholoi, Tumuli et Cercles Funeraires: Recherches sur les
Monuments Funeraires de Plan Circulaire dans l'Egée de l'Age du Bronze (IIIe et IIe
millenaires av. J.-C.). Bibliotheque des Écoles Françaises d'Athénes et de Rome 229.
537 p.

The most comprehensive description, discussion and analysis of tholos tombs,

including a catalogue of all known examples, a detailed analysis of their architecture, discussion
of chronology and classification and regional characteristics; also includes an extensive
discussion of circular tombs on Crete, tumuli and grave circles, with catalogues and architectural
analysis; a concluding chapter summarizes the results of Pelon's analyses; also includes summary
tables and many illustrations. See also 846 and 885.

885 Pelon, Olivier. 1998. Les tombes circulaires dans l=Égee de l=age du Bronze: etat
des recherches sur les tombes a tholos. Topoi 8:95-158.

See also 846 and 884.

886 Preston, Laura. 1999. Mortuary practices and the negotiation of social identities at
LM II Knossos. Annual of the British School at Athens 94:131-143.

Re-evaluation of LM II burials, focusing on five monumental tombs at Isopata

and Kephala. Preston suggests that mortuary symbolism many not only have expressed ethnic
identity, but many also have served to represent competing social and political statuses during a
period of crisis. This overt experimentation with mortuary ideas in the context of high-status
burials parallels a similar diversification of tomb types on the mainland in LH I-II and may also
reflect a wider Aegean phenomenon of social and political transformation. See also 860.

887 Sakellarakis, Jannis A. 1972. Mykenäikos taphikos perivolos eis Kritin.

Archaiologika Analekta ex Athinon 5:399-419.

Describes the excavation of a Mycenaean grave circle at Fourni, near Archanes,

on Crete, dated to LH IIIA; the cemetery consists of seven rectangular shafts, each containing a
larnax, surrounded by a rectangular wall; also present were three funerary stelae and a bothros
nearby for the pouring of libations; this grave circle, unique in Crete, differs from the Mycenae
grave circles in its rectangular peribolos and the contemporaneity of burials and peribolos;
English summary.

888 Schnaufer, Albrecht. 1970. Frühgriechischer Totenglaube:

Untersuchungen zum Totenglauben der mykenischen und homerischen Zeit.
Spudasmata, 20. Hildesheim: Georg Olms Verlag. 213 p.

Examines Mycenaean burial practices and ideas about death as reflected in shaft
graves, tholos tombs and chamber tombs; also discusses early Greek concepts of the afterlife and
evidence for lack of respect for earlier burials in cases of multiple inhumation.

889 Strom, Ingrid. 1983. The so-called altar above the shaft grave IV at Mycenae.
Acta Archaeologica 54:141-146.

Describes an elliptical stone structure found above Shaft Grave IV by Schliemann

and discusses previous interpretations; Strom concludes that it was constructed in LH IIIB as a
sacrificial closing of the cult of the dead necessitated by disturbances caused by the remodeling
of Grave Circle A. See also 845, 857, 864, 877 and 878.
890 Styrenius, Carl-Gustaf. 1967. Submycenaean Studies: Examination of
Finds from Mainland Greece with a Chapter on Attic Protogeometric
Graves. Skrifter utgivna av Svenska institutet i Athen, Series 8, vol. 7. Lund:
CWK Gleerup. 176 p.

Description and analysis of Submycenaean and Protogeometric burials in Attika, including

grave form, burial customs and grave offerings; divides the Submycenaean period into five
phases of development, particularly in terms of a shift from cist graves to cremation and in the
changing nature of grave goods; also includes a discussion of Submycenaean finds outside
Attika; concludes that the Submycenaean pottery style originated in the Argolid and is therefore
not restricted to Attika. See also 858 and 869.

891 Themelis, Petros S. 1973. Paratiriseis epi tou ethimou tis kavseos ton nekron eis
tin Ellada. Archaiologika Analekta ex Athinon 6:356-366.

In discussing the introduction of cremation burials to Greece, the author considers

a number of hypotheses before concluding that the practice originated in Asia Minor or northern
Syria and spread to Greece during the LH IIIC period from colonies in Western Anatolia. See
also 880.

892 van Leuven, Jon. 1994. Tombs and religion at Mycenaean Prosymna. Journal of
Prehistoric Religion 8:42-61.

The author applies quantitative methods to data from 55 chamber tombs in the
cemetery at Prosymna in order to make inferences concerning beliefs and relates social
processes. He classifies the tombs according to combinations of figurines and child burials,
calculating and comparing the relative frequency of tomb types and their contents. Van Leuven
posits a complex relationship between children and figurines, piety, health and fertility. See also
849, 865 and 872.
893 Wiesner, Joseph. 1938. Grab und Jenseits: Untersuchungen im Agäischen Raum
zur Bronzezeit und frühen Eisenzeit. Religionsgeschichtliche Versuche
und Vorarbeiten 26. Berlin: Verlag von Alfred Topelmann. 259 p.

Lists burial finds by region and discusses grave forms, burial rituals, cult of the
dead and conceptions of the afterlife in the Aegean from the Neolithic through the early Iron
Age; a good summary and overview, but now somewhat out of date.

894 Wilkie, Nancy C. 1987. Burial customs at Nichoria: the MME tholos. In:
Thanatos: Les Cotumes Funeraires en Egée a l'Age du Bronze. Actes du
colloque de Liège (21-23 avril 1986). Robert Laffineur, ed. pp. 127-136.
Aegaeum 1, Annales d'archéologie égéenne de l'Université de Liège. Liège: Université de
l'Etat à Liège.

Detailed description of the contents--most notably a hoard of bronzes, including

armor--and the use of the tomb; the author suggests that in Messenia small tholos tombs
represented a conspicuous display of status for wealthy families. See also 866, 867 and 895.

895 Wilkie, Nancy C. and William A. McDonald. 1984. How the Mycenaeans buried
their dead: new evidence from the Nichoria tholos. Archaeology 37:40-47.

A popular description of burial practices illustrated by a tholos tomb at the site of

Nichoria in Messenia. See also 866, 867 and 894.

896 Younger, John G. 1997. The stelai of Mycenae Grave Circles A and B. In:
TEKHNE: Craftsmen, Craftswomen and Craftmanship in the Aegean Bronze Age.
Proceedings of the 6th International Aegean conference/6e Rencontre égéenne
internationale, Philadelphia, Temple University, 18-21 April 1996, Vol. 1. Robert
Laffineur and Philip P. Betancourt, eds. pp. 229-239. Liège: Université de Liége Histoire
de l'art et archéologie de la Grèce antique and University of Texas at Austin Program in
Aegean Scripts and Prehistory.

Briefly discusses the material, date, methods of carving, style and purpose of the
13 sculpted stelae; includes a catalogue and illustrations. See also 876.

Deities

The Mycenaean pantheon is comprised of deities of both Mediterranean and Indo-

European origin. The primary deity was the Potnia, or the Mistress, a female fertility goddess of
Minoan origin, and also known as the snake goddess. Most of the other important Mycenaean
deities also appear to have been female, although representations of male figures at Mycenae
probably represent indigenous Indo-European gods. Surprisingly, when the Linear B tablets
were translated, the names of many later Greek gods appeared, including Zeus, Poseidon, Hera,
Athena, Dionysos, Hermes and Artemis, suggesting therefore a large degree of continuity in this
respect between Mycenaean and later Greek religion.

897 Aloni-Ronen, Neta. 1997. Hera and the formation of aristocratic collective
identity: evidence from the Argive plain. Scripta Classica Israelica 16:9-19.

The author argues that the military and competitive aspects of the cult of Hera in
the Argive Heraion, which emphasize her role as a goddess of battle and a warrior goddess,
preserve ancient components of her image as the patroness of Mycenaean heroes and as the
goddess of glory and war. The association of cult places of Hera with Mycenaean burials and
structures suggests a deliberate link with the heroic past.

898 Dietrich, Bernard C. 1993. Aspects of Minoan and Mycenaean iconography. In:
Religio Graeco-Romana: Festschrift für Walter Pötscher. Joachim Dalfen,
Gerhard Petersmann and Franz Ferdinand Schwarz, eds. pp. 3-13. Grazer Beiträge,
Supplement Band V. Graz: Verlag F. Berger & Söhne.
 Discusses the role of anthropomorphic figures in Mycenaean religion, particularly
the Warrior God. See also 904.

899 Chadwick, John. 1957. Potnia. Minos 5:117-129.

Lists and discusses occurrences of the word "Potnia" and associated word groups
in the Pylos and Knossos Linear B tablets, examining and comparing these instances with later
usages of the term; Chadwick suggests that Potnia is the term for a mother goddess who may
have been one of the major deities in Pylos. See also 906.

900 Hooker, James T. 1996. An Athena at Mycenae? In: Scripta Minora: Selected
Essays on Minoan, Mycenaean and Classical Greek Subjects. Frederic
Amory, Patrick Considine and Sheila Hooker, eds. pp. 355-372. Amsterdam:
Adolf M. Hakkert.

901 Marinatos, Spiros. 1973. Demeter Erinys in Mycenae. Archaiologika Analekta ex

Athinon 6:189-192.

In his discussion of the large figurines found in the Cult Center at Mycenae,
Marinatos suggests that the association of these fierce-looking and ugly females with coiled
snakes is reminiscent of chthonic deities such as the Furies or of Demeter Erinys as worshipped
in later times in Arkadia.

902 Palmer, Leonard R. 1981. Some New Minoan-Mycenaean Gods.

Innsbrucker Beiträge zur Sprachwissenschaft 26. Innsbruck:
Institut für Sprachwissenschaft der Universität Innsbruck.
903 Puhvel, Jaan. 1964. Eleuther and Oinoatis: Dionysiac data from Mycenaean
Greece. In: Mycenaean Studies. Proceedings of the Third International
Colloquium for Mycenaean Studies Held at "Wingspread," 4-8 September 1961.
Emmett L. Bennett, Jr. pp. 161-170. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press.

Puhvel finds a convincing Mycenaean ancestry and context for Dionysos in

association with Ariadne and Artemis-Eleuthia in Linear B texts from Pylos, as well as various
myths and legends. See also 905.

904 Rehak, Paul. 1984. New observations on the Mycenaean "Warrior

Goddess". Archäologischer Anzeiger 1984:535-545.

Examines evidence from artistic representations at LH IIIB Mycenae and other

sites for worship of an armed goddess, who may be originally of Minoan origin. See also 898.

905 Sourvinou, Christiane. 1970. A-te-mi-to and a-ti-mi-te. Kadmos 9:42-47.

Concludes that the name of Artemis does not appear in the Linear B tablets. See
also 903.

906 van Leuven, Jon C. 1979. Mycenaean goddesses called `Potnia.' Kadmos
18:112-129.
 Discusses the identification and significance of "Potnia" in the Pylos and Knossos
Linear B tablets; the author suggests that this was an Indo-European title applied to
non-Indo-European deities; as used in the tablets, the term is an honorific for female deities as a
group and a general term for goddesses including Hera, Athena, Demeter, Artemis and
Aphrodite. See also 899.

Ritual and Cult Activities

Votive figures, primarily made of clay, seem to have played a significant role in
religious practice; some of these figures, which are mostly female, may have represented deities
themselves, while others perhaps represented worshipers. Other articles of cult paraphernalia
included offering tables for sacrifices and rhyta for the pouring of libations. In addition to taking
place within cult areas, these activities also seem to be associated with communal ritual feasts or
banquets in the palaces, undoubtedly presided over by the wanax in his role as chief religious
figure.

907 Bendall, Lisa M. 1998-1999. A time for offerings: dedications of perfumed oil
at Pylian festivals. In: A-na-qo-ta: Studies Presented to J.T. Killen. John Bennet
and Jan Driessen, eds. pp. 1-9. Minos 33-34. Salamanca: Ediciones
Universidad de Salamanca.

As the result of an analysis of non-industrial disbursement Linear B tablets,

Bendall suggests that some of the perfumed oil offerings listed in the Fr series at Knossos were
not part of regular monthly entitlements, as seem to be the case for the Fp series, but were given
specifically for consumption at certain festivals with banqueting organized by the palace. See
also 908, 916 and 923.

908 Bergquist, Birgitta. 1988. The archaeology of sacrifice: Minoan-Mycenaean versus

Greek. A brief query into two sites with contrary evidence. In: Early Greek Cult
Practice: Proceedings of the Fifth International Symposium at the Swedish
Institute at Athens, 26-29 June, 1986. Robin Hägg, Nanno Marinatos and Gullög C.
Nordquist, eds. pp. 21-34. Skrifter Utgivna av Svenska Institutet i Athen, Series
4, no. 38. Stockholm: Paul Åströms Förlag.
 Bergquist compares and contrasts the Bronze Age and Iron Age periods at the
sites of Kato Simi on Crete and Maleatas on the Greek mainland in order to consider whether the
archaeological evidence indicates burnt animal sacrifice or sacral meals of worshipers and cult
personnel, suggesting that inferring the former for the Bronze age is based primarily on the
assumption of continuity from the Early Iron Age and later periods. She stresses the connection
of the Minoan-Mycenaean cultures with contemporaneous Near Eastern civilizations which did
not practice burnt animal sacrifice. See also 907, 916, 920, 923, 924 and 928.

909 Bouzek, Jan. 1983. Some glimpses into Mycenaean religion. In:
Concilium Eirene XVI: Proceedings of the 16th International Eirene Conference,
Prague 31.8. - 4.9. 1982. Vol. 3. Pavel Oliva and Alena Frolikova, eds. pp.
109-114. Prague: Kabinet pro studia recka, rimska a latinska, CSAV.

Evidence from recently-excavated sanctuaries at Mycenae, Tiryns, Phylakopi and

Kition in the form of small rooms within larger palatial structures suggests that they may have
been used to initiate members of the ruling elite into some form of mystery cult; Bouzek suggests
that the large idols with distorted faces and snake figurines, along with the use of hallucinogenic
drugs, may have been used in these ceremonies. See also 917, 919, 925 and 926.

910 Buck, Robert J. 1989. Mycenaean human sacrifice. Minos 24:131-137.

Examines Pylos Linear B tablet Tn 316, which lists dedications of gold cups and
dishes, men and women, to various deities, as well as several other tablets which contain the
word po-re-na, for evidence of human sacrifice, concluding that the distribution and context of
these tablets suggest that human sacrifice was a recognized, standard and fairly routine activity
in Mycenaean Greece. See also 908, 916, 920, 924 and 928.

911 Constantinidou, Soteroula. 1989. Xenia and Lekhestroterion: two Mycenaean

festivals. Dodoni 18:9-26.
 Examines the use and context of two words found in the Linear B texts which,
based upon analogies with Greek religion of later periods, the author believes are the names of
festivals later known as the Theoxenia and the hieros gamos; she suggests that these festivals
may represent two early stages of ritual behavior associated with vegetation and fertility. See
also 913.

912 Cook, A.B. 1984. Animal worship in the Mycenaean age. Journal of Hellenic
Studies 14:81-169.

Discusses evidence, primarily from artistic representations, for worship of or cult

activities connected with lions, bulls, horses, asses, stags, goats and swine. See also 915.

913 Dietrich, Bernard C. 1975. The Dorian Hyacintha: A survival from the Bronze
Age. Kadmos 14:133-142.

Dietrich cites evidence to suggest that Hyacinthus was a Dorian cult figure in the
Late Bronze Age and that cult worship at Amyklae in Lakonia can be traced back to this period.
See also 911.

914 Dietrich, Bernard C. 1982. Evidence of Minoan religious traditions and their
survival in the Mycenaean and Greek world. Historia 31:1-12.

Dietrich suggests that certain features, such as natural rock formations and pillars,
associated with peak sanctuaries or caves, were transferred to other non-Minoan venues such as
the Cult Center of Mycenae, Eleusis, Thebes and Phylakopi.
915 Evans, Arthur J. 1901. Mycenaean tree and pillar cult and its Mediterranean
origins. Journal of Hellenic Studies 21:99-204.

Lengthy discussion of aspects of Mycenaean ritual based primarily upon analysis

of artistic representations and analogies with contemporary Mediterranean cultures. See also 912.

916 Hägg, Robin. 1998. Ritual in Mycenaean Greece. In: Ansichten griechischer
Rituale: Geburtstags-Symposium für Walter Burkert, Castelen bei Basel 15. bis
18 März 1996. Fritz Graf, ed. pp. 99-113. Stuttgart: B.G. Teubner.

Reviews archaeological, iconographical and epigraphical evidence for the main

Mycenaean rituals, including animal sacrifice combined with libations, bloodless offerings and
communal feasting. See also 907, 908, 910, 916, 920, 924 and 928.

917 Hägg, Robin. 2001. Religious processions in Mycenaean Greece. In:

Contributions to the Archaeology and History of the Bronze and Iron Ages in the
Eastern Mediterranean. Peter M. Fischer, ed. pp. 143-147. Österreichisches
Archäologisches Institut Sonderschiften vol. 39.

Surveys archaeological, iconographical and epigraphical evidence for Mycenaean

processions as parts of religious festivals. Hägg demonstrates that there is ample evidence for the
importance of processions—the ritual movement of a number of participants through a given
space from a starting point to a goal—as the first ritual in the temporal sequence of events of a
Mycenaean religious festival, serving to bring gifts and possibly both cult personnel and
paraphernalia to the sanctuary before the central rituals of the festival. He further suggests that
terracotta figures and figurines were also carried in processions. See also 909, 918, 919, 925 and
926.

918 Hägg, Robin. 2001 Ritual action in Mycenaean religion. Bulletin of the Institute of
Classical Studies 45:175-176.

Examines combinations and sequences of expressions of Mycenaean ritual

behavior. The first ritual in the temporal sequence is the procession, a ritual movement of
participants through a given space, as demonstrated in iconographical evidence from frescoes
and gold rings, where figures are often depicted carrying objects as gifts or cult paraphernalia.
Linear B tablet PY Th 316 from Pylos may be an inventory of such equipment, including figures
and figurines. One function of the procession may be the display of sacred symbols, offerings
and valuable cult paraphernalia where existing cult buildings are small and accessible only to a
few privileged cult participants. See also 917.
919 Hiller, Stefan. 1983. Mycenaean traditions in early Greek cult images. In: The
Greek Renaissance of the Eight Century B.C.: Proceedings of
the Second International Symposium at the Swedish Institute in Athens,
1-5 June, 1981. Robin Hägg, ed. pp. 91-99.
Skrifter utgivna av Svenska institutet i Athen, Series 4, vol. 30. Stockholm.

Cites and examines indirect evidence in the form of artistic representations in

post-Mycenaean times of three kinds of cult images: the goddess with upraised arms, an
enthroned deity and a smiting god. See also 909, 919, 925 and 926.

920 Kosmetatou, Elizabeth. 1993. Horse sacrifices in Greece and Cyprus. Journal of
Prehistoric Religion 7:31-41.

Catalogue and brief discussion of all known examples from the Middle Helladic
through the Archaic periods, including nine from the Late Helladic period. See also 908, 910,
916, 924 and 928.

921 Palmer, Leonard R. 1955. A Mycenaean calendar of offerings (PY Kn 02).

Eranos 53:1-13.

Provides a transliterated and translated text of Linear B tablet Kn 02 from Pylos,

which is interpreted as a ritual calendar for offerings of consecration and purification.

922 Polychronakou-Sgouritsa, N. 1982. Mykenaikes tripodikes trapezes

prosphoron. Archaiologikis Ephemeris, Archaiologika Chronika
1982:20-33.
 The author presents a catalogue of three-footed offering tables, with discussion of
their typology, decoration, chronology, construction and use.

923 Saflund, Gösta. 1980. Sacrificial banquets in the "Palace of Nestor". Opuscula
Atheniensia 13:237-246.

Saflund offers an explanation for large amounts of plainware kylikes found at

Pylos, suggesting that they were used for feasts in the style of sacrificial banquets; this
association of kylikes and cult places, found elsewhere as well, emphasizes the religious function
of the palace; as evidence, the author offers a number of analogies from historic times. See also
907, 908 and 916.

924 Sakellarakis, Jannis. 1970. Das Kuppelgrab A von Archanes und das
kretisch-mykenische Tieropferritual. Prähistorische Zeitschrift 45:189-219.

See also 908, 910, 916, 920 and 928.

925 Tamvaki, Angela. 1975. On the interpretation of Cycladic and Mycenaean

figurines. In: Les Religions de la Prehistoire. Actes du Valcamonica
Symposium 1972. pp. 207-241. Capo di Ponte.

See also 909, 917, 919 and 926.

926 Taylour, William D. 1972. New aspects of Mycenaean religion. In: Acta of the
Second International Colloquium on Aegean Prehistory: The First
Arrival of Indo-European Elements in Greece. pp. 76-81. Athens.
 Taylour describes male and female idols discovered in the Cult Center of
Mycenae in 1968 and 1969; he emphasizes the individuality of each idol, each possessing a
distinct character and associated with a specific cult symbol, suggesting differences in rank; the
additional presence of many snake models and other elements would seem to indicate the
presence of several varieties of cult at Mycenae; finally, the representation of male gods may be
indicative of their Indo-European origin. See also 909, 917, 919 and 925.

927 Tsagarakis, Odysseus. 1980. Homer and the cult of the dead in Helladic times.
Emerita 48:229-240.

Examines and reviews archaeological evidence for bothroi and compares this
evidence with the description of a bothros and the ritual associated with it in the Odyssey; the
author concludes that the Mycenaean ruling class practiced a cult of the dead which served the
individual and his family or social class and in which the bothros functioned as an altar.

928 Yamagata, Naoko. 1995. Ritual Offerings in Homer and in Linear B. Studi
Micenei ed Egeo- Anatolici 35:57-68.

Compares the description of sacrificial offerings in the Homeric poems and in

Linear B tablets from Pylos and Knossos. The author finds significant similarities in the kinds of
offerings involved, but notes that some items, such as honey and cheese, are not mentioned by
Homer, and hypothesizes that they represent offerings to the dead and to deities associated with
the earth rather than the sky, suppressed by Homer for reasons that are unclear. See also 908,
910, 916, 920 and 924.

Shrines and Sanctuaries

 Sanctuaries and shrines took a variety of forms; as on Crete, however, most cult
areas consisted of rooms within larger structures, such as palaces. These rooms have been
identified as cult areas on the basis of their placement, architecture, decoration and contents.
Altars are commonly found in these rooms, along with the cult paraphernalia described below. It
has been suggested that the megaron of the palace, in addition to functioning as a throne room,
also had religious significance, and that various ceremonies were performed in it, perhaps by the
wanax himself. In LH IIIB and especially in LH IIIC, however, free-standing shrines, more
characteristic of later Greek worship, begin to appear; the best-preserved examples are at
Mycenae, Tiryns, Ayia Irini on the island of Kea and Phylakopi on Melos. A few open-air
shrines, more typical of Minoan worship, have been identified at sites including Eleusis,
Amyklai and Epidauros.

929 Gilmour, G. 1993. Aegean sanctuaries and the Levant in the Late Bronze Age.
Annual of the British School at Athens 88:125-134.

After examining architectural, cultural and chronological factors, Gilmour asserts

that there is no evidence that features such as corner platforms, a Abent-axis@ approach, twin
temples or Asmiting god@ figurines reflect a Canaanite model. In fact, the reverse might be true in
the Early Iron Age due to Sea Peoples= influence on some cultic architecture in the Levant. See
also 935.

930 Hägg, Robin. 1968. Mykenische kultstätten in archäologischen material. Opuscula

Atheniensia 8:39-60.

Discusses archaeological evidence for cult places within palaces and houses, in
caves and open areas.

931 Hägg, Robin. 1993. Open cult places in the Bronze Age Aegean. In: Biblical
Archaeology Today, 1990: Proceedings of the Second International Congress on
Biblical Archaeology, Jerusalem, June-July 1990. Avraham Biran and
Joseph Aviram, eds. pp. 188-195. Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society.
 Hägg summarizes evidence for the occurrence of open cult places in Crete, the
Cyclades and the Greek mainland. He discusses four sites on the mainland: Nisakouli, in
Messenia; the sanctuary of Apollo Maleatas above the Asklepeion at Epidauros; Klenies in the
Argolid; and the sanctuary of Athena Pronaia at Delphi. He notes that open air cult places,
mostly on mountain peaks, were more common and were probably more important on Crete than
in the Cyclades or on the mainland.

932 Konsolaki, Eleni. 1995. The Mycenaean sanctuary on Methana. Bulletin of the
Institute of Classical Studies 40:242.

Briefly describes excavation by the Greek Archaeological Service of a building

complex apparently used for cult activities on the hill of Ayios Konstantinos on the eastern coast
of Methana and dating to LH IIIA-B. Significant features and finds include a bench, platform,
hearth and many figurines.

933 Mylonas, George E. 1975. New evidence on Mycenaean religion: the Late
Bronze Age shrines and altars of Mycenae c. 1300-1200 B.C. In: Les Religions
de la Prehistoire. Actes du Valcamonica Symposium 1972. pp. 243-252. Capo
di Ponte.

934 Morgan, Catherine. 1996. From palace to polis? Religious developments on the
Greek mainland during the Bronze Age/Iron Age transition. In: Religion and
Power in the Ancient Greek World. Proceedings of the Uppsala Symposium
1993. Pontus Hellstrom and Brita Alroth, eds. pp. 41-57. Boreas, Uppsala Studies in
Ancient Mediterranean and Near Eastern Civilizations 24. Uppsala: Acta
Universitatis Upsaliensis.

Morgan documents cult developments on the Greek mainland from LH IIIC to

Early Protogeometric, focusing on evidence from Isthmia, Kalapodi, Olympia, Amyklai and
several shrines in the Argolid, as part of a broader discussion of the role and operation of ritual
tradition. She suggests that there are two key stages in the material development of mainland
shrines from the immediate post-palatial period to the beginning of the 9th century. The first
involves a shift in site location which likely echoes changes in local power structures and also
reflects a deliberate choice of cult as a mechanism for communication within communities,
involving a process of re-appraisal of community identity as palatial authority declined and
shifted and regions became more isolated. The second, which is not evident until the late 10th
century at the earliest, involved a real change in material practice and wealth investment,
centering on the dedication of metal.

935 Negbi, Ora. 1988. Levantine elements in the sacred architecture of the
Aegean at the close of the Bronze Age. Annual of the British School at Athens
83:339-357.

The status of the cult structures at Mycenae, Tiryns and Phylakopi, as

demonstrated by their location, setting, size and certain asymmetrical features, identifies them as
popular cult places having possible affinities with Canaanite "road" temples of the Middle and
Late Bronze Ages, perhaps introduced by Canaanite traders in the 13th and 14th centuries B.C.;
many other features of these structures, however, are distinctly Aegean. See also 929.

936 Pilafidis Williams, Korinna. 1998. The Sanctuary of Aphaia on Aigina in the
Bronze Age. Munich: Hirmer Verlag. 193 p.

Complete and final publication of material excavated in 1901 and 1966-1980 on a

mountain ridge in the northeast corner of the island. The majority of the text is comprised of a
catalogue of 548 complete and fragmentary terracotta figurines and figures, 304 LH IIIA2-C
pottery fragments (mostly open shapes) and miscellaneous small finds including metal objects,
sealstones and faience beads. In the succeeding chapters, the author applies a set of correlates
proposed by Colin Renfrew in order to conclude that the site was an open-air sanctuary devoted
to a popular, communal cult for the worship of a female deity associated with childcare and
fertility. Includes four appendices and abundant illustrations.

937 Rutkowski, Bogdan. 1986. The Cult Places of the Aegean. New Haven: Yale
University Press. 267 p.
 Although the book focuses on Crete, there are also chapters on Mycenaean
temples, natural sanctuaries on the mainland and Early and Middle Bronze Age sanctuaries on
the mainland.

938 van Leuven, Jon C. 1978. The mainland tradition of sanctuaries in prehistoric
Greece. World Archaeology 10:139-148.

Uses a contextual approach to analyze sanctuaries and their relation to secular

buildings; using the criteria of orientation and cult equipment, the author recognizes two types of
single and double sanctuaries containing two basic classes of shrines with largely opposed
features.

Social Organization and Structure

The most significant sources of data concerning social organization are the Linear B tablets
and burials; architecture also contributes some information, but inferences from this source are
not as easily made or confirmed. The Homeric poems also vividly depict the social structure of
the Achaeans, although we cannot be certain how much of this picture accurately reflects the
situation during Mycenaean times.

It is very likely that several ethnic groups were present in Mycenaean Greece. Probably
the largest population element was indigenous, descendants of the original Neolithic settlers. It
seems, however, that the ruling class came from elsewhere sometime during the Middle Bronze
Age, probably from the Balkans or Central Europe, and assumed control over the indigenous
population. That these people were Greeks or proto-Greeks seems established not only by the
language they spoke, but in the numerous names listed in the Linear B tablets, many of which
can be identified with those found in the Homeric epics and during Classical times. How large
this second group was and the degree of assimilation, acculturation and/or intermarriage that
took place between the two populations is quite difficult to determine.

Other names or terms in the Linear B tablets appear to be ethnic designations,

possibly referring to groups from elsewhere, such as Asia Minor, brought to Greece to be slaves
or servants. It would appear, too, that during the expansion of Mycenaean civilization during the
14th and 13th centuries B.C. Mycenaeans similarly imposed their rule upon other Aegean
peoples, and it has been suggested that in certain places, such as Crete and Cyprus, eventually
they became assimilated into the local populations.

Mortuary evidence indicates that toward the end of the Middle Helladic period and during
the beginning of the Late Helladic period an evolution from a relatively egalitarian society to a
more stratified one took place. This development can be seen most clearly in Grave Circles A
and B at Mycenae, where the earliest burials in Grave Circle B are merely slightly larger, deeper
and richer versions of typical Middle Helladic cist graves. Over the course of several
generations these burials become increasingly more elaborate and wealthier, culminating in the
graves of Grave Circle A, which betoken an immensely higher status than other individuals
buried in contemporary graves. Important indicators of male rank in these graves include
offensive and defensive weapons such as swords, daggers and boar=s tusk helmets, with relative
status signaled by the quality and amount of decoration with representational art. Whether these
weapons actually served a utilitarian function, they undoubtedly carried with them social,
symbolic and ceremonial implications as well.

In its most evolved form Mycenaean society seems to have been comprised essentially of
three classes, although it's not clear how rigidly they were separated or distinguished. The ruling
class occupied the major positions of power in the Mycenaean state and judging from the Linear
B texts exercised considerable authority over the other segments of Mycenaean society. Some of
them, such as the wanax, the lawagetas and the telestai, had specific titles and functions, while
others, most notably the equetai (usually translated as either "followers" or "companions") seem
to have been nobles attached to or associated with the royal court. The tablets also indicate that
many of them were large landowners. They were buried in tholos tombs--the largest and most
elaborate burial structures, requiring the greatest expenditure of materials and effort--and were
usually accompanied by rich burial offerings, symbolizing their wealth and status. In addition to
their economic power, the status of these men also derived from their military prowess, a
significant aspect of Mycenaean society.

Although less well attested, it is reasonable to assume that the largest segment of
Mycenaean society were those individuals who were neither nobility nor slaves. The majority of
them would have been either farmers or craftsmen. In addition to these occupations, it is not
unlikely that the men were also liable for military service and communal labor as required by the
king or his subordinates.

The class of slaves--or perhaps more accurately, servants--is recognized almost entirely
from references in the Linear B texts. Most of them were women, and it appears that many of
them originally came from the vicinity of the western Anatolian coast, where they may have
either been captured in war or sold into slavery. Some were owned by individuals (presumably
members of the aristocracy), but most seem to have been dependents either of the palace or of
religious institutions, the latter sometimes referred to in the tablets as "servants of the gods."
Although they may have performed domestic functions, most seem to have been employed as
craft workers, engaged for example in the processing of wool and flax and the making of textiles.
With this exception, however, as well as a lower social status, their lives may not have been
appreciably different than those of other women in Mycenaean society.
939 Baumbach, Lydia. 1983. An examination of the personal names in the
Knossos tablets as evidence for the social structure of Crete in the Late
Minoan II period. In: Minoan Society: Proceedings of the Cambridge
Colloquium 1981. Olga Krzyszkowska and Lucia Nixon, eds. pp. 3-10. Bristol: Bristol
Classical Press.

Analysis of personal names in the Knossos As Linear B tablets reveals about fifty
Greek names and about 150 non-Greek names; the mixture and contexts of both kinds of names
suggest that by the time the tablets were written Mycenaeans and local inhabitantshad merged to
such an extent that no social distinctions between the two groups seem discernable. See also 940-
943, 945, 952, 957, 976 and 978.

940 Baumbach, Lydia. 1986. The personal names on the Knossos Ap tablets. In: O-o-
pe-ro-si: Festschrift für Ernst Risch zum 75. Geburtstag, Annemarie Etter,
ed., pp. 273- 278, Berlin: Walter de Gruyter.

Analysis of these tablets suggests that they record a labor force of indigenous
Cretan and other slave women under the control of three Greek masters or supervisors; in this set
of documents Greek names outnumber non-Greek ones 6 to 1. See also 939, 941-945, 948, 950,
952, 957, 976 and 978.

941 Baumbach, Lydia. 1987. Names of shepherds at Knossos. Acta Classica 30:5-10.

A study of D series texts listing collectors and shepherds, the latter of which
(more than 300 names) are much more numerous than the former. In this set of documents,
Greek names outnumber non-Greek ones 4 to 1. Most of those in positions of authority (i.e.,
collectors) have Greek names; but for shepherds, even though non-Greek names are in the
majority, there seems to be no social distinction between Greek and non-Greek names. See also
939, 940, 942, 943, 945, 952, 957, 976 and 978.
942 Baumbach, Lydia. 1992. The people of Knossos: further thoughts on some of the
personal names. In: Mykenäika: Actes du IX Colloque international sur les
textes mycéniens et égeéns organise par le Centre de l'Antiquite Grecque et
Romaine de la Fondation Héllenique des Recherches Scientifiques et l'École
française d'Athènes (Athènes, 2-6 octobre 1990). Jean-Pierre Olivier, ed. pp. 57-63.
Bulletin de Correspondence Hellénique Supplement 25. Paris: Diffusion de Boccard.

Examination of the C-series of tablets, which lists livestock and contains about 70
personal names, confirming findings from studies of other sets of tablets from Knossos that by
the Late Minoan II/IIIA-B period, though non-Greek names still outnumber Greek ones, the
Greek and non-Greek names are so inextricably mixed that they suggest an integrated society.
Occupational names and official titles which occur in the series suggest that there is a mixture of
servile and non-servile elements in the agricultural community. Includes appendices listing
names on the C tablets which have with a reasonable amount of certainty been interpreted as
Greek and names which recur in other Knossos tablets and on tablets from mainland sites. See
also 939-941, 943, 945, 952, 957, 976 and 978.

943 Bennet, John. 1999. The meaning of AMycenaean@: speculations on ethnicity

in the Aegean Late Bronze Age. Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies
43:224.

Notes early usage of the terms AMinoan@ and AMycenaean@ and reviews modern
anthropological definitions and uses of the term Aethnicity,@ concluding that it is a difficult
concept to approach, especially through material culture. Examines textual evidence from the
Eastern Mediterranean (Egypt, Syria, Anatolia) regarding ethnicity in the Aegean, as well as
ethnic appellatives in Linear B texts, and finally discusses the role of material culture in the
construction of ethnic identity, suggesting that it was constructed as LBA polities emerged, using
examples from burials and frescoes at Pylos. Bennet concludes that ethnic groups probably did
not exist as they are understood in the modern world; however, there probably were groups
within LBA states beneath the upper levels of the power hierarchy that gave themselves distinct
names and shared distinctive aspects of culture, both material and non-material, and may have
been linguistically diverse as well. See also 939-943, 945, 952, 957, 976 and 978.
944 Bermejo Barrera, J.C. 1978. La sociedad micenica fuera del ambito del templo
y del palacio. La cultura rural. Memorias de Historia Antigua 2:9-18.

An analysis and discussion of certain terms in the Pylos Linear B tablets

concerning the rural population, which he postulates was comprised at least in part of a class of
slaves controlled by a class of nobles independent of the palace. See also 940, 947, 948, 950,
964, 971 and 974.

945 Billigmeier, Jon-Christian. 1970. An inquiry into the non-Greek names on the
Linear B tablets from Knossos and their relationship to languages of Asia Minor.
Minos 10:177-183.

Lists non-Greek names by prefix and suffix; an analysis of these names suggests
the presence of a substantial population on Crete with a strong kinship to southwestern Anatolia.
See also 939-943, 952, 957, 976 and 978.

946 Billigmeier, Jon-Christian and Judy A. Turner. 1981. The socio-economic

roles of women in Mycenaean Greece: a brief survey from evidence of the
Linear B tablets. In: Reflections of Women in Antiquity. Helene P. Foley, ed. pp.
3-20. New York: Gordon and Breach Science Publishers.

This survey of evidence for the socioeconomic status of women in the Linear B
tablets suggests that women were an essential part of the Mycenaean labor force, performing
both skilled and unskilled activities as craft workers and religious functions; it is also suggested
that given the range of activities and the fact that women and men received equal rations, that
women may have enjoyed a more equal socioeconomic status than they did during the Classical
period; also includes an appendix listing occupational designations for women in the Linear B
tablets. See also 940, 968 and 972.
947 Cataudella, Michele R. 1971. Ka-ma: Studi sulla Societa Agraria Micenea.
Rome: Silva. 393 p.

In this study of the Pylos Linear B tablets, the author examines the use of certain
terms (o-na-to, e-to-ni-jo and ka-ma) to characterize the nature and organization of Mycenaean
rural society. See also 944, 964, 971 and 974.

948 Chadwick, John. 1988. The women of Pylos. In: Texts, Tablets and Scribes:
Studies in Mycenaean Epigraphy and Economy Offered to Emmett L.
Bennett, Jr. Jean-Pierre Olivier and Thomas G. Palaima, eds. pp. 43-95.
Suplementos a Minos 10. Salamanca.

Chadwick examines the Aa, Ab and Ad tablets from Pylos, discussing the nature
of the tablets, the relationship between them and the value and calculation of rations; he
establishes that the tablets refer to the location and rationing of c. 1500 women and children who
are identified as menial dependents, if not slaves, who may have originally come from distant
areas of the Aegean; he also includes revised texts of these documents. See also 940, 944, 948,
950 and 973.

949 Darcque, Pascal. 1987. Les tholoi et l'organisation socio-politique du

monde mycénien. In: Thanatos: les Coutumes Funeraires en Egéen a
l'Age du Bronze. Actes du colloque de Liège (21-23 avril 1986). Robert
Laffineur, ed. pp. 185-205. Aegaeum 1, Annales d'archéologie égéenne de l'Université
de Liège. Liège: Université de l'Etat à Liège.

Based upon an analysis of the location, distribution and furnishing of tholoi,

Darcque concludes that they cannot be unambiguously associated with royalty and that there was
an overlap with chamber tombs in their association with an elite class. See also 953, 958, 959,
965 and 977.
950 Deger-Jalkotzy, Sigrid. 1973. The Women of PY An 607. Minos 13:137-160.

Citing analogous data concerning slavery from Bronze Age cultures in the Near
East, the Eastern Mediterranean and Anatolia, the author interprets this tablet as a text referring
to thirteen women and their parents, all of whom are described as palace slaves; this particular
document records the transfer of these women from the palace into the custody of a high-ranking
official. See also 948 and 973.

951 Deger-Jalkotzy, Sigrid. 1978. E-QE-TA. Zur Rolle des

Gefolgschaftwesens in der Sozialstruktur Mykenischen Reiche.
Philosophisch-Historisch Klasse, Sitzungberichte 344. Mykenische Studien.
Vienna: Österreichischen Akadamie des Wissenschaften. 217
p.

The author combines an analysis of the Linear B texts at Pylos and Knossos
wherein the e-qe-ta, or "followers" are mentioned, with comparative ethnohistorical data
concerning the social structure of other Indo-European peoples, including the Germanic tribes,
Homeric Greeks, Macedonians, Celts, Persians, Hittites and Slavs; she characterizes them as part
of an indigenous non-Mycenaean population serving the Mycenaean king primarily in a military
function. See also 963 and 970.

952 Firth, Richard J. 1992-1993. A statistical analysis of the Greekness of men=s

names on the Knossos Linear B tablets. Minos 27-28:83- 100.

Firth demonstrates the use of a statistical method to obtain characteristics of a

group of names and to determine the relative proportion of Greek and Minoan influence, and
compares the results with detailed studies of names already performed by others. He concludes
that there is clear evidence of a period of control by Greek-speaking people and that Greek
elements were not fully integrated into Cretan society, with a marked distinction between the
military and economic elite and shepherds. See also 939-943, 945, 957, 976 and 978.
953 Graziadio, Giampaolo. 1991. The process of social stratification at
Mycenae in the Shaft Grave period: a comparative examination of the evidence.
American Journal of Archaeology 95:403-440.

Analysis of changes in grave form and richness of grave goods--as measured by

multivariate analysis--suggests progressive separation of elite members from lower members of
Mycenaean society during the Early Phase and Late Phase I of Grave Circle B (late and final
MH); there is then some subsequent regression during Late Phase II due to the burial of
highest-ranking figures in Grave Circle A; Graziado also examines the symbolism by which this
separation is achieved. See also 949, 958, 959, 965 and 977.

954 Hiller, Stefan. 1988. Dependent personnel in Mycenaean texts. In: Society and
Economy in the Eastern Mediterranean (c. 1500-1000 B.C.). Proceedings of the
International Symposium held at the University of Haifa from the 28th of April
to the 2nd of May 1985. Michael Heltzer and E. Lipniski, eds. pp. 53-68.
Orientalia Loveanensia Analecta 23. Leuven: Uitgeverij Peeters.

From his analysis of the Pylos Linear B tablets, Hiller concludes that more or less
all of the persons mentioned therein--a total of c. 4000 people--were dependent on the palace. He
divides them into those who were directly dependent--i.e., without a supervisor or
superior--(craftsmen, service personnel, herdsmen, cult personnel and large working groups), for
whom subsistence was provided, and those who were indirectly dependent (slaves, servants of
high functionaries and people belonging to corporations). This latter category, he infers, was also
considered property of the palace, since they, too, received subsistence and their numbers and
personal names were recorded in a very precise manner. Includes an appendix listing personal
names, occupations, and numbers of dependent individuals listed in the Pylos documents with
references to the specific tablets on which they are mentioned.

955 Hiller, Stefan. 1989. Familienbeziehungen in mykenischen texten. In: Studia

Mycenaea (1988). Thomas G. Palaima, Cynthia W. Shelmerdine and Petar
H. Ilievski, eds. pp. 40-65. Ziva Antike, Monographies, 7. Skopje.

Examines Linear B tablets, primarily from Pylos, in order to elucidate family

relationships; Hiller concludes that terms for family relationships and their contextual association
indicate a stable long-term public patriarchal family structure even among the lower classes in
which marriages took place between members of the same social class and children derived their
status and occupation from their parents.

956 Hiller, Stefan. 1998-1999. Ku-na-ke-ta. In: A-na-qo-ta: Studies Presented to J.T.
Killen. John Bennet and Jan Driessen, eds. pp. 191- 196. Minos 33-34. Salamanca:
Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca.

Hiller suggests that, based on analogies with later usage and iconographic
representations, this term refers to individuals of inferior social status who tracked down or
flushed game with dogs for aristocratic hunters.

957 Ilieveski, Petar Hr. 1992. Observations on the personal names from the Knossos
D tablets. In: Mykenäika: Actes du IX Colloque international sur les textes
mycéniens et égéens organise par le Centre de l'Antiquite Grecque et Romaine de
la Fondation Héllenique des Recherches Scientifiques et l'École française
d'Athènes (Athènes, 2-6 octobre 1990). Jean-Pierre Olivier, ed. pp. 321-349.
Bulletin de Correspondence Hellénique Supplement 25. Paris: Diffusion de Boccard.

Ilievski analyzes 375 different personal names, divided into two unequal groups--
350 "shepherds" and 25 "collectors"--according to their characteristic features. One result of this
analysis is the corroboration of earlier observations that non-Greek personal names mixed with
Greek ones appear in larger numbers among individuals of the lower classes of Mycenaean
society, and more frequently in the Knossos archive than in those on the mainland. While the
names of the "collectors"--men belonging to the ruling class--are easily recognizable as Greek,
the opposite is the case for the lower class of "shepherds." The great variety of personal names
indicates the mixed tribal, linguistic and professional character of the people recorded on these
documents. Includes an appendix listing personal names on the D series tablets, the place the are
associated with, the tablet on which they are listed and their Greek equivalent. See also 939-943,
945, 952, 976 and 978.

958 Kilian-Dirlmeier, Imma. 1985. Noch enimal zu den AKriegergrabern@ von

Knossos. Jahrbuch des Römisch-Germanisch Zentral Museums Mainz 32:196-214.
 A re-evaluation of the contents of Awarrior graves@ near Knossos. Tables illustrate
the distribution of objects, especially weapons in male and female graves and maps show their
spatial distribution. The author analyzes these grave goods in terms of male/female associations
and social structure and status. See also 949, 953, 959, 965 and 977.

959 Kilian-Dirlmeier, Imma. 1986. Beobachten zu den Schachtgräbern von Mykenai

und zu den Schmückbeigaben mykenischer Männergräber. Jahrbuch des
Römisch-Germanisch Zentral Museums Mainz 33:159-198.

Detailed analysis of jewelry in male burials of the Shaft Graves of Mycenae in

order to elucidate social structure. The author demonstrates the evolution and development of
social status and the emergence of a privileged ruling class. Abundantly illustrated. See also 949,
953, 959, 965 and 977.

960 Laffineur, Robert. 1990. The iconography of Mycenaean seals and the status of
their owners. In: Aegaeum 6, Annales d'archéologie égéenne de l'Université de
Liège. Robert Laffineur, ed. pp. 117-160. Liège: L'Université d'Etat à
Liège.

A systematic inventory of published material concerning 469 seals and finger

rings with figural designs from Late Helladic funerary contexts. Laffineur classifies motifs into
three main categories according to spheres of activities or responsibilities: military or political
rule; economic systems; and culture. He observes that the first category is present in the Argolid
and Messia, but absent elsewhere; the second category is common everywhere; and the third
category is common, but less frequent throughout Greece. The association of the first two
categories in the Argolid and Messenia suggests an association with palaces, the use of Linear B
and the existence of centralized authority. See also 961.

961 Laffineur, Robert. 2000. The iconography of Mycenaean seals as social indicator:
further reflections. In: Minoisch-Mykenische Glytik: Stil, Ikonographie, Funktion.
V. Internalen Siegel-Symposium, Marburg, 23.-25. September 1999. Walter Müller,
ed. pp. 165-179. Corpus der Minoischen und Mykenischen Siegel, Beiheft 6.
Berlin: Gebr. Mann Verlag.

In this re-examination of an earlier analysis, Laffineur focuses upon individual

burials with seals, proposing a methodological approach involving a numerical approach which
attempts to be as objective as possible; this interpretative model includes the following criteria:
association of seal or finger ring with a specific burial; sex identification; association of non-
glyptic material, quantitative wealth of grave goods; qualitative wealth of grave goods; sexual
specificity based upon types of associated artifacts and iconography. This analysis largely
confirms the conclusions of the earlier study in that there is a striking contrast between the
Argolid and Messenia and other regions, both in the Peloponnese and more peripherally, in the
association between seals and high social status. An appendix lists all seals and finger rings from
Mycenaean funerary contexts that are fairly or entirely precise and secure, including CMS
reference, identification of tomb, burial and sex, associated grave goods, glyptic material and
total reliability and homogeneity ratings. See also 960.

962 Landau, Oscar. 1958. Mykenisch-griechische Personennamen. Studia

Graeca et Latina Gothoburgensia 7. Göteborg: Almquist &
Wiksells. 305 p.

The first part of this book, comprising about one-half of its length, comprises a
list of all personal names found in the Linear B tablets in alphabetical order; each entry includes
a transcription of the name, a Greek translation and the tablet or tablets on which it is found;
subsequent chapters discuss the form and structure of Mycenaean names and the meaning of
names in terms of bodily attributes, social status, place of origin, occupation and the natural
world; includes several indices.

963 Ledgegård, Hans. 1997-1997. The function and social position of the Mycenaean
qa-si-re-u. Minos 31-32:371-378.

Briefly discusses occurrences of this term and its derivatives and suggests some deductions
based upon these occurrences. Most contexts seem to involve leadership and high social setting,
such as groups of leaders at a local provincial level, with responsibilities involving groups of
people. Thus this term probably refers to a local aristocracy without specific functions whose
positions are based upon kinship ties in the community. See also 951 and 970.
964 Lejeune, Michel. 1965. Le DAMOS dans la sociéte mycénienne. Revue des
Études Grecques 78:1-22.

Discusses the meaning and social context of the term damos found on various
Linear B tablets; Lejeune characterizes the damos as a rural group associated with agricultural
functions which among other things functioned as a land-holding entity. See also 944, 947, 971
and 974.

965 Lewartowski, Kazimierz. 1995. Mycenaean social structure: a view from

simple graves. In: Politeia: Society and State in the Aegean Bronze Age.
Proceedings of the 5th International Aegean Conference/5e Rencontre égéene
internationalé, University of Heidelberg, Archäologisches Institut, 10-13 April
1994. Robert Laffineur and Wolf- Dietrich Niemeier, eds. pp. 103-111. Aegaeum
12, Annales d'archéologie égéenne de l'Université de Liège et UT-PASP. Liège:
Université de Liège Histoire del'art et archéologie de la Grèce antique/University of
Texas at Austin Program in Scripts and Prehistory.

General comparison between chamber tombs and simple graves--including pit and cist
graves, simple shaft graves, built tombs and pit-caves--in terms of construction, number of
burials, the practice of second burials, position of bodies, orientation of bodies, grave offerings,
composition of offerings and distribution of offerings along the body. Lewartowski concludes
that although both groups of burials belong to the same society and culture, the simple graves
represent a social class of lower wealth and status; minor differences in funeral behavior suggest
some diversity of belief and attitude toward death in these groups; increasing dissimilarity in the
groups over time suggest increasing divergence in the two groups from a common Middle
Helladic origin. See also 949, 953, 958, 959 and 977.

966 Lindgren, Margareta. 1973. The People of Pylos: Prosopographical and

Methodological Studies in the Pylos Archives. Acta U Universitatis
Upsaliensis, Boreas, Uppsala Studies in Ancient Mediterranean and Near Eastern
Civilizations 3. Uppsala. 2 v.

In the first part of this work, Lindgren lists people enumerated in the Pylos Linear
B tablets by personal names and by personal designation, as well as those listed by collectively
recorded groups; each listing includes the name, the tablets on which it is found and any
indication of place or location; the second part is a descriptive catalogue of personal
designations.

967 Niemeier, Wolf-Dietrich. 1983. The character of the Knossian palace society in
the second half of the 15th century B.C.: Mycenaean or Minoan? In: Minoan
Society: Proceedings of the Cambridge Colloquium 1981. Olga
Krzyszkowska and Lucia Nixon. pp. 217-236. Bristol: Bristol Classical Press.

Evaluates evidence concerning the dating of Mycenaean control of Knossos and

of the Knossos Linear B tablets; Niemeier concludes that Knossos remained purely Minoan in
character until destruction of the palace in LM IIIA, that Knossos was a Mycenaean palatial
center until LM IIIB, and therefore the Knossos Linear B tablets should also be dated to LM
IIIB.

968 Olson, Barbara A. 1998. Women, children and the family in the Late Aegean
Bronze Age: differences in Minoan and Mycenaean constructions of gender.
World Archaeology 29:380-392.

Discusses how the relationship of women and children is portrayed based on an

analysis of iconography. Minoan art uniformly depicts women outside of domestic contexts,
while Mycenaean art provides a systematic iconographic reinforcement of women as child-
bearers and suggests a much greater level of investment on the part of Mycenaean society in
portraying this image. See also 940, 946 and 972.

969 Rehak, Paul. 1994. The Aegean Apriest@ on CMS I.223. Kadmos 33:76-84.

Detailed analysis of a LH IIA jasper lentoid seal from the Vapheio tholos. Of
particular note is the depiction of a figure who appears to be wearing a sealstone on his wrist,
which may reflect his high status, and who may have the same or similar status of the man buried
in the tholos tomb.

970 Ruijgh, C.J. 1998-1999. The social status of persons indicated by possessive
adjectives in –e-jo, with some linguistic observations. In: A-na-qo-ta: Studies
Presented to J.T. Killen. John Bennet and Jan Driessen, eds. pp. 251- 272. Minos
33-34. Salamanca: Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca.

Ruijgh concludes that possessive adjectives ending in –e-jo indicate names of

very important persons, with reference to possessions of flocks, land or human beings; in the last
instance, this probably entails the right to oblige people for corvée labor. See also 951 and 963.

971 Tegyey, Imre. 1968. The communities of Pylos. In: Studia Mycenaea.
Proceedings of the Mycenaean Symposium, Brno, April 1966.
Antonin Bartonek, ed. pp. 143-146. Spisy University J.E. Purkyne v Brne Filosofika
Fakulta, 127. Brno: Universita J.E. Purkyne.

Tegyey's reading of certain Linear B tablets from Pylos suggests a process of

reorganization from an inherited tribal social system to an organization of villages and groups of
craftsmen. Seealso 944, 947, 964 and 974.

972 Thomas, Carol G. 1973. Matriarchy in early Greece: the Bronze and Dark
Ages. Arethusa 6:173-195.

Examines evidence, including artistic representations, palatial architecture and

Linear B texts, for the existence of a matriarchal society based upon women's right of ownership
of property, a major role in the religious world-view and a privileged social status; Thomas
concludes that the role of women in Mycenaean Greece was not as prominent as on Crete, that
women had limited property rights and that the evidence for women's social status is ambiguous.
See also 940, 946 and 968.
973 Tritsch, F.J. 1958. The women of Pylos. In: Minoica: Festschrift zum 80.
Geburtstag von Johannes Sundwall. Ernst Grumach, ed. pp. 406-445. Deutsche
Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin, Schriften der Sektion fur
Altertumswissenschaft 12. Berlin: Akademie-Verlag.

An extensive and careful analysis and interpretation in which Tritsch examines

the status and function of women as indicated in the Series A Linear B tablets of Pylos; he
divides them based upon the terminology used in the tablets into three classes: 1) slaves or
servants, most of whom have a religious association; 2) women of a higher social status with a
religious function; 3) war refugees from the kingdom of Pylos and elsewhere in the Aegean who
have been put to work as part of war preparations. See also 948 and 950.

974 Uchitel, Alexander. 1988. The archives of Mycenaean Greece and the ancient
Near East. In: Society and Economy in the Eastern Mediterranean (c. 1500-1000
B.C.): Proceedings of the International Symposium held at the University of
Haifa from the 28th of April to the 2nd of May 1985. Michael Heltzer and E.
Lipinski, eds. pp. 19-30. Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 23. Leuven: Uitgeverij
Peeters.

Comparison of typologically similar documents from Mycenaean Greece and the

Near East; those with the greatest similarity to the Linear B tablets come from the Sumerian Ur
III and Middle Hittite archives, while those from Ugarit and Alalakh, though more
contemporary, seem to reflect a different form of administrative structure and social
organization; Uchitel finds structural similarity in the dichotomy of social classes referred to as
da-mo and do-e-ro on the Linear B tablets. See also 944, 947, 964 and 971.

975 van Soesbergen, Peter G. 1979. Thracian personal, ethnic and topographical
names in Linear A and B. Kadmos 18:26-39.

Cites linguistic evidence from Linear B tablets for the existence of a

pre-Mycenaean Thracian substrate in Greece.
976 Varias, Carlos. 1998-1999. The personal names from the Knossos B-tablets and
from the Mycenae tablets. In: A-na-qo-ta: Studies Presented to J.T. Killen.
John Bennet and Jan Driessen, eds. pp. 349-370. Minos 33-34. Salamanca:
Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca.

Varias briefly discusses theories concerning the ethnic composition of the Mycenaean
population at the time of the Linear B inscriptions (c. 1400-1200 B.C.) and then conducts an
analysis of personal names in the Knossos B-series, which lists male personnel, half of which
have Greek names, in contrast to a higher percentage of Greek names in the Mycenae tablets. He
asserts, however, that the majority of the population was Minoan and the percentage of non-
Greek female names is also higher because the Greek population on Crete was predominantly
masculine, comprising a military and economic elite. See also 939-943, 945, 952, 957 and 971.

977 Voutsaki, Sofia. 1997. The creation of value and prestige in the Aegean Late
Bronze Age. Journal of European Archaeology 5:34-52.

Voutsaki discusses the causes and consequences of the AShaft Grave

phenomenon,@ i.e. the metamorphosis of Middle Helladic mortuary practices into complex and
ostentatious Late Bronze Age forms, with reference to the role of social practices in social
change. Looking at aspects of value, power and prestige reflected in material evidence, she
discusses the Shaft Graves as an example of conspicuous consumption. The ostentatious disposal
of goods was the primary mechanism of social change, and the intrusion of Minoan and other
Aegean prestige goods and value systems disrupted the segmentary exchange networks and more
egalitarian ethos of Middle Helladic society. See also 949, 953, 958, 959 and 965.

978 Was, Daniel A. 1977. Byblos in Minoan texts. Minos 16:7-11.

Identifies several words of Linear A inscriptions from Agia Triadha and a Linear
B tablet from Knossos as referring to people from Byblos, possibly refugees who became palace
dependents serving as supervisors of rural laborers. See also 939-943, 945, 952, 957 and 976.
979 Wright, James C. 1995. Empty cups and empty jugs: the social role of wine in
Minoan and Mycenaean societies. In: The Origins and Ancient History of Wine.
Patrick E. McGovern, Stuart J. Fleming and Solomon H. Katz, eds. pp. 287-309.
Gordon and Breach Publishers.

Wright argues, based upon archaeological, textual and iconographic evidence, that
the tradition of ritual drinking during the Minoan and Mycenaean periods was probably
originally associated with ceremonies of initiation and was a sign of aristocratic behavior. Wine
appears to have been the beverage of choice in these activities, since its production involves an
investment in labor and time that only the wealthy could afford, and Linear B texts clearly
document how wine production was linked to the palatial system of agricultural production. The
existence of sets of drinking and pouring vessels, particularly those made of precious metals
found in tombs, supports this hypothesis. Wright suggests that this social context evolved on
Crete and was introduced to the mainland, where it was adopted by chieftans desirous of
enhancing their prestige and was associated with increasing social and political complexity, in a
manner analogous to a similar process later occurring between Celtics and Greeks.

Settlement Patterns

Evidence for Mycenaean settlement patterns comes from a number of sources, the most
important of which is archaeological survey. Probably the earliest systematic survey was
conducted by Wace and Thompson in Thessaly near the beginning of the twentieth century. The
first truly interdisciplinary regional survey was carried out by the Minnesota Messenia
Expedition in the 1960's. This and all previous surveys can be characterized as "extensive," in
that they covered a large area with the goal of discovering as many sites as possible by
selectively examining--based upon predetermined criteria--likely areas of inhabitation. More
recently, "intensive" surveys--which traverse all terrain within the survey boundaries--have been
made in parts of the Argolid, Lakonia, Messenia, Boiotia, Elis, Phokis, Crete and Melos.

Another source of data has been place names found in Linear B tablets from Knossos,
Pylos and Thebes. Some of these toponyms have then been identified with later known classical
or later place names or with sites discovered through archaeological survey or excavation. A
third source is the Catalogue of Ships from the Iliad, which is generally accepted as reflecting to
some extent the geography of Mycenaean Greece; again, efforts have been made to identify the
sites mentioned by Homer therein with known archaeological sites.

As indicated above, survey work has been done in almost every part of Greece. However,
the nature and extent of surveying has varied considerably from region to region. The most
thoroughly surveyed areas are in the Peloponnese, specifically the Argolid and Messenia, and it
is therefore from these areas that the most complete data concerning settlement patterns come.
These data can be used to some extent as a benchmark for other areas, although some regional
variation does exist.

Almost all survey data, however, are subject to certain limitations. Understandably, earlier
surveys tended to identify more of the larger and most prominent settlements and fewer smaller,
out-of-the way sites. Similarly, LH IIIA-B pottery, representing the most widely settled and
most populous period of Mycenaean history, is both more common and more easily identifiable
than earlier or later periods; hence the LH I, LH II and LH IIIC periods may be somewhat under-
represented. Estimates of site size (and by inference, settlement population) are also somewhat
problematical, influenced by factors such as erosion, plowing and subsequent settlement.

Almost one thousand "Mycenaean sites" (including settlements, burials and sites at which
Mycenaean artifacts have been found) are now known. The densest settlement was in central
and southern Greece, especially in the Argolid, Messenia, Attika and Boiotia. Major centers
tended to be sited at the edges of plains containing fertile and easily cultivable soil on low hills
near a perennial supply of water. Smaller and more peripheral settlements were more variably
located, although few habitation sites are found at higher elevations. Most sites ranged in size
from one-half to two hectares, with a territory roughly within a five kilometer radius.

Given the degree of cultural continuity in addition to an initially similar economy, it is not
surprising that most early Mycenaean sites were also occupied in the preceding Middle Helladic
period. During LH I-II some of these sites, such as Mycenae, became larger and very likely the
population as a whole began to increase.

There is a significant increase in the number of sites beginning in LH IIIA; in some

instances this represents expansion into previously unoccupied territories such as northern
Thessaly, the islands and the Anatolian coast, and in other cases there was substantial infilling of
areas previously less densely occupied. It is assumed that the population increased
concomitantly, although it has also been suggested that this phenomenon represents at least in
part a shift from a more nucleated to a more dispersed settlement pattern. By this time a
settlement hierarchy is also apparent, ranging from palace sites to hamlets.

In LH IIIC the number of sites decreases drastically, largely due to events described
elsewhere which caused an apparent massive depopulation (see Introduction). The actual
population decrease may be more apparent than real, since it is based almost entirely upon
surface evidence of LH IIIC pottery, but at many excavated sites there is also evidence of
abandonment at this time. There is also a shift in the population away from coastal sites and
toward more remote and isolated inland settlements.

980 Ålin, Per. 1962. Das Ende der Mykenischen Fundstätten auf dem Griechischen
Festland. Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology 1. Lund: Paul Åströms
Förlag.
 Alin's work represents one of the first systematic efforts to collate and analyze
settlement data for Mycenaean Greece; proceeding on a regional basis, he lists and discusses
evidence for occupation at all known Mycenaean sites; the focus of his inquiry is the extent of
destruction and continuity at the end of the Late Bronze Age, and his numerical analysis of
settlement by region and for the various Late Helladic periods graphically demonstrates
demographic changes.

981 Apostolopoulou-Kakavoyianni, Olga. 1986. Topographia tis periochis ton

Pheron Thessalias kata tin proistoriki periodo. Archaiologikon Deltion,
Meletai 34:174-206.

Lists, describes and discusses settlements in the vicinity of Pherai in southeastern

Thessaly; the Late Bronze Age appears to have been a period of prosperity in this region, as
demonstrated by the number and size of sites and the importance of two sites, Pherai and Petra.

982 Benton, S. 1931. The Ionian Islands. Annual of the British School at Athens
32:213-246.

Results of a survey of the Ionian Islands, including evidence of Mycenaean

occupation.

983 Bintliff, John, Phil Howard and Anthony Snodgrass. 1999. The hidden
landscape of prehistoric Greece. Journal of Mediterranean Archaeology 12:139-
168.

The authors identify a consistent problem of all-period intensive surveys in

Greece, i.e. the difficulty of recognizing prehistoric remains. Based upon their experience with
problems encountered over a period of twenty years by the Boeotia Survey, they suggest
explanations for these problems and offer some steps toward their solution. See also 985, 993,
1012 and 1030.
984 Carothers, Joan and William A. McDonald. 1979. Size and distribution of the
population in Late Bronze Age Messenia: some statistical approaches. Journal of
Field Archaeology 6:433-453.

Synthesizes historical, documentary and archeological data in order to explore

locational factors in Late Bronze Age Messenia, using statistical techniques to predict regional
population, investigate the differential distribution of population over a varied landscape and to
understand the significance of population distribution in terms of the social and economic
organization of the kingdom of Pylos. See also 987, 991, 992, 1008-1012 and 1022.

985 Cavanagh, Bill. 2001. The Laconia rural sites project. Bulletin of the Institute of
Classical Archaeology 45:169-170.

Describes the methodology used in surveying rural sites in Lakonia, including

intensive surface collection and geophysical survey of subsurface features, in order to investigate
their function and their exploitation of the landscape. See also 983, 985, 986, 992, 1012, 1024,
1025 and 1030.

986 Cavanagh, William, Joost Crouwel, R.W.V. Catling and Graham Shipley, eds.
1996. The Laconia Survey: Continuity and Change in a Greek Rural Landscape.
Volume II, Archaeological Data. Annual of the British School at Athens
Supplementary Volume 27. London: British School at Athens. 459 p.

This volume includes the entire corpus of archaeological data from the survey of
Lakonia conducted by the British School of Athens between 1983 and 1988. Contents include:
W. Cavanagh and J. Crouwel, The Middle Helladic and Late Helladic I-II pottery (pp. 17-26); J.
Crouwel, The Mycenaean (Late Helladic III) pottery (pp. 27-32); T. Carter and M. Ydo, The
chipped and ground stone (pp. 141-182); M. Overbeek, The small finds (pp. 183-198); D. Hibler,
The stone architectural and sculptural fragments (pp. 199-212); W. Cavanagh, The phosphate
and geophysical surveys (pp. 235-262); G. Shipley, Archaeological sites in Laconia and the
Thyreatis (pp. 263-314); G. Shipley, Site catalogue of the survey (pp. 315-438); G. Shipley,
General index, Select index of Greek words and Index of site numbers with zones and subzones
(pp. 439-459). Also includes numerous maps, figures, photographs and illustrations. See also
983, 985, 992, 1012, 1024, 1025 and 1030.
987 Chadwick, Anthony J. 1978. A computer simulation of Mycenaean settlement.
In: Simulation Studies in Archaeology. Ian Hodder, ed. pp. 47-57.
Cambridge, Eng.: Cambridge University Press.

Describes, discusses and evaluates two models simulating the pattern of

settlement in Messenia during the Late Bronze Age; the first model postulates settlement based
upon environmental potential and assumes that the location of each settlement is independent of
any other; the second model suggests that the key factors in settlement growth were
environment, distance from previous settlements, population size and a random element;
theoretical and methodological aspects of settlement simulation are also discussed. See also 984,
991, 992, 1008-1012 and 1022.

988 Cherry, John F. and Jack L. Davis. 2001. “Under the secptre of Agamemnon”:
the view from the hinterlands of Mycenae In: Urbanism in the Aegean Bronze Age.
Keith Branagan, ed. pp. 141-159. London: Sheffield Academic Press.

Description, analysis and discussion of various systematic surveys in the Argolid,

with a summary of data from a survey of the Nemea Valley, which reveals inhabitation during all
major phases of the Mycenaean period and the development of a long-lasting four-level site
hierarchy spread throughout the region. The authors also discuss the relationship between
Mycenae and Nemea, possible environmental changes and modifications and the distribution of
monumental burials. See also 990, 997, 1026-1028.

989 Dakoronia, Fanouria. 1993. Homeric towns in East Lokris: problems of

identification. Hesperia 62:115-127.

Describes and discusses evidence for Late Bronze Age and Early Iron Age
settlements in around the plain of Atalante in Lokris, including three major sites and two minor
ones dating to LH III and the Iron Age. See also 1001 and 1023.

990 Davis, Jack L. 1988. If there's a room at the top, what's at the bottom: settlement
and hierarchy in early Mycenaean Greece. Bulletin of the Institute of Classical
Studies 35:164-165.
 A discussion of early Mycenaean settlement patterns, based upon intensive regional survey
near Nemea in the Argolid and on the island of Keos in the Cyclades and focusing on rural areas
away from major centers; as opposed to Keos, with a limited area and population, a settlement
hierarchy develops rapidly in the Argolid around the site of Tsoungiza in the Shaft Grave period,
due to rapid changes in the region's economic structure, prior to any major Minoan influence.
See also 988, 990, 1006 and 1030.

991 Davis, Jack L., Susan E. Alcock, John Bennet, Yannos G. Lolos and Cynthia W.
Shelmerdine. 1997. The Pylos Regional Archaeological Project, part I: overview
and the archaeological survey. Hesperia 66:391-494.

Investigation, primarily through surface survey, of prehistoric and historic

settlement and land use in western Messenia in an area centered on the palace of Nestor c. 40
square miles. The survey resulted in the discovery of twice the number of sites previously
known. The authors discuss their survey methodology, the results of the survey and the
relationship between settlement patterns, environmental variables and Linear B data. They also
describe artifact finds. Results of the survey include the identification of a three-tiered settlement
hierarchy in LH IIIB, better definition of the large community surrounding the palace and a
clearer understanding of the evolution of palace control and the extension of the Pylian state.
Includes an appendix listing the location and dating of monumental burials. See also 984, 987,
992, 1008-1012 and 1022.

992 Dickinson, O.T.P.K. 1982. Parallels and contrasts in the Bronze Age of the
Peloponnese. Oxford Journal of Archaeology 1:125-137.

Compares the provinces of the northeastern Peloponnese, Lakonia and Messenia,

which together contain more than 50% of all known Mycenaean sites, in terms of site
distribution; after discussing both common features and aspects of variability, Dickinson argues
against automatic assumptions of inter-regional uniformity and for regional variation in various
specific instances; he also discusses survey methodology and its implications. See also 984-988,
990, 991, 1008-1012, 1022, 1025, 1026, 1028 and 1030.
993 Fossey, John M. 1973. The end of the Bronze Age in the South West Copaic.
Euphrosyne 6:7-21.

Fossey's survey of the southwestern Copaic plain in Boiotia shows it to have been
densely occupied during the Late Bronze Age when the lake was drained; low-lying sites near
the margin of the lake were abandoned at the end of the Late Bronze Age, while those on higher
ground either continued to be occupied or were reoccupied by the 7th century B.C., suggesting
that the lake had re-flooded; local traditions preserved by Strabo and Pausanias support this
evidence and provide the abandoned sites with their ancient names. See also 983 and 1012.

994 Hope Simpson, Richard. 1998. The Mycenaean highways. Echos du Monde
classique/Classical Views 42:239-260.

Partly a response to Anton Jansen=s hypothesis that the road system in the vicinity
of Mycenae in the Argolid reflects a limited territory and primarily local agricultural and
economic use. After reviewing evidence for roads and associated construction such as bridges,
Hope Simpson concludes that the Mycenaean road system was more extensive than proposed by
Jansen, that the territory of Mycenae must have included, at a minimum, the Berbati, Kleonae
and Nemea valleys, and that the road system clearly served military and defensive functions as
well. See also 999, 1000, 1002-1005 and 1007.

995 Hope Simpson, Richard and J.F. Lazenby. 1962. Notes from the Dodecanese.
Annual of the British School at Athens 57:154-175.

Results of settlement pattern survey of the islands of Karpathos, Saria, Syme,

Nisyros, Kos and Kalymnos. See also 996, 997, 1013 and 1014.

996 Hope Simpson, Richard and J.F. Lazenby. 1970. Notes from the Dodecanese II.
Annual of the British School at Athens 65:47-77.
 Lists and discusses Late Bronze Age inhabitation of the islands of Patmos, Lipsoi,
Leros, Kos, Syme, Telos, Karpathos, Kasos and Castellorizo. See also 995, 997, 1013 and 1014.

997 Hope Simpson, Richard and J.F. Lazenby. 1973. Notes from the Dodecanese III.
Annual of the British School at Athens 68:127-179.

An investigation of settlement patterns which concludes with a discussion of the

Dodecanese during prehistoric times and of their relationship to Asia Minor during the
Mycenaean period; during the Late Bronze Age, Minoan was gradually replaced by Mycenaean
influence; while some Minoan settlements were destroyed toward the end of LM IB, there is less
evidence of destruction at the end of LH IIIB; during LH IIIC the Dodecanese formed part of a
Mycenaean "koine" also encompassing Asia Minor and parts of the Aegean. See also 995, 996,
1013 and 1014.

998 Jameson, Michael H., Curtis N. Runnels and Tjeerd H. van Andel, eds. 1994. A
Greek Countryside: The Southern Argolid from Prehistory to the Present
Day. Stanford: Stanford University Press. 654 p.

Documentation of the environment, archaeology and history of the southern

Argolid based on intensive survey, and an interpretation of human interaction with the
environment. Includes chapters on topography, history, land and sea, archaeological survey,
resource use and the co-evolution of landscape and human settlement. There is a brief discussion
of the Late Bronze Age. Appendices include a register of sites and population estimates. See also
1018.

999 Jansen, Anton. 1997. Bronze Age highways at Mycenae. Echos du Monde
classique/Classical Views 16:1-16.
 Describes and discusses a network of four highways emanating from Mycenae.
Janson concludes that these key arteries served only the immediate region of Mycenae, that the
main interest of Mycenae was the area to the northeast, with less evidence for direct interaction
with the Berbati Valley, and that although military functions are possible or even likely, the main
function of these routes seems to be connected with agriculture and economic activities. See also
994, 1000, 1002-1005 and 1007.

1000 Kase, Edward W. 1973. Mycenaean roads in Phokis. American Journal of

Archaeology 77:74-77.

Postulates and traces a trade route from Kirra on the Krisaean Gulf to
Arno-Vardhates on the Malian Gulf, based on evidence of cyclopean masonry and fortifications.
See also 994, 999, 1002-1005 and 1007.

1001 Kase, Edward W., George J. Szemler, Nancy C. Wilkie and Paul W. Wallace,
eds. 1991. The Great Isthmus Corridor Route: Explorations of the
Phokis-Doris Expedition. Volume 1. Center for Ancient Studies, University of
Minnesota, Publication 3. Dubuque.

Presents the results of an intensive survey of a north-south route along a well-

traveled corridor in Central Greece during prehistoric and historic times; contents include P.
Ålin, The prehistoric periods (pp. 65-69) and F. Dakoronia, Late Helladic III, Submycenaean and
Progeometric finds in the Spercheios Valley (pp. 70-73). See also 989 and 1023.

1002 Krigas, E.J. 1987. Amota and rota: road-transport in Mycenaean Arcadia.
Kadmos 26:74-83.

Examines Linear B tablets from Pylos referring to wheels and chariots along with
evidence of wheel-ruts in eastern Arkadia in the vicinity of the site of Analepsis in order to
discuss the use of roads in this region. See also 994, 999, 1000, 1003-1005 and 1007.
1003 Langdon, Merle. 1994. A cyclopean bridge and rutted road in the Thriasian Plain.
Studi Micenei ed Egeo-Anatolici 34:51-60.

Describes, illustrates and discusses a small cyclopean bridge in Attika and a

nearby road with chariot ruts which may also date to Mycenaean times. See also 994, 999, 1000,
1002, 1004, 1005 and 1007.

1004 Lavery, J. 1990. Some aspects of Mycenaean topography. Bulletin of the

Institute for Classical Studies 37:165-171.

Describes and discusses the location and function of roads connecting Mycenae to
other areas within the Peloponnese. See also 994, 999, 1000, 1002, 1003, 1005 and 1007.

1005 Lavery, J. 1995. Some Anew@ Mycenaean roads at Mycenae. Bulletin of the
Institute of Classical Studies 40:264-265.

See also 994, 999, 1000, 1002-1004 and 1007.

1006 Maran, Joseph. 1995. Structural changes in the pattern of settlement during the
Shaft Grave period on the Greek mainland. In: Politeia: Society and State in the
Aegean Bronze Age. Proceedings of the 5th International Aegean
Conference/5e Rencontre égéene internationale, University of Heidelberg,
Archäologisches Institut, 10-13 April 1994. Robert Laffineur and Wolf-
Dietrich Niemeier, eds. pp. 67-72. Aegaeum 12, Annales d'archéologie égéenne de
l'Université de Liège et UT-PASP. Liège: Université de Liège Histoire del'art et
archéologie de la Grèce antique/University of Texas at Austin Program in Scripts and
Prehistory.

Evidence from the fairly limited settlement data from eastern Greece in the Shaft
Grave period (MH III-LHI) indicates discontinuities with the earlier Middle Helladic period,
most notably a shift to more defensible acropolis sites and the use of previously occupied parts of
sites for burials. These developments are interpreted as the restructuring and reorganization of
settlements, possibly due to changes in socio-economic conditions. See also 990 and 1030.

1007 McDonald, William A. 1964. Overland communications in Greece

during LH III, with special reference to southwest Peloponnese. In: Mycenaean
Studies: Proceedings of the Third International Colloquium for Mycenaean Studies
Held at "Wingspread," 4-8 September 1961. Emmett L. Bennet, Jr., ed. pp. 217-240.
Madison: University of Wisconsin Press.

Presents evidence for an extensive system of roads, at least some of which could
accommodate chariots, in LH III Messenia; although sea travel was the preferred and dominant
mode, the Mycenaean road system may not have been equaled until the 19th century; along with
discussing Mycenaean engineering and road construction techniques, McDonald traces the
inland routes of communication between the major centers in the Peloponnese. See also 994,
999, 1000 and 1002-1005.

1008 McDonald, William A. 1984. The Minnesota Messenia Expedition: a look back.
In: Studies Presented to Sterling Dow on his Eightieth Birthday, pp. 185-191,
Greek, Roman and Byzantine Monographs, 10, Durham: Duke University
Press.

Reviews, analyzes and discusses the methodology of the Minnesota Messenia

Expedition survey. See also 984, 987, 991, 992, 1009-1012 and 1022.
1009 McDonald, William A. and Richard Hope Simpson. 1961. Prehistoric
habitation in Southwestern Peloponnese. American Journal of Archaeology
65:221-260.

Presents the results of an extensive and systematic survey of Messenia, primarily

comprising a catalogue of Late Bronze Age sites, each entry including its toponym, bibliographic
references, a general description of its setting, detailed description of the site and periods of
occupation based upon surface pottery finds; also included is a summary description of the data
and some tentative conclusions concerning settlement patterns. See also 984, 987, 991, 992,
1008, 1009-1012 and 1022.

1010 McDonald, William A. and Richard Hope Simpson. 1964. Further

exploration in Southwestern Peloponnese: 1962-1963. American Journal of
Archaeology 68:229-245.

A catalogue of thirty new sites, almost all dating to the Late Helladic period,
during the course of a survey of the southwest Peloponnese; includes additional commentary on
road systems, paleobotany and ceramic technology. See also 984, 987, 991, 992, 1008, 1009,
1011, 1012 and 1022.

1011 McDonald, William A. and Richard Hope Simpson. 1969. Further

explorations in Southwestern Peloponnese: 1964-1968. American Journal of
Archaeology 73:123-177.

Presents results of ongoing survey program, along with some tentative comments
concerning settlement patterns and survey methodology. See also
983-985, 987, 991, 992, 1008-1010, 1012, 1022 and 1030.

1012 Mee, Christopher and William Cavanagh. 2000. The hidden landscape of
prehistoric Greece: a view from Laconia and Methana. Journal of Mediterranean
Archaeology 13:102-107.
 Comparison of survey results in the Peloponnese and Boiotia. In the authors=
opinion the durability of sherds varies considerably between regions, possibly due to different
methods of pottery manufacture and/or different post-depositional processes, thus leading to their
greater or lesser visibility. See also 983-985, 987, 991, 992, 1008-1011, 1022 and 1030.

1013 Melas, E.M. 1983. Minoan and Mycenaean settlement in Kasos and
Karpathos. Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 30:53-61.

Gives results of a survey on the islands indicate the arrival of Mycenaeans from
the Argolid, probably following the fall of Knossos (and thus the end of Minoan influence). See
also 995-997 and 1014.

1014 Melas, E.M. 1988. Exploration in the Dodecanese: new prehistoric and
Mycenaean finds. Annual of the British School at Athens 83:283-311.

A program of survey and exploration in the southern Dodecanese islands which

located and identified four Mycenaean sites on the island of Nisyros. See also 995-997 and 1013.

1015 Palmer, Leonard R. 1979. Context and geography. In: Colloquium

Mycenaeum: Actes du Sixième Colloque International sur les Textes Égéens et
Mycéniens tenu a Chaumont sur Neuchatel du 7 au 13 Septembre 1975. Ernst
Risch and Hugo Mühlestein, eds. pp. 43-64. Université de Neuchatel, Recueil de Travaux
Publies par la Faculte des Lettres 36. Geneva: Université de Neuchatel.

Discusses the use of the Knossos Linear B tablets to identify and locate place
names in Crete; Palmer emphasizes the use of consistent contextual relationships of place names
to establish the geographical proximity of sites in Mycenaean Crete.
1016 Papadopoulos, Thanasis J. 1990. Settlement types in prehistoric Epirus.
In: L'Habitat Egéen Prehistorique: Actes de la Table Ronde Internationale
organisee par le Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, l'Université de
Paris I et l'Ecole française d'Athénes. Pascal Darque and Rene Treuil, eds. pp. 359-
367. Bulletin de Correspondence Hellénique Supplement 19. Paris: École
Française d'Athénes.

1017 Renfrew, Colin. 1982. Bronze Age Melos. In: An Island Polity: The Archaeology
of Exploitation in Melos. Colin Renfrew and Malcolm Wagstaff, eds. pp.
35-44. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Reconstructs patterns of settlement and urban development on Melos during the

Bronze Age, based upon the results of an intensive regional survey added to earlier survey
efforts; the majority of data comes from the site of Phylakopi.

1018 Runnels, Curtis N. and Tjeerd H. van Andel. 1987. The evolution of settlement in
the southern Argolid, Greece: an economic explanation. Hesperia
56:303-334.

Describes the methodology and results of an intensive survey conducted in the

southern Argolid; the authors propose that the number and density of settlements--usually along
with population size--increased whenever access to external commercial markets was available;
thus they assert that the cause of changes in settlement pattern is due to cultural (and primarily
economic) rather than environmental processes; they also describe and discuss the settlement
history of the Argolid. See also 998.

1019 Sackett, L.H., et al. 1966. Prehistoric Euboia: contributions towards a survey.
Annual of the British School at Athens 61:33-112.
 Lists and describes 92 sites in five regions; a summary of Late Bronze Age
Euboia indicates that all major arable areas were settled, with one major settlement in each; there
is evidence of a population increase and considerable prosperity in at least part of the island
during the Late Bronze Age.

1020 Smits, D.W. 1989. Mycenaean penetration into northern Greece. In:
Thracians and Mycenaeans: Proceedings of the Fourth International
Congress of Thracology, Rotterdam, 24-26 September 1984. Jan G.P. Best
and Nanny M.W. De Vries, eds. pp. 174-180. Publications of the Henri Frankfort
Foundation, 11.

Concludes that evidence from Homer and other historical evidence in the form of
legend accords with archaeological data regarding Mycenaean occupation and/ or settlement in
Thessaly and other areas of northern Greece.

1021 Spencer, Nigel. 1995. A Gazetteer of Archaeological Sites in Lesbos. BAR

International Series 623. Oxford: Tempvs Reparatvm. 76 p.

Gazetteer of all known prehistoric and historic sites on Lesbos, the third largest
island in the Aegean (after Crete and Euboia), based on published data. Each of the 243 site
entries includes its location, a description of the site, probable site function, periods of
occupation and a bibliography. In the Chronological Index of sites and the maps of settlement by
period, nineteen sites--all but three of which are coastal--are identified as having been definitely
or possibly occupied during the Late Bronze Age. The site density for the Late Bronze Age is
less than that of the Early Bronze Age and considerably less than the historic age, beginning with
the Archaic period.

1022 Spencer, Nigel. 1995. Heroic time: monuments and the past in Messenia,
southwest Greece. Oxford Journal of Archaeology 14:277-292.
 Using the methodology of landscape archaeology, Spencer discusses how the
location of the Late Bronze Age palace of Pylos relates to earlier Middle Helladic habitation
patterns, and the relevance of the Bronze Age landscape to the Iron Age, especially in terms of
Apast@ and Ahistory.@ He also discusses the palace and its setting, the evolution of the settlement
and the history of monument construction and re-use. See also 984, 987, 991, 992 and 1008-
1012.

1023 Wallace, Paul W. 1977. The motherland of the Dorians. In: Symposium on the
Dark Ages of Greece, Ellen N. Davis, ed., pp. 51-59.

Results of a survey conducted in the region of Doris-Phokis in central Greece;

contains description and discussion of sites found, specifically with reference to ancient sources
and traditions; no evident Bronze Age remains were revealed; may be difficult to obtain. See also
989 and 1001.

1024 Waterhouse, Helen and Richard Hope Simpson. 1960. Prehistoric Laconia:
Part I. Annual of the British School at Athens 55:67-107.

Describes the physical geography of Lakonia and presents the results of a survey
of the Spartan and Helos plains. See also 985, 986, 992 and 1025.

1025 Waterhouse, Helen and Richard Hope Simpson. 1961. Prehistoric Laconia: Part
II. Annual of the British School at Athens 56:114-175.

Describes and discusses evidence of occupation and settlement patterns outside of

the major plains and on the islands of Kythera and Antikythera; there is a brief summary of
Lakonia in the Late Helladic period. See also 985, 986 and 1024.
1026 Wells, Berit and Curtis Runnels, eds. 1996. The Berbati-Limes Archaeological
Survey 1988- 1990. Skrifter Utgivna av Svenska Institutet i Athen, 4, XLIV.
Stockholm: Paul Åströms Förlag. 457 p.

Final publication of the results of a systematic and intensive survey of a small

valley east of Mycenae in the Argolid, the primary objectives of which were to determine the
date and extent of human activity in the area through time, including the interrelationship of
landscape and site distribution, land-use patterns, and the interaction of the valley with other
neighboring regions. All finds are described and located for chronological periods from the
Middle Paleolithic period to the 17th century A.D., including more than 50 pages concerning the
Late Helladic period. On the basis of these data, it is observed tha activity was widespread in the
area during the period, beginning in LH II/IIIA1 and peaking during LH IIIA2-B1, which is
characterized as a time of intensive exploitation and population dispersion, while finds from LH
IIIB2-C are more sparsely represented. Evidence also suggests that terracing was begun and the
olive became a staple crop during the Late Helladic period, the formed involving communal
effort made possible only by a centralized political power. In addition to agriculture, herding of
sheep and goats was also practiced, along with the pottery production at the site of Berbati.
Although the presence of a tholos indicates a local ruling family controlling a self-contained
entity in the early Mycenaean period, it appears that Mycenae annexed the valley and its
economic resources after LH IIIA1. See also 988, 1027 and 1028.

1027 Wells, Berit, Curtis Runnels and Eberhard Zangger. 1990. The Berbati-Limnes
archaeological survey: the 1988 season. Opuscula Atheniensia 18:207-238.

The authors discuss the nature of the survey, regional geology and physiography
and archaeological observations; the survey revealed substantial Mycenaean presence in the
survey area, including several major sites connected by a road 2.2 meters wide and preserved for
over 700 m. along a hill slope. The siting and direction of the road indicates a strong connection
with nearby Mycenae. The sites are situated at strategically important and prominent places
overseeing a large territory where water and some good soil was available. The nature and
location of these sites suggest that pastoralism may have been the primary activity in this area
during Mycenaean times. The authors also note that remains are preserved on limestone, but not
on any other surface types. See also 988, 1026 and 1028.

1028 Wells, Berit, Curtis Runnels and Eberhard Zangger. 1993. In the shadow of
Mycenae. Archaeology 46:54-63.
 Survey results indicate that overexploitation of the environment during Late
Neolithic times created flooding and alluviation in the Plain of Argos, thus changing the
settlement pattern and creating a fertile hinterland for the growth and expansion of Mycenae
during the Late Bronze Age; also discusses Mycenaean settlement patterns in the Argolid. See
also 988, 1026 and 1027.

1029 Wiseman, James. 1978. The Land of the Ancient Corinthians. Studies in
Mediterranean Archaeology 50. Göteborg: Paul Åströms Förlag.
150 p.

Results of a topographical survey of Corinthia, including historical and prehistoric

topography by region and district; focuses primarily upon historic periods.

1030 Wright, James C. 1990. An early Mycenaean hamlet on Tsoungiza at

ancient Nemea. In: L'Habitat Égéen Prehistorique: Actes de la Table ronde
internationale organisee par le Centre National del la Recherche
Scientifique, l'Université de Paris I et l'Ecole française d'Athénes (Athénes, 23-25
juin 1987). Pascal Darcque and Rene Treuil, eds. pp. 347-357. Bulletin de
Correspondence Hellénique Supplement 19. Paris: École Française d'Athénes.

Discusses evidence from survey and excavation concerning the site plan
and architecture of this site in the Argolid, as well as problems with data and methodology which
influence the reconstruction of settlement patterns for the early Mycenaean period. See also 983,
985, 988, 990, 1006, 1011 and 1012.
 MATERIAL CULTURE

Art

As is the case with other Bronze Age civilizations, aspects of art, craft and technology are
not easily separated. In general, Mycenaean art, craft and technology represent a fusion of
earlier indigenous Middle Helladic traditions with a strong initial influence from Crete and the
Cyclades. Because of this strong early Minoan influence, it is not always possible to distinguish
between the two cultural traditions, especially in postulated cases of Minoan craftsmen working
on the mainland. Attribution has thus proved to be particularly difficult for early Mycenaean
contexts, most notably in respect to the Shaft Grave treasures of Mycenae, which seem to
embody multiple artistic traditions. Some general principles of differentiation have been
proposed, however, and some criteria to characterize Minoan or Mycenaean workmanship in
specific artifact classes and types have also been developed. Provenience studies utilizing
various forms of chemical analysis have also proved useful in determining the ultimate point of
origin for individual artifacts and artifact groups.

The finest products of Mycenaean artists and artisans undoubtedly came from workshops
or ateliers within or connected with the palaces, for it was the Mycenaean nobility that
subsidized their production. Although workshops have occasionally been found in smaller
settlements, the majority of known archaeological examples occur in a palatial context. It is
possible, too, that some products, such as bronze tools and weapons, were manufactured and
distributed by itinerant craftsmen.

1031 Blegen, Carl W. 1962. Early Greek portraits. American Journal of Archaeology
66:245-247.

Discusses gold masks from Grave Circle A at Mycenae as examples of the earliest
Greek efforts at portraiture. See also 1034, 1038, 1041, 1050 and 1063.

1032 Crowley, Janice L. 1989. The Aegean and the East: an Investigation into the
Transference of Artistic Motifs between the Aegean, Egypt and the Near East in
the Bronze Age. Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology Pocket-Book 51.
Jonsered: Paul Åströms Förlag. 507 p.

Investigates the common use of artistic motifs by examining iconography in order

to determine an attribution of indigenous creation or transference of motifs between artistic
traditions; Crowley's analysis reveals that many motifs were transferred from one area to another
and that there are three groups of motifs, each with a different mechanism of transference, as
well as two levels of acceptance of motifs. See also 1035, 1043, 1056, 1060 and 1061.

1033 Demargne, Pierre. 1964. The Birth of Greek Art (New York: Golden Press. 447
p.

A large format, abundantly illustrated art book; about one-fourth of the book deals
with Mycenaean art, its relation to Aegean and other Mediterranean cultures and its influence on
later Greek art; also provides some cultural background. See also 1036, 1037, 1039, 1048, 1053,
1054 and 1059.

1034 Dickinson, O.T.P.K. 1997. Arts and artifacts in the Shaft Graves: some
observations. In: TEKHNE: Craftsmen, Craftswomen and Craftmanship in
the Aegean Bronze Age. Proceedings of the 6th International Aegean
conference/6e Rencontre égéenne internationale, Philadelphia, Temple
University, 18-21 April 1996, Vol. 1, Robert Laffineur and Philip P. Betancourt, eds., pp.
45-49, Liege: Université de Liège Histoire de l'art et archéologie de la Grèce antique and
University of Texas at Austin Program in Aegean Scripts and Prehistory.

Argues that the inlaid daggers and swords from the Shaft Graves were made at
Mycenae by a highly skilled and innovative group of Aegean metalworkers and dismisses claims
that vessels and jewelry show evidence of influence from the Carpathian region. See also 1031,
1041, 1050 and 1063.
1035 Dyczek, P. 1990. The so-called royal signet bead from Pylos. Etudes et Travaux
15:140- 148.

A detailed discussion and analysis of a gold signet bead from Tholos IV at Pylos,
focusing on its depiction of a griffin and the appearance and significance of the griffin motif in
Aegean art. See also 1043, 1046, 1049, 1051, 1052, 1060, 1061 and 1065.

1036 Hafner, German. 1968. Art of Crete, Mycenae, and Greece, trans. Erika Bizzarri
(New York: Harry N. Abrams, Inc. 263 p.

Presents a limited selection of masterworks with brief, fairly conventional commentary.

See also 1033, 1037, 1039, 1048, 1053, 1054 and 1059.

1037 Hampe, Roland and Erika Simon. 1981. The Birth of Greek Art from the
Mycenaean to the Archaic Period. New York: Oxford University Press. 316 p.

Large format book with many fine illustrations, including enlargements emphasizing
detail, such as the depiction of sealstones; the book is organized by categories, including
architecture and painting, metalwork, weapons, stone vessels, pottery, engraving, jewelry and
ornaments, sculpture, ivory, bone and wood; Mycenaean examples comprise about one-half of
the book, although representation within given topics seems somewhat idiosyncratic. See also
1033, 1036, 1039, 1048, 1053, 1054 and 1059.

1038 Harrington, Spencer P.M. 1999. Behind the mask of Agamemnon. Archaeology
52, 4:51-59.

Presents brief articles by scholars concerning the authenticity of the gold

mask from Shaft Grave V, including: William M. Calder III, Is the mask a hoax: nine reasons to
be skeptical (pp. 53-55); David A. Traill, Insistent questions: a simple test could resolve the
matter (pp. 55-56); Katie Demakopoulou, The case for authenticity: why Calder and Traill are
wrong (pp. 57-58); Kenneth D.S. Lapatin, Not a forgery. How about a pastiche? (pp. 58-59). See
also 1031.

1039 Higgins, Reynold A. 1997. Minoan and Mycenaean Art, Revised Edition (The
World of Art). 2 rev. ed. New York: Thames & Hudson. 216 p.

At least one-half of the book deals with mainland Greece during the Late Bronze Age. See
also 1033, 1036, 1037, 1048, 1053, 1054 and 1059.

1040 Kopcke, Guenter. 1998. Cypriot figural bronzes: questions about Mycenaean
civilization and Sea People. In: Mediterranean Peoples in Transition,
Thirteenth to Early Tenth Centuries BCE. Seymour Gitin, Amihai Mazar and Ephriam
Stern, eds. pp. 94-102. Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society.

The author uses Cypriot bronzes, as well as ivories from Delos and Samos, as
evidence of the absence of a uniform Mycenaean art style. Upon this basis, and his belief that
Mycenaean life beyond the palaces was culturally and economically poverty-stricken compared
to the urbanized societies of Crete and the Levant, he calls into question the extent to which the
Mycenaeans were civilized.

1041 Laffineur, Robert. 1983. Early Mycenaean art: some evidence from the West
House at Thera. Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 30:111-122.

Examines thematic and iconographic similarities between frescoes in the West

House at Akrotiri on Thera and early Mycenaean art, especially that from the shaft graves,
particularly in terms of iconographic images decorating ships on the frescoes and isolated images
on inlaid Mycenaean daggers; Laffineur suggests that these images symbolize sea imagery and
victorious hunting scenes, that the ships depicted on the fresco are Mycenaean, and that the
owner of the West House was a Mycenaean admiral who may have been buried in Shaft Grave V
in Grave Circle A at Mycenae. See also 1031, 1034, 1050 and 1063.

1042 Laffineur, Robert. 1995. Craftsmen and craftsmanship in Mycenaean Greece:

for a multimedia approach. In: Politeia: Society and State in the Aegean Bronze
Age. Proceedings of the 5th International Aegean Conference/5e Rencontre
égéene internationalé, University of Heidelberg, Archäologisches Institut,
10-13 April 1994. Robert Laffineur and Wolf-Dietrich Niemeier, eds. pp. 189-199.
Aegaeum 12, Annales d'archéologie égéenne de l'Université de Liège et UT-
PASP. Liège: Université de Liège Histoire del'art et archéologie de la Grèce
antique/University of Texas at Austin Program in Scripts and Prehistory.

Discusses and illustrates with many examples the production during the early
Mycenaean period of relatively small objects involving the use of molds or repousse using
materials including gold, silver, faience and glass paste. Of particular significance is the use of
the same molds or dies to produce identical images from different materials, suggesting a similar
glyptic technology, one also related to the creation of sealstones. The homogeneity of methods
leading to the production of varied objects strongly argues for the local character of such objects.
See also 1044, 1055 and 1066.

1043 Laffineur, Robert and Janice Crowley, eds. 1992. EIKON. Aegean Bronze Age
Iconography: Shaping a Methodology. Proceedings of the 4th International Aegean
Conference, University of Tasmania, Hobart, Australia, 6-9 April 1992. Aegaeum
8, Annales d'archéologie égéenne de l'Université de Liège. Liège: Université
de Liège. 348 p.

Important collection of papers concerning the significance and interpretation of

Aegean iconography; contents include: J.L. Crowley, The icon imperative: rules of composition
in Aegean art (pp. 23-39); P. Rehak, Tradition and innovation in the fresco from Room 31 in the
"Cult Center" at Mycenae (pp. 39-62); M.-H. Gates, Mycenaean art for a Levantine market? The
ivory lid from Minet el Beidha/Ugarit (pp. 77-84); R. Laffineur, Iconography as evidence of
social and political status (pp. 105-112); C. Gates, Art for children in Mycenaean Greece (pp.
161-171); J.G. Younger, Representations of Minoan-Mycenaean jewelry (pp. 257-293); E.F.
Bloedow, On lions in Mycenaean and Minoan culture (pp. 295-305); J. Powell, Archaeological
and pictorial evidence for fishing in the Bronze Age: issues of identification and interpretation.
See also 1032, 1035, 1056, 1060 and 1061.
1044 Lewartowski, Kazimierz. 1992. Chariots and the Mycenaean vase painting. In:
Studia Aegaea et Balcanica: in honorem Lodovicae Press. pp. 93-98. Warsaw:
Wydawnictwa Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego.

In comparing the depiction of chariots in frescoes and on vases, Lewartowski

observes that unlike the wall paintings, the vase painter mixes some precisely depicted details
with vague or inaccurate treatment of others, emphasizing those elements which seemed most
characteristic or impressive to the artist; he suggests that this formal treatment is more
representative of the Mycenaean attitudes toward art and the depiction of reality than that of the
frescoes. See also 1042, 1055 and 1066.

1045 Mantzourani, Eleni. 1995. Notes on the depiction of various types of vases
and vessels in Aegean wall-painting. In: Klados: Essays in Honour of J.N.
Coldstream. Christine Morris, ed. pp. 123-141. Bulletin of the Institute of
Classical Studies Supplement 63. London: University of London Institute of
Classical Studies.

Detailed description, discussion and analysis of vessels made of various materials

(metal, stone, basketry, wood, ivory and clay) depicted in Cretan, Cycladic and mainland Greek
frescoes--including those of Thebes, Mycenae, Tiryns and Pylos. Mantzourani notes that a great
variety of vessels are employed in a number of different situations (utilitarian, ritual, social,
religious, secular, funerary), and that most of them have exact counterparts in real objects found
through excavation. Includes a catalogue of 45 representations from seven sites. See also 1060.

1046 Marinatos, Nanno. 1989. Man and animal in Creto-Mycenaean art. In: Philia epi
eis Georgion E. Mylonan, Vol. 3, pp. 19-24, Vivliothiki tis en Athenais
Archaiologikis Etaireais 103. Athens.

See also 1049, 1051, 1052 and 1065.

1047 Marinatos, Spiridon. 1971. Kaineus (Caeneus): a further link between the
Mycenaean and the Greek worlds (in: The European Community in Later
Prehistory: Studies in Honour of C.F.C. Hawkes. John Boardman, M.A. Brown and T.G.E.
Powell, eds. pp. 53-56. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul.

Marinatos suggests that the image or motif of the heroic warrior fighting with two
swords is Mycenaean, derived perhaps from related or earlier warrior cultures, and which is
preserved in the later Classical story of Kaineus, a Lapith who fought against the centaurs. See
also 1062.

1048 Marinatos, Spiridon and Max Hirmer. 1960. Crete and Mycenae. New York:
Harry N. Abrams, Inc. 177 p.

A large-format, lavishly-illustrated introduction to Minoan and Mycenaean

civilization focusing upon art and architecture; about 30 pages of the text and one-third of the
black-and-white plates deal with Mycenaean Greece; major topics in the introductory text
include castles and citadels, tombs and burial customs and art and life; extensive notes
accompany each plate. See also 1033, 1036, 1037, 1039, 1054 and 1059.

1049 Morgan, Lyvia. 1995. Of animals and men: the symbolic parallel. In: Klados:
Essays in Honour of J.N. Coldstream. Christine Morris, ed. pp. 171-184. Bulletin
of the Institute of Classical Studies Supplement 63. London: University of
London Institute of Classical Studies.

Morgan looks at certain forms of animal symbolism whose function is to draw a

parallel between animal and human nature, based on the idea of dominance. She examines in
some detail two forms of interaction: of lions and men in a variety of media (stelae, daggers,
seals and sealstones) from the Shaft Graves and other Mycenaean contexts and of boys and
antelopes depicted on Theran frescoes. In both cases, domination is indicated through contest,
conquest or control, involving a parallel between male human and wild animal behavior and the
display of aggression within the compass of the process of maturation and the development of
adult male prowess within society. Morgan also explores what is involved in the choice of
animal and how the idea of dominance is transformed into a symbolic model. See also 1046.
1051, 1052 and 1065.

1050 Negbi, Ora. 1978. The "Miniature Fresco" from Thera and the emergence of
Mycenaean art. In: Thera and the Aegean World, Vol. 1. Christos G. Doumas,
ed. pp. 645-664. London.

Describes and discusses Mycenaean elements (clothing, weapons and armor,

landscape, animals, architecture, personal appearance) in the "Miniature Fresco" from Akrotiri
on the Cycladic island of Thera; Negbi draws attention to similarities between the Thera frescoes
and certain Shaft Grave artifacts, especially inlaid daggers and the silver siege rhyton; she
suggests that these shaft grave artifacts may have belonged to high-ranking refugees from the
Thera eruption. See also 1031, 1034, 1041 and 1063.

1051 Palaiogou, Heleni. 1995. "Minoan dragons" on a sealstone from Mycenae. In:
Klados: Essays in Honour of J.N. Coldstream. Christine Morris, ed. pp. 195-199.
Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies Supplement 63. London: University
of London Institute of Classical Studies.

Detailed description of a sealstone dated to LH IIIA-B from a chamber tomb

excavated in 1989 bearing the representation of a hybrid animal characterized as a dragon.
Comparison and contrast of other similar depictions, with discussion of the possible meaning and
function of this image. See also 1035, 1046, 1049, 1052, 1060, 1061 and 1065.

1052 Pini, Ingo. 1983. Das motiv des löwenüberfalls in der spätminoischen und
mykenischen glyptic. In: L'Iconographie minoenne: Actes de la Table Ronde d'Athénes
(21-22 avril 1983), Pascal Darcque and Jean- Claude Poursat. eds., pp. 153-166, Bulletin
de Correspondence Hellénique Supplement 11, Paris: École Française d'Athénes.
 Describes, illustrates and discusses the motif of a lion attacking another animal on
Minoan and Mycenaean sealstones. See also 1035, 1046, 1049, 1051, 1060, 1061 and 1065.

1053 Platon, N. 1961. Cretan-Mycenaean art. In: Encyclopedia of World Art, Vol. 4.
pp. 75-114. New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, Inc.

A good summary and overview of Aegean art, including a discussion of the

relationship between Minoan and Mycenae art; includes some illustrations. See also 1033, 1036,
1037, 1039, 1048, 1054 and 1059.

1054 Preziozi, Donald and Louise A. Hitchcock. 1999. Aegean Art and Architecture.
Oxford: Oxford University Press.

This popular, Minoian-oriented, well-illustrated survey includes a chapter on

“Mycenaean Domination and the Minoan Tradition.” See also 1033, 1036, 1037, 1039, 1048,
1053 and 1059.

1055 Rehak,Paul. 1997. Aegean art before and after the LM IB Cretan destructions. In:
TEKHNE: Craftsmen, Craftswomen and Craftmanship in the Aegean Bronze
Age. Proceedings of the 6th International Aegean conference/6e Rencontre égéenne
internationale, Philadelphia, Temple University, 18-21 April 1996, Vol. 1. Robert
Laffineur and Philip P. Betancourt, eds. pp. 51-66. Liège: Université de Liège Histoire de
l'art et archéologie de la Grèce antique and University of Texas at Austin Program in
Aegean Scripts and Prehistory.

Surveys developments in faience, ivory and stone carving, metallurgy, jewelry,

fresco, pottery, architecture and sealstones, noting three major changes: the disappearance of a
number of neopalatial crafts and forms of artistic expression (stone relief rhyta, stone lion's and
bull's head rhyta, stone sea-shells, inscribed stone offering tables and ladles, stone chalices and
maces, decorated stone lamps, three-dimensional anthropomorphic figures of faience and ivory,
relief fresco, niello daggers, detailed bronze figurines and sheet metal emblems); the survival,
but decline of other crafts (decorated weapons, sheet bronze vessels, gold and silver plate, ivory
carving for furniture and toilet implements and simpler stone vases); the appearance or
flourishing of a small number of crafts (terracotta figurines, pictorial pottery, mass-produced
jewelry, wall painting and cyclopean masonry). Rehak further notes that the first two categories
include most of the major art forms and iconography that the Minoan neopalatial elite used to
project their system of symbols and to enhance their status, which are precisely those for which
Mycenaean civilization subsequently had no compelling need. Overall, from an artistic point of
view, these changes signal a general impoverishment in media used and a virtual end to
experimentation in the representation and iconography of the human figure. Includes an
appendix listing Aegean gold and silver vessels in Late Bronze Age Aegean contexts. See also
1042, 1044 and 1066.

1056 Rystedt, Eva. 1999. ANo words, only pictures: iconography in the transition
between the Bronze Age and the Iron Age in Greece. Opuscula Atheniensia
24:89-98.

Rystedt uses two iconographic motifs--funerary lament and chariot drivingBto

illustrate the transition between the Late Bronze Age and Early Iron Age from a perspective of
ritually encoded social habits and discusses how iconographic analysis can demonstrate
continuity of ritual behavior even though methods of artistic representation have changed. See
also 1032, 1035, 1043, 1060 and 1061.

1057 Sakellarakis, Iannis A. The Mycenaean Collection of the National

Archaeological Museum of Athens. Athens: Apollo Editions. 109 p.

Description and color plates of approximately 100 objects, many gold, in the
Archaeological Museum; may be difficult to obtain.

1058 Sakellarakis, J.A. 1990. The fashioning of ostrich-egg rhyta in the Creto-
Mycenaean Aegean. In: Thera and the Aegean World III. Volume I:
Archaeology. Proceedings of the Third International Congress, Santorini,
Greece, 3-9 September 1989. D.A. Hardy, C.G. Doumas, J.A. Sakellarakis and P.M.
Warren, eds. Pp. 285-308. London: The Thera Foundation.

Describes and discusses the technique for fashioning ostrich-egg rhyta and
imitations in clay and stone, based on the analysis of twelve excavated examples and focusing on
two decorated examples from Dendra and Shaft Grave V at Mycenae. Characteristics including
non-freestanding bases and the absence of handles are paralleled with Egyptian models,
particularly in their use in cult practices. Well-illustrated. See also 1064.

1059 Snyder, Geerto A.S. 1980. Minoische und Mykenische Kunst. Munich: Verlag
Schnell & Steiner. 150 p.

See also 1033, 1036, 1037, 1039, 1048, 1053 and 1054.

1060 Sturmer, Veit. 1985. Schnabelkannen: eine Studie zu darstellenden Kunst in der
minoisch-mykenischen Kultur. In: L'Iconographie minoenne: Actes de la Table
Ronde d'Athénes (21-22 avril 1983), Pascal Darcque and Jean-Claude Poursat, eds., pp.
119-134, Bulletin de Correspondence Hellénique Supplement 11,Paris: École
Française d'Athénes.

Presents, with commentary, a catalogue of representations of beaked jugs in Minoan

and Mycenaean art, the great majority on sealstones or sealings; discusses their iconographical
significance, particularly in terms of naturalistic/abstract representation and relation to other
media in terms of pictographic depiction. See also 1045.

1061 Tamvaki, Angela. 1985. Minoan and Mycenaean elements in the iconography
of the Pylos sealings. In: L'Iconographie minoenne: Actes de la Table Ronde
d'Athénes (21-22 avril 1983), Pascal Darcque and Jean-Claude Poursat, eds.
pp. 267-292. Bulletin de Correspondence Hellénique Supplement 11. Paris:
École Française d'Athénes.

This analysis of more than one hundred sealings from Pylos, which range in date
from LH I to LH IIIB, reveals considerable variety and heterogeneity in subject matter and style.
A notable feature is the extent of Minoan influence, and in her discussion Tamvaki divides the
sealings into five groups: 1) examples with earlier Minoan parallels; 2) examples related to an
earlier Minoan version of a theme or schema; 3) examples of a clearly Mycenaean character; 4)
unique and odd examples; 5) miscellanea. She notes some discrepancies between the style of
some examples and the date of their archaeological context. The continuity of Minoan elements
in the sealings suggests a strong relationship between Crete and Messenia, not only in the early
phases of Mycenaean civilization, but also in LH II-IIIA, the period to which most of the
sealings date. See also 1032, 1035, 1043, 1051, 1052, 1056 and 1060.

1062 Vermeule, Emily Townsend. 1958. Mythology in Mycenaean art. Classical

Journal 54:97-108.

Examines evidence for depiction of mythical heroes in Mycenaean art. See also
1047.

1063 Vermeule, Emily Townsend. 1975. The Art of the Shaft Graves of Mycenae.
Lectures in Memory of Louise Taft Semple, Third Series. Cincinnati: University
of Cincinnati. 61 p.

Discusses problems in interpretation of Shaft Grave art in terms of style, origins and
influences, in part due to the diversity of analogues; Vermeule suggests that most of the art could
be the work of five or six metalsmiths who fused elements of indigenous, northern and Minoan
artistic traditions. See also 1031, 1034, 1041 and 1050.

1064 Vermeule, Emily Townsend. 1981. Mycenaean drawing, Amarna, and the
Egyptian ostraka. In: Studies in Ancient Egypt, the Aegean and the Sudan: Essays
in Honor of Daws Dunham on the Occasion of his 90th Birthday, June 1, 1980.
William Kelly Simpson and Whitney M. Davis, eds. pp. 193-199. Boston: Museum of
Fine Arts Department of Egyptian and Ancient Near Eastern Art.

Illustrates some similarities in subject matter and style between Mycenaean and
Egyptian artistic productions. See also 1058.
1065 Younger, John G. 1976. Bronze Age representations of Aegean
bull-leaping. American Journal of Archaeology 80:125-137.

Identifies three main systems for depicting bull-leaping: one is Minoan, found
during LM I; one is Minoan-Mycenaean, found before LH IIIB; one is Mycenaean, found during
LH IIIB; Younger presents a catalogue of 54 representations of bull-leaping, divided by type;
only one of these systems depicts the activity accurately, and Younger suggests that after the
activity itself was discontinued, depictions tend to emphasize aesthetic considerations rather than
accurate depiction; includes a concordance. See also 1046, 1049, 1051 and 1052.

1066 Younger, John G. 1987. The end of Mycenaean art. In: Forschungen zur
Aegäischen Vorgeschichte: Das Ende der mykenischen Welt. Akten
des intenationalen Kolloquiums 7.-8. Juli 1984 in Köln. Eberhard Thomas, ed. pp.
63-72. Cologne.

Discusses three late examples of Mycenaean monumental art: the Lion Gate relief
at Mycenae, the Mycenae Warrior Vase and stele, and the Delos ivories; based upon stylistic
characteristics and chronology, Younger suggests that the end of Mycenaean art occurred in
different media at different times over the course of perhaps a century, beginning with sculpture
and ending with pictorial vase-painting. See also 1042, 1044 and 1055.

Architecture

Palaces
 The largest and most elaborate structures in Mycenaean Greece were palaces. The palaces
were built and re-built over a period of perhaps three hundred years, presumably beginning as
fairly modest structures and becoming more complex and more heavily fortified as the
Mycenaean kings and the Mycenaean state became more powerful. In fact, little is known about
the size, nature and form of the earliest phases of construction of the major palaces because they
were effaced by subsequent building phases. We therefore know most about these palaces
during LH IIIA and LH IIIB, which represent their peak of development before destruction. The
best examples of early palatial structures are at the sites of the Menelaion in Lakonia and
Nichoria in Messenia.

The Mycenaean palace centered around the megaron or throne room, a large rectangular
room with a hearth surrounded by four pillars in its center and a pedestal for a throne in the
center of one of the long walls; the megaron form is believed to have Indo-European origins, and
is found in the preceding Middle Helladic period, as well as in contemporary Mycenaean
domestic architecture. Other aspects of palatial architecture, such as frescoes, workshops,
archives, cult areas and courtyards, seem to derive primarily from Minoan or Near Eastern
models.

The individual rooms or structures within the palace were constructed of mudbrick
on a foundation of ashlar masonry, utilizing timber for roof and tie beams, columns and door and
window frames. The use of wood, although representing an additional fire hazard, would have
provided a degree of structural flexibility in an area where the destructive power of earthquakes
is well documented. Earthquake damage necessitated extensive rebuilding at both Mycenae and
Knossos, and perhaps elsewhere as well. The walls of the public rooms, shrines and residential
areas were covered with frescoes and in many cases the floors were painted as well.

The nature and form of the palace evolved in order to meet the changing political,
administrative, economic and military needs of the Mycenaean state. The latest construction
phases of the palaces of Mycenae, Tiryns, Pylos and Gla all demonstrate similar principles of
arrangement, involving a double megaron structure. With the exception of Pylos, late
Mycenaean palaces were heavily fortified, and even Pylos was seemingly redesigned in LH IIIB
to guarantee greater security. The design of the palaces in their later phases also demonstrates a
considerable degree of economic and administrative centralization. When the palace of Knossos
was occupied by Mycenaeans during its last phase, the earlier functions of certain rooms and
areas were modified, the "throne room" becoming a megaron and the pillar crypt complex--one
of the main sacred centers of the palace during earlier Minoan times--becoming a storage facility
without any religious function.

1067 Barber, R.L.N. 1992. The origins of the Mycenaean palace. In:
PHILOLAKON: Lakonian Studies in Honour of Hector Catling. Jan Motyka
Sanders, ed. pp. 11-23. London: The British School at Athens.

In this discussion of the earliest palatial structures on mainland Greece, Barber

begins with a brief definition of a palace and considers problems of recognition in terms of
archaeological features which might suggest its presence and palace design reflected in its
architectural plan. The remaining discussion focuses on one such building, the Mansion at the
Menelaion in Sparta and comparative data from the other major palaces at Pylos, Mycenae,
Tiryns and Thebes; other palace sites and other Middle and early Late Helladic sites are also
discussed. Barber concludes that the key definitive element of the earliest palaces--most likely
first appearing in LH I--is the "megaron complex" and that, strong as Minoan influence on these
structures might be, their form and function merely continue and enlarge mainland traditions.
See also 1074, 1075, 1078-1080, 1086 and 1088.

1068 Blegen, Carl W. 1965. Architectural notes from Pylos. In: Charisterion eis
Anastasion K. Orlandon, Volume 1. pp. 117-125. Athens.

Describes and discusses the use of wood in the construction of the palace at Pylos
and analogous palatial construction elsewhere in the Minoan-Mycenaean world; Blegen focuses
on the use of vertical and horizontal beams as a means of strengthening and stabilizing walls and
minimizing the effect of earthquakes, as well as evidence for the use of fluted wooden columns.
See also 1072m 1076, 1083 and 1085.

1069 Cavanagh, William. 2001. Empty space? Courts and squares in Mycenaean towns.
In: Urbanism in the Aegean Bronze Age. Keith Branagan, ed. pp. 119-134. London:
Sheffield Academic Press.

Analyzes the Great Courts of Mycenae, Tiryns and Pylos, as well as smaller and
more peripheral spaces, in terms of characteristics including access, size, orientation, focus,
perspective, visibility, appointment and frontage, concluding that they represent the culumination
in the 13th century B.C. of an evolutionary process shaping the architectural use of space for the
public exercise of power. Cavanaugh notes, however, that unlike Minoan courtyards, in the
Mycenaean citadels of which the Great Courts served as an inner entrance to the megaron, space
was designed to increasingly limit access as one moved toward the center.

1070 Demakopoulou, Katie. 1990. Palatial and domestic architecture in Mycenaean

Thebes. In: L'Habitat Égéen Prehistorique: Actes de la Table Ronde internationale
organisee par le Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, l'Université de
Paris I et l'Ecole française d'Athénes (Athénes, 23-25 juin 1987). Pascal Darque
and Rene Treuil, eds. pp. 307-317. Bulletin de Correspondence Hellénique
Supplement 19. Paris: École Française d'Athénes.
 Summarizes palatial and domestic architectural remains in Thebes found from
1906 to the present, including thirteen areas in the vicinity of the Kadmeion identified as
belonging to one or more palaces and well-built houses in at least ten areas to the south,
southeast and north of the Kadmeia; these remains testify to the size and importance of Thebes
during the Late Bronze Age.

1071 Graham, J. Walter. 1960. Mycenaean architecture. Archaeology

13:46-54.

A popular summary, focusing upon the architecture of the palaces of Mycenae,

Tiryns and Pylos.

1072 Graham, J. Walter. 1967. A banquet hall at Mycenaean Pylos. American Journal
of Archaeology 71:353-360.

Discusses examples of Mycenaean imitation of Minoan architectural features such

as columns, relief decoration and frescoes; disagreeing with the excavator's original
interpretation, Graham identifies the large room in the southwestern building at Pylos as a
banquet hall, noting the close association of the room with pantries and cooking vessels; he
compares it to Minoan examples at Knossos, Phaistos, Mallia and Zakro, suggesting that the
form of the oblong room with three aisles may originate in Egypt. See also 1068, 1073m 1076,
1082 and 1083.

1073 Hallager, Erik. 1987. A "harvest festival room" in the Minoan palaces? An
architectural study of the Pillar Crypt area at Knossos. In: The Function of the Minoan
Palaces: Proceedings of the Fourth International Symposium at the Swedish
Institute in Athens, 10-16 June 1984. Robin Hägg and Nanno Marinatos, eds. pp. 169-177.
Skrifter utgivna av Svenska institutet i Athen, Series 4, vol. 40. Stockholm.
 Although the Pillar Crypt complex was one of the main sacred areas of the palace
during Minoan times, it appears to have become a storage facility without religious function
during the period of Mycenaean occupation. See also 1072 and 1082.

1074 Hiller, Stefan. 1986. Early and Late Helladic "megara": questions of architectural
continuity in Bronze Age Greece. In: Early Helladic Architecture and Urbanization:
Proceedings of a Seminar held at the Swedish Institute in Athens, June 8, 1985. Robin
Hägg and Dora Konsola, eds. pp. 85-89. Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology 76.
Göteborg: Paul Åströms Förlag.

A comparison of Early Helladic II monumental buildings and Late Helladic

megara indicating that although these building types share certain general similarities, they
represent two different architectural styles; while the EH II buildings have their closest parallels
in Mesopotamia, LH megara are derived from EH III and MH predecessors, which in turn are
probably derived from earlier North Balkan or Anatolian models and thus represent a sharp
architectural break from EH II. See also 1067, 1075, 1079, 1080, 1086 and 1088.

1075 Hopkins, Clark. 1968. The megaron of the Mycenaean palace. Studi Micenei ed
Egeo-Anatolici 6:45-53.

Examines, compares and discusses evidence from the palaces of Pylos and Tiryns,
the Homeric epics and similar architecture in Anatolia in regard to the nature and form of the
megaron, particularly the roof. See also 1067, 1074, 1079, 1080, 1086 and 1088.

1076 Kilian, Klaus. 1984. Pylos - Funktionsanalyse einer residenz der späten Palastzeit.
Archäologisches Korrespondenzblatt 14:37-48.

Analyzes the functions of various rooms and types of rooms in the palace at
Pylos. See also 1068, 1072, 1077 and 1078 and 1083.
1077 Kilian, Klaus. 1987. Zur funktion der mykenischen residenzen auf
dem griechischen festland. In: The Function of the Minoan Palaces:
Proceedings of the Fourth International Symposium at the Swedish
Institute in Athens, 10-16 June, 1984. Robin Hägg and Nanno Marinatos, eds. pp. 21-38.
Skrifter utgivna av Svenska institutet i Athen, Series 4, vol. 40. Stockholm.

Functional analysis of architectural form, quality of building technique, type of

floor, existence of frescos and overall furnishing of rooms of the palaces at Pylos, Tiryns,
Mycenae and Gla in their last phases of existence demonstrates common principles of
arrangement, particularly the existence of two parallel megara, one smaller than the other; Kilian
believes that this "double palace" plan developed on the mainland to meet the needs of
Mycenaean society. See also 1076 and 1078.

1078 Kilian, Klaus. 1987. L'architecture des résidences mycéniennes: origine et

extension d'une structure du pouvoir politique pendent l'Age du Bronze Récent. In:
Le Systéme Palatial en Orient, en Gréce et à Rome, Actes du Colloquium de
Strasbourg 1985, E. Levy, ed., pp. 203-217, Université des Sciences de Strasbourg,
Travaux du Centre de Recherche sur le Proche-Orient et la Gréce Antiques.

Discusses and illustrates the origin and development of palatial architecture. See
also 1067.

1079 Maran, Joseph. 2000. Das megaron im megaron: zur datierung und funktion des
antenbaus im mykenischen palast von Tiryns. Archäologischer Anzeiger
2000:1-16.

Describes and discusses discoveries during 1997 and 1998 conservation of the
walls and floor of the megaron of Tiryns and observations concerning the dating and function of
its parts and features. See also 1067, 1074, 1075, 1080, 1081, 1086 and 1088.
1080 Middleton, J.H. 1886. A suggested restoration of the Great Hall in the Palace of
Tiryns. Journal of Hellenic Studies 7:161-169.

Reconstructs the megaron of the palace based upon architectural remains,

structural necessity and analogy with other, similar structures. See also 1067, 1074, 1075, 1079,
1081, 1082, 1084, 1086 and 1088.

1081 Müller, Kurt. 1976. Die Architektur der Burg und des Palastes. Tiryns: Die
Ergebnisse der Ausgrabungen des Instituts 3. Mainz/Rhein: Verlag Philipp von
Zabern. 221 p.

Describes, discusses and abundantly illustrates the architecture of Tiryns,

including the palace and fortification walls; reprint of 1930 edition. See also 1079, 1080, 1084
and 1086.

1082 Niemeier, Wolf-Dietrich. 1987. The function of the "Throne Room" in the palace
at Knossos. In: The Function of the Minoan Palaces: Proceedings of the
Fourth International Symposium at the Swedish Institute in Athens, 10-16
June, 1984. Robin Hägg, and Nanno Marinatos, eds. pp. 163-168. Skrifter utgivna
av Svenska institutet i Athen, Series 4, vol. 40. Stockholm.

After discussing possible functions of the "Throne Room," Niemeier concludes

that during the fourth building phase of the palace the room was remodeled by Mycenaean
conquerors in LM IIIA2 to serve as a megaron, analogous to similar mainland usage. See also
1067, 1073-1075, 1079-1081, 1086 and 1088.

1083 Palaima, Thomas G. and James C. Wright. 1985. Ins and outs of the Archives
Rooms at Pylos: form and function in a Mycenaean palace. American Journal of
Archaeology 89:251-262.
 The authors examine architectural and epigraphical evidence in order to
reconstruct the archives rooms with respect to the layout of the entire palace and to scribal and
work activities; they assert that the two-room complex was the central focus of record-keeping,
used for short-term storage of provisional records, with the actual writing done at various places
throughout the palace as scribes followed specific patterns of movement and activity. See also
1068, 1072 and 1076.

1084 Podzuweit, Christian. 1977. Ein mykenischer Kieselmosaikfussboden aus Tiryns.

Archäologischer Anzeiger 1977:123-137.

Describes, illustrates and discusses a mosaic floor comprised of pebbles found at

Tiryns and dated to LH II-IIIA. See also 1079-1081 and 1086.

1085 Schaar, Kenneth W. 1974. Traditional earthquake-resistant construction: the

Mycenaean aspect. Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 33:80-81.

Discusses the use of a framework of wooden beams in walls as an anti-seismic

device or possibly as support for an upper story. See also 1068.

1086 Schulz, Thekla. 1988. Die rekonstruktion des thronpodestes im ersten megaron
von Tiryns. Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts, Athenische
Abteilung 103:11-23.

Uses fragments of serpentine excavated by Schliemann, now in the National

Museum, to reconstruct the pedestal of the throne in the earliest megaron of Tiryns. See also
1079-1082 and 1084.
1087 Sjöberg, Birgitta L. 1992. Problems concerning the identification of storage
areas in Mycenaean palaces. Hydra 10:21-26.

1088 Werner, Kjell. 1993. The Megaron during the Aegean and Anatolian Bronze
Age: A Study of Occurrence, Shape, Architectural Adaptation and Function,
Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology 108. Göteborg: Paul Åströms Forlag.

See also 1067, 1074, 1075, 1079, 1080 and 1086.

1089 Wright, James Clinton. 1980. Mycenaean palatial terraces. Mitteilungen des
Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts, Athenische Abteilung 95:59-86.

Examines evidence from Pylos, Gla and Tiryns in order to describe, illustrate and
discuss the use of terraces as the foundations for palatial complexes, including how they were
built, how they came about and their relation to the palaces themselves.

Shrines

Mycenaean cult structures were rarely if ever free-standing buildings; they can generally
be recognized by the presence of benches, pedestals and niches for cult paraphernalia, as well as
the presence of the cult objects themselves. The best known exception, the Cult Center at
Mycenae, appears to represent a fairly late development. Aside from the megaron itself, which
seems to have had certain cult functions, most other aspects of cult architecture were derived
from Crete and the Near East. See also Cultural History and Society: Religion for further
discussion of shrines and sanctuaries.
1090 Albers, Gabriele. 1994. Spätmykenische Stadtheiligtumer: Systematische
Analyse und vergleichende Auswertung der archäologischen Befunde. BAR
International Series 596. Oxford: Tempvs Reparatvm. 234 p.

Detailed description, illustration, discussion and comparative analysis of Late

Helladic sanctuaries at Mycenae, Phylakopi, Tiryns, Asine and Ayia Irini.

1091 Beyer, Immo. 1987. Der Palasttempel von Phaistos. In: The Function of the
Minoan Palaces: Proceedings of the Fourth International
Symposium at the Swedish Institute in Athens, 10-16 June, 1984. Robin
Hägg and Nanno Marinatos, eds. pp. 213-225. Skrifter utgivna av Svenska institutet
i Athen, Series 4, vol. 35. Stockholm.

Beyer traces the form of the Mycenaean temple-palace to Minoan examples such
as the Propylaeum complex at Phaistos, although the former is oriented north-south and isolated
from the surrounding complex and the latter is oriented east-west and embedded in the
architecture of the palace; the isolation of the cult building, inherent in the form of the megaron,
has already taken place in the lower citadel at Tiryns and is a transitional phase in the
development of the Geometric temple.

1092 Karageorghis, Vassos. 1971. Notes on some Mycenaean capitals from

Cyprus. Archaiologika Analekta ex Athinon 4:101-107.

Describes capitals found at late 13th century sanctuary sites in Myrtou, Enkomi
and Kition and discusses their association with rectangular pillars.

1093 Whittaker, Helène. 1997. Mycenaean Cult Buildings: A Study of their

Architecture and Function in the Context of the Aegean and the Eastern
Mediterranean. Monographs from the Norwegian Institute at Athens, Vol. 1.
Bergen: The Norwegian Institute at Athens. 338 p.

The most recent and comprehensive treatment of this topic, focusing on the origin
and development of Mycenaean sacred architecture during the Late Helladic III period (1400-
1100 B.C.). Chapters discuss the following topics: Mycenaean cult buildings in the Late Helladic
III period; the relationship between Mycenaean cult buildings and Late Minoan III sanctuaries on
Crete; the hypothesis of a connection between Palestinian temples with irregular plan and
indirect access and the Mycenaean cult buildings; contacts between the Levant and the Aegean in
the Late Bronze Age; the role of Cyprus; the relationship between the temple of Ayia Irini on
Keos and the Mycenaean cult buildings; and the function of the Mycenaean cult buildings.
Whittaker concludes that although there are similarities between Mycenaean, Minoan and
Palestinian religious beliefs, practices and architectural traditions, Mycenaean cult buildings
developed from and can clearly be placed within local architectural traditions. Includes
catalogues of Mycenaean cult buildings, Late Minoan III sanctuaries, Palestinian temples with
irregular plan and indirect access and Mycenaean houses used as examples, an extensive
bibliography and numerous tables and illustrations.

Domestic Architecture

Domestic architecture utilized the same building materials as the palaces, but lacked the
more elaborate features such as ashlar masonry and frescoes (with the exception of some of the
wealthier residences at Mycenae). Although house types and forms varied somewhat, a typical
Mycenaean house comprised a high-ceilinged large main room with a hearth and chimney pot--
possibly with chimney pipes leading to an opening in the roof--preceded by a vestibule and
flanked by a corridor and a series of smaller secondary rooms along a parallel axis. A clay house
model found in the Menelaion at Sparta also indicates an open porch and a flat roof.

Although rooms and structures are almost always rectangular, apsidal and oval
structures characteristic of the preceding Middle Helladic period are also known, almost all from
peripheral areas, suggesting a rural context. Just as the palace of Knossos appears to have been
modified to Mycenaean tastes, there is also some evidence of Mycenaean influence on domestic
architecture in Crete during the LM III period.

1094 See also Blegen, Carl W. 1945. The roof of the Mycenaean megaron. American
Journal of Archaeology 49:35-44.
 Examines and questions evidence for the use of roof tiles and hence the likelihood
of a sloping roof for the megaron structure. See also 1098, 1101 and 1104.

1095 Hayden, Barbara J. 1987. Crete in transition: LMIIIA-IIIB architecture. A

preliminary study. Studi Micenei ed Egeo-Anatolici 26:199-234.

Compares LMIII and LHIII architecture, suggesting possible Mycenaean

influence as an explanation for changes such as the appearance of two- and three-room buildings
and large, complex hybrid structures at Aghia Triada and Plati; includes building plans. See also
1096.

1096 Hayden, Barbara. 1990. Aspects of village architecture in the Cretan

Postpalatial period. In: L'Habitat Égéen Prehistorique: Actes de la Table Ronde
international organisee par le Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique,
l'Université de Paris I et l'Ecole française d'Athénes (Athénes, 23-25 juin 1987).
Pascal Darque and Rene Treuil, eds. pp. 203-213. Bulletin de
Correspondence Hellénique Supplement 19. Paris: École Française d'Athénes.

Focuses upon the LM III site of Kephala Khondrou in southern Crete; Hayden
discusses aspects of LM III architecture, including house forms, manner of construction,
arrangement of rooms and communication within settlements; she concludes that the architecture
of this period departs radically from the earlier Minoan mainstream LM I architectural tradition,
and with a greater degree of regional variation; there are some similarities in terms of plan and
axial room arrangement with mainland Greece. See also 1095.

1097 Hiesel, Gerhard. 1990. Späthelladischen Hausarchitektur: Studien zur

Architektursgeschichte des Griechischen Festlandes in der Späten Bronzezeit.
Mainz am Rhein: Verlag Philipp von Zabern. 268 p.
 A comprehensive study of Late Helladic domestic architecture; topics include
basic house types and forms, the evolution of domestic architecture and non-archaeological
evidence for the above; includes a catalogue of house plans and architectural descriptions of
Mycenaean sites; likely to be the definitive publication on this topic.

1098 Iakovidis, Spiros E. 1990. Mycenaean roofs: form and construction. In:
L'Habitat Égéen Prehistorique: Actes de la Table ronde
international organisee par le Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique,
l'Université de Paris I et l'Ecole française d'Athénes (Athénes, 23-25 juin 1987). Pascal
Darque and Rene Treuil, eds. pp. 147-160. Bulletin de Correspondence Hellénique
Supplement 19. Paris: École Française d'Athénes.

After surveying previous theories and examining currently available

archaeological evidence, Iakovidis concludes that Mycenaean buildings had low-pitched sloping
roofs covered with flat terracotta pan tiles and semi-cylindrical cover tiles, probably embedded in
clay spread over a sheathing of reeds laid upon a simple timber saddle frame. See also 1094 and
1104.

1099 Kupper, Michael. 1996. Mykenische Architektur: Material,

Bearbeitungstechnik, Konstruktion und Erscheinungsbild. Espelkamp: Verlag
Marie Leidorf GmbH. 330 p.

Detailed description, discussion, analysis and illustration of Mycenaean

construction methods, including chapters on building materials, construction tools, aspects of
construction, and the character and appearance of Mycenaean architecture. Results of this
analysis include: 1) the Mycenaeans used a set repertory of tools, including the pendulum saw,
used to work limestone and conglomerate stone blocks; 2) Mycenaean structures were carefully
planned, with elaborate engineering of half-timbering; 3) column bases at Tiryns were of
standardized sizes, indicating an established system of measurement; 4) Mycenaean architecture
was on the whole well designed and constructed using well-established methods. Extensively
illustrated. Includes a brief English summary. May be difficult to obtain.
1100 Mazarakis-Ainian, A. 1989. Late Bronze Age apsidal and oval buildings in
Greece and adjacent areas. Annual of the British School at Athens 84:269-288.

Surveys all known examples of Late Bronze Age apsidal and oval buildings; most
of these buildings, which are small and date primarily to LH III, do not differ appreciably in size
or form from Middle Bronze Age or Early Iron age examples; the return to the apsidal form in
the Late Bronze Age probably represents a reversion to a more rural form of life, as exemplified
by the many examples found in peripheral areas such as Macedonia and Aetolia.

1101 Müller, Valentin. 1944. Development of the "megaron" in prehistoric

Greece. American Journal of Archaeology 48:342-348.

See also 1094 and 1104.

1102 Shear, Ione Mylonas. 1986. The Panagia houses at Mycenae and the "Potter's
Shop" at Zygouries. In: Philia epi eis Georgion E. Mylonan, Vol. 1. pp. 85-98.
Vivliothiki tis en Athenais Archaiologikis Etaireias 103. Athens.

An analysis of these four houses indicates a common plan comprising a

high-ceilinged large main room with a hearth and chimney pot, preceded by a vestibule and
flanked by a corridor and a series of smaller secondary rooms, arranged along parallel axes when
possible, with an adjacent open area in front; the author believes that this basic plan is not only
characterizes domestic architecture, but also forms the central core of much larger structures
such as the palaces, the major differences being in terms of size, scale and multiplicity of rooms.
See also 1103.
1103 Shear, Ione Mylonas. 1987. The Panagia Houses at Mycenae. University
Museum Monographs 68. Philadelphia: The University Museum,
University of Pennsylvania. 171 p.

These houses, excavated in 1962-1966 outside and southwest of the citadel and dated to LH
IIIB, represent the first substantial evidence of purely domestic architecture at Mycenae; the
author provides a well-illustrated description of three houses and their contents, with a
particularly thorough discussion of pottery; Shear suggests that the houses represent the
compound of a family group or clan. See also 1102.

1104 Smith, E.B. 1942. The megaron and its roof. American Journal of Archaeology
46:99-118.

Assembles, illustrates and examines evidence concerning the megaron form and
its roof, concluding that the roof was sloping or gabled, rather than flat. See also 1094, 1098 and
1101.

1105 Walsh, Vicky A. and William A. McDonald. 1986. Greek Late Bronze Age
domestic architecture: toward a typology of stone masonry. Journal of Field
Archaeology 13:493-498.

The analysis of masonry techniques at the site of Nichoria in Messenia reveals a

chronological development consistent with stratigraphic and archaeological evidence; the authors
describe a typology of masonry styles based on five variables.

Tombs
 With the exception of their dromoi and doorways, Mycenaean chamber tombs have no
distinctive architectural features. The larger and more elaborate tholos tombs, on the other hand,
were constructed of worked stone slabs in the form of a domed central chamber in the form of a
corbelled arch. In the largest tholoi, the lintel of the doorway featured a relieving triangle to
diffuse the stress of the overlying slabs. In the tholoi there were often one or more adjoining side
chambers and a long dromos faced with dressed stone slabs. In several extraordinary cases, such
as at Orchomenos or the Treasury of Atreus at Mycenae, we have evidence of architectural
accessories such as half-pillars or ceiling decorations. See also Cultural History and Society:
Religion for further description and discussion.

1106 Belli, Paolo. 1987. L'Architectura Nuragica ed Egea. In: Studies in Sardinian
Archaeology III: Nuragic Sardinia and the Mycenaean World. Miriam S.
Balmuth, ed. pp. 129-134. BAR International Series 387. Oxford: British
Archaeological Reports.

Compares the origination and development of circular buildings on Crete, the

Greek mainland and Sardinia; English summary. See also 1107-1110, 1112 and 1114.

1107 Cavanagh, William G. and Robert R. Laxton. 1981. The structural

mechanics of the Mycenaean tholos tomb. Annual of the British School at
Athens 76:109-140.

Discussion of the architecture of tholos tombs focusing on the structural stability of

the corbelled vault and how it adapts to settlements and other forces, including earlier research,
factors contributing to stability and a study of vault structure using measured plans of tombs and
mathematical analysis utilizing plastic theory; the authors' analysis indicates that the corbelling
technique was a mainland innovation at an early state of Mycenaean cultural development and
not borrowed from Crete. See also 1106, 1108-1110, 1112 and 1117.

1108 Cavanagh. William G. and Robert R. Laxton. 1982. Corbeled vaulting in the
Late Minoan tholos tombs of Crete. Annual of the British School at Athens 77:65-
77.
 The authors compare the structure of three Late Minoan tholos tombs at
Apodoulou, Achladia and Stylos with five Mycenaean tholoi they had previously analyzed. They
conclude that there is no doubt that both sets belong to a common tradition which originated on
the mainland. They assert that the Cretan tombs are the product of a single and consistent method
of construction and yet are slightly different than the mainland examples, suggesting local
adaptation of an essentially mainland idea. See also 1106, 1107, 1109, 1110 and 1112.

1109 Cavanagh, William G. and Robert R. Laxton. 1985. Corbelled vaulting in

Mycenaean tholos tombs and Sardinian nuraghi. In: Papers in Italian Archaeology
IV: The Cambridge Conference. Part iii: Patterns in Protohistory.
Caroline Malone and Simon Stoddart, eds. pp. BAR International Series 245.
Oxford: British Archaeological Reports.

The authors compare structural characteristics of the two types of construction,

noting many earlier observations concerning their similarity; they conclude, however, that tholoi
and nuraghe differ significantly in the curvature of the vault, and thus find no evidence of
cultural influence, but rather the independent use of a similar architectural technology. See also
1106, 1107-1110 and 1114.

1110 Cavanagh, William G. and Robert R. Laxton. 1987. Notes on building

techniques in Mycenaean Greece and Nuragic Sardinia. In: Studies in
Sardinian Archaeology III: Nuragic Sardinia and the Mycenaean World. Miriam S.
Balmuth, ed. pp. 39-55. BAR International Series 387. Oxford: British Archaeological
Reports.

The authors compare methods of dry-stone wall construction (including materials,

quarrying, dressing, structural considerations and styles of masonry) and corbelled domes in the
two cultures, finding no evidence of technical exchange, but rather similarities in social and
cultural demands for certain types of structures. See also 1106-1109.
1111 Dobiat, Claus. 1982. Zu den Massverhaltnissen in mykenischen Tholosgräbern.
Beiträge zur agäischen Bronzezeit, Kleine Schriften aus dem Vorgeschichtlichen
Seminar Marburg 11:1-12.

Lists and discusses the proportions of tholos tombs. See also 1113.

1112 Hood, Sinclair. 1960. Tholos tombs of the Aegean. Antiquity 34:166-176.

Discusses the relationship between Late Bronze Age mainland tholos tombs and
earlier Middle Bronze Age circular tombs on Crete. See also 1106-1108.

1113 Kamm, Walther. 2000. Mykenische kuppelgräber: die entschlüssung der

bauentwürfe. Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts,
Athenische Abteilung 115:19-71.

Describes, illustrates, analyzes and discusses the dimensions and proportions of

tholos tombs. See also 1111.

1114 Santillo Frizell, Barbro. 1987. The true domes in Mycenaean and Nuragic
architecture. In: Studies in Sardinian Archaeology III: Nuragic Sardinia and the
Mycenaean World. Miriam S. Balmuth, ed. pp. 57-75. BAR International
Series 387. Oxford: British Archaeological Reports.

Discusses and distinguishes between terms used to describe tholos tombs and
nuraghi, including "dome," "arch," "cupola," "corbelling" and "tholos" in terms of construction
techniques and structural principles; the author detects some similarity in the manner of
construction of tholoi and nuraghi, but suggests that both kinds of structure represent similar
principles applied to different social and environmental problems. See also 1106, 1109, 1110 and
1117.
1115 Santillo Frizell, Barbro. 1997-1998. Monumental building at Mycenae: its
function and audience. Opuscula Atheniensia 22-23:103- 116.

Offers a new interpretation of the role of monumental tholoi in royal propaganda at

Mycenae, which was not directed primarily at Mycenae itself and surrounding chiefdoms in the
Argolis, but at the high civilizations of the Eastern Mediterranean and the Near East. In
particular, the actual construction process, involving great ceremony in the transportation and
placement of large blocks of stone for the lintels, is seen as a crucial part of the effect, for which
historical examples from other times and places are cited. See also 1116, 1118 and 1119.

1116 Santillo Frizell, Barbro. 1998. Giants or Geniuses? Monumental buildings at

Mycenae. Current Swedish Archaeology 6:167-184.

See also 1115, 1118 and 1119.

1117 Santillo Frizell, Barbro and Raffaele Santillo. 1984. The construction and
structural behavior of the Mycenaean tholos tomb. Opuscula Atheniensia 15:45-52.

Discusses architectural terminology relating to arched and domed constructions,

as well as the principles of corbelling and the cupola; includes a helpful reconstruction of how
tholos tombs were built. See also 1107 and 1114.

1118 Wace, A.J.B. 1940. The Treasury of Atreus. Antiquity 14:233-249.

Discusses test excavations around the Treasury of Atreus at Mycenae and describes
methods of construction used and various architectural details; Wace also discusses the
chronology and development of the tholos tombs of Mycenae and on the basis of this chronology
and methods of construction used, argues against a Minoan origin of the tholos tomb. See also
1115, 1116 and 1119.

1119 Wace, A.J.B. 1953. The facade of the Treasury of Atreus. In: Geras Antoniou
Keramopollou. pp. 310-314. Etaireia Makedonikon Spoudi, Epistemonikai
Pragmateiai Seira Philosophiki kai Theologiki 9. Athens: Typographeion
Myrtidi.

See also 1115, 1116 and 1118.

Fortifications

Mycenaean fortifications were constructed of large unworked boulders without the

use of mortar over a rubble interior, a style known as "cyclopean" architecture; these massive
fortifications, with an average thickness of 4.7 meters and reaching a height of 13 meters, are
most evident at the LH IIIA-B citadels of Mycenae, Tiryns, Midea and Gla, although traces of
similar fortifications have been found elsewhere as well, including the Athenian acropolis and
Argos. Earlier examples of less imposing fortifications can be seen at sites such as Kakovatos
and Pylos in Messenia, Berbati in the Argolid, Kiapha Thiti in Attika and Thebes in Boiotia. The
cyclopean style was also used in other forms of construction and engineering, such as dams,
bridges and retaining walls.

1120 Broneer, Oscar. 1966. The cyclopean wall on the Isthmus of Corinth and its
bearing on Late Bronze Age chronology. Hesperia 35:346-362.

Describes the discovery and excavation of a cyclopean wall built across the
Isthmus of Corinth; Broneer reconstructs its course and suggests that its purpose was to protect
the population of the Peloponnese from an attack from the north, probably at the behest of the
rulers of the Argolid; he dates the wall to the end of LH IIIB and discusses it in the context of the
destructions at that time and the Dorian invasion. See also 1121 and 1128.
1121 Broneer, Oscar. 1968. The cyclopean wall on the Isthmus of Corinth, addendum.
Hesperia 37:25-35.

Reports the results of 1967 excavation and provides further information

concerning the course of the wall and its date (late LH IIIB/early LH IIIC). See also 1120 and
1128.

1122 Darcque, Pascal. 1992. Les fortifications mycéniennes. Les dossiers

d'archéologie 172:12-19.

See also 1126 and 1127.

1123 Demakopoulou, Katie. 1995. Mycenaean citadels: recent excavations on the

acropolis of Midea in the Argolid. Bulletin of the Institute for Classical Studies
40:151-176.

Demakopoulou distinguishes between fortified settlements and fortified citadels

or palaces such as Mycenae, Tiryns, Midea, Gla and Athens, and discusses differences in size,
extent and function of fortifications. She also gives a detailed description of the acropolis of
Midea, with some illustrations. See also 1127 and 1132.

1124 Fossey, John M. 1980. Mycenaean fortifications of the north east Kopais.
Opuscula Atheniensia 13:155-162.
 Describes and discusses five large LH III fortifications and fortified
settlements--including the site of Gla--and three smaller posts on hills surrounding the Kopaic
basin in Boiotia; he suggests that they were designed to defend the weakest points of drainage
works controlled by the important settlement of Orchomenos. See also 1131.

1125 Hagel, Dietmar. 1992. The fortifications of the Late Bronze Age on Kiapha Thiti,
Attike. In: Fortifications Antiquae. Symphorien Van de Maele and John M. Fossey,
eds. pp. 45-51. McGill University Monographs in Classical Archaeology and
History No. 12. Amsterdam: J.C. Gieben.

1126 Iakovidis, Spiros E. 1969. Cyclopean walls. Archaeologika Analekta ex Athinon

2:463-472, 1969.

Discusses military aspects and construction techniques; text is in Greek and

English. See also 1127, 1129 and 1130.

1127 Iakovidis, Spiros E. 1977. Vormykenische und mykenische Wehrbauten. In:

Kriegswesen, Teil 1: Schutzwaffen und Wehrbauten. Hans-Günter Buchholz and
Joseph Wiesner, eds. pp. 161-221. Archaeologia Homerica 1, pt. E.
Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht.

Iakovidis presents a thorough and well-illustrated discussion of fortifications in

Greece from the Neolithic period through the end of the Late Bronze Age, including detailed
description of the fortifications of Midea, Tiryns, Mycenae, Athens and Gla. See also 1122,
1123, 1126 and 1132.

1128 Kardara, Chrysoula P. 1971. The Isthmian Wall. Archaiologika Analekta ex

Athinon 4:85-89, 1971.
 Discusses and interprets hypotheses concerning the nature and function of the
Isthmian wall, primarily in terms of whether it was built for defensive purposes or as a retaining
wall. See also 1120 and 1121.

1129 Loader, Claire. 1995. Mycenaean fortifications: defining cyclopean and a

consideration of building practices. Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 40:254.

Presents and briefly discusses a typology whereby structures are classified into
five distinct groups and discusses the nature and function of cyclopean walls. See also 1126 and
1130.

1130 Loader, N. Claire. 1998. Building in Cyclopean Masonry. Studies in

Mediterranean Archaeology Jonsered: Paul Åstrôms Fôrlag. 272 p.

Study of cyclopean masonry of mainland fortifications, including chapters on

building methods, other structures (tholoi, dams, roads and bridges), foreign influences and the
origins of LH III fortifications, with appendices discussing the use of ropes and pulleys and
estimates of stone and time required to build various structures. See also 1126 and 1129.

1131 McConnell, Brian E. 1979. Fortifications of the Lake Kopais drainage works.
The Dartmouth Classical Journal 11:73-103.

Describes the region of the Kopaic Basin and its drainage system and summarizes
conclusions based on previous research, provides a general history of regional flooding and
ancient attempts to counteract it and reports on the results of a survey of the area by the author;
includes a detailed description of fortifications, particularly those of Gla; an appendix discusses
the routes of several canals. See also 1124.
1132 Scofopoulos, Niki C. 1971. Mycenaean Citadels. Studies in Mediterranean
Archaeology 22. Göteborg: Paul Åströms Förlag. 171 p.

Presents all relevant excavation material and data concerning Mycenaean

fortifications on mainland Greece and in the Aegean islands, focusing on the major citadels of
Mycenae, Tiryns, Midea, Athens and Gla. Detailed analysis includes the formation of walls, gate
systems, the use of towers, enclosure of lower areas and the security of and access to water
supplies. Also analyzes the development of defensive architecture, construction methods, earlier
predecessors, chronology and comparative material from Asia Minor and the West, especially in
terms of influence and the origin of cyclopean architecture. Fully illustrated; one of the best
treatments of this subject. See also 1123 and 1127.

Engineering

Impressive examples of Mycenaean construction, particularly hydraulic engineering,

can be seen in the Argolid and in Boiotia. In order to provide a source of fresh water even
during siege conditions, the citadels of Mycenae and Tiryns had elaborate tunnels and stairways
dug deep into the rock to underground springs; a similar construction exists on the Athenian
acropolis as well. A dam utilizing cyclopean masonry near Tiryns was used to divert the course
of several converging streams, thus preventing parts of the plain of Argos from flooding. The
most extensive system of hydraulic engineering, however, consisting of many dikes, dams and
canals, was constructed in Boiotia to drain Lake Kopais and thus to create a large area of fertile
land for cultivation and settlement. For the extensive system of roads in the Argolid and
Messenia, see Cultural History and Society: Settlement Patterns.

1133 Balcer, Jack Martin. 1974. The Mycenaean dam at Tiryns. American Journal of
Archaeology 78:141-149.

Describes the geology and climate of the plain of Argos and the need for flood
control; describes the construction of an earthen dam or dike supported by two walls of
cyclopean masonry east of the site of Tiryns near the confluence of three mountain streams;
Balcer then discusses other examples of similar constructions--dams and bridges--in the Argolid.
See also 1143.

1134 Biernacka-Lubanska, M. 1980. The water supply of the Mycenaean citadels

and its relations with the Near East. In: Interaction and Acculturation
in the Mediterranean. Vol. 1. Jan G.P. Best and Nanny M.W. DeVries, eds. pp.
181-189. Amsterdam: B.R. Grüner.

Describes 13th century B.C. systems for obtaining fresh water during siege
conditions at the citadels of Mycenae, Tiryns and Athens; these systems involved cutting stepped
passages through rock to water sources outside the citadel and may have influenced the
construction of later, similar systems in Asia Minor. See also 1141.

1135 Broneer, Oscar. 1939. A Mycenaean fountain on the Athenian Acropolis.

Hesperia 8:317-433.

Describes in detail a stairway leading through a cleft in the rock to an

underground spring c. 40 meters below the top of the Athenian acropolis; Broneer reconstructs
the construction of the stairway and describes and discusses in some detail the great amount of
pottery found, most of which dates to LH IIIC; he suggests that the stairway, which represents
part of an extensive fortification effort during the last half of the 13th century B.C., was used
only for a brief period of time just before the end of the Late Bronze Age.

1136 Knauss, Jost. 1987. Die Melioration des Kopaisbeckens durch die Minyer im
2.Jt.v.Chr. Kopais 2 - Wasserbau und Siedlungsbedingungen im Altertum. Institut
fur Wasserbau und Wassermengenwirtschaft und Versuchsanstalt für
Wasserbau, Oskar v. Miller-Institut in Obernach Techniche Universitat Munchen,
Bericht Nr. 57.
 Detailed description and discussion of ancient hydraulic structures and
settlements in the Kopais Basin in Boiotia, including the discovery of unknown prehistoric sites
on the western shoreline of the ancient lake, alterations of the topography of the basin and the
formation of the lake caused by human activities in water resource management and land
reclamation, and the construction history of various parts of the hydraulic system during the
Middle and Late Helladic periods. See also 1137, 1139, 1142 and 1143.

1137 Knauss, Jost. 1989. Die Wasserbau-Kultur der Minyer in der Kopais (ein
Rekonstruktionversuch). In: Boiotika, Vorträge Vom 5. Internationalen
Boötien-Kolloquium zu ehren von Professor Dr. Siegfried Lauffer: Münchner Arbeiten zur
alten Geschichte. H. Beister and J. Buckler, eds. pp. 265-275. Münchener
Universitätsschriften, Philosophische Fakultat für Altertumskunde und
Kulturwissenschaften 2. Munich: Institut für Alte Geschichte.

Attempts to reconstruct methods used to drain Lake Kopais in Boiotia, beginning

in the Middle Helladic period with the construction of dikes; following catastrophic flooding at
the end of the Middle Helladic period, the system of dikes was expanded in LH IIIA2-B1, a
canal was added, and the citadel of Gla was constructed; in LH IIIB2, however, the dikes were
destroyed and flooding again took place. See also 1136, 1139, 1142 and 1143.

1138 Knauss, Jost. 1992. Purpose and function of the ancient hydraulic structures at
Thisbe. In: Boeotia Antiqua II. Papers on Recent Work in Boiotian Archaeology
and Epigraphy. John M. Fossey, ed. pp. 35-46. Amsterdam: J.C. Gieben.

Evidence from recent investigations of these structures--including the dimensions

of dams and dykes, their layout, their construction, the material used and their purpose and
function--suggest that they are of Mycenaean origin and that Thisbe was not only a major
commercial port of central Boiotia on the Corinthian Gulf, but was also a place where technical
skills were transferred from north to south, and vice versa.
1139 Knauss, Jost, Bert Heinrich and Hansjörg Kalcyk. 1986. Der Damm bei
Kophyai und Orchomenos in Arkadien. Archäologischen Anzeiger
1986: 583-611.

Describes and discusses evidence for a dam in the vicinity of Orchomenos in

Boiotia associated with the hydraulic engineering to drain Lake Kopais. See also 1136, 1137,
1142 and 1143.

1140 Loader, Claire. 1997-1998. Mycenaean drainage. Bulletin of the Institute of

Classical Studies 42:205.

Mycenaean drainage systems were relatively sophisticated, indicating a high level

of concern for maintaining cleanliness of palatial areas, with primary and secondary drains.
Outside the palaces, channels and dams drained farmlands and culverts kept road surfaces free of
water. Granaries at Gla have narrow channels in each room and some tholoi have drainage
conduits. Drains are fairly uniform in size and in construction techniques, suggesting shared
building practices, with established rules and specific sets of measurements. Drainage systems
were not pre-planned as part of an overall building scheme, but were employed at different
stages of construction and reconstruction.

1141 Verdelis, Nikolaos M. 1963. Tiryns' water supply. Archaeology 16:129-130.

Describes the discovery of two channels leading from the northwest section of
Tiryns' circuit walls to an underground spring. See also 1134.

1142 Wallace, Paul W. 1979. The dikes in the Kopais. In: Proceedings of the Second
International Conference on Boiotian Antiquities (McGill University, Montreal,
2-4.11.1973). John M. Fossey and Albert Schachter, eds. pp. 7-8. Teiresias Supplement
2. National Library of Canada.
 Describes the system of dikes and canals designed to drain the Kopais basin in
Boiotia; Wallace dates this extensive engineering project to the Mycenaean period and suggests
that only substantial and widespread peaceful conditions would allowed for the construction and
maintenance of such a system. See also 1136, 1137, 1139 and 1143.

1143 Zangger, Eberhard. 1991. Tiryns unterstadt. In: Archaeometry '90: International
Symposium on Archaeometry, 2-6 April 1990, Heidelberg, Germany. ed. Ernst
Pernicka and Gunther A. Wagner. pp. 831-840. Basel: Birkhauser Verlag.

Zangger uses stratigraphic and geoarchaeological data to reconstruct the

paleoenvironmental history of Tiryns' lower city. He concludes that during LH IIIB2, possibly as
the result of an earthquake, a stream which ran south of the citadel abruptly shifted its course
northward, burying large parts of the lower town under 3-5 meters of mud and gravel in a
catastrophic flash flood. This caused the inhabitants to construct a dam and a canal at the
transition from LH IIIB to LH IIIC to redirect the course of the stream 1 km. south of the citadel;
this is the only known example to date of Mycenaean stream redirection, although the
engineering is reminiscent of that used for hydrological control of the Kopaic Basin in Boiotia.
See also 1133, 1136, 1137, 1139 and 1142.

Painting

Floors

1144 Hirsch, Ethel S. 1977. Painted Decoration on the Floors of Bronze Age Structures
on Crete and on the Greek Mainland. Studies in Mediterranean
Archaeology 53. Göteborg: Paul Åströms Förlag. 53 p.
 Descriptive catalogue of all known examples of painted floor decoration, arranged
by site; Hirsch discusses the system by which floor paintings have been classified and
distinguishes between Minoan and Mycenaean examples; whereas painted floors can be found in
both public and private structures, are stylistically variable and primarily use the color red,
Mycenaean painted floors are found only in palaces, are polychrome, utilize a grid system and
are homogeneous in concept and design. See also 1145 and 1146.

1145 Hirsch, Ethel S. 1980. Another look at Minoan and Mycenaean

inter-relationships in floor decoration. American Journal of Archaeology
84:453-462.

Distinguishes between Minoan floor painting, which uses red paint on a

plaster base in both palatial and non-palatial contexts, and Mycenaean floor painting, which
comprises a grid of squares with incised edges and a variety of colors, and is found only in the
main rooms of palaces; Hirsch rejects the interpretation of Mycenaean floor decoration as an
imitation of carpeting, suggesting rather that it imitates Minoan inlaid slab paving, with patterns
representing different kinds of stone. See also 1144.

Frescoes

The idea of painting frescoes on the walls of important buildings was clearly a
practice borrowed from the Minoans, who had mastered this art centuries before the appearance
of the first Mycenaean palaces. It is likely, too, that at least initially Minoan artists were
imported or commissioned to paint them on the mainland as well. Although a few fragments of
LH I and II frescoes exist, the earliest substantial examples (at Tiryns and Argos) date to the
second half of the 15th century B.C.

The frescoes utilized blue, red, yellow and black pigments on a thin, smoothed layer
of wet plaster, a technique that requires considerable skill and speed of application. While
Minoan frescoes mostly depicted the natural world and religious/ceremonial scenes, the
Mycenaeans apparently preferred scenes of hunting and warfare, although the former subjects,
such as ceremonial processions of women, are present as well. In some instances, the subject of
a given fresco seems to be related to the activity or activities performed in the room whose walls
it decorated. Eventually, the style as well as the subject matter of Mycenaean frescoes began to
diverge from those of their Minoan prototypes.

Frescoes, mostly in highly fragmentary condition, have been found in all of the
excavated palaces, in shrines, some rich burials and in a few elite residential structures--
particularly at Mycenae and Tiryns--as well. Thus, in addition to their architectural or decorative
function and artistic value, they were also indicators of high social status.

1146 Immerwahr, Sara A. 1989. Aegean Painting in the Bronze Age. University Park,
PA: Pennsylvania State University Press. 240 p.

Introductory chapters discuss general aspects such as geography and chronology,

techniques of painting and early Minoan art before the first frescoes; the main chapters deal with
early Aegean wall painting, later Minoan painting and the formation of the Mycenaean style and
Mycenaean wall painting; the book concludes with a consideration of the relationships and
differences between Minoan and Mycenaean painting; well illustrated. See also 1144.

1147 Kritseli-Providi, Ioanna. 1982. Toichographies tou thriskevtikou kentrou

ton Mykenon. Athens. 131 p.

Catalogue and description of frescoes from various areas of the Cult Center at Mycenae;
may be difficult to obtain.

1148 Lang, Mabel L. 1969. The Palace of Nestor at Pylos in Western Messenia. Vol. 2,
The Frescoes. Princeton: Princeton University Press. 256 p.

Detailed catalogue and description of fresco fragments found during the excavation of the
palace of Pylos; also includes a brief discussion of provenience, chronology, techniques of
painting and construction, subjects and a room-by-room survey of plaster remains and decoration
within the palace; extensively illustrated.
1149 Rodenwaldt, Gerhart. 1912. Die Fresken des Palastes. Tiryns: die Ergebnisse der
Ausgrabungen des Instituts 2. Athens: Eleutherodakis und Barth. 242 p.

Describes, illustrates and discusses frescoes from Tiryns, including their provenience,
decorative motifs, stylistic aspects, technical aspects of application, and the relationship of the
Tiryns frescoes to those of other mainland and Minoan palaces; also includes a discussion of
decorated floors. See also 1144.

1150 Shaw, Maria C. 1996. The bull-leaping fresco from below the Ramp House at
Mycenae: a study in iconography and artistic transmission. Annual of the British
School at Athens 91:167-190.

Shaw reconstructs this fresco from preserved fragments, provides a detailed

description and illustration of the fragments, discusses prototypes and sources of inspiration for
style and conventions, compares the fresco with similar ones from Knossos and discusses
evidence for the borrowing and modification of Minoan iconography and artistic style. See also
1151.

1151 Shaw, Maria C. 1997. Aegean sponsors and artists: reflections of their roles in
the patterns of distribution of themes and representational conventions in the
murals. In: TEKHNE: Craftsmen, Craftswomen and Craftmanship in the
Aegean Bronze Age. Proceedings of the 6th International Aegean conference/6e
Rencontre égéenne internationale, Philadelphia, Temple University, 18-
21 April 1996, Vol. 2. Robert Laffineur and Philip P. Betancourt, eds. pp. 481-504.
Liège: Université de Liège Histoire de l'art et archéologie de la Grèce antique and
University of Texas at Austin Program in Aegean Scripts and Prehistory.

Extensive discussion of the relationship between themes (usually specific

activities or actions) depicted in wall paintings, the sites at which they are found (palaces or
houses), cultural and chronological distribution and the choice of subject matter by those in
control of sites ("sponsors"). Shaw compiles a list of frequent and significant themes (landscape,
seascape, human representation, saffron or crocus gathering, monkeys, buildings and people,
athletics, processions, hunting and hunters, warfare and warriors, guardian animals, bull leaping
and half-rosettes), listing all sites at which each occurs. She notes that some themes are rarely or
never found at Mycenaean sites, including pure landscapes, saffron or crocus gathering,
monkeys, cheering crowds of spectators and athletics. Given the rather fixed iconography and
artistic conventions and the relatively limited number of themes, the exercise of choice take on
greater significance in terms of the manipulation of this system in respect to selection,
acceptance, rejection or emphasis within the range of subject matter. In addition to changes in
taste over time, Shaw suggests that cultural preferences to some extent governed the choice of
themes. Some themes, such as those with a specifically Minoan religious character, for example,
would not have appealed to a Mycenaean "sponsor," while others, such as bull leaping, may have
been appropriated as symbols of palatial power and authority. The preference for abstraction,
stylization and repetition also seem to be Mycenaean preferences. See also 1150.

Larnakes

1152 Immerwahr, Sara. 1995. Death and the Tanagra larnakes. In: The Ages of Homer:
A Tribute to Emily Townsend Vermeule. Jane B. Carter and Sarah P. Morris, eds.
pp. 99-107. Austin: University of Texas Press.

Immerwahr describes, illustrates and discusses the iconography of the painted

Tanagra larnakes, which largely have to do with death and accompanying funerary rites,
including processions of mourning women, the prothesis or lament for the dead and the presence
of male priests. Although the larnakes themselves and some of the paintings seem to reflect
Minoan influence, these paintings seem more realistic than either Minoan or Egyptian attitudes
and are far closer to the Homeric conception of death, anticipating scenes on Geometric vases.

1153 Vermeule, Emily Townsend. 1965. Painted Mycenaean larnakes. Journal

of Hellenic Studies 85:123-148.

Describes and discusses twelve examples from Tanagra, prior to the discovery
and excavation of the chamber tomb cemetery; discussion includes their date (LH IIIB/C),
decorative patterns, their relation to Minoan larnakes, style of painting and themes in painting.
Vases

Like the frescoes, Mycenaean vase-painting also betrays a strong Minoan, as well as
some Cycladic, influence in its formative phases. However, unlike wall-painting, there was an
indigenous painted pottery tradition upon which Mycenaean artists could draw, that of Middle
Helladic matt-painted pottery. Mycenaean pots were divided into zones by single or multiple
parallel horizontal bands, with the decorated motifs or designs concentrated on the body of the
vessel. Although many pots merely displayed decorative motifs such as chevrons, lozenges, and
net patterns, more elaborate depictions of natural phenomena such as plants and animals--
primarily sea creatures such as octopus, squid, murex, etc.--were also common. Beginning in
LH IIIA, "pictorial" pottery depicting more complex subjects such as birds, fish, chariots and
humans appears, although these subjects remain fairly rare. Pictorial pottery seems to have been
particularly popular in Cyprus and other areas of the Eastern Mediterranean; chemical
characterization studies have demonstrated that a great majority was produced at Berbati
specifically for this market.

It has been possible in some instances to identify individual Mycenaean vase-painters

characterized by specific motifs or stylistic idiosyncracies and thus to trace the evolution,
influence and distribution of their products. The quality of Mycenaean vase painting began to
decline toward the end of LH IIIC, resulting in the so-called Submycenaean style, in which the
decoration becomes simpler and the quality of execution deteriorates. Eventually, in the 11th
century B.C., Submycenaean gives way to the Early Iron Age Protogeometric style, in which
representative subjects have entirely disappeared, replaced by simpler motifs such as compass-
drawn concentric circles and semicircles.

1154 Åkerström, Ake. 1953. Some pictorial vase representations from the mainland
in Late Helladic times. Opuscula Atheniensia 1:8-28.

Describes, discusses and analyzes sherds and vessels with pictorial designs from
Tiryns and Mycenae and compares these depictions with those on frescoes from Tiryns. See also
1155, 1157, 1159, 1161 and 1177.

1155 Åkerström, Ake. 1987. Berbati, Vol. 2: The Pictorial Pottery. Skrifter utgivna av
Svenska institutet i Athen, Series 4, vol. 36. Stockholm. 140 p.
 In addition to providing a catalogue of pictorial pottery from Berbati, an
important pottery manufacturing center in the Argolid from c. 1600-1200 B.C., this thorough and
extensively illustrated work discusses the origin and development of Mycenaean pictorial pottery
and the depiction, composition, derivation, transformation, distribution and dating of specific
motifs. Åkerström asserts that the pictorial style originated on the mainland under Minoan
influence and that much of this pottery at Berbati, especially chariot scenes depicted on
amphoroid kraters, was specifically manufactured for export to Cyprus. See also 1154, 1157-
1159, 1161, 1163-1165, 1175, 1177 and 1179.

1156 Benson, J.L. 1961. Observations on Mycenaean vase-painters. American Journal

of Archaeology 65:337-347.

Discusses methodology for identifying and characterizing individual Mycenaean

vase-painters; Benson identifies thirteen artists working between LH IIIA and LH IIIB,
discussing works attributed to them and evaluating these attributions; he notes an overall lack of
individuality in Mycenaean vase-painting, with only some conventionalization of figures,
indicating a conflict between naturalistic and ornamental tendencies. See also 1168, 1173, 1174,
1179, 1180 and 1182.

1157 Crouwel, Joost H. 1991. The Mycenaean Pictorial Pottery. Well Built
Mycenae: The Helleno-British Excavations within the Citadel at Mycenae,
1959-1969. Elizabeth B. French and K.A. Wardle, eds. Fascicle 21. Oxford:
Oxbow Press. 48 p.

Describes and discusses c. 180 sherds from the Citadel House area at Mycenae
with pictorial decoration; discussion includes find contexts and chronology, technique of
manufacture, shapes and subject matter; also includes a 261-page catalogue on microfiche. See
also 1154, 1155, 1159 1161 and 1177.
1158 Crouwel, Joost H. 1991. Mycenaean pictorial pottery from Cyprus in Oxford.
Oxford Journal of Archaeology 10:45-55.

Describes, illustrates and discusses six sherds from five sites in the Ashmolean
Museum. Optical emission spectographic analysis indicates a source in the northeastern
Peloponnese, probably Berbati, which conforms to previous analyses of pictorial pottery from
Cyprus. See also 1155, 1163-1165, 1175 and 1179.

1159 Crouwel, Joost H. 1991. Mycenaean pictorial pottery in Göttingen.

Archäologische Anzeiger 1991:1-9, 1991.

Detailed description and discussion of eight fragments, attributed by Crouwel to

the Argolid and dated to LH IIIB-C. See also 1154, 1155, 1157, 1161 and 1177.

1160 Crouwel, Joost H. and Christine E. Morris. 1996. The beginnings of Mycenaean
pictorial vase painting. Archäologischer Anzeiger 1996:197-219.

The authors discuss the earliest pictorial vase paintings, dating from LH I to LH
IIIA1 (c. 1600-1370/60 B.C.). They discuss motifs including human figures, animals, birds and
fish. The majority of these early vasesBcups, jugs and open kraters) were used in the serving and
consumption of liquids; neckless and amphoroid kraters were ideally suited to pictorial
decoration due to their large, gently curving surfaces suitable for the depiction of elaborate
chariot designes and other complex scenes. Crete seems to have been the main source for bird
and fish designs, while the place of manufacture was probably the Argolid. Includes a catalogue
and many illustrations.

1161 Demakopoulou, Katie and Joost H. Crouwel. 1992. Mycenaean pictorial pottery
from the Argive Heraion. Hesperia 61:491-500.
 The authors describe, illustrate and discuss aspects including decoration, shape
and chronology. They conclude that the Argive Heraion is an important find-place of Mycenaean
LH IIIA-B pictorial pottery in the Argolid, with both mainstream and unusual examples. See also
1154, 1155, 1157, 1159 and 1177.

1162 Fisher, S.M. and K.L. Giering. 1994. A pictorial stirrup jar from the
Mycenaean citadel of Midea. Journal of Prehistoric Religion 8:8-19.

An extensive description and discussion of this LH IIIB stirrup jar, which is

unique in the pictorial and non-representational repertoires of the Bronze Age Aegean in terms of
its shape and motifs. The iconography indicates contact with Crete and the eastern
Mediterranean, but technical analysis suggests that it was manufactured at Midea. The individual
motifs and their compositions suggest that the vase had a religious and/or ritual function. See
also 1178.

1163 Iacovou, Maria. 1988. The Pictorial Pottery of Eleventh Century B.C. Cyprus.
Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology 78. Göteborg: Paul Åströms Förlag.
89 p.

Study of Proto-White Painted Ware, which was derived from Cypro-Mycenaean

IIIC pottery; includes a catalogue of thirty-four pots, detailed discussion of each vase, analysis of
shapes and abstract and pictorial motifs, summary and conclusions; well-illustrated. See also
1155, 1158, 1164, 1165, 1175 and 1179.

1164 Immerwahr, Sara A. 1956. The Protome Painter and some contemporaries.
American Journal of Archaeology 60:137-141.

Describes and discusses a corpus of eight vessels from Cyprus attributed by the
author to a vase painter working during the second quarter of the 13th century B.C. and
characterized by a predilection for the use of bull protomes; Immerwahr also discusses the
stylistic development of this vase-painter over a period of c. 25 years. See also 1155, 1158, 1163,
1165, 1175 and 1179.

1165 Immerwahr, Sara A. 1993. The Mycenaean pictorial style 50 years later. In:
Proceedings of the International Conference, Wace and Blegen: Pottery as Evidence for
Trade in the Aegean Bronze Age, 1939-1989, Held at the American School of Classical
Studies at Athens, Athens, December 2-3, 1989. Carol Zerner, Peter Zerner and John
Winder, eds. pp. 217-223. Amsterdam: J.C. Gieben.

Discusses arguments concerning and stylistic, archaeological and scientific

evidence for the origin and source of manufacture of the Mycenaean pictorial style, concluding
that the bulk of these vases found in Cyprus were made at the site of Berbati in the Argolid. See
also 1155, 1158, 1163, 1164, 1167, 1175 and 1179.

1166 Karageorghis, Vassos. 1958. Myth and epic in Mycenaean vase painting.
American Journal of Archaeology 62:383-387.

Presents and discusses six examples of pictorial vase painting from the Levant
which the author believes illustrate mythological or epic subjects.

1167 Karageorghis, Vassos. 2000-2001. The Mycenaean pottery of the pictorial

style: achievements and perspectives. Opuscula Atheniensia 25-26:91-93.

Summary and introduction reviews recent achievements and prospects for

research. Topics include definition of regional styles, chemical analyses, importation of clay to
the eastern Mediterranean, sources of mythological inspiration for motifs, the possibility of
identifying works of individual painters and the definition of stylistic and thematic changes in
LH IIIC compared to LH IIIA/B. See also 1165.
1168 Morris, Christine. 1993. Hands-up for the individual: the role of attribution
studies in Aegean prehistory. Cambridge Archaeological Journal 3:41-66.

Morris discusses methodological issues involved in identifying individuals and

workshops of the Aegean Bronze Age, arguing that attribution is feasible for prehistoric material,
although only in a limited way compared to classical vase painting. She advocates a contextual
approach as an integral part of artifact analysis, to understand the formation and development of
style, the definition of closely contemporary groups of material and the spatial distribution of
products of individuals. Morris uses 14-13th century Mycenaean pictorial pottery as a case study.
Includes commentary by other scholars. See also 1156, 1173, 1174, 1179, 1180 and 1182.

1169 Morris, Christine E. and Joost H. Crouwel. 1985. Mycenaean pictorial pottery
from Tell Atchana (Alalakh). Annual of the British School at Athens
80:85-98.

The authors describe, discuss and illustrate 18 krater fragments, mostly depicting
chariot scenes, from one of the most important find-spots of pictorial pottery in the Eastern
Mediterranean; they suggest that most of these vessels were manufactured in the northeastern
Peloponnese; includes a catalogue of sherds.

1170 Mountjoy, P.A. 1997. A Trojan Mycenaean pictorial krater. In: Studia Troica,
Volume 7. pp. 269-274. Mainz am Rhein: Verlag Philipp von Zabern.

Provisional description and discussion of a vase with an Anatolian shape

decorated in Mycenaean style, dating to LH IIIC, depicting a lion, a bird and possibly a ship=s
prow.

1171 Paschalidis, Constantinos P. 2001. New pictorial ceramic finds from Brauron,
Attica: stylistic evidence for local production. Studi Micenei ed Egeo-Anatolici
43:93-110.

Describes and discusses two finds of pictorial pottery from the chamber tomb
cemetery of Brauron: a conical rhyton depicting a bird with folded wing from Chamber Tomb 20
and two sherds from a closed vase from the fill of the dromos of Chamber Tomb 12, both dating
to LH IIIA2. The author suggests that both belong to a new stylistic group, which he terms “The
Brauron Painter,” due to the presence of specific stylistic features. Also includes a catalogue of
conical rhyta from Attika.

1172 Rystedt, Eva. 1986. The foot-race and other athletic contests in the Mycenaean
world: the evidence of the pictorial vases. Opuscula Atheniensia 16:103-116.

A study of twelve vases with pictorial decoration results in the identification and
establishment of a category of painted silhouette figures on foot; most of these figures are
identified as runners and others as spear-throwers; the author discusses possible links between
these vases to Minoan Crete and to descriptions in Homer.

1173 Rystedt, Eva. 1990. On distinguishing hands in Mycenaean pictorial

vase-painting. Opuscula Atheniensia 18:167-176.

Discusses criteria for the identification of Mycenaean vase-painters, including

composition, design elements, distinctive single forms and direct reflections of individual artistic
temperament; in addition to discussing the value of such efforts, Rystedt identifies four
previously unknown pictorial vase painters from the LH IIIA-B period. See also 1156, 1168,
1174, 1179, 1180 and 1182.

1174 Rystedt, Eva. 1992. Mycenaean pictorial vases: individual painters and East
Mediterranean chronology and trade. In: Acta Cypria: Acts of an International Congress
on Cypriote Archaeology Held in Göteborg on 22-24 August 1991, Part 2. Paul
Åström, ed. pp. 306-315. Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology, Pocket-Book
117. Jonsered: Paul Åströms Förlag.

Discusses the identification of a vase painter termed by the author the Painter of
Baggy Hooves; also discusses the potential for using the identification of individual artists to
pinpoint the chronology of find contexts and the distribution of their products. See also 1156,
1168, 1173, 1179, 1180 and 1182.

1175 Rystedt, Eva. 1992. On Mycenaean pictorial bulls. In: Studies in Honour of
Vassos Karageorghis. G.C. Ioannides, ed. pp. 157- 163. Society of Cypriot
Studies Publication 54-55. Nicosia.

Analyzes the depiction of bulls on kraters with pictorial representations from

Cyprus, suggesting an evolution in their depiction from relatively naturalistic images to more
abstract, patterned designs during the course of LH IIIB. See also 1155, 1156, 1158, 1163-1165,
1168, 1173-1175, 1179, 1180 and 1182.

1176 Sakellarakis, J.A. 1992. The Mycenaean Pictorial Style in the National
Archaeological Museum of Athens. Athens: Kapon Editions.

1177 Slenczka, Eberhard. 1974. Figurlich bemalte mykenische keramik aus

Tiryns. Tiryns: Forschungen und Berichte 7. Mainz am Rhein:
Verlag Philipp von Zabern. 172 p.

Describes, illustrates and discusses pictorial pottery from Tiryns; includes a

catalogue of 252 whole vessels and fragments, comparison with other pictorial pottery,
especially that from the Levant, and discussion of stylistic development and relative and absolute
chronology. See also 1154, 1155, 1157, 1159 and 1161.

1178 Steel, Louise. 1994. Representations of a shrine on a Mycenaean chariot krater

from Kalavasos-Ayios Dhimitrios, Cyprus. Annual of the British School at Athens
89:201-211.
 Detailed description of a pictorial vase from a chamber tomb containing large
quantities of LH IIIA2-B ceramics. The krater depicts a shrine with horns of consecration and a
seated female figure, a depiction unique in this medium, though similar to those on seals,
frescoes and signet rings. See also 1162.

1179 Stubbings, Frank H. 1951. Some Mycenaean artists. Annual of the British
School at Athens 46:168-176.

Offers evidence for personal or individual style in Mycenaean pottery decoration,

identifying seven groups of pictorial pottery from Cyprus, each characterized by specific stylistic
features and thus representing an individual artist or workshop. See also 1155, 1156, 1158, 1163-
1165, 1168, 1173-1175, 1180 and 1182.

1180 Thomas, Patrick M. 1997. Mycenaean kylix painters at Zygories. In: TEKHNE:
Craftsmen, Craftswomen and Craftmanship in the Aegean Bronze Age.
Proceedings of the 6th International Aegean conference/6e Rencontre égéenne
internationale, Philadelphia, Temple University, 18-21 April 1996, Vol. 2. Robert
Laffineur and Philip P. Betancourt, eds. pp. 377-383. Liège: Université de Liège Histoire
de l'art et archéologie de la Grèce antique and University of Texas at Austin Program in
Aegean Scripts and Prehistory.

Case study in the attribution of a group of LH IIIB1 kylikes and kylix sherds from
the "Potter's Shop" to individual hands. After briefly discussing the validity of attribution studies
and some reasons why they have not played a prominent role in the study of Mycenaean
ceramics, Thomas identifies two groups representing individual hands based upon an analysis of
the style of particular motifs, fabric, paint and vessel shape. He concludes by responding to those
who have expressed skepticism about the possibility and appropriateness of such studies by
indicating their potential uses in determining fine-grained chronology and gaining additional
understanding of the production, distribution and consumption of pottery in Mycenaean Greece.
See also 1156, 1168, 1173, 1174, 1179 and 1182.

1181 Vagnetti, Lucia. 2000-2001. Preliminary remarks on Mycenaean pictorial

pottery from the central Mediterranean. Opuscula Atheniensia 25-25:107-115.
 Pictorial pottery found in the central Mediterranean is highly fragmentary and not
abundant, but is consistent with the typology found elsewhere. Finds are concentrated in
southern mainland Italy and date from LH IIIA2 to LH IIIC. Vagnetti illustrates examples and
offers a preliminary discussion of the evidence and the possible impact of this pottery on local
ceramic production.

1182 Vermeule, Emily T. and Vassos Karageorghis. 1982. Mycenaean Pictorial Vase
Painting. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. 417 p.

Definitive, fully illustrated publication of c. 700 whole or fragmentary vessels;

includes catalogue of all known examples; considers the nature and characteristics of pictorial
pottery in terms of chronological development by region, including Cyprus, the Greek mainland,
Rhodes and the Dodecanese, Asia Minor and the Near East; also discusses sources and
distribution of pictorial pottery and individual vase painters. See also 1156, 1168, 1173, 1174,
1179 and 1180.

Sculpture

With the exception of the Lion Gate and some large terracotta figures at Mycenae,
Mycenaean sculpture tended toward the miniature. Again, other than the Lion Gate, stone
sculpture is non-existent, the preferred media being clay and ivory. The most commonly found
sculptures are clay figurines, mostly of females with folded or upraised arms (psi and phi
figurines) in several standardized forms and painted with vertical stripes on their bodies.
Animals such as bulls and horses are also common, and more complex figures such as mother
and child and chariot groups are also known. Larger clay heads and full-figure sculptures, which
by their archaeological context seem to have a cult function, often have grotesque features; some
have been interpreted as representing sphinxes and other mythical creatures. Because of
limitations of size and availability of raw material, ivory sculptures, mainly of human figures,
also tend to be small.

As suggested above, the Lion Gate at Mycenae represents a rare example of monumental
sculpture in the Mycenaean world. Situated over the main--and only--entrance to the citadel, the
Lion Gate was one of the few architectural elements visible in the post-Mycenaean world, and
has, because of its unique qualities and its position, been interpreted in a variety of ways in terms
of its artistic, architectural and iconographic significance.

1183 Åström, Paul and Borje Blome. 1964. A reconstruction of the Lion
Relief at Mycenae. Opuscula Atheniensia 5:159-191.

The authors review previous interpretations, discuss various technical aspects and
offer several possible reconstructions and interpretations of the sculpture. See also 1187 and
1190.

1184 Caskey, Miriam E. 1986. The Temple at Ayia Irini: the Statues. Keos:
Results of Excavations Conducted by the University of Cincinnati under the
Auspices of the American School of Classical Studies at Athens, Vol. 3.
Princeton: American School of Classical Studies at Athens. 130 p.

Discusses find spots, condition and preservation, methods of construction,

chronology and significance of the statues, the latter emphasizing their Minoan appearance and
that they are true large freestanding terracotta sculptures which may have been associated with
the worship of Dionysos; the majority of the volume consists of a catalogue of the statue
fragments and illustrations. See also 1185 and 1186.

1185 Catling, H.W. 1995. A Mycenaean terracotta figure from the Menelaion. Annual
of the British School at Athens 90:183-193.

Catling describes a Mycenaean terracotta figure excavated in 1919, discusses its

context and possible function and compares it with other examples. Includes a catalogue of
terracotta figures. See also 1184 and 1186.
1186 Demakopoulou, Katie. 1970. Mykenaiki pilini kephali. Archaiologikon
Deltion, Meletai 25:174-183.

Describes a terracotta head, probably dating to LH IIIB, found on the north slope
of the Athenian acropolis; the head, with strongly accentuated nose and chin, may represent a
sphinx. See also 1184 and 1185.

1187 Kardara, Chrysoula P. 1970. I symasia touanaglyphou tis Pylis leonton.

Archaiologika Analekta ex Athinon 3:238-246.

A reconstruction and iconographic interpretation of the Lion Gate at Mycenae; the

author suggests that the figures now seen as lionesses may have originally been sphinxes,
symbolizing the queen's supernatural power; their positioning and arrangement may symbolize
the unification of two royal houses. See also 1183 and 1190.

1188 Krzyszkowska, O.H. 1991. The Enkomi warrior head reconsidered. Annual of
the British School at Athens 86:107-120.

Analysis of the form, function, material and method of manufacture of the

Enkomi head indicates that it seems to be Mycenaean in origin; also included is an appendix
listing and describing other ivory warrior heads in the Mediterranean area, including information
concerning their contexts and date.

1189 Rystedt, Eva. 2001. Iconographical notes on two stele fragments from Grave
Circle A at Mycenae. In: Contributions to the Archaeology and History of the
Bronze and Iron Ages in the Eastern Mediterranean. Peter M. Fischer, ed. pp. 113-
119. Österreichisches Archäologisches Institut Sonderschiften vol. 39.

Detailed re-examination, description, illustration and discussion of these two

fragments, which Rystedt identifies as figural representations of chariot-racing with apobatai.
1190 Shaw, Maria C. 1986. The Lion Gate relief of Mycenae reconsidered. In: Philia
epi eis Georgion E. Mylonan: dia to 60 eti tou anaskaphikou tou ergou, Vol. 1,
pp. 108-123, Vivliothiki tis en Athenais Archaiologikis Etaireias 103, Athens:
Library of the Archaeological Association in Athens.

Focusing upon the architectural details beneath and between the lions themselves,
Shaw, based on a comparative analysis of similar depictions in Aegean art, concludes that the
sculpture portrays a sacred entrance or propylon within the palace itself. See also 1183 and 1187.

Pottery

Mycenaean pottery evolved as a fusion of two or three earlier and contemporary traditions:
1) mainland Middle Helladic fine wares, most notably Gray and Yellow Minyan and Mattpainted
wares; 2) Minoan LM I pottery; and 3) Cycladic dark-on-light pottery, particularly that from the
island of Kythera. It is possible that specialized pottery production centers already existed in the
Peloponnese at the end of the Middle Helladic period. At this time and in the ensuing centuries,
these mainland potters were strongly influenced by Minoan and Cycladic potters, especially in
terms of decoration, although some shapes were also borrowed and modified.

The earliest manifestations of these workshops was LH I pottery, a fine ware

distinguished primarily by the use of glossy paint on a light background, whose distribution was
largely limited to central and southern Greece and which competed with other fine wares,
including Middle Helladic and Minoan wares. Minoan influence continued to be strong until LH
IIB, when mainland potters begin to exhibit a more distinctive style of their own. LH III pottery
is much more widely distributed, found now in northern Greece and throughout the Aegean and
along the eastern Mediterranean coast. Initially imported, Mycenaean pottery within several
generations began to be locally manufactured in most of these regions. There is a tendency,
beginning in LH III, for the decoration to become increasingly standardized and schematic over
time, culminating in the rather minimal decoration found on LH IIIC vessels. On the other hand,
pictorial pottery, with more elaborate depictions of scenes involving human beings and animals,
is also produced in LH III; most of this pottery was produced for a market in Cyprus and the
Eastern Mediterranean coast.
 Mycenaean pottery was wheelmade; the best examples use a fine-textured buff clay, often
self-slipped, with lustrous or semi-lustrous red or black paint. It is made in a wide variety of
shapes, which, like the decoration, change through time; some of the most common shapes are
cups, goblets, deep bowls, stirrup jars, alabastra, jugs, kraters and amphorae. As indicated
above, this pottery was manufactured by full-time craftsmen in specialized pottery workshops,
several of which have been discovered; the best-known of these is at the site of Berbati, in the
Argolid, not far from Mycenae. The pottery from these workshops was distributed throughout
the surrounding area for local consumption, and in some cases was also exported to other parts of
Greece and the Aegean.

Although there are of course certain regional characteristics and preferences and some
variations in quality, Mycenaean pottery is remarkably homogeneous, particularly in LH IIIA-B,
the so-called Mycenaean koine. Between LH II and LH IIIC, in fact, this is virtually the only
pottery, with the exception of rare imports, found on Mycenaean sites. In LH IIIC, as regions
became increasingly isolated from each other, regional differences become more prominent and
the overall quality of craftsmanship declines in some places, eventually degenerating into the
Submycenaean style. Another very different kind of pottery, handmade burnished ware, also
appears in LH IIIC at some sites in the Peloponnese; this pottery, utilizing local clays, but
exemplifying an entirely different and less sophisticated ceramic tradition, may represent the
presence at these sites of a non-Mycenaean population element.

1191 Benzi, Mario. 1975. Ceramica Micenea in Attica. Testi e Documenti per lo
Studio dell'Antichita 50. Milan: Cisalpino-La Goliardica. 424 p.

Discusses and analyzes Mycenaean pottery in Attika; the first part of this study is
concerned with ceramic classification, listing examples of various forms and discussing their
distribution, variation and evolution in Attika; the second major part catalogues and discusses
pottery from twelve burial sites; in the concluding section, Benzi divides the evolution of
Mycenaean pottery into three evolutionary phases: 1) final MH-LH IIIA 1; 2) LH IIIA-B; 3) LH
IIIB-C; also includes indices and concordances. See also 1219.

1192 Cadogan, Gerald. 1991. Cypriot Bronze Age pottery and the Aegean. In:
Cypriot Ceramics: Reading the Prehistoric Record. Jane A. Barlow, Diane L.
Bolger and Barbara Kling, eds. pp. 169-171. University Museum Monograph 74.
Philadelphia: The University Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology, University of
Pennsylvania.
 Traces Mycenaean influence on Cypriot pottery; this influence begins in LC IIC2
and becomes considerable thereafter, thus signaling the entry of Cyprus into the Greek world.
See also 1193, 1205 and 1222.

1193 Demakopoulou, Katie. 1992. Mycenaean vases from Cyprus in the National
Archaeological Museum of Athens. In: Studies in Honour of Vassos
Karageorghis, G.C. Ioannides, ed., pp. 141-150, Society of Cypriot Studies
Publication 54-55. Nicosia.

Catalogue and illustration of 27 previously unpublished LH IIB/IIIA1-IIIB clay

vessels and one stone vase without provenance acquired by the Archaeological Society of Athens
between 1854 and 1896. Included are 15 piriform jars, 3 straight-sided alabastra, 6 jugs and
juglets and three flasks, all closed shapes which likely came from tombs. Many of these vases are
similar to those from Hala Sultan Tekke, a major Late Bronze Age site where much Mycenaean
pottery has been found, and are generally consistent with the range of Mycenaean pottery from
Cyprus. Most of them appear to have been made on the Greek mainland, although several may
have been locally produced. See also 1192, 1205 and 1222.

1194 Demakopoulou, Katie. 1993. Argive Mycenaean pottery: evidence from the
necropolis at Kokla. In: Proceedings of the International Conference, Wace and
Blegen: Pottery as Evidence for Trade in the Aegean Bronze Age, 1939-1989,
Held at the American School of Classical Studies at Athens, Athens, December 2-
3, 1989. Carol Zerner, Peter Zerner and John Winder, eds. pp. 57-75. Amsterdam: J.C.
Gieben.

Describes and illustrates in some detail LH I-IIIB1 pottery from a tholos tomb and
nine chamber tombs from a site near Argos. Most of the pottery, which is typical of that found at
sites such as Mycenae, Prosymna and Argos, dates to LH II.

1195 Gillis, Carole. 1994. Binding evidence: tin foil and organic binders on Aegean
Late Bronze Age pottery. Opuscula Atheniensia 20:57-61.
 Describes and discusses the results of secondary ion mass spectrometry analysis
of a tin fragment from a conical cup found in a chamber tomb at Asine, which gave evidence of
the presence of an organic binder, probably colophony, made from pine resins. See also 1196,
1197 and 1199.

1196 Gillis, Carole. 1995. Tin-coated ceramic vessels in the Aegean Late Bronze
Age: results and implications from TOF SIMS and ESCA surface analyses. In:
Estudis Sobre Ceràmica Antiga: Actes del simposi sober ceràmica antiga.
Màrius Vendrell-Saz, Trinitat Pradell, Judit Molera and Maite Garcia, eds.
pp. 35-40. Barcelona: Generalitat de Catalunya.

See also 1195, 1197 and 1199.

1197 Gillis, C., B. Holmberg and A. Widelöv. 1995. Aegean Bronze Age tinned
vessels: analyses and social implications. In: The Ceramics Cultural Heritage:
th
Proceedings of the International Symposium, 8 CIMTEC-World Ceramics
Congress and Forum on New Materials, Florence, Italy, June 28-July 2, 1994.
Monographs in Materials and Society 2. Faenza: Techna Srl.

See also 1195, 1196 and 1199.

1198 Haskell, Halford W. 1985. The origin of the Aegean stirrup jar and its earliest
evolution and distribution (MBIII-LBI). American Journal of Archaeology
89:221-229.

Haskell suggests that the stirrup jar was invented on Crete in MM III as a
modification of the oval-mouthed amphora which proved to have certain advantages in the
storage and pouring of liquids and the transfer of valuable liquids from larger pithoi; in
discussing their typology, he notes that they appear on the Greek mainland first in LH IIA as
small fineware found mostly in tombs and later as larger domestic jars in LH IIIA; discusses
criteria for dating and provides a catalogue of the earliest examples. See also 1207.

1199 Immerwahr, Sara A. 1966. The use of tin on Mycenaean vases. Hesperia
35:381-396.

Describes and discusses a class of pottery distinguished by being sheathed in tin;

all of the examples cited were found in fairly rich chamber tomb burials and most of them date to
LH IIIA2; the author suggests that these vessels represent a specific funerary practice in which
metal vessels found in the wealthiest burials--mostly tholoi--were imitated; she associates this
phenomenon with the first widespread availability of tin as an article of international trade and
discusses possible sources. See also 1195-1197.

1200 Killebrew, Ann E. 2000. Aegean-style early Philistine pottery in Canaan during
the Iron I Age: a stylistic analysis of Mycenaean IIIC:1b pottery and its associated
wares. In: The Sea Peoples and Their World: A Reassessment. Eliezer D.
Oren, ed. pp. 233- 253. University Museum Monograph 108, University
Museum Symposium Series 11. Philadelphia: The University Museum,
University of Philadelphia.

See also 1204-1206 and 1220.

1201 Kiriatzi, Evangelia, Stelios Andreou, Sarantis Dimitriadis and Kostas

Kotsakis. 1997. Coexisting traditions: handmade and wheelmade pottery in Late
Bronze Age Central Macedonia. In: TEKHNE: Craftsmen, Craftswomen and
Craftmanship in the Aegean Bronze Age. Proceedings of the 6th International Aegean
conference/6e Rencontre égéenne internationale, Philadelphia, Temple
University, 18-21 April 1996, Vol. 2. Robert Laffineur and Philip P. Betancourt, eds. pp.
361-367. Liège: Université de Liège Histoire de l'art et archéologie de la Grèce antique
and University of Texas at Austin Program in Aegean Scripts and Prehistory.
 After describing these two coexisting ceramic traditions, the authors assert that
rather than replacing the traditional handmade pottery, which was utilized for a wide range of
activities, wheel-made Mycenaean pottery fulfilled a limited and specific function, primarily
involving the serving and consumption of food and drink. Even when made locally, it required
different technical knowledge and equipment and carried with it a different meaning and social
role, connected with the social and cultural identities of its users.

1202 Lacy, A.D. 1967. Greek Pottery in the Bronze Age. London: Methuen & Co., Ltd.
303 p.

This book, written for a general audience, contains a long chapter concerning
Mycenaean pottery, including a brief cultural overview and the description and illustration of
shapes and decorative motifs and patterns following their chronological order of development; a
good, non-technical general introduction to Mycenaean pottery.

1203 Laffineur, Robert. 1975. Le décor des fonds de vases dans la céramique
mycénienne, notes de technologie et d'iconographie. Grazer Beiträge 3:205-214.

Describes, illustrates and discusses technological and iconographic aspects of

designs found on the bottom or base of ceramic vessels.

1204 Leonard, Albert, Jr. 1981. Considerations of morphological variation in the

Mycenaean pottery from the southeastern Mediterranean. Bulletin of the
American Schools of Oriental Research 241:87-101.

Analysis of form and function of open and closed pottery shapes found in
Syro-Palestinian deposits; undertaking this study of form and function in order to determine if
shape influences distribution, Leonard finds that open shapes such as kraters seem to have had
intrinsic interest as fine tableware, while closed forms seem to have been valued more for their
contents of oils and unguents. See also 1200, 1205, 1206 and 1220.

1205 Leonard, Albert,Jr. 1992. Mycenaean pottery in Cyprus and Syria-Palestine. In:
Acta Cypria: Acts of an International Congress on Cypriote Archaeology held in
Göteborg on 22-24 August, 1991, Part 2., Paul Åström, ed., pp. 184-191,
Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology Pocket-Book 117, Jonsered: Paul Åströms
Förlag.

Describes a data retrieval system, Mycindex, compiled by the author using

Hypercard for Macintosh and Apple computers; the system presently contains more than 2500
examples from more than 100 sites in the Syro-Palestinian area, with plans to extend it to include
all pottery found outside the Aegean; each entry lists Furumark shape and motif, references,
provenience, chronology and an illustration; the author particularly emphasizes its value for
comparative analysis. See also 1192, 1193, 1200, 1204, 1206, 1220 and 1222.

1206 Leonard, Albert, Jr. 1994. An Index to the Late Bronze Age Aegean Pottery
from Syria- Palestine. Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology, Vol. 114.
Jonsered: Paul Åströms Förlag. 251 p.

This useful volume presents an indexed corpus of c. 2300 Late Bronze Age
Aegean ceramic vessels and figurines found at sites and settlements along the Syro-Palestinian
coast in order to provide archaeologists working in the Aegean area with a tool by which they
can readily identify the types of Aegean pottery that were popular in eastern markets, to shed
light on ceramic distribution patterns, and to assist in defining the nature of commercial
relationships between and among the peoples of the Aegean and the cultures of the
Mediterranean with which they traded. It consists of three sub-indices: a primary index arranged
according to vessel shape; a secondary index arranged according to decorative motif; and a site
index. Also includes 38 maps showing the distribution of specific shapes. See also 1200, 1204,
1205 and 1220.
1207 Leonard, A., M. Hughes, A. Middleton and L. Schofield. 1993. The making of
Aegean stirrup jars: technique, tradition and trade. Annual of the British School at
Athens 88:105-123.

Thirty-four LH IIIA2-IIIC stirrup jars from Tell es-Sa=idiyeh, Gezer, the Greek
mainland, Aigina, Rhodes, Cyprus, Caria and Egypt were examined by xeroradiography to
eludicate variation in construction technique, and the findings were then tested by practical
experimentation. It was found that there was some degree of linkage between manufacturing
techniques and cultural background; the main source of variation had to do with how the false
neck of the jar was attached to the body. Neutron activation analysis also provided information
on the place of manufacture and trade patterns in the Eastern Mediterranean at the end of the
Late Bronze Age. See also 1198.

1208 Mountjoy, Penelope A. 1983. Orchomenos V: Mycenaean Pottery from

Orchomenos, Eutresis, and other Boeotian Sites. Bayerische Akademie der
Wissenschaft, Philosophische-Historische Klasse, Abhandlung, Neue Folge, 89. Munich:
C.H. Beck. 118 p.

Publication, description and analysis of pottery from previously excavated sites in

Boiotia, plus additional sherds from the British School in Athens; with the exception of a few
regional characteristics, the pottery, which dates from LH I through LH IIIC, does not differ
significantly from that of Attika or the Argolid; a good regional ceramic synthesis.

1209 Mountjoy, Penelope A. 1990. Regional Mycenaean pottery. Annual of the

British School at Athens 85:245-270.

An important article which surveys developments in the evolution of Mycenaean

pottery in terms of standardization and regional variation, focusing on areas outside the Argolid
and Corinthia; Mountjoy notes that early Mycenaean pottery was already becoming standardized
in the core area of Mycenaean Greece, reaching a peak of uniformity in LH IIIA-B, with the
emergence of distinct regional styles in LH IIIC; fully illustrated. See also 1212 and 1218.
1210 Mountjoy, Penelope A. 1992. The origin of the LH III whorl-shell motif. In:
PHILOLAKON: Lakonian Studies in Honour of Hector Catling. Jan Motyka
Sanders, ed. pp. 165-169. London: The British School at Athens.

Evidence from the sites of Ayios Stephanos and Melathria suggests that this motif
derives from the Late Minoan IB Marine shell triton motif, evolved in Lakonia, and subsequently
spread to other parts of Greece in LH IIIA2 Early.

1211 Mountjoy, P.A. 1993. Mycenaean Pottery: An Introduction. Oxford University

Committee for Archaeology Monograph No. 36. Oxford: Oxford University
Committee for Archaeology. 215 p.

Now the best single introduction to Mycenaean pottery for a general audience.
Includes a discussion of historical background, detailed description and illustration of the pottery
arranged chronologically by ceramic phases, a very useful discussion of the pottery=s context
(with description of specific burial and settlement sites) and a concluding survey of the exchange
and trade of Mycenaean pottery.

1212 Mountjoy, P.A. 1997. Local Mycenaean pottery at Troia. In: Studia Troica,
Volume 7. pp. 259-267. Mainz am Rhein: Verlag Philipp von Zabern.

Mountjoy suggests that the bulk of Mycenaean pottery at Troy may be of

Anatolian origin, either made at Troy itself or imported from elsewhere along the East Aegean-
West Anatolian interface. The pots are mostly open shapes, comprising a small proportion of an
assemblage of grey ware and coarse ware. The fabric is salmon and ginger-colored with visible
gold and mica inclusions, which is similar to the Mycenaean pottery of Miletos. There is no
change in the fabric of this pottery over time. See also 1214 and 1215.
1213 Mountjoy, Penelope A. 1999. Regional Mycenaean Decorated Pottery.
Rahden, Ger.: 2 v.

Massive and detailed study of Mycenaean decorated pottery from LH I through

Submycenaean from eleven regions of Greece in order to compare and contrast it interregionally
and to isolate local styles and trends. For each region there is a description of the geography,
major find-sites, local clay deposits and where the pottery is presently stored. Also includes a
chronological narrative of the origin and development of regional ceramic styles. Concludes with
substantial indices of museums, find-sites, pottery shapes and numerous illustrations. See also
1209 and 1218.

1214 Niemeier, Wolf-Dietrich. 1997. The Mycenaean potter's quarter at Miletus. In:
TEKHNE: Craftsmen, Craftswomen and Craftmanship in the Aegean Bronze
Age. Proceedings of the 6th International Aegean conference/6e Rencontre égéenne
internationale, Philadelphia, Temple University, 18-21 April 1996, Vol. 2. Robert
Laffineur and Philip P. Betancourt, eds. pp. 347-352. Liège: Université de Liège Histoire
de l'art et archéologie de la Grèce antique and University of Texas at Austin Program in
Aegean Scripts and Prehistory.

Describes a complex of seven kilns discovered in the second building level of the
city, dating to LH IIIA1-2. Three different types of kilns are discussed, with comparison to
others known from the Aegean Bronze Age; it is suggested that two of these types are of Cretan
origin and therefore probably represent continuity of potting traditions from the earlier Minoan
occupation at this site. The number of kilns-- the second largest concentration in the Bronze Age
Aegean--clearly indicates that Miletos was an important center which produced both domestic
ware and decorated pottery, both for local use and for export. See also 1212, 1214 and 1217.

1215 Ozgunel, Coskun. 1996. Mykenische Keramik in Anatolien. Forschungsstelle

Asia Minor im Seminar fur Alte Geschichte der Westfalischen Wilhelms-
Universität Münster. Asia Minor Studien, Volume 23. Bonn: Dr. Rudolf Habelt
GMBH. 178 p.

List and description of Mycenaean pottery in Anatolia, arranged chronologically

from LH I to Submycenaean. For each period Furumark shapes and decorative motifs are noted,
and for each findspots in Anatolia are noted with bibliographic references and comparative
material from elsewhere in the Aegean. Also includes a brief discussion of chronology, some
illustrations, tables listing the contents of each grave at the site of Müskebi and tables showing
the association of vessel shapes and decorative motifs for each chronological period. See also
1212 and 1214.

1216 Papadopoulos, John K. 1993. Innovations, imitations and ceramic style: modes
of production and modes of dissemination. In: Proceedings of the International
Conference, Wace and Blegen: Pottery as Evidence for Trade in the Aegean
Bronze Age, 1939-1989, Held at the American School of Classical Studies at
Athens, Athens, December 2-3, 1989. Carol Zerner, Peter Zerner and John
Winder, eds. pp. 217-223. Amsterdam: J.C. Gieben.

Papadopoulos questions the extent to which ceramic styles or innovations were

imitated by potters at sites removed from their centers of origin, suggesting that the possibility
itinerant craftsmen has not been sufficiently considered, using as one example the appearance
and distribution of early Mycenaean pottery in LH I.

1217 Seifert, Martina. 1993. Pottery kilns in mainland Greece and on the Aegean
islands. Rivista di Archeologia 17:95-105.

In addition to a brief discussion, Seifert lists kilns from Neolithic through

Byzantine times, including 8 Late Helladic examples. See also 1214.

1218 Sherratt, E.S. 1980. Regional variation in the pottery of Late Helladic IIIB.
Annual of British School at Athens 75:175-202.

Investigates the extent of uniformity and regional variability in LH IIIB pottery,

hitherto considered to be highly uniform. After examining LH IIIB pottery on a regional basis,
Sherratt concludes that such homogeneity is characteristic only of the first part of the period, and
likely results from a high level of inter-regional contact and the stimulus of innovation from a
single center, probably the Argolid. The LH IIIB2 phase, however, first identified at Mycenae,
has a distribution confined to parts of the Peloponnese, with influence extending primarily to
Central Greece. Elsewhere regional variation increases, with a progressive trend toward
stylization and a decline in the technical quality of clay and paint, reflecting an emphasis on local
manufacture probably due to a decrease in contact between parts of the Mycenaean world. See
also 1209 and 1213.

1219 Stubbings, Frank H. 1947. The Mycenaean pottery of Attica. Annual of the
British School at Athens 42:1-75.

One of the earliest studies of regional ceramic variation, with discussion of fabric,
technique and typology of LH III pottery; Stubbings notes the influence of metalwork on LH III
Attic pottery and divides LH III into four phases, based upon a movement away from Minoan
prototypes and toward increasing degrees of formalism, restraint, abstraction and stylization;
includes a list of sites yielding LH III pottery and their excavation histories. See also 1191.

1220 Stubbings, Frank H. 1951. Mycenaean Pottery from the Levant. Cambridge,
Eng.: Cambridge University Press. 111 p.

Describes, illustrates and discusses Mycenaean pottery found in Rhodes, Cyprus,

Syria, Palestine and Egypt; Stubbings discusses shapes and decoration chronologically, as well
as the patterns of distribution and changes in its nature and frequency from LH II through LH
IIIB; he then uses these data to reconstruct and summarize historical developments and cultural,
political and economic relationships in the region. See also 1200 and 1204-1206.

1221 Symeonoglou, Sarantis. 1970. A chart of Mycenaean and Late Minoan

pottery. American Journal of Archaeology 74:285-288.
 Designed for non-specialists, this is a useful simplified chart showing
representative examples from each period during the Late Bronze Age, based on Furumark's
original classification and analysis.

1222 Taylour, William D. 1958. Mycenaean Pottery in Italy and Adjacent Areas.
Cambridge, Eng.: Cambridge University Press. 204 p.

Taylour's book represented the first attempt to bring together and publish ceramic
material from Ischia and the Aeolian Islands, Sicily and the Italian mainland; he provides a
description, catalogue and brief discussion of pottery for each site; in his synthesis of these data
he notes in particular and emphasizes that the chronology and nature of contact with Mycenaean
culture varies in different areas or regions; he also draws attention to the influence of Rhodes and
Cyprus in this respect. See also 1225.

1223 Tonks, Oliver S. 1910. Experiments with Mycenaean glaze. American Journal
of Archaeology 14:417-421.

An early effort to chemically analyze Mycenaean pottery; using the data obtained,
Tonks also describes attempts to reproduce Mycenaean pottery. See also 1195 and 1196.

1224 Tournavitou, Iphigeneia. 1992. Practical use and social function: a neglected
aspect of Mycenaean pottery. Annual of the British School at Athens
87:181-210.

This analysis of pottery from the West House, House of Sphinxes, House of
Shields and House of the Oil Merchant at Mycenae emphasizes the form and use of various open
and closed ceramic shapes, including pithoi, piriform jars, amphorae, stirrup jars, cup dippers,
kylikes, deep bowls, cooking pots and funnels; the author discusses their primary and secondary
functions and lists six categories of vessels according to their function.
1225 Vagnetti, Lucia. 1999. Mycenaean pottery in the central Mediterranean: imports
and local production in their context. In: The Complex Past of Pottery: Production,
Circulation and Consumption of Mycenaean and Greek Pottery (Sixteenth to Early
Fifth Centuries B.C.). Proceedings of the ARCHON International Conference,
Held in Amsterdam, 8-9 November 1996. Jan Paul Crielaard, Vladimir Stissi and
Gert Jan van Wijngaarden, eds. pp. 137-161. Amsterdam: J.C. Gieben.

See also 1222.

Classification and Chronology

1226 Bouzek, Jan. 1969. The beginnings of the Protogeometric pottery and the
"Dorian Ware". Opuscula Atheniensia 9:41-57.

Examines and discusses northern influences on late Mycenaean pottery and the
origins of Protogeometric shapes and decoration; Bouzek characterizes some changes in LH
IIIB/C pottery as reversions to Middle Helladic elements still present in the ceramic repertoire of
Dorians and North-Western Greeks at the periphery of the Mycenaean world and suggests that
the makers of Submycenaean and Protogeometric pottery followed Mycenaean traditions while
incorporating some northern non-ceramic elements.

1227 Buck, Robert J. 1964. Middle Helladic Mattpainted pottery. Hesperia

33:231-313.

The definitive description and discussion of one of the two major Middle Helladic
wares; surveys its distribution in Middle Helladic Greece, classifies and catalogues shapes and
motifs, and finally discusses its origins and development; Buck concludes that Mattpainted
pottery originated in the Cyclades and reached the mainland c. 1900 B.C., at the beginning of the
Middle Helladic period, continuing in use until c. 1600 B.C. See also 1231, 1240, 1245, 1254,
1261 and 1262.

1228 Coche de la Ferte, Etienne. 1951. Essai de classification de la céramique

mycénienne d'Enkomi (Campagnes 1946 et 1947). Paris: Libraire Orientaliste
Paul Geuthner. 66 p.

Based on his study of Mycenaean pottery from Enkomi on Cyprus and through
comparison with various mainland sites, the author concludes that after an initial period of
importation, local imitation and manufacture of Mycenaean pottery began as early as LH IIIA
and was common in LH IIIB, although importation continues as well. During these periods, local
and imported pottery is difficult to distinguish on the basis of clay and technique, but later local
pottery becomes more distinct, as the quantity of imports and cultural influence from the
mainland diminish. Overall, however, there is evidence of strong Mycenaean influence on
Enkomi; brief English summary. See also 1238, 1242-1244 and 1256.

1229 Dickinson, O.T.P.K. 1972. Late Helladic IIA and IIB: some evidence from
Korakou. Annual of the British School at Athens 67:103-112.

Describes the nature of LH II ceramic deposits at Korakou in the Argolid, using

stratified settlement data to elaborate further Furumark's division of LH II into two phases;
Dickinson notes that although these subphases can be distinguished on the basis of certain
characteristics, the differences between them are not clear-cut; the evidence from Korakou
supports an independent mainland ceramic development throughout the early Mycenaean period,
rather than one beginning only in LH IIB. See also 1240 and 1248.

1230 Dickinson, O.T.P.K. 1974. The definition of Late Helladic I. Annual of the
British School at Athens 69:109-120.
 Description and characterization of the earliest distinct phase of Mycenaean
pottery, based on the analysis of previously published materials, most notably from the site of
Nichoria in Messenia. Dickinson argues against Furumark's earlier division into two subphases,
preferring to combine Furumark's LH IB with LH IIA. He discusses the antecedents of LH I,
particularly earlier MH fine wares in the northeastern Peloponnese, Attika and Boiotia, as well as
various Aegean influences--especially LM I wares from Kythera--and emphasizing that LH I did
not emerge as a fully-formed style, but rather as the mature result of previous developmental
trends. He suggests that LH I pottery should be viewed as a particular type of fine ware,
developed in a particular place, in competition with other contemporary fine wares either current
in the Aegean or continuing from MH pottery traditions. LH I is a domestic style, consisting of
small vases characterized by a particular set of decorative motifs, unslipped interiors and beveled
bases. LH I is found through most of mainland Greece, but is relatively rare outside the
Peloponnese; thus, competing MH wares continued to predominate and demonstrated an
increasing quality of craftsmanship. LH I pottery reached maturity quickly and was produced for
only a short period of time, probably one generation. See also 1245, 1254, 1261 and 1262.

1231 Forsdyke, E.J. 1914. The pottery called Minyan Ware. Journal of Hellenic
Studies 34:126-156.

An early description and discussion of this Middle Helladic pottery. See also
1227, 1254, 1261 and 1262.

1232 French, Elizabeth B. 1963. Pottery groups from Mycenae: a summary. Annual
of the British School at Athens 58:44-52.

Describes and discusses ten groups of pottery from 1939-1962 excavations at

Mycenae representing ceramic phases from LH IIIA to the end of LH IIIC, thus enabling a
stratigraphic sequence from c. 1400 to 1100 B.C.; describes the position of each group in the
sequence and provides information concerning their characteristics and historical significance;
summarizes material discussed in a later series of articles dealing more specifically with each
group. See also 1233-1237, 1247 and 1260.
1233 French, Elizabeth B. 1964. Late Helladic IIIA 1 pottery from Mycenae. Annual of
the British School at Athens 59:241-261.

First in a series of articles analyzing pottery from closed deposits or well-stratified

ceramic depositions at Mycenae, in this instance the "Atreus Bothros"; includes detailed
description, illustration and discussion of shapes and decorative motifs; the major result of this
study is the clear distinction of LH IIIA1 pottery from LH II and LH IIIA2; this study also
represents one of the first efforts to quantify the frequency of various shapes and motifs. See also
1232, 1234-1237, 1247 and 1260.

1234 French, Elizabeth B. 1965. Late Helladic IIIA 2 pottery from Mycenae. Annual of
the British School at Athens 60:159-202.

A detailed description, illustration, analysis and discussion of shapes and motifs

of LH IIIA2 pottery from various deposits at Mycenae, divided into early and late phases,
including aspects of development and the relative frequency of shapes and motifs. See also 1232,
1233, 1235-1237, 1247 and 1260.

1235 French, Elizabeth B. 1966. A group of Late Helladic IIIB 1 pottery from
Mycenae. Annual of the British School at Athens 61:216-238.

Detailed description, illustration, analysis and discussion of the shapes and forms
of LH IIIB1 pottery found in a destruction level in the Prehistoric Cemetery south of the Tomb
of Clytemnestra; this study not only enabled the identification and characterization of the early
phase of LH IIIB, but enabled the division of LH IIIB into an early and late phase. See also
1232-1234, 1236, 1237, 1247 and 1260.

1236 French, Elizabeth B. 1969. A group of Late Helladic IIIB 2 pottery from
Mycenae. Annual of the British School at Athens 64:71-93.
 Description, illustration, analysis and discussion of the shapes and motifs of LH
IIIB2 pottery from the Perseia Trench at Mycenae, which enabled the identification,
characterization and distinction of this ceramic phase. See also 1232-1235, 1237, 1247, 1258 and
1260.

1237 French, Elizabeth B. 1969. The first phase of LH IIIC. Archäologischen Anzeiger
1969:133-136.

Lists and discusses criteria for the identification of LH IIIC pottery based upon
analysis of material from Mycenae. See also 1232-1236, 1238, 1241-1244, 1247, 1250-1253 and
1255.

1238 Furumark, Arne. 1944. The Mycenaean IIIC pottery and its relation to Cypriote
fabrics Opuscula Archaeologia 3:194-265.

See also 1228, 1237, 1242-1244, 1250-1253, 1255 and 1256.

1239 Furumark, Arne. 1972. Mycenaean Pottery. Skrifter utgivna av Svenska

institutet i Athen, Series 4, No. 20. Stockholm: Svenska institutet i Athen. 3 v.

Furumark's work represents the first systematic attempt to classify and analyze
Mycenaean pottery. Although subsequent work has refined certain aspects, it remains the classic
and definitive work on the subject and is the initial and essential work to read for a thorough
understanding of the nature and development of Mycenaean pottery. The necessity for revision in
the fifty years since its publication has mainly stemmed from the relative lack of settlement (vs.
burial) data at the time the book was written. The 1972 reprint edition is comprised of three
volumes; in Volume I: Analysis and Classification, Furumark discusses his methods of analysis
and principles of classification, as well as the technique of Mycenaean pottery; the bulk of the
volume consists of classification by shape and decoration, and their antecedents, prototypes,
sources and evolution; this system of classification still forms the basis for description,
discussion and analysis today; in Part II: Chronology, Furumark considers technical and stylistic
evidence and archaeological evidence, including parallels with Minoan pottery and artifacts other
than pottery to derive both relative and absolute chronology; Volumes I and II each include an
index of vessel types and sites; Volume III: Plates, published in 1992, provides black and white
photographs which illustrate the shapes and decorations described by Furumark; reprint of 1941
edition. See also 1246 and 1259.

1240 Hershenson, Carol R. 1998. Late Helladic IIB at Ayia Irini, Keos. In: Kea-
Kythnos: History and Archaeology. Proceedings of an International
Symposium, Kea-Kythnos, 22-25 June 1994. L.G. Mendoni and A.J. Mazarakis
Ainian. pp. 161-168. Research Center for Greek and Roman Antiquity, National
Hellenic Research Center, Meletimata 27. Athens.

This brief description, discussion and analysis of pottery from a series of closed
deposits at Ayia Irini enables the author to propose a clarification of the development of the LH
IIB style, including a stylistic sequence of the order in which the features of LH IIB appeared
and disappeared. See also 1227, 1229, 1245 and 1248.

1241 Kanta, Athanasia. 1997. LM IIIB and LM IIIC pottery phases: some problems of
definition. In: Late Minoan III Pottery: Chronology and Terminology. Acts of a
Meeting Held at the Danish Institute at Athens, August 12-14, 1994. Erik and
Birgitta P. Hallager, eds. pp. 83-110. Monographs of the Danish Institute at Athens,
Vol. 1.

Includes some comparison and contrast of LH III and LM III pottery, with a discussion of
their relationship; fully illustrated. See also 1227, 1238, 1241-1244, 1250-1253 and 1255.

1242 Kling, Barbara. 1984. Mycenaean IIIC:1b pottery in Cyprus: principal

characteristics and historical context. In: Cyprus at the Close of the Late Bronze
Age. Vassos Karageorghis and James D. Muhly, eds. pp. 29-38. Nicosia:
A.G. Leventis Foundation.
 Summarizes the principal characteristics of Mycenaean IIIC1b pottery at Enkomi,
Sinda and other sites on Cyprus and discusses problems associated with it, including its stylistic
affinities, chronology and historical context. See also 1228, 1237, 1238, 1241, 1243, 1244, 1250-
1253, 1255 and 1256.

1243 Kling, Barbara B. 1989. Mycenaean IIIC:1b and Related Pottery in Cyprus.
Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology 87. Göteborg: Paul Åströms Förlag.
461 p.

Detailed analysis of LH IIIC1b pottery in Cyprus, including an examination of the

corpus of material emphasizing its stylistic affinities and chronological position in Cyprus, the
Aegean and the Near East; the archaeological context of the pottery is also discussed; concludes
by summarizing principal stylistic features and discussing the historical context of LH IIIC1b
pottery; includes numerous catalogues and tables. See also 1228, 1237, 1238, 1241, 1242, 1244,
1250-1253, 1255 and 1256.

1244 Kling, Barbara. 2000. Mycenaean IIIC:1b and related pottery in Cyprus:
comments on the current state of research. In: The Sea Peoples and Their
World: A Reassessment. Eliezer D. Oren, ed. pp. 281-295. University Museum
Monograph 108, University Museum Symposium 11. Philadelphia: The University
Museum, University of Philadelphia.

See also 1228, 1237, 1238, 1241, 1242, 1243, 1250-1253, 1255 and 1256.

1245 Lolos, Yannos. 1987. The Late Helladic I Pottery of the Southwestern
Peloponnesos and its Local Characteristics. Studies in Mediterranean
Archaeology and Literature, Pocket-Book 50. Göteborg: Paul Åströms Förlag.
2 v.
 This thorough and detailed work discusses and illustrates the origins,
development and local characteristics of early Mycenaean pottery in Messenia, including the
influence of Kytheran LM IA pottery and specific phases of development; individual chapters
concern both settlement and burial contexts of the pottery, the origin and development of vessel
forms, decorative motifs and comparisons with other areas in southern Greece; volume 2 is
comprised of photographs and illustrations. See also 1227 and 1240.

1246 Mackeprang, Mogens B. 1938. Late Mycenaean vases. American Journal of

Archaeology 42:537-559.

A summary article which describes, discusses, analyzes, synthesizes and classifies

Late Helladic III pottery; Mackeprang divides late Mycenaean mainland pottery into three
phases--A, B, and C--compares it with contemporary Minoan pottery, discusses its chronology
and uses this chronology to date late Mycenaean architecture at Mycenae and Tiryns. See also
1246 and 1259.

1247 Mountjoy, Penelope A. 1976. Late Helladic IIIB:1 pottery dating the
construction of the South House at Mycenae. Annual of the British School
at Athens 71:77-111.

Description and illustration of pottery, mainly undecorated, found during 1984

and 1985 excavations of the Citadel House; this deposit provides a date of early LH IIIB1 for the
building of the South House and helps establish the sequence of construction in the area; the
deposit also gives a good example of decorative patterns current during the LH IIIB1 period. See
also 1232-1237 and 1260.

1248 Mountjoy, Penelope A. 1984. The marine style pottery of LMIB/LHIIA:

towards a corpus. Annual of the British School at Athens 79:161-219.
 Catalogue of all known and published examples of Marine Style pottery, arranged
by site and then by shape; also includes a list and description of shapes, with brief notes on
distribution and attributions; fully illustrated. See also 1229 and 1240.

1249 Mountjoy, Penelope A. 1986. Mycenaean Decorated Pottery: A Guide to

Identification. Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology 73. Göteborg: Paul Åströms
Förlag. 241 p.

The best single description of Mycenaean pottery currently available. Designed to

provide discussion and illustration of shapes and motifs current in each ceramic phase, as well as
a means of identifying sherds in the field and laboratory, this work incorporates changes and
revisions in typology, classification and chronology subsequent to the publication of Furumark's
classic publication. Mountjoy discusses and illustrates shapes, decoration and motifs for each
period, as well as possible misidentifications. Other useful features include an appendix
illustrating the development of shapes, tables indicating the life-span of each shape, a
concordance of shape names in English, German, French, Italian and Greek, a select
bibliography of significant excavations and pottery groups by region and indices of figures,
shapes and sites.

1250 Mountjoy, Penelope A. 1988. LHIIIC Late versus Submycenaean: the

Kerameikos Pompeion cemetery reviewed. Bulletin of the Institute of Classical
Studies 35:174-177.

Examines a number of problems concerning the relationship between LH IIIC and

Submycenaean, concluding the following: 1) Submycenaean is a chronological ceramic phase
which follows LH IIIC in Attika, with no temporal overlap; 2) there was a gradual infiltration of
an intrusive population introducing new cultural traits, including hand-made burnished ware, but
Submycenaean itself represents cultural continuity with LH IIIC, not a new culture; an appended
table presents other views on these issues. See also 1228, 1237, 1238, 1241, 1242, 1244, 1250-
1253, 1255 and 1256.
1251 Mountjoy, P.A. 1995. Thorikos mine no. 3: the Mycenaean pottery. Annual of the
British School at Athens 90:195-227.

Mountjoy identifies, illustrates and gives a detailed description of two groups of

pottery: LH IIIB2/IIIC and advanced LH IIIC middle or late. She focuses on defining the
transitional LH IIIB2/C phase and compares it to similar deposits elsewhere. This pottery may
have been used in mining activities. See also 1237, 1238, 1241-1244, 1250, 1251, 1253 and
1255.

1252 Mountjoy, Penelope A. and Vronwy Hankey. 1988. LH IIIC Late versus
submycenaean: the Kerameikos Pompeion cemetery reviewed. Jahrbuch
des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts 103:1-38.

In this re-evaluation of material from the Kerameikos cemetery in the light of

recent excavations at Mycenae and Tiryns, it is argued that burials there did not begin in the
Submycenaean phase, but in late LH IIIC; Mountjoy discusses the definitive characteristics of
late LH IIIC at the Pomepeion, asserting that: 1) LH IIIC and Submycenaean are distinct
chronological phases in Athens; 2) Submycenaean is not a distinct culture; 3) there is more
evidence of continuity than discontinuity between the two. See also 1228, 1237, 1238, 1241,
1242, 1244, 1251, 1253, 1255 and 1256.

1253 Rutter, Jeremy B. 1977. Late Helladic IIIC pottery and some historical
implications. In: Symposium on the Dark Ages in Greece. Ellen N. Davis, ed. pp.
1-20. New York.

Discusses the following issues in regard to this late Mycenaean pottery phase:
origins of the LH IIIC style; evidence of a consistent trend toward increasing regionalism during
this period; evidence of an artistic revival, as exemplified by the Close, Pictorial and Octopus
styles; identification of five phases of development during the roughly 100-year period;
description of site deposits exemplifying each phase of development; ceramic evidence for the
appearance of a non-Mycenaean population during the early 12th century; well illustrated; may
be difficult to obtain. See also 1237, 1238, 1241-1244, 1250-1252 and 1255.
1254 Rutter, Jeremy B. and Sarah H. Rutter. 1976. The Transition to Mycenaean: A
Stratified Middle Helladic II to Late Helladic IIA Pottery Sequence from
Ayios Stephanos in Lakonia. The Institute of Archaeology, The University of
California, Los Angeles, Monumenta Archaeologia 4. Los Angeles. 71 p.

Detailed analysis of stratified MH-LH ceramic sequences, illuminating the origin

and development of Mycenaean pottery; provides a fine-grained correlation between mainland
and Cretan ceramic sequences; the authors present a typology of wares and discuss and illustrate
stratified deposits by period; after proposing definitions for MH III and LH I in Lakonia, they
point to a strong Minoan influence, possibly the result of a resident potter. See also 1227, 1230,
1231, 1245, 1261 and 1262.

1255 Sherratt, E.S. 1985. The development of Late Helladic IIIC. Bulletin of the
Institute of Classical Studies 32:161.

Discusses the context of the origin and development of the LH IIIC style,
including a breakdown of cultural uniformity and the large-scale export of pottery led by the NE
Peloponnese in LH IIIB, the origin of the LH IIIC style in the eastern Aegean--especially the
Dodecanese--which then spread westward, accompanied by considerable local and regional
cultural autonomy. See also 1237, 1238, 1241-1244 and 1250-1253.

1256 Sherratt, E.S. 1990. Cypriot pottery of Aegean type in LC II-III: problems of
classification, chronology and interpretation. In: Cypriot Ceramics: Reading
the Prehistoric Record. Jane A. Barlow, Diane L. Bolger and Barbara Kling, eds. pp.
185-198. University Museum Monograph 74. Philadelphia: The Museum of
Archaeology and Anthropology, University of Pennsylvania.

Reviews the history of and problems concerned with pottery classification and
chronology, including problems of cultural continuity and ceramic fluidity; Sherratt examines
and evaluates possible models and alternative interpretive frameworks and their historical and
cultural implications. See also 1228, 1238 and 1242-1244.

1257 Styrenius, Carl-Gustaf. 1962. The vases from the Submycenaean cemetery on
Salamis. Opuscula Atheniensia 4:103-122.

Description, catalogue and illustration of sixty-three vessels, including discussion

of forms and decoration; the analysis emphasizes stylistic continuity with late Mycenaean and
Protogeometric pottery; Styrenius also compares the pottery of the Salamis cemetery with that of
the Kerameikos in Athens. See also 1250 and 1252.

1258 Verdelis, Nikolaos M., Elizabeth B. French and David French. 1965. Tiryns:
Mykenaiki epichosis exothen tou dytikou teichous tis akropoleos. Archaiologikon
Deltion, Meletai 20:137-152.

Discussion of a large stratified deposit of LH IIIB2 pottery outside the west wall
of the acropolis of Tiryns; the deposit is useful for identifying characteristic features of this
ceramic phase, the range of shapes and details of design; specifically, deep bowls--divided into
two groups based on decoration--comprise 65% of the vessel types; other common open shapes
include kraters, other types of bowls, and mugs; the most common closed shapes include jugs,
amphorae and jars. See also 1236 and 1260.

1259 Wace, A.J.B. 1955. Late Helladic III pottery and its divisions. Archaiologikis
Ephemeris 1953:137-140.

Wace presents a critique of Furumark's subdivision of the LH III period and offers
a revised classification and chronology based upon material from Mycenae. See also 1239 and
1246..
1260 Wardle, K.A. 1973. A group of Late Helladic IIIB 2 pottery from within the
Citadel at Mycenae: "The Causeway Deposit". Annual of the British School
at Athens 68: 297-348.

This deposit, which confirms the division of LH IIIB into two periods in the
Argolid, is characterized by the presence of certain kinds of deep bowls and the absence of
decorated kylikes; Wardle discussed the stratification of deposits in the area of the Causeway,
describes the forms and decoration of painted pottery from the LH IIIB deposit and also
discusses pottery from the overlying LH IIIC levels. See also 1232-1237, 1247 and 1258.

1261 Zerner, Carol. 1986. Middle Helladic and Late Helladic I pottery from
Lerna. Hydra 2:58-74.

Zerner identifies and defines several Middle Helladic pottery groups on the basis
of fabric type, including variables such as biscuit, surface, surface decoration, manufacturing
technique and petrography; her analysis of this pottery leads her to suggest the presence of
specialized centers for the production and distribution of pottery as far back as the early Middle
Bronze Age; may be difficult to obtain. See also 1227, 1230, 1231, 1254 and 1262.

1262 Zerner, Carol. 1988. Middle Helladic and Late Helladic I pottery from Lerna: Part
II, shapes. Hydra 4:1-10.

Catalogue of shapes of gold mica Aeginetan and lustrous decorated pottery from
Lerna; extensively illustrated; may be difficult to obtain. See also 1227, 1230, 1231, 1254 and
1261.
Figurines

Aside from pottery, the most common clay artifacts are figurines, which begin to appear in
LH IIIA and continue into LH IIIC. These small figures are found in a variety of settlement and
burial contexts, and may have fulfilled a variety of functions, including some of religious
significance. The most common types are female figures, designated phi and psi because of their
shapes resembling letters of the Greek alphabet, and animals including bulls and horses.

1263 French, Elizabeth B. 1971. The development of Mycenaean terracotta

figurines. Annual of the British School at Athens 66:102-187.

The definitive study of Mycenaean figurines; in this extremely thorough analysis,

French establishes a typology and discusses the origin, development and use of figurines; she
also suggests that these distinctively Mycenaean artifacts, unlike pottery and other more
utilitarian artifacts, indicate the presence of a Mycenaean element or population where they are
found in any substantial quantity; includes chronological and distributional charts, as well as an
extensive bibliography.

1264 Mylonas, George E. 1956. Seated and multiple Mycenaean figurines in the
National Museum of Athens, Greece. In: The Aegean and the Near East:
Studies Presented to Hetty Goldman on the Occasion of Her Seventy-Fifth Birthday.
Saul S. Weinberg, ed. pp. 110-121. Locust Valley: J.J. Augustin.

Detailed analysis of two unusual figurine types in the National Museum, along
with discussion of other similar finds from elsewhere.

1265 Nicolaou, Kyriakos. 1964. Mycenaean terracotta figurines in the Cyprus

Museum. Opuscula Atheniensia 5:47-57.
1266 Pilafidis-Williams, Korinna. 1995. A Mycenaean terracotta figure from
Mount Oros on Aigina. In: Klados: Essays in Honour of J.N. Coldstream.
Christine Morris, ed. pp. 229-234. Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies
Supplement 63. London: University of London Institute of Classical Studies.

The author describes, illustrates and discusses this figure of medium height,
which she classifies as belonging to French's Group A and dates to LH IIIA-B; she then
compares it to other, similar figures.

1267 Pilali-Papasteriou, Angeliki. 1998. Idéologie et commerce: le cas des figurines

mycéniennes. Bulletin de Correspondence Hellènique 122:27-52.

The author focuses on the diffusion and significance of Mycenaean figurines

found outside the boundaries of the Mycenaean world, in regions such as the Near East, Anatolia
and the western Mediterranean. Her analysis establishes that although sites with Mycenaean
figurines are widely distributed (roughly following that of Mycenaean pottery), the quantity of
figurines at each site is quite limited and in most cases without an archaeological context. This
suggests that they were probably perceived as prestige or exotic objects and that their
involvement in the trade network was purely incidental. By contrast, their abundance at certain
sites and association with a cult context, such as at Ras Shamra, indicates that there they had a
similar function to figurines within the Mycenaean world, supporting the supposition of an actual
Mycenaean presence at such sites.

1268 Polychronakou-Sgoruitsa, N. 1986. Trimorpha mykenaïka eidolia. Archaiologika

Analekta ex Athinon 19:153-158.

Illustration, description and discussion of the only two examples known of three-
figured figurines, found in chamber tombs at Mycenae and Aliki, near Athens. The author
interprets these figurines as a holy triad protecting a dead child on its journey to the underworld.
The seated figure in these groupings, either a holy child or a young goddess, is a psi-type
figurine.
1269 Tamvaki, Angela. 1973. Some unusual Mycenaean terracottas from the Citadel
House area. Annual of the British School at Athens 68:207-265.

Description, discussion and analysis of 261 pieces (of a total of 1507)

exemplifying rare or unusual features, including groups (chariots, furniture, seated figures),
females, animals, large wheel-made figurines and elaborate pieces; includes a catalogue and
illustration of examples, an index and concordance.

1270 Weber-Hiden, Ingrid. 1985. Zur datierung Mykenischer idole. Archäologisches

Korrespondenzblatt 15:307-312.

Offers a fairly fine-grained chronology for various types of figurines.

Handmade Burnished Ware

Considerable discussion has been generated concerning the nature and origin of this
pottery which appears at a number of sites in the Peloponnese, including Mycenae, Korakou,
Sparta and Aigeira, in the LH IIIC period. Although apparently made from local clays, the
pottery looks very different from and seems to come from a different ceramic tradition than
contemporary LH IIIC pottery at the same sites. Hand-made burnished pottery has been used as
evidence of an intrusive non-Mycenaean population in southern Greece during the final phases
of Mycenaean civilization.
1271 Bankoff, H. Arthur, Nathan Meyer and Mark Stefanovich. 1996. Handmade
burnished ware and the Late Bronze Age of the Balkans. Journal of
Mediterranean Archaeology 9:193- 209.

The authors discuss various interpretations of handmade burnished ware. They

propose that this pottery may represent the ceramic tradition of people brought into Greece as
slaves from the Balkans and other areas beyond the Mycenaean realm. They suggest that this
hypothesis could be investigated through comparison with models developed in the New World
and through the study of production technology. Finally, they suggest a specific source of
handmade burnished ware in the Donja Brnjica-Gornja Strazava group located east of the
Morava valley in southwestern Bulgaria, with an original area of distribution in southern and
eastern Serbia and Kosovo. See also 1275 and 1282-1284.

1272 Bloedow, Edmund F. 1985. Handmade burnished ware or Abarbarian@ pottery and
Troy VIIb. La Parola del Passato 222:161-199.

After a general discussion of the nature and context of handmade burnished ware,
Bloedow compares its shapes and surface treatment with the pottery of Troy VIIb, concluding
that there is no evidence of direct or indirect influence on this ware from Troy. He suggests,
however, that handmade burnished ware may represent the first archaeological evidence of the
Dorian invasion. See also 1273, 1277 and 1286.

1273 French, Elizabeth B. 1989. Possible northern intrusions at Mycenae. In: Thracians
and Mycenaeans: Proceedings of the Fourth International Congress of
Thracology, Rotterdam, 24-26 September 1984. Jan G.P. Best and Nanny
M.W. De Vries, eds. pp. 39-51. Publications of the Henri Frankfort
Foundation, 11. Leiden: E.J. Brill.

French discusses the presence of handmade burnished ware at Mycenae, including

the circumstances of its discovery, its chronological position and its origin or source of
inspiration; since the clay from which it is made appears to be local in origin, it must be the type
or the technique that is imported; however, the ultimate source is as yet unclear, although
possible places include Troy, Yugoslavia or southern Italy. See also 1272, 1277 and 1286.
1274 French, Elizabeth B. and Jeremy B. Rutter. 1977. The handmade burnished ware
of the Late Helladic III period: its modern historical context. American
Journal of Archaeology 81:111-112.

Discusses the history of the discovery and identification of this pottery,

emphasizing it as a relatively widespread phenomenon which had been known for some time.

1275 Genz, Hermann. 1997. Northern slaves and the origin of handmade burnished
ware: a comment on Bankoff et al. Journal of Mediterranean Archaeology 10:109-
111.

Genz identifies several problems with this hypothesis: slaves seem to be

connected with palaces, which didn=t exist in LH IIIC; handmade burnished ware was not an
isolated phenomenon; and other imports found, such as weapons, don=t seem appropriate for
slaves. See also 1271 and 1282-1284.

1276 Hallager, Birgitta Pälsson. 1983. A new social class in Late Bronze Age Crete:
foreign traders in Khania. In: Minoan Society: the Proceedings of the Cambridge
Colloquium 1981. Olga Krzyszkowska and Lucia Nixon, eds. pp. 111-119. Bristol: Bristol
Classical Press.

The author suggests that hand-made burnished ware, found in association with a
wheel-made gray ware at Khania in western Crete, was made by resident traders from southern
Italy; she reviews the evidence for this type of pottery elsewhere in Greece and discusses various
hypotheses concerning its origin.
1277 Hood, M.S.F. 1967. Buckelkeramik at Mycenae? In: Europa: Studien zur
Geschichte und Epigraphik der Frühen Aegaeis. William C. Brice, ed. pp.
120-131. Berlin: Walter de Gruyter & Co.

Hood suggests that fragments of a handmade burnished ware vessel found at

Mycenae by Wace is similar to Buckelkeramik or Knobbed Ware found at Troy VIIb, and was
brought to Mycenae by invaders during LH IIIB. See also 1272, 1273 and 1286.

1278 Pilides, Despo. 1991. Handmade burnished wares of the Late Bronze Age:
toward a clearer classification system. In: Cypriot Ceramics: Reading the
Prehistoric Record. Jane A. Barlow, Diane L. Bolger and Barbara Kling, eds. pp.
139-150. University Museum Monograph 74. Philadelphia: The University
Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology, University of Pennsylvania.

Gives a brief review and summary of current knowledge about hand-made

burnished ware; describes hand-made burnished ware found at a number of sites in Cyprus;
attempts to define this pottery and to distinguish it from other types of hand-made burnished
wares occurring in Late Bronze Age Cyprus in terms of its distinctive fabric and shapes,
chronological context and affinities with similar wares found elsewhere. See also 1279.

1279 Pilides, Despo. 1992. Handmade Burnished Ware in Cyprus: an attempt at its
interpretation. In: Studies in Honour of Vassos Karageorghis, G.C. Ioannides, ed.,
pp. 179-189, Society of Cypriot Studies Publication 54-55. Nicosia.

An interesting, useful and well-illustrated description and discussion of handmade

burnished ware in Cyprus and a review and summary of data and interpretations of its incidence
in the Mycenaean world. Pilides notes and suggests the following: the ware is found in two
fabrics distinct from each other and from all other Mycenaean and Cypriot wares; it appears on
Cyprus roughly at the same time as Mycenaean pottery, and thus may be connected with the
arrival of Aegean population elements; the makers of this pottery may represent a specific group
within Mycenaean society, possibly an ethnic or occupational segment of the population. See
also 1278.
1280 Rutter, Jeremy B. 1975. Ceramic evidence for Northern intruders in
Southern Greece at the beginning of the Late Helladic IIIC period. American
Journal of Archaeology 79:17-32.

Presents evidence for the local manufacture of non-Mycenaean pottery at the site
of Korakou in the Argolid, and citing comparative evidence from Lefkandi, Perati, Athens and
Mycenae; the pottery, a hand-made burnished ware, is described and illustrated and classified
into four groups; parallels elsewhere, such as Troy VIIb1-2, are discussed; Rutter concludes that
the closest affinities of this pottery are in Bulgaria or Romania. See also 1281 and 1285.

1281 Rutter, Jeremy B. 1976. "Non-Mycenaean" pottery: A reply to Gisela Walberg.

American Journal of Archaeology 80:187-188.

Asserts that a particular combination of features (manufacture by hand,

burnishing and specific shapes and decoration) establish the non-Mycenaean character of
hand-made burnished ware; this pottery is thus overall more similar to pottery found at Troy
VIIb than to Mycenaean pottery; he also notes that this pottery has no immediate antecedents in
local wares at the sites at which it has been found and that it typically coexists with wheel-made
Mycenaean pottery. See also 1280 and 1285.

1282 Rutter, Jeremy B. 1990. Some comments on interpreting the dark-surfaced

handmade burnished pottery of the 13th and 12th century B.C. Aegean.
Journal of Mediterranean Archaeology 3:29-49.

Discusses and evaluates the argument that handmade burnished ware was
produced in the context of household production, arguing that the typology of shape and
decoration of this pottery distinguish it from contemporary Mycenaean pottery and that its origin
and significance are more complex than previously assumed. See also 1271m 1275, 1283 and
1284.
1283 Small, David B. 1990. Handmade burnished ware and prehistoric Aegean
economics: an argument for indigenous appearance. Journal of
Mediterranean Archaeology 3:3-25.

Reanalysis of handmade burnished ware in terms of production and the wider

economic context of the Aegean Late Bronze Age. Small argues that this pottery, rather than
representing an intrusive population, is a reaction to stress on the subsistence system which
resulted in household manufacture of pottery--rather than reliance on specialist potters--both as
evidence of greater self-sufficiency and of an economic supplement to agricultural subsistence.
See also 1271, 1275, 1282 and 1284.

1284 Small, David B. 1997. Can we move forward? Comments on the current debate
over handmade burnished ware. Journal of Mediterranean Archaeology 10:223-
228.

In response to Rutter and Bankoff, et al., Small discusses assumptions regarding

economic aspects of production. See also 1271, 1275, 1282 and 2283.

1285 Walberg, Gisela. 1976. Northern intruders in Myc. IIIC? American Journal of
Archaeology 80:186-187.

Questions certain assumptions and arguments that hand-made burnished ware

from Korakou and elsewhere in LH IIIC Greece was made by northern intruders; Walberg
suggests rather that this type of pottery was manufactured locally by residents of these sites as a
substitute for or due to the absence of wheel-made pottery characteristic of earlier ceramic
phases. See also 1280 and 1281.
1286 Whitbread, I.K. 1992. Petrographic analysis of Barbarian Ware from the
Menelaion, Sparta. In: PHILOLAKON: Lakonian Studies in Honour of Hector
Catling. Jan Motyka Sanders, ed. pp. 297-306. London: The British School at
Athens.

The aims of this study were to ascertain whether Barbarian Ware is made from
locally available materials and to define any technological differences between Barbarian Ware
and local wares. Analysis of 21 samples indicated that Barbarian ware could have been
manufactured using locally available raw materials, but that a technological distinction can be
made between it and samples of other wares examined in terms of the presence of grog
tempering. See also 1272, 1273 and 1277.

Chemical Characterization and Provenience Studies

Beginning in the 1960's, various efforts at chemical analysis of Mycenaean pottery

were conducted, first employing optical emission spectrography and later neutron activation
analysis and atomic absorption spectrometry. The first of these efforts, at Oxford University
under the direction of H.W. Catling, enabled the characterization of a number of distinguishable
composition groups, leading to the tentative identification of possible workshops and regional
pottery distributions. This in turn has allowed researchers in many cases to distinguish imported
from locally-manufactured pottery and to determine the provenience of several groups and types
of pottery, the best known of these being the inscribed stirrup jars found at Thebes, whose origin
has been identified as western Crete, and pictorial kraters found on Cyprus, the majority of
which were manufactured in the northwest Peloponnese.

1287 Asaro, Frank, Isidore Perlman and Moshe Dothan. 1971. An introductory
study of Mycenaean IIIC1 ware from Tel Ashdod. Archaeometry
13:169-175.

An analysis of five LH IIIC sherds from the site of Tel Ashdod on the southern
coast of Israel by neutron activation analysis; a comparison of these results with analyses of local
Philistine ware from the same site and LH IIIC1 pottery from Cyprus indicates that the sherds
were made locally--using the same clay, but different pottery-making techniques--and suggests
that they were made by a group of recently transplanted people (presumably Mycenaeans). See
also 1302, 1313 and 1327.

1288 Bieber, A., D.W. Brooks, G. Harbottle and E.V. Sayre. 1976. Neutron activation
analysis of Minoan and Mycenaean pottery. Archaeometry 18:59-74.

Discusses improvements in the use and methodology of neutron activation

analysis and of statistical analysis, which makes possible finer distinctions between
compositional groups than was previously possible. See also 1300, 1303 and 1304.

1289 Catling, Hector William. 1963. Minoan and Mycenaean pottery: composition
and provenance. Archaeometry 6:1-9.

Summarizes the archaeological results of earlier published chemical analyses of

more than 500 samples from 30 sites in Greece, the Aegean islands and elsewhere. Discusses the
types of sites chosen and why, discusses and characterizes 13 composition groups identified by
the analysis, and the distribution of the groups and their products. Among the results of these
analyses are a clear distinction of pottery from Mycenae and Knossos, the widespread
distribution of pottery from the Peloponnese throughout the Eastern Mediterranean area and the
confirmation that some Mycenaean sherds from Cyprus were imported from the Peloponnese,
while others were manufactured locally. See also 1293, 1301 and 1303.

1290 Catling, Hector William and Anne Millett. 1965. A study in the composition
patterns of Mycenaean pictorial pottery from Cyprus. Annual of the British
School at Athens 60:212-224.

Analysis of 25 samples from seven sites indicates that the great majority of
pictorial pottery found on Cyprus was imported from the Peloponnese between LH IIIA2 and LH
IIIB; the authors suggest that the seemingly disproportionate amount of pictorial pottery on
Cyprus is due to a specific effort to manufacture and market this pottery in Cyprus, as well as
differential preservation because these pots were more often preserved in Cyprus as grave goods.
See also 1311 and 1320.

1291 Catling, Hector William and Anne Millett. 1965. A study of the inscribed
stirrup-jars from Thebes. Archaeometry 8:3-85.

Detailed analysis and description of 25 jars inscribed with Linear B signs from
Thebes; discusses the problem of the origin of the jars and their relationship to the dating of
Linear B tablets from Knossos, the archaeological context and dating of the jars and earlier
analyses of the jars; the results of the analysis yield four sets or groups, leading the authors to
conclude that the jars originated in at least four different locations, with most coming from
eastern Crete; includes a catalogue of the jars. See also 1292, 1294, 1314, 1323 and 1326.

1292 Catling, Hector William and Annne Millett. 1969. Theban stirrup-jars: questions
and answers. Archaeometry 11:3-20.

The authors respond to and answer criticisms of earlier analyses of the Theban
stirrup jars and of the project to determine the composition and provenience of Aegean pottery.
See also 1291, 1294, 1314, 1323 and 1326.

1293 Catling, H.W., A.E. Blin-Stoyle and E.E. Richards. 1961. Spectrographic
analysis of Mycenaean and Minoan pottery. Archaeometry 4:31-38.

One of the initial efforts to analyze Aegean Bronze Age pottery in terms of
provenience. Describes methods used and reports the results of an analysis of 40 sherds each
from Mycenae and Knossos, which demonstrated a distinct and definable chemical composition
for the two sites. Most of the samples from other sites (e.g., Cyprus and Melos) were similar in
composition to those from Mycenae. See also 1289, 1295 and 1315.
1294 Catling, Hector W., John F. Cherry, Richard E. Jones and John T. Killen. 1980.
The Linear B inscribed stirrup jars and West Crete. Annual of the British School
at Athens 75:49-113.

Presents an extensive discussion of problems associated with the inscribed stirrup

jars and the history of previous analyses; after a description of analytical procedures used, they
give analytical results and the quantitative analysis of 108 test and 226 control samples; also
discussed is the correspondence between pottery groups and Linear B inscriptions; the authors
conclude that most of the stirrup jars, which seem to date largely to LH IIIB, originated at
Khania in Western Crete, which served as their center of manufacture and distribution; includes
a catalogue of all samples analyzed. See also 1291, 1292, 1314, 1323 and 1326.

1295 Catling, H.W., E.E. Richards and A.E. Blin-Stoyle. 1963. Correlations
between composition and provenance of Mycenaean and Minoan pottery.
Annual of the British School at Athens 58:94-115.

An analysis of almost 600 sherds from 28 sites on mainland Greece, Crete, Melos,
Rhodes, Chios, Cyprus, Egypt and Northern Syria which resulted in the identification and
characterization of 13 compositional groups. See also 1289, 1293 and 1315.

1296 Cosmopoulos, Michael, Vasilis Kilikoglou, Ian K. Whitbread and Evangelia

Kiriatzi. 1999. Characterization studies of Bronze Age pottery from Eleusis. In:
Meletemata: Studies in Aegean Archaeology Presented to Malcolm H. Wiener as He
Enters His 65th Year. Philip P. Betancourt, Vassos Karageorghis, Robert
Laffineur and Wolf-Dietrich Niemeier, eds. pp. 131-136. Aegaeum 20, Université de
Liège, Histoire de l=art et archéologie de la Grèce antique/University of Texas at
Austin, Programs in Aegean Scripts and Prehistory. Liège: Université de Liège.

Petrographic and neutron activation analysis of Early, Middle and Late Bronze age
pottery from Eleusis; almost all of the Late Helladic pottery belonged to one of the three
petrographic groups identified, which included approximately 50% of all Bronze Age samples
tested. See also 1324.
1297 Day, Peter. 1997-1998. Coarseware stirrup jars and central Crete: new light on
production and exchange in the Late Bronze Age. Bulletin of the Institute of Classical
Studies 42:209.

Reports the results of thin-section petrographic analysis of coarseware transport

stirrup jars from Khania, Mallia, Kommos, Knossos and Palaikastro on Crete; Thebes, Mycenae
and Gla on the Greek mainland; Enkomi, Hala Sultan Tekke and Dhenia on Cyprus; Cannatello
on Sicily; and the Cape Gelidonya, Uluburun and Point Iria shipwrecks. These analyses confirm
the existence of a well-defined group compatible with an origin in western Crete. Homogeneity
within fabric groups and the wide distribution of the stirrup jars suggests that they originated in
centers producing large numbers of transport containers for consumption within and beyond
Crete. In addition to Khania, the Mesara plain in southern Crete may have been an important
area of production. See also 1291, 1292-1294, 1298, 1299, 1314, 1323 and 1326.

1298 Day, Peter M. and Halford W. Haskell. 1995. Transport stirrup jars from Thebes
as evidence of trade in Late Bronze Age Greece. In: Trade and Production in
Premonetary Greece: Aspects of Trade. Proceedings of the Third International
Workshop, Athens 1993. Carole Gillis, Christina Risberg and Birgitta Sjöberg, eds.
pp. 87-109. Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology and Literature Pocket-
Book 134. Jonsered: Paul Åströms Förlag.

After describing and discussing previous chemical (optical emission spectrography)

and petrographic analyses of the transport stirrup jars from Crete, the authors report the result of
their petrographic analysis of 12 transport jars, including the geology of the Thebes region,
summary of petrographic groups identified and reconsideration of the material in light of these
results. The analysis identified four fabrics: one from west Crete, one from Thebes, and two
separate fabrics originating in central Crete; these fabrics are then compared with typological
classifications of the stirrup jars. Archaeological implications of this study include the following:
Cretan domination of transport stirrup jar technology; a different approach by mainland potters,
who seldom constructed large stirrup jars, and when they did applied principles of fineware
potting rather than of domestic wares; seven of the twelve jars analyzed belong to a west Cretan
fabric which has its origin in the region of Khania, also found at many other sites on Crete,
mainland Greece and Cyprus, indicating extensive trade of liquid goods of west Cretan origin to
Mycenaean sites on the mainland; thus Khania must have played a pivotal role in this industry, to
judge from the high numbers of inscribed and uninscribed stirrup jars found there. Also includes
a catalogue of jars discussed. See also 1291, 1292-1294, 1297, 1299, 1314, 1323 and 1326.
1299 Day, Peter and Richard Jones. 1991. Annexe: petrographic and chemical analysis.
Bulletin de Correspondence Hellénique 115:94-97.

The analysis of these inscribed stirrup jars indicates that they are not local to
Malia, but have a fabric similar to some jars found at Knossos. One jar may be from western
Crete, while the other is likely to have come from north-central Crete. See also 1291, 1292-1294,
1297, 1298, 1314, 1323 and 1326.

1300 French, Elizabeth B. 1991. Tracing exports of Mycenaean pottery: the Manchester
contribution. In: Bronze Age Trade in the Mediterranean: Papers Presented at the
Conference held at Rewley House, Oxford, in December 1989. Noel H. Gale, ed. pp.
121-125. Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology 90. Jonsered: Paul Åströms
Förlag.

Describes and discusses problems and prospects in the chemical characterization

of Mycenaean pottery, with specific reference to the program involving neutron activation
analysis at the University of Manchester. See also 1288, 1303 and 1304.

1301 French, E.B., G.W.A. Newton, V.J. Robinson and A. Scourtelli. 1984.
Provenance of Late Helladic IIIB pottery from the Argolid. In: Ancient Greek
and Related Pottery: Proceedings of the International Vase Symposium in
Amsterdam, April 12-15 1984. H.A.G. Brijder, ed. pp. 12-16. Allard Pierson
Series, 5. Amsterdam: Brill.

Neutron activation analysis of fine and coarse ware from Mycenae, Tiryns,
Berbati and Zygouries yielded the following results: the coarse ware and fine ware formed
distinct groups, and the fine ware could be further subdivided into three groups, each of which
was found at all four sites, suggesting the utilization of at least three separate clay sources. See
also 1293, 1303, 1307, 1310, 1318 and 1325.
1302 Gunneweg, Jan and Isadore Perlman. 1994. The origin of a Mycenaean III C:1
stirrup jar from Tel Keisan. Revue Biblique 101:559-561.

Analysis by neutron activation analysis of a stirrup jar found in a level dating to c.

1200 B.C. suggests that it came from Cyprus, specifically from the site of Kouklia. See also
1287, 1313 and 1327.

1303 Harbottle, German. 1970. Neutron activation analysis of potsherds from Knossos
and Mycenae Archaeometry 12:23-34.

Reports on the re-analysis by neutron activation analysis of 20 sherds from each

site previously analyzed by emission spectrography; Harbottle concludes that this method is a
useful complement to and offers independent confirmation of earlier studies, with the additional
capability of measuring lower levels of concentration. See also 1288, 1293, 1300, 1301 and
1304.

1304 Hein, A., H. Mommsen and J. Maran. 1999. Element concentration

distributions and most discriminating elements for provenancing by neutron
activation analyses of ceramics from Bronze Age sites in Greece. Journal of
Archaeological Science 26:1053-1058.

Estimation of the general distributions of thirty element concentrations and total

concentration ranges for a data set of about 2000 Mycenaean ceramic samples derived from
neutron activation analysis at the University of Bonn. The results were surprisingly much
narrower than expected, indicating close compositional similarity of clay beds exploited in
Bronze Age Greece. Since the total ranges for many elements were larger only by a factor of five
than the typical range for a group of samples of the same origin, the authors suggest that a high
degree of precision is necessary for successful grouping. With few exceptions, all measured
elements were found to be more or less equally suitable to distinguish between different ceramic
groups; thus it is also suggested that as many elements as possible should be measured. See also
1288, 1300 and 1303.

1305 Jones, Olwen Tudor. 1997. PIXE-PIGME analysis of pottery from Torone.
Archaiologikis Ephemeris 134:99-114.

1306 Jones, Richard E. 1986. Greek and Cypriot Pottery: A Review of Scientific
Studies. British School at Athens, Fitch Laboratory Occasional Paper 1. Athens.
938 p.

This is the best, most recent and most comprehensive review of scientific analysis
of Aegean pottery. Jones discusses in some detail the methodology of ceramic characterization
and provenience, data analysis and the technology of ceramic production. The body of the book
comprises a regional survey of pottery characterization data and provenience studies for various
periods, including the Late Bronze Age. There are also brief chapters concerning
thermoluminescence dating and archaeomagnetism, identification of materials carried in ceramic
vessels and traditional potters of contemporary Greece and Cyprus. An appendix on microfiche
contains a complete set of data from the studies discussed in the text.

1307 Jones, Richard E. 1993. Appendix: chemical analysis of some Mycenaean vases
from Kokla. In: Proceedings of the International Conference, Wace and Blegen:
Pottery as Evidence for Trade in the Aegean Bronze Age, 1939-1989, Held at the
American School of Classical Studies at Athens, Athens, December 2-3, 1989.
Carol Zerner, Peter Zerner and John Winder, eds. pp. 76-80. Amsterdam: J.C.
Gieben.

An analysis of 14 Mycenaean, Minoan and Minoanizing vases from Kokla and

one from Prosymna by atomic absorption spectrometry revealed that they were relatively
uniform in their chemical composition and did not match either Central or West Cretan samples,
suggesting that they were likely produced at one or more locations in the Argolid, although
origins in southern Lakonia or Kythera cannot be excluded for some or all of them. See also
1293, 1301, 1303, 1310, 1318 and 1325.
1308 Jones, Richard E. and Peter M. Day. 1987. Late Bronze Age Aegean and
Cypriot-type pottery on Sardinia: identification of imports and local
imitations by physico-chemical analysis. In: Studies in Sardinian
Archaeology III: Nuragic Sardinia and the Mycenaean World. Miriam Balmuth, ed.
pp. 257-270. BAR International Series 387. Oxford: British Archaeological Reports.

Analysis of 80 sherds by atomic absorption spectrometry indicate the importation

of pottery from Crete, Cyprus and mainland Greece--specifically from the Peloponnese--as well
as local imitations of imported wares.

1309 Jones, Richard E. and Christopher Mee. 1978. Spectrographic analyses of

Mycenaean pottery from Ialysos on Rhodes: results and implications.
Journal of Field Archaeology 5:461-470.

The primary result of this analysis of 55 pots is the clear distinction between
locally-made and imported Mycenaean pottery, which has the following implications concerning
ceramic production and distribution: in LH IIIA2 most of the Mycenaean pottery at Ialysos was
imported from the Argolid; this is also true of LH IIIB, with imports from other areas, such as
Crete, as well; in LH IIIC, however, almost all of the fine Mycenaean pottery was locally
manufactured. These results fit with the disruption of trade at the end of LH IIIB and an eastward
population movement, probably including potters, some of whom settled in Rhodes. See also
1312.

1310 Jones, Richard E. and Jeremy B. Rutter. 1977. Resident Minoan potters on the
Greek mainland? Pottery composition analyses from Ayios Stephanos.
Archaeometry 19:211-219.

Analysis of sherds and vessels from the MH II through the LH IIA periods (c.
1700-1450 B.C.) at Ayios Stephanos in Lakonia by means of optical emission spectrography
demonstrates consistent composition patterns in various wares during this timespan; the analysis
also indicates that Minoanizing wares, though stylistically indistinguishable from contemporary
pottery from Kythera, were made locally, thus suggesting the presence of resident Minoan
potters for the duration of perhaps several generations.

1311 Karageorghis, Vassos, Frank Asaro and Isadore E. Perlman. 1972. Concerning
two Mycenaean pictorial sherds from Kouklia (Palaeopaphos), Cyprus.
Archäologischer Anzeiger 1972:188- 197.

Detailed description of the sherds and discussion of the site, pictorial pottery from
Cyprus and Cypriot pottery in general. The authors report the result of a chemical analysis and
offer a comparison with LH IIIC1 sherds from Kouklia, which indicates that all of the sherds
were made at the site, probably the most important settlement in LBA western Cyprus. See also
1289, 1290 and 1320.

1312 Karantzali, Efi and Matthew J. Ponting. 2000. ICP-AES analysis of some
Mycenaean vases from the cemetery of Pylona, Rhodes. Bulletin de
Correspondence Hellénique 95:219-238.

Analysis of 36 vessels whose origins had been tentatively determined by means of

stylistic criteria including clay fabric, surface treatment, motifs and bands on closed vessels by
inductively-coupled plasma atomic emission spectrography. The objective of the analysis was to
test these stylistic attributions, classify uncertain pieces and suggest the likely origin of imports.
The data obtained from the analysis was then compared with a reanalysis of material from
Ialysos, including the analysis of 16 sherds from Ialysos, which revealed a distinction between
local and imported wares supporting attributions made on the basis of stylistic criteria. The use
of multivariate statistical techniques including principal components analysis and discriminant
analysis enabled the identification of four chemically separated groups: a local group; two
imported groups, a larger one from the Argolid and a smaller one with no attribution; and a
second Rhodian clay type. The results also indicated a similarity between material from Pylona
and Ialysos. Finally, the fact that a majority of imported material at Pylona was from the Argolid
confirms close commercial and cultural ties between Rhodes and the Greek mainland. See also
1309.
1313 Lambert, J.B., C.D. McLaughlin and A. Leonard, Jr. 1978. X-ray
photoelectron spectroscopic analysis of the Mycenaean pottery from
Megiddo. Archaeometry 20:107-122.

Analysis of 71 sherds from the site of Megiddo by means of photoelectron

spectrography enabled the authors to identify three major and five smaller clusters, which they
then compared with earlier analyses of Mycenaean pottery; results demonstrated that the
chemical characteristics of the three major clusters did not correspond to those from the
Peloponnese, but were likely imported from several other sources. See also 1287, 1302 and 1327.

1314 McArthur, J.K. and J. McArthur. 1976. The Theban stirrup-jars and East Crete:
further considerations. Minos 15:68-80.

Discusses and criticizes methodology used in the spectrographic analysis

establishing the provenience of the Theban stirrup-jars; the authors re-analyze the original data
by means of descriptive cluster analysis and multiple discriminant analysis, concluding that the
methods used and the results obtained contain inbuilt statistical bias; they therefore advise
caution in accepting the results as sufficient evidence for an east Cretan origin. See also 1291,
1292, 1294, 1323 and 1326.

1315 Millett, Anne and Hector William Catling. 1967. Composition patterns of
Minoan and Mycenaean pottery: survey and prospect. Archaeometry 10:70-77.

Gives a progress report concerning the authors' long-term project involving the
chemical analysis of Aegean pottery; discussion is devoted primarily to the development of a
databank of control material for purposes of comparison and to establish compositional groups.
See also 1289, 1293 and 1295.
1316 Mommsen, Hans et al. 1990. Eine mykenische scherbe in Spanien:
bestatigung ihrer herkunft mit der neutronenaktivierungsanalyse (NAA).
Prähistorische Zeitschrift 65:59-61.

Neutron activation analysis of a Mycenaean sherd found at the site of Llanete de

los Moros in Spain indicates that it in all likelihood was made in the northeastern Peloponnese.

1317 Mommsen, H., T. Beier, U. Diehl and C. Podzuweit. 1992. Provenance

determination of Mycenaean sherds found in Tell el Amarna by
neutron activation analysis. Journal of Archaeological Science 19:295-302.

Neutron activation analysis of 23 sherds from Tell el Amarna in Egypt indicates

that most if not all of them came from a workshop of Mycenae/Berbati in the northeast
Peloponnese. See also 1322.

1318 Mommsen, H., T. Beier, D. Heimermann, A. Hein, D. Ittameier and Ch.

Podzuweit. 1994. Neutron activation analysis of selected sherds from Prophitis
Ilias (Argolid, Greece): a closed Late Helladic II settlement context. Journal of
Archaeological Science 21:163-171.

Analysis of 34 sherds of Middle Helladic tradition, which revealed four chemical

groups: Aigina, northern Argolid (Mycenae/Berbati); southern Argolid (Tiryns/Asine); and a
fourth unidentified location. The authors find good agreement between visual examination of the
sherds and the chemical groupings. See also 1293, 1301, 1303 and 1325.

1319 Mommsen, H., A. Hein, D. Ittameier, J. Maran and Ph. Dakoronia. 2001. New
Mycenaean pottery production centers from eastern central Greece obtained
by neutron activation analysis. In: Archaeometry Issues in Greek Prehistory and
Antiquity. Y. Bassiakos, E. Aloupi and Y. Facorellis, eds. pp. 343-354. Athens:
Hellenic Society for Archaeometry and Society of Messenean Archaeological Studies.
 The authors present the results of the neutron activation analysis of more than 120
sherds and whole vessels from the Middle Helladic through LH IIIC, including misfired pieces
from Lokris, Phthiotis and southwestern Thessaly. Several new patterns were detected, some of
which can be assigned with high probability to central Greece, and the data suggest a source for
several fragments of pictorial kraters depicting ships and sea battles from LH IIIC Middle levels
at the site of Livanates-Kynos in eastern Lokris.

1320 Mommsen, Hans and Joseph Maran. 2000-2001. Production places of some
Mycenaean pictorial vessels: the contribution of chemical pottery analyses.
Opuscula Atheniensia 25-26:95-106.

Describes the sampling and neutron activation analysis of 46 sherds from the
Peloponnese, east central Greece, Macedonia, Cyprus and western Anatolia and comparison with
20 previously analyzed by Perlman and Asaro. The analysis defined nine chemically different
groups, including one from Mycenae/Berbati and another at Tiryns/Asine, thus indicating two
workshops producing pictorial pottery. Results also show that pictorial pottery was produced on
a regional basis in different parts of the Greek mainland, mostly in the vicinity of findspots.
However, the Mycenae/Berbati workshop clearly dominates as a source for the eastern
Mediterranean. See also 1290 and 1311.

1321 Mountjoy, Penelope A., Richard E. Jones and John F. Cherry. 1978.
Provenance studies of the LMIB/LHIIA Marine Style. Annual of the British
School at Athens 73:143-171.

Discussion and illustration of Marine Style motifs and shapes. Spectrographic

analysis of sherds from seven mainland, two island and two Cretan sites (using other local sherds
as control samples) yielded the following results: material from Athens, Korakou, Lefkandi,
Mycenae and Sparta was compositionally homogeneous, while each of the other sites had two
types; a clear separation between mainland and Cretan sites was noted, with no evidence of
exchange. Based on this evidence, there was more than one mainland center for the production of
the Marine Style, and perhaps as many as four.
1322 Mountjoy, Penelope A. and Hans Mommsen. 2001. Mycenaean pottery from
Quantir-Piramesse, Egypt. Annual of the British School at Athens 96:123-155.

This site, which was part of the capital city of the 19th Dynasty pharaoh Ramses
II, is in the eastern Nile delta c. 100 kilometers northeast of Cairo, near Tell El Dab’a. The
authors discuss the neutron activation analysis of 138 small sherds and one complete pot from
the 1980-1992 excavations, which indicates that much of it comes from the Argolid, and may
have been imported in LH IIIB1 before the subsequent destructions there. The vessels were
mostly closed shapes, including large and small piriform jars, straight-sided alabastra, narrow-
necked jugs, feeding bottles, flasks and piriform, globular, squat, conical and large stirrup jars;
open shapes include shallow cups, kylikes and ring-based kraters. Many of them may have
contained perfumed oil for use in the stables, the area of the site in which the pottery was found.
In addition to the source of Mycenae/Berbati, 26 sherds seem to have a Cypriot provenance and
twelve Palestinian. Also includes a table listing results of the analysis, a catalogue of the pottery
with descriptions and illustrations and a concordance of sample numbers to catalogue numbers.
See also 1318.

1323 Sourvinou-Inwood, Christiane. 1973. The Theban stirrup jars and East Crete:
some remarks. Minos 13:130-136.

Cites arguments in support of an origin of the stirrup jars in eastern Crete. See
also 1291, 1292, 1294, 1314 and 1326.

1324 Tomlinson, Jonathan E. 1995. Chemical Analysis of some Mycenaean pottery

from Perati, Attica. Archaiologikis Ephemeris 134:227-230.

See also 1296.

1325 Tomlinson, Jonathan E. 1997. Statistical evaluation of the Asaro-Perlman

neutron activation data on Mycenaean pottery from the Peloponnese. Annual of
the British School at Athens 92:139-164.
 Statistical evaluation of chemical data for 250 sherds. Tomlinson identifies twelve
composition groups from areas other than the Argolid and Corinthia through the use of cluster
analysis, providing a brief description of each group, some of which seem to be geographically
distinct or associated with specific sites. However, 45 sherds could not be assigned to any group.
Tomlinson=s analysis confirms the earlier identification of groupings for Ayios Stephanos and
Nichoria, and establishes distinct profiles for western Messenia and the northeastern
Peloponnese, which are distinct from those of other areas. Appendices include a catalogue of
sherds analyzed, chemical profiles of clusters, the assignment of samples to groups and chemical
data derived from neutron activation analysis. See also 1293, 1301, 1303, 1310 and 1318.

1326 Wilson, A.L. 1976. The provenance of the inscribed stirrup-jars found at
Thebes. Archaeometry 18:51-58.

Discusses and criticizes the methodology of earlier analyses which ascribed the
origin of the inscribed stirrup jars to eastern Crete; Wilson then reconsiders and reinterprets the
results of the analyses. See also 1291, 1292, 1294, 1314 and 1323.

1327 Yellin, J. and A. Maier. 1992. The origin of the pictorial krater from the
AMycenaean@ tomb at Tel Dan. Archaeometry 34:31-36.

Neutron activation analysis indicates that the likely source of this krater is the
Argolid, very likely in the region of Mycenae or Berbati. See also 1287, 1302 and 1313.

Metalwork
 Mycenaean metalwork was renowned, attaining, unlike many other aspects of
material culture, a high level of technical achievement and aesthetic excellence at an early stage
in the development of Mycenaean civilization. Although, as in other areas, the Mycenaeans
borrowed from and utilized Minoan craftsmen, there was apparently a strong local mainland
tradition of metalworking, utilizing techniques including casting in single and double molds,
hammering and lost-wax, going back into the Middle Helladic period; unfortunately, however,
few examples of Middle Helladic metalworking have been preserved. In fact, because of their
tendency to oxidize, many Late Helladic bronze artifacts as well have survived in only
fragmentary condition. Also, since metal artifacts, unlike those of other materials, can be melted
down and re-used, the number of extant examples is limited by this practice.

The metals known to have been used are copper, tin, gold, silver and lead.
Much effort has been expended in locating the sources of copper and tin, since Greece is not rich
in these ores, and since bronze was a vitally important metal for the Mycenaeans. I have
suggested elsewhere in this book that much of Mycenaean trade and exploration was stimulated
by the need for copper and tin. Evidence from Linear B tablets suggests that bronze-working
may have been a major industry in the kingdom of Pylos and a workshop producing swords and
other bronze weapons has been identified at Knossos (see Cultural History and Society:
Economic Organization). The primary source of silver and lead has been fairly firmly
established as the Lavrion mines in southern Attika, which were also a major source of wealth
for the Classical Athenians. See also Economic Organization: Craft Specialization and Trade.

1328 Edmund F. Bloedow. 1997. Itinerant craftsmen and trade in the Aegean Bronze
Age. In: TEKHNE: Craftsmen, Craftswomen and Craftmanship in the
Aegean Bronze Age. Proceedings of the 6th International Aegean conference/6e
Rencontre égéenne internationale, Philadelphia, Temple University, 18-
21 April 1996, Vol. 2. Robert Laffineur and Philip P. Betancourt, eds. pp. 439-447.
Liège: Université de Liège Histoire de l'art et archéologie de la Grèce antique and
University of Texas at Austin Program in Aegean Scripts and Prehistory.

Bloedow raises the possibility--based in part on his analysis of metalwork in the Shaft
Graves and on analogy with the creation of Roman art by Greek craftsmen--that at least some of
the Shaft Grave artifacts were produced by itinerant Minoan craftsmen.

1329 Catling, Hector William. 1964. Cypriot Bronzework in the Mycenaean World.
Oxford: Clarendon Press. 335 p.
 The bulk of the text comprises a catalogue of Late Cypriot metalwork, including
tools, weapons, armor, vessels, tripods, personal objects, statuettes, ingots, moulds and hoards.
Based upon these data, combined with other archaeological evidence—primarily pottery--Catling
reconstructs the relationship between Cyprus and Mycenaean Greece as follows: 1) very limited
contact during LH I-II; 2) a considerable amount of Mycenaean pottery, but little else, found on
Cyprus during LH IIIA-B, suggesting a commercial relationship, probably involving trade for
Cypriot copper, but no colonization; 3) arrival of a small number of refugees from the mainland
during LH IIIC, with settlement centered on the site of Enkomi; 4) a second wave of settlement
in LH IIIC2, followed by widespread destruction at the very end of the Bronze Age. See also
1336, 1338, 1344 and 1348.

1330 Demakopoulou, K., E. Mangou, R.E. Jones and E. Photos-Jones. 1995.

Mycenaean black inlaid metal-ware in the National Archaeological Museum,
Athens: a technical examination. Annual of the British School at Athens
90:137-153.

Describes the detailed scientific investigation of six bronze daggers, three silver
vessels, six cup handles and other fragments representing 60% of the museum=s collection. X-ray
fluorescence and radiography revealed their chemical composition and methods of manufacture.
Sophisticated construction techniques include a range of alloy compositions appropriate to
particular decorative schemes, with great versatility in working with copper-gold-silver alloys.
See also 1337 and 1342.

1331 Gale, Noel H. and Zofia A. Stos-Gale. 1982. Thorikos, Perati and Bronze Age
silver production in the Laurion, Attica. In: Studies in South Attica I. Paule
Spitaels, ed. pp. 97-103. Miscellanea Graeca 5. Ghent.

Lead isotope analysis of lead and silver artifacts from the LH IIIC site of Perati in
Attika indicates that the Laurion mines were exploited for lead and silver during the LH IIIC
period and perhaps as early as the Middle Helladic period; analysis of LH IIIB lead artifacts from
the Athenian agora and acropolis demonstrate that they, too, came from Laurion. See also 1339,
1343, 1345-1347.
1332 Gillis, Carole. 1991. Tin in the Aegean Bronze Age. Hydra 8:1-30.

See also 1333-1335 and 1340.

1333 Gillis, Carole. 1999. The economic value and colour symbolism of tin. In: Metals
in Antiquity. Suzanne M.M. Young, A. Mark Pollard, Paul Budd and Robert
A. Iyer, eds. pp. 140-145. BAR International Series 792. Oxford: Tempvs
Reparatvm.

Discusses various roles and the importance of tin in the Late Bronze Age. Metals and
metal products were important and were used to show social status and maintain military and
political strength by creating alliances through gift-giving and exchange. In addition to its great
utilitarian value, tin had socio-economic symbolism as a luzury item acquired through long-
distance trade to demonstrate status, especially in burials, as was the case with tin-covered pots
in rich burials. Also discusses the yellow/white color symbolism of gold, silver and tin, which
represented the sun and moon, life and death and other dichotomies. See also 1332, 1334, 1335
and 1340.

1334 Gillis, Carole. 2000. The social significance of tin in the Aegean Late Bronze
Age. In: Form, Function and Context: Material Culture Studies in Scandanavian
Archaeology. Deborah Olausson and Helle Vand Kilde, eds. pp. 227- 238. Acta
Archaeological Lundensia Series 8, no. 31. Stockholm: Almqvist and Wiksell
International.

Analyzes the use and functions of tin in the Aegean Late Bronze Age. Tin is seen
to have two symbolic functions, as a symbol of economic wealth and status and through its color
as a symbol of religious prestige devoid of economic considerations. The economic value of tin
is due to its rarity and the fact that tin ore is not found in Greece. Tin-covered pots were
widespread, numbering several hundred and including almost all plainware vases in the chamber
tombs in the cemetery of Asine. Coating ceramic pots with tin, which changed in color from
silver to gold when heated to a certain temperature, enhanced their value and prestige and added
the dimension of color symbolism. See also 1332, 1333, 1335 and 1340.

1335 Gillis, Carole. 2001. Tin-covered pottery and chemical analyses: a summary. In:
Archaeometry Issues in Greek Prehistory and Antiquity. Y. Bassiakos, E.Aloupi and Y.
Facorellis, eds. pp. 451-458. Athens: Hellenic Society for Archaeometry and Society
of Messenean Archaeological Studies.

The phenomenon of tin-covered ceramic vessels found in rich Late Bronze Age
tomb contexts on Crete, the Greek mainland and the Aegean islands between 1450 and 1100
B.C. raises many questions about why and how they were made and used. Gillis here
summarizes the results of a number of different experiments and chemical analyses concerning
physical and chemical aspects. See also 1332-1334 and 1340.
1336 Iakovidis, Spiros E. 1982. The Mycenaean bronze industry. In: Early
Metallurgy in Cyprus, 4000-500 B.C. (Acta of the International
Archaeological Symposium, Larnaca, Cyprus 1-6 June 1981). James D.
Muhly, Robert Maddin and Vassos Karageorghis, eds. pp. 213-232. Larnaca: Pierides
Foundation and Department of Antiquities.

An excellent survey discussing the development of Mycenaean bronze metallurgy

and the characteristic aspects and development of specific artifact types; good bibliography. See
also 1329, 1338, 1344 and 1348.

1337 Jones, R.E., K. Demakopoulou, E. Andreopoulou and E. Photos-Jones. 2001.

Characterisation of the black inlayed decoration of the Mycenaean dagger and
silver vessels in the National Archaeological Museum of Athens: a brief overview.
In: Archaeometry Issues in Greek Prehistory and Antiquity. Y. Bassiakos, E.
Aloupi and Y. Facorellis, eds. pp. 423- 428. Athens: Hellenic Society for
Archaeometry and Society of Messenean Archaeological Studies.

The authors report the results of elemental analyses of various components of

daggers with gold and silver inlaid decoration depicting marine, hunting and other scenes from
Mycenae and other sites in the Peloponnese by means of non-destructive x-ray fluorescence
spectrometry and x-ray radiography. Among the most important findings is that the black inlay
into which the decoration is set has no connection with niello, but is a gold-silver-bronze alloy
whose surface has been treated to give a black patina. See also 1330 and 1342.

1338 Matthäus, Hartmut. 1980. Die Bronzegefässe der Kretisch-Mykenischen Kultur.

Prähistorische Bronzefunde 1, pt. 2. Munich: C.H. Beck. 371 p.

Catalogue and discussion of Minoan and Mycenaean bronze vessels, including

major findspots, sources and traditions of bronze technology and metal-working and detailed
description of vessel types and their variants; fully illustrated. See also 1329, 1336, 1344 and
1348.
1339 Mossman, S. 1991-1993. Mycenaean lead. Bulletin of the Institute of
Classical Studies 38:270.

See also 1331, 1343 and 1345-1347.

1340 Muhly, James D. 1979. Possible sources of tin for the Bronze Age Aegean.
Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 26:122-123.

Muhly suggests that tin was traded through Europe from Cornwall in England to
the Aegean and that the Erzgebirge deposits in Central Europe were not utilized until after 1200
B.C. See also 1332-1335.

1341 Papadimitriou, G.D. 2001. The evolution of the copper alloys in the Helladic
area to the end of the Geometric period: alloying additions and technological
development. In: Archaeometry Issues in Greek Prehistory and Antiquity. Y.
Bassiakos, E.Aloupi and Y. Facorellis, eds. pp. 587-608. Athens: Hellenic
Society for Archaeometry and Society of Messenean Archaeological Studies.

Investigates the alloying of copper and related technology during the Bronze Age
and early Iron Age by means of interpretation by statistical analysis of published data concerning
the composition of coppers and bronzes. The primary interest of this analysis is the evolution of
alloys and the corresponding metallurgical technology, focusing on aspects including properties
of interest to the users of the final products, metalworking properties of interest to coppersmiths,
the technological level of the period, raw materials used and recycling. It is concluded that the
purity of copper diminishes continuously as metallurgical activity grows, tin bronze replaces
arsenical bronze during the Middle Bronze Age, and lead is introduced as an alloy during the
Mycenaean period.

1342 Photos, E., R.E. Jones and Th. Papadopoulos. 1994. The black inlay decoration on
a Mycenaean bronze dagger. Archaeometry 36:267- 275.
 Describes the results of a semi-quantitative surface analysis by x-ray fluorescence
of the black inlay of a dagger in the archaeological museum of Patras which was part of a hoard
found in Tholos Tomb B at Kastrakis-Ayios Athanasios in Achaia. Contrary to the traditional
view, the black inlay is neither organic nor niello, but a copper-gold alloy with some silver and
possibly small amounts of tin. See also 1330 and 1337.

1343 Spitaels, Paule. 1982. An unstratified late Mycenaean deposit from Thorikos
(mine gallery no. 3). In: Studies in South Attica I. Paule Spitaels, ed. pp. 83-96.
Miscellanea Graeca 5. Ghent: Belgian Archaeological Mission in Greece.

The discovery of LH IIIC pottery in a mineshaft along with pottery of other

periods suggests Mycenaean exploitation of the Laurion lead and silver mines, which was
perhaps used and traded by the nearby inhabitants of Perati. See also 1331, 1339 and 1345-1347.

1344 Spyropoulos, Theodoros G. 1972. Usteromykenäikoi Elladikoi Thesavroi.

Vivliothiki tis en Athenais Archaiologikis Etaireias 72. Athens.

Study of five LH IIIB-C hoards of bronze weapons and tools, analyzed both as
assemblages and in terms of specific artifact types; may be difficult to obtain. See also 1329,
1336, 1338 and 1348.

1345 Stos-Gale, Zofia A. and Noel H. Gale. 1982. The sources of Mycenaean silver
and lead. Journal of Field Archaeology 9:467-485.

Lead isotope analysis and neutron activation analysis of lead and silver artifacts
from the Mycenae Shaft Graves, the Athenian Acropolis, Vapheio, Thorikos, Menidi and Perati
and lead-silver ores from Laurion demonstrate that the mines of Laurion were exploited for
silver, with lead as a byproduct, as early as the Middle Helladic period and through LH IIIC;
Laurion was the dominant and perhaps almost the exclusive source of Mycenaean silver and
lead; lead was commonly used during the Late Helladic period. See also 1331, 1339, 1343, 1346
and 1347.

1346 Stos-Gale, Zofia, Noel Gale and Judy Houghton. 1995. The origin of
Egyptian copper: lead-isotope analysis of metals from El-Amarna. In: Egypt, the
Aegean and the Levant: Interconnections in the Second Millenium BC. W.
Vivian Davies and Louise Schofield, eds. pp. 127-135. London: British Museum
Press.

Lead-isotope analysis of 17 artifacts from El-Amarna indicated that some of them

contained copper and silver from Lavrion in Attika, thus suggesting that there was at least a
small flow of metal between Egypt and the Aegean during the Late Bronze Age. It may also
likewise be possible that some copper from Egyptian territory was imported to Crete and the
Argolid in LH III. See also 1331, 1339, 1343, 1345 and 1347.

1347 Stos-Gale, Zofia, Maria Kayafa and Noel Gale. 1999. The origin of metals
from the Bronze Age site of Nichoria. Opuscula Atheniensia 24:99-120.

Chemical and lead isotope analysis of c. 80 objects and scraps of copper/bronze

and lead (c. 25% of total sample) from a site with evidence of metalworking. Results from most
lead samples are consistent with metal smelted from ores at Lavrion, while copper and bronze
come from a wider range of sources including Lavrion, Cyprus, Sardinia, the Cyclades and
possibly the Troad. Thus Nichoria was well within the Aegean tradition of metal use and trade,
since most metal had an Aegean origin and was traded within the Aegean. Chemical analysis
also indicated that the addition of tin to copper to form bronze varied inconsistently. Includes a
catalogue of samples. See also 1331, 1339, 1343, 1345 and 1346.

1348 Tripathi, Daya Nath. 1988. Bronzework of Mainland Greece from c. 2600 B.C.
to c. 1450 B.C. Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology and Literature, Pocket-book
69. Göteborg: Paul Åströms Förlag. 433 p.

The author traces the development of bronze metallurgy from EH II to the end of
LH II, finding ultimate origins in Anatolia, but with subsequent independent development. He
examines the relationship between Crete and Greece in terms of influence, asserting that most
early Mycenaean metalwork-- especially weapons--are indigenous products. In addition to
providing a catalogue of bronze objects, Tripathi discusses classification by artifact type and
chronological development, metalworking and ornamentation techniques, regional and local
variations and comparisons with other regions in the Aegean. Includes an appendix of chemical
analyses performed; abundantly illustrated. See also 1329, 1336, 1338 and 1344.

Armor

Most Mycenaean armor seems to have been made of leather or felt with metal fittings.
However, some Mycenaean warriors at least wore bronze armor, the best-preserved example
being the corselet found in a chamber tomb at Dendra. Constructed of large overlapping bronze
sheets which covered the trunk, the corselet was supplemented by a helmet--sometimes made of
bronze, sometimes of other materials, most commonly boars' tusks attached to a leather
backing--greaves and belts. Shields were made of leather over a wood frame, either round or
figure-eight shaped, sometimes with metal bosses.

1349 Buchholz, Hans-Günter and Joseph Wiesner, eds. 1977. Kriegswesen, Teil 1:
Schutzwaffen und Wehrbauten. Archaeologia Homerica 1, pt. E. Göttingen:
Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht.

Collection of studies of defensive military equipment, including armor, shields,

helmets and greaves, with description and discussion of typology, methods of construction,
chronology, distribution and archaeological context, based upon analysis of archaeological data,
artistic representations, Linear B texts and the Homeric poems; contents include: H. Borchardt,
Frühe griechische schildformen (pp. 1-56); J. Borchhardt, Helme (pp. 57-74); H.W. Catling,
Panzer (pp. 74-118); H. Brandenburg, Mitra, zostir und zoma (pp. 119-143); H.W. Catling,
Beinschienen (pp. 143-161). See also 1354 and 1358.

1350 Catling, Hector William. 1955. A bronze greave from a 13th century tomb at
Enkomi. Opuscula Atheniensia 2:21-36.
 Describes and discusses in some detail the first example of this type of armor to
come from a documented excavation. See also 1352 and 1357.

1351 Catling, Hector William. 1970. A bronze plate from a scale-corselet found at
Mycenae. Archäologischer Anzeiger 1970:441-449.

Describes, illustrates and discusses a piece of bronze scale armor, a type of armor
previously unknown in Mycenaean Greece, which is dated to LH IIIC; reviews other evidence
for the use of bronze armor and cites comparative evidence for the use of scale-corselets in the
Near East.

1352 Fortenberry, Diane. 1991. Single greaves in the Late Helladic period. American
Journal of Archaeology 95:623-627.

Cites contemporary and comparative evidence from later periods for the practice
of wearing only one greave before the 12th century B.C. as a symbol or indication of status or
rank. See also 1350 and 1357.

1353 Greenhalgh, Peter A.L. 1980. The Dendra charioteer. Antiquity 54:201-205.

Given the vulnerability of the neck area to fatal wounds, the neck-guard of the
Dendra panoply offers one potential solution, although it was undoubtedly uncomfortable and
restricted movement of the head; the other viable option is a shield; because of its weight and
relative immobility, the Dendra armor is thus suitable only for a charioteer; the author suggests
that this type of armor and fighting may have gone out of fashion by the end of the Late Bronze
Age. See also 1355, 1359 and 1360.
1354 Guida, Paola Cassola. 1973. Le Armi Difensive dei Micenei nelle Figurazioni.
Incunabula Graeca 56. Rome: Edizioni dell'Ateneo. 187 p.

Description and discussion of Mycenaean defensive armor, including shields,

greaves, corselets and helmets as reconstructed from archaeological remains and artistic
representations; includes a catalogue of the latter and many illustrations.

1355 Kilian, Klaus. 1982. Mycenaean charioteers again. Antiquity 56:205-206.

Cites pictorial evidence for a change in armament and military tactics in LH IIIC,
in which foot-soldiers now fight in ranks and charioteers carry round shields, suggesting a shift
to combined warfare in chariots and on foot, as depicted in the Homeric poems. See also 1353,
1358, 1359 and 1360.

1356 Korres, Giorgios S. 1969. The splendor of Mycenaean helmets. Archaiologika

Analekta ex Athinon 2:446-462.

Discusses and illustrates helmets as described in Homer, the Mycenaean invention

of horned and crested helmets and depictions of helmets on seals, sealings, frescoes and vases;
text in Greek and English.

1357 Mountjoy, Penelope A. 1984. The bronze greaves from Athens: a case for an
LH III C date. Opuscula Atheniensia 15:135-146.

Describes and illustrates a pair of greaves and associated bronze artifacts from a
chamber tomb on the south slope of the Athenian acropolis; a comparison with LH IIIC artifacts
and the nature and context of the tomb lead to the conclusion that the tomb and the greaves
should be dated to LH IIIC, rather than an earlier attribution of Early Geometric. See also 1350
and 1352.

1358 Snodgrass, Anthony M. 1971. The first European body armor. In: The
European Community in Later Prehistory: Studies in Honour of C.F.C.
Hawkes. John Boardman, M.A. Brown and T.G.E. Powell, eds. pp. 31-50.
London: Routledge & Kegan Paul.

Traces the first European bronze body armor to Mycenaean Greece, as early as
the 15th century B.C., where it was worn by chariot-borne warriors; the concept and technology
of body armor then spread northward to Europe, where the lighter and more flexible armor was
better adapted to infantry warfare; absent in Greece during the Dark Ages, body armor may then
have been re-introduced from Europe in the Late Geometric period. See also 1349, 1354 and
1355.

1359 Taracha, Piotr. 1999. Reconstructing the Dendra panoply. Archeologia 50:7-12.

See also 1353, 1355 and 1360.

1360 Verdelis, Nikolaos M. 1967. Neue funde von Dendra. Mitteilungen des
Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts, Athenische Abteilung 82:1-53.

Describes, illustrates and discusses metal artifacts--notably an almost intact suit of

armor--found in chamber tombs near Dendra in the Argolid. See also 1353, 1355 and 1359.
Gold

Metal vessels were hammered rather than cast, often utilizing repoussé and occasionally
granulation. The most elaborate and finely decorated gold, silver and electrum cups and other
vessels, which depict animals, sea life, vegetation and other scenes of the natural world, seem to
be either of Minoan workmanship or Minoan inspiration. Other outstanding gold artifacts
include the gold death masks and diadems of the Shaft Graves.

1361 Boss, Martin and Robert Laffineur. 1997. Mycenaean metal inlay: a technique
in context. In: TEKHNE: Craftsmen, Craftswomen and Craftmanship in the
Aegean Bronze Age. Proceedings of the 6th International Aegean conference/6e
Rencontre égéenne internationale, Philadelphia, Temple University, 18-
21 April 1996, Vol. 1. Robert Laffineur and Philip P. Betancourt, eds. pp. 191-196.
Liège: Universite de Liège Histoire de l'art et archéologie de la Grèce antique and
University of Texas at Austin Program in Aegean Scripts and Prehistory.

Boss discusses technological aspects involved in the making of metal inlay

artifacts, while Laffineur discusses aspects of style and cultural origin. See also 1368, 1369 and
1373.

1362 Davis, Ellen N. 1974. The Vapheio cups: one Minoan and one Mycenaean? Art
Bulletin 56:472-487.

A detailed analysis of two decorated gold cups from the Vapheio tholos tomb;
based upon this analysis, which reveals differences in technique, structure, composition, design
and subject matter of the two cups, Davis suggests that one cup was made by a resident Minoan
master, while the second was an imitation by a Mycenaean craftsman; Davis uses the cups to
make some general distinctions between Minoan and Mycenaean metalwork. See also 1363,
1365, 1366 and 1374.

1363 Davis, Ellen N. 1977. The Vapheio Cups and Aegean Gold and Silver
Ware. New York: Garland Publishing, Inc. 390 p.
 Davis begins with a detailed analysis of the Vapheio cups, concluding on the basis
of their repoussé relief decoration that one is Minoan and the other Mycenaean in origin; she
proceeds to discuss stylistic and technical distinctions between Minoan and Mycenaean
workmanship in gold and silver and surveys all known Minoan and Mycenaean gold and silver
vessels in a detailed descriptive catalogue; extensive bibliography; abundantly illustrated;
probably the best treatment of this subject in English. See also 1362, 1365, 1366 and 1374.

1364 Davis, Ellen N. 1983. The gold of the Shaft Graves: the Transylvanian
connection. In: Temple University Aegean Symposium 8, Philip P. Betancourt, ed.
pp. 32-38. Philadelphia.

Davis identifies differences between Crete and the Greek mainland in the use and
manufacture of precious metals. On Crete, these metals seem less abundant, but are treated in a
more sophisticated fashion, including inlaying and alloying. Gold is much less common on Crete
than silver; the gold of the Shaft Graves is abundant and worked locally, but the silver artifacts
are of Minoan workmanship and probably imported. That the more than 15 kilograms of gold in
the Shaft Graves most likely comes from Transylvania is supported by the existence of weapon
hoards there comprising Mycenaean imports or imitations of Mycenaean models.

1365 de Grummond, W.W. 1980. Hands and tails on the Vapheio cups. American
Journal of Archaeology 84:335-337.

The author finds that certain stylistic features suggest that one of the Vapheio
cups, identified as of Minoan workmanship, may actually be Mycenaean, with Egyptian
influence. See also 1362, 1363, 1366 and 1374.

1366 Hurwit, Jeffrey. 1979. The Dendra octopus cup and the problem of style in
the fifteenth century Aegean. American Journal of Archaeology
83:413-426.
 Detailed study of this gold cup commonly assumed to be of Minoan workmanship
leads to a reevaluation of the criteria used to distinguish between Minoan and Mycenaean artistic
styles; Hurwit suggests that this cup and others similar to it represent a fusion of styles, and that
such distinctions therefore have little significance for the fifteenth and early fourteenth centuries
B.C. See also 1362, 1363, 1365 and 1374.

1367 Kling, Barbara. 1981. Evidence for local style on the Shaft Grave diadems.
Temple University Aegean Symposium 6. Philip P. Betancourt, ed. pp. 29-38.
Philadelphia.

Comparison of the decorative motifs and decorative syntax of the diadems with
that of local contemporary painted pottery--Middle Helladic matt-painted and LH I
pottery--yields similarities suggesting a common local artistic tradition; may be difficult to
obtain. See also 1371 and 1372..

1368 Laffineur, Robert. 1974. L'incrustation à l'époque mycénienne. L'Antiquité

classique 43:5-37.

Discusses methods and techniques by which inlaid daggers and vessels were
made. See also 1361, 1369 and 1373.

1369 Laffineur, Robert. 1977. Les Vases en Metal Precieux à l'Epoque

Mycénienne. Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology Pocket-Book 4.
Göteborg: Paul Åströms Förlag. 171 p.

Study of vases made of precious metals, including forms, decoration, technical

considerations, use and significance; contains a catalogue and many illustrations. See also 1361,
1368 and 1373.
1370 Laffineur, Robert. 1996. Polychrysos Mykene: toward a definition of Mycenaean
goldwork. In: Ancient Jewelry and Archaeology. Adriana Calinescu, ed. pp. 89-
116. Bloomington: Indiana University Press.

Extensive discussion of typological, iconographical and chronological aspects of

Mycenaean jewelry in respect to the social, religious, political and economic contexts within
which it was created. In order to define the specificity of Mycenaean jewelry and the factors that
differentiate it from that of other periods in the Bronze Age or other regions of the Aegean,
Laffineur focuses on different and successive stages of production, including: sources of supply;
techniques of manufacture; workshops and their organization; circulation vs. local use; symbolic
value; social, political, and economic status; and goldwork as an artistic production. This
examination leads to a tentative definition of Mycenaean goldwork emphasizing the following
traits: the introduction and development of the process of beating sheet gold into a mold and its
application to various types of jewelry and other materials; close connections with other arts and
crafts, particularly gem cutting; predominance of funerary use of goldwork with related symbolic
meaning; and value as indication of social status and as a means of legitimizing political status
and power.

1371 Matthäus, Hartmut. 1980. Minoan influence on the Greek mainland during
the sixteenth century B.C. and the origins of Mycenaean civilization. Temple
University Aegean Symposium 5. Philip P. Betancourt, ed. pp. 37-44.
Philadelphia: Temple University.

Analysis of the copper and bronze vessels and cups of precious metal in the shaft
graves of Mycenae. Matthäus concludes that the vessel types are of Minoan origin, probably the
products of several local workshops and at least initially under Minoan direction. The earliest
vessels of precious metal seem to be made locally and are roughly based upon Minoan
prototypes, while later examples of higher quality are either imports or more skillful imitations.
Thus increasing prosperity resulted in more and better quality products, leading to the
establishment of Minoan or Minoan-influenced workshops on the mainland. May be difficult to
obtain. See also 1367 and 1372.
1372 Thomas, Helen. 1938. The Acropolis treasure from Mycenae. Annual of the
British School at Athens 39:65-87.

Detailed description and discussion of a group of gold objects--including a set of

four two-handled goblets, rings, beads and a small lion sculpture-- excavated by Heinrich
Schliemann just south of Grave Circle A in 1877; Thomas dates these artifacts to early LH II and
suggests that they represent a hoard of plundered grave goods from a shaft grave. See also 1367
and 1371.

1373 Xenaki-Sakellariou, A. and C. Chatziliou. 1989. "Peinture en Metal" à l'Epoque

mycénienne: Incrustation damasquinage niellure. Athens: Ekdotike Athenon. 39 p.

Discusses techniques used to create metal inlays, their context in Aegean art and
the origins of inlaid metal artifacts; includes a catalogue of all known Mycenaean examples and
many color photographs; may be difficult to obtain. See also 1361, 1368 and 1369.

1374 Younger, John G. 1981. The Mycenae-Vapheio lion workshop, part III. In:
Temple University Aegean Symposium 6. Philip P. Betancourt, ed. pp.
67-71. Philadelphia.

Younger attributes the creation of most of the metal objects in the Vapheio burial
to a single master and two of his pupils; he then assigns the objects to early and late phases in the
career of the master and even attributes certain artifacts to specific individuals; may be difficult
to obtain. See also 1362, 1363, 1365 and 1366.

Iron
 Iron objects begin to appear in Greece at the very end of LH IIIB and in LH IIIC.
They are very rare and for the most part quite small.

1375 Iakovidis, Spiros E. 1970. The appearance of iron in Greece. Archaologika

Analekta ex Athinon 3:288-296.

Lists, describes and discusses the earliest known iron artifacts in Greece,
beginning in LH II; Iakovidis notes that the earliest objects were clearly imports, but that in LH
IIIC, in addition to an increase in the number and kinds of iron artifacts in mainland Greece,
there is also some evidence of local ironworking; Greek and English text.

1376 Varoufakis, George J. 1981. The origin of the Mycenaean and Geometric
iron on the Greek mainland and in the Aegean islands. In: Early Metallurgy in
Cyprus, 4000-500 B.C. (Acta of the International Archaeological Symposium,
Larnaca, Cyprus 1-6 June 1981). James Muhly, Robert Maddin and Vassos
Karageorghis, eds. pp. 315-324. Larnaca: Pierides Foundation and Department of
Antiquities.

Discusses iron artifacts in Greece dating to the Late Bronze Age and Early Iron
Age, including chemical analysis and some discussion of ore sources and the technology
involved.

Tools

Bronze tools included axes, chisels, knives, burins, hammers, saws, sickles, needles, hooks
and razors.
1377 Vokotopoulou, Julia. 1972. Thesavros chalkon pelekeon ek Katamachis
Ionninon. Archaiologika Analekta ex Athinon 5:112-119.

Reports and describes the discovery of a hoard of five double axes, an

anvil and chisel, probably made by a single itinerant craftsman, and perhaps dating to LH IIIB-C,
in a mountainous area near Ioannina, Epiros.

Weapons

The Mycenaeans were masters of bronze technology, and their weapons were highly
prized throughout the eastern Mediterranean and southeastern Europe. Swords evolved from
earlier Minoan and Cycladic daggers and underwent a series of modifications through time--such
as the addition of midribs, improved hafting methods and flanged hilts--which made them more
durable. Many early swords, such as those found in the Shaft Graves, had very long, thin blades
and were elaborately decorated, suggesting perhaps a primarily ceremonial function, but later
swords were formidable weapons. In addition to elaborate sword pommels of precious materials,
the blades of some daggers found in the Shaft Graves and in early tholoi were decorated with
scenes of hunting and battle utilizing inlays of gold, silver and niello. Other frequently found
bronze weapons include dirks, spearheads and arrowpoints.

1378 Avila, Robert A.J. 1983. Bronzene Lanzen- und Pfeilspitzen der griechischen
Spätbronzezeit. Prähistorisiche Bronzefunde 5, pt. 1. Munich: C.H. Beck. 167 p.

Catalogue and description of Late Bronze Age spearpoints and arrowpoints in

Greece, focusing upon typology and chronology; there is in addition discussion of artistic
representation of these weapons; fully illustrated. See also 1379.
1379 Höckmann, O. 1980. Lanze und Speer im Spätminoischen und
mykenischen Griechenland. Jahrbuch des Romisch-Germanischen
Zentralmuseums Mainz 27:13-158.

Detailed description, illustration, analysis and discussion of lance- and

spearpoints, including typology, manufacturing techniques, chronology and development;
includes a catalogue arranged by type. See also 1378.

1380 Kilian-Dirlmeier, Imma. 1993. Die Schwerter in Griechenland (ausserhalb der

Peloponnes), Bulgarien und Albanien. Prähistorische Bronzefunde, Part IV,
Volume 12. Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag.

Complete catalogue of bronze and iron Bronze and Iron Age swords from central
and northern Greece, the Aegean islands, Bulgaria and Albania. Includes 442 individual entries
listing provenience, state of preservation, sword type, dimensions and current location. Also
includes description and discussion of sword types and of the function of these swords as
weapons, prestige items and cult objects. Further includes tables, maps, registers and extensive
illustrations. See also 1382, 1385 and 1386.

Se

1381 Kostourou, Magda. 1972. Mycenaean offensive weapons. Archaiologika

Analekta ex Athinon 5:325-337.

Brief summary discussion of Mycenaean offensive weapons, including the bow

and arrow, spear, sword and dagger; English and Greek text.

1382 Macdonald, Colin F. 1987. A Knossian weapon workshop in Late Minoan II

and IIIA. In: The Function of the Minoan Palaces: Proceedings of the Fourth
International Symposium at the Swedish Institute in Athens, 10-16 June 1984. Robin
Hägg and Nanno Marinatos, eds. pp. 293- 295. Skrifter utgivna av Svenska institutet i
Athen, Series 4, vol. 35. Stockholm.

Identification of a workshop in the palace of Knossos that produced at least 15

known examples of Type C, D and G cruciform and horned swords and dirks with decorated
gold-covered hilts or midribs, as well as one-piece spearheads and knives, during the late 15th
and early 14th centuries B.C.; this major workshop, which is probably responsible for the
relative uniformity of sword types around 1400 B.C., ceased production after LM/LH IIIA2, with
a consequent decline in Aegean bronze-working. See also 1380, 1385 and 1386.

1383 Papadopoulos, Thanasis J. 1986. A Mycenaean inlaid dagger from Messenia

(?) in Japan. In: Philia epi eis Georgion E. Mylonan dia ta 60 Eti tou anaskaphikou
tou Ergou, Vol. 1. pp. 125-135. Vivliothiki tis en Athenais Archaiologikis
Etaireias 103. Athens.

This dagger, portraying a row of birds, provides the context for the discussion of
the corpus of 19 inlaid daggers dating to the 16th and 15th centuries B.C., made by Aegean
craftsmen using techniques which probably originated in Syria. See also 1384 and 1388.

1384 Papadopoulos, Thanasis J. 1998. The Late Bronze Age Daggers of the Aegean
I: The Greek Mainland. Prähistorische Bronzefunde, Pt. 6, v. 11. Stuttgart: Franz
Steiner Verlag. 68 p.

Complete catalogue of all known examples (numbering 140 in good condition, of

which 43 are decorated), mostly from cemeteries, including detailed description and illustration
and discussion and analysis of typology, materials and technique, decoration, function, foreign
affinities, distribution and chronology. These daggers, which are all of Aegean origin and which
were primarily used as an offensive thrusting, stabbing or slashing weapon in close fighting or
for parrying (and thus similar in function and virtually indistinguishable from dirks or short
swords), are quite varied due to their wide range of distribution and changes in style over a
relatively long period of time. Given the small proportion of total burials represented by these
finds, the author infers that such weapons were largely owned by a few rich and high-status
individuals or that the practice of burying weapons with the dead was rarely practiced during the
Late Bronze Age. See also 1383 and 1388.
1385 Sandars, Nancy K. The first Aegean swords and their ancestry. American Journal
of Archaeology 65:17-29.

Describes and discusses Type A and Type B swords, including their chronology,
ancestry and distribution. See also 1380, 1382 and 1386.

1386 Sandars, Nancy K. 1963. Later Aegean bronze swords. American Journal of
Archaeology 67:117-153.

An important article which describes, illustrates and discusses Aegean bronze

sword types C, D, E, F, G and H, dating between the 15th and 12th centuries B.C.; discusses
typology and classification, which is primarily based upon the shape of the grip; Sandars notes a
shift from large Aegean workshops in the 14th and 15th centuries to smaller, more widely
separated workshops or travelling metalsmiths thereafter, and increasing northern and Anatolian
influences in the 12th century; catalogues all known examples by type and place; the definitive
work on this subject. See also 1380, 1382 and 1385.

1387 Snodgrass, Anthony M. 1965. The Linear B arms and armor tablets - again.
Kadmos 4:96-110.

Cites material evidence concerning Aegean Bronze Age weapons and body armor
and compares it with Linear B ideograms from Knossos and Pylos; Snodgrass suggests that the
elaborate Dendra panoply and equivalent items date to c. 1450-1350 B.C., and were
subsequently succeeded by simpler and less extravagant military equipment.
1388 Taracha, Piotr. 1990. On the ancestry of Aegean Type E daggers. Archeologia
41:21-27.

See also 1383 and 1384.

1389 Weinstein, Judith R. 1981. Hafting methods on Type B swords and daggers.
In: Temple University Aegean Symposium 6. Philip P. Betancourt, ed. pp.
48-55. Philadelphia.

Weinstein suggests that Aegean craftsmen distinguished between long and short
weapons because of the different structural problems caused by longer blades, and therefore used
different techniques in their manufacture; may be difficult to obtain.

Fasteners

Fibulae, widely used in Classical times as clothing fasteners and taking a variety of
shapes, often with elaborate decoration, begin to appear in Greece in LH IIIC and thereafter; it is
believed that Mycenaean clothing was attached with buttons, so this change has been interpreted
as reflecting either the introduction of new clothing styles and/or the presence of an intrusive
population element.

1390 Kilian, Klaus. 1985. Violinbogenfibeln und Blättbugelfibeln des

griechischen Festlandes aus mykenischer Zeit. Prähistorische Zeitschrift
60:145-203.
 Describes, illustrates and discusses the classification, chronology and distribution
of bronze violin bow and leaf-shaped fibulae in mainland Greece during the Late Bronze Age
and Early Iron Age.

Lithics

Although to a great extent replaced by metal versions, chipped and ground stone
tools and weapons continued in use during the Late Bronze Age; relatively little attention has
been paid to this class of artifacts, however. Finely-worked stone vessels, however, were prized
as luxury items and for religious functions; much of the inspiration and workmanship of these
vessels is Minoan.

1391 Blitzer, Harriet. 1991. Middle to Late Helladic chipped stone implements of
the southwest Peloponnese. Part I: the evidence from Malthi. Hydra 9:1-73.

1392 Dickers, Aurelia. 1990. Spätbronzezeitliche steingefässe des griechischen

festlandes. Studi Micenei ed Egeo-Anatolici 28:125-223.

Presents a catalogue of Late Bronze Age stone vessels from the Greek mainland
organized according to shape, including discussion of artifact classes, description of individual
items, chronology and find spots. See also 1397 and 1398.

1393 Ellis, S.E., R.A. Higgins and R. Hope Simpson. 1968. The facade of the
Treasury of Atreus at Mycenae. Annual of the British School of Archaeology
63:331-336.
 Identifies red and green marble used for the facade of the Treasury of Atreus as
coming from rosso antico quarries at Kyprianon in southern Lakonia. See also 1395 and 1399.

1394 Evely, Doniert and Curtis Runnels. 1992. Ground Stone. Well Built Mycenae,
Fascicule 27. Oxford: Oxbow Books. 44 p.

Describes ground stone artifacts from 1959-1969 Helleno-British excavations,

including bowls, lamps, mortars, pommels, inlays, moulds, architectural fragments and
millstones, with discussion of find contexts, chronology, shapes, material and techniques of
manufacture; an accompanying microfiche includes a catalogue of all ground stone artifacts,
illustrations and a concordance.

1395 Gale, N.H., H.C. Einfalt, H.W. Hubberten and R.E. Jones. 1988. The
sources of Mycenaean gypsum. Journal of Archaeological Science
15:57-72.

Gypsum, which was used for floors, stairways, benches, column bases and door
jambs in Bronze Age Aegean buildings, was restricted in use to building interiors because of its
solubility in water; an isotopic analysis of sulphur and strontium from gypsum deposits and
building material from Knossos, Ayia Triadha, Akrotiri, Mycenae and Tiryns indicates that the
source for the first four sites appears to be central Crete; a specific source area for Tiryns could
not be identified. See also 1393 and 1399.

1396 Iakovidis, Spiros E. 1977. On the use of Mycenaean "buttons". Annual of the
British School at Athens 72:113-119.

After considering earlier hypotheses concerning their function, Iakovidis presents

a typology and chronology of this artifact type; based on evidence from burials and artistic
representations, he concludes that as everyday objects made of clay or stone, they probably
functioned as dress weights knotted to the inside of the hem.

1397 Kaiser, B. 1980. Mykenische steingefässe und verwandtes im magazin zu

Nauplia. Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts, Athenische
Abteilung 95:1-19.

A catalogue and illustration of stone vessel and lamp fragments in the Napflion
Museum. See also 1392 and 1398.

1398 Sakellarakis, Iannis A. 1976. Mycenaean stone vases. Studi Micenei ed

Egeo-Anatolici 17:173-187.

Discusses the origins, analogues, style, materials and functions of Mycenaean

stone vases; includes illustrations of 40 examples. See also 1392 and 1397.

1399 Warren, Peter. 1992. Lapis Lacedaemonius. In: PHILOLAKON: Lakonian

Studies in Honour of Hector Catling. Jan Motyka Sanders, ed. pp. 285-296.
London: The British School at Athens.

Warren briefly describes and discusses the geology and location of sources of this
distinctive stone in southern Lakonia and then discusses and illustrates its use as a material in
Minoan Crete and on the Greek mainland during the Late Bronze Age and subsequent periods.
See also 1393 and 1395.
 Chariots

Very likely the Mycenaeans learned the use of chariots from the Near East, and it
may be that this aspect of military technology, along with others, enabled them to establish and
maintain control over Greece and other areas. Much of the terrain of Greece, however, is less
suitable for chariots than the Near East, and there is some dispute as to the extent they functioned
as military vehicles, as opposed merely to providing transportation. Mycenaean roads, insofar as
they can be identified, traced and located, seem to have been the approximate width of a chariot,
and in some cases actual chariot ruts have been found, although of course it is difficult to
attribute them specifically to the Late Bronze Age.

Mycenaean chariots, frequently depicted on vases and frescoes, were pulled by two
horses and consisted of a light body, possibly with wickerwork sides, with a fixed axle attached
to two four-spoked wheels. They were made primarily of wood reinforced with metal and
various horn and ivory fittings. See also Cultural History and Society: Political organization, for
additional discussion of the military aspects of chariots.

1400 Catling, Hector William. 1968. A Mycenaean puzzle from Lefkandi in

Euboea. American Journal of Archaeology 72:41-49.

Discusses three phases in the evolution of Aegean chariots in the context of a LH

IIIC krater fragment depicting a light type of chariot different than other known contemporary
models.

1401 Crouwel, Joost H. 1981. Chariots and Other Means of Land Transport in
Bronze Age Greece. Allard Pierson Series 3. Amsterdam: Allard Pierson
Museum. 214 p.

Crouwel utilizes artistic representations, Linear B texts, Homer and comparative

material from the Near East to discuss technical aspects of land transportation, focusing
primarily upon the two-wheeled horse-drawn chariot with spoked wheels designed to carry one
or two standing persons. Specific topics include evidence for roads, animals used in land
transport, chariots (including detailed description of their constituent elements), other means of
land transport, methods of harnessing and control, development of chariots, foreign influences,
chariot types, use of chariots and historical conclusions. Includes catalogue of artistic
representations, extensive illustrations and extensive bibliography. See also 1405.
1402 Littauer, Mary Aitken. 1972. The military use of the chariot in the Aegean in the
Late Bronze Age. American Journal of Archaeology 76:145-157.

Littauer utilizes artistic depictions of chariots, including the reconstruction of

certain frescoes at Mycenae and Tiryns, to discuss methods of fighting, armor and weapons of
soldiers fighting from chariots; on the basis of this discussion and the form of the chariot itself, it
is suggested that chariots were used primarily for transportation rather than fighting, as described
in the Homeric poems. See also 1403.

1403 Littauer, Mary Aitken and Joost H. Crouwel. 1983. Chariots in Late Bronze Age
Greece. Antiquity 57:187-192.

Discusses the use and function of chariots, arguing that their primary value was
not as fighting vehicles, but to transport heavily-armored warriors to and from the scene of
battle. See also 1402.

1404 Melena, Jose Luis. 1972. On the Knossos Mc tablets. Minos 13:29-54.

A detailed analysis of these tablets suggests that they record raw materials derived
from sacrificed goats--including skins, horns and tendons--to be used in the construction of
chariots and temporarily stored in the building in which the tablets were found.

1405 Wiesner, Joseph. 1968. Fahren und Reiten. Archaeologia Homerica 1, pt. F.
Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht. 144 p.
 Discusses and illustrates various aspects of transportation in Greece, the
Mediterranean and the Near East during the Bronze and Iron Ages, derived from archeological
evidence--including models found in burials--artistic representations and the Homeric poems;
specific topics include the construction, appearance and function of wagons and chariots and
harnesses and other horse-riding equipment. See also 1401.

Sealstones

Sealstones have a long ancestry in the Near East and the Eastern Mediterranean,
functioning not only as indicators of ownership, rank and status, but also as amulets and pieces
of jewelry. The earliest sealstones found in Mycenaean contexts are clearly of Minoan origin
and manufacture, and it has been suggested that a number of mainland workshops were
established by Minoan masters. Thus, like other aspects of Aegean art, it is difficult in many
cases to establish a clear cultural attribution to individual pieces (many of which, because of their
small size and value, were plundered from tombs and lack a secure archaeological context),
particularly for products of the 15th century B.C.

In their administrative function, sealstones--whose ownership was probably

restricted to officials and members of the elite class--were used to designate ownership of or
responsibility for various commodities. Almost all sealstones had a hole bored through one axis
so that they could be worn by means of a string passed through them. An engraved design on the
sealstone was impressed on a lump of wet clay which sealed a closed container, such as a box,
basket, ceramic vessel or even perhaps a room. The integrity of the contents and their ownership
thus were assured until the seal was broken; this method therefore was an essential aspect of
economic transactions involving exchange and/or redistribution.

As jewelry and art objects, sealstones represent some of the most exquisite examples
of Aegean art, due to the skill of the engraver in creating a fully-rendered scene on an extremely
small curved surface. Early sealstones were made of soft rock, such as steatite, but eventually
the preferred materials were semiprecious stones such as carnelian, agate, quartz, amethyst,
jasper, chalcedony, onyx and rock crystal. Popular subjects include animals (deer, bulls, lions,
goats and boars), mythical creatures such as sphinxes and griffins, hunting scenes and cult
activities. A considerable amount of effort has been devoted to the identification of workshops
and discussion of the evolution and iconography of sealstones. See also Material Culture: Art
and Cultural History and Society: Economic Organization.

1406 Ballintun, Maruke. 1995. Lions depicted on Aegean seals – How realistic are
they? In: Sceaux Minoens et Mycéiens: Ive symposium international, 10-12
septembre 1992, Clermont-Ferrand. Walter Müller, ed. pp. 23- 37. Corpus der
Minoischen und Mykenischen Siegel, Beiheft 5. Berlin: Gebr. Man Verlag.

In the author’s opinion, it is not possible to make any distinction between Minoan
and Mycenaean artists in their representation of lions, although there seems to have been a
preference for certain motifs. Since it is highly unlikely that lions lived in the wild on Crete in
the Bronze Age, the remarkably lifelike depictions by LM I in terms of anatomical details and
behavior must therefore be due to close contacts between Crete and the mainland from the
beginning of the Late Bronze Age, which enabled Minoan artists to observe lions on the
mainland. See also 1423, 1424 and 1436.

1407 Betts, John H. 1981. The "Jasper Lion Master": some principles of
establishing LM/LH workshops and artists. In: Studien zur Minoischen und
Helladischen Glyptik. Wolf-Dietrich Niemeier, ed. pp. 1-15. Corpus der
Minoischen und Mykenischen Siegel, Beiheft 1. Berlin: Gebr. Mann Verlag.

Suggests that of two methods for establishing the chronological development of

Aegean sealstones, the use of stylistic typology related to relative or absolute dates doesn't
account sufficiently for variations in style and technique characteristic of a major and complex
art form, as compared to the establishment of a sequence created from sealstones found in
excavated contexts. Betts asserts that identifying schools or workshops with approximately a
25-year lifespan would appreciably refine the chronology of sealstones and proposes a
methodology for doing so based upon the analysis of their style, which he defines in terms of the
use of techniques for specific details, the use of specific tools, a preference for certain motifs,
particular artistic mannerisms or an overall conception of form. He establishes the identity of one
such workshop, that of the Jasper Lion Master, based upon a preference for jasper lentoid seals
of an unusual brown-red color, the use of certain motifs and techniques and a particular form
involving a whirling lion motif. He locates this workshop in north central Crete (probably
Knossos) during the early 15th century B.C. (LM IB). See also 1409, 1415, 1429, 1431-1433,
1435 and 1436.

1408 Betts, John H. 1997. Minoan and Mycenaean seals. In: 7000 Years of Seals.
Dominique Collon, ed. pp. 54-73. London: British Museum Press.

See also 1410 and 1422.

1409 Betts, John H. and John G. Younger. 1982. Aegean seals of the Late Bronze
Age: masters and workshops. Introduction. Kadmos 21:104-121.

The authors discuss questions concerning the origin and attribution (Minoan vs.
Mycenaean), issues of chronology, grouping of seals and the methodology used to identify
masters and workshops and to date seals in terms of style and stratigraphy. They conclude that as
yet only pottery can be identified as Minoan or Mycenaean, based on fabric and style of painting,
while a similar attribution of seals is still too uncertain. They suggest that seals should be
grouped according to shared stylistic traits and that assemblages of seals with many shared traits
can be associated with specific masters and workshops; attribution can then be established based
upon the home of the master or workshop, stylistic relationships with other workshops and dates
of examples from established archaeological contexts. See also 1407, 1415, 1429, 1431-1433,
1435 and 1436.

1410 Biesantz, Hagen. 1954. Kretisch-Mykenische Siegelbilder:

Stilgeschichtliche und Chronologische Untersuchungen. Marburg: N.G.
Elwert Verlag. 176 p.

Primarily an art-historical approach to Minoan/Mycenaean sealstones, focusing

on style and imagery; discusses the development of glyptic style and the differentiation of
Minoan and Mycenaean style; contains a catalog and chronology of Aegean sealstones. See also
1408, 1411, 1412, 1423, 1424, 1428 and 1434. and 1422.

1411 Crowley, Janice. 2000. ICONAEGEAN: classification and database of

Aegean glyptic. In: Minoisch-Mykenische Glytik: Stil, Ikonographie,
Funktion. V. Internalen Siegel-Symposium, Marburg, 23.-25. September 1999.
Walter Müller, ed. pp. 15-26. Corpus der Minoischen und Mykenischen Siegel,
Beiheft 6. Berlin: Gebr. Mann Verlag.

Presentation of the penultimate form of the ICONAEGEAN Classification and

Database, to be released subsequently on disc with upgrades as required. This system is designed
to classify images in Aegean glyptic using a standard and defined vocabulary organized in terms
of a hierarchy which has been customized to encode both iconographic and other pertinent data
on Aegean seals. Describes and discusses the creation of the classification, the hierarchical
schema and the database and the potential for its use. See also 1410,
1412, 1423, 1424, 1428 and 1434.

1412 Crowley, Janice and Anthony Adams. 1995. Iconaegean and Iconostasis: an
iconographic classification and a comprehensive database for Aegean glyptic. In:
Sceaux Minoens et Mycéiens: Ive symposium international, 10-12 septembre
1992, Clermont-Ferrand. Walter Müller, ed. pp. 39-58. Corpus der Minoischen
und Mykenischen Siegel, Beiheft 5. Berlin: Gebr. Man Verlag.

Describes the creation of a system for classifying glyptic iconography and

establishing a database by the Department of Computer Science at the University of Tasmania,
Hobart, Australia in collaboration with the Corpus der Minoischen und Mykenischen Siegel,
Marburg, Germany. Describes the design, publication and how to use the Iconaegean
classification system and Iconostasis database. Appendices include parameters for creating
Iconaegean and Iconostasis, a provisional Iconaegean classification, a provisional dictionary of
iconographic terms, a provisional Iconostasis list of key words and a sample entry. See also
1410,
1411, 1423, 1424, 1428 and 1434.

1413 Dickers, Aurelia. 1995. Die späten mykenischen siegel aus weichen stein:
überlegungen zu bedeutung und function. 1995. In: Sceaux Minoens et Mycéniens: Ive
symposium international, 10-12 septembre 1992, Clermont-Ferrand. Walter Müller, ed.
pp. 59-75. Corpus der Minoischen und Mykenischen Siegel, Beiheft 5. Berlin: Gebr.
Mann Verlag.

Describes and discusses possible significance and functions of late Mycenaean

seals made of soft stone. See also 1414.

1414 Dickers, Aurelia. 2001. Die Spätmykenischen Siegel aus weichem Stein:
Untersuchungen zur spätbronzezeitlichen Glyptik auf dem griechischen
Festland und in der Ägäis. Internationale Archäologie Band 33.
Rahden/Westfalia: Verlag Marie Leidorf GmbH. 245 p.

Systematic analysis of the late soft-stone glyptic of mainland Greece distinctly

characteristic of the developed Late Bronze Age (LH IIIA-C), focusing on the Mainland Popular
Group, as well as pressed glass seals and fluorite seals with ornamental devices, aimed primarily
at a clear classification with special emphasis on functional aspects and workshop relations. The
Mainland Popular Group can be characterized as a group of more than 500 seals of rather poor
quality, consisting for the most part of a dark steatite-like stone of a lenticular shape with a
convex or concave reverse, depicting simple stylized animals, reduced representations of animal
heads and various ornamental devices, distributed over the entire area of Mycenaean influence,
and known mostly from graves. Dickers also discusses regional and chronological patterning,
both in terms of core and peripheral areas and sociopolitical distinctions based on the kind of
matieral used and artistic quality. Also includes an English summary, a catalogue, an extensive
bibliography, numerous illustrations and appendices listing findspots and concordances. See also
1413.
1415 Erkanal-Öktü, Armağan. 2000. Überblick über die siegelfunde von Bakla Tepe,
Liman Tepe und Panaztepe. In: Minoisch-Mykenische Glytik: Stil,
Ikonographie, Funktion. V. Internalen Siegel-Symposium, Marburg, 23.-25.
September 1999. Walter Müller, ed. pp. 67-77. Corpus der Minoischen und Mykenischen
Siegel, Beiheft 6. Berlin: Gebr. Mann Verlag.

Describes, illustrates and discusses one seal from Bakla Tepe, two seals and six
unfinished seals from Liman Tepe, and 21 seals, one unfinished seal and seal impressions from
Panaztepe in western Anatolia.

1416 German, Senta C. 2000. The human form in the Late Bronze Age Aegean. In:
Reading the Body: Representations and Remains in the Archaeological
Record. Alison E. Rautman, ed. pp. 95-110. Philadelphia: University of
Pennsylvania Press.

Examination of Bronze Age Aegean sealstones in respect to the body,

performance and erotic representation. Comparison and contrast of Minoan and Mycenaean
representations demonstrates a striking consistency in male and female bodies, with a strong
emphasis on secondary sexual characteristics, but male bodies are featured more and females less
often often on the mainland. See also 1418.

1417 Gill, Margaret A.V. 1966. Seals and sealings: some comments. The Knossos
sealings with Linear B inscriptions. Kadmos 5:1-16.

Describes and discusses sealings from Knossos inscribed with Linear B signs, as
well as how sealings were made and used; includes a catalogue.

1418 Gill, Margaret A.V. 1981. The human element in Minoan and Mycenaean glyptic
art. In: Studien zur Minoischen und Helladischen Glyptik. Wolf-Dietrich
Niemeier, ed. pp. 83-90. Corpus der Minoischen und Mykenischen Siegel Beiheft
1. Berlin: Gebr. Mann Verlag.
 Examines examples and instances of individual expression in the carving of
sealstones, including human individuality, frailty and error. See also 1416.

1419 Korres, Georgios S. 1991. Adimosievtoi sphragides ek ton anaskaphon tis

Archaiologikis Etaireias ana tin Messenian. Archaiologikis Ephemeris 130:113-135.

Describes, discusses and illustrates seven previously unpublished sealstones

found during excavations in Messenia from 1952 to 1980 in tholos tombs at Routsi, Koukounara,
Peristeria, Tragana and Volimidia.

1420 Matz, Friedrich and Ingo Pini, eds. 1964-. Corpus der Minoischen und
Mykenischen Siegel. Berlin: Gebr. Mann Verlag. 13 v.

Definitive publication of the corpus of Minoan and Mycenaean seals and sealings;
volumes in the series are arranged by museum and private collection; each seal and sealing is
listed individually and each inscribed face is represented by a photograph, a drawing and an
impression; descriptive data include material, condition, form and subject(s); includes indices for
date, provenience, material, form and subject; also includes concordances. See also 1411, 1412,
1428 and 1343.

1421 Pini, Ingo. 1990. Some considerations on the use of seals for administrative
purposes in Mycenaean Greece. Studi Micenei ed
Egeo-Anatolici 28:107-116.

Pini suggests that possession of a seal became a widespread common custom at

least among persons of higher rank and that seals may have been used for administrative
purposes as early as the end of the LH II period; in the LH III period, seals were used as amulets
or jewelry, and were sometimes used as special offerings for the gods and the dead in burials, in
addition to their administrative function.
1422 Sakellariou, Agnes. 1964. Die Mykenische Siegelglyptik. Studies in
Mediterranean Archaeology 9. Paul Åströms Förlag. 11 p.

Discusses and illustrates the nature, style and characteristics of Mycenaean

sealstones. See also 1408 and 1410.

1423 Tamvaki, Angela. 1974. The seals and sealings from the Citadel House Area:
a study in Mycenaean glyptic and iconography. Annual of the British
School at Athens 69:259-293.

Detailed catalogue of 10 complete and fragmentary seals and 8 sealings dating to

LH IIIB-C, with discussion of iconography, style, chronology and possible attribution to specific
workshops; includes extensive appendices dealing with the interpretation of some pieces and
comparison with known iconographic themes, including bull games, the "master of the animals,"
woman with animals and the griffin motif. See also 1406, 1410-1412, 1424, 1428, 1434 and
1436.

1424 Wohlfeil, Jutta Beate. 1997. Die Bildersprache minoischer und

mykenischer Siegel. Freiburg Dissertations in Aegean Archaeology. BAR
International Series 685. Oxford: Archaeopress. 191 p.

Detailed description and analysis of the iconography of Minoan and Mycenaean

sealstones involving depictions of bulls and lions; includes illustration and discussion of spatial
organization, aspects of style, materials employed, the significance of various poses and
combinations, the evolution of the images, and the relationship of these glyptic images to those
in other media and contexts. Also includes a glossary, catalogue, concordance and numerous
illustrations. See also 1406, 1410-1412, 1423, 1428, 1434 and 1436.
1425 Younger, John G. 1977. Non-sphragistic uses of Minoan-Mycenaean sealstones
and rings. Kadmos 16:141-169.

Presents and reviews archaeological evidence for uses of sealstones and rings
other than for stamping or sealing; these uses include ex-votos in shrines, charms, valuables and
personal ornaments.

1426 Younger, John G. 1978. The Mycenae-Vapheio lion group. American Journal of
Archaeology 82:285-299.

Discusses and attributes 32 artifacts, including sealstones and daggers found in

noble burials including Mycenae Shaft Grave III and the Vapheio and Routsi tholoi, similar in
their distinctive rendering of lions, to a single workshop operating at Mycenae from LH I
through the LH II period; Younger further divides these objects into early and late phases based
upon certain stylistic grounds; he states that this earliest detectable Mycenaean workshop known
to date influenced both contemporary and subsequent artists and contributed to the formation of
what came to be Mycenaean artistic style. See also 1427.

1427 Younger, John G. 1979. Origins of the Mycenae-Vapheio Lion Master.

Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 26:119-120.

Supplements an earlier article defining, discussing and characterizing the Lion

Master by adding sealings from Knossos, Ayia Triada and Kato Zakro attributable to the master
and/or his workshop; Younger also suggests that the Lion Master was a Minoan artist who may
have worked at Zakro before moving to Mycenae. See also 1426.
1428 Younger, John G. 1980. Studies in the Seals of the Aegean Bronze Age, Vol. 1:
The Iconography of Late Bronze Age Seals. Bristol: Bristol Classical Press.
200 p.

See also 1410-1412, 1420, 1423, 1424 and 1434.

1429 Younger, John G. 1981. The Island Sanctuaries Group: date and significance.
In: Studien zur Minoischen und Hellladischen Glyptik: Beiträge zum 2.
Marburger Siegel-Symposium, 26.-30. September 1978. Wolf-Dietrich
Niemeier, ed. pp. 263-272. Corpus der Minoischen und Mykenischen Siegel, Beiheft
1. Berlin: Gebr. Mann Verlag.

Younger identifies a group of stylistically similar lentoid seals from the Cycladic
islands, dating to c. 1320-1290 B.C., which he designates the Island Sanctuaries Group; this
group includes the last fine examples of prehistoric Aegean seal engraving on hard stones;
Younger suggests that by this time sealstones may have lost their original bureaucratic function,
and that subsequently the glyptic style was transferred to other media, such as frescoes and
pictorial pottery. See also 1407, 1409, 1415, 1431-1433, 1435 and 1436.

1430 Younger, John G. 1981. Creating a sealstone: a study of seals in the Greek Late
Bronze Age. Expedition 23:31-38.

A popular, well-illustrated description of tools and techniques used in the

manufacture of sealstones, reconstructed from finished and unfinished examples. See also 1438.

1431 Younger, John G. 1984. Aegean seals of the Late Bronze Age: masters and
workshops, part 3: The first-generation Mycenaean masters. Kadmos 23:38-64.
 Identifies, describes and discusses five groups of seals created during the 15th
century B.C. See also 1407, 1409, 1415, 1429, 1432, 1433, 1435 and 1436.

1432 Younger, John G. 1985. Aegean seals of the Late Bronze Age. Stylistic groups,
IV: almond and dot-eye groups of the fifteenth century B.C. Kadmos 24:34-73.

Identifies, describes and discusses two groups of sealstones, each of which is

comprised of several subgroups. See also 1407, 1409, 1415, 1429, 1431, 1433, 1435 and 1436.

1433 Younger, John G. 1987. Aegean seals of the Late Bronze Age: stylistic groups.
VI: Fourteenth-century mainland and later fourteenth-century Cretan
workshops. Kadmos 26:44-73.

Identifies, describes and discusses five groups which represent the final
manifestation of the seal-carving art and speculates upon reasons for its decline and ultimate
cessation. See also 1407, 1409, 1415, 1429, 1431, 1432, 1435 and 1436.

1434 Younger, John G. 1988. The Iconography of Late Minoan and Mycenaean
Sealstones and Finger Rings. Bristol: Bristol Classical Press. 432 p.

Catalogue of more than 2600 sealstones organized in terms of primary motifs

(people, men and animals, women and animals, miscellaneous animals, monsters and
geometrical motifs) designed to facilitate iconographic interpretation; entries include museum
inventory number, CMS designation, shape, provenience, context and description; also includes
an iconographic bibliography with commentary, a concordance and a general bibliography. See
also 1410-1412, 1420, 1423, 1424 and 1428.
1435 Younger, John G. 1989. Aegean seals of the Late Bronze Age: stylistic groups
VII, concordance. Kadmos 28:101-136.

Lists seals by reference to original publication in the Corpus der Minoischen und
Mykenischen Siegel and other works, as well as by groups as defined in a preceding series of
articles. See also 1407, 1409, 1415, 1420, 1429, 1431-1433 and 1436.

1436 Younger, John G. 1989. A large stylistic group of the late XVth century. In:
Fragen und Probleme der bronzezeitlichen Agäischen Glyptik: Beiträge zum
3. Internationalen Marburger Siegel-Symposium, 5-7 September 1985.
Walter Müller, ed. pp. 339-353. Corpus der Minoischen und Mykenischen Siegel,
Beiheft 3.

Describes, illustrates and discusses a group of seals depicting bulls dating to c.

1450-1400 B.C. which represents a transition from naturalistic modeling to a more stylized,
conventional style. See also 1406, 1407, 1409, 1415, 1429, 1431-1433 and 1435.

1437 Younger, John G. 1995. Interactions between Aegean seals and other Minoan-
Mycenaean art forms. In: Sceaux Minoens et Mycéiens: Ive symposium
international, 10-12 septembre 1992, Clermont-Ferrand. Walter Müller, ed. pp.
331-348. Corpus der Minoischen und Mykenischen Siegel, Beiheft 5. Berlin: Gebr.
Mann Verlag.

Discusses the influence of sealstones on other artforms, both as functional imprinting

objects and as works of relief sculpture.

1438 Yule, Paul and Kay Schurmann. 1981. Technical observations on glyptic. In:
Studien zur Minoischen und Helladischen Glyptik: Beiträge zum 2.
Marburger Siegel-Symposium, 26.-30. September 1978. Wolf-Dietrich Niemeier,
ed. pp. 273-282. Corpus der Minoischen und Mykenischen Siegel,
Beiheft 1. Berlin: Gebr. Mann Verlag.
 Examines and reconstructs tools and methods by which sealstones were engraved
through inspection of tool marks on prehistoric seals, evidence from ancient tools and
observation of modern seal-cutting. See also 1430.

Jewelry

Because the making of jewelry involved considerable labor and technical skill, as
well as often employing rare materials, jewelry was usually an indicator of wealth and status.
Gold was the metal preferred by Mycenaeans. The metal was hammered into molds and finished
using techniques including granulation and cloisonné, i.e. inlaying with semiprecious stones or
glass. Items of jewelry included plaques and beads sewn onto clothing, rings, necklaces,
bracelets, brooches and hairclasps. Many of the rings, like sealstones, were engraved with
designs.

1439 Bielefield, Erwin. 1968. Schmück. Archaeologia Homerica 1, pt. C.

Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht. 70 p.

Discusses evidence for jewelry in the Homeric poems, as well as archaeological

evidence in the Aegean during the Late Bronze Age and Early Iron age for earrings, bracelets,
necklaces, fibulae, pins, diadems, rings and sealstones made of precious metal and stone.

1440 Boardmam, John. 1972. Greek Gems and Finger Rings: Early Bronze Age to
Late Classical. New York: Harry N. Abrams, Inc. 458 p.

This large-format, fully illustrated volume contains one chapter (c. one-fifth of the
text) devoted to Minoan and Mycenaean examples. See also 1449-1452.
1441 Demakopoulou, Katie, ed. 1996. The Aidonia Treasure: Seals and Jewellery of
the Aegean Late Bronze Age. Athens: Ministry of Culture. 120 p.

Lavishly illustrated catalogue of an exhibition at the National Archaeological

Museum of Athens, May 30-September 1, 1996, displaying previously unpublished material,
some excavated scientifically and some illegally looted from 15 rich and elaborately constructed
chamber tombs dating to LH IIA/B-IIIB at the site of Aidonia in the Argolid. Includes
description and illustration of pottery; figurines; gold, silver and iron signet rings; carnelian,
faience, agate and hematite sealstones; gold ornaments; gold, amber, glass, steatite, faience,
carnelian, and amethyst beads; ivory objects; and steatite spindle whorls. The exhibit also
included comparable objects from the Mycenaean collection of the museum from shaft graves
and chamber tombs at Mycenae, Dendra, Vapheio, Myrsynochori and Spata, bringing the total
number of entries to 145. Also includes brief discussions of the repatriation of the looted items,
the excavation of the Mycenaean cemetery, Mycenaean civilization, Mycenaean seals and
Mycenaean jewelry by K. Demakopoulou, K. Krystalli-Votsi, N. Divari-Valakou and K. Kaza-
Papageorgiou.

1442 Holland, Leicester B. 1929. Mycenaean plumes. American Journal of

Archaeology 33:173-205.

Describes and discusses in detail gold ornaments in the shape of curled leaves
which according to the author formed the coronet of tasseled crowns worn by women during the
performance of religious activities.

1443 Hughes-Brock, Helen. 1998. Greek beads of the Mycenaean period (ca. 1650-
1000 BC): the age of the heroines of Greek tradition and mythology. In: Beads
and Bead Makers: Gender, Material Culture and Meaning. Lidia D. Sciama and
Joanne B. Eicher, eds. pp. 247-271. Oxford: Berg.

Hughes-Brock discusses the following aspects: who wore beads; how beads were
worn; uses of beads; materials and their sources; beads in long-distance contacts; colors; bead
makers, seal engravers and craft organization; relief-beads and symbolism; workshops and
manufacturing processes; and social and economic aspects. See also 1444, 1445, 1447 and 1448.
1444 Hughes-Brock, Helen. 1999. Mycenaean beads: gender and social contexts.
Oxford Journal of Archaeology 18:277-296.

In this recent overview the author discusses the following: who wore beads; how
beads were worn; various uses of beads; materials and their sources; colors and their
significance; workshops and manufacturing processes; relief beads and symbolism; and social
and economic aspects. See also 1443, 1445, 1447 and 1448.

1445 Laffineur, Robert. 1984. Mycenaean artistic koine: the example of

jewelry. In: Temple University Aegean Symposium 9. Philip P. Betancourt,
ed. pp. 1-13. Philadelphia.

Laffineur presents a study of relief beads, the most common ornament type of the
time, dating from 1450 B.C. onwards; evidence of a Mycenaean artistic koine includes the
distribution of these beads throughout the Aegean, their high degree of uniformity due to mass
production and standardized manufacture utilizing molds, as well as common features such as
the frequent use of colored materials and the emblematic character of their design and
iconography; may be difficult to obtain. See also 1443, 1444, 1447 and 1448.

1446 Marinatos, Spiridon. 1951. "Numerous years of joyful life" from Mycenae.
Annual of the British School at Athens 46:102-116.

Offers a detailed analysis of a gold and silver pin from Shaft Grave III at
Mycenae, using it as an example of a pervasive Egyptian influence on almost all aspects of
Aegean civilization.

1447 Nightingale, Georg. 1996. Perlen aus glas und fayence aus der mykenischen
nekropole Elateia-Alonaki. In: Akten des 6. Österreichen
Archäologentages, 3-5 Februar 1994, Universität Graz. Thuri Lorenz, Gabriele
Erath, Manfred Lehner and Gerda Schwarz, eds. pp. 141-148. Veröffentlichungen
des Instituts für klassische Archäologie der Karl-Franzens-Universität Graz, Band 3.
Vienna.
 See also 1443-1445 and 1448.

1448 Nightingale, Georg. 2000. Mycenaean glass beads: jewellery and design. In:
Annales du 14e congrès de l’Assoication internationale pour l’histoire du verre,
Italia/Venezia. p. 610. Milan.

See also 1443-1445 and 1447.

1449 Pini, Ingo. 1997-1998. Minoan and Mycenaean decorated gold finger rings.
Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 42:210-211.

A systematic appraisal of rings from the Aegean and Cyprus yields a

classification into four types: signet rings with hoop and bezel; bezels with stone or glass set into
cloisons; rings with cloisonné enamel; and oval bezels decorated with granulation. Pini observed
much variability and little uniformity. He states that wearing decorated rings was never
widespread in the Aegean, unlike Cyprus. See also 1440 and 1450-1452.

1450 Sakellarakis, Iannis A. 1981. Matrizen zur herstellung kretisch-mykenischer

siegelringe. In: Studien zur minoischen und helladischen Glyptik. Wolf-
Dietrich Niemeier, ed. pp. 167-180. Corpus der Minoischen und
Mykenischen Siegel, Beiheft 1. Berlin: Gebr. Mann Verlag.

Discusses and illustrates dies and matrices used in the production of signet rings.
See also 1440, 1449, 1451 and 1452.

1451 Vasikikou, Doras. 1997. Mykenaika Sfragistika Dakhtylida apo polytima metalla
me thriskevtikes parastaseis. Vivliothiki tis en Athenais Archaiologikis
Etareias No. 166. Athens. 72 p.
 Description, illustration and analysis of Mycenaean signet rings; includes
discussion of techniques of their manufacture, use and iconography. See also 1440, 1449, 1450
and 1452.

1452 Younger, John G. 1984. Seven types of ring construction in the Greek
Late Bronze Age. In: Aux Origines de l'Hellenisme. La Crete et la Gréce.
Hommage à Henri van Effenterre presente par le Centre G. Glotz. pp. 84-90.
Publications de la Sorbonne: Histoire Ancienne et Medievale, 15. Paris: Université
de Paris I Pantheon-Sorbonne.

Descriptive typology and catalogue based upon number, kind and shape of
constituent pieces and methods of their attachment, along with a postulated cultural
origin--mainland or Cretan--and chronology for each type. See also 1440 and 1449-1451.

Amber

Amber was a highly desirable material, and is found in abundance in the Shaft
Graves of Mycenae and other--mostly rich--burials. Chemical analysis has demonstrated that the
vast majority of it comes from the Baltic region.

1453 Beck, Curt W. 1966. Analysis and provenience of Minoan and Mycenaean amber,
part 1. Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies 7:191-211.

Discusses the history of research and methodological issues concerning the

analysis of ancient amber; reports on the analysis of five amber artifacts from the Chora Museum
in Messenia, three of which come from the Baltic region and two of which do not; briefly
discusses amber routes to Mycenaean Greece. See also 1454-1457.

1454 Beck, Curt W., Gretchen C. Southard and Audrey B. Adams. 1968. Analysis
and provenience of Minoan and Mycenaean amber, part 2: Tiryns. Greek,
Roman and Byzantine Studies 9:5-19.

Reports and discusses the results of the spectroscopic analysis of four

gold-and-amber wheel-shaped ornaments; all samples were determined to have come from the
Baltic region. See also 1453 and 1455-1457.

1455 Beck, Curt W., Constance A. Fellows and Audrey B. Adams. 1970. Analysis
and provenience of Minoan and Mycenaean amber, part 3: Kakovatos. Greek,
Roman and Byzantine Studies 11:5-22.

Describes spacer beads and other amber artifacts from the LH IIA tholoi at
Kakovatos in Messenia; spectrographic analysis of 59 samples indicates that 46 are from the
Baltic region. See also 1453, 1454, 1456 and 1457.

1456 Beck, Curt W., Gretchen C. Southard and Audrey B. Adams. 1972. Analysis
and provenience of Minoan and Mycenaean Amber, IV. Mycenae. Greek,
Roman and Byzantine Studies 13:359-385.

Reports the results of spectrographic analysis of 83 amber artifacts from Grave

Circle A, Grave Circle B and chamber tombs at Mycenae, representing the periods LH I through
LH IIIA2; of these, 70 were identified as originating in the Baltic region and the others were too
extensively weathered or contaminated to determine their provenience; thus none of the samples
could be identified as non-Baltic with any certainty. See also 1453-1455 and 1457.
1457 Beck, Curt W. and Lily Y. Beck. 1995. Analysis and provenience of Minoan
and Mycenaean amber, V. Pylos and Messenia. Greek, Roman and Byzantine
Studies 36:119- 135.

An infrared spectroscopic analysis of 101 beads from burials at Pylos Tholos D,

Peristeria Graves 1 and 2 and Routsi Grave 1, indicating that 89 are definitely of Baltic origin, 3
are probably Baltic, 6 are unidentifiable and 3 non-Baltic in origin (probably from Sicily). See
also 1453-1456.

1458 Harding, Anthony F. and Helen Hughes-Brock. 1974. Amber in the

Mycenaean world. Annual of the British School at Athens 69:145-172.

The authors present a catalogue of all known Mycenaean amber, as well as that
from adjacent areas; an appendix discusses the provenience of the amber, which comes
predominantly from the Baltic region. The quality of amber preservation makes it likely that not
all finds have been reported, especially those from early excavations of chamber tombs. Given its
value, rarity and ease of transportation, it is suggested that all of the amber found in Greece
during the Late Bronze Age could have arrived in only a few shipments or widely separated
chronological phases; two routes of transmission are suggested. There is no certain evidence for
amber in Greece before the Late Bronze Age; finds in LH I-II are restricted to the Peloponnese,
with the great bulk coming from the Mycenae Shaft Graves; there is then a wider distribution in
LH III. Most of the amber has been found in burial contexts. Many bead shapes correspond to
the original shape of the raw material, and many of the beads may have been imported in
finished form, including spacer beads from Britain. See also 1459 and 1460.

1459 Hughes-Brock, Helen. 1993. Amber in the Aegean in the Late Bronze Age:
some problems and perspectives In: Amber in Archaeology. Proceedings of the
Second International Conference on Amber in Archaeology, Liblice 1990, Curt
W. Beck and Jan Bouzek, eds., pp. 219-229, Prague: Institute of Archaeology,
Czech Academy of Sciences.
 Discusses recent finds and research, as well as problems including the relationship
of early Mycenaean amber to the Wessex culture of southern England, routes by which Baltic
amber reached the Aegean, the presence of amber artifacts in Crete and the shapes of amber
beads; good bibliography. See also 1458 and 1460.

1460 Hughes-Brock, Helen. 1995. Amber and the Mycenaeans. Journal of Baltic
Studies 16:257-267.

Reviews and summarizes various theories and ideas concerning the source or
sources of Mycenaean amber and its use and distribution in Mycenaean society. See also 1459
and 1460.

Faience

1461 Foster, Karen Polinger. 1979. Aegean Faience of the Bronze Age. New Haven:
Yale University Press. 205 p.

Foster considers the corpus of Aegean Bronze Age faience as a stylistically

coherent group of objects--particularly in terms of its innovation and skillful use of polychrome
techniques and naturalism. The following topics are discussed: faience technology and
terminology; chronological and geographical distribution of faience; Minoan, Aegean Island and
Mycenaean faience (including vessels and containers, rhyta, human and animal figurines, plants,
shells and rocks, plaques, inlays, jewelry, seals and ornaments); and characteristics and
distribution of Aegean faience. Emphasizing the economic conditions under which faience was
produced or acquired, she asserts that its manufacture was closely linked to the availability and
use made of luxury goods, especially as a surrogate for lapis lazuli and other semiprecious
materials. She suggests, based upon archaeological, textual and stylistic evidence, the locations
of original, principal and subsidiary centers of production, which were almost always established
where political, cult or mercantile interests were concerned. She also discusses technical
prerequisites for establishing new centers of production. Finally, she assesses the historical
development of the Aegean faience industry and its significance for reconstructing Aegean
chronology and foreign relations. Well illustrated, with an extensive bibliography.
 Glass

1462 Dayton, J.E. 1982. The Mycenaeans and the discovery of glass. In: Interaction
and Acculturation in the Mediterranean. Jan G.P. Best and Nanny M.W. De
Vries, eds. pp. 169-177. Publications of the Henri Frankfort Foundation 7.
Amsterdam: B.R. Grüner.

Dayton asserts that the earliest known glass, deep blue in color, and found in the
Shaft Graves at Mycenae, derives its color from cobalt, and may have originated as a byproduct
of the smelting of silver; he also asserts that this silver and other metals rich in cobalt and
bismuth come from the Schneeberg area of the Erzgebirge Massif in Bohemia.

1463 Haevernick, Thea Elisabeth. 1963. Mycenaean glass. Archaeology

16:190-193.

Haevernick emphasizes that glass, which may have been invented by the
Mycenaeans, was a new material in the Late Bronze Age Mediterranean, and thus a novel and
precious material, as suggested by evidence that the same molds were used for making both glass
and sheet gold; always blue in color, the most common objects are beads with a variety of relief
designs, including plants, animals and fish; the presence of molds and distinctly Mycenaean
designs thus strongly suggest local manufacture.

1464 Harden, Donald B. 1981. Catalogue of Greek and Roman Glass in the British
Museum. Vol. 1, Core- and Rod-formed Vessels and Pendants and Mycenaean Art
Objects. London: British Museum Publications, Ltd. 183 p.
 Although largely about later periods, a brief initial chapter concerns 77 items
from the Late Bronze Age, mostly from Rhodes and Cyprus.

1465 Nightingale, Georg. 1998. Glass and the Mycenaean palaces of the
Mediterranean. In: The Prehistory and History of Glassmaking Technology:
Papers from the 99th Annual Meeting of the American Ceramic Society,
Cincinnati, Ohio (1977). Patrick McCray and W. David Kingery, eds. pp. 205-226.
Ceramics and Civilization, Vol. 8. Westerville, OH.

Ivory

Ivory was imported from the Near East, probably either Egypt, Syria or both, and
was used as a material for small sculptures, jewelry and inlays.

1466 Hayward, L.G. 1990. The origin of raw ivory used in Greece and the Aegean
during the Late Bronze Age. Antiquity 64:103-109.

Suggests that while Syria may have supplied some ivory to the Aegean area, the
rest probably came from Libya and northeastern Egypt--rather than Phaoronic Egypt--providing
evidence of contact with these regions in the form of Egyptian paintings and inscriptions and the
presence there of some Aegean potsherds. See also 1469.

1467 Kantor, Helene J. 1960. Ivory carving in the Mycenaean period. Archaeology
13:14-25.

A good summary, outlining developments in ivory carving in two chronological

phases: 1600-1350 B.C. and 1350-1200 B.C.; topics discussed include Minoan and Near Eastern
influences, the development of a distinctive Mycenaean style and specific motifs used, such as
animal themes, olive trees and human figures; well illustrated.

1468 Kopcke, Guenter. 1997. Mycenaean ivories. In: TEKHNE: Craftsmen,

Craftswomen and Craftmanship in the Aegean Bronze Age. Proceedings
of the 6th International Aegean conference/6e Rencontre égéenne
internationale, Philadelphia, Temple University, 18-21 April 1996, Vol. 1. Robert
Laffineur and Philip P. Betancourt, eds. pp. 141-143. Liège: Université de Liège Histoire
de l'art et archéologie de la Grèce antique and University of Texas at Austin Program in
Aegean Scripts and Prehistory.

Briefly examines several examples in order to suggest that the variety and quality
of work in this medium declined after 1400 B.C.

1469 Krzyszkowska, Olga H. 1988. Ivory in the Aegean Bronze Age: elephant tusk
or hippopotamus ivory? Annual of the British School at Athens 83:210-234.

This paper focuses on the natural properties of ivory--an imported luxury item in
the Aegean--manufacturing methods and forms of finished objects; the author discusses the
different properties of elephant and hippopotamus ivory, based upon their morphology and
structure, as well as sources of ivory; after discussion of ivory working in the Aegean Bronze
Age, it is concluded that hippopotamus ivory was used for smaller and simpler items, while
elephant ivory was more widely and commonly used. See also 1466.

1470 Krzyszkowska, Olga. 1997. Ivories from the Citadel House area, Mycenae. In:
TEKHNE: Craftsmen, Craftswomen and Craftmanship in the Aegean Bronze
Age. Proceedings of the 6th International Aegean conference/6e Rencontre égéenne
internationale, Philadelphia, Temple University, 18-21 April 1996, Vol. 1. Robert
Laffineur and Philip P. Betancourt, eds. pp. 145-149. Liège: Université de Liége Histoire
de l'art et archéologie de la Grèce antique and University of Texas at Austin Program in
Aegean Scripts and Prehistory.
 Describes and discusses ivory workshop material, concluding that they appear to
be scraps and mistakes, and that no ivory working took place within the Citadel House itself.

1471 Poursat, Jean-Claude. 1977. Catalogue des Ivoires Mycéniens du Musee

National d'Athénes. Bibliotheque École Française d'Athénes et de Rome
230. Athens: École Française d'Athénes. 191 p.

Descriptive catalogue and illustration of 499 pieces of worked ivory in the

National Museum of Athens; of these, 350 are from Mycenae and all but a few from the Argolid,
Messenia, Lakonia and Attika; also includes a concordance. See also 1472.

1472 Poursat, Jean-Claude. 1977. Les Ivoires Mycéniens: Essai sur la Formation
d'un Art Mycénien. Bibliothique École Françaises d'Athénes et de Rome
230. Athens: École Française d'Athénes. 274 p.

Poursat divides his study of Mycenaean ivory carving into three parts: 1) an
analysis of the carvings themselves in terms of form (personal objects, ornamental plaques),
technique (engraving, sculpture) and iconography (humans, animals, ornamental motifs); 2)
description and discussion of Near Eastern, Cypriot, Cretan and Mycenaean ivory workshops and
their chronology; 3) the formation of the repertoire in Mycenaean art and in terms of foreign
influences. See also 1471.

1473 Sakellarakis, Iannis A. 1971. Elephantinon ploion ek Mykenon. Archaiologikis

Ephemeris 1971:188-233.

The author gives an extensive description, analysis and discussion of an ivory

ship model found at Mycenae; the sculpture is compared to other examples in the National
Museum in Athens; well illustrated.
1474 Tournavitou, Iphigenia. 1995. The Mycenaean ivories from the Artemision at
Delos. Bulletin de Correspondence Hellénique 119:479-527.

Detailed description, illustration, discussion and analysis of 2248 mostly

fragmentary inlays, applique ornaments and free-standing objects, focusing on technical aspects
(state of finish, manufacturing methods and the relationship between finished and unfinished
pieces), typology and original decorative function. According to the author, the assemblage does
not suggest either a primary or secondary workshop context, and appears to represent more than
one provenience, although most pieces are characterized as typical mainland products.

1475 Wace, A.J.B. 1954. Ivory carvings from Mycenae. Archaeology 7:149-155.

Well-illustrated description of ivories from the House of Sphinxes and the House
of Shields.

Shell

1476 Reese, David S. 1982. The use of cone shells in Neolithic and Bronze Age
Greece. Archaiologika Analekta ex Athinon 15:125-129.

Documents the presence of cone shells, primarily in burial contexts, in southern

Greece, where they appear to have been used as ornaments and burial offerings.
1477 Reese, David S. 1983. The use of cone shells in Neolithic and Bronze Age
Greece. Annual of the British School at Athens 78:353-357.

Discusses the use of cone shells as ornaments and burial offerings, as well as
possibly gaming pieces or ornament weights; they are found mostly in burials dating to LH IIIA1
through LH IIIC in Messenia, Attika and the Argolid at sites including Nichoria, Tiryns, Asine,
Mycenae, Prosymna and Perati, although their use can be traced back to the Neolithic period.

Textiles

The manufacturing of textiles was apparently a major industry at both Pylos and
Knossos. For these aspects, see Cultural History and Society: Economic Organization.

1478 Marinatos, Spiridon. 1967. Kleidung, Haar und Barttracht. Archaeologia

Homerica 1, pt. A-B. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht. 106 p.

Utilizes evidence from artistic representations, Linear B tablets and

archaeological data to discuss weaving, textiles and clothing in the Late Bronze Age Aegean, in
Homer and in post-Mycenaean times, including equipment used, methods of manufacturing and
specific items of clothing; also discusses the depiction of hair and beards, hair ornaments,
hair-dressing and associated artifacts such as combs and razors; well-illustrated.

Wood

Along with stone and clay, wood was one of the more abundant resources in Bronze
Age Greece. Although wood is perishable and has rarely been preserved, the Linear B tablets
apparently describe objects made of wood, such as furniture, the richest examples of which were
inlaid with other materials such as ivory, gold and silver, rock crystal and glass. Presumably
many everyday implements and tools were also made of wood, although there is very little
evidence for this other than artistic representations. It is clear that, as today, many metal tools
and weapons, such as axes and spears, would have wooden handles or shafts. Wood was also the
primary material used in the construction of ships and chariots, as well as buildings. Wood was
also likely the main source of fuel.

1479 Baumbach, Lydia. 1972. Further thoughts on PY Vn 46. In: Acta Mycenaea:
Proceedings of the Fifth International Colloquium on Mycenaean Studies, Held
in Salamanca, 30 March-3 April 1970. Volume II: Communications. Martin S.
Ruiperez, ed. pp. 383-397. Salamanca: Universidad de Salamanca.

Close textual analysis of this Linear B tablet from Pylos, previously studied by a
number of analysts, leads the author to conclude that it comprises a list of building materials
needed for repair, possibly for damaged or worn interior wooden columns. See also 1480, 1481,
1484 and 1487.

1480 Hart, Gillian R. 1990-1991. Mycenaean se-re- mo-ka-ra-a-pi and se-re-mo-ka-or-

e. Minos 25- 26:319-329.

Discussion of terms for decorative features made of ivory or gold found on parts
of chairs listed in the Pylos Ta furniture tablets, and which are here interpreted as heads. See also
1479, 1481, 1484 and 1487.

1481 Higgins, Reynold A. 1956. The archaeological background to the furniture

tablets from Pylos. Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 3:39-44.

Reconstructs furniture described in Linear B tablets from Pylos based upon the
description of inlays and decorations and by analogy with contemporary Egyptian furniture,
including thrones, footstools and tables; also discusses metal vessels. See also 1479, 1480, 1484
and 1487.
1482 Krzyszkowska, Olga H. 1996. Furniture in the Aegean Bronze Age. In: The
Furniture of Western Asia, Ancient and Traditional. Papers of the Conference
held at the Institute of Archaeology, University College London, June 28 to 30,
1993. Georgina Herrmann, ed. pp. 85-103. Mainz: Verlag Philipp von Zabern.

Describes and discusses Minoan and Mycenaean furniture based on evidence

from archaeological remains, terracotta models, frescoes, seals, clay coffins and Linear B tablets;
these include seats, folding-stools, tables, beds and chests. Furniture decoration, including relief
carving and multi-colored inlays of materials such as glass, rock crystal, ivory and gold leaf, is
also discussed.

1483 Long, Charlotte R. 1974. A wooden chest from the third Shaft Grave.
American Journal of Archaeology 78:75-78.

Reconstructs the chest from four bronze leg caps found in the grave, and using
Egyptian and Anatolian analogues; this was probably a storage chest for the women buried
therein. See also 1485.

1484 Milani, Celestina. 1972. La lavorazione del legno nei testi micenei. pp.
5-46. Contributi dell'Istituto di storia antica, 1. Milan: Universita Cattolica
del Sacro Cuore.

Discussion of terms and references in Linear B texts to the use and working of
wood, including types of wood used, weapons and tools, carts and ships, houses and furniture.
See also 1479-1481 and 1487.
1485 Muhly, Polymnia. 1996. Furniture from the Shaft Graves: the occurrence of
wood in Aegean burials of the Bronze Age. Annual of the British School at
Athens 91:197-211.

Describes and discusses wooden fragments from Shaft Grave V, identified as

parts of two small tripod tables. Also discusses and compares tables and other furniture from the
Aegean and the Near East, as well as coffins and biers. Epigraphic, iconographic and
archaeological evidence suggests that wooden furniture was not common in the Aegean and was
a sign of high status and/or wealth. Rarely used in burials, coffins and biers were means of
individualizing and isolating the dead among multiple burials; thus, they were used during the
early Mycenaean period to demonstrate the social and economic status of prominent persons. See
also 1483.

1486 Sakellarakis, Yannis. 1996. Mycenaean footstools. In: The Furniture of

Western Asia, Ancient and Traditional. Papers of the Conference held at the
Institute of Archaeology, University College London, June 28 to 30, 1993.
Georgina Herrmann, ed. pp. 105-110. Mainz: Verlag Philipp von Zabern.

Discusses descriptions and ideograms of footstools in the Pylos Linear B tablets,

representations in frescoes and ivory inlays in burials at Archanes, Mycenae and Midea.

1487 Ventris, Michael G.F. 1955. Mycenaean furniture on the Pylos tablets. Eranos
53:109-124.

An analysis of the Pylos Ta Linear B tablets which provides the texts, their
translation, a discussion of individual words and an interpretation of the tablets, which list
various kinds of decorated furniture. See also 1479-1481 and 1484.
 INTELLECTUAL LIFE

Linear B

It had been known since Arthur Evans' excavation of Knossos in the early 20th century
that the Mycenaeans possessed a writing system, which he called Linear B. Neither Evans, nor
anyone else, however, could make any substantial progress in translating Linear B until two
significant things occurred: 1) the discovery of an extensive mainland Linear B archive in the
palace of Pylos in 1939 and 2) the confirmation in 1952 by Michael Ventris and John Chadwick
of the hypothesis that Linear B represented an early form of Greek. Since 1952, there has been
an explosion of activity, the major results of which are summarized below.Since the known
examples of Linear B fall into a fairly narrow chronological range of perhaps two hundred years,
it is difficult to trace any evolution of Linear B itself, although some efforts at this have been
made. The vast majority of Linear B tablets come from two sites: the palaces of Knossos and
Pylos. The Pylos tablets all appear to date to the destruction of the palace around 1200 B.C.; the
dating of the Knossos tablets is considerably more controversial, the suggested dates being either
1400 or 1200 B.C. (see Introduction to Mycenaean Civilization: Chronology) Smaller
collections of tablets come from the palaces of Mycenae and Thebes on the mainland and the site
of Khania in western Crete. Pottery vessels--mostly stirrup jars--inscribed with Linear B signs
have also been found at Thebes, Orchomenos, Mycenae, Tiryns, Midea, Eleusis, Knossos, Malia
and Khania.

The Linear B script consists of four kinds of symbols: 1) ideograms, which are stylized
representations of an object or item, such as ox or barley; 2) syllabograms, which represent a
specific sound or phoneme, and which can be combined to form words or names; 3) signs for
weights and measures; 4) numerical signs. Given the way the symbols were constructed and
written, it seems likely that they were meant to have been written primarily on perishable
materials such as papyrus, skin or wood. However, the only surviving material on which Linear
B has been preserved is clay, in the form of tablets, sealings and pottery. It is likely that the
tablets and sealings were meant only to be temporary records or documents--probably only for
the current year--and have been preserved or survived by accident rather than design. The Pylos
tablets, for example, were preserved by the catastrophic fire that destroyed the palace around
1200 B.C.

In addition to their contribution to our understanding of Mycenaean language and

writing, the nature and subject matter of the tablets have shed a great deal of light upon other
aspects of Mycenaean civilization. As records of economic transactions, they inform us
primarily about the nature and structure of the Mycenaean administrative system; for example,
many individual scribes have been identified, and this in turn has enabled the reconstruction of a
complex and rather specialized administrative structure. The ideograms and designations of
names, places and items--many of them similar if not identical to their classical Greek names--
have made possible the identification and verification of many aspects of material culture.
Finally, references in the tablets have helped to elucidate other aspects of Mycenaean life,
including deities and cult organization, political geography and social structure.

1488 Aura Jorro, Francisco. 1999. Les nouveaux index généreaux du Linéare B. In:
Floreant Studia Mycenaea: Akten des X. Internationalen Mykenologischen
Colloquiums in Salzburg vom 1.-5. Mai 1995. Sigrid Deger-Jalkotzy, Stefan Hiller and
Oswald Panagl, eds. pp. 103-114. Österreichische Akademie der
Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-Historisch Klasse, Denkschriften v. 274. Vienna:
Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften.

Briefly describes the publication of a new general index to Linear B.

1489 Baumbach, Lydia. 1987. Linear B: retrospect and prospects. In: Studies in
Mycenaean and Classical Greek presented to John Chadwick. John T. Killen, Jose L.
Melena and Jean-Pierre Olivier, eds. pp. 69-76. Salamanca: Ediciones Universidad de
Salamanca.

Reviews and surveys colloquia, textual editions, bibliographies, reference works and
various works of interpretation, including work on dialects and economic organization. See also
1493 and 1496.

1490 Bennett, Emmett L., Jr. 1966. Some local differences in the Linear B script.
Hesperia 35:295-309.

Bennett compares the form of Linear B syllabic signs from Pylos and Knossos
and describes various kinds of modifications and variations; the differences that he discerns
suggest that over a period of several generations there was little communication or exchange of
personnel between the two palaces prior to their nearly contemporary destructions. See also
1511.
1491 Bennett, Emmett L., Jr. 1992. A selection of Pylos tablet texts. In: Mykenäika:
Actes du IX Colloque international sur les textes mycéniens et égéens
organise par le Centre de l'Antiquite Grecque et Romaine de la Fondation Héllenique
des Recherches Scientifiques et l'École française d'Athènes (Athènes, 2-6 octobre
1990). Jean-Pierre Olivier, ed. pp. 103- 127. Bulletin de Correspondence Hellénique
Supplement 25. Paris: Diffusion de Boccard.

Presents new readings of a number of Linear B texts from Pylos, including observations
on the making of tablets, materials used, various shapes of tablets and their modifications in the
course of inscription and the format or arrangement of the elements of the text on the surface of
the tablet or nodule.

1492 Chadwick, John. 1972. The classification of the Knossos tablets. In: Acta
Mycenaea: Proceedings of the Fifth International Colloquium on Mycenaean
Studies, Held at Salamanca, 30 March-3 April 1970. Volume I. Martin S.
Ruiperez, ed. pp. 20-54. Salamanca: Universidad de Salamanca.

Discusses problems involved in organizing and classifying the Linear B tablets

from Knossos, such as organization by scribe vs. find-spot; also discusses revisions in
classification and the reasons for them; includes a provisional list of tablets arranged by sets.

1493 Chadwick, John. 1982. Twenty-seven years of Linear B. In: Proceedings of the
7th Congress of the International Federation of the Societies of Classical Studies,
Vol. 2. Janos Harmatta, ed. pp. 451-459. Budapest: Akademiai Kiado.

Summarizes developments in the interpretation of Linear B from the time of

initial decipherment through 1979 at five levels: 1) the sign; 2) the word; 3) the tablet; 4) the set
of tablets; 5) Mycenaean society and economy; in regard to the final level, Chadwick briefly
discusses evidence for a state of emergency in the Pylos Linear B tablets. See also 1489 and
1496.
1494 Chadwick, John. 1987. Linear B and Related Scripts. Reading the Past, 1.
Berkeley: University of California Press. 64 p.

This popular introduction discusses the discovery and nature of Aegean scripts,
the decipherment of Linear B, how Linear B was used and the Linear B tablets as historical
documents; Chadwick also briefly discusses Linear A, Bronze Age Cypriot writing and the
Phaistos Disc. See also 1497, 1503 and 1505.

1495 Chadwick, John. 1992. Pylos Va 15. In: Mykenäika: Actes du IX Colloque
international sur les textes mycéniens et égéens organise par le Centre de l'Antiquite
Grecque et Romaine de la Fondation Héllenique des Recherches Scientifiques
et l'École française d'Athènes (Athènes, 2-6 octobre 1990). Jean- Pierre Olivier, ed.
pp. 167-172. Bulletin de Correspondence Hellénique Supplement 25. Paris:
Diffusion de Boccard.

Offers a re-interpretation of this much-discussed Linear B tablet based on

evidence that the text on one side was deliberately deleted and replaced by that on the other side.

1496 Chadwick, John. 1999. Linear B: past, present and future. In: Floreant Studia
Mycenaea: Akten des X. Internationalen Mykenologischen Colloquiums in
Salzburg vom 1.-5. Mai 1995. Sigrid Deger-Jalkotzy, Stefan Hiller and Oswald
Panagl, eds. pp. 29-38. Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften,
Philosophisch-Historisch Klasse, Denkschriften v. 274. Vienna: Verlag der
Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften.

Reviews and surveys developments from the decipherment of Linear B to current

issues and problems, concluding with possibilities for future work. See also 1489 and 1493.

1497 Deroy, Louis. 1962. Initiation à l'Epigraphie Mycenienne. Incunabula Graeca, 2.

Rome: Edizione dell'Ateneo. 131 p.
 An introduction to Mycenaean epigraphy, including description and illustration of
texts, listing and description of signs, classification of texts, aspects of decipherment, phonetic
values, orthography, dialects, names and scribes. See also 1494, 1503 and 1505.

1498 Dow, Sterling. 1954. Minoan writing. American Journal of Archaeology

58:77-129.

Written during and just after the decipherment of Linear B; provides a selected
annotated bibliography and review of writings about Linear B and a discussion of literacy in the
Bronze Age Aegean, including the extent and kind of literacy present, the language of Linear B
and the loss of literacy at the end of the Late Bronze Age; Dow concludes that the Minoans were
not highly literate and that Linear B was created on Crete by Minoans for the Greek language of
their masters. See also 1499 and 1510.

1499 Dow, Sterling. 1973. Literacy in Minoan and Mycenaean lands. In: The Middle
East and the Aegean Region c. 1800-1380 B.C. I.E.S. Edwards, C.J. Gadd,
N.G.L. Hammond and E. Sollberger, eds. pp. 582-608. The Cambridge Ancient
History 2, pt. 1. Cambridge, Eng.: Cambridge University Press.

A good, reasonably brief survey of literacy in the Aegean Bronze Age, including
discussion of potters' and masons' marks, seals and signets, pictographic script, Linear A and
Linear B; in his discussion of Linear B, Dow takes the position that it was created at Knossos for
its new Mycenaean rulers and later brought to the mainland after the destruction of Knossos. See
also 1498 and 1510.

1500 Firth, Richard J. and José L. Melena. 1998- 1999. Identifying the Linear B tablets
from the Arsenal and Little Palace at Knossos. In: A-na-qo-ta: Studies Presented to
J.T. Killen. John Bennet and Jan Driessen, eds. pp. 107- 133. Minos 33-34.
Salamanca: Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca.

The authors identify tablets found in other buildings associated with the palace at
Knossos.
1501 Gray, D.H.F. 1959. Linear B and archaeology. Bulletin of the Institute of
Classical Studies 6:47-57.

Discusses and evaluates the correlation of various Linear B ideograms and aspects
of Mycenaean material culture.

1502 Hiller, Stefan and Oswald Panagl. 1976. Die frügriechischen Texte aus
mykenischer Zeit: Zur Erforschung der Linear B-Tafeln. Ertrage der Forschung, 49.
Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft. 353 p.

Discusses various aspects concerning Mycenaean documents, including dating of

the Linear B texts, inscribed vessels, the Mycenaean writing and archival systems, classification
of Linear B texts, Mycenaean language and specific subjects in the Pylos and Knossos tablets,
including livestock, land tenure, olive oil, spices, textiles, armor and personal names; other topics
include political and social structure and religion.

1503 Hooker, James T. 1980. Linear B: An Introduction. Bristol: Bristol

Classical Press. 204 p.

A very complete and thorough introduction to Linear B for nonspecialists; Hooker

begins by discussing the development of the Linear B script within its historical context,
including earlier varieties of Aegean writing and Ventris' decipherment; he then considers types
of inscriptions and their classification; this is followed by analysis of the language of the Linear
B texts (phonology, morphology, syntax, etc); the final part of the book comprises an analysis of
various texts. See also 1494, 1497 and 1505.

1504 Killen, John T. 1999. Some observations on the new Thebes tablets. Bulletin of
the Institute of Classical Studies 43:217-219.
 Comments on and discusses various specific aspects of the Linear B tablets
excavated between 1993 and 1995 at Thebes; topics include grammatical usage, references to
land tenure, agricultural products, religious offerings and rations.

1505 Killen, John. 2001. The earliest writers of Greek. In: Greek Scripts: An
Illustrated Introduction. Pat Easterling and Carol Handley, eds. pp. 1-9.
Society for the Promotion of Hellenic Studies.

A brief, popular indtroduction to Linear B, including discussion of functions,

media and scribes. See also 1494, 1497 and 1503.

1506 Landenius Enegrin, Hedvig. 1998. Some problems of the prosopography of

Knossos. Bulletin de Correspondence Hellénique 122:418-421.

Uses statistical analysis as a tool in interpreting recurrences of identical personal

names. See also 1509.

1507 Lejeune, Michel. 1972. Les syllabogrammes B et leur transliteration. In: Acta
Mycenaea: Proceedings of the Fifth International Colloquium on Mycenaean
Studies, Held at Salamanca, 30 March-3 April 1970. Volume 1:
Minutes, Resolutions and Reports. Martin S. Ruiperez, ed. pp. 73-98. Salamanca:
Universidad de Salamanca.

Discusses transliterated values for a number of Linear B signs, with an appendix

listing the signs and their occurrence alone and in combination with other signs in the Linear B
tablets.

1508 Lindgren, Margareta. 1968. Two Linear B problems reconsidered from a

methodological point of view. Opuscula Atheniensia 8:61-76.
 Discusses alternative interpretations of a number of Linear B texts from Pylos.

1509 Lindgren, Margareta. 1979. The interpretation of personal designations in Linear

B: methodological problems. In: Colloquium Mycenaeum: Actes du
Sixième Colloque International sur les Textes Mycéniens et Egéens tenu a
Chaumont sur Neuchatel du 7 au 13 Septembre 1975. Université de Neuchatel,
Receuil de Travaux Publies par la Faculte des Lettres 36. Ernst Risch and Hugo
Mühlestein, eds. pp. 81-86. Geneva: Université de Neuchatel.

Discusses methodological issues involved in identifying personal designations in

the context of their association or congruity with occupational designations, titles and social
designations in Linear B texts. See also 1506.

1510 Palaima, Thomas G. 1987. Comments on Mycenaean literacy. In: Studies in

Mycenaean and Classical Greek Presented to John Chadwick. John T. Killen,
Jose L. Melena and Jean-Pierre Olivier, eds. pp. 499-510. Salamanca: Ediciones
Universidad de Salamanca.

Reviews and evaluates arguments for and against narrow vs. wide literacy in
Mycenaean Greece; given the lack of readily intelligible graffiti, the restriction of the use of
more than 99% of the Linear B tablets to the economic and administrative concerns of the
palaces and the lack of evidence for professional scribes, Palaima concludes that a narrow
cultural attitude toward writing may have been the main factor in restricting literacy. See also
1498 and 1499.

1511 Palaima, Thomas G. 1998-1999. Special vs. normal Mycenaean: Hand 24 and
writing in the service of the king? In: A-na-qo-ta: Studies Presented to J.T. Killen.
John Bennet and Jan Driessen, eds. pp. 205-221. Minos 33-34. Salamanca:
Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca.

Discusses the relationship between the written and spoken word within literate
administrative record-keeping systems of Mycenaean palatial centers, focusing on questions
connected with sociolinguistic stratification and information-gathering. See also 1490.
1512 Palaima, Thomas G. 1999. Program in Aegean Scripts and Prehistory (PASP):
five-year report (1991-1996). In: Floreant Studia Mycenaea: Akten des X.
Internationalen Mykenologischen Colloquiums in Salzburg vom 1.-5. Mai 1995.
Sigrid Deger-Jalkotzy, Stefan Hiller and Oswald Panagl, eds. pp. 609-611.
Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-Historisch Klasse,
Denkschriften v. 274. Vienna: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der
Wissenschaften.

1513 Palmer, Leonard R. 1963. The Interpretation of Mycenaean Greek Texts. Oxford:
Clarendon Press. 488 p.

An early attempt to provide a comprehensive interpretation of the known Linear B

texts, following the publication of Documents in Mycenaean Greek, through the use of
contextual analysis; Palmer provides introductory text concerning epigraphy, spelling rules,
principles of interpretation, the Mycenaean language, geographical setting, personal names, the
structure of Mycenaean society, Mycenaean economy and religion; the remainder of the book is
comprised of transliterations and interpretations of texts.

1514 Panagl, Oswald. 1979. Textual features in the Linear B tablets. In: Colloquium
Mycenaeum. Actes du Sixième Colloque International sur les Textes Mycéniens
et Egéens tenu a Chaumont sur Neuchatel du 7 au 13 Septembre 1975. Ernst
Risch and Hugo Mühlestein, eds. pp. 313-322. Université de Neuchatel, Receuil de
Travaux Publies par la Faculte des Lettres 36. Geneva: Université de Neuchatel.

Discusses how application of the method of text linguistics to the Linear B tablets
can help distinguish between scribal error and systematic omissions, aid in the classification of
tablets and solve some syntactic problems.

1515 Sacconi, Anna. 1967. Indice topographico dei documenti nel palazzo di Pilo.
Studi Micenei ed Egeo-Anatolici 2:94-102.
 Introduces a new system of numbering, a listing and a map of the exact
provenience by room and area of the Linear B tablets excavated at Pylos from 1939 to 1964. See
also 1516.

1516 Sacconi, Anna. 1973. Indice topographico dei documenti in Leneare B di Micene.
Helikon 13:548-561.

A similar index listing the find spots of Linear B tablets at Mycenae. See also
1515.

1517 Schwink, Frederick W. 1999. The efficacy of Linear B as a writing system. In:
Floreant Studia Mycenaea: Akten des X. Internationalen Mykenologischen
Colloquiums in Salzburg vom 1.-5. Mai 1995. Sigrid Deger-Jalkotzy, Stefan Hiller
and Oswald Panagl, eds. pp. 549-554. Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften,
Philosophisch-Historisch Klasse, Denkschriften v. 274. Vienna: Verlag der
Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften.

Analyzes the efficacy of Linear B as a writing system by attempting to quantify

criteria such as incompleteness, stability or adequqcy in terms of economy (small number of
signs), simplicity (simple relation of signs to values) and unequivocality (meaning determined by
form), concluding that in these terms Linear B has a relatively small number of signs compared
to some other syllabaries, the relation of sign to values is relatively simple and meaning is
largely determinable from form. Thus Linear B is a successfully efficient system which achieved
the purposes of its users well enough to be used extensively over time and space.

Decipherment

1518 Baumbach, Lydia. 1973. The "coming of age" of Mycenology--The first

twenty-one years. Acta Classica 16:1-14.
 Reviews initial challenges to the decipherment of Linear B and summarizes
important developments in the ensuing twenty-one years. See also 1519, 1522, 1528 and 1531.

1519 Beattie, Arthur J. 1958. The "spice" tablets of Cnossos, Pylos and Mycenae. In:
Minoica: Festschrift zum 80. Geburtstag von Johannes Sundwall. Ernst
Grumbach, ed. pp. 6-34. Deutsche Akademie der Wissenschaftlichen zu
Berlin, Schriften der Sektion für Altertumswissenschaft 12. Berlin: Akademie-
Verlag.

Argues that the interpretation of certain Linear B tablets by Ventris and Chadwick
as having to do with spices is incorrect on both linguistic and botanical grounds, that any
correspondence between terms on the tablets and Greek is merely coincidental, and therefore
uses this analysis to bolster his assertion that their overall decipherment of Linear B is wrong.
See also 1518, 1522, 1528 and 1531.

1520 Bennett, Emmett L., Jr. 1951. Statistical notes on the sign-groups from Pylos.
Minos 1:100-137.

Now primarily of historical interest, Bennett's analysis, which predates Ventris'

decipherment, includes a statistical analysis accompanied by numerous lists, graphs and charts.

1521 Bennett, Emmett L., Jr. 1989. Michael Ventris and the Pelasgian solution. In:
Problems in Decipherment. Yves Duhoux, Thomas G. Palaima and John Bennet,
eds. pp. 9-23. Bibliotheque des Cahiers de l'Institut de Linguistique de Louvain, 49.
Louvain-la-Neuve: Peeters.

Reconstructs the earliest phases in the decipherment of Linear B. See also 1523.
1522 Carpenter, Rhys. 1957. Linear B. Phoenix 11:47-62.

Discusses and evaluates the decipherment of Linear B. See also 1518, 159, 1528
and 1531.

1523 Chadwick, John. 1973. Linear B. In: Diachronic, Areal and Typological
Linguistics. Thomas A. Sebeok, ed. pp. 537-568. Current Trends in Linguistics, 11.
The Hague: Mouton.

A detailed reconstruction of the final phases in the decipherment of Linear B

utilizing and discussing Ventris' Work Notes. See also 1521.

1524 Chadwick, John. 1990. The Decipherment of Linear B. 3 ed. Cambridge,

Eng: Cambridge University Press. 164 p.

The best and most complete account of the decipherment of Linear B for a general
audience, drawing upon materials from the files of Michael Ventris; takes the reader step by step
through the process of decipherment and discusses as well early critics of the decipherment and a
brief summary of the Mycenaean world as revealed through the tablets.

1525 Ekschmitt, W. 1969. Die Kontroverse um Linear B (Munich: C.H. Beck. 160 p.

Discusses the decipherment and interpretation of Linear B, focusing on a series of

specific tablets and groups of tablets. See also 1527.
1526 Ephron, Henry D. 1961. Mycenaean Greek: a lesson in cryptanalysis. Minos
7:63-100.

Ephron, as an exercise, reports and records his effort, independent of Ventris'

work, to decipher Linear B using cryptographic methods; discusses methodology and recreates
the process of decipherment.

1527 Levin, Saul. 1964. The Linear B Decipherment Controversy Re-examined. New
York: State University of New York. 255 p.

In this extensive critique, Levin re-evaluates the methodology and the results of
Ventris' decipherment; he examines in detail several texts in order to demonstrate various
deficiencies of the decipherment and to assert the presence of a non-Greek element in the Linear
B texts. See also 1525.

1528 Treweek, A.P. 1957. Chain reaction or house of cards? An examination of the
validity of the Ventris decipherment. Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies
4:10-26.

A fairly detailed examination and evaluation of challenges to Ventris'

decipherment of Linear B. See also 1518, 1519, 1522 and 1531.

1529 Ventris, Michael. 1954. King Nestor's four-handled cups: Greek

inventories in the Minoan script. Archaeology 7:15-21.

Popular account of the decipherment of Linear B.

1530 Ventris, Michael and John Chadwick. 1953. Evidence for Greek dialect in
the Mycenaean archives. Journal of Hellenic Studies 73:84-103.

This article represents the first published evidence for the decipherment of Linear
B; the authors describe the method of analysis involving use of a syllabic grid and the results of
that analysis, including the equivalence of sounds and signs, principles of transliteration, rules of
orthography, variations due to gender, declension and formation of personal names and names of
occupations, verbal forms and the position of the Mycenaean dialect.

1531 Young, Douglas C.C. 1965. Is Linear B deciphered? Arion 4:512-542.

Detailed review of critiques of the decipherment of Linear B. See also 1518,

1519, 1522 and 1528.

Origins and Development

When Arthur Evans excavated the palace at Knossos, he discovered evidence of and
identified not one, but three, distinct writing systems, which he designated Hieroglyphic, Linear
A and Linear B, in the order of their development. There is not, however, a direct evolutionary
relationship between the three scripts. Rather, there was a considerable degree of overlap; only
about 16 of the 89 Linear B syllabograms have no Linear A predecessor or parallel. Thus,
Linear B cannot be seen simply as a replacement of Linear A. There is no question, though, that
Linear B was in part derived from the earlier script.

Since Linear A has not been deciphered, the language that it represents is unknown. It is
widely believed, however, that it is a non-Indo-European language. Thus in adapting the Linear
A script, the creators of Linear B, while using many of the same symbols and organizational
principles, were modifying a script originated to represent a member of an entirely different
language family. These differences, on the other hand, would have been minimized to some
extent by the fact that both scripts had essentially the same fairly limited function, that of record-
keeping. That is, the evidence which has been preserved seems to indicate that Linear B was
almost entirely and strictly an administrative tool; no literary documents are known.

It seems likely that the transformation of Linear A into Linear B took place on Crete,
perhaps during the 15th century B.C., or even earlier, and that the process was largely
accomplished by Minoans. The most plausible explanation is that the Linear A writing system
was modified for the Mycenaean rulers of Knossos, who brought with them not only a different
language, but possibly a different system of administration as well. It was undoubtedly for these
purposes that the Minoan scribes, who were likely to have been the only literate individuals in
either the Minoan or Mycenaean cultures at that time, developed the Linear B script. Among the
considerable modifications of Linear A were the simplification and regularization of
syllabograms, the abandonment of most Minoan ideograms and the addition of many new ones
and the adoption of a different fractional system.

1532 Bennett, Emmett L., Jr. 1991. The end of the Mycenaean script: the case of the
missing heirs. In: La Transizione dal Miceneo all'Alto Archaismo. Dal
palazzo alla citta. Atti del Convegno Internazionale, Roma, 14-19 marzo 1988. D.
Musti, A. Sacconi, L. Rocchi, E. Scafa, L. Sportiello and M.E. Gianotta, eds. pp.
563-571. Rome: Consiglio Nazionale delle Ricerche.

Speculates concerning both the origins and successors, if any, of the Linear B
script, drawing particular attention to similarities between Linear B and the classical Cypriot
syllabary.

1533 Hallager, Erik. 1997-1998. Hieroglyphic and Linear B sealing administration.

Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 42:221.

Study of the newly-discovered hieroglyphic archive at Petras, Siteia and of the

Mycenaean sealing system in general suggests that the Linear B administration might have
developed from the Cretan hieroglyphic administration due to many general similarities between
them and differences from the Linear A sealing system.
1534 Hooker, James T. 1967. The beginnings of Linear B. In: Europa: Studien zur
Geschichte und Epigraphik der frühen Aegaeis. William C. Brice, ed. pp. 132-142.
Berlin: Walter de Gruyter & Co.

Hooker suggests that the transition from Linear A to Linear B, a gradual process
involving considerable overlapping of writing systems and regional variation, took place both on
the mainland and on Crete; he explains the frequent redundant use of ideograms in Linear B as
the retention of Linear A symbols by conservative-minded scribes. See also 1534.

1535 Hooker, James T. 1979. The Origin of the Linear B Script. Suplementos a
Minos 8. Salamanca: Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca. 80 p.

Discusses how, why, when and where the Linear B script was created. Hooker
asserts that Linear B was not a direct descendent of earlier Minoan writing systems, but was
comprised of disparate elements originating at different times and perhaps at different places. He
believes that Linear B evolved on Crete in the 15th century B.C. in response to certain political
developments and was developed by Minoans, not Mycenaeans, prior to the invasion of Crete.
Originated primarily for writing on materials other than clay, the script was introduced to the
mainland in the 14th century and was used there by Minoan scribes (thus accounting for the later
borrowing of Greek words). See also 1534.

1536 Marinatos, Spiridon. 1967. The "volcanic" origin of Linear B. In: Europa:
Studien zur Geschichte und Epigraphik der frühen Aegaeis. William C. Brice,
ed. pp. 204-210. Berlin: Walter de Gruyter & Co.

Puts forward the hypothesis that the catastrophic effects of the volcanic explosion
on Thera caused the migration of Minoan scribes from the palace of Zakros in eastern Crete to
Pylos in the western Peloponnese; Marinatos suggests therefore that Linear B represents the
effort of these scribes to adapt the Minoan Linear A writing system to the Greek language, citing
certain graffiti on the reverse sides of some Linear B tablets at Pylos as evidence.
1537 Olivier, Jean-Pierre. 1979. L'origine de l'ecriture linéaire B. Studi Micenei ed
Egeo-Anatolici 20:43-52.

Discusses the origin of Linear B in terms of three major questions: 1) when was
Linear B created; 2) where was it created and 3) why did the Mycenaeans transform Linear A
rather than simply adopting it as it was? Olivier concludes that Linear B was created on Crete at
the beginning of the 16th century B.C. and introduced on the mainland between 1450 and 1200
B.C.; changes in Linear A were primarily to make it easier and clearer to use and read.

1538 Owens, Gareth. 1994-1995. The date of the Linear B archives from the ARoom
of the Chariot Tablets@ at Knossos - LM II or LM IIIA1? Talanta 24-25:29-48.

Owens examines epigraphical, textual and archaeological evidence, concluding

that the tablets date to LM IIIA1 and offering a scenario of events involving the coming to power
of Mycenaeans on Crete and the shift from the Linear A to Linear B writing systems.

1539 Palaima, Thomas G. 1983. Evidence for the influence of the Knossian
graphic tradition at Pylos. In: Concilium Eirene XVI. Proceedings of the 16th
International Eirene Conference, Prague 31.8 - 4.9 1982. Vol. 3. Pavel Oliva and
Alene Frolikova, eds. pp. 80-84. Prague: Kabinet pro studia recka, rimska a
latinska CSAV.

Palaima offers a detailed analysis of four anomalous Linear B tablets from Pylos,
concluding that their paleography, their use of certain formulae and their provenience within the
palace suggest a date within LH IIIA, thus providing examples of mainland Linear B tablets
written at an earlier stage of development than other mainland tablets and lending credence to the
hypothesis that Linear B was created at Knossos and subsequently brought to the mainland.

1540 Palaima, Thomas G. 1988. The development of the Mycenaean writing system.
In: Texts, Tablets and Scribes: Studies in Mycenaean Epigraphy and Economy
Offered to Emmett L. Bennett, Jr. Jean-Pierre Olivier and Thomas G. Palaima,
eds. pp. 269-342. Suplementos a Minos 10. Salamanca.

In this extremely thorough recent paper, Palaima begins by discussing issues

involved and earlier hypotheses concerning: 1) paleographic comparisons between Linear A and
B; 2) phonological aspects of the two systems; 3) structure of the scripts; 4) the nature of
recovered documents; 5) chronology; 6) historical considerations. He concludes that: 1) Linear A
itself demonstrates over time developments leading in the direction of Linear B, particularly in
terms of information retrieval and recording techniques and capabilities; 2) Mycenaeans adapted
the Linear A script and borrowed Minoan administrative techniques in LH II in response to the
needs of an increasingly complex social, economic and political organization.

1541 Pope, Maurice W.M. 1961. The date of Linear B. Kritika Chronika 15:310-319.

An analysis of Linear A texts from various sites on Crete suggests that Linear B
was created at Knossos c. 1700 B.C.; Pope reasons that if the adaptation of Linear A to the Greek
language took place at such an early date, that Greeks must have possessed sufficient political
power and administrative sophistication to require its use, and must therefore have been in
contact with Knossos as early as the Middle Minoan III period.

Scribal Organization and Administration

The primary if not sole function of Linear B was record-keeping for administrative
purposes, and with the possible exception of Khania, all of the find-spots of the tablets are in or
in the vicinity of palaces, which were the administrative centers and centers of economic activity
for large territories. The degree of administrative centralization apparently differed from site to
site; most of the Pylos tablets were found in a central archive, while the Knossos tablets are
distributed more widely throughout the palace. The scribes who wrote the tablets appear not to
have been professional writers, as in the Near East, but literate officials for whom account-
keeping was perhaps only part of their responsibility.
 The tablets--found in a variety of shapes, but mostly rectangular or leaf-shaped--were
inscribed with a sharp-pointed stylus in a linear fashion from left to right (hence the name of the
script), and the tablets were often ruled in advance to guide the scribe. The maximum tablet size
is about 12 by 24 cm. They appear to have been stored in wooden boxes or baskets, some on
shelves, with clay labels attached to indicate their contents. Most of the entries follow a pattern
or formula, usually involving the names or titles of individuals, place names, various
commodities or items and numbers. Quite often the entries consist of an ideogram and a group
of phonetic signs, both referring to the same object.

A typical Linear B document is comprised of a set of tablets, usually all written by the
same scribe, concerned with a specific group of individuals and a given commodity; the first
tablet begins with an introductory formula and subsequent tablets consist of lists of names or
quantities of goods. Most of the accounts deal with transactions associated with the
redistribution system centered in the palaces in which various raw materials and finished
products were recorded for storage, shipment or manufacture. Other accounts record the size and
location of flocks or landholdings for the purpose of taxation.

The sealings and inscribed vases have less elaborate inscriptions, usually comprising a
name or names, a commodity and a place. The sealings were placed so as to assure the integrity
of a ceramic vessel, a box or perhaps even a room, indicating the nature of the item stored
within, its owner and its destination or source. The same procedure applies to the inscribed
vessels--usually stirrup jars--which are believed to have contained either oil or wine. The
inscriptions on pottery were painted on the pots before firing.

The tablets were filed according to their subject matter, as some surviving clay labels
from Pylos indicate. For purposes of study and analysis, the tablets have also been classified and
organized by scholars of Linear B according to similar principles. In addition to identifying
tablets by their site of origin and their original excavation inventory number, they are also
classified by subject matter. This classification consists of a two-letter designation indicating
subject and method of organization. Thus tablet MY Ge 602 is part of a series of tablets from
Mycenae dealing with spices.

1542 Åström, Paul and Karl-Erik Sjoquist. 1987. The scribes and their helpers in the
palace at Pylos. In: The Function of the Minoan Palaces: Proceedings of the
Fourth International Symposium at the Swedish Institute in Athens, 10-16
June, 1984. Robin Hägg and Nanno Marinatos, eds. pp. 317-319. Skrifter utgivna
av Svenska institutet i Athen, Series 4, vol. 35. Stockholm.

Analysis of palmprint impressions on almost 100 Linear B tablets has enabled the
identification of at least ten individual assistants who shaped clay tablets for 32 scribes; a
description of the process is given. See also 1557 and 1567.
1543 Bennett, Emmett L., Jr. 1960. Anonymous writers in Mycenaean palaces.
Archaeology 13:26-32.

A general summary, using specific individual tablets as examples, to discuss what

the Linear B tablets can tell us about Mycenaean palace administrative and economic
organization, especially regarding the extensive degree of occupational specialization.

1544 Chadwick, John. 1958. The Mycenaean filing system. Bulletin of the Institute of
Classical Studies 5:1-5.

Describes and discusses the function of clay labels as short abstracts indicating
the subject of tablets contained within baskets or boxes. See also 1546.

1545 Chadwick, John. 1967. The archive of the Room of the Chariot Tablets at
Knossos. Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 14:103-104.

Indicates that the subjects of the tablets contained therein were unspecialized and
that the room therefore may have been used in training clerks or scribes; thus, some of the tablets
may represent practice documents. See also 1547 and 1548.

1546 Chadwick, John. 1968. The organization of the Mycenaean archives. In: Studia
Mycenaea: Proceedings of the Mycenaean Symposium, Brno, April 1966.
Antonin Bartonek, ed. pp. 11-21. Opera Universitatus Pukynianae Brunensis
Facultas Philosophica, 127. Brno: Universita J.E. Purkyne.
 Describes the manner in which Linear B tablets were written and stored, in which
one or more tablets comprise a document; Chadwick proposes replacing the system of
classification of documents into series defined by the use of characteristic ideograms with a
system of sets based on criteria such as find spots, scribal hands and the physical characteristics
of the tablets themselves. See also 1544.

1547 Driessen, Jan M. 1988. The scribes of the "Room of the Chariot Tablets." In:
Texts, Tablets and Scribes: Studies in Mycenaean Epigraphy and Economy
Offered to Emmett L. Bennett, Jr., Jean-Pierre Olivier and Thomas G. Palaima,
eds., pp. 123-165, Suplementos a Minos 10. Salamanca.

A detailed analysis of this set of Linear B tablets from Knossos in terms of their
physical composition, scribal practices and textual data in terms of similarities to and differences
from other tablets at Knossos and elsewhere indicates that these tablets represent a separate or
distinct unit, the significance of which is not entirely apparent. See also 1545 and 1548.

1548 Driessen, Jan. 1999. The Scribes of the Room of the Chariot Tablets at Knossos:
Interdisciplinary Approach to the Study of a Linear B Deposit. Supplementos a Minos 15.
Salamanca: Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca. 390 p.

Combines archaeological, epigraphical, paleographical, sphragistic, linguistic and

internal data in order to identify meaningful differences between the various tablet deposits at
Knossos. Driessen draws attention to the unified but distinctive palaeography, the
prosopographical isolation and the linguistic and typological peculiarities of the deposit to
indicate the Knossos-centrism and limited scale of administration, suggesting that the Room of
the Chariot Tablets represents the remains of an earlier Linear B administration installed during
the crisis years of LM II as part of a larger strategy of the wanax to re-establish and legitimize
control over large parts of Crete. See also 1545 and 1547.

1549 Driessen, Jan. 1999. The Northern Entrance Passage at Knossos: some
preliminary observations on its potential role as “central archives.” In:
Floreant Studia Mycenaea: Akten des X. Internationalen Mykenologischen
Colloquiums in Salzburg vom 1.-5. Mai 1995. Sigrid Deger-Jalkotzy, Stefan Hiller
and Oswald Panagl, eds. pp. 205-226. Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften,
Philosophisch-Historisch Klasse, Denkschriften v. 274. Vienna: Verlag der
Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften.

Detailed quantitative and qualitative analysis of this part of the palace and its
contents suggests that it may represent the remains of a “pre-archival” deposit where records
were collected and appraised before they were copied onto perishable material and disposed of.
Comparison with the arrangement of archives at Pylos also suggests differences in scribal
organization and administration at the two palaces. Driessen proposes an evolutionary sequence
in which clay tablets became more significant over time compared to other more perishible
materials and further suggests that the arrangement of the Northern Entrance Passage may reflect
changes in administration—compared to other deposits of tablets at Knossos—instituted by the
Mycenaean ruling class.

1550 Duhoux, Yves. 1986. The teaching of orthography in Mycenaean Pylos.

Kadmos 25:147-154.

Study of twelve orthographic variants in the writing of Linear B tablets at Pylos

by twenty-six scribal hands; the uniform orthography exhibited by several groups of scribes
suggests some degree of common training in orthography.

1551 Firth, Richard J. 1996-1997. The find-places of the tablets from the palace of
Knossos. Minos 31-32:7-122.

Detailed re-examination of Evans= Handlist and Concordance (including original

numbering, revised numbering and present numbers, correctness of Evans= find-places,
distribution of scribes and sets of tablets, find-places relative to their position immediately prior
to the destruction of the palace, and relationship of tablets from different find-spots), overview of
find-places, discussion of each find-place and discussion of the question of the Aunity of the
archive.@ Firth concludes that bulk of the tablets are contemporary, i.e., were written within the
same generation, except for the Room of the Chariots, which could be earlier. See also 1555.
1552 Hooker, James T. 1965. Sets and files within the Knossos tablets. Kadmos
4:86-95.

Identifies and characterizes groupings of tablets dealing with similar subject

matter and those written by the same scribe.

1553 Hurst, Andre and Francoise Bruschweiler. 1979. Descriptions d'objets a Pylos
et dans l'Orient contemporain. In: Colloquium Mycenaeum: Actes du Sixième
Colloque International sur les Textes Mycéniens et Egéens tenu a Chaumont
sur Neuchatel du 7 au 13 Septembre 1975. Ernst Risch and Hugo Mühlestein,
eds. pp. 65-80. Geneva: Universite de Neuchatel.

Compares the way objects are described in the Pylos Linear B tablets with
contemporary Near Eastern cuneiform documents from Mari, Qatna, El Amarna, Nuzi, Nippur,
Lagaba and Ugarit; in the latter such descriptions are uncommon and are not organized in terms
of hierarchically arranged formulae as in the Pylian tablets. See also 1565 and 1566.

1554 Ilievski, Petar H. 1965. Non-Greek inflections or scribal errors in the

Mycenaean texts. Ziva Antika 15:45-59.

Describes, discusses and gives examples of scribal errors--including changes,

omissions and additions--suggesting that many putative non-Greek words are actually scribal
mistakes.

1555 Killen, John T. 1996-1997. The find-places of the tablets from the western
magazines at Knossos: some matters arising. Minos 31- 32:123-132. See also
1551.
1556 Kyriakidis, Evangelos. 1996-1997. Some aspects of the rôle of scribes in
Pylian palace administration. Minos 31-32:201-229.

Discussion of the human aspects of scribes, including their actions, the framework
within which they worked, how they made tablets, specialization of activities, movements within
the palace and cooperation with other scribes. The consistency of tablet types suggests a standard
framework established by the palace, with the scribes= main concern being the safeguarding of
the interests of the palace and the proper functioning of the framework. See also 1560.

1557 Kyriakidis, Evangelos. 1998-1999. Scribes treated as criminals: a note on the

study of palm and fingerprints on the Linear B tablets of Knossos. In: A-na-qo-ta:
Studies Presented to J.T. Killen. John Bennet and Jan Driessen, eds. pp. 197-204.
Minos 33-34. Salamanca: Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca.

Discusses links between scribes at Knossos, demonstrating that some scribes

exchanged tablets, worked together, had similar tablets and had similar specializations. See also
1542 and 1567.

1558 Landenius-Enegren, Hedvig. 1995. A prosopographical study of scribal

hand 103, methods, aims and problems. In: Politeia: Society and State in the
Aegean Bronze Age. Proceedings of the 5th International Aegean Conference/5e
Rencontre égéene internationale, University of Heidelberg,
Archäologisches Institut, 10-13 April 1994. Robert Laffineur and Wolf-Dietrich
Niemeier, eds. pp. 115-130. Aegaeum 12, Annales d'archéologie égéenne de
l'Université de Liège et UT-PASP. Liège: Université de Liège Histoire de l'art et
archéologie de la Grèce antique/University of Texas at Austin Program in Scripts
and Prehistory.

Discusses methods of analysis of 200 personal names found in tablets of scribal

hand 103 at Knossos--most of which concern the textile industry--and their inter-references with
those of other scribes in order to elucidate relationships between different archive deposits and
related issues of chronology and archival organization. See also 1559.
1559 Olivier, Jean-Pierre. 1967. Les Scribes de Cnossos: Essai de Classement des
Archives d'un Palais Mycénien. Incunabula Graeca 17. Rome: Edizioni
dell'Ateneo. 398 p.

A ground-breaking work in which the author attributes the bulk of the Linear B
tablets to individual scribes, thus clarifying their organization and classification. Olivier begins
by discussing the number and provenience of the tablets and aspects of their paleography; for
each of the 66 scribal hands he then lists tablets attributed to them, their provenience and
describes them as a group. A third section discusses the bureaucratic organization of the palace
in terms of spatial arrangement and scribal specialization. Also includes a concordance listing
inventory number, classification prefix, scribal hand and provenience, a list of tablet fragment
joins, drawings of syllabograms as written by individual scribes and photographs of tablets
written by each scribe. See also 1560.

1560 Palaima, Thomas G. 1988. The Scribes of Pylos. Incunabula Graeca 87. Rome:
Edizioni dell'Ateneo. 277 p.

This work represents the definitive classification of the Pylos tablets in terms of
scribal hands, representative sign forms for each scribal hand and the physical characteristics of
the tablets themselves; Palaima also attempts to reconstruct the record-keeping system at Pylos;
in addition to discussing the discovery contexts of the tablets, Palaima provides a concordance of
tablet classes, scribes, find-spots and components. See also 1559.

1561 Palaima, Thomas G. 1992-1993. Ten reasons why KH 115  KN 115. Minos 27-
28:261-281.

Presents ten paleographical arguments to emphasize that there is not strong

enough evidence to support the claim that a single scribe wrote Linear B tablets at both Knossos
and Khania.

1562 Palaima, Thomas G. 2000. The palaeography of Mycenaean inscribed sealings

from Thebes and Pylos, their place within the Mycenaean administrative system
and their links with the extra-palatial sphere. In: Minoisch- Mykenische Glytik:
Stil, Ikonographie, Funktion. V. Internalen Siegel-Symposium, Marburg, 23.-
25. September 1999. Walter Müller, ed. pp. 219-238. Corpus der
Minoischen und Mykenischen Siegel, Beiheft 6. Berlin: Gebr. Mann Verlag.

The title of this paper is fairly self-explanatory. Palaima analyzes and discusses
the palaeography of inscribed sealings from Pylos and Thebes in order to elucidate their function
within the Mycenaean palatial administrative system and more peripheral economic
organizations and institutions. The patterning of palaeographic idiosyncracies suggests the
existence of non-centrist habits of writing and spelling among individuals and related institutions
who only periodically came into contact with the central tablet-writers and the central
administration in the palaces. See also 1563 and 1568.

1563 Palaima, Thomas G. 2000. The transactional vocabulary of Mycenaean sealings

and the Mycenaean administrative process. In: Administrative Documents in
the Aegean and their Near Eastern Counterparts: Proceedings of the International
Colloquium, Naples, February 29 – March 2, 1996. Massimo Perna, ed. Pp. 261-
273. Ufficio Centrale per I Beni Archivistici.

Detailed analysis of inscribed sealings from Pylos in terms of practical features of

economic administrative organization attempts to explain the presence or absence of
transactional terms. Discussion of the relationship of between tablets and sealings at Mycenaean
sites indicates how different kinds of record-keeping and controlling/monitoring devices served
the varying needs of individuals and institutions at different levels of the Mycenaean economic
and administrative systems, as well as providing some insight into the transactional processes
involved in Mycenaean administration. See also 1564 and 1568.

1564 Pluta, Kevin M. 1996-1997. A reconstruction of the archives complex at Pylos: a

preliminary report. Minos 31-32:231-250.

Discussion includes the original position of tablets in rooms before being

scattered during the destruction of the palace, the architectural layout of the archives complex
and the manner in which the suite of rooms were used by scribes and administrators.

1565 Rehak, Paul and John G. Younger. 2000. Minoan and Mycenaean administration
in the early Late Bronze Age: an overview. In: Administrative Documents
in the Aegean and their Near Eastern Counterparts: Proceedings of the
International Colloquium, Naples, February 29-March 2, 1996. Massimo Perna, ed.
pp. 277-301. Turin: Centro internazionale di richerche archeolgoiche antropologiche e
storiche.

Comparison and contrast of administrative systems on Crete and the Greek

mainland during the 14th and 15th centuries B.C., focusing primarily on architecture and the use
of sealstones. The authors suggest that both societies were in a state of flux or transition, toward
decentralization on Crete and toward centralization on the mainland. Analysis of the presence of
seals in groups of two or three in tholos tombs in the Peloponnese indicates that they may have
functioned as tokens of a simple administrative system used independently of writing. Se also
1553 and 1566.

1566 Shelmerdine, Cynthia. 1995. A comparative look at Mycenaean

administration(s). Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 40:262- 263.

Discusses similarities and differences in the administration of different

Mycenaean states, including regional, geographical and historical conditions and circumstances.
These are reflected in how scribes were employed and where tablets were stored. Variables
include degrees of centralization and specialization. See also 1553 and 1556.

1567 Sjöquist, Karl-Erik and Paul Åström. 1991. Knossos: Keepers and Kneaders.
Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology Pocket-Book 82, Göteborg: Paul Åströms
Förlag. 128 p.

A study of fingerprints on Linear B tablets. The authors discuss inferences

concerning the manufacture of clay tablets, concluding that 8-12 year old children (perhaps
apprentice scribes) and working men flattened the tablets. Forty-six of these individuals are
identified by their fingerprints. It is estimated that there can have been no more than 50 scribes
and flatteners involved. See also 1542 and 1557.
1568 Weingarten, J. 1994. Sealings and sealed documents at Bronze Age Knossos.
In: Knossos: A Labyrinth of History. Papers Presented in Honour of Sinclair Hood.
Don Evely, Helen Hughes-Brock and Nicoletta Momigliano, eds. pp. 171-188.
Oxford: The Managing Committee of the British School at Athens.

In this brief survey, Weingarten observes that the Mycenaean occupation of

Knossos involved a major political upheaval which had fundamental administrative
consequences, including a tightening of administrative controls from the palace--resulting in
more intensive scribal scrutiny of economic activities, a more centralized and hierarchical
administrative structure, and, consequently, more active intervention in economic activities by
the palace and an increased scope of involvement, resulting in a greater amount of information
exchange between the palace and locally-based officials. At the same time, sealings decreased in
frequency and seal use was less intensive, probably reflecting a situation where non-resident seal
owners were sending items to Knossos, and suggesting that Mycenaean scribes may have
assumed some management functions at the expense of the former seal-owning class.
Mycenaean administration also rejected a number of traditional Minoan documents and sealing
practices, including the use of roundels, flat-based documents and multiple sealings, and
retaining only hanging nodules and direct-object sealings. See also 1562 and 1563.

Texts

Various collections and editions of the Linear B tablets from each site have been
published. Listed and described first are some general and comprehensive texts, followed by
texts editions by site, given in chronological order.

1569 Chadwick, John. 1973. Documents in Mycenaean Greek. 2 ed. Cambridge:

Cambridge University Press. 622 p.

Although more recent editions of tablets from individual sites now exist, this is
the single most important work concerning the Linear B script. Part I is concerned with script,
language and culture, including discovery and decipherment, the Mycenaean writing system
(origins, spelling rules, ideograms, numerals and methods of measurement, values for symbols of
weight and volume and possible survivals), the Mycenaean language (script, foreign elements,
relation to historical dialects, dialect differences, phonology, morphology, syntax and
vocabulary), personal names and evidence from the tablets concerning aspects of Mycenaean
civilization (literacy, bureaucratic methods, social organization, religion, agriculture and land
tenure, trade and industry, historical evidence and geographical names). Part II consists of the
transcription and translation of 325 selected tablets arranged in groups according to their context
and classification, and including notes and prefatory material. Part III includes additional
commentary to Part I added in the second edition. Part IV includes a glossary, bibliography,
general index and concordances; replaces the original 1956 edition of Ventris and Chadwick.

1570 Melena, José Luis and Jean-Pierre Olivier. 1991. TITHEMY: The Tablets and
Nodules in Linear B from Tiryns, Thebes and Mycenae. A Revised
Transliteration. Suplementos a Minos 12. Salamanca: Ediciones Universidad de
Salamanca. 92 p.

Revised transliteration including concordance to tablet numbers, complete texts,

indices of words, adjuncts and ideographic signs, previously unpublished joins and tables of
signs.

1571 Olivier, Jean-Pierre. 1972. Les instruments de travail: editions, lexiques,

grammaires. In: Acta Mycenaea: Proceedings of the Fifth International
Colloquium on Mycenaean Studies, Held in Salamanca, 30 March-3 April 1970.
I: Minutes, Resolutions & Reports. Martin S. Ruiperez, ed. pp. 3-19. Salamanca:
Universidad de Salamanca.

Lists current editions of Linear B texts from Knossos, Pylos, Mycenae, Thebes
and Tiryns as well as work in progress, lexicons and grammatical works. See also 1572.

1572 Olivier, Jean-Pierre. 1992. Rapport sur les textes en hieroglyphique cretois, en
lineaire et en lineaire B. In: Mykenäika: Actes du IX Colloque international sur les
textes mycéniens et égéens organise par le Centre de l'Antiquite Grecque et
Romaine de la Fondation Héllenique des Recherches Scientifiques et
l'École française d'Athènes (Athènes, 2-6 octobre 1990). Jean-Pierre Olivier, ed.
pp. 443-456. Bulletin de Correspondence Hellénique Supplement 25. Paris:
Diffusion de Boccard.

Surveys and briefly describes extant hieroglyphic, Linear A and Linear B texts
according to the sites at which they were found, published editions of them and/or preliminary
reports of their discovery. See a;sp 1571.

1573 Olivier, J.-P., L. Godart, C. Seydel and C. Sourvinou. 1973. Index Generaux du
Linéaire B. Incunabula Graeca 52. Rome: Edizioni dell'Ateneo. 413 p.

This useful reference work is comprised of four parts: 1) an alphabetical listing of all
known Linear B syllabograms and words derived from them, a transliteration and references to
all occurrences in the Knossos, Pylos and Mycenae texts; 2) an inverse index of transliterated
syllabograms (i.e., an alphabetical listing of words by their last syllable); 3) an index of
ideograms with references; 4) various miscellaneous appendices.

1574 Pugliese Carratelli, Giovanni. 1964. Documenta Mycenaea. Milan: Istituto

Editoriale Cisalpino. 163 p.

Lists 625 transliterated Linear B inscriptions from Knossos, Pylos, Mycenae,

Thebes, Tiryns, Eleusis and Orchomenos in order of classification; also includes selected Greek
interpretations and lists of syllabograms and ideograms.

1575 Raison, Jacques. 1968. Les Vases à Inscriptions Peintes de l'Age Mycénienne
et leurs Contextes Archéologiques. Incunabula Graeca 19. Rome:
Edizioni dell'Ateneo. 275 p.
 This detailed analysis of vases with painted inscriptions is comprised of three
major parts: 1) a catalogue and description of all known examples, most notably those from
Thebes, Mycenae and Tiryns; 2) a discussion concerning the provenience of the vessels; 3) a
discussion of the meaning and significance of the inscriptions; also includes several appendices
and concordances; extensively illustrated.

Khania

1576 Hallager, Erik. 1975. Linear A and Linear B inscriptions from the
excavations at Kastelli, Khania 1964-1972. Opuscula Atheniensia
11:53-86.

Catalogue, description and illustration of ten definite and five possible inscribed
stirrup jar fragments; on the basis of this and other evidence, Hallager suggests that Linear B was
known and used continuously on Crete from the arrival of Mycenaeans to the end of LM IIIB.

1577 Hallager, Erik. 1983. The Greek-Swedish excavations at Kastelli, Khania 1980:
The Linear B inscriptions. Archaiologika Analekta ex Athinon 16:58-73.

Catalogue and description of 8 additional Linear B inscriptions on potsherds; the

author draws particular attention to the number of unusual inscriptions (i.e., on pots other than
stirrup jars) from Khania.

1578 Hallager, Erik, Maria Vlasakis and Birgitta P. Hallager. 1990. The first Linear B
tablet(s) from Khania. Kadmos 29:24-34.
 Describes one certain and two possible Linear B tablet fragments found at Khania
in western Crete.

1579 Godart, Louis and Yannis Tzedakis. 1991. Les nouveaux textes en linéare B de la
Canée. Rivista di Filologia e di Istruzione Classica 119:129-149.

Describes, illustrates and discusses three Linear B tablets found at the site of
Khania in Western Crete in 1990, which demonstrate that Khania must have been an
administrative center of some significance during the LM III period.

1580 Hallager, Erik, Maria Vlasakis and Birgitta P. Hallager. 1992. New Linear B
tablets from Khania. Kadmos 31:61-87.

Describes the find contexts and pottery associated with three Linear B tablets and
one sealing found at Khania in 1990; the authors describe and illustrate the tablets and offer
commentary on them; in their conclusions, they discuss Cretan scribal tradition, a possible
reference to Dionysos, establish a definite LM IIIB1 context for the tablets and confirm Khania
as a palatial center at this time.

Knossos

1581 Olivier, J.-P. 1994. The inscribed documents at Bronze Age Knossos. In:
Knossos: A Labyrinth of History. Papers Presented in Honour of Sinclair
Hood. Don Evely, Helen Hughes-Brock and Nicoletta Momigliano, eds. pp. 157-
170. Oxford: The Managing Committee of the British School at Athens.

Olivier lists the editions of texts, the character and number of documents,
provenances and dates of discovery, discusses evidence for chronology, and briefly considers
present and future lines of research for Hieroglyphic script, Linear A and Linear B documents at
Knossos.

1582 Chadwick, John and John T. Killen. 1964. The Knossos Tablets (Third Edition).
University of London, Institute of Classical Studies, Bulletin Supplement 15.
London: Institute of Classical Studies. 218 p.

Substantial revision of earlier editions based upon Evans' Scripta Minoa II;
includes transliteration of each tablet in serial order according to classification by subject or
ideogram; also includes textual notes, concordance to tablet numbers and tables of signs.

1583 Chadwick, John, John T. Killen and Jean-Pierre Olivier. 1971. The Knossos
Tablets. Fourth Edition. Cambridge, Eng.: Cambridge University Press. 472 p.

Revised transliteration of Knossos Linear B tablets, arranged serially in order of

classification by subject/ideogram and including scribal attribution and textual notes; also
includes a concordance to tablet numbers and tables of signs; the major revisions in this edition
were due to 785 new joins of tablet fragments and modification of the classification of tablets
due to the identification of scribal hands.

1584 Killen, John T. and Jean-Pierre Olivier. 1989. The Knossos Tablets. Fifth
Edition. Suplementos a Minos 11. Salamanca: Ediciones Universidad de
Salamanca. 487 p.

Transliteration of all Knossos Linear B texts, arranged in serial order by

alphabetical prefix and indicating, where known, scribal attribution, with brief textual notes; also
includes a concordance to tablet numbers and tables of signs.
1585 Olivier, Jean-Pierre and John T. Killen. 1992. Errata et Corrigenda a KT5 au
04/09/90. In: Mykenäika: Actes du IX Colloque international sur les textes
mycéniens et égéens organise par le Centre de l'Antiquite Grecque et Romaine de
la Fondation Héllenique des Recherches Scientifiques et l'École française
d'Athènes (Athènes, 2-6 octobre 1990). Jean-Pierre Olivier, ed. pp. 457-459.
Bulletin de Correspondence Hellénique Supplement 25. Paris: Diffusion de Boccard.

Lists errata and corrigenda to the 5th edition of the Knossos tablets.

1586 Chadwick, John, Louis Godart, Jean-Pierre Olivier, Anna Sacconi and Iannis A.
Sakellarakis. 1986. Corpus of Mycenaean Inscriptions from
Knossos. Incunabula Graeca 88. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 2 v.

The most recent, complete and currently definitive edition of the Knossos Linear
B tablets; each tablet is presented as a photograph, drawing and transliterated text and each entry
includes (where relevant) classification prefix, set number, serial number, location, find-spot and
scribal hand.

1587 Chadwick, J., L. Godart, J.T. Killen, J.-P. Olivier, A. Sacconi and I.A.
Sakellarakis. 1997. Corpus of Mycenaean Inscriptions from Knossos, Volume III
(5000-7999). Incunabula Graeca vol. 88, no. 3. Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press.

Photographs, drawings, transliteration, classification, interpretation of and

commentary on 2061 Linear B fragments.

1588 Chadwick, J., L. Godart, J.T. Killen, J.-P. Olivier, A. Sacconi and I.A.
Sakellarakis. 1998. Corpus of Mycenaean Inscriptions from Knossos. Volume IV
(8000-9947) and Index to Volumes I-IV. Incunabula Graeca Vol. 88. Cambridge,
Eng.: Cambridge University Press. 295 p.
 Formal and definitive publication. A photograph, drawing description and
transliteration is provided for each tablet or fragment. Indices include joins of fragments not
shown in Volumes I-III, scribes, series and sets, concordance to tablet numbers, inventory
numbers of sealings in the Iraklion Museum, table syllabograms, table of ideograms and
corrigenda.

Mallia

1589 Farnoux, Alexandre and Jan Driessen. 1991. Inscriptions peintes en linéare
B à Malia. Bulletin de Correspondence Hellénique 115:71-94.

Describes, illustrates and discusses two vases with Linear B inscriptions found in
1990 at the palace of Mallia in Crete, the first known examples from this site; the authors discuss
the date and archaeological context of the vases and offer analysis and interpretation of the
inscriptions and their significance for the site of Mallia.

Midea

1590 Demakopoulou, Katie and Nicoletta Divari- Valakou. 1992-1993. A Linear B

inscribed stirrup jar from Midea. Minos 27-28:303-305.

Describes a fragment found in 1994 excavations in the area of the West Gate.

1591 Demakopoulou, Katie and Nicoletta Divari- Valakou. 1994-1995. New finds
with Linear B inscriptions from Midea (MI Z 2, Wv 3, Z 4). Minos 29-30:323-328.
 Description of a sherd from a stirrup jar inscribed with a Linear B sign, a
prismatic nodule with a sealing and a Linear B ideogram and an almost-complete storage stirrup-
jar with a Linear B inscription found in the area of the West Gate.

1592 Walberg, Gisela. 1996-1997. Two new nodules from the lower terraces at Midea.
Minos 31- 32: 133-134.

Description and illustration of these nodules found in 1996, in the same area
(Room VII) as an earlier nodule and near an inscribed stirrup jar fragment. Both date to the LH
IIIB destruction level.

Mycenae

1593 Bennett, Emmett L., Jr. 1953. The Mycenae tablets. Proceedings of the
American Philosophical Society 97:422-470.

First edition, dealing with 38 Linear B tablets discovered in 1952 in the House of
the Oil Merchant; describes archaeological context and circumstances of discovery; catalogue of
tablets and inscribed stirrup jars, including drawings, transcriptions, photographs and
commentary on the syllabary, ideographic signs and paleography; includes an index and reverse
index of sign groups.

1594 Bennett, Emmett L., Jr., ed. 1958. The Mycenae Tablets II. Transactions of
the American Philosophical Society 48(1):1-122.

Revised complete publication of the Mycenae Linear B tablets; contents include

an introductory chapter discussing and fully illustrating the discovery and archaeological context
of the tablets in a wealthy residential area outside the citadel (House of Shields, House of the Oil
Merchant, House of Sphinxes), a catalogue of photographs and drawings of the inscriptions, texts
and transliterations, epigraphic commentary, translations and linguistic commentary, vocabulary
and an index of ideographic signs.

1595 Chadwick, John, ed. 1963. The Mycenae tablets III . Transactions of the
American Philosophical Society 52(7):1-76.

Definitive publication of Linear B tablets found at Mycenae between 1958 and

1961; includes well illustrated and thorough discussion of find contexts (West House, House of
Oil Merchant, House of Sphinxes and Citadel House), photographs of the tablets, texts and
commentary and notes on paleography.

1596 Olivier, Jean-Pierre. 1967. The Mycenae Tablets IV: A Revised

Transliteration. Textus Minores 39. Leiden: E.J. Brill. 43 p.

Transliterated text of all Linear B tablets found at Mycenae between 1950 and
1967; this work is meant to supplement earlier editions of the Mycenae tablets--which have
photographs, drawings and commentary--rather than replace them; also includes a concordance
giving the number, prefix, joins (if any), date of discovery, find-spot, previous publications and
scribe--if known--for each tablet; also includes an index of all words and ideograms found on
tablets and vases from Mycenae.

Pylos

1597 Bennett, Emmett L., Jr., ed. 1955. The Pylos Tablets: Texts of the Inscriptions
Found, 1939-54. Princeton: Princeton University Press. 252 p.
 The first definitive edition of the Pylos Linear B tablets, replacing the earlier
Preliminary Transcription; it includes an inventory of the tablets, classification of the tablets, line
drawings of the tablets, copies of the tablets in classified order, a list of phonetic signs, a list of
ideographic signs used at Pylos, a vocabulary and an index of ideographic signs; also includes a
brief forward by the excavator of Pylos discussing their archaeological context and the Pylos
archive system.

1598 Bennett, Emmett L., Jr. 1958. The Olive Oil Tablets of Pylos: Texts of
Inscriptions Found, 1955. Suplementos a Minos 2. Salamanca.

Presents copies, photographs, drawings and transcriptions, with tentative

translations, of each tablet; also lists ideograms used; some interpretation of the tablets is offered.

1599 Gallavotti, Carlo and Anna Sacconi, eds. 1961. Inscriptiones Pyliae: ad
Mycenaeam Aetatem Pertinentes. Incunabula Graeca 1. Rome: Edizione
dell'Ateneo. 204 p.

Transcription of all Linear B tablets from Pylos excavated through 1960, arranged
in order of classication by subject; also includes a list of ideograms, a list of phonetic values for
syllabograms, a list of the meanings of ideograms, an index of vocabulary and an index of
tablets.

1600 Shelmerdine, Cynthia W. and John Bennet. 1995. Two new Linear B
documents from Bronze Age Pylos. Kadmos 34:123-136.

The authors describe, illustrate and discuss in some detail a nodule and tablet
fragment discovered in 1991-1992. The nodule appears to record the delivery of wooden handles
for javelins.
1601 Melena, José L. 1996-1997. 40 joins and quasi-joins in the Linear B tablets
from Pylos. Minos 31-32:159-170.

See also 1602 and 1603.

1602 Melena, José L. 1996-1997. 13 joins and quasi-joins of fragments in the Linear
B tablets from Pylos. Minos 31-32:171-178.

See also 1601 and 1603.

1603 Bennett, Emmett L., Jr., 1996-1997. Junctions, restorations and

reconstructions in Pylian and related texts, Minos 31-32:135- 143.

See also 1602 and 1603.

Thebes

1604 Chadwick, John. 1970. Linear B tablets from Thebes. Minos 10:115-137.

First publication of twenty-one fragments found during 1964-1965 excavations,

including catalogue, description, illustration and interpretation of the tablets, as wall as their
relation to stirrup-jar inscriptions from the same site, analysis of formulae used in the tablets,
scribal hands, homogeneity of the tablets and comparison with tablets from other sites.
1605 Chadwick, John. 1975. The Linear B tablets. In: The Thebes Tablets II.
Theodoros G. Spyropoulos and John Chadwick, eds. pp. 83-107. Suplementos a
Minos 4. Salamanca: Universidad de Salamanca.

Drawings and transcriptions of Linear B tablets excavated at Thebes in 1970 and

1972; includes commentary on the tablets themselves, the identity of recipients, religious
dedications, place names, references to wool, epigraphy, and orthography; also includes indices
of words in the Thebes tablets and reverse indices.

1606 Godart, Louis and Anna Sacconi. 1978. Les tablettes en Lineare B de
Thebes. Incunabula Graeca 71. Rome: Edizioni dell'Ateneo & Bizzari. 110 p.

Publication of 43 Linear B tablets excavated at Thebes between 1964 and 1970;

includes photograph, drawing, transliteration and inventory number for each tablet, a table of
signs as they occur on each tablet and an index of words and ideograms.

1607 Piteros, Christos, Jean-Pierre Olivier, and Jose L. Melena. 1990. Les
Inscriptions en linéaire B des nodules de Thebes (1982): la fouille, les
documents, les possibilites d'interpretation. Bulletin de Correspondence
Hellénique 114:103-181.

Describes, discusses and illustrates 56 clay nodules with Linear B inscriptions

found at Thebes in 1982, including the circumstances of their discovery, a catalogue of finds, a
discussion of their function, discussion of the inscriptions, with epigraphic commentary,
comparison with similar finds at Knossos, philological commentary and possible interpretations.

1608 Aravantinos, Vassilis, Louis Godart and Anna Sacconi. 2001. Thebes, Fouilles de
la Cadmée. I: Les Tablettes en Linéaire B de la Odos Pelopidou, Edition et
Commentaire. Pisa: Istituti Editoriali e Poligrafici Internationali.
 Full and final publication of 238 tablets and fragments. Edition of texts includes
photograph, drawing, transliteration, condition and other information for each tablet.
Commentary includes discussion of series and scribes, philological commentary, the tablets and
Greek religion, quantities of commodities and conclusions. Also includes index of words and
terms in the tablets, index of ideograms, glossary, concordances and a table of signs.

Tiryns

1609 Döhl, Hartmut. 1978. Bronzezeitliche graffiti aus Tiryns, I: vor dem brand
eingeritzte zeichen. Kadmos 17:115-150.

Catalogue, illustration and discussion of graffiti from Tiryns.

1610 Döhl, Hartmut. 1979. Bronzezeitliche graffiti und dipinti aus Tiryns II: nach dem
Brand eingeritzte und gemalte Zeichen. Kadmos 18:47-70.

A catalogue, illustration and discussion of graffiti and dipinti found on handles of

stirrup jars, amphorae and other vessels from Tiryns.

1611 Godart, Louis, John T. Killen and Jean-Pierre Olivier. 1983. Eighteen more
fragments of Linear B tablet from Tiryns. Archäologisches Anzeiger
1983:413-426.

Describes, illustrates and discusses the first Linear B fragments to come from a
securely dated context at Tiryns; the fragments expand the range of subjects known to be dealt
with by the palace at Tiryns.
1612 Olivier, Jean-Pierre. 1988. Tirynthian graffiti: ausgrabungen in Tiryns
1982/83. Archäologischer Anzeiger 1988:261-268.

Included in this catalogue of inscribed clay artifacts from Tiryns found between
1905 and 1986 are one Linear B tablet fragment and thirty Late Helladic sherds.

Mathematics

Since the Linear B tablets are primarily accounting documents, some of the earliest
studies of them involve the identification and characterization of the Mycenaean systems of
mathematical notation and enumeration. These systems seem largely to have been adapted from
Minoan systems used in the Linear A script. In addition to a set of numbers whose values have
been fairly firmly established, there were a number of systems of measurement, for weight and
wet and dry volume.

1613 Anderson, W.F. 1958. Arithmetic procedures in Minoan Linear A and in

Minoan-Greek Linear B. American Journal of Archaeology 62:362-368.

1614 Bennett, Emmett L., Jr. 1950. Fractional quantities in Minoan bookkeeping.
American Journal of Archaeology 54:204-222.

Compares methods of indicating fractions in Linear A and Linear B; similarities

include the use of a single decimal system of notation for whole numbers, general processes of
bookkeeping and the extensive use of ideograms in accounting; there is, however a clear
difference in recording fractional quantities, not only in notation, but also in the conception of
the method of measurement; Bennett suggests that this reflects a change from the Egyptian to the
Mesopotamian system of weights and measures.

1615 Bennett, Emmett L., Jr. 1987. To take the measure of Mycenaean measures. In:
Studies in Mycenaean and Classical Greek Presented to John Chadwick. John T.
Killen, Jose L. Melena and Jean-Pierre Olivier, eds. pp. 89-96. Salamanca:
Universidad de Salamanca.

Compares a recent system of measurements in the Balkans with the units of

measurement found in Linear B tablets; Bennett finds no direct correspondence, noting that
although we know the Linear B units of measurement, we cannot as yet determine the origin or
actual volumes to which they refer.

1616 Bennett, Emmett L. 1999. Minos and Minyas: writing Aegean measures. In:
Floreant Studia Mycenaea: Akten des X. Internationalen Mykenologischen
Colloquiums in Salzburg vom 1.-5. Mai 1995. Sigrid Deger-Jalkotzy, Stefan Hiller
and Oswald Panagl, eds. pp. 159-175. Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften,
Philosophisch-Historisch Klasse, Denkschriften v. 274. Vienna: Verlag der
Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften.

Discusses the nature of early systems of measurement, the origins of Aegean

systems, similarities and differences between accounting in Linear A and Linear B and the
possibility of different accounting systems in different palatial centers.

1617 Chiotis, E.D. 2001. New evidence on the advanced level of the Mycenaean
mathematics. In: Archaeometry Issues in Greek Prehistory and Antiquity. Y.
Bassiakos, E.Aloupi and Y. Facorellis, eds. pp. 801-810. Athens: Hellenic
Society for Archaeometry and Society of Messenean Archaeological Studies.

Plans of the Treasury of Atreus at Mycenae indicate that the parabolic geometry of
the chamber was designed in advance and that the perfection of proportions noted by Wace is
due to the predominance of proportions of small integer numbers, which are ubiquitous;
moreover, right-angled triangles exist with sides proportional to small integer numbers, and it is
therefore suggested that the Pythagorean theorem was known to the Mycenaeans, perhaps in
some empirical form. Chiotis concludes that the geometric shapes and proportions of Mycenaean
monuments demonstrate an advanced level of mathematics for the period, perhaps in the form of
empirical knowledge.
1618 De Fidio, Pia. 1983. Il ricapitolativo Ed e i sistemi di misura Micenei. Kadmos
22:14-39.

De Fidio suggests that the ideograms DA and PA were measures of capacity used
only in the sphere of the rural economy, representing non-decimal elements; she discusses the
correspondence of these measures to the late, more sophisticated system of measurement which
combined systems of dry measure and weight.

1619 De Fidio, Pia. 1998-1999. On the routes of Aegean Bronze Age wool and
weights. In: A-na- qo-ta: Studies Presented to J.T. Killen. John Bennet and Jan
Driessen, eds. pp. 39-63. Minos 33-34. Salamanca: Ediciones Universidad de
Salamanca.

Investigates the possible contribution of analyzing procedures connected with the

weighing and distribution of wool toward a definition of absolute values of Aegean weights. De
Fidio attempts to verify the plausibility of the hypothesis that societies on Crete adhered to the
broader non-Mesopotamian system of the Near East by examining weights of Aegean
provenience, including those from the Greek mainland, and especially those with inscriptions.
She concludes that Minoan and Mycenaean systems of weights were fully integrated into the
proportional systems used by other great contemporary palatial societies.

1620 Lang, Mabel L. 1964. Pylos pots and the Mycenaean units of capacity.
American Journal of Archaeology 68:99-105.

Compares measurements of the dry volume of pots excavated at the palace of

Pylos with units of capacity found on the Pylos Linear B tablets.

1621 Sacconi, Anna. 1971. Gli ideogrammi micenei per le ciffre ed i segni di misura.
Kadmos 10:135-149.
 Lists and discusses ideograms representing numbers and units of measure, with
their presumed quantities; lists Linear B tablets on which these ideograms are found.

1622 Was, Daniel A. 1977. The Mycenaean units of measure. Kadmos 16:26-35.

Was suggests that the Mycenaean system of measures for dry capacity resulted
from the adaptation of the earlier Minoan system by reducing the capacity of the latter by
approximately one-sixth.

Medicine

1623 Arnott, Robert. 1996. Healing and Medicine in the Aegean Bronze Age. Journal
of the Royal Society of Medicine 89:265-270.

1624 Arnott, Robert. 1997. Surgical practice in the prehistoric Aegean.

Medizinhistorisches Journal 32:249-278.

Literature
 No examples of written Mycenaean literature, if such existed, have been preserved.
It is in any case extremely likely that Mycenaean poetry and other literary forms were oral.
Some mostly speculative efforts at characterizing this literature have been made by extrapolating
backward from the works of Homer, who drew upon an oral tradition that may or may not have
extended back into the Bronze Age.

1625 Hooker, James T. 1988. From Mycenae to Homer. In: Studies in Honour of
T.B.L. Webster, Vol. 2. J.H. Betts, J.T. Hooker and J.R. Green, eds. pp. 57-64.
Bristol: Bristol Classical Press.

Asserts a Mycenaean origin of Homeric poetry and dismisses a Dark Age origin
through an examination of pervasive Late Bronze Age practices such as the use of bronze, people
and places mentioned by Homer, the ease of communication and the depiction of powerful
kingdoms in the Homeric epics.

1626 Morris, Sarah P. 1989. A tale of two cities: the miniature frescoes from Thera and
the origin of Greek poetry. American Journal of Archaeology 93:511-535.

Morris argues that the primary source for the Thera frescoes is an epic or heroic
transformation of historical experience that implies the existence of contemporary poetry.
Comparison of visual images with poetic themes, formulae and episodes shows that the frescoes
can be seen as an early and important document in the prehistory of Greek epic tradition and the
evolution of narrative art. This interpretation is combined with recent developments in
archaeology and philology to argue for the existence of epic poetry by the early Mycenaean
period and to raise issues concerning current methodology in Aegean prehistory. Morris also
asserts that the West House at Thera was a private dwelling, not a cult center, and that the
frescoes may reflect Mycenaean expeditions to western Anatolia prior to the Trojan War.

1627 Trümpy, Catherine. 1986. Vergleich des Mykenischen mit der Sprache
der Chorlyrik. Bewahrt die Chrolyrik eine von Homer
unabhangige alte Sprachtradition. Euopäische Hochschulschriften, Klassische Sprachen
und Literaturen, Series 15, vol. 32. Bern: Peter
 Discusses the relationship between Mycenaean Greek and later choral lyrics in
terms of words, suffixes and prefixes present or absent in each and in the Homeric poems; also
discusses the significance of dialects.

1628 Webster, T.B.L. 1956. On the track of Mycenaean poetry. Classica et

Mediaevalia 17:149-161.

Discusses correspondences between Linear B tablets and the Homeric poems in

terms of various objects described, military organization, land tenure and mythology.

1629 Webster, T.B.L. 1964. From Mycenae to Homer. New York: W.W. Norton &
Company, Inc. 333 p.

Examines Mycenaean art and literature from the perspective of the Linear B
tablets; also discusses the relationship with Near Eastern art and literature and continuity into the
Dark Age, culminating in the Homeric poems.

1630 West, Martin L. 1973. Greek poetry 2000-700 B.C. Classical Quarterly
23:179-192.

Examines evidence including terminology relating to poetry, metrical techniques,

stylistic features and poetic vocabulary in order to reconstruct early Greek poetry by assuming
continuity and extrapolating backward from general characteristics of Indo-European poetry;
discusses the evolution of regional and dialectal metrical traditions and the origin and
development of the heroic epic.
 Music

1631 Dragona-Latsoudi, Aliki. 1977. Mykenaikos kitharodos apo ti Navplia.

Archaiologikis Ephemeris 1977:86-98.

During the excavation of 2 LH IIIA-B chamber tombs in Navplion, a fragment

from a LH IIIA krater depicting a stringed instrument was found; the author describes this
depiction in some detail and compares it to other known examples.

1632 Younger, John G. 1998. Music in the Aegean Bronze Age. Studies in
Mediterranean Archaeology and Literature Pocket-book 144. Jonsered: Paul
Åströms Förlag. 108 p.

In this recent survey Younger describes and discusses Aegean musical

instruments including strings (harps, lyres, phorminxes and kitharas), reeds (auloi), winds
(syrinxes and triton shell trumpets) and percussion (sistra and cymbals) and aspects of Aegean
music and society including its use and character and gender and sexuality. Also includes
catalogues of extant musical instruments and of musical depictions.

NEW DIRECTIONS

I include here a selection of individual works and collections which have

particularly emphasized recent theoretical and methodological approaches to Mycenaean
civilization.
1633 Bennet, John. 1984. Text and context: levels of approach to the integration of
archaeological and textual data in the Late Bronze Age Aegean. Archaeological Review
from Cambridge 3:63-74.

Discusses the relationship between Linear B texts and archaeological context and
interpretation, primarily in terms of contextual levels (local, intra-site, regional and
inter-regional) and the integration of text and context; some attention is also given to
methodological issues. See also 1644 and 1646.

1634 Bennet, John and Michael Galaty. 1997. Ancient Greece: recent developments
in Aegean archaeology and regional studies. Journal of Archaeological
Research 5:75-120.

Useful recent overview. The authors review and discuss recent advancements and
developments in method and theory, including social complexity, Aegean chronology, writing
systems, exchange and regional studies, focusing on the prehistoric Aegean and regional
approaches associated with archaeological surface survey. Includes an extensive bibliography.
See also 1636 and 1637.

1635 Bintliff, John, ed. 1977. Mycenaean Geography: Proceedings of the

Cambridge Colloquium, September 1976. Cambridge: British Association for
Mycenaean Studies. 119 p.

Important collection of papers dealing with theoretical and methodological

aspects of Mycenaean geography including settlement patterns, political geography, data
collection and analysis and simulation; contents include: J.L. Bintliff, The history of archaeo-
geographic studies of prehistoric Greece, and recent fieldwork (pp. 3-18); O.T.P.K. Dickinson,
Mycenaean geography: an archaeological viewpoint (pp. 18-23); P. Halstead, Prehistoric
Thessaly: the submergence of civilisation (pp. 23-28); I. Hodder, Geographical techniques and
Mycenaean archaeology (pp. 29-35); J. Chadwick, The interpretation of Mycenaean documents
and Pylian geography (pp. 36-40); J.T. Killen, The Knossos texts and the geography of
Mycenaean Crete (pp. 40-54); R. Hope Simpson, Mycenaean Greece: a note on the current state
of field research (pp. 55-67); P.M. Warren, The emergence of Mycenaean palace civilization (pp.
68-75); J. Cherry, Investigating the political geography of an early state by multidimensional
scaling of Linear B tablet data (pp. 76-83); D. Kendall, Computer techniques and the archival
map reconstruction of Mycenaean Messenia (pp. 83-88); A. Chadwick, Computer simulation of
settlement development in Bronze Age Messenia (pp. 88-93); C. Renfrew, Retrospect and
prospect (pp. 108-119).

1636 Bintliff, John. 1997. Regional survey, demography, and the rise of complex
societies in the ancient Aegean: core-periphery, neo- Malthusian, and other
interpretive models. Journal of Field Archaeology 24:1-38.

Reviews, examines and discusses a number of models (region-macroregion,

structural history, historical accident, core-periphery and world systems, neo-Malthusian and
eco-demographic, combination trajectory, socio-structural punctuated equilibrium, cyclical
evolution-devolution) in order to understand developmental paths identified for different regions
of Greece. Bintliff focuses on historical periods, comparing and contrasting developments in
prehistory, including the Bronze Age. He concludes that individual regional trajectories are
generally the product of complex interactions between the local effects of widespread
technological and agricultural diffusions and interregional interactions of somewhat shorter
duration. Also provides a good recent summary of survey work in the Aegean. See also 1634 and
1637.

1637 Cherry, John F. 1994. Regional survey in the Aegean: the "new wave" (and after).
In: Beyond the Site: Regional Studies in the Aegean Area. P. Nick Kardulias,
ed. pp. 91- 112. Lanham, MD: University Press of America.

Cherry considers the nature, scope and impact of the radical increase in the
number of multi-period regional surface survey projects in the Aegean in the last twenty years.
He characterizes this activity, because of its difference from previous work in terms of
methodology and research goals, as a "new wave" in Greek archaeology, asserting that survey
work has become an accepted and valuable technique for investigating the Greek past and
challenging traditional interpretations stemming from a narrower database. He concludes by
discussing some of the fruits of recent survey efforts, current directions and approaches and the
potential for the future. See also 1634 and 1636.
1638 Cherry, John F. and Jack L. Davis. 1999. An archaeological homily. In:
Rethinking Mycenaean Palaces: New Interpretations of an Old Idea. Michael L.
Galaty and William A. Parkinson, eds. pp. 91-98. Cotsen Institute of Archseology,
University of California Los Angeles, Monograph 41. Los Angeles: Cotsen
Institute of Archaeology, University of California, Los Angeles.

The authors comment on various articles in the same volume. See also 1641.

1639 Dickinson, Oliver. 1996. An up-to-date look at the Greek Bronze Age. Pyxida
2:25-36.

See also 1634 and 1642.

1640 Fotiadis, Michael. 1995. Modernity and the past-still-present: politics of time in
the birth of regional archaeological projects in Greece. American Journal of
Archaeology 99:59-78.

Post-modernist analysis and critique of the Minnesota Messenia Expedition

focusing on assumptions affecting research design and methodology, especially notions of time
and the relationship of present to past.

1641 Galaty, Michael L. and William A. Parkinson. 1999. Putting Mycenaean palaces
in their place: an introduction. In: Rethinking Mycenaean Palaces: New
Interpretations of an Old Idea. Michael L. Galaty and William A. Parkinson, eds.
pp. 1-8. Cotsen Institute of Archaeology, University of California Los Angeles,
Monograph 41. Los Angeles: Cotsen Institute of Archaeology, University of
California, Los Angeles.
 The authors advocate an integrated multidisciplinary comparative theoretical
approach to Mycenaean palaces, incorporating classical and anthropological archaeology and
ideas and data from regions outside the Aegean, such as the Near East or Mesoamerica in order
to model processes of state development and functioning. See also 1638.

1642 Kardulias, P. Nick. 1994. Paradigms of the past in Greek archaeology. In:
Beyond the Site: Regional Studies in the Aegean Area. P. Nick Kardulias, ed. pp.
1-23. Lanham, MD: University Press of America.

Uses Thomas Kuhn's model of scientific paradigms to discuss the transition from
text-based classical archaeology and art history toward a focus on holistic multidisciplinary
regional studies emphasizing environmental adaptation and long-term process of change and
development. Discusses some of the major goals, theoretical orientations and methodological
approaches within this new paradigm, particularly as they are seen in recent and ongoing
regional programs. See also 1634 and 1639.

1643 Palaima, Thomas G. 2000. The Pylos Ta series: from Michael Ventris to the new
millennium. Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 44:236-237.

Surveys theories about the thirteen tablets of the Pylos Ta series and examines
features that provide clues about how and why they were written. Palaima offers a clarification
of the number of individual items on the tablets, proposes an order in which they were written
and uses this information to explain the circumstances under which they were written and
illustrate the working habits of the tablet-writer, Pylos Hand 2. He asserts that such an analysis
exemplifies the need for a combinatory approach utilizing the insights of linguistic,
archaeological, anthropological, art historical, epigraphical, palaeographical, archival, dialectial,
text-pragmatic and general prehistorical studies of Linear B tablets. He concludes by interpreting
the Ta series as referring to an inventory of furniture and utensils used for a specific event, a kind
of commensual ceremony held in the court between the Southwestern Building and the main
palatial complex.

1644 Palaima, Thomas G. and Cynthia W. Shelmerdine. 1984. Mycenaean

archaeology and the Pylos texts. Archaeological Review from Cambridge 3:76-89.
 The authors discuss principles of research concerning Mycenaean civilization
utilizing the Linear B texts and excavation material, with a focus upon the economic and
administrative aspects of the functioning of the palace at Pylos; in addition to raising and
discussing problems of interpretation and possible approaches to them, they treat in some detail
two specific subjects: the perfumed oil industry and the Northeast Workshop. See also 1633 and
1646.

1645 Renfrew, Colin. 1972. The Emergence of Civilisation: the Cyclades and the
Aegean in the Third Millennium B.C. London: Methuen & Co. Ltd. 595 p.

Although primarily concerned with the Cyclades and Crete in the Early Bronze Age
and the origins of Aegean civilization, the primary significance of this ground-breaking work is
its theoretical and methodological framework involving a systems perspective on Aegean
civilization and the explanation of culture change, which represents the first significant attempt
to introduce a new theoretical paradigm; also contains a good discussion of environment and
settlement patterns in the Bronze Age Aegean.

1646 Shelmerdine, Cynthia W. 1985. Pylos tablets and archaeology. Eirene 22:55-60.

Demonstrates the results of combining archaeological and documentary evidence by

analyzing Linear B tablets found outside the archives complex at Pylos; through an examination
of the Fr series and tablets from the Northeast Workshop, along with evidence of find spots,
scribal hands and associated finds, Shelmerdine presents evidence of a carefully-organized
scribal system in which various scribes had specific responsibilities in specific locations. See
also 1633 and 1638.

1647 Snodgrass, A.M. 1985. The new archaeology and the classical archaeologist.
American Journal of Archaeology 89:31-37.
 Snodgrass discusses the traditional classical and new archaeological paradigms, and
possible areas or rapprochement, i.e., how these approaches can be fruitfully combined in
studying the Aegean Bronze Age.

1648 Vaughan, Sarah. 2000. A review of palaeodietary research in the Aegean

and introduction to the monograph. In: Palaeodiet in the Aegean. Sarah J.
Vaughan and William D.E. Coulson, eds. pp. 1-9. Wiener Laboratory Monograph 1.
Oxford: Oxbow Books.

Reviews and summarizes palaeodietary research in the Aegean, including new analytical
techniques and taphonomic problems, and discusses future directions of research.

1649 Voutsaki, Sofia. 1995. Value and exchange in pre-monetary societies:

anthropological debates and Aegean archaeology. In: Trade and Production in
Premonetary Greece: Aspects of Trade. Proceedings of the Third
International Workshop, Athens 1993. Carole Gillis, Christina Risberg and Birgitta
Sjöberg, eds. pp. 7-17. Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology and Literature
Pocket-Book 134. Jonsered: Paul Åströms Förlag.

Taking an anthropological approach to economic theory, with particular attention to

the notion of value, Voutsaki makes the following points: 1) modern impersonal market forces
do not necessarily and automatically operate in premodern societies because economic
transactions are embedded in a larger social context and because there are internal mechanisms
which control the proliferation and restrict the circulation of valued goods within the existing
power structure such as ranked spheres of exchange or royal monopolies; 2) there are social
structures, such as trade partnerships that enable the maintenance of reciprocity when there is an
imbalance of supply and demand; 3) the operation of supply and demand in premonetary
societies depends on the centrality of the exchanged goods, the reversibility of supply
fluctuations and the strength of the social component in the transaction; 4) value is created not
only at the moment of production, but also through the mechanisms of allocation involving
modes of exchange and consumption. In studying premodern exchange and other economic
activities, it is therefore necessary not only to assess the value of an object, but also to
understand the mechanisms and social strategies through which things acquire value.

1650 Wilkie, Nancy C. and William D.E. Coulson, eds. 1985. Contributions to
Aegean Archaeology: Studies in Honor of William A. McDonald. Center for
Ancient Studies, University of Minnesota Publications in Ancient Studies 1.
297 p.
 Collection of articles dealing with various aspects of Aegean archaeology; contents
include: S. Mcnally, Art history and archaeology (pp. 1-21); E.L. Bennett, Jr., "The first
Mycenaean inscribed tablets ever found on the Greek mainland," (pp. 37-48); S.G. Cole,
Archaeology and religion (pp. 49-59); T.W. Jacobsen, Another modest proposal:
ethnoarchaeology in Greece (pp. 91-107); H.E. Wright, Jr., Palaeocology, climatic change and
Aegean prehistory (pp. 183-195); S.C. Bisel and J.L. Angel, Health and nutrition in Mycenaean
Greece: a study of human skeletal remains (pp. 197-209); V.A. Walsh and P.C. Patton, Future
developments in computer-aided Aegean archaeology (pp. 245-257); G. Gibbon, Classical and
anthropological archaeology: a coming rapprochment? (pp. 283-294).

REGIONAL AND SITE REPORTS

Gazetteers

The two works below list and describe almost every site in Greece and parts of the
Aegean at which evidence of Mycenaean occupation has been found, either through survey or
excavation. They should be consulted for additional information concerning the regions and
sites described in Regional Syntheses and Site Reports, as well as those not described therein.

1651 Hope Simpson, Richard. 1981. Mycenaean Greece. Park Ridge, NJ: Noyes
Press. 246 p.

An indispensable reference work listing by region all known Mycenaean sites (to
c. 1980) in mainland Greece and the Aegean islands; individual entries include name(s) and
location of site, periods of occupation, published references and description-- sometimes with
discussion--of the site's significance, major finds and excavation history; also includes discussion
of settlement patterns in the Late Bronze Age and an extensive bibliography.

1652 Hope Simpson, Richard and O.T.P.K. Dickinson. 1979. A Gazetteer of Aegean
Civilization in the Bronze Age, Vol. 1: the Mainland and the Islands. Studies in
Mediterranean Archaeology 52. Göteborg: Paul Åströms Förlag. 430 p.

Comprehensive catalogue and discussion of Bronze Age sites by region; includes

summaries of Early Bronze Age, Middle Bronze Age, early Mycenaean, later Mycenaean, end of
Bronze Age and Dark Age periods; also discusses Mycenaean trade and settlement distribution
throughout the Bronze Age; also includes maps, index of sites and index of special features, such
as fortifications, tholos tombs, etc.; the basic source for Aegean Bronze Age settlement patterns
and site information and references.

Regional Syntheses

1653 Andreou, Stelios, Michael Fotiadis and Kostas Kotsakis. 1996. Review of Aegean
prehistory V: the Neolithic and Bronze Age of Northern Greece. American Journal
of Archaeology 109:537-597.

The authors summarize the state of research in the provinces of Thessaly, Macedonia,
Thrace and Epirus, emphasizing field projects undertaken in the last two decades; they focus on
the main conclusions of those projects and questions of regional significance, interregional
comparisons and comparisons between archaeological phases. See also 1665, 1666 and 1668.
1654 Benzi, Mario. 1988. Mycenaean Rhodes: a summary. In: Archaeology in the
Dodecanese. Søren Dietz and Ioannis Papachristodoulou, eds. pp. 59-72.
Copenhagen: The National Museum of Denmark, Department of Near Eastern
and Classical Antiquities.

Using data from c. 20 cemeteries, Benzi summarizes events by period: LH IIB-IIIA1

signals the arrival of Mycenaeans, as indicated by the appearance of chamber tombs and LH IIIA
pottery, leading to the conquest of the northern part of the island; LH IIIA2 is a period of
prosperity, with a second wave of immigration leading to large-scale occupation of the island in
which the number of occupied site almost triples, establishing a settlement pattern which persists
until early LH IIIC; LH IIIB is a period of apparent decline, with less abundant pottery and a
decrease in the use of tombs; in LH IIIC, however, the number of tombs increases almost three-
fold, while many sites are abandoned, leading Benzi to suggest that there was a widespread
migration from peripheral areas of the island to the major site of Ialysos. He further notes that a
cogent summary is hampered by the lack of excavated settlements, summary publication of
earlier excavations and the fact that many museum materials were illicitly excavated. See also
1655, 1672 and 1673.

1655 Benzi, Mario. 1992. Rodi e la Civilta Micenea. Incunabula Graeca 94. Rome:
Gruppo Editoriale Internazionale. 482 p.

An extensive description and discussion of Mycenaean finds from Rhodes,

especially the cemetery of Ialysos; mostly concerns pottery, but also includes artifacts of metal
and other materials; includes a description and catalogue of tombs in the Ialysos cemetery,
discussion of other sites, as well as a summary of Mycenaean Rhodes. See also 1654, 1672 and
1673.

1656 Cartledge, Paul. 1979. Sparta and Lakonia: A Regional History 1300 to 362 BC.
London: Routledge. 354 p.

In Part I (Introduction) Cartledge discusses boundaries, the physical setting, climate

and the Stone and Bronze Ages to c. 1300. Part II (Preclassical Lakonia c. 1300-500 BC)
includes Greek oral tradition as history, the last Mycenaeans c. 1300-1050 and the first Dorians
c. 1050-777. See also 1659.
1657 Davis, Jack L. 1992. Review of Aegean prehistory I: the islands of the
Aegean. American Journal of Archaeology 96:699-756.

An extensive recent summary, review and synthesis of data concerning all

prehistoric periods of occupation, including the Late Bronze Age. See also 1682.

1658 Davis, Jack L., ed. 1998. Sandy Pylos: An Archaeological History from Nestor
to Navarino. Austin: University of Texas Press. 342 p.

Designed primarily for a general audience, this book traces the archaeological
history of Pylos and surrounding regions in Messenia from the Paleolithic to the present. Based
upon the work of the Pylos Regional Archaeological Project (PRAP), a multidisciplinary survey
conducted from 1991 to 1995, it presents the results of a consortium of archaeologists, natural
scientists, historians and art historians. Well-illustrated. Contents include: J.L. Davis, Glimpses
of Messenia past (pp. xxix-xliii); E. Zangger, The environmental setting (pp. 1-9); E. Zangger,
The physical scientist=s role in regional archaeology (pp. 10-13); S. Yazvenko, From pollen to
plants (pp. 14-20); N. Spencer, The history of archaeological investigations in Messenia (pp. 23-
41); J.L. Davis, The discovery of the Palace of Nestor (pp. 42-46); Y.G. Lolos, Marinatos in
Pylos (pp. 47-50);J.L. Davis, The palace and its dependencies (pp. 53-68); E. Zangger, The port
of Nestor (pp. 69-74); Y.G. Lolos, Mycenaean burial at Pylos (pp. 75-78); C.W. Shelmerdine,
The palace and its operations (pp. 81-96); C.G. Griebel and M.C. Nelson, The Ano Englianos
hilltop after the palace (pp. 97-100); C.W. Shelmerdine, The perfumed-oil industry (pp. 101-
109); J. Bennet, The Linear B archives and the kingdom of Nestor (pp. 111-133); J. Bennet, The
PRAP survey=s contribution (pp. 134-138); C.W. Shelmerdine, UMME and Nichoria (pp. 139-
144); A.B. Harrison and N. Spencer, After the palace: the early Ahistory@ of Messenia (pp. 147-
162); A.B. Harrison, Ceramic typology for beginners (pp. 163-166); N. Spencer, An Early Iron
Age village in Messenia (pp. 167-170); J.L. Davis, From Pausanias to the present (pp. 273-291);
J.L. Davis, Messenia=s multiple pasts (pp. 292-297; S. Heath, Computers and maps at PRAP (pp.
298-301); M. Antoniou and K. Kaloyerakou, A fieldwalker=s perspective on PRAP (pp. 302-
306). See also 1661 and 1671.

1659 Dickinson, O.T.P.K. 1992. Reflections on Bronze Age Laconia. In:

PHILOLAKON: Lakonian Studies in Honour of Hector Catling. Jan Motyka
Sanders, ed. pp. 109-114. London: The British School at Athens.
 Dickinson offers some reflections, based upon recent excavations, on some major
problems raised by consideration of the available data, including the size and borders of a Bronze
Age Lakonian polity, the transition between the Middle and Late Helladic periods, the
appearance, flourescence and disappearance of the Menelaion and Vapheio in LH II, the role of
the Menelaion in the Late Bronze Age and the transition between the Late Bronze age and the
early Dark Age. See also 1656.

1660 1992. Diethnes Synedrio yia tin Archaia Thessalia: Sti Mnimi tou Dimitri R.
Theochari. Ypourgeio Politismou Dimosievmata tou Archaiologikou Deltiou No. 48.
Athens: Ekdosi tou Tameiou Archaiologikon Poron kai Apallotrioseon. 534 p.

Symposium on ancient Thessaly in memory of Dimitrios Theochares. Papers in

Greek have brief English summaries. Contents include: L. Parlama, I proistorikes enkatastaseis
tis Skyrou (pp. 257-266); Z. Malakasioti, Thalamoeidis mykenaikos taphos ston Kato
Mavrolopho Almyrou (pp. 267-271); V. Adrimi-Sismani, Mykenaikos oikismos sto Dimini (pp.
272-278); A. Batziou-Evstathiou, Neoteres anaskaphikes erevnes stin evryteri periochi tis
Magoulas APevkakia@ (pp. 279-285); B. Feuer, Mycenaean Thessaly: our present state of
knowledge (pp. 286-287); A. Xenaki-Sakellariou, Endeixeis yia tis arches tis Aebiestis@
diakosmisis ton mykenaikon encheiridion (pp. 288-291); F. Dakoronia, Chrisi kai proelevsi
makron peronon YM kai PG epochis (pp. 292-297); P.G. Kalligas, Thessalia kai Evvia kata tin
proimi epochi tou sidirou (11os-9os ai. p.X.) (Pp. 298-307). See also 1663 and 1669.

1661 Dyczek, Piotr. 1995. Pylos in the Bronze Age: Problems of Culture and Social
Life in Messenia. Warsaw: Wydawnictwa Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego. 188
p.

Overview, description and discussion of various aspects of life in Bronze Age

Messenia, including: changes in settlement patterns during the EH and MH periods; Messenia in
the LH period; authority, social organization and economy; religion; external contacts; and the
decline of Mycenaean culture. See also 1658 and 1671.
1662 Eder, Birgitta. 2001. Die Submykenischen und Protogeometrischen Gräber von
Elis. Vivliothiki tis en Athenais Archaiologikis Etereias 209. Athens: Die
Archäologische Gesellschaft zu Athen.

See also 1679.

1663 Feuer, Bryan. 1983. The Northern Mycenaean Border in Thessaly. BAR
International Series 176. Oxford: British Archaeological Reports. 234 p.

Discusses Thessaly as a border region at the periphery of the Mycenaean world;

includes discussion of theoretical and methodological issues, summarizes settlement and ceramic
evidence for Late Bronze Age occupation, examines relationships between Thessaly and other
parts of the Mycenaean world and analyzes pottery from a number of sites in order to
characterize ceramic production and distribution and possible subregions within Thessaly. See
also 1660 and 1669.

1664 Fossey, John M. 1997. Boiotia in later prehistory: an overview. In: Recent
Developments in the History and Archaeology of Central Greece: Proceedings of the 6th
International Boeotian Conference. John Bintliff, ed. pp. 3-12. BAR International
Series 666. Oxford: British Archaeological Reports.

In the latter part of this paper, Fossey discusses the Late Bronze Age, with specific
reference to the sites of Eutresis, Orchomenos, Gla, Khostia and Thebes, deploring the lack of
continuous stratified sequences and of fully published excavations for this period and noting that
mycenaenization of eastern central Greece may have begun before the end of LH III but was not
essentially completed until LH IIIA.

1665 Hammond, N.G.L. 1972. A History of Macedonia, Vol. 1. Oxford: Clarendon

Press. 493 p.

Hammond begins with a detailed historical geography of Macedonia, then

summarizes the early prehistoric periods; his discussion of the Late Bronze Age, during which
the Mycenaean civilization represents an intrusive culture, focuses upon material culture (mainly
pottery) and historical/ethnological reconstruction; he divides periods of Mycenaean contact into
two phases: 1350-1200 B.C. and 1200-1125 B.C. See also 1653, 1666 and 1668.

1666 Heurtley, W.A. 1939. Prehistoric Macedonia: An Archaeological Reconaissance

of Greek Macedonia (West of the Struma) in the Neolithic, Bronze and Early
Iron Ages. Cambridge, Eng.: Cambridge University Press. 275 p.

Summarizes and synthesizes all available data; with the exception of recent
excavations at Assiros Tomba and Kastanas, little further substantial information concerning
Mycenaean presence and influence in Macedonia is available; Heurtley summarizes excavation
data and describes, illustrates and discusses finds from all prehistoric periods; during the Late
Bronze Age, Mycenaean influence is present primarily in the form of pottery, both imported and
locally-made; includes a well-illustrated catalogue. Now quite out of date. See also 1653, 1665
and 1668.

1667 Howell, Roger J. 1970. A survey of Eastern Arcadia in prehistory. Annual

of the British School at Athens 65:79-127.

In addition to reconstructing settlement patterns in eastern Arcadia for various

periods, Howell devotes several pages to a summary of Mycenaean Arcadia, which was occupied
from LH I through LH IIIC; most settlements were located on steep-sided hills; few structural
remains exist, pottery has a distinctly local character and burials are evidenced in the form of cist
graves, chamber tombs and tholos tombs.

1668 Karamitrou-Mendesidi, Georgia. 1999. Voïon- Notia Orestis: Archaiologiki

Erevna kai Istoriki Topographia. Thessaloniki. 2 v.

Archaeological and historical survey of the province of Voio, a mountainous area

within the watershed of the Aliakmon River in western Macedonia, comprising a historical
summary of the province, description of the natural environment, a chronological survey of
archaeological sites and general comments and conclusions. Includes 30 pages of description
and discussion of the Late Bronze and Mycenaean finds. In addition to text, Volume A includes
a substantial English summary and numerous maps and illustrations; Volume B includes large-
scale fold-out maps. See also 1653, 1665 and 1666.

1669 1994. La Thessalie: Quinze années de recherches archéologiques, 1975-

1990, Bilans et Perspectives. Actes du Colloque International, Lyon, 17-22
Avril 1990. Athens: Kapon. 2 v.

Acts of an international colloquium concerning archaeological research in

Thessaly conducted during 1975-1990. Contents of Volume A include: S. Papageorgiou, S.
Steiros and G. Hourmouziadis, Scheseis physikou perivallontos / geormophologikon metavolon
kai istorias tis katoikisis stin archaia Thessalia (pp. 21-28); S. Stiros and S. Papageorgiou, Post
Mesolithic evolution of the Thessalian landscape (pp. 29-36); A. Demitrack, A dated stratigraphy
for the late quaternary in eastern Thessaly and what it implies about landscape changes (pp. 37-
40); E.M. Kabouroglou, I geomorphologiki exelixi tou kolpou tou Volou apo ti neolithiki epochi
mechri simera (pp. 41-52); J. Maran, Zum mittelbronzezeitlichen bebauungsschema auf der
Pevkakia-magula bei Volos (pp. 205-210); B. Feuer, Mycenaean Thessaly (pp. 211-214); A.
Batziou-Efstathiou, Mykenaikos keramikos klivanos (pp. 215-224); V. Adrimi, O mykenaikos
oikismos Diminiou (pp. 225-232); F. Dakoronia, Spercheios Valley and the adjacent area in Late
Bronze Age and Early Iron Age (pp. 233-242); A. Papastamataki, D. Demitriou and B.
Orphanos, Mining and metallurgical activities in Pelasgia: the production of copper in antiquity
(pp. 243-248). See also 1660 and 1663.

1670 Lemos, Irene S. 1998. Euboea and its Aegean koine. In: Euboica: l=Eubea e la
Presenza Euboica in Calcidica e in Occidente. Atti del Convegno internazionale di
Napoli 13-16 Novembre 1996. M. Bats and B. d=Agostino, eds. pp. 45-58.
Naples: Centre Jean Bérard, Instituto Universitario Orientale,
Dipartimento del Mondo Classico e del Mediterrnaeo Antico.

Describes and discusses relationships between Euboia, Skyros, Boiotia, Phokis,

East Lokris and Thessaly from the 11th to the mid-9th centuries B.C.

1671 McDonald, William A. and George R. Rapp, Jr., eds. 1972. The Minnesota
Messenia Expedition: Reconstructing a Bronze Age Regional
Environment. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. 338 p.
 This ground-breaking work was the first truly multidisciplinary research program
designed to study an entire region of Greece and it remains the only fully published effort to
date; the heart of the book is the appendix, a catalogue of more than 300 prehistoric sites in
Messenia--most of which were occupied during the Late Bronze Age--the result of a thorough,
extensive survey; although the focus is on the Bronze Age, one of the major aims of the project
was to examine settlement patterns from the earliest recorded occupation to the present; in
addition to the register of prehistoric sites, a second register lists all known post-Mycenaean
sites; contents include: W.A. McDonald, The problems and the program (pp. 3-17); J.E. Fant and
W.G. Loy, Surveying and mapping (pp. 18-35); W.G. Loy and H.E. Wright, Jr., The physical
setting (pp. 36-46); S. Aschenbrenner, A contemporary community (pp. 47-63); P. Topping, The
post-classical documents (pp. 64-80); J.F. Lazenby and R. Hope Simpson, Greco-Roman times:
literary tradition and topographical commentary (pp. 81-99); J. Chadwick, The Mycenaean
documents (pp. 100-116); W.A. McDonald and R. Hope Simpson, Archaeological exploration
(pp. 117-147); F.E. Lukermann, Settlement and circulation: pattern and systems (pp. 148-170);
N.J. Yassoglou and C. Nobeli, Soil studies (pp. 171-176); H.J. Van Wersch, The agricultural
economy (pp. 177-187); H.E. Wright, Jr., Vegetation history (pp. 188-199); F.R. Matson,
Ceramic studies (pp. 200-224); S.R. Cooke, E. Henrickson and G.R. Rapp, Jr., Metallurgical and
geochemical studies (pp. 225-233); G.R. Rapp, Jr. and E. Henrickson, Geophysical exploration
(pp. 234-239); W.A. McDonald and G.R. Rapp, Jr., Perspectives (pp. 240-263). See also 1658
and 1661.

1672 Mee, Christopher B. 1982. Rhodes in the Bronze Age: An Archaeological

Survey. Warminster: Aris & Phillips Ltd. 149 p.

A comprehensive survey based primarily on settlement patterns, survey data and the
excavation of cemeteries; on the basis of this evidence, Mycenaean influence and/or settlement
begins in LH IIIA1, declines in LH IIIB and revives in LH IIIC with an influx of refugees from
the Peloponnese; includes a catalogue of pottery from excavated tombs. See also 1654, 1655 and
1673.

1673 Melas, E.M. 1985. The Islands of Karpathos, Saros and Kasos in the
Neolithic and Bronze Age. Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology.
Göteborg: Paul Åströms Förlag. 337 p.
 Presents the results of a regional survey of three islands in the Dodecanese group,
including physical background, settlement patterns, topographical survey of sites (architecture
and movable finds, arranged typologically), classification and summary of finds (pottery,
chipped and ground stone, metal), and conclusions, in which the islands are viewed from within
the cultural and political perspective of the Eastern Mediterranean; abundantly illustrated. See
also 1654, 1655 and 1672.

1674 Mountjoy, P.A. 1998. The East Aegean-West Anatolian interface in the Late
Bronze Age: Mycenaeans and the kingdom of Ahhiyawa. Anatolian Studies
48:33-67.

In this extensive review, which focuses primarily on pottery, Mountjoy asserts

that the area encompassing the eastern Aegean and the western Anatolian coast comprises a
distinct cultural entity which combines elements of Aegean and Anatolian traditions. She
attributes the development of this Interface to the results of acculturation rather than an influx of
Mycenaean settlers. She divides the region, which stretches from Samothrace in the north to
Rhodes in the south, into an Upper and Lower Interface, separated by the Meander River on the
mainland a line running between Samos and Patmos in the Aegean. In LH IIIA2 the Upper
Interface assemblages seem to be made up mainly of Anatolian wares and open shapes serving as
fine table ware, while the Lower Interface assemblages have a much higher proportion of
Mycenaean ware, due to greater receptivity to acculturation, with both open and closed shapes;
in LH IIIB represents a period of transition in a number of respects, followed by an East Aegean
Koine in LH IIIC in the Lower Interface (minus Rhodes) characterized by a distinctive style not
found on the Greek mainland. Finally, she identifies the kingdom of Ahhiyawa with the Lower
Interface during LH IIIA2-B, comprised of local inhabitants who had undergone Mycenaean
acculturation to varying degrees, with Rhodes as a possible palatial center.

1675 Papadopoulos, Thanasis J. 1979. Mycenaean Achaea. Studies in

Mediterranean Archaeology, 55. Göteborg: Paul Åströms Förlag. 2 v.

Volume 1 includes a description of topography and geography, a gazetteer of sites

by area and region, description and discussion of settlements and architecture, tombs, pottery and
other artifacts. Also discusses settlement patterns, local features, the relation of Achaia to other
parts of the Mycenaean world, a historical reconstruction and chronology. The author notes in
particular evidence for a close relationship between Achaia and the Argolid, Messenia, Elis and
the Ionian Islands and a withdrawal of population to the mountainous interior and a population
increase during the latter half of LH IIIC. Also includes catalogues of tombs and pottery of
various periods and diagrams indicating duration of site occupation, frequency of LH ceramic
decorative patterns and ceramic chronology. Volume 2 comprises a large number of photographs
and drawings. See also 1677, 1678 and 1684.

1676 Papadopoulos, Thanasis J. 1987. Zum stand der Bronzezeit forschung in

Epeiros. In: Agäische Bronzezeit. Hans-Günter Buchholz, ed. pp. 359-378.
Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft.

Summary and overview of the Late Bronze Age in Epiros, including architecture,
burials, pottery, small finds, bronze tools and weapons.

1677 Papadopoulos, Thanasis J. 1991. Achaea's role in the Mycenaean world. In:
Archaia Achaia kai Eleia. A.D. Rizakis, ed. pp. 31-37. Kentron Ellenikis kai
Romaikis Archaiotitos Ethnikon Idryma Erevnon, Meletimata 13. Athens.

Reviews, summarizes and assesses archaeological data from Achaia, including

characteristic features and aspects and relations with other parts of the Mycenaean world and
other regions; the author concludes that Achaia was a peaceful and prosperous province during
early Mycenaean times, that there is some evidence of disturbance during LH IIIB and IIIC
caused by the gradual arrival of refugees from elsewhere and that prosperity continued until the
end of LH IIIC. See also 1675, 1678 and 1684.

1678 Papadopoulos, Thanasis. 1995. A late Mycenaean koine in western Greece

and the adjacent Ionian islands. In: Klados: Essays in Honour of J.N. Coldstream.
Christine Morris, ed. pp. 201-208. Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies
Supplement 63. London: University of London Institute of Classical Studies.

Describes and discusses similarities of tomb architecture and burial customs,

pottery styles and other artifact types. Based upon these similarities, it is concluded that despite
local peculiarities the western Greek provinces and the Ionian islands were, to a greater or lesser
degree connected, owing to geographical proximity and common economic and cultural
interests, thus forming a common koine, especially during the LH IIIB and IIIC periods. See also
1675, 1677 and 1684.

1679 Parlama, Liana. 1974. Mykenäika Eleias. Archaiologikon Deltion, Meletai

29:25-58.

Publication and discussion of grave goods from 3 chamber tombs and 9 cist graves
dating between LH IIIA and LH IIIC; the LH IIIC pottery comes from a distinguishable local
workshop strongly influenced by potters from the Argolid and Achaia. List and description of 31
known Mycenaean sites in Elis (12 dating to LH IIIA, 16 to IIIB, 11 to IIIC and 5
submycenaean). This settlement pattern suggests that while other areas of Mycenaean Greece
were depopulated during LH IIIC, life in Elis continued to flourish and like Achaia, probably
attracted refugees from elsewhere at this time. See also 1662.

1680 Rehak, Paul and John G. Younger. 1998. Review of Aegean prehistory VII:
Neopalatial, Final Palatial and Postpalatial Crete. American Journal of
Archaeology 102:91-173.

Summarizes developments in the last 25 years and identifies issues, problems and
areas for future investigation, including discussion of chronology, sites and architecture, tombs
and burials, art, writing and administration, trade and interconnections, and religion. The authors
cover the period from c. 1700 to 1100 B.C., which includes LM II-IIIB, the period of Mycenaean
Linear B administration.

1681 Runnels, Curtis, Daniel J. Pullen and Susan Langdon, eds. 1995. Artifact and
Assemblage: The Finds from a Regional Survey of the Southern Argolid, Greece.
Volume I: The Prehistoric and Early Iron Age Pottery and the Lithic Artifacts.
Stanford: Stanford University Press. 476 p.
 Full and final publication of the analysis of prehistoric artifacts collected from an
intensive systematic survey from 1972 to 1983 as part of the Argolid Exploration Project.
Includes 26,000 artifacts from more than 100 sites within a 225 square kilometer area. Also
includes a description and analysis of Late Helladic pottery (1241 Mycenaean sherds from 59
sites) by P.A. Mountjoy, a pottery catalogue, assemblage tables, a concordance and illustrations.

1682 Scholes, K. 1956. The Cyclades in the later Bronze Age: a synopsis. Annual of
the British School at Athens 51:9-40.

Includes a catalogue of Cycladic sites occupied in the Middle and Late Cycladic
periods; discusses Middle and Late Bronze Age pottery in the Cyclades, including chronology;
concludes by offering a historical summary of the period. See also 1657.

1683 Souyoudzoglou-Haywood, Christina. 1999. The Ionian Islands in the Bronze Age
and Early Iron Age 3000-800 BC. Liverpool: Liverpool University Press.

A recent, thorough synthesis of knowledge concerning the Ionian islands. The

introduction comprises description and discussion of the physical environment, the islands before
the Bronze Age, a brief history of archaeological exploration and a summary of Bronze Age
Kerkyra. The body of the text is a detailed description and discussion of archaeological data from
the islands of Levkas, Kephallenia, Ithaka and Zakynthos, including Bronze Age sites and
summaries of the Early, Middle and Late Bronze Ages and the Protogeometric period, with
specific discussion of settlement, burials, pottery, metalwork, jewelry and miscellaneous
artifacts. In her conclusions, the author reviews the islands as a group for each period in order to
provide a historical perspective on the region as a whole; for the Late Bronze Age the discussion
includes Mycenaean expansion settlement and demography, socio-political organization and the
local culture and its inter-regional and foreign connections, emphasizing influence of the island
environment and their peripheral location on the cultural and historical development of the
islands. Also includes a catalogue of Late Bronze Age pottery from Kephallenia, tables listing
and describing burials and their contents and numerous illustrations. See also 1678.

1684 Vermeule, Emily Townsend. 1960. The Mycenaeans in Achaia. American

Journal of Archaeology 64:1-21.
 Vermeule's discussion is based upon the analysis of artifacts from 16 small
chamber tombs dating to LH IIIB and C, including 520 ceramic vessels, bronze swords and
spearpoints, glass and stone jewelry, an alabaster vase and a pair of bronze greaves; the pottery is
described, discussed and compared to contemporary pottery from other regions, whereby it is
seen to comprise a local provincial style; from this evidence, Vermeule infers that during this
time Achaia was settled by immigrants from the Argolid. See also 1675, 1677 and 1678.

Site Reports

I have provided here a listing and description of the most important excavated
Mycenaean sites (e.g., palaces, large or important settlements, tholos tombs and chamber tomb
cemeteries), along with a representative geographical and chronological selection of other sites,
some of which are not "Mycenaean" per se (see Introduction for definition of terms), but which
demonstrate evidence of Mycenaean contact. Other sites, many of which are only known
through survey data, can be located in the two gazetteers listed above; most of the following site
descriptions are adapted from R. Hope Simpson, Mycenaean Greece.

Aetos

Primarily occupied from the Dark Age onward, this small site on the island of
Ithaka also gives some evidence of LH III occupation.

1685 Heurtley, W.A. and H.L. Lorimer. 1932. Excavations in Ithaca, I. Annual of
the British School at Athens 33:22-65.

Description of the excavation of four cairns at Aetos containing LH III and

Protogeometric pottery.
Agnanti

The first known site in the inland region of eastern Lokris. A chamber tomb
cemetery was in use from LH IIIA to and possibly through LH IIIC, with an associated site c. 1
km. to the northeast.

1686 Spyropoulos, Theodoros G. 1972. Agnanti-Amphliklea Lokridis.

Archaiologikon Deltion, Chronika 25:235-240.

Describes excavation of LH IIIB-C chamber tombs at Agnanti and Amphiklea in Lokris.

Aigeira

A coastal acropolis site in Achaia bordering Corinthia, occupied from LH

IIIA onward, with much fine pottery. Four building levels (including two buildings of megaron
type) assigned to LH IIIC indicate considerable prosperity during this period.

1687 Alram-Stern, Eva, Wilhelm Alzinger and Sigrid Deger-Jalkotzy. 1985.

Aegeira-Hyperesia und die Siedlung Phelloe in Achaia, Teil I: Akropolis, die
mykenische Siedlung. Österreichische Ausgrabungen auf der Peloponnes
1972-1983. Klio 67:389-451.

Describes excavation of LH IIIC strata at the site of Aigeira in Achaia,

including discussion of architecture and pottery.

1688 Alram-Stern, Eva. 1987. Die mykenischen Idole von Aigeira. Mitteilungen der
archäologischen Gesellschaft Graz, Beiheft 1. Berichte des 2. ôsterreichischen
Archäologentages im Schloss Seggau bei Leibnitz vom 14. bis 16. Juni 1984.
Graz.

Aigina

Although the island of Aigina, located in the Saronic Gulf between the
northeastern Peloponnese and Attika, has not yet been systematically surveyed, four Mycenaean
sites dating from LH I through LH IIIC are known. The main settlement was at Kolonna,
inhabited from Neolithic times onward, the site at which the so-called Aigina Treasure was
found.

1689 Harland, James Penrose. 1925. Prehistoric Aigina: A History of the Island in the
Bronze Age. Paris: Librarie Ancienne. 121 p.

Summarizes and discusses the results of excavations on the island of Aigina, including
archaeological evidence and historical reconstruction.

1690 Hiller, Stefan. 1975. Alt-Aigina IV:1, Mykenische Keramik. Mainz am Rhein:
Philip von Zabern.

Aigion

Site of two large chamber tomb cemeteries on the coast of Achaia dating from LH
IIA to LH IIIC.

1691 Åström, Paul. 1964. Mycenaean pottery from the region of Aigion, with a list
of prehistoric sites in Achaia. Opuscula Atheniensia 5:89-110.
 Åström lists known Mycenaean sites in Achaia and describes and illustrates some
pottery from the area in local museums and private collections.

1692 Papadopoulos, Thanasis J. 1976. Excavations at Aigion - 1970. Studies in

Mediterranean Archaeology 46. Göteborg: Paul Åströms Förlag. 50 p.

Describes the excavation of eleven LH IIIB-C chamber tombs near Aigion in

Achaia; the author gives a detailed description of the excavations and the contents of the tombs,
including discussion of architecture, burial customs, pottery and chronology; includes a
catalogue of all finds and tables listing the frequency of ceramic decorative motifs and the
chronological distribution of finds; abundantly illustrated.

1693 Petsas, Photios M. 1974. Aigion. Archaiologikon Deltion, Chronika

26:175-185.

Preliminary report on the excavation of chamber tombs in the cemetery of Aigion

in Achaia; well illustrated.

Amyklaion

Site of a Classical sanctuary near Sparta and the Vapheio tholos tomb, which was
also used for cult purposes in LH IIIB-C.

1694 Calligas, Peter C. 1992. From the Amyklaion. In: PHILOLAKON: Lakonian
Studies in Honour of Hector Catling. Jan Motyka Sanders, ed. pp. 31-48. London:
The British School at Athens.

Discusses some problems involved in early excavations of the site, describes

some unpublished finds and offers a new interpretation of the early history of the sanctuary.
Although evidence for occupation of the site goes back to the Early Helladic period, inhabitation
of the site during Mycenaean times is doubtful and ambiguous, and although numerous LH IIIB-
C terracotta figurines suggest cult activities, there is no definitive evidence on the hill of a
Mycenaean shrine.

1695 Demakopoulou, Katie. 1982. To Mykenäiko Iero sto Amyklaio kai i YE IIIC
Periodos sti Lakonia. Athens. 180 p.

Description of the sanctuary at Amyklaion in Lakonia includes a discussion of site

topography and history, publication of earlier excavations (1890-1925), description of recent
excavation and artifacts found (136 figurines and some pottery), chronology of the site, function
of the site-- particularly in terms of religious continuity with later periods--and Lakonia during
the LH IIIC period, when it was more prosperous relative to other areas of Greece; there is a
brief English summary.

Analipsis

1696 Kalogeropoulos, Konstantinos. 1998. Die frühmykenischen Grabfunde von

Analipsis (südöstliches Arkadien). Mit einem Beitrag zu den palatialen
Amphoren des Griechischen Festlandes. Bibliothek der Archäologischen
Gesellschaft zu Athen 175. Athens: Archäologische Gesellschaft zu Athen.

Angelika

1697 Hadzidakis, Panagiotis J. 1997. Une tombe mycénienne dans l=Ile de Mykonos.
Archeologia 333:40-47.

Popular illustrated account of the excavation of a tholos tomb on the island of

Mykonos, at the site of Angelika, dating to LH IIIA2-B1.
Apochori

1698 Kokkotaki, Nikolitsa. 1991. Thalamoeidis mykenäikos taphos sto Apochori

Eleias. In: Archaia Achaia kai Eleia. A.D. Rizakis, ed. pp. 39-44. Kentron
Ellenikis kai Romaikis Archaiotitos Ethnikon Idryma Erevnon,
Meletimata 13. Athens.

Describes the excavation of a chamber tomb at the site of Apochori in Elis.

Archangelos

1699 Charitonidis, S.I. 1963. Mykenaika ek Rhodou. Archaiologikon Deltion,

Chronika 18:133-140.

Describes the excavation of two LH IIIA-B chamber tombs on the acropolis of

Archangelou on the island of Rhodes; also describes LH IIIA-B vessels, probably from a tomb
near Koskinou.

Argos

An important Classical city, Argos was also inhabited during the Bronze Age. The
area known as the Aspis was occupied during the Middle Helladic period and was the site of a
substantial settlement in LH IIIA-C. See also Deiras, which was an extensive chamber tomb
cemetery associated with this site.

1700 Kanta, Athanasia. 1975. The Tripolis Street graves at Argos.

Archaiologika Analekta ex Athinon 8:259-275.
 Description of seven cist tombs, each containing one burial and a few grave
goods, mainly late LH IIIC and Submycenaean pottery; evidence of LH IIIC-Submycenaean
continuity suggests that the Submycenaean period may have begun as early in the Argolid as in
Attika.

1701 Kaza-Papageorgiou, Dina. 1985. An early Mycenaean cist grave from Argos.
Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts, Athenische Abteilung
100:2-21.

Describes the excavation of a late LH IIB-early IIIA1 cist grave at Argos,

including a catalogue of its contents; this burial, one of the few examples of a closed deposit
from this period, was found in the same area as four MH/LH cist graves and a bothros.

1702 Papadimitriou, Nicholas. 2001. T. 64 – an early LH built chamber tomb from

Argos. Annual of the British School at Athens 96:41- 79.

Detailed description, illustration and discussion of an intact built chamber tomb,

including architectural form, dimensions, construction and contents (listed in a catalogue and
concordance). The tomb was constructed in LH I and remained in use until at least LH IIIB1/2
and the contents represent the largest early Mycenaean ceramic assemblage from Argos. The
author also discusses other built chamber tombs in Argos and their significance for the early Late
Helladic period there, i.e. the presence at an early date of a social elite which may have reached
its height in LH II. He suggests that the decline of this elite may have been due to the emergence
of a new elite in LH III, as indicated by the construction of the chamber tomb cemetery at Deiras.
Contents of the tomb include fifteen burials with abundant pottery, bronzes, ivory items and a
sealstone.

Arkadia
1703 Syriopoulos, K.T. 1973. The Homeric "Windy Enispe": A prehistoric
settlement in North-Western Arcadia near the River Ladon. Annual
of the British School at Athens 68:193-205.

Describes the geographical setting of the site near a crossing-point of the River
Ladon and sherds collected on its surface, indicating occupation from the Neolithic through LH
IIIC2; also includes discussion of references in Homer and a catalogue of finds.

Arkasa

1704 Zachariadou, Olga. 1978. Thalamoeidis taphos Arkasa Karpathou.

Archaiologikon Deltion, Meletai 33:249-295.

Excavation of a chamber tomb at Vonies, near Arkasa on the island of Karpathos;

the tomb contained an unpainted larnax and 51 pots from a provincial workshop, either on the
island or in Crete, whose output strongly resembles pottery made at Palaikastro; several ceramic
phases suggest a strong initial Minoan influence, followed by a mixture of Minoan, Rhodian
Mycenaean and Anatolian elements.

Arkhanes

Arkhanes was an important Minoan site near Knossos on Crete which shows
evidence of Mycenaean occupation during LM III.

1705 Sapouna-Sakellaraki, Efi. 1990. Archanes à l'epoque mycénienne.

Bulletin de Correspondence Hellénique 114:67-102.

Discusses Mycenaean occupation of the site of Arkhanes, 10 km. south of

Knossos, on the island of Crete, including remains within the site itself and at other locations in
its vicinity; includes a summary of the Mycenaean period at Arkhanes.
Asine

Asine is a coastal site in the Argolid, located on a rocky acropolis on the edge of a
fertile plain. It was an important Middle Helladic site and a substantial Mycenaean site as well,
particularly during LH IIIC, and continued to be occupied into the Dark Age. In addition to the
settlement, large and rich chamber tombs are located in the vicinity. It has been extensively
excavated by Swedish archaeologists in the 1920's and the 1970's.

1706 Åkerström, Ake. 1975. More Canaanite jars from Greece. Opuscula Atheniensia
11:185-192.

Description and illustration of a Canaanite jar found at Asine in the Argolid; lists
and discusses eleven other known examples from Menidi, Mycenae, Argos, Athens and Pylos.

1707 Dietz, Søren. 1980. Asine II. Results of the Excavations East of the Acropolis,
1970-1974. Fasc. 2. The Middle Helladic Cemetery, the Middle Helladic and
Early Mycenaean Deposits. Skrifter utgivna av Svenska institutet i Athen,
Series 4, vol. 24:2. Stockholm. 144 p.

Descriptive account and catalogue of the Middle Helladic tumulus and associated
graves; probably the best-documented account of the transition from MH to LH in the Argolid.
See also 1708, 1709, 1712 and 1715.

1708 Frödin, Otto and Axel W. Persson. 1938. Asine: Results of the Swedish
Excavations, 1922-1930. Stockholm: Generalstabens Litografiska Anstalts
Förlag. 437 p.
 Describes extensive excavations of this site on the coastal margin of the Argolid
plain, focusing upon Early and Middle Helladic occupation, as well as the later Protogeometric
period, with some description and discussion as well of the Late Helladic period; extensive
consideration of architecture, burials and pottery. See also 1707 and 1712.

1709 Hägg, Inga and Robin Hägg. 1975. Discoveries at Asine dating from the
Shaft-Grave period. Archaologika Analekta ex Athinon 8:151-160.

Excavations on the lower SE slope of the Barbouna hill revealed a major part of
the Mycenaean settlement, as well as two cist tombs roughly contemporary with Grave Circle B
of Mycenae; these graves are probably part of a larger cemetery. See also 1707, 1710 and 1715.

1710 Hägg, Robin and Gullög C. Nordquist. 1992. Excavations in the Levendis sector
at Asine, 1989. Opuscula Atheniensia 19:59-68.

Describes excavations on the slope of the Barbouna hill, including substantial Late
Helladic remains with walls dating to two successive building periods in the LH IIB-IIIB period;
LH IIIC pottery was also found. An appendix by Katrin Moberg discusses finds of animal bones.
See also 1709 and 1713-1717.

1711 Hägg, Robin, Gullög C. Nordquist and Berit Wells, eds. 1996. Asine III:
Supplementary Studies on the Swedish Excavations 1922-1930. Fasc. 1. Skrifter
utgivna av Svenska Institutet i Athen, Series 4, Vol. 44:1. Stockholm.

Collection of papers involving restudy and reanalysis of extant material from the
1922-1930 excavations. Contents include: G.C. Nordquist and Robin Hgg, The history of the
Asine excavations and collections, with a bibliography (pp. 11-18); G.C. Nordquist, New
information on old graves (pp. 19-38); A.L. D'Agata, The "Lord" of Asine reconsidered:
technique, type and chronology (pp. 39-46); P.A. Mountjoy, Asine Chamber Tomb I:1: the
pottery (pp. 47-68); H. Hughes-Brock, Asine Chamber Tomb I:1: the small finds (pp. 69-80);
O.H. Krzyszkowska, Asine Chamber Tomb I:1: the ivories (pp. 81-90); C.W. Beck,
Spectroscopic identification of "amber" and "black resin" from Asine (pp. 91-92); C. Gillis, Tin
at Asine (pp. 93-100); B.L. Sjoberg, Five Mycenaean vases from Zafer Aga, 1924 (pp. 101-110);
K.M. Nilsson, Animal bones from Terrace III in the Lower Town of Asine (pp. 111-116); G.C.
Nordquist, Grave concordance, Asine 1922-1930 (pp. 117-119).

1712 Nordquist, Gullög C. 1987. Asine - a Middle Helladic society. Hydra 3:15-25.

A brief summary of the settlement of Asine during the Middle Helladic period
based upon mortuary evidence; the burials offer evidence of evolving social and economic
differentiation during the period; may be difficult to obtain. See also 1707-1709.

1713 Penttinen, Arto. 1996. Excavations on the acropolis of Asine in 1990. Opuscula
Atheniensia 21:149-167.

One of two trenches dug to explore the fortifications of the site revealed evidence
of a rich late LH IIIC settlement, indicating prosperity not found during this period at Mycenae
and Tiryns, and thus contrasting to the disarray at these sites. High-quality pottery was found,
and continued use of the acropolis suggests continuity of occupation. See also 1710, 1714m 1716
and 1717.

1714 Santillo Frizell, Barbro. 1978. Finds of the Late Helladic period. In: Excavations
in the Barbouna Area at Asine. Fascicle 2: Finds from the Levendi Sector,
1970-72. Inga Hägg and Robin Hägg, eds. pp. 63-91. Uppsala Studies in
Mediterranean and Near Eastern Civilization 4:2. Uppsala.

Purely descriptive account of pottery and other small finds; from these data it
appears that this part of the site was occupied during LH IIIA2 and LH IIIB. See also 1710,
1713m 1716 and 1717.
1715 Santillo Frizell, Barbro. 1980. An Early Mycenaean Settlement at Asine: The
Late Helladic IIB-IIIA:1 Pottery. Göteborg: Department of Ancient
Culture and Civilization, Classical Institute, University of Göteborg. 146 p.

Descriptive catalogue of pottery from the 1973-74 excavations on the Barbouna

Hill; this is one of the few published descriptions of pottery from a stratified settlement context
for this period; most notable are the differences in proportions of wares and the range of shapes
between pottery from the settlement and that of contemporary tombs at the site; it is also
noteworthy that there is no break in occupation nor any sudden change in pottery styles between
LH IIB and LH IIIA:1. See also 1707, 1709, 1710 and 1712.

1716 Santillo Frizell, Barbro. 1986. Asine II: Results of the Excavations East of the
Acropolis, 1970-1974. Fasc. 3: The Late and Final Mycenaean Periods.
Skrifter utgivna av Svenska institutet i Athen, Series 4, vol. 24:3.
Stockholm: Paul Åströms Förlag. 86 p.

Primarily a catalogue of stratified ceramic deposits dating to 1400-1075 B.C.; of

particular interest is pottery later than LH IIIC1 and preceding and to some extent anticipating
PG, which the author terms "Final Mycenaean," and which has elsewhere been described as LH
IIIC2 or Submycenaean; also noteworthy is the presence of local hand-made burnished ware. See
also 1710, 1713, 1714 and 1717.

1717 Sjöberg, Birgitta. 2001. Asine and the Argolid in the Late Helladic III Period:
A Socio-Economic Study. Uppsala: Department of Archaeology and Ancient
History, Uppsala University.

See also 1710, 1713, 1714 and 1716.

1718 Styrenius, Carl-Gustaf. 1975. Some notes on the new excavations at Asine.
Opuscula Atheniensia 11:177-183.

Summarizes 1970-1973 excavations, providing a more detailed history of the site

than previously, especially areas outside the acropolis and lower town, as well as discussing the
Bronze-Iron Age transition at the site.

1719 Styrenius, Carl-Gustaf. 1998. Asine: A Swedish Excavation Site in Greece.

Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology and Literature Pocket Book 151.
Stockholm: Medelhavsmuseet. 80 p.

Summary for a general audience of 1922-30 and 1970-74 Swedish excavations at

this coastal site in the Argolid, with text in Swedish and English.

Asopos

1720 Demakopoulou, K. 1992. Some early Mycenaean vases from Asopos, Laconia.
In: PHILOLAKON: Lakonian Studies in Honour of Hector Catling. Jan Motyka
Sanders, ed. pp. 95-107. London: The British School at Athens.

Describes, illustrates and discusses eleven virtually intact vessels without specific
provenience from the area of Asopos on the Malea peninsula at the southeastern tip of Lakonia,
adjacent to Kythera. The pots, which probably came from looted burials, constitute two groups,
seven dating to LH I and four dating to LH IIA. This pottery, along with that known from Ayios
Stephanos, sheds further light on the origins and development of the Mycenaean style in
Lakonia.

Athens
 Athens, which was occupied from Neolithic times onwards, appears to have been a
large and important settlement during the Mycenaean period, for evidence of occupation and
burials is widespread. One can only say that it appears to have been so because subsequent
occupation during the historic period has largely destroyed most of the evidence of Bronze Age
occupation, particularly on the Acropolis and in the Agora, the centers of the Classical city. On
the Acropolis, which may have been the site of a palace on the order of Tiryns or Thebes,
remains of massive cyclopean fortifications enclosing an area c. 120 by 280 m., a rock-cut
stairway to an underground spring (similar to those at Mycenae and Tiryns) and houses on the
north slope give incomplete evidence of the settlement. The Agora appears to have been the site
of the principal Mycenaean cemetery; according to tradition Athens, unlike other major
Mycenaean centers, was not destroyed, and there is some evidence that it continued to be a large
and prosperous settlement in LH IIIC and into the Dark Age, as evidenced by the substantial
Submycenaean cemetery in the Kerameikos, c. 1 km. northwest of the Acropolis.

1721 Åström, Paul and Richard E. Jones. 1982. A Mycenaean tomb and its Near
Eastern connections. Opuscula Atheniensia 14:7-9.

Describes and discusses two vessels from a large and wealthy chamber tomb on
the northeast slope of the Areopagos in Athens: a Canaanite jar and a LH IIIA1-2 jug which was
made using the base-ring technique of Cypriot pottery, and may thus be a Cypriot import. See
also 1725, 1733 and 1735-1737.

1722 Blegen, Carl W. 1940. Athens and the early age of Greece. In: Athenian Studies
Presented to William Scott Ferguson. pp. 1-9. Harvard Studies in Classical
Philology, Supplement 1. Cambridge, MA.

See also 1725.

1723 Broneer, Oscar. 1933. Excavations on the north slope of the Acropolis in
Athens. Hesperia 2:329-417.
 Describes the excavation of a Mycenaean stairway and an undisturbed Mycenaean
deposit, including remains of floors and much pottery; there was some LH I-II pottery, while LH
III was very abundant; it appears that the houses on the Acropolis slope were abandoned abruptly
near the end of the Late Bronze Age. See also 1724, 1725, 1727, 1728, 1730 and 1738.

1724 Broneer, Oscar. 1935. Excavations on the north slope of the Acropolis in
Athens, 1933-1934. Hesperia 4:109-188.

Describes the excavation of a stairway, retaining wall and some small houses
dating to the late Mycenaean period. See also 1723, 1725, 1727, 1728, 1730 and 1738.

1725 Broneer, Oscar. 1956. Athens in the Late Bronze Age. Antiquity 30:9-18.

Describes Mycenaean remains on the Acropolis and burials on the Areopagos, in

the Agora and on Kolonos hill. See also 1721, 1722, 1733 and 1735-1737.

1726 Gauss, Walter and Florian Ruppenstein. 2001. Mykenische Funde von der Platia
Eleftherian (Koumoundorou) in Athen. Archäologischer Anzeiger 2001:159-168.

1727 Hurwit, Jeffrey M. 1999. The Athenian Acropolis: History, Mythology and
Archaeology from the Neolithic Era to the Present. Cambridge, Eng.: Cambridge
University Press. 384 p.

One chapter of this book contains a description and discussion of the Bronze Age,
including fourteen pages concerning the Late Bronze Age. See also 1723-1725, 1728, 1730,
1731 and 1738.
1728 Iakovidis, Spiros E. 1962. I Mykenäike Akropolis ton Athenon.
Athens. 268 p.

Definitive excavation report on the Mycenaean acropolis of Athens; after

discussing early references and excavation, the author devotes the bulk of this work to the site's
architectural history, divided into three building phases; also discussed are the physical
environment of the acropolis, pre-Mycenaean settlement, building materials used at the site
during the Late Bronze Age, specific structures on the acropolis, chronology and the relationship
of Athens to other Mycenaean acropoleis. See also 1723-1725, 1727, 1730, 1731 and 1738.

1729 Immerwahr, Sara Anderson. 1971. The Neolithic and Bronze Ages. The
Athenian Agora: Results of Excavations Conducted by the American School of
Classical Studies at Athens, 13. Athens: American School of Classical Studies at
Athens. 286 p.

About two-thirds of the text concerns the Mycenaean period; includes catalogue
of finds from burial and non-burial contexts, concordance of index of pottery numbers and of
index of deposits; also includes discussion of Early Helladic and Middle Helladic periods;
concludes with a general discussion and summary of Athens during the Late Bronze Age; fully
illustrated; probably the best English summary of Mycenaean Athens. See also 1733-1737.

1730 Morgan, Charles H, II. 1935. The terracotta figurines from the north slope
of the Acropolis. Hesperia 4:189-213.

Describes Mycenaean terracotta figurines found during excavation of the north

slope of the Athenian acropolis, including 23 human figures and a number of fragmentary animal
figurines, most of which were found in house ruins. See also 1723-1725, 1727, 1728, 1730 and
1738.
1731 Mountjoy, Penelope A. 1981. Four Early Mycenaean Wells from the
South Slope of the Acropolis at Athens. Miscellanea Graeca 4. Ghent: Comite
des Fouilles Belges en Gréce. 91 p.

Describes and extensively illustrates LH IIB-IIIA1 pottery found in unstratified

settlement context; this is one of the few settlement deposits from this time period, especially in
Attika; of greatest interest is the presence along with Mycenaean painted pottery with domestic
burnished and matt-painted wares, and the absence of unpainted Mycenaean pottery; thus, in
Attika at least, these ware descended from Middle Helladic ceramic traditions coexisted with
Mycenaean fine ware. See also 1723-1725, 1727, 1728, 1730, 1734 and 1738.

1732 Mountjoy, Penelope A. 1995. Mycenaean Athens. Studies in Mediterranean

Archaeology and Literature, Pocket-Book 127. Jonsered: Paul Åströms Förlag.
77 p.

Now the best summary of Mycenaean Athens. Mountjoy synthesizes earlier

excavation reports along with more recent data, producing a chronological description of
remains--mostly ceramic due to extensive post-Mycenaean construction activities on the
Acropolis and elsewhere--for different areas of occupation, including the acropolis, the north and
south slopes and the lower town (including the Agora). In her concluding summary, she briefly
reconstructs the history of the settlement and concludes that rather than an isolated backwater,
Athens was from LH IIA onward abreast of current trends and developments as found at centers
such as Mycenae, Tiryns and Pylos. Extensively illustrated.

1733 Shear, T. Leslie. 1939. Discoveries in the Agora in 1939. American Journal of
Archaeology 43:577-588.

Preliminary report of the year's excavations in the Athenian Agora, including

discovery of a large chamber tomb on the lower slopes of the north side of the Areopagus; the
tomb and its contents are described, most notably a carved cylindrical ivory pyxis depicting
griffins; LH II-III pottery found in the tombs is also described and illustrated. See also 1721,
1725, 1729 and 1734-1737.
1734 Smithson, Evelyn Lord. 1977. Submycenaean and LH IIIC domestic deposits in
Athens. American Journal of Archaeology 81:78-79.

Describes the nature of settlement evidence for the LH IIIC and Submycenaean
periods in Athens, which consists of 3 wells, two located in the Agora and one on the
northwestern slope of the Akropolis; Smithson also briefly discusses the pottery found in these
wells. See also 1729, 1731, 1733 and 1735-1737.

1735 Talcott, L. 1951. Athens: a Mycenaean necropolis under the Agora floor.
Archaeology 4:223-225.

A brief description and illustration of finds, mostly pottery, from chamber tombs
and pit graves in the northern part of the Athenian Agora. See also 1721, 1725, 1729, 1733,
1734, 1736 and 1737.

1736 Townsend, Emily D. 1955. A Mycenaean chamber tomb under the Temple of
Ares. Hesperia 24:187-219.

Describes the excavation of a chamber tomb in the Athenian Agora, notable for
unorthodox features of construction and an unusually wide chronological and typological range
of pottery; the tomb was in continuous use for almost 300 years (c. 1450-1200 B.C., i.e. from
mid-LH II through the final phases of LH IIIC, and contained at least 14 interments, 24 complete
vessels, fragments of 13 others and various small finds; includes a catalogue of finds. See also
1721, 1725, 1729, 1733-1735 and 1737.

1737 Vermeule, Emily Townsend and John Travlos. 1966. Mycenaean tomb beneath
the Middle Stoa. Hesperia 35:55-78.
 Describes the excavation of a small chamber tomb in the Athenian Agora dating
to LH IIIA1, i.e., c. 1400 B.C.; it contained four skeletons, two of whom had been buried in
boxes of white wood; the authors describe the architecture of the tomb, the individual burials, the
sequence of burials and the two coffins; they note that the Agora appears to have been widely
inhabited in the MH and LH periods and that Mycenaean burials are concentrated in four
principal groups; includes a catalogue of finds. See also 1721, 1725, 1729 and 1733-1736.

1738 Wright, James C. 1994. The Mycenaean entrance system at the west end of the
akropolis of Athens. Hesperia 63:323-360.

Wright provides a review of previous research, evidence and interpretations

concerning the entrance, as well as a detailed analysis of the evidence itself. He characterizes the
western walls and the gate system as a late development in the history of the citadel, dating to
late LH IIIB, and observes that the oblique entrance, similar to those of the Lion Gate and North
Gate at Mycenae, gave the occupants of the acropolis the military advantage of enfilading fire on
both sides, as well as the associated bastion and tower. See also 1723-1725, 1727, 1728, 1730
and 1731.

Ayia Irini

The most important Bronze Age site on the Cycladic island of Kea, Ayia Irini was a
flourishing settlement in the Middle Bronze Age, with strong connections to Crete and later, at
the beginning of the Late Bronze Age, an increasingly strong relationship with the Greek
mainland. After total destruction of the town in at the end of the LM 1B period, it declined in
importance, becoming increasingly Mycenaean in character. The settlement was rebuilt again
after an earthquake in LH IIIA2 and continued to be occupied late into LH IIIC, when the site
was again destroyed. The most prominent structure during this late occupation was a sanctuary
in which Mycenaean cult activities appear to have taken place.
1939 Caskey, John L. 1972. Investigations in Keos, Part II: a conspectus of the
pottery. Hesperia 41:357-401.

Describes and illustrates sealed or closed groups of LH I through LH IIIC pottery

from the site of Ayia Irini on Keos.

1740 Caskey, Miriam Ervin. 1984. The temple at Ayia Irini, Kea: evidence for the LH
IIIC phases. In: The Prehistoric Cyclades: Contributions to a Workshop on
Cycladic Chronology (In Memorian: John Langdon Caskey, 1908-1981). J.A.
MacGillivray and R.L.N. Barber, eds. pp. 241-254. Edinburgh: Department
of Classical Archaeology.

Describes the construction history of the temple during LH IIIC; at no time during
this period was the entire structure in use; Caskey describes, discusses and illustrates the pottery
found in some detail, comparing it to LH IIIC pottery from Lefkandi in Euboia.

1742 Cummer, W. Willson and Elizabeth Schofield. 1984. Ayia Irini: House A.
Keos: Results of the Excavations Conducted by the University of Cincinnati under
the Auspices of the American School of Classical Studies at Athens, Volume
3. Mainz am Rhein.

Final publication concerning excavation of the most important structure in the

Late Bronze Age settlement.

Ayia Thekla
1743 Despinis, G. 1981. Anaskaphi Tinou. Praktika tis en Athenais
Archaiologikis Etaireias 1979:228-235.

Describes the excavation of a tholos tomb at Ayia Thekla on the Cycladic island
of Tinos.

Ayios Ioannis

1744 Demakopoulou, Katie. 1968. Mykenäika angeia ek thalamoeidon taphon

periochis Agiou Ioannou Monemvasias. Archaiologikon Deltion, Meletai
23:145-194.

Analysis of more than 80 pots from plundered chamber tombs at this coastal site
on the Monemvasia peninsula in southeastern Lakonia; stirrup jars are the most common, in
addition to other closed shapes; they date from LH IIA through LH IIIC2, indicating continuous
use of the tombs, although most date to LH IIIA2-IIIC1.

Ayios Stephanos

Located on the southern coast of Lakonia on a low hill at the southeast edge of the
Helos plain, Ayios Stephanos was continuously inhabited from the Middle Helladic period
through LH IIIB and is best known for its stratified pottery sequence spanning the Middle
Helladic/Late Helladic transition. The site occupies an area c. 160 m. in diameter; the
Mycenaean buildings discovered by excavations by the British School of Archaeology under the
direction of Lord William Taylour were neither large nor particularly impressive. A nearby
quarry of Lapis Lacedaemonius appears to have been extensively exploited, with large amounts
found on the site itself and exported to Crete as well.

1745 Janko, Richard. 1996. Ayios Stephanos: a Bronze Age village in Laconia.
Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 41:139.
 A brief discussion of excavations in 1959-1962 and 1973-1977. The settlement
was continuously occupied from MH I through LH IIIC early, after which it was abandoned until
Byzantine times. Located on a coastal promontory near the sole European source of lapis
lacedaemonius, the site was never wealthy. Results of excavation include 160 intramural burials,
mostly of children (probably victims of malaria) and evidence of a metal-working industry.

1746 Taylour, William D. 1972. Excavations at Ayios Stephanos. Annual of the

British School at Athens 67:205-270.

Gives results of excavations in 1959, 1960 and 1963; summarizes data from over
100 burials, approximately 1/3 of which were cist graves, dating from EH to LH IIIB; orientation
and burial methods were variable, there were few grave goods, and about one-half were infants
and children; the site was extensively occupied in EH I-II, abandoned in EH III, occupied in the
MH period; while LH I-II was an important period, the site was abandoned after LH II and LH
IIIB; an appendix discusses pottery.

1747 Taylour, William D. 1973. Excavations at Ayios Stephanos. Archaiologikon

Deltion, Chronika 29:312-314.

Describes and summarizes 1973-1974 excavations indicating continuous

occupation from EH II to LH IIIB; Taylour notes in particular the importance of a stratified
sequence including the transition from Middle to Late Helladic.

Berbati

Berbati occupies a small acropolis which controls the Berbati valley, as well as
passes leading to nearby Mycenae, c. 5 km. to the west. The most notable feature of this site is a
kiln, and it appears that a pottery workshop operated here from the end of the Middle Helladic
period until late in the LH IIIB period, when the site was abandoned; the workshop produced
pictorial pottery, much of which may have been exported to Cyprus. Although the site is fairly
small, a tholos tomb and chamber tombs in its vicinity testify to its importance.
1748 Holmberg, Erik J. 1983. A Mycenaean Chamber Tomb near Berbati in Argolis.
Acta Regiae Societatis Scientiarum et Litterarum Gothoburgensis,
Humaniora, 21. Göteborg: Kungl. Vetenskaps och Vitterhets Samhallet. 53 p.

Final publication of the 1935 excavation, including a detailed description of the

burial and the pottery found within it.

1749 Saflund, Gösta. 1965. Excavations at Berbati, 1936-1937. Stockholm Studies in

Classical Archaeology 4. Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell. 162 p.

Description, without interpretation, of twelve chamber tombs excavated in the

Western Necropolis of Berbati, about 3 km. east of Mycenae.

1750 Santillo Frizell, Barbro. 1984. The tholos tomb at Berbati. Opuscula Atheniensia
15:25-44.

Publication of data concerning the 1935 excavation of a tholos tomb northwest of

the acropolis of Berbati in the Argolid, including a description of the tholos and a catalogue of
the finds therein; analysis of the ceramic material dates the tomb to a single burial during LH
IIIA:1; the tomb is compared to other known examples.

Boubousti

A small site located on the Aliakmon river. Most of the Bronze Age pottery is
locally-made, but some LH III pottery was found as well.
1751 Heurtley, W.A. 1926. A prehistoric site in Western Macedonia and the Dorian
invasion. Annual of the British School at Athens 28:158-194.

Description of the site of Boubousti and its surrounding environment, finds,

chronology and relationship to other Bronze Age and Iron Age sites; Heurtley suggests that the
inhabitants of the site were among the ancestors of the Dorians.

Broglio di Trebisacce

1752 Peroni, Renato and Flavio Trucco, eds. 1994. Enotri Micenei nella Sibaritide,Vol.
1: Broglio di Trebisacce. Taranto: Istituto per la Storia e l’Archeologia della
Magna Grecia. 656 p.

Detailed description, illustration, discussion and analysis of Mycenaean pottery

found at this site in southern Italy. Contents include: Clarissa Belardelli, La ceramica grigia (pp.
265-346); Lucia Vagnetti and Stefania Panichelli, Ceramica egea importata e di produzione
locale (pp. 373-412); Richard E. Jones, Lorenzo Lazzarini, Maurizio Mariottini and Edoardo
Orvini, Studio minero-petrografico e chimico di ceramiche proistoriche (pp. 413-454).

1753 Vagnetti, Lucia. 1982. I frammenti micenei. In: Richerche sulla Protostoria della
Sibaritide, 1. Giovanna Bergonzi, Andrea Cardarelli, Pier Giovanni Guzzo, Renato
Peroni and Lucia Vagnetti, eds. pp. 119-128. Cahiers du Centre Jean Bérard, VII. Naples:
Institut Français de Naples.

Description and illustration of Mycenaean pottery from Broglio di Trebisacce.

1754 Vagnetti, Lucia. 1982. Ceramica micenea e ceramica dipinta dell’eta del bronzo.
In: Ricerche della Protostoria della Sibaritide, 2. Giovanna Bergonzi, Vittoria
Buffa, Andrèa Cardarelli, Claudio Giardino, Renato Peroni and Lucia Vagnetti, eds.
pp. 99-113. Cahiers du Centre Jean Bérard, VIII. Naples: Institut Français de
Naples.

Description, illustration and discussion of Mycenaean and other decorated Aegean

pottery at the site of Broglio di Trebisacce.
1755 Vagnetti, Lucia. 1984. Ceramica micenea e ceramica dipinta dell’eta del bronzo.
In: Ricerche sulla Protostoria della Sibaritide, 3. Renato Peroni, ed. pp. 164-
184. Rome: Paleani Editrice.

Description, illustration and discussion of Mycenaean and other decorated Aegean

pottery from the site of Broglio di Trebisacce.

Caria

1756 Bass, George F. 1963. Mycenaean and Protogeometric tombs in the

Halicarnassus Peninsula. American Journal of Archaeology 67:353-361.

Discusses finds from six or more domed chamber tombs approximately 1 1/2 km.
from Müskebi in Caria near the Anatolian coast; describes 13 ceramic vessels, a spindle whorl
and faience beads dating between LH IIIA and LH IIIC1.

Corinth

There is no reason to believe that the Late Bronze Age settlement at Corinth was
substantial. As is the case with Athens, construction of the large and important Classical city
destroyed most evidence of earlier occupation.

1757 Rutter, Jeremy B. 1979. The last Mycenaeans at Corinth. Hesperia 48:348-392.

Describes the remains of Mycenaean occupation in the area of the later sanctuary
of Demeter and Kore on the north slopes of Acrocorinth, the only evidence of Mycenaean
architecture at Corinth; the major period of Mycenaean occupation appears to have been of short
duration, in late LH IIIC, although some evidence of occupation during the LH IIIB and
Submycenaean periods; describes architecture, pottery and other finds; Rutter finds no evidence
of cult activity at the site during Mycenaean times.

Deir El-Medina

1758 Bell, Martha R. 1982. Preliminary report on the Mycenaean pottery from Deir El-
Medina (1979-1980). Annales du Service des Antiquites de l'Egypte 68:143-
163.

Preliminary analysis of Mycenaean pottery excavated between 1922 and 1951

indicates the following: perhaps as many as 120 vessels are represented, predominantly small
stirrup jars which are assumed to have contained perfumed oil, sometimes found in tombs
associated with other non-Mycenaean unguent jars; handmade Egyptian versions of the stirrup
jar were also found; the earliest vessel has been dated LH II, others to LH IIIA2, and the majority
to LH IIIB. The author suggests that this assemblage, given its well-established context,
represents one of the most important collections of Mycenaean pottery in Egypt.

Deiras

Deiras was the primary cemetery for the settlement of Argos, and a substantial
number of chamber tombs were excavated here.

1759 Deshayes, Jean. 1953. Les vases mycéniens de la Deiras. Bulletin de

Correspondence Hellénique 77:59-89.

Describes, illustrates and discusses Mycenaean pottery from seven burials in the
cemetery of Deiras. See also 1760.
1760 Deshayes, Jean. 1966. Argos: Les Fouilles de la Deiras. Etudes Peloponnesiennes
4. Paris: Libraire Philosophique J. Vrin. 304 p.

Describes the excavation of a chamber tomb cemetery at Deiras near Argos;

includes descriptions of each tomb, pottery and small finds (figurines, bronze artifacts, jewelry,
ivory) and pre- and post-Mycenaean finds; fully illustrated. See also 1759.

1761 Deshayes, Jean. 1969. Les vases Vollgraff de la Deiras. Bulletin de

Correspondence Hellénique 93:574-616.

Describes and illustrates pottery from burials in the cemetery. See also 1762.

1762 Vollgraff, Wilhelm. 1904. Fouilles d'Argos. Bulletin de Correspondence

Hellénique 28:364-399.

Describes the excavation of graves in the cemetery of Deiras. See also 1761.

Delphi

1763 Müller, Sylvie. 1992. Delphes et sa région à l=époque mycénienne. Bulletin de

Correspondence Hellénique 445-496.

Delphi was occupied from LH I through early LH IIIC. Expansion of the site and
the quality of pottery suggests that it was an important settlement at the end of LH IIIB and the
beginning of LH IIIC. The abundance of ceramic figurines indicates that it was probably a cult
site. The author discusses the relation of the site to others in Phokis, locates the site and discusses
phases of occupation, discusses pottery and the possibility that it was a sanctuary. Very little
architecture is evident. There is no direct evidence of cult continuity. Well illustrated.

Dendra

Near the modern village of Dendra, c. 10 km. southeast of Mycenae, lies an

important cemetery associated with the nearby citadel of Midea (see below) in which one small
tholos tomb and fourteen LH IIA-IIIB chamber tombs have been excavated. Many of the grave
goods contained therein were rich, the most spectacular find being a full set of bronze armor.

1764 Åström, Paul. 1969. Das panzergrab von Dendra: bauweise und keramik.
Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts, Athenische Abteilung
82:54-67.

Describes, illustrates and discusses the construction of the chamber tomb at

Dendra containing a suit of armor, as well as the pottery found therein. See also 1765 and 1766.

1765 Åström, Paul. 1977. The Cuirass Tomb and other Finds at Dendra: Part 1, the
Chamber Tombs. Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology 4:1. Göteborg:
Paul Åströms Förlag. 144 p.

Full, final and detailed publication of the excavation of three rich chamber tombs,
one of which--the Cuirass Tomb--contained the most complete set of bronze armor known from
Mycenaean Greece; includes a detailed description, discussion and illustration of the armor and
other metal finds, as well as architecture and pottery; also contains appendices concerning soil
samples, human remains and plants (the latter a good discussion of cultivated plants during the
Mycenaean period). See also 1764 and 1766.
1766 Åström, Paul. 1983. The Cuirass Tomb and other Finds at Dendra: Part 2,
Excavations in the Cemeteries, the Lower Town and the Citadel. Studies in
Mediterranean Archaeology 4:2. Göteborg: Paul Åströms Förlag. 94 p.

Describes excavations in the cemetery, on the acropolis and in the citadel, with
appendices concerning botany, geology, charcoal specimens, radiocarbon dates and animal
bones; also provides a brief history of the citadel of Midea; well illustrated. See also 1764 and
1765.

1767 Hägg, Robin. 1962. Research at Dendra 1961. Opuscula Atheniensia

4:79-102.

Reports the results of a thorough surface collection which established evidence of

inhabitation of various areas in and around the sites of Midea and Dendra before, throughout and
after the Late Bronze Age.

1768 Persson, Axel W. 1931. The Royal Tombs at Dendra near Midea. Skrifter
utgivna av Kungl. Humanistiska Vetenskapssamfundet i Lund 15. Lund:
C.W.K. Gleerup. 152 p.

Final publication of the excavation of a tholos tomb and three chamber tombs;
amply illustrated description of the excavations, the burials themselves and the rich grave goods
contained therein. See also 1769.

1769 Persson, Axel W. 1942. New Tombs at Dendra near Midea. Lund.

See also 1768.

Dhramesi

1770 Fossey, John M. 1970. The identification of Graia. Euphrosyne 4:3-22.

Cites literary and archaeological evidence for identifying the site of Dhramesi as
the city of Graia mentioned in Homer's Catalogue of Ships.

Elaphotopos

Several cist graves were excavated in this remote area in Epiros, outside the
Mycenaean cultural sphere, containing local Bronze Age artifacts along with some Mycenaean
pottery and a Type F sword.

1771 Vokotopoulou, Ioulia P. 1969. Neoi kivotioschimoi taphoi tis YE

IIIB-C periodou ex Epeirou. Archaiologikis Ephemeris 1969:179-207.

Reports the results of 1966-1968 excavation of cist graves at the sites of

Elaphotopos and Mazaraki north of Ioannina in Epeiros; includes a catalogue of finds; of
particular note are the bronze artifacts found in association with LH IIIA-B pottery.

Elateia

1772 Deger-Jalkotzy, Sigrid. 1991. Elateia (Phokis) und die frühe geschichte der
griechen: ein österreichisch-griechisches grabungsprojekt. Anzeiger, Der
Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-Historische Klasse 127:77-
86.
 Describes the joint Austrian and Greek excavations at the extensive chamber
tomb cemetery at Elateia in Phokis in 1988 and 1989, which was used from LH IIB/IIIA through
LH IIIC. The finds indicate that the settlement with which it was associated must have been
particularly prosperous during LH IIIC. Includes illustrations of graves and finds.

1773 Deger-Jalkotzy, Sigrid and Phanouria Dakoronia. 1990. Elateia (Phokis) und
die frühe geschichte der griechen: ein österreichisch-grieches
grabunsprojekt. Anzeiger, Österreichen Akademie der Wissenschaften,
Philosophisch-Historisch Klasse 127:77-86.

Describes and discusses, with illustrations, excavations in the chamber tomb

cemetery of Elateia in Phokis.

1774 Schiering, Wolfgang. 2000. Die Siegelfunde der Nekropole von Elateia-Alonaki
als Musterbeispiele der drei in SH IIIA-B auf dem griechischen Festland
Produzierten Stilgruppen. In: Minoisch-Mykenische Glytik: Stil,
Ikonographie, Funktion. V. Internalen Siegel-Symposium, Marburg, 23.-25. September
1999. Walter Müller, ed. pp. 295-303. Corpus der Minoischen und Mykenischen Siegel,
Beiheft 6. Berlin: Gebr. Mann Verlag.

Describes, illustrates and discusses three stylistic groups of seals from the chamber tomb
cemetery of Elateia-Alonaki in Phokis.

Eleusis

Prehistoric and Mycenaean inhabitation of this site have largely been destroyed by
subsequent construction of the Classical town and temple complex, as well as modern industrial
buildings. However, building remains representing the LH IIA and LH IIIA2-B periods,
including a megaron-type structure, have been partially preserved, suggesting a settlement of
some importance. There is no evidence to indicate that the Eleusinian Mysteries or any other
cult activity was carried out during the Late Bronze Age.

1775 Mylonas, George E. 1932. Eleusis in the Bronze Age. American Journal of
Archaeology 36:104-117.
 Describes results of 1930-1931 excavations on the southwestern slope of Eleusis,
including Middle Helladic and Late Helladic I-III architectural remains, burials and pottery;
although a thick layer of ash separates the MH and LH levels, there is nonetheless considerable
evidence of cultural continuity. See also 1776.

1776 Mylonas, George E. Eleusiniaka. American Journal of Archaeology

40:415-431.

Describes and illustrates Middle Helladic and Late Helladic architecture and
pottery found on the acropolis of Eleusis, most notably an intact inscribed stirrup jar. See also
1775.

1777 Mylonas, George E. 1955. The cemeteries of Eleusis and Mycenae.

Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society 99:57-67.

Describes results of 1953-1954 excavations, including Middle and Late Helladic

burials at Eleusis and Grave Circle B at Mycenae.

Emporio

This site, more or less continuously occupied from prehistoric times into the Late
Bronze Age, is located on a low hill near a good harbor on the southeastern coast of the island of
Chios. First evidence of Mycenaean occupation occurs in LH IIIB and continues into LH IIIC,
when the settlement was destroyed by fire.

1778 Hood, Sinclair. 1981. Excavations in Chios 1938-1955: Prehistoric

Emporio and Ayio Gala. British School of Archaeology at Athens
Supplementary Volume 15. Thames and Hudson. 2 v.
 Describes the excavation of two prehistoric sites on the island of Chios; Volume 1
includes a list of Bronze Age sites on Chios and description of the Neolithic and Early Bronze
Age levels of the sites of Emporia and Ayia Gala; Volume 2 includes description of the Late
Bronze Age levels and Mycenaean pottery.

1779 Hood, Sinclair. 1986. Mycenaeans in Chios. In: Chios: A Conference at the
Homereion in Chios, 1984. John Boardman and C.E.
Vaphopoulou-Richardson, eds. pp. 169-180. Oxford: Clarendon Press.

Summarizes the results of British excavations at Emporio on Chios; there is very

little evidence of Mycenaean contact before the LH IIIB period, and it appears that Mycenaean
presence became substantial only during LH IIIC, possibly due to immigration from Euboia,
when Emporio became a fairly large and important settlement before it was destroyed at the end
of the LH IIIC period; there is some discussion of LH IIIC pottery from Emporio, as well as
possibly hand-made coarse ware.

Enkomi

Enkomi, located on the southern coast, was one of the most important, if not the
most important Mycenaean settlement on Cyprus.

1780 Dikaios, Porphyrios. 1969. Enkomi: Excavations 1948-1958. Mainz am

Rhein: Verlag Philipp von Zabern. 3 v.

Final publication of excavations; Volume I describes and discusses architecture,

tombs, finds and stratified pottery; Volume II discusses relative and absolute chronology and
contains a summary and historical conclusions, various appendices and a catalogue of finds from
stratified deposits; Volume III is comprised of plates and illustrations; this is the most thorough
and most accessible account of the most important excavated Mycenaean site on Cyprus.
1781 Johnstone, William. 1971. A Late Bronze Age tholos tomb at Enkomi. In:
Alasia, Premier Serie, Tome IV. pp. 51-122. Paris: Mission Archeologique
d'Alasia.

Describes the tomb, its stratigraphy, pottery and non-ceramic finds and discusses
comparable structures in Greece and Cyprus.

1782 Karageorghis, Vassos. 1960. Supplementary notes on the Mycenaean vases

from the Swedish tombs at Enkomi. Opuscula Atheniensia 3:135-153.

Description and illustration primarily of pictorial pottery from Tomb 3 at Enkomi,

excavated in 1930.

Epidavros

In addition to a settlement in the vicinity of the Asklepeion, whose size and

importance is uncertain, there was an open-air cult installation of some significance located near
the Classical sanctuary of Apollo Maleatas; it is not clear whether the later cult activities at this
famous Classical sanctuary were connected in any way with the earlier ones. Seven LH IIIA2-B
chamber tombs were also excavated nearby.

1783 Aravantinos, Vassilis L. 1974. Mykenaika ek Palaias Epidavrou.

Archaiologikon Deltion, Meletai 29:70-87.

Publication and analysis of finds--mainly pottery dating to LH IIIA-B and LH

IIIC1b--from 7 chamber tombs located near the Asklepeion.

Eutresis
 The site of Eutresis is located on a plateau-like hill c. 10 km. southwest of Thebes in
Boiotia at the edge of the Plain of Leuktra. The site is best known for its extensive Early
Helladic and Middle Helladic occupations, but the Mycenaean settlement also appears to have
been substantial, as indicated by its cyclopean fortification walls and LH IIIA-B buildings. The
site appears to have been abandoned during or at the end of LH IIIB.

1784 Goldman, Hetty. 1931. Excavations at Eutresis in Boiotia. Cambridge, MA:

Harvard University Press. 236 p.

Describes excavation of a site occupied throughout the Bronze Age, including

Late Helladic, but focusing particularly on the Early and Middle Helladic periods.

Exalophos

At this remote site in western Thessaly at the foot of the Pindos Mountains, two cist
graves covered by a tumulus were excavated. The graves contained bronze weapons and late LH
IIIC kylikes.

1785 Theochares, Demetrios R. 1968. O tymvos tou Exalophou kai i eisvoli ton
Thessalon. Archaiologika Analekta ex Athinon 1:289-295.

Preliminary report describing the excavation of two LH IIIC cist graves covered
by a tumulus near the village of Exalophos in western Thessaly; Theochares suggests that these
burials are to be associated with the Thessaloi, which he characterizes as a "Mycenaeanized"
tribe originating in Epeiros which occupied western Thessaly during the second half of the 12th
century B.C.

Gla
 Gla is the largest known Mycenaean fortification, with cyclopean walls c. 2 km. in
circumference, with four gates, and encompassing an area of c. 235,000 square meters. It is
situated on a large rock outcrop jutting into the northeast corner of the Kopaic Plain. Within the
walls is a large structure earlier characterized as a palace, but which now is seen by most analysts
as a military barracks with extensive storage facilities. It has been suggested that Gla was
constructed, possibly under the control of nearby Orchomenos, in order to protect the extensive
system of dams and dikes used to drain the former Lake Kopais (see Material Culture:
Architecture). The site was occupied from LH IIIA2 until the end of LH IIIB, when it was
abandoned; it is likely that this occupation roughly coincides with the period during which the
lake was drained and subsequently re-flooded.

1786 Iakovidis, Spiros E. 1983. The fortress of Gla: present state of research. Bulletin
of the Institute of Classical Studies 30:191.

Description of the site, its fortifications and architecture; the author suggests that
the function of Gla was to protect and control the dikes used to drain Lake Kopais and to store
produce from agricultural exploitation of the Kopais Basin; archaeological evidence indicates
that the site was occupied from LH IIIA2/B1 to early LH IIIB2 (c. 1300-1230 B.C.), the period
when the lake was drained and the basin cultivated. See also 1788, 1790 and 1791.

1787 Iakovidis, Spiros E. 1989. Glas I: I Anaskaphi 1955-1961. Vivliothiki tis en

Athenais Archaiologikis Etaireias no. 107. Athens. 329 p.

Final publication of excavations by Threpsiades, including description of the site,

the excavations, fortifications, structures, finds and chronology. Extensive English summary. See
also 1789.

1788 Iakovidis, Spiros E. 1992. The Mycenaean fortress of Gla. In: Mykenäika:
Actes du IX Colloque international sur les textes mycéniens et égéens organise
par le Centre de l'Antiquite Grecque et Romaine de la Fondation Héllenique des
Recherches Scientifiques et l'École française d'Athènes (Athènes, 2-6 octobre
1990). Jean-Pierre Olivier, ed. pp. 607-615. Bulletin de Correspondence
Hellénique Supplement 25. Paris: Diffusion de Boccard.
 Briefly describes the fortifications, plan and architecture of the citadel, which is
characterized as a control point and storage area for the Kopaic basin. See also 1786, 1790 and
1791.

1789 Iakovidis, Spyros E. 1998. Glas II. I Anaskaphi 1981-1991. I en Athenais

Archaiologiki Etaireias no. 173. Athens.

See also 1787.

1790 Iakovidis, Spiros E. 1998. Gla, Orchomène et l=assechement mycénien du Kopaïs.

Rendiconti dell=Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei, Classe di Scienze morali, storiche
e filologiche, Serie 9, 9:281-308.

Describes and discusses the sites of Gla and Orchomenos in the Kopaic basin in
Boiotia. See also 1786, 1788 and 1791.

1791 Iakovidis, Spyros E. 2001. Gla and the Kopais in the 13th Century B.C. Library of
the Archaeological Society at Athens 221. Athens: The Archaeological Scoiety
at Athens.

See also 1786, 1788 and 1790.

1792 Threpsiadis, Ioannis. 1964. Anaskaphai Arnis (Gla) tis Kopaidos. Praktika
tis en Athenais Archaiologikis Etaireias 1961:28-40.
 Describes excavations on the acropolis at Gla in Boiotia. See also 1793.

1793 Threpsiadis, Ioannis. 1966. Anaskaphai Arnis (Gla) tis Kopaidos. Praktika tis en
Athenais Archaiologikis Etaireias 1960:23-38.

See also 1792.

Glypha

A large and probably important site on the eastern coast of Boiotia which was
occupied, apparently continuously, during the Middle Helladic period and throughout the Late
Bronze Age. Test excavations revealed substantial architectural remains and burials. The site
has been identified by some archaeologists as the site of Homeric Aulis.

1794 Demakopoulou, Katie. 1988. Glypha (or Vlicha), Chalkis: a major

Mycenaean settlement on the Boeotian shore near Aulis. Teiresias 18:1-18.

Describes the results of trial excavations, revealing considerable and unbroken

stratigraphic continuity from EH through LH IIIC; also describes remains of a fortification wall
utilizing cyclopean techniques, part of a large house, Middle and Late Helladic cist graves, along
with abundant sherds and some whole vessels; the author believes that the site flourished during
MH and LH I-IIIB and was densely inhabited, with large buildings occupying the entire hill and
surrounding area, c. 300 x 150 m.; she characterizes it as the most prominent site in the area,
possibly the local capital, which may also have served as a port for Thebes; she suggests, finally,
that this site could be that of Mycenaean Aulis. See also 1796.
1795 Papakonstantinou, Maria-Photini. 1996. Early Mycenaean tumuli at Glypha in
Phthiotis (Ancient Antron) (Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 41:137-
138.

Discusses the discovery of two tumuli surrounded by circuit walls of unworked

stone, containing cist graves dating to MH III-LH IIA.

1796 Sapouna-Sakellarakis, Efi. 1987. Glypha e Vlycha Boiotias: e mykenaiki

Avlida? Archaiologika Analekta ex Athinon 20:191-210.

Describes and illustrates salvage excavations on the hill of Glypha in Boiotia. See
also 1794.

GritsaSite in southeastern Thessaly. The settlement is located on a rocky hill at the head of the
Bay of Pteleon at the entrance to the Gulf of Volos. The most significant discovery here was
five small tholos tombs dating from LH IIIA1 to LH IIIC.

1797 Verdelis, Nikolaos M. 1951. Tholotos mykenäikos taphos para tin Gritsan.
Praktika tis Archaiologikis Etaireias 1951:141-149.

Preliminary report on the excavation of a tholos tomb at Gritsa, near Pteleon, in

southern Thessaly.

Hala Sultan Tekke

A major Late Bronze Age settlement located on the southern coast of Cyprus which
shows some evidence of Mycenaean contact and influence.
1798 Åström, Paul. 1986. Hala Sultan Tekke - an international harbour town of
the Late Cypriote Bronze Age. Opuscula Atheniensia 16:7-17.

Describes 1971-1983 at this site near Larnaca. Hala Sultan Tekke was a prosperous
settlement after the Mycenaean conquest of Cyprus in the first part of the 12th century B.C., with
an ethnically mixed population which included Mycenaean potters, as indicated by the early LH
IIIC pottery found there.

1799 Obrink, Ulla. 1979. Hala Sultan Tekke 6: a Sherd Deposit in Area 22. Studies in
Mediterranean Archaeology 45. Göteborg: Paul Åströms Förlag. 85 p.

Catalogues, describes, illustrates and analyzes Mycenaean, Cypriot and Minoan

pottery from this deposit; Mycenaean pottery comprised 965 sherds--23% of the total--most of
which are dated to LH IIIB.

Halasmenos

1800 Tsipopoulou, Metaxia. 2001. Minoans and Mycenaeans at the end of the
Bronze Age in Crete: new evidence from the excavation of Halasmenos and
Kataleimata. Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 44:171-172.

Summary of excavations at two LM IIIC refuge sites on the Ierapetra peninsula in eastern
Crete. Halasmenos, occupied only in LH IIIC Middle, was a fair-sized community engaged in
agriculture and animal husbandry comprised of at least three megara and a shrine. Although the
population seems to have been ethnically Minoan, considerable Mycenaean influence can be
seen, probably due to contact with more mycenaeanized coastal settlements.

Ialysos
 Excavated in the 1920's by Italian archaeologists, Ialysos is one of the most
important excavated sites in the Dodecanese islands. It contains a large and rich chamber tomb
cemetery dug into two small hills dating to LH IIIB-C which was probably associated with the
nearby settlement of Trianda. It is possible that the nearby acropolis was also the site of a
Mycenaean settlement, but subsequent construction has made any identification difficult.

1801 Jacopi, G. 1930. Nuovi scavi nella Necropoli micenea di Ialisso. Annuale
della Scuola archeologica di Atene 13:253-345.

Report concerning excavations in the cemetery of Ialysos on the island of

Rhodes in the Dodecanese; includes discussion of topography, chronology and finds; abundantly
illustrated.

1802 Maiuri, A. 1926. Jalisos: la necropoli micenea. Annuale della Scuola archeologica
di Atene 6:86-251.

1803 Marketou, Toula. 1998. Excavations at Trianda (Ialysos) on Rhodes: new

evidence for the Late Bronze Age I period. Rendiconti dell’Accademia
Nazionale dei Lincei, Classe di Scienze Morali, Storiche e Filologiche 9:39-82.

Discusses the results of several rescue excavations since 1978 conducted by the
Greek Archaeological Service, including the nature of the LBA IA settlement and connections
with other islands of the Dodecanese during this period; also briefly discusses the cemetery at
Trianda and later chronological phases, including LH IIIA.

Iasos

1804 Benzi, Mario and Nicoletta Momigliano. 2000. Minoans and Mycenaeans at
Iasos. Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 44:223.

Although Minoan pottery was predominant in LM I, Mycenaean material, most of

which was locally made, is found from LH IIB to LH IIIC.
Iolkos

Situated on a low hill on the outskirts of the modern city of Volos at the head of the
bay of Volos, Iolkos was one of the most important sites in southeastern Thessaly and possibly
all of Thessaly, although recent excavations at the nearby site of Dimini have revealed a Late
Bronze Age settlement which may have been as significant. It contains a large and extensive
structure which has been characterized as a palace, although overlying later strata and parts of
the modern city, as in the equivalent case of Thebes, have enabled only limited excavation of the
site, which took place from 1956 to 1960 under the direction of Demetrios Theochares. Two
successive construction phases of this structure, dating to LH IIIA and LH IIIB, have been
identified. Features suggesting a palatial structure include fresco fragments, stucco floors and
abundant fine pottery. The site was apparently one of the few Mycenaean sites occupied
continuously from the Early Helladic period into the Dark Age, although some evidence of
burning and destruction has been noted in LH IIIC levels, which are extensive. A number of LH
II-LH IIIB built tombs and cist graves have also been excavated in the vicinity.

1805 Theochares, Demetrios R. 1956. Anaskaphai en Iolko. Praktika tis

Archaiologikis Etaireias 1956:119-130.

Preliminary report on the first season of excavations at the palace of Iolkos in

Thessaly. See also 1806 and 1808-1810.

1806 Theochares, Demetrios R. 1957. Anaskaphai en Iolko. Praktika tis

Archaiologikis Etaireias 1957:54-69.

Preliminary report of excavations, including discussion of chronology,

architecture and pottery. See also 1805 and 1808-1810.

1807 Theochares, Demetrios R. 1958. Iolkos, whence sailed the Argonauts.

Archaeology 11:13-18.
 This brief summary for a general audience is the only English-language
description by the excavator of this important palatial center in Thessaly.

1808 Theochares, Demetrios R. 1960. Anaskaphi en Iolko. Praktika tis

Archaiologikis Etaireias 1960:49-59.

See also 1805, 1806, 1809 and 1810.

1809 Theochares, Demetrios. 1961. Anaskaphai Iolkou. Praktika tis

Archaiologikis Etaireias 1961:42-54.

See also 1805, 1806, 1808 and 1810.

1810 Theochares, Demetrios R. 1961. Iolkos. To Ergon tis Archaiologikis Etaireias

1961:51-60.

Preliminary report describing excavations at the palace of Iolkos in Thessaly. See also
1805, 1806, 1808 and 1809.

Isthmia

1811 Morgan, Catherine. 1999. Isthmia III: The Late Bronze Age Settlement and Early
Iron Age Sanctuary. Princeton: The American School of Classical Studies at Athens.
Kakovatos

Three large and rich LH IIA tholos tombs were excavated at Kakovatos on
the coast of Triphylia, adjacent to the fertile plain of Zacharo, in the western Peloponnese. On a
nearby hilltop evidence of a large and probably important settlement were also discovered.

1812 Dörpfeld, Wilhelm. 1908. Alt-Pylos, I: die kuppelgraber von Kakovatos.

Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts, Athenische
Abteilung 33:295-317.

Describes the excavation of three tholos tombs near Kakovatos in Messenia.

1813 Müller, Kurt. 1909. Alt-Pylos, II: die funde aus den kuppelgrabern von
Kakovatos. Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts,
Athenische Abteilung 34:269-328.

Describes and illustrates finds from three tholos tombs near Kakovatos in Messenia.

Kallithea

Two rich LH IIIC chamber tombs, one containing fragmentary armor and weapons,
were excavated at this site c. 10 km. south of Patras.

1814 Papadopoulos, Thanasis. 1998. Anaskaphi Mykenäikou Nekrotapheion

Kallitheas Patron. Praktika tis en Athenais Archaiologikis Etereias 1998:83-87.
1815 Yialouris, Nikolaos. 1960. Mykenische Bronzeschutzwaffen. Mitteilungen
des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts, Athenische Abteilung 75:42-67.

Describes bronze armor and weapons from a chamber tomb near Kallithea in
Achaia and discusses parallels from other sites for the greaves, helmet, shield and other pieces of
armor found therein.

Kambi

Fourteen LH IIIA2-B burials, most of which had been robbed, were excavated in
this large cemetery on the slope of a hill on the western coast of the Ionian island of Zakynthos.

1816 Agallopoulou, Penelope I. 1973. Mykenaikon nekrotapheion para to Kambi

Zakynthou. Archaiologikon Deltion, Meletai 28:198-214.

Excavation of a small cemetery near Kambi in western Zakynthos dating to LH

IIIA-B; each slab-covered pit grave had several burials, and thus were probably family tombs;
there is no evidence to this point that the island was occupied in LH IIIC.

Kapakli

1817 Kourouniotis, K. 1906. Anaskaphi tholotou taphou en Volo.

Archaiologikis Ephemeris 1906:211-240.

Describes the excavation of a large tholos tomb near Volos in southeastern

Thessaly.
1818 Avila, Robert. 1983. Das Kuppelgrab von Volos-Kapakli. Prähistorische
Zeitschrift 58:15-60.

Detailed description and discussion of the tholos tomb and its contents.

Karpophora

1819 Choremis, Angelos. 1973. Myyenaikoi kai Protogeometrikoi taphoi eis

Karpophoran Messenias. Archaiologikis Ephemeris, Meletai 1973:25-75.

Describes the excavation of five tholos tombs and two chamber tombs dating to
LH I through LH IIIC/Submycenaean; also excavated were five Protogeometric tombs.

Kastanas

Kastanas is a large high mound site located along the Axios River in central
Macedonia. Although Macedonia lies largely outside the Mycenaean sphere, this site, like many
others in this area (particularly Assiros Toumba, excavated by K.A. Wardle under the auspices of
the British School in Athens), shows Mycenaean influence, mainly in the form of pottery, during
LH III.

1820 Podzuweit, Christian. 1979. Spätmykenische keramik von Kastanas.

Jahrbuch des Römisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums Mainz
26:203-223.
 Describes and illustrates LH IIIB-C pottery found at the site of Kastanas in central
Macedonia.

Kastello

1821 Papazoglou, Lena. 1981. Mykenaikos thalamotos taphos sto Kastello tis Ko.
Archaiologika Analekta ex Athinon 14:62-75.

Excavation of a chamber tomb at Kastello reveals evidence of close connection

between Rhodes and Kos, as well as the probable existence of a pottery workshop somewhere in
the Dodecanese producing kylikes with an octopus motif.

Kastri/Peleki

1822 Sapouna-Sakellaraki, E. 1996. Mycenaean Kerinthos. In: Minotaur and

Centaur: Studies in the Archaeology of Crete and Euboea Presented to Mervyn
Popham. Doniert Evely, Irene S. Lemos and Susan Sherratt, eds. pp. 106-110.
BAR International Series 638. Oxford: Tempvs Reparatvm.

Cites evidence from surface finds, including a sealstone, on the hill of

Kastri/Peleki on the coast of Euboia to suggest that this site is the city of Kerinthos named in
Homer's Catalogue of Ships.

Khalkis
1823 Hankey, Vronwy. 1952. Late Helladic tombs at Khalkis. Annual of the British
School at Athens 47:49-95.

Description of 1906-1911 excavations of eighteen LH I-III chamber tombs

northeast of Khalkis in Euboia; includes catalogue of finds, mostly pottery and a discussion and
summary of the pottery found.

Khania

Khania is located on the northwestern coast of Crete. In LM III it appears to have

become an important Mycenaean center, perhaps even a palace, as attested by the Linear B
tablets which have been unearthed during recent excavations (see also Intellectual Life: Linear
B).

1824 Hallager, Erik and Birgitta P. Hallager, eds. 2000. The Greek-Swedish
Excavations at the Agia Aikaterini Square, Kastelli, Khania 1970-1987. Volume
II. The Late Minoan IIIC Settlement. Stockholm: Paul Åströms Förlag.

1825 Vlasaki, Maria Andhreadhaki. 1991. The Khania area, ca 1200-700 B.C. In: La
Transizione dal Miceneo all'Alto Arcaismo: Dal Palazzo alla citta. Atti del
Convegno Internazionale Roma, 14-19 marzo 1988. D. Musti et al., eds. pp.
403-423. Rome: Consiglio Nazionale delle Ricerche.

Summarizes archaeological data, primarily pottery, concerning western Crete in

the LM IIIC and subsequent periods; this evidence suggests strong Mycenaean influence and
considerable prosperity until the middle of the 12th century B.C., followed by depopulation and
abandonment of sites, a situation which continues through the following Subminoan period.

Kiapha Thiti
1826 Maran, Joseph. 1992. Kiapha Thiti: Ergebnisse der Ausgrabungen, II2 (2. Jt.
Ch.: Keramik und Kleinfunde). Marburger Wincklemann-Programm
1990. 227 p.

Lists, describes and discusses Middle Helladic and Late Helladic I-IIIA1 pottery
and small finds from the site of Kiapha Thiti in Attika in stratigraphic context and by ceramic
group.

1827 Maran, Joseph. 1993. Middle and Late Bronze Age pottery from Kiapha Thiti
(Attica): a preliminary report. In: Proceedings of the International Conference,
Wace and Blegen: Pottery as Evidence for Trade in the Aegean Bronze Age, 1939-
1989, Held at the American School of Classical Studies at Athens, Athens,
December 2-3, 1989. Carol Zerner, Peter Zerner and John Winder, eds. pp. 201-
207. Amsterdam: J.C. Gieben.

Summarizes ceramic development from late Middle Helladic to early Mycenaean

periods at this site in southern Attika and discusses the extent to which imports from the island of
Aigina, about 30 km. away reached the settlement and the strength of trade connections with the
Cyclades.

Kiperi

A small tholos tomb was excavated at Kiperi on the coast of Epeiros. Although no
habitation site has yet been identified in this remote place, it is likely that at least a small
Mycenaean settlement must have existed here.

1828 Papadopoulos, Thanasis J. 1981. Das mykenische kuppelgrab von Kiperi bei
Parga (Epirus). Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts,
Athenische Abteilung 96:7-24.
 Describes the excavation of a tholos tomb at Kiperi, near Parga in Epeiros, the
northernmost example of this type of burial; includes a catalogue of finds.

Kition

Kition was an important Mycenaean settlement on the southern coast of Cyprus at

the end of the Late Bronze Age. Of particular note is a temple whose cult activities appear to
have been associated with bronzeworking.

1829 Karageorghis, Vassos. 1974. Excavations at Kition, I: The Tombs.

Nicosia: Department of Antiquities, Cyprus. 166 p.

1830 Karageorghis, Vassos. 1976. Kition--Mycenaean and Phoenician Discoveries

in Cyprus. London: Thames & Hudson. 184 p.

Description for a general audience of Mycenaean and Phoenician settlements at

Kition; the town shows strong Mycenaean influence beginning in the 13th century with
considerable LH IIIB Mycenaean pottery and artifacts of a local character, along with Minoan
and Levantine elements; this is followed in LH IIIC by the establishment of a Mycenaean
settlement including most prominently several temples and associated bronze workshops.

Knossos

Knossos was the most impressive and probably the most important site on Crete
during much of the course of Minoan civilization. The site was excavated by Sir Arthur Evans
from 1900 to 1905, with supplementary investigation of the palace and its vicinity carried out by
the British School at Athens considerably later. Inhabited from the Neolithic period onward, it is
located on a low hill c. 5 km. from the northern coast of central Crete, and was thus well placed
not only to conduct an extensive maritime trade, but also to control much of central and western
Crete.
 Toward the end of LM IB, Knossos and the other Minoan palaces (Mallia, Phaistos
and Zakros) were destroyed, probably by an earthquake. Although subsequently rebuilt, the
palace came under Mycenaean control and became the center of a Mycenaean state. Later, in
either LM IIIA1 or LM IIIB (the date is disputed; see Introduction to Mycenaean Civilization:
Chronology), the palace was again destroyed and abandoned. The most tangible evidence of
Mycenaean occupation at Knossos is the large number of Linear B tablets found within the
palace and preserved by its final destruction.

1831 Evans, Arthur. 1964. The Palace of Minos: A Comparative Account of the
Successive Stages of the Early Cretan Civilization as Illustrated by the
Discoveries at Knossos. New York: Biblo and Tannen. 5 v.

Evans' original account of his excavations; reprint of 1921-1935 publication.

1832 Hallager, Erik. 1977. The Mycenaean Palace at Knossos: Evidence for Final
Destruction in the IIIB Period. Medelhavsmuseet, Memoir 1. Stockholm:
Medelhavsmuseet. 120 p.

Hallager presents a detailed analysis of the architectural history and stratigraphy

of the palace based upon careful examination of the original excavation notebooks and of the
excavated finds, primarily pottery and Linear B tablets; his study focuses upon the West
Magazines and Long Corridor, where the Linear B tablets were found; Hallager concludes that
the final destruction of the palace by fire occurred in the LM IIIB period.

1833 Popham, Mervyn R. 1964. The Last Days of the Palace at Knossos: Complete
Vases of the Late Minoan IIIB Period. Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology
5. Lund: Paul Åströms Förlag. 28 p.

Publishes, describes and illustrates 33 complete vessels from the period of the
final occupation of the palace of Knossos; using this pottery, he dates the final occupation to the
second half of the 13th century B.C. (LM IIIB); based on his analysis of this pottery, Popham
infers that the last occupants of the palace were Minoans, not Mycenaeans, although some
Mycenaean influence can be detected.

1834 Woodard, William S. 1972. The north entrance at Knossos. American Journal of
Archaeology 76:113-125.

Describes the visible archaeological evidence of stratigraphy for the LM IIIA and
B periods; attempts to reconstruct the chronology of this part of the palace and the date of the
Linear B tablets (which he ascribes to LM IIIA).

Kokkolata

Kokkolata is the site of one of a number of chamber tomb cemeteries excavated on

the island of Kephallenia, although no settlement have as yet been identified. Most of the pottery
here dates to LH IIIB.

1835 Kalligas, P.G. 1977. Kephalleniaka III. Archaiologika Analekta ex Athinon

10:116-125.

Re-examination of burials excavated in 1909 at Kokkolata suggest the presence of

a Middle Helladic tumulus containing cist graves, with two small LH IIIB tholoi subsequently
dug into it; proposes the site of Krane as the center of a LH IIIC polity.

Kolophon

No evidence has yet been found of a Mycenaean settlement at this site on the west
central coast of Anatolia, so it is not certain by or for whom this tholos tomb was constructed.
1836 Bridges, Robert Alden Jr. 1974. The Mycenaean tholos tomb at Kolophon.
Hesperia 43:264-266.

Reconstructs from fieldnotes and other documents the 1922 excavation of the first
and possibly only known tholos tomb in Anatolia.

Korakou

Korakou is located on the southern coast of the Gulf of Corinth, on the western
outskirts of the modern city of Corinth. It was an important settlement during the Late Bronze
age, as attested by its size and the presence of fortification walls and substantial buildings. Of
particular significance is its well-stratified Late Helladic sequence, which was used by Carl
Blegen, its excavator, to subdivide the period into three main chronological phases.

1837 Blegen, Carl W. 1921. Korakou: A Prehistoric Settlement near Corinth. Boston:
American School of Classical Studies. 139 p.

In the definitive publication of excavations at this site, Blegen first established the
stratigraphic sequence of the Greek Bronze Age, largely based upon pottery, leading to the
relative chronology of Early, Middle and Late Helladic periods; in addition he discusses
architecture, burials and pottery of the Early, Middle and Late Helladic periods.

1838 Davis, Jack L. 1979. Late Helladic I pottery from Korakou. Hesperia
48:234-263.

A fully illustrated descriptive presentation of LH I and contemporary wares from

the site of Korakou in the Argolid.
Koryphasion

The tholos tomb excavated here, which contained late Middle Helladic Matt-painted
ware and LH I or LM IA pottery, is the earliest known in Messenia, and possibly on all of
mainland Greece.

1839 Blegen, Carl W. 1954. An early tholos tomb in Western Messenia. Hesperia
23:158-162.

Publication of pottery from a small tholos tomb at Koryphasion, near Pylos,

northeast of Osmanagna Lagoon, originally excavated in 1926; includes catalogue of grave
goods, including Middle Helladic mattpainted ware and early Mycenaean pottery, making this
one of the earliest known tholoi.

Koukounara

In this area c. 7 km. southeast of Pylos are several habitation sites and a number of
cemeteries dating from LH I to LH IIIB, including tholos tombs and several mounds containing
built tombs resembling tholoi.

1840 Korres, Giorgios S. 1977. Anaskaphai Pylou. Praktika tis en Athenais

Archaiologikis Etaireias 1975:428-514.

Describes the excavation of burials at Koukounara and Gouvalari in western

Messenia in the vicinity of Pylos.

Koukounaries

The site is located on a rocky acropolis on a headland jutting into the Bay of
Naoussa on the Cycladic island of Paros. It appears to have been an important Mycenaean site in
LH IIIB and possibly LH IIIC, when it was destroyed by fire. In addition to possible
fortification walls, the most impressive structure excavated was a large multistory building with
extensive storage facilities characterized as either a mansion or a palace.

1841 Koehl, Robert B. 1984. Observations on a deposit of LC IIIC pottery from the
Koukounaries acropolis, Paros. In: The Prehistoric Cyclades: Contributions to a
Workshop on Cycladic Chronology. J.A. MacGillivray and R.L.N. Barber, eds. pp.
207-224. Edinburgh: Department of Classical Archaeology.

Describes and analyzes a deposit of Mycenaean pottery from a storeroom of the

"palace" at Koukounaries in order to characterize Cycladic LH IIIC pottery and to offer a
correlation between Cycladic and mainland ceramic sequences.

1842 Schilardi, Demetrius U. 1979. The destruction of the Mycenaean citadel at

Koukounaries. In: Papers in Cycladic Prehistory. Jack L. Davis, and John F.
Cherry, eds. pp. 158-179. UCLA Institute of Archaeology Monograph 14. Los
Angeles: UCLA Institute of Archaeology.

Excavations at the citadel of Koukounaries demonstrate strong Mycenaean

political and cultural control during LH IIIB; like most of the mainland citadels, but unlike other
Mycenaean Cycladic sites, Koukounaries was destroyed at the end of LH IIIB.

1843 Schilardi, Demetrius U. 1984. The LH IIIC period at the Koukounaries

acropolis, Paros. In: The Prehistoric Cyclades: Contributions to a Workshop
on Cycladic Chronology (in Memoriam: John Langdon Caskey, 1908-1981).
J.A. MacGillivray and R.L.N. Barber, eds. pp. 184-206. Edinburgh: Department of
Classical Archaeology.

Describes an important site located on an acropolis controlling the Naoussa Bay

and the strait between Paros and Naxos. At the top of the acropolis, surrounded by cyclopean
fortification walls, is a large building described by the excavator as a mansion or palace, a large
multistory building exhibiting strong Mycenaean characteristics and whose storerooms contained
large amounts of pottery and items of value. The pottery shows affinities with other LH IIIC sites
such as Perati and Ialysos, and may have been inhabited by refugees from the Peloponnese. The
site was occupied during the Early Cycladic period, occupied again in the early LH IIIC period,
destroyed during the latest phase of LH IIIC--possibly by other Mycenaeans--and reoccupied
thereafter, although on a much reduced scale. After the end of LH IIIC, the site was unoccupied
until the Protogeometric period was well underway.

Kourion

Kourion is an important site on the southern coast of Cyprus which shows strong
Mycenaean influence at the end of the Late Bronze Age.

1844 Daniel, J.F. 1940. The Achaeans at Kourion. University of

Pennsylvania Museum Bulletin 8:3-14.

Describes and illustrates Late Bronze Age architecture and finds from the site of
Kourion on Cyprus.

1845 McFadden, George H. 1954. A Late Cypriote III tomb from Kourion,
Kaloriziki No. 40. American Journal of Archaeology 58:131-142.

Describes the excavation of a previously looted rock-cut shaft tomb containing

the cremated remains of several individuals in bronze urns, a gold and enameled scepter and
other bronze vessels and artifacts; the author dates the tomb to the second half of the 12th
century B.C. and identifies the occupants as Mycenaean or Achaean; includes a catalogue of
finds.

Krini
1846 Papazoglou-Manioudaki, Lena. 1994. A Mycenaean warrior=s tomb at Krini
near Patras. Annual of the British School at Athens 89:171-200.

Detailed description of a chamber tomb dated to LH IIIA-IIIC middle. Of

particular interest is a LH IIIC burial with a Naue II-type sword with a decorated scabbard and a
spearhead with part of the wooden shaft preserved.

Krisa

Krisa was an important site located on an acropolis which dominates the Gulf of
Krisa and the Amphissa Plain in southern Phokis. It was inhabited continuously from the Middle
Helladic period until the end of LH IIIB, when it was destroyed and abandoned. In LH IIIB the
site was fortified and contained a number of substantial buildings.

1847 Jannoray, J. and H. van Effenterre. 1937. Fouilles de Krisa (Phocide). Bulletin
de Correspondence Hellénique 61:269-326.

Describes, illustrates and discusses the excavation of Middle Helladic and Late
Helladic strata on the acropolis of Krisa in Phokis, including fortification walls, architecture and
pottery.

1848 Jannoray, J. and H. van Effenterre. 1938. Fouilles de Krisa (Phocide). Bulletin
de Correspondence Hellénique 62:110-148.

Describes and illustrates Middle Helladic and Late Helladic pottery found at the
site of Krisa in Phokis.

Kynos
1849 Dakoronia, Phanouria. 1996. Earthquakes of the Late Helladic III period (12th
century BC) at Kynos (Livanates, Central Greece). In: Archaeoseismology. S.
Stiros and R.E. Jones, eds. pp. 41-44. Fitch Laboratory Occasional Paper 7. Athens:
Institute of Geology and Mineral Exploration and the British School at Athens.

Dakoronia cites evidence of two phases of destruction about 100 years apart at
Kynos during LH IIIC, the first caused by an earthquake and the second possibly by a tsunami,
both causing damage to storeroom areas. However, neither of these destructions had a significant
effect on the settlement, since some of the damage was repaired and occupation continued.

Lefkandi

Lefkandi is sited on a low hill overlooking a small harbor on the western coast of
the island of Euboia. It appears to have been an important settlement, particularly in LH IIIC,
and the site has a particularly well-stratified sequence for this period. The settlement was also
occupied during the Neolithic, Early Helladic, Middle Helladic and earlier phases of the Late
Helladic period. The site was destroyed several times during LH IIIC and may have been
abandoned at the end of the period, although there is evidence of continued occupation into the
Dark Age in its vicinity.

1850 Catling, Richard W.V. and Irene S. Lemos. 1990. Part I: The pottery. Lefkandi
II: The Protogeometric building at Toumba. M.R. Popham, P.G. Calligas and
L.H. Sackett, eds. Oxford: Thames and Hudson. 174 p.

Final publication of pottery from the Protogeometric building at Toumba,

Lefkandi in Euboia. The body of this study consists of a detailed analysis of the pottery by shape
and decoration. Also includes discussion of the archaeological background, fabric, technique and
paint, and a catalogue. Abundantly illustrated. In their conclusions the authors date this
assemblage to the Middle Protogeometric period and suggest some modifications to the
definition of this period based upon their analysis.
1851 Popham, Mervyn and Elizabeth Milburn. 1971. The Late Helladic IIIC pottery of
Xeropolis (Lefkandi), a summary. Annual of the British School at Athens
66:333-352.

Describes, illustrates and discusses pottery from the site of Lefkandi in Euboia;
the authors subdivide the well-stratified LH IIIC period into three subphases, characterizing each
in terms of specific features; also discusses comparisons with other major LH IIIC deposits.

1852 Popham, Mervyn R. and L.H. Sackett. 1968. Excavations at Lefkandi,

Euboea 1964-1966. Thames & Hudson. 35 p.

Preliminary publication of excavation results for this important LH

IIIC-Protogeometric site; LH IIIC is divided here into three distinct phases, with two destruction
levels; in the LH IIIC levels there is well-built architecture and abundant pottery; in all, the site
was inhabited for over 1500 years, beginning in EH, with a thick MH stratum, but little remains
of the LBA strata earlier than LH IIIC; each occupation phase is discussed in succession; well
illustrated.

1853 Sackett, L.H., and M.R. Popham. 1972. Lefkandi: A Euboean town of the
Bronze Age and Early Iron Age (2100-700 B.C.). Archaeology 25:8-19.

Popular description of an important site in Euboia, occupied in Middle Helladic,

LH I-IIIB and Protogeometric periods, but most notable as the best-stratified site for LH IIIC
(12th century B.C.).

Lerna

This site in the southern Argolid, located on the west coast of the Bay of Argos, is
best known as an important Early Helladic site and for its Middle Helladic sequence. It was,
however, occupied during Mycenaean times as well, although these strata have been seriously
destroyed by subsequent erosion. The settlement does not appear to have been a large one, and
seems to have been abandoned in LH IIIB.

1854 Caskey, John L. 1960. Royal shaft graves at Lerna. Archaeology

13:130-133.

Describes burials excavated in 1954-1955, which are similar in date, form and
size to those of Grave Circle B at Mycenae; robbed in antiquity, both graves appear to have been
reopened and refilled at the same time; of particular note is the presence of Linear A signs on
some potsherds.

1855 Wienke, Martha Heath. 1998. Mycenaean Lerna. Hesperia 67:125-214.

Detailed presentation of material from 1952-1958 excavations. After a brief

description of stratigraphy and architectural remains, Wienke presents a catalogue of 533 whole
and fragmentary vessels, the bulk of those excavated, arranged by findspot; small finds are also
described. The architecture at the site comprised rectangular rooms of ordinary size. The LH
IIIA2-B1 pottery is compared to similar assemblages in the Argolid. Earlier LBA occupation is
less clearly established, possibly due to the erosion and disturbance of the upper levels of the site
and a change in occupation pattern. The settlement may have been somewhat independent in
early Mycenaean times, later coming under control of Argos. The site was important in LH
IIIB1, probably expanding in size at that time, but diminished in LH IIIB2 and was abandoned in
LH IIIC.

Liman Tepe

1856 Günel, Sevinç. 1998. Eine mykenische figurine aus Liman Tepe. Istanbuler
Mitteilungen 48:445-449.

Describes, illustrates and discusses a fragment of a female figurine found at the

site of Liman Tepe in western Anatolia.
1857 Günel, Sevinç. 1999. Vorbericht über die mittel- und spätbronzezeitliche
keramik vom Liman Tepe. Istanbuler Mitteilungen 49:41-82.

Pottery excavated at this site in western Anatolia includes LH IIIA2-C sherds,

both imported and locally-made. Includes a catalogue and illustrations.

Limnionas

1858 Tzavella-Evjen, Hara. 1992. A Mycenaean tomb near Selina at Salamis.

Archaiologikis Ephemeris 131:67-93.

Describes the excavation in 1961 of a LH IIIA-C1 chamber tomb located at

Limnionas, southeast of the village of Ambelakia, 1 km. from the town of Salamis (Paloukia).
The tomb was rather large, of typical shape, and contained three inhumations and one cremation
in an alabastron. The catalogue of finds includes LH III pottery (stirrup jars, jugs, kylikes,
kalathoi, conical bowls and oinochoai), which was probably imported from the Argolid and
Attika, a bronze mirror, scale tray and razor, faience beads and a plaque and buttons. Fully
illustrated.

Lindos

Lindos is an acropolis site on the east central coast of Rhodes, occupied during LH
IIIB and IIIC, which dominates an important harbor.

1859 Dietz, Søren. 1984. Lindos IV, 1: Excavations and Surveys in Southern
Rhodes: The Mycenaean Period. Results of the Carlsberg Foundation
Excavations in Rhodes, 1902-1914. Publications of the National Museum,
Archaeological Historical Series 22:1. National-museets Förlag. 120 p.

The author publishes and discusses material excavated from tombs and obtained
through survey in southern Rhodes between 1902 and 1921; it consists primarily of a catalogue
and description of finds--mostly ceramic--and of their burial contexts; Dietz then uses this
material to comment on Furumark's chronology (drawn in part from Rhodian examples) and to
discuss the chronology of the LH IIIB and LH IIIC periods and southern Rhodes in the LH IIIA2
to IIIC periods.

Lithosoros

1860 Sapouna-Sakellaraki, Efi. 1988. O proïstorikos tymvos Atou Salpanea@

(Lithosoros) stis Aktes tis Boiotias. Archaiologika Analekta ex Athinon 21:77-90.

Describes the excavation of a mound on the eastern coast of Boiotia facing

southern Euboia. The site was occupied from the Neolithic through LH IIIC, with evidence of
substantial Middle Helladic and LH IIIC occupation, and was destroyed at the end of LH IIIC.
Many illustrations of LH III pottery. Brief English summary.

Llanete de los Moros

Site on the southern Spanish coast at which were found a number of LH IIIB sherds.

1861 de la Cruz, José Clemente Martin. 1988. Mykenische keramik aus

Bronzezeitlichen siedlungsschichten von Montoro am Guadalquivir.
Deutsches Archaologisches Institut Abteilung Madrid, Madrider
Mitteilungen 29:77-92.

Describes, illustrates and discusses the discovery of Mycenaean sherds at the site
of Llanete de los Moros in southern Spain.
1862 Martin de la Cruz, José Clemente. 1990. Die erste mykenische keramik von der
Iberischen halbinsel Prähistorische Zeitschrift 65:49-52.

Describes the discovery of decorated Mycenaean pottery at the site of Llanete de

los Moros in the province of Cordoba, Andalucia.

Malthi

Malthi is a fortified site located on an acropolis in the Soulima Valley in northern

Messenia. It was occupied from the Middle Helladic period through LH III.

1863 Valmin, M. Natan. 1938. The Swedish Messenia Expedition. Lund: C.W.K.
Gleerup. 484 p.

Definitive excavation report for the site of Malthi-Dorion.

1864 Valmin, M. Natan. 1953. Malthi-Epilog: vorläufiger bericht über die

Schwedische ausgrabungen in Messenien 1952. Opuscula Atheniensia 1:29-46.

Describes 1952 excavations at Malthi in Messenia, focusing primarily upon

architectural remains.

Marathon

Four tumuli near the village of Vrana at the western end of the Plain of Marathon
were excavated by Spiridon Marinatos. The burials within one tumulus date to the Middle
Helladic period, while the others are Mycenaean. A tholos tomb in which two horses had been
buried was found c. 1 km. to the southeast.
1865 Marinatos, Spyridon. 1972. Anaskaphai Marathonos. Praktika tis en
Athenais Archaiologikis Etaireias 1970:5-28.

Describes the excavation of tumuli in the plain of Marathon containing MH and

early LH burials.

Marmara

Marmara is a relatively inaccessible site in mountainous terrain in Phthiotis where a

number of tumuli containing burials characterized as Submycenaean were excavated.

1866 Dakononia, Fanouria. 1987. Marmara: ta Upomykenäika Nekrotapheia

ton Tymvon. Athens: Ekdoseis Ngoni. 191 p.

Describes the excavation of Late Bronze Age/Early Iron Age tumuli containing
cist tombs in a remote area on the slopes of Mt. Oeta in Phthiotis; Dakoronia describes the
history and topography of the region, the excavations, the burials and their contents including
pottery and bronze artifacts; in her conclusions, she suggests that those buried at Marmara were a
tribal group--perhaps the Dorians--on the periphery of the Mycenaean world; includes an English
summary; may be difficult to obtain.

Maroni

1867 Johnson, Jane. 1980. Maroni de Chypre. Studies in Mediterranean

Archaeology 59. Göteborg: Paul Åströms Förlag. 91 p.

Publishes materials from late 19th century excavations of tombs near Maroni in
southern Cyprus; lists, discusses and illustrates Mycenaean pottery from the burials.
1868 Manning, Sturt W. and Sarah J. Monks. 1998. Late Cypriot tombs at Maroni
Tsaroukkas, Cyprus. Annual of the British School at Athens 93:297-351.

Reports on the investigation of the cemetery area, part of a larger project

involving the discovery, definition and study of the LBA settlement complex in the lower
Maroni Valley on the southern coast of Cyprus. In addition to earlier excavations and
acquisitions by the British Museum, intensive survey and exploratory trenches in 1990-1995
indicate that this complex functioned as an important regional port and anchorage in the LBA.
The present report involves the location of earlier excavations by the British Museum in 1897-98
supplemented by more recent excavations, enabling the identification of the Tsaroukkas
cemetery and placing the Late Cypriot burials there within a meaningful funerary, cultural,
historical and chronological context. Includes a summary, catalogue and illustrations of
excavated tomb and tomb-related deposits. Evidence from the tombs indicates the presence of an
elite group engaged in overseas trade during the LC II period. In addition to Minoan, Egyptian
and Canaanite artifacts, the tombs contained a considerable amount of Mycenaean LH IIA-LH
IIIB pottery, with the majority dating to LH IIIA; the most frequent imported shapes include
stirrup jars, piriform jars and straight-sided alabastra. The authors suggest that these imported
goods were involved in conspicuous consumption and competition over funeral display as part of
peer-polity interaction among several emergent complex societies in the lower Maroni Valley.

Masat Höyük

Masat Höyük is located on the northern Anatolian coast near the periphery of Hittite
territory. Excavations there revealed Mycenaean pottery in association with local Hittite wares.

1869 Ozguc, Tahsin. 1980. Excavations at the Hittite site, Masat Höyük: palace,
archives, Mycenaean pottery. American Journal of Archaeology 84:305-309.

Excavation report of site in northeastern Anatolia, on the periphery of the Hittite

empire; Mycenaean pottery--mainly stirrup jars and two-handled flasks--possibly imported from
Cyprus, was found in the palace in association with Hittite pottery.
Mega Monastrion

Five rich chamber tombs were excavated at this site in southern Thessaly.

1870 Theochares, Demetrios R. 1964. Anaskaphi mykenäikon thalamoeidon

taphon para to Mega Monastirion (Larisis). Archaiologikon Deltion,
Chronika 19:255-258.

Preliminary report describing the excavation of five rich chamber tombs in the
vicinity of Mega Monastirion in southeastern Thessaly; these burials were the first true chamber
tombs found in Thessaly and are notable for the presence of a figurine depicting a chariot and
horses and a gold signet ring.

Melathria

1871 Cavanagh, W.G. and J.H. Crouwel. 1992. Melathria: a small Mycenaean rural
settlement in Laconia. In: PHILOLAKON: Lakonian Studies in Honour of Hector
Catling. Jan Motyka Sanders, ed. pp. 77-86. London: The British School at
Athens.

The authors investigate the relationship between a set of chamber tombs

excavated earlier and the associated settlement site located by survey. Description and analysis
of the site's size and location and the 77 sherds collected there enable them to characterize it as a
rural hamlet occupied during LH IIIA-B which seems typical of other similar sites in the
Peloponnese.

1872 Demakopoulou, Katie. 1968. Anaskaphi mykenäikon taphon Melathrias.

Archaiologikon Deltion, Chronika 22:197-199.
1873 Demakopoulou, Katie. 1977. Mykenäikon nekrotapheion Melathrias
Lakonias. Archaiologikis Ephemeris 1977:29-60.

Discusses the excavation of 5 LH IIIA1-B1 chamber tombs near the east bank of
the Eurotas River, about 10 km. from Sparta; includes a detailed discussion of the pottery found.

Menelaion

This site of a Classical sanctuary c. 3 km. southeast of ancient Sparta, excavated in the
1970's by the British School at Athens under H.W. Catling, was probably the most important
settlement in the Eurotas Valley and possibly in all of Lakonia. Located on a long ridge on the
east bank of the Eurotas River, the settlement was particularly prominent from LH IIA to LH
IIIA1. The most prominent structure was a palatial structure known as the Mansion, which was
first constructed in LH IIB and rebuilt more elaborately in LH IIIA1 on a different orientation,
apparently because the previous building was structurally unsound. The building was abandoned
in LH IIIA2 and reoccupied in LH IIIB2, when the settlement seems to have reached its greatest
size--although perhaps declining in importance. The site was destroyed and abandoned at the
end of LH IIIB2.

1874 Catling, Hector William. 1973. Excavations at the Menelaion, Sparta 1973.
Archaiologikon Deltion, Chronika 29:302-312.

Describes 1973-1974 excavations, primarily focusing on building phases of the

large structure known as the Mansion; Catling characterizes the site as the principal settlement in
late 15th century Lakonia.

1875 Catling, Hector William. 1977. Excavations at the Menelaion, Sparta, 1973-76.
Archaeological Reports 23:24-42.

Describes four years of excavation at what was probably the most important Late
Bronze Age site in Lakonia; discussion focuses upon the excavation of a large proto-palatial
structure called the Mansion, which was destroyed and rebuilt several times; also discusses
previous excavations at the site; the site was occupied beginning in the Middle Helladic period,
was abandoned before the close of LH IIIA1 and was reoccupied in LH IIIB2 before being
abandoned again for more than 500 years.

1876 Catling, Hector W. 1992. Sparta: a Mycenaean palace and a shrine to Menelaus
and Helen. Current Archaeology 130:429-431.

Brief description of the Menelaion for a general audience; noting that a large
building at the site contained a megaron, Catling suggests that it may have been the
administrative center of the area in the vicinity of Sparta.

1877 Dawkins, R.M. 1910. Excavations at Sparta, 1910. Annual of the British
School at Athens 16:4-11.

Describes the excavation of an extensive Mycenaean settlement in the vicinity of

the Menelaion.

Menemen

1878 Ersoy, Y.E. 1988. Finds from Menemen/Panaztepe in the Manisa

Museum. Annual of the British School at Athens 83:55-82.

Ersoy describes Mycenaean artifacts found in tholos or tholos-like tombs in

western coastal Anatolia, including a bronze sword fragment, spearhead, razor and arrowheads,
as well as jars, kylikes and local pottery; two chronological groups are represented: early 14th
century and early 12th century-late 13th century; the author speculates that these artifacts may
have belonged to local Anatolians who obtained them through trade with central Greece and the
Aegean islands, via a nearby trading center.
Midea

Midea, located on the acropolis of a high limestone hill c. 10 km. southeast of

Mycenae, was one of the most important fortresses in the Argolid. The cyclopean walls are
equivalent in size and thickness to those of Mycenae and Tiryns and enclosed a substantial
settlement, which was destroyed by an earthquake and fire at the end of the LH IIIB period.
Recent excavations have also revealed a large megaron, workshops and Linear B inscriptions.
See also the site of Dendra for burials which may have been associated with this site.

1879 Åström, Paul and Katie Demakopoulou. 1986. New excavations in the citadel of
Midea 1983-84. Opuscula Atheniensia 16:19-25.

Among the notable finds are evidence of destruction of the citadel at the end of
the LH IIIB2 period, fresco fragments and pottery from the latest phase of LH IIIC. See also
1880-1882.

1880 Åström, Paul, Katie Demakopoulou, Nicoletta Divari-Valakou and Peter M.

Fischer. 1992. Excavations in Midea, 1989-1990. Opuscula Atheniensia 19:1-22.

Describes excavations inside the East and West Gates and Terrace 1. See also
1879, 1881 and 1882.

1881 Åström, Paul, Katie Demakopoulou, Nicoletta Divari-Valakou and Gisela

Walberg. 1990. Excavations in Midea 1987. Opuscula Atheniensia
18:9-22.

Reports the results of excavations at several points on the acropolis, as well as a

survey of the area; the most notable discovery concerns evidence of a catastrophic fire in LH
IIIB2, possibly caused by an earthquake and roughly contemporary with similar evidence of
destruction at the sites of Mycenae and Tiryns. See also 1879, 1880 and 1882.

1882 Åström, Paul, Katie Demakopoulou and Gisela Walberg. 1988. Excavations in
Midea 1985. Opuscula Atheniensia 17:7-12.

Reports excavations on the acropolis of Midea including the East and West Gates,
a LH IIIB2 ash layer and trial trenches on the lower terraces. See also 1879-1881.

1883 Demakopoulou, Katie. 2001. The Mycenaean acropolis of Midea: a third

palatial center in the Argolid? Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 45:180-
181.

Excavations since 1983 have revealed Midea as the third most important site in
the Mycenaean Argolid, as an administrative center with craft industries and a center of wealth
and power with an important role in the control and defense of the plain. Escavations
concentrated on the lower parts of the fortified area indicate that most structures date to LH IIIB2
and a few to LH IIIC, but unstratified finds and sporadic architectural remains demonstrate that
the site was already important in MH III-LH I and the early Mycenaean period. There is also
evidence of a great destructive earthquake at the end of the 13th century B.C. Demakopoulou also
provides a brief description of some major finds.

1884 Demakopoulou, Katie, Nicoletta Divari- Valakou, Paul Åström and Gisela
Walberg. 1996. Excavations in Midea 1994. Opuscula Atheniensia 21:13-39.

Describes the excavation of storerooms and workshops in the West Gate area
along the fortification wall; significant finds include a stirrup jar with a Linear B inscription. On
the lower terraces, a large megaron dating to LH IIIB-C in which were found sword pommels in
a niche was excavated. More evidence of earthquake damage in LH IIIB2 was found. Also
includes some description of pottery found. See also 1885-1887.
1885 Demakopoulou, Katie, Nicoletta Divari- Valakou, Paul Åström and Gisela
Walberg. 1997-1998. Excavations in Midea 1995-1996. Opuscula Atheniensia
22-23:57-90.

Describes excavations in the area of the West Gate and the North-East Sector of
the citadel. In the former area, more rooms destroyed by the LH IIIB2 earthquake and
subsequent fire were excavated. In the latter area further excavation of the Megaron Complex
revealed the following: the Megaron overlay a LH II building and a large circular MH tomb; the
back part of the Megaron was divided in two by a wall beginning in LH IIIB; querns in the
southern half of the divided area suggest use of the area for food preparation; the entire complex
extends more than 30 meters; two nodules, one with a Linear B inscription and one with a seal
impression, were found; evidence of water management in the form of a channel, shaft and
cistern was discovered; a circular platform or altar with spouted bowls, lead vessels and figurines
seem to comprise part of a sanctuary. Well illustrated. See also 1884, 1886, 1887 and 1890.

1886 Demakopoulou, Katie, Nicoletta Divari- Valakou, Paul Åström and Gisela
Walberg. 2000-2001. Work in Midea 1997-1999: excavation, conservation,
restoration. Opuscula Atheniensia 25-25:35-52.

The authors describe the uncovering of more rooms of a building complex along
the fortification wall in the west gate area; finds include abundant LH IIIB2 pottery, stone and
lead vessels and an ivory model of a figure-eight shield. LH IIIA-B and LH IIIB2 architectural
remains further up on the southwestern slope were also investigated. Excavation continued on
the lower terraces in the area of a “megaron” complex, revealing a system for the collection and
storage of water. The authors characterize the building complex as comparable to those on the
citadels of Mycenae and Tiryns; most of its rooms were used for storage or for workshops, and
included bronze and stone tools. Numerous fragments of painted plaster were also found. See
also 1884, 1885, 1887 and 1890.

1887 Demakopoulou, Katie, Nicoletta Divari-Valakou and Gisela Walberg. 1994.

Excavations and restoration work in Midea 1990-1992. Opuscula Atheniensia
20:19-41.

Describes further excavation by the West Gate, inside the East Gate and on the
lower terraces. Includes discussion of stratigraphy, architectural remains, pottery and small finds.
See also 1884-1886.
1888 Walberg, Gisela. 1967. Finds from excavations in the acropolis of Midea
1939. Opuscula Atheniensia 7:162-175.

Describes and illustrates additional finds not previously published or given only
scant attention.

1889 Walberg, Gisela. 1992. Excavations on the lower terraces at Midea. Opuscula
Atheniensia 19:23-39.

Excavations on the lower terraces of the acropolis provide further evidence of

earthquake destruction in LH IIIB, as well as several LH IIIC pavements, which suggest
continued occupation thereafter.

1890 Walberg, Gisela. 1997-1998. The excavations of the Midea megaron. Bulletin of
the Institute of Classical Studies 42:214-215.

Describes the excavation in 1989 of a large megaron-type building 7.5 x 14 m.

constructed in LH IIIB, damaged later in LH IIIB and then rebuilt and remodeled in LH IIIC. It
forms the center of a larger building complex and is the only megaron known with 13th and 12th
century building phases, with occupation before and after the LH IIIB earthquake. See also 1885
and 1886.

1891 Walberg, Gisela, ed. 1998. Excavations on the Acropolis of Midea: Results of the
Greek- Swedish Excavations. Vol. I:1, Text: The Excavations on the Lower
Terraces, 1985-1991. Skrifter utgivna av Svenska Institutet i Athen, 4, XLIX:I:1.
Stockholm: Paul Åströms Förlag. 364 p.
 Final publication of recent excavations which expanded and clarified
understanding of stratigraphical, chronological, architectural, cultural and historical aspects of
the site. Midea was occupied from LH I through the end of LH IIIC, was a prosperous and
important community from LH IIA onward, and during LH IIIB was probably the most
important site in the Argolid after Mycenae and Tiryns, when it was a great citadel containing a
megaron, among other structures. The acropolis settlement was destroyed by an earthquake near
the middle of LH IIIB and was subsequently rebuilt and occupied through the end of the Late
Bronze Age. Contents include: G. Walberg, Foreward (pp. 9-11); G. Walberg, The site (pp. 15-
17); R.G. Bullard, Observations on geology (p. 16); G. Walberg, The stratigraphy (pp. 18-52); G.
Walberg and K.L. Giering, Ceramic statistics (pp. 53-76); G. Walberg and K.L. Giering, Roman
and Bronze Age rooms (pp. 77-86); I. Tzonou, The architectural remains (pp. 87-95); G.
Walberg, The Middle Helladic pottery (pp. 96-99); S.M. Fisher, The Mycenaean pictorial pottery
(pp. 100-108); S.M. Fisher and K.L. Giering, The pictorial stirrup jar (pp. 109-112); A.
Liakopoulou, The LH I-LH IIIA2 pottery (pp. 113-118); K.L. Giering, The LH IIIB pottery (pp.
119-132); M. Dalinghaus, The domestic pottery (pp. 133-136); G. Walberg, The LH IIIC pottery
(pp. 137-149); A. Ostenso, The small finds (pp. 150-167); E. Kosmetatou, The post-Bronze Age
period (pp. 168-174); G. Walberg, Summary (pp. 175-178); Catalogue (pp. 179-263);
Bibliography (pp. 264-270); Appendix I: S. Mossman, The lead finds (pp. 271-276); Appendix
II: D.S. Reese, The faunal remains (pp. 277-292); Appendix III: J. Ernstson, Flotation (pp. 293-
294); Appendix IV: C.T. Shay, J.M. Shay and M.R.M. Kapinga, The Bronze Age plant and
insect remains and modern vegetation (pp. 295-357). See also 1892.

1892 Walberg, Gisela, ed. 1998. Excavations on the Acropolis of Midea: Results of the
Greek- Swedish Excavations. Vol. I:2, Plates: The Excavations on the Lower
Terraces, 1985-1991. Skrifter utgivna av Svenska Institutet i Athen, 4, XLIX:I:2.
Stockholm: Paul Åströms Förlag.

Includes maps, sections, plans, drawings and photographs of architecture and

artifacts. See also 1891.

Monodendri

1893 Papapostopolou, I.A. 1980. Perisyllogi archaion stin Achaia. Praktika tis en
Athenais Archaiologikis Etaireias 1977:485-490.
 Describes the excavation of two chamber tombs near Monodendri in Achaia.

Monolithos

1894 Doumas, Christos. 1979. Thera: a Late Cycladic III settlement at Monolithos.
Archaiologika Analekta ex Athinon 12:232-236.

Surface finds of LH III pottery indicate re-occupation of the island after the
volcanic eruption and contact with mainland Greece.

Mycenae

Mycenae was the most important site in the Argolid, if not all of Mycenaean Greece. It
was first excavated in 1876 by Heinrich Schliemann, who dug around the Lion Gate and
unearthed much of Grave Circle A, as well as some of the largest tholos tombs. Schliemann was
followed by Christos Tsountas in the 1890's, who excavated within the citadel, revealing much
of the palace, and many chamber tombs in the neighboring areas to the west. Excavations were
continued in the early 1920's and in the early 1950's by the British School at Athens under the
direction of A.J.B. Wace, who explored various areas in around the citadel, including the
granary, houses outside the citadel and the Prehistoric Cemetery. After Wace's death work was
continued jointly by the British School and the Greek Archaeological Society, mostly under the
direction of George Mylonas, who excavated, among other things, Grave Circle B and the Cult
Center, the latter in collaboration with the British School under the direction of Lord William
Taylour. The most recent excavations have been carried out on behalf the Archaeological
Society of Athens by Spiros Iakovidis.

Mycenae is located on a high acropolis with a flat top and steep sides which
effectively controlled the Plain of Argos. The site was occupied in prehistoric times and may
have been an important settlement in the Middle Helladic period, although few remains of that
settlement exist. The first surviving palace structure dates to LH IIIA2, although it is likely that
earlier though less extensive structures preceded it. The surrounding fortifications also date to
LH IIIA2, and were enlarged in LH IIIB. A series of destructions occurred beginning at the end
of LH IIIB and continuing until the end of LH IIIC, when the site was largely abandoned.

The citadel was during the peak of its development surrounded by massive
cyclopean walls entered through an elaborate ramp and gate system, over which stood the Lion
Gate. Inside the Lion Gate, leading to the summit of the acropolis, was Grave Circle A. The
palace stood at the peak of the acropolis, surrounded by a number of large buildings, including
the Cult Center and various workshops and storage facilities.

Outside the citadel was the Lower Town, including large structures such as the
House of the Oil Merchant, the House of Shields, the House of the Sphinxes and the West
House. All around the acropolis, on neighboring hills and ridges stood smaller satellite
settlements and cemeteries containing nine tholos tombs and several hundred chamber tombs. It
has been suggested that each cemetery was associated with a particular habitation area or family
group.

1895 Desborough, Vincent Robin d'Arba. 1973. Late burials from Mycenae.
Annual of the British School at Athens 68:87-101.

Catalogue and description of finds from 12 late LH IIIC, Submycenaean and

Protogeometric burials--ten of which were cist graves--with some further discussion of
significant artifacts; consideration of these burials along with late burials from earlier
excavations suggests that the citadel of Mycenae continued to be occupied during these periods,
but probably only as a small settlement. See also 1898, 1923, 1924, 1926, 1928, 1930, 1932,
1934 and 1936.

1896 French, Elizabeth B. 1967. Pottery from Late Helladic IIIB:1 destruction
contexts at Mycenae. Annual of the British School at Athens 62:149-193.

Describes, illustrates, discusses and analyzes pottery found in destruction levels

caused by a single disaster outside the citadel and south of the Tomb of Clytemnestra; analyzes
whole and restorable pots in order to define the LH IIIB1 period at Mycenae; includes a
catalogue of painted pottery and includes charts listing the occurrence of painted pottery by
shape and pattern. See also 1897, 1900 and 1934.

1897 French, Elizabeth B. 1996. Evidence for an earthquake at Mycenae. In:

Archaeoseismology. S. Stiros and R.E. Jones, eds. pp. 51-54. Fitch Laboratory
Occasional Paper 7. Athens: Institute of Geology and Mineral Exploration and the
British School at Athens.
 French presents evidence for and against an earthquake in the middle of the LH
IIIB period, including a horizon of destructions and subsequent rebuilding which may have been
in response to seismic shock. See also 1896, 1900 and 1934.

1898 French, Elizabeth B. 1999. The post-palatial levels at Mycenae: an update.

Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 43:222-223.

Briefly describes and summarizes excavation history, stratigraphy and pottery of the
Citadel House area dating to Transitional LH IIIB2/IIIC and LH IIIC Early. See also 1895.

1899 Iakovidis, Spiros E. 1977. The present state of research at the citadel of Mycenae.
Bulletin of the Institute of Archaeology, University of London 14:99-141.

Reviews, summarizes and discusses early and later research at Mycenae,

including changes in interpretation; surveys the current state of research in 1976 and reconstructs
the site's history; detailed and well-illustrated. See also 1925.

1900 Iakovidis, Spiros E. 1986. Destruction horizons at Late Bronze Age Mycenae.
In: Philia epi eis Georgion E. Mylonan: dia to 60 eti tou anaskaphikou tou ergou,
Vol. 1. pp. 233-260. Vivliothiki tis en Athenais Archaiologikis Etaireias 103.
Athens: Library of the Archaeological Society of Athens.

Iakovidis presents a detailed and thorough examination of the evidence, primarily

ceramic, for destructions of the palace and other structures within and outside the citadel. By
matching similar pottery types, it is possible to identify seven sets of pottery, and by linking
these sets with their architectural context, the following chronology can be proposed: 1)
widespread destruction of the citadel and the surrounding countryside by a devastating
earthquake in late LH IIIB2; 2) a period of reconstruction, shortly followed by localized fires in a
number of structures at the very end of LH IIIB2; 3) a period of retrenchment and accelerating
regression during LH IIIC; 4) the destruction of the Granary and the House of the Warrior Vase,
and the abandonment of many other structures, at the end of LH IIIC. Thus, according to this
evidence, Mycenae did not meet a violent end, but was gradually abandoned as the complex
centralized system it housed collapsed due to external causes unrelated to destruction at the site
itself. See also 1896, 1897 and 1934.

1901 Karo, Georg. 1930. Die Schachtgräber von Mykenai. Munich: Verlag F.
Bruckmann Ag. 2 v.

Definitive publication of Grave Circle A at Mycenae; Volume 1 contains text

discussing the form of the shaft graves and stelai, description of the contents of the individual
graves and discussion of specific artifact types, including jewelry, weapons, armor, metal vessels
and pottery); Volume 2 is comprised of plates. See also 1895, 1910, 1914 and 1932.

1902 Maroukian, Hampik, Kaiti Gaki-Papanastassiou and Dimitri Papanastassiou.

1996. Geomorphic- seismotectonic observations in relation to the catastrophes at
Mycenae. In: Archaeoseismology. S. Stiros and R.E. Jones, eds. pp. 189-194.
Fitch Laboratory Occasional Paper 7. Athens: Institute of Geology and Mineral
Exploration and the British School at Athens. See also 1897.

After describing archaeological evidence of seismic catastrophes, the authors

make observations based upon a detailed morphotectonic investigation of the area in the vicinity
of Mycenae which identified a number of faults, leading them to conclude that the destruction in
LH IIIB should be attributed to seismic activity triggered by the reactivation of one of these
faults.

1903 Moore, A.D. and W.D. Taylour. 1999. The Temple Complex. Well Built
Mycenae: The Helleno-British Excavations Within the Citadel at Mycenae,
1959-1969, Fascicule 10. Oxford: Oxbow Books.

Definitive description and interpretation of the Temple Complex of Mycenae, which

was built, used and destroyed in LH IIIB. This important publication includes description,
discussion and analysis of the following: the excavation of the Temple Complex, including
stratigraphy, chronology, architecture and access; the pottery, terracottas and unfired clay
objects; the function and use of the Temple Complex, including interpretation of architecture,
features and finds within the complex; the cult of the Temple Complex, including cult practices
and activities, beliefs underlying the cult and diachronic aspects. Also includes illustrations,
bibliography and four microfiches containing complete data (architectural plans, lists of finds,
photographs and catalogues of pots and terracottas). See also 1908, 1911, 1912 and 1918.

1904 Müller, Walter, Jean-Pierre Olivier and Ingo Pini. 1998. Die tonplomben aus
Mykene. Archäologischer Anzeiger 1998:5-35.

Describes, illustrates and discusses sealings from Mycenae, including typology,

development, and find-contexts. Includes a catalogue of 28 examples.

1905 Mylonas, George E. 1964. Grave Circle B of Mycenae. Studies in Mediterranean

Archaeology 7. Lund: Paul Åströms Förlag. 10 p.

A brief summary and description of Grave Circle B. See also 1901, 1910, 1914
and 1932.

1906 Mylonas, George E. 1966. The east wing of the palace of Mycenae. Hesperia
35:419-426.

Preliminary description of a recently-excavated section of the palace of Mycenae;

Mylonas notes the unique plan of the building and suggests a special function as a workshop and
residence of artists and artisans attached to the palace; he dates the destruction of the east wing to
the transition from LH IIIB to LH IIIC; finally, he notes that this wing enlarges the size of the
palace to c. 130 meters east-west and 60-80 meters north-south. See also 1907 and 1911.
1907 Mylonas, George E. 1968. Mycenae's Last Century of Greatness. Australian
Humanities Research Council, Occasional Paper 13. Sydney: Sydney University
Press.

Discusses excavation of the House of Columns, a late and substantial addition to

the palace at Mycenae, and which formed the central unit of the East Wing. See also 1906 and
1911.

1908 Mylonas, George E. 1972. To Thriskevtikon Kentron ton Mykenon/The

Cult Center of Mycenae. Pragmateiai tis Akademias Athinon 33. Athens:
Grapheion Demosievmation tis Akademias Athinon. 41 p.

Describes the excavation of the Cult Center at Mycenae and associated finds,
along with some interpretation of its nature and function; includes a substantial English
summary. See also 1903, 1911, 1912 and 1918.

1909 Mylonas, George E. 1973. Mycenae: A Guide to its Ruins and its History. 4 ed.
Athens. 78 p.

Mylonas' summary includes a description of the acropolis, tombs and houses

outside the citadel, a history of the site, legends concerning Mycenae and the site's excavation
history. See also 1913.

1910 Mylonas, George E. 1973. O Taphikos Kyklos B ton Mykenon. Vivliothiki tis
en Athenais Archaiologikis Etaireias 73. Athens. 2 v.

Definitive publication of Grave Circle B at Mycenae; includes detailed

description and a catalogue of the burials and their contents, discussion of the graves'
architecture and grave goods and anthropological analysis of the skeletal remains; the second
volume consists of plates and illustrations; brief English summary. See also 1901, 1905, 1914
and 1932.

1911 Mylonas, George E. 1976. Excavations at Mycenae 1965 to 1975. Etudes

Balkaniques 12:131-141.

Describes restoration work done on fortification walls and summarizes the results
of excavations of the East Wing of the palace, the Cult Center and the House of Columns. See
also 1903, 1905-1907, 1912 and 1918.

1912 Mylonas, George E. 1981. The cult center of Mycenae. Proceedings of the British
Academy 67:307-320. London.

Describes excavation of the west slope of the citadel of Mycenae. See also 1903,
1908, 1911 and 1918.

1913 Mylonas, George E. 1983. Mycenae, Rich in Gold. Athens: Ekdoktike Athenon
S.A. 269 p.

The best recent description of the site, written for a general audience by one of its
many excavators; focuses on the grave circles, the palace, the cult center and burials outside the
citadel, with particular emphasis on Mycenaean religion; concludes with a chapter summarizing
aspects of Mycenaean civilization; amply and beautifully illustrated. See also 1909.
1914 Mylonas, G.E. and J.K. Papademetriou. 1955. The new Grave Circle of Mycenae.
Archaeology 8:43-50.

A description and illustration of the 1952-1953 excavations. See also 1901, 1905,
1910 and 1932.

1915 Onasoglou, Artemidos A. 1995. I Oikia tou Taphou ton Tripodon stis Mykenes.
Vivliothiki tis en Athenais Archaiologikis Etaireias no. 147. Athens. 150 p.

Final publication of the excavation of a complex of twenty rooms--AThe House of

the Tripods@-- named after the most prominent finds on a terrace 40 meters north of the north
wall of the acropolis of Mycenae, dating to LH IIIA2-IIIC early, discovered in the course of
construction of the Mycenae Museum. Extensively illustrated. See also 1920, 1922, 1926-1931
and 1933.

1916 Schliemann, Heinrich. 1967. Mycenae: A Narrative of Researches and

Discoveries at Mycenae and Tiryns. New York: Arno Press. 404 p.

Describes the excavation of the five shaft graves of Grave Circle A, the Treasury
of Atreus, other burials and various finds on the acropolis; narrated in the chronological order of
discovery rather than topographically; also includes brief chapters concerning excavations at
Tiryns and the history and topography of Mycenae; beautifully and abundantly illustrated; reprint
of original 1880 edition.

1917 Shelton, Kim S. 1993. Tsountas= chamber tombs at Mycenae. Archaiologikis

Ephemeris 132:187- 210.
 A re-survey of chamber tombs excavated by Tsountas between 1887 and 1898,
the results of which are compared with Tsountas= notebooks. Most of the 103 tombs could be
identified by cemetery and more than half by their original excavation number, though much
deterioration of the tombs had occurred in the ensuing years. Shelton was able to locate 86 tombs
in twelve cemeteries, and he provides a detailed discussion of the location and condition of tomb
groups and individual tombs, leading to the positive identification of 37 tombs and the probable
or possible identification of another 32 tombs. Includes maps and a concordance. See also 1895,
1923, 1924, 1926, 1928, 1930, 1932, 1934 and 1936.

1918 Taylour, William D. 1970. "Citadel House," Mycenae 1968 and 1969.
Archaiologika Analekta ex Athinon 3:72-80.

A description of the Cult Center at Mycenae. See also 1903, 1908, 1911 and 1912.

1919 Taylour, William D. 1981. The Excavations. Well Built Mycenae: The
Helleno-British Excavations within the Citadel at Mycenae, 1959-1969.
William D. Taylour, Elizabeth A. French and K.A. Wardle, eds. Fascicle 1.
Warminster: Aris & Phillips Ltd. 63 p.

Gives a year-by-year description of excavations conducted and summarizes their

results; provides a brief account of the history and stratigraphy of the Citadel House area;
describes the architecture and principal finds for the LH IIIB2 period; discusses organization of
and plans for publication of other fascicles; includes a microfiche containing supporting data.
See also 1903.

1920 Tournavitou, Iphiyenia. 1995. The 'Ivory Houses' at Mycenae. Supplementary

Volume No. 24. London: The British School of Athens. 341 p.

Final publication of excavation of a unit of four buildings--West House, House of

Shields, House of the Oil Merchant and House of Sphinxes--in the Lower Town outside and
below the citadel. After a detailed description and discussion of the houses and their contents and
a comparison with other groups of buildings in the Lower Town, Tournavitou concludes that
they were multi-functional structures, combining some residential features with a wide range of
craft and administrative activities, with each house devoted to specific and partly overlapping
purposes. She further suggests that the size of the buildings and the quantity and quality of their
contents--many of which were imported luxury goods--indicate that they were inhabited by
wealthy high-status individuals associated with the palace involved in trade and manufacturing
activities. Also includes four appendices concerning chemical and petrographic analyses of
stirrup jars from the House of the Oil Merchant and a microfiche catalogue of artifacts. See also
1915, 1922, 1926-1931 amd 1933.

1921 Varias Garcia, Carlos. 1999. The palace of Mycenae in LH III B2 according to
the documents in Linear B: a general description. In: Floreant Studia Mycenaea:
Akten des X. Internationalen Mykenologischen Colloquiums in Salzburg vom 1.-
5. Mai 1995. Sigrid Deger- Jalkotzy, Stefan Hiller and Oswald Panagl, eds. pp.
595-600. Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-Historisch
Klasse, Denkschriften v. 274. Vienna: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der
Wissenschaften.

Analysis of the 65 Linear B tablets and eight nodules from Mycenae yields the
following: although only a very limited sample of documents has been preserved, it can be
inferred that an archives complex existed in a location close to the main section of the palace;
linguistic and anthroponymic studies suggest that the population of the kingdom during this
period was probably mostly Greek, which spoke a language relatively close to the form spoken
by the inhabitants of the area in the following millennium.

1922 Verdelis, Nicholas M. 1961. A private house discovered at Mycenae.

Archaeology 14:12-17.

Describes the 1959 excavation of a large house west of the House of the Oil
Merchant. See also 1915, 1920, 1926-1931 and 1933.

1923 Verdelis, Nikolaos M. 1966. Anaskaphi Mykenon. Praktika tis en Athenais

Archaiologikis Etaireias 1962:67-89.
 Describes the excavation of four chamber tombs and other structures outside the
citadel at Mycenae. See also 1895, 1917, 1924, 1926, 1928, 1930, 1932, 1934 and 1936.

1924 Wace, A.J.B. 1932. Chamber Tombs at Mycenae. Archaeologia 82. Oxford:
The Society of Antiquaries. 242 p.

This work represents part of the final publication of Wace's 1920-1923

excavations; it includes a detailed description and catalogue of the excavated tombs and their
contents and a discussion of tomb types, methods of burial and artifacts found; abundantly
illustrated. See also 1895, 1917, 1923, 1926, 1928, 1930, 1932, 1934 and 1936.

1925 Wace, A.J.B. 1936. Mycenae. Antiquity 10:405-416.

Describes the site of Mycenae as it was known from excavations through the
1930's. See also 1899.

1926 Wace, A.J.B. 1953. New light on Homer: excavations at Mycenae, 1952.
Archaeology 6:75-81.

Describes major results of 1952 excavations, including ivories from a chamber

tomb, bronze tools, Linear B tablets and several houses. See also 1895, 1915, 1917, 1920, 1922,
1923, 1924 and 1927-1935.

1927 Wace, A.J.B. 1953. The discovery of inscribed clay tablets at Mycenae.
Antiquity 27:84-86.
 Describes the discovery of 38 Linear B tablets in the House of the Oil Merchant at
Mycenae in 1952. See also 1926.

1928 Wace, A.J.B. and V.R.d'A Desborough. 1956. Mycenae, 1939-1955. Annual
of the British School at Athens 51:103-131.

Preliminary report describing excavations in the palace, the House of Shields, the
House of Sphinxes, the Treasury of Atreus and the House of Lead. See also 1915, 1920, 1922,
1926 and 1928-1935.

1929 Wace, A.J.B., M.S.F. Hood, et al. 1953. Mycenae, 1939-1952. Annual of the
British School at Athens 48:3-93.

Preliminary report describing excavation of the prehistoric cemetery, the House of

the Oil Merchant and the House of the Wine Merchant, as well as survey of a ridge running
westward from the Lion Gate; also includes the description, illustration and discussion of an
armed horseman figurine. See also 1895, 1915, 1917, 1920, 1922, 1923, 1924, 1927, 1928 and
1930-1935.

1930 Wace, A.J.B. and W. Lamb. 1921. Excavations at Mycenae. Annual of the
British School at Athens 24:185-209.

Describes 1920-1921 excavations, including frescoes from the Ramp House. See
also 1915, 1920, 1922, 1927-1929, 1931 and 1933.
1931 Wace, A.J.B., W.D. Taylour, et al. 1955. Mycenae, 1939-1954. Annual of the
British School at Athens 50:175-250.

A preliminary report describing excavation of the Citadel House, the House of

Shields, the House of the Oil Merchant, the House of the Sphinxes, the prehistoric cemetery and
the Perseia area; also includes discussion concerning construction of the Tomb of Clytemnestra.
See also 1895, 1915, 1917, 1920, 1922, 1923, 1924, 1927-1929, 1930 and 1932-1935.

1932 Wace, A.J.B., et al. 1923. Excavations at Mycenae, 1921-1923. Annual of the
British School at Athens 25:1-434.

Describes excavations on the citadel of Mycenae, including the Lion Gate, Grave
Circle A and the palace; abundantly illustrated. See also 1901, 1905, 1910, 1914, 1926-1931 and
1933-1935.

1933 Wace, A.J.B. et al. 1954. Mycenae, 1939-1953. Annual of the British School at
Athens 49:231-298.

Preliminary report describing excavation of the prehistoric cemetery, the House of

Shields, the House of Sphinxes, a possible Middle Helladic fortification wall and the Cyclopean
Terrace building; includes description, illustration and discussion of a bronze founder's hoard
and a winged axe mold. See also

1934 Wace, A.J.B, et al. 1957. Mycenae, 1939-1956, 1957. Annual of the British
School at Athens 52:193-223.
 A preliminary report describing excavation of the prehistoric cemetery and
discussing the chronology of the LH IIIB period. See also 1895, 1915, 1917, 1920, 1922, 1923,
1924, 1927-1933 and 1935.

1935 Wace, A.J.B. et al. 1979. Excavations at Mycenae, 1939-1955. Elizabeth B.

French, ed. British School at Athens, Supplement 12. London: Thames and
Hudson.

Reprint in a single volume of preliminary excavation reports previously published

in the Annual of the British School at Athens, volumes 45-56; this series of excavations was
concerned primarily with settlement areas outside the citadel walls; also includes several indices
and a summary of work undertaken at the site during this period; a useful compilation. See also
1926-1934.

1936 Xenaki-Sakellariou, Agnes. 1985. Oi Thalamotoi Taphoi ton Mykenon:

Anaskapis Chr. Tsounta (1887-1898). Paris: Diffusion de Boccard. 366 p.

Provides a detailed description and catalogue of 103 chamber tombs and their
contents excavated by Christos Tsountas between 1887 and 1898; this definitive publication of
the burials is extensively illustrated and includes a catalogue of jewelry types found; also
includes a substantial summary in French; may be difficult to obtain. See also 1895, 1917, 1923,
1924, 1926, 1928, 1930, 1932 and 1934.

Myloi

1937 Dietz, Søren and Nicoletta Divari-Valakou. 1990. A Middle Helladic

III/Late Helladic I grave group from Myloi in the Argolid (Oikopedon
Manti). Opuscula Atheniensia 18:45-62.
 Describes and discusses the excavation of 9 cist graves at the site of Myloi on the
western side of the Gulf of Argos, part of a larger cemetery used during the late Middle Helladic
and early Late Helladic periods, including a catalogue, description and illustration of the burials;
the context and stratigraphy of the burials enable some chronological distinctions and confirm
the division of MH III-LH I into three phases; the number of burials indicate that the area was
important and densely settled during this period of time.

Navplion

There was probably a fairly important site on the acropolis here, but subsequent
habitation during the historic period has removed most of the evidence. Parts of an extensive LH
IIIA-B chamber tomb cemetery have been excavated in the vicinity.

1938 Deilaki, Evangelina. 1977. Anaskaphai erevnai eis periochin Navplaias.

Archaiologikon Deltion, Chronika 28:90-105.

Describes the excavation of a cemetery near Nauplion, as well as burials at

various places in the vicinity of Argos.

Nea Ionia

......... Nea Ionia, located in a suburb of Volos in southeastern Thessaly, is the site of an
extensive cist grave cemetery dating to LH IIIA and which was likely associated with the nearby
settlement at Iolkos.

1939 Batziou-Efstadiou, Anthi. 1985. Mykenaika apo ti Nea Ionia Volou.

Archaiologikon Deltion B 40:17-70.
1940 Theochares, Demetrios R. and Maria Theochares. 1970. Ek tou
nekrotapheiou tis Iolkou. Archaiologika Analekta ex Athinon 3:198-203.

Preliminary report describing the excavation of fifteen LH IIIA cist graves, some of which
contained bronze weapons, in the cemetery of Nea Ionia, near the palace of Iolkos.

Nichoria

......... Nichoria is located on a flat-topped ridge in southeastern Messenia near the

Messenian gulf which dominates transportation routes to Pylos and the lower Pamisos Valley. It
was undoubtedly the most important site in this region, as evidenced not only by its location, but
by the nature of the remains found here, including one large building or mansion, a number of
other substantial houses, two tholos tombs and numerous chamber tombs and built tombs in the
vicinity. The site was occupied from at least the early Middle Helladic period and grew to a
considerable size by LH II; there was a break in occupation at the end of LH IIIB and the site
was reoccupied early in the Dark Age.

1941 McDonald, William A. 1972. Excavations at Nichoria in Messenia 1969-1971.

Hesperia 41:218-273.

Preliminary report on the first three seasons of excavation; the author describes
and summarizes each year's excavation and discusses MH, LH and Dark Age pottery, small finds
and para-archaeological activities concerning lithology, botany, mineralogy and zoology; also
discusses are the site's history and the significance of its location; in a brief summary of initial
conclusions, it is suggested that Nichoria was the most important site in the northwestern corner
of the Messenian Gulf from c. 2000 to 700 B.C. See also 1042 and 1044.

1942 McDonald, William A. 1972. Nichoria-Rizomilo. Archaiologikon Deltion,

Chronika 25:183-186.

A preliminary report concerning trial excavations at the site of Nichoria in

Messenia. See also 1043 and 1044..
1943 McDonald, William A. and Nancy C. Wilkie, eds. 1992. Excavations at
Nichoria in Southwest Greece, Volume 2: The Bronze Age Occupation.
Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. 991 p.

Final publication of excavations at this important site in Messenia; this volume

concerns the Middle and Late Bronze Age periods of occupation; contents include: W.A.
McDonald and N.C. Wilkie, Introduction (pp. 3-7); R.J. Howell, Final Neolithic phase (pp. 8-
14); R.J. Howell, Middle Helladic settlement: stratigraphy and architecture (pp. 15-42); R.J.
Howell, The Middle Helladic settlement: pottery (pp. 43-204); C.T. Shay, The Little Circle (pp.
205-230); N.C. Wilkie, The MME tholos tomb (pp. 231-344); S. Bisel, The human skeletal
remains (pp. 345-358); S.E. Aschenbrenner, W.D.E. Coulson, W.P. Donovan, R. Hope Simpson,
W.A. McDonald and N.C. Wilkie, Late Helladic settlement: stratigraphy and architecture (pp.
359-454); V.A. Walsh and W.A. McDonald, House construction and town layout (pp. 455-466);
O.T.P.K. Dickinson, S.L. Martin and C.W. Shelmerdine, Mycenaean pottery from the settlement
(pp. 467-617); H.W. Catling and H. Hughes-Brock, The metal objects and miscellaneous small
finds (pp. 618-673); J.C. Smith, Spinning and weaving equipment (pp. 674-711); H. Blitzer, The
chipped stone, ground stone and worked bone industries (pp. 712-756); W.A. McDonald,
O.T.P.K. Dickinson and N.C. Wilkie, Summary (pp. 757-769); D.S. Reese, Appendix I: recent
and fossil invertebrates (with a note on the nature of the MHI fauna (pp. 770-778); S.M.A.
Hoffman, F.J. Robinson and E.B. French, Appendix II: report on the Perlman/Asaro analysis of
selected Nichoria sherds (pp. 779-968). See also 1045.

1944 McDonald, William A. et al. 1975. Excavations at Nichoria in Messenia:

1972-1973. Hesperia 44:69-141.

Preliminary report of excavations, including the excavation of various sectors,

burials, pottery, small finds and various specialist studies; a concluding section summarizes the
occupation history of the site. See also 1041 and 1042.

1945 Rapp, George, Jr. and S.E. Aschenbrenner, eds. Excavations at Nichoria in
Southwest Greece. Volume 1: Site, Environs, and Techniques. Minneapolis:
University of Minnesota Press. 268 p.
 This volume of the final publication of the excavation of this important site in
Messenia deals with various environmental and technical aspects Contents include: G. Rapp, Jr.,
S.E. Aschenbrenner and W.A. McDonald, Introduction (pp. 3-12); G. Rapp, Jr., S.E.
Aschenbrenner and J.C. Kraft, The Holocene environmental history of the Nichoria region (pp.
13-25); G. Rapp, Jr., The physiographic setting (pp. 26-30); N.J. Yassoglou and C.F. Haidouti,
Soil formation (pp. 31-40); J.M. Shay and C.T. Shay, Modern vegetation and fossil plant remains
(pp. 41-59); R.E. Sloan and M.A. Duncan, Zooarchaeology of Nichoria (pp. 60-77); F.E.
Lukermann and J. Moody, Nichoria and vicinity: settlements and circulation (pp. 78-112); S.E.
Aschenbrenner, W.D. Coulson, W.P. Donovan, R. Hope Simpson, R.J. Howell, J. Rosser, C.T.
Shay and N. Wilkie, The excavated areas (pp. 113-139); J.E. Fant, B. Carlson and D. Bingham
(pp. Cartography and photography (pp. 140-155); S.E. Aschenbrenner and S.R.B. Cooke,
Screening and gravity concentration: recovery of small-scale remains (pp. 156-165); G. Rapp,
Jr., R.E. Jones, S.R.B. Cooke and E.L. Henrickson, Analysis of the metal artifacts (pp. 166-181);
S.R.B. Cooke and B.V. Nielsen, Slags and other metallurgical products (pp. 182-224); G. Rapp,
Jr., Lithological studies (pp. 225-233); J. Stein and G. Rapp, Jr., Archaeological geology of the
site (pp. 234-257); T.D. Weisser, Conservation of finds (pp. 258-264). See also 1043.

1946 Shelmerdine, Cynthia W. 1981. Nichoria in context: A major town in the

Pylos kingdom. American Journal of Archaeology 85:319-325.

Discusses the significance of this site in terms of its strategic location and its
apparent affluence during the LH IIIA-B period, as indicated by the presence of rich tholoi and
small built tombs; the author suggests that Nichoria may be identified with the toponym
ti-mi-to-a-ke-e in the Pylos Linear B tablets, and may have been an important center of flax
production.

1947 Wilkie, Nancy C. 1981. Shaft graves at Nichoria. In: Temple University
Aegean Symposium 6. Philip. P. Betancourt, ed. pp. 56-66.
Philadelphia.

Description and interpretation of shaft graves cut into the floor of the tholos tomb
at Nichoria in Messenia.
Olympia

1948 Völling, Thomas. 1994. Ein mykenischer Klingengriff aus Olympia. In:
Thetis: Mannheimer Beiträge zur Klassischen Archäologie und Geschichte
Griechenlands und Zyperns 1. pp. 23-28.

Orchomenos

Orchomenos was one of the two most important sites in LH III Boiotia--the other being
Thebes--and perhaps in the early Mycenaean period as well. It occupied an area c. 200 x 500 m.
on a high mountain spur at the northwestern edge of the Kopaic Plain (formerly Lake Kopais).
Most of the remains of the Mycenaean settlement have been destroyed by erosion or subsequent
rebuilding, so our knowledge of the site is fragmentary. Building remains containing many
fresco fragments have been tentatively identified as a palace and abundant pottery has been
excavated. The most impressive remnant of the Mycenaean settlement, also testifying to its
importance, is a large tholos tomb excavated by Schliemann dug into the slope of the acropolis
called the Treasury of Minyas, which is comparable to the Treasury of Atreus at Mycenae in its
size, workmanship and splendor. Orchomenos was occupied throughout the prehistoric periods
and may have been destroyed in LH IIIB.

1949 Schliemann, Heinrich. 1881. Exploration of the Boeotian Orchomenos. Journal

of Hellenic Studies 2:122-163.

Describes and discusses the topography and history of the site and describes the
excavation of structures and materials from various periods, including a tholos tomb.

1950 Spyropoulos, Theodoros G. 1974. To anaktoron tou Minyou eis Boiotikon

Orchomenon. Archaiologika Analekta ex Athinon 7:313-325.
 Describes the excavation of the Palace of Minyas at Orchomenos, Boiotia; the
excavated portion consists of at least three rooms with walls two meters thick whose total length
exceeds 30 meters, including a megaron with a circular hearth; fresco fragments were also found;
the palace appears to have been destroyed at the end of the LH IIIB period; a LH I cemetery was
also found in the vicinity. See also 1951.

1951 Spyropoulos, Theodoros G. 1977. Megalo Kastelli-Orchomenos.

Archaiologikon Deltion, Chronika 28:252-263.

Describes excavations in the palace of Orchomenos and in the cemetery of

Megalo Kastelli near Thebes. See also 1950.

Palaeopaphos

1952 Maier, F.G. 1983. New evidence for the early history of Palaeopaphos. Annual of
the British School at Athens 78:229-233.

The presence of LH IIIC1 deep bowls at this site on Cyprus indicates the arrivals
of Greeks in the early 12th century B.C.; there is also some earlier LH IIIA2 and LH IIIB pottery
as well, but not as much, suggesting two main phases of contact: tentative and intermittent
contact in the late 15th and early 14th centuries and intensified exchange thereafter, culminating
in actual immigration.

Palaiokastro

1953 Demakopoulou, K. and J.H. Crouwel. 1998. Some Mycenaean tombs at

Palaiokastro, Arcadia. Annual of the British School at Athens 93:269-283.
 Describes the results of excavations by C. Christou in 1957 of three clusters of
chamber tombs in western Arkadia at a site which occupies a strategic position in the upper
reaches of the Alpheios River controlling the major land route from Arkadia to Elis. Over 100
tombs in the cemetery have now been excavated, dating from LH II to the Submycenaean period.
They are, with a few exceptions, of the familiar Mycenaean type. Judging from the number of
tombs and their contents, the as-yet undiscovered settlement associated with them was
particularly prosperous during LH IIIC, and may have been a refuge site with connections to
other parts of the so-called LH IIIC koine, including Achaia, the Argolid, eastern Attika and
possibly Naxos and Crete. Includes a catalogue and illustrations of 6 bronze weapons and tools
and 19 pots now in the Archaeological Museum of Sparta.

Pavlopetri

This site, which occupied a low peninsula at the extreme southeastern portion of Lakonia,
is now 2-3 meters underwater. It has been explored by underwater survey, but not excavated.
Given its size, Pavlopetri may have been the most important site in the Vatika Plain. Its location
and town plan suggest strong connections with the Cyclades in the Middle Bronze Age and early
Late Bronze Age.

1954 Harding, Anthony F. 1970. Pavlopetri: a Mycenaean town underwater.

Archaeology 23:242-250.

Reports and describes the results of an underwater survey in which it was possible
to discern the town plan of a site at least 150 by 300 meters in which 15 houses comprised of
rectangular rooms, arranged without any noticeable plan, were visible; the houses, grouped in
blocks, had average dimensions of 10 x 16 meters; given its size and the quality of the
architecture, the town was probably the capital of a territory encompassing the Vatika Plain, one
of the most fertile regions in southern Lakonia.

1955 Harding, Anthony F., Gerald Cadogan and Roger Howell. 1969. Pavlopetri: an
underwater Bronze Age town in Laconia. Annual of the British School at
Athens 64:113-142.
 Description and identification of an underwater site comprising at least 15
buildings, more than 37 cist graves and two chamber tombs, plus other burials in the vicinity
through survey methods; the settlement, which is well built and extensive, was occupied from
LH I through LH IIIB, and probably controlled the nearby plain.

Pelikata

Pelikata is located on a low hill in the northern portion of the Ionian island of Ithaka. It
may have been the most important site on the island, although very little evidence of the
Mycenaean period remains due to severe erosion.

1956 Heurtley, W.A. 1935. The site of the palace of Odysseus. Antiquity 9:410-417.

Briefly describes excavations on the hill of Pelicata in Ithaka and suggests that
this was the site of Odysseus' palace.

Perati

Perati is one of the most important sites in terms of our knowledge of the LH IIIC
period. It is an extensive chamber tomb cemetery consisting of more than 220 burials
completely excavated by Spiros Iakovidis in the late 1960's. Perati is located on the eastern coast
of Attika on the north side of Porto Rafti bay. Most notable among the finds are imported
objects giving evidence of extensive trade and contact with the Eastern Mediterranean, some
cremation burials, and a few iron artifacts. No associated settlement, which must have been a
prosperous one in LH IIIC, has as yet been located.

1957 Iakovidis, Spiros E. 1966. Mykenaikoi taphoi Peratis. Archaiologikon Deltion,

Chronika 19:87-95.

Preliminary report on excavations at the LH IIIC chamber tomb cemetery of

Perati in eastern Attika.
1958 Iakovidis, Spiros E. 1969. Perati: To Nekrotapheion. Vivliothiki tis en
Athenais Archaiologikis Etaireias 67. Athens. 3 v.

Final and definite publication of excavation of this LH IIIC cemetery in eastern

Attika; Volume 1 concerns the tombs and their grave goods; Volume 2 contains analysis and
commentary on the burials and various artifact classes found therein; Volume 3 contains plates;
includes an extensive English summary. See also 1959.

1959 Iakovidis, Spiros E. 1980. Excavations of the Necropolis at Perati. Institute of

Archaeology, University of California Los Angeles, Occasional Paper 8. Los Angeles.
121 p.

Final publication of excavation of 219 LH IIIC burials (192 of which were in

chamber tombs) at the site of Perati in eastern Attika; discusses funeral and burial rites, finds,
chronology and the historical setting of Perati; the primary significance of the site is in the
number of burials used during a limited, well-defined period and the light it sheds on the final
phases of Mycenaean civilization; English version of the longer and more detailed Greek
publication. See also 1958.

1960 Iakovidis, Spiros E. 1987. Perati, eine Nekropole der ausklingenden

Bronzezeit in Attika. In: Agäische Bronzezeit. Hans-Günter Buchholz, ed. pp.
437-477. Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft.

Discusses various aspects of this LH IIIC necropolis in Attika, including grave

forms, burial practices, pottery, figurines, jewelry, tools, weapons and absolute and relative
dating of the burials.
Peristeria

Three large and rich LH I-IIA tholos tombs were excavated at this site near the mouth of
the Kyparissia River in northwestern Messenia. The associated settlement on an acropolis on the
south bank of the river, controlling traffic into the Soulima valley to the east, was occupied
beginning in the Middle Helladic period and was likely a place of importance during LH I-II,
although it may have subsequently decline.

1961 Korres, Giorgios S. 1979. Anaskaphai en Peristeria Pylou. Praktika tis en

Athenais Archaiologikis Etaireias 1976:499-550.

Describes the excavation of three tholos tombs at Peristeria in western Messenia

near Pylos.

1962 Korres, Giorgios S. 1980. Anaskaphai en Peristeria Pylou. Praktika tis en

Athenais Archaiologikis Etaireias 1977:296-356.

Phaleron

1963 Nikopoulou, Yvonne. 1970. Nekrotapheion para tin pros Phaleron odon.
Archaiologika Analekta ex Athinon 3:171-179.

Describes the excavation of LH II-LH IIIC chamber tombs outside Athens near
the road leading to Phaleron; the cemetery also contains Submycenaean and later burials as well.

Phylakopi
 Phylakopi was the most important Bronze Age settlement on the Cycladic island of
Melos. Located on a promontory, now heavily eroded, near a harbor on the northern side of the
island, the settlement became strongly Mycenaean in character beginning in LH IIIA1, when it
was heavily fortified and contained a megaron-style building of palatial character. The most
notable structure, excavated by the British School at Athens under the direction of Colin
Renfrew in the late 1970's, is a sanctuary which gives much evidence concerning Aegean
religion at the end of the Late Bronze Age (see Cultural History and Society: Religion). The site
was occupied well into LH IIIC.

1964 Atkinson, T.D., et al. 1904. Excavations at Phylakopi in Melos Conducted by the
British School at Athens. Journal of Hellenic Studies Supplement 4. London:
MacMilllan and Co. 280 p.

Individual chapters concern the excavations themselves, architecture, frescoes,

pottery, pottery marks, minor finds, the obsidian trade and settlement history at the site; a
considerable amount of the text concerns the period of Mycenaean influence and occupation;
extensively illustrated. See also 1965.

1965 Barber, R. 1974. Phylakopi 1911 and the history of the later Cycladic Bronze
Age. Annual of the British School at Athens 69:1-53.

Reviews and re-examines records of and data from the 1911 excavations in order
to correlate pottery styles with phases of settlement and discusses the site's stratigraphy; a
catalogue of pottery is also included; a concluding section concerns the history of Phylakopi,
Melos and other Cycladic islands during the Bronze Age, including external relations and contact
with and influence on and from the Greek mainland beginning in MH I, with major involvement
in the Late Bronze Age occurring from LH IIIA 1 onward. See also 1964.

1966 Mountjoy, Penelope A. 1984. The Mycenaean III C pottery from Phylakopi. In:
The Prehistoric Cyclades: Contributions to a Workshop on Cycladic Chronology
(in Memoriam: John Langdon Caskey, 1908-1981). J.A. MacGillivray and
R.L.N. Barber, eds. pp. 225-240.
 Describes and illustrates pottery from Phylakopi earlier described as dating to late
LH IIIB, but which the author asserts belongs to early to mid-LH IIIC.

Pigadhia

1967 Charitonides, S.I. 1961/62. Thalamoeides taphos Karpathou. Archaiologikon

Deltion, Meletai 17:32-76.

Describes the excavation of a chamber tomb near Pigadhia, the main community
of Karpathos; the tomb contained 90 Minoan (LM IIIA), Mycenaean (LH IIIA/B) and local pots
and bronze weapons; the local pottery combines Minoan and Mycenaean elements; based on this
evidence, the author suggests that the inhabitants of Karpathos led a somewhat independent
cultural, political and economic existence, strongly influences by close contacts with Mycenaean
Rhodes and Crete.

Prosymna

At the site of the later Classical Argive Heraion c. 4 km. south of Mycenae, Carl Blegen
excavated a large Mycenaean site, most of which had been destroyed by subsequent rebuilding.
Some evidence of its importance may be inferred by the nearby presence of a large LH II tholos
tomb and more than fifty LH I-IIIB chamber tombs. The settlement was established in EH II and
apparently continuously occupied until it was abandoned near the end of LH IIIB.

1968 Blegen, Carl W. 1937. Prosymna: The Helladic Settlement Preceding the Argive
Heraeum. Cambridge, MA: Cambridge University Press. 2 v.

Final publication focuses upon the excavation of 50 Late Helladic chamber tombs,
including their arrangement, form and distribution, with individual chapters devoted to jewelry
and ornaments, bronzes and pottery, as well as burial practices; also discussed are the Late
Helladic settlement and Middle Helladic graves; fully illustrated.
1969 Shelton, Kim S. 1996. The Late Helladic Pottery from Prosymna. Studies in
Mediterranean Archaeology and Literature Pocket-Book 138. Jonsered: Paul Astroms
Forlag. 365 p.

Re-evaluation and redating of almost 1200 Late Helladic vessels from 52 chamber
tombs excavated by Blegen; the work is thus a supplement to Blegen's earlier publication,
providing: 1) a catalogue arranged by tomb, then subdivided into tomb deposits, the vases of
which are listed first chronologically and then by Furumark shape; 2) an analysis of each tomb,
including identification of individual tomb deposits and a chronological reconstruction; 3)
summary discussion of the Late Helladic pottery from the site, focusing on trends in each period
regarding shape, decoration and volume; 4) a chronological discussion and reconstruction of the
cemeteries and a possible reconstruction of the site settlement pattern based on growth and
change among tomb groups, with detailed description of construction, utilization and
abandonment of the tombs. Examination of individual construction features of the tombs
suggests that in most cases the stimulus for them was based on geographical location or tradition
rather than chronological factors alone. Includes numerous tables, maps and illustrations.

Pteleon

Several small tholos tombs were excavated at this site in southeastern Thessaly near a
bay on the Gulf of Volos. See also the site of Gritsa for a similar group of nearby tholoi.

1970 Verdelis, Nikolaos M. 1953. Anaskaphi Pteleou. Praktika tis Archaiologikis

Etaireias 1953:120-127.

Preliminary report of the excavation of several small tholos tombs in the vicinity
of Pteleon in southern Thessaly.

Pyla-Kokkinokremos

This site on the southern coast of Cyprus was apparently founded and heavily fortified by
Mycenaean emigrants in LH IIIC. After about fifty years it was destroyed and abandoned.
1971 Karageorghis, Vassos. 1984. New light on Late Bronze Age Cyprus. In: Cyprus at
the Close of the Late Bronze Age. Vassos Karageorghis and James D. Muhly, eds.
pp. 19-22. Nicosia: A.G. Leventis Foundation.

Summarizes the results of excavations at the sites of Pyla-Kokkinokremos and

Maa-Palaikastro on Cyprus.

Pylona

1972 Karantzali, Efi. 2001. The Mycenaean Cemetery at Pylona on Rhodes. BAR
International Series 988. Oxford: Archaeopress. 129 p.

Detailed publication of the excavation of the cemetery of Aspropilia, comprising

six chamber tombs, one kilometer north of the village of Pylona in southern Rhodes. Includes
description, illustration and discussion of the following: the tombs, pottery (divided into LH
IIIA2-IIIB-early and LH IIIB2/IIIC periods) bronze objects, jewelry, beads and miscellaneous
objects; also includes a chronological catalogue of finds, comments on burial habits and
comments on Rhodes and the Dodecanese in the Mycenaean period. Also includes “The
anthropological approach to the Pylona tombs: the skeletal remains” by P.J.P. McGeorge, a
detailed analysis of 30 individuals and the following appendices; an ICP-AES analysis of 36 clay
vessels; textile remains on several vases; and chemical analyses of three opaque glass beads and
a copper sword. Extensively illustrated.

Pylos

Ano Englianos is a large flat-topped hill with steep sides which commands the best
harbor in western Messenia and easy land routes to the north, east and south. Atop the hill stood
the unfortified Palace of Nestor, excavated by Carl Blegen in the early 1950's, which was in LH
III the most important site in Messenia. The final palace consisted of a series of buildings
containing a megaron, other public rooms, storerooms and workshops. On the outskirts of the
palace were many chamber tombs and four tholoi dating from LH I to LH IIIB.

The site was first occupied in the Middle Helladic period. In LH IIIA2 the hilltop was
cleared and leveled and the first palace was constructed. A second palace was built in LH IIIB
and totally destroyed by fire in LH IIIB; after this the site was abandoned. Part of the Lower
Town south and southwest of the palace was also destroyed at this time.
 The numerous Linear B tablets--most of which were found in an archive complex--
preserved by the LH IIIB conflagration not only tell us much about Mycenaean society
(particularly its economic aspects), but also about the political realm of Pylos. It would appear
that in LH IIIB Pylos controlled most of the modern province of Messenia, a rugged well-
watered territory with rich resources, including perhaps as many as 200 settlements with a
population very roughly estimated at 50,000. The territory was divided into two provinces and
sixteen districts, an apparently complex bureaucratic and administrative structure controlled from
the palace.

1973 Bennet, John and Cynthia W. Shelmerdine. 2001. Not the Palace of Nestor: the
development of the “Lower Town” and other non-palatial settlements in LBA Messenia.
In: Urbanism in the Aegean Bronze Age. Keith Branagan, ed. pp. 135-140.
London: Sheffield Academic Press.

Summarizes recent work by the Pylos Regional Archaeological Project in the

vicinity of the Palace of Nestor, exploring the “suburban” archaeology of the site, charting the
growth of the so-called Lower Town around the central palatial structures and drawing
comparisons with the growth of nearby settlements, and suggesting possible implications for
relations between those sites and that of Ano Englianos. Comparison of archaeological and
textual evidence suggests that the relationships between the palace and secondary centers varied
both in space and time and that palatial expansion may have involved negotiation with key
individuals at sites that came to have strategic importance in the center’s strategy of mobilizing
commodities to support its political economy.

1974 Bennett, Emmett L., Jr. 1964. The find-spots of the Pylos tablets. In: Mycenaean
Studies: Proceedings of the Third International Colloquium for Mycenaean
Studies Held at "Wingspread," 4-8 September 1961. Emmett L.
Bennett, Jr., ed. pp. 241-252. Madison: University of Wisconsin.

Describes the archaeological context of the tablets and the methods for recording
and numbering them.

1975 Blegen, Carl W. 1957. Nestor's Pylos. Proceedings of the American

Philosophical Society 101:379-385.
 Summary description of the first five years of excavation; discusses chronology of
construction and destruction. See also 1976.

1976 Blegen, Carl W. 1958. King Nestor's palace. Scientific American 198:110-118.

A popular description and illustration of the site. See also 1975.

1977 Blegen, Carl W. and Marion Rawson. 1966. The Palace of Nestor at Pylos in
Western Messenia. Volume 1: The Buildings and their Contents. Princeton:
Princeton University Press. 2 v.

Final publication of the 1952-1964 excavations. Part 1 describes and discusses

the palace itself. Part 2 contains illustrations. See also 1980.

1978 Blegen, Carl W. and Marion Rawson. 1967. A Guide to the Palace of Nestor.
Excavations of the University of Cincinnati Guide Book 1. University of
Cincinnati. 32 p.

Guide to the palace of Pylos prepared by its excavators; includes history of

excavations, description of the site and major structures and identification and date of the palace.
See also 1979.

1979 Blegen, Carl W. and Marion Rawson. 2001. A Guide to the Palace of Nestor:
Mycenaean Sites in its Environs and the Chora Museum. rev. Jack L. Davis and
Cynthia W. Shelmerdine. Excavations of the University of Cincinnati.
Princeton: American School of Classical Studies at Athens.
 Revision by Jack Davis and Cynthia Shelmerdine of earlier edition by Blegen and
Rawson. See also 1978.

1980 Blegen, Carl W., Marion Rawson, Lord William Taylour and William P.
Donovan. 1973. The Palace of Nestor at Pylos in Western Messenia. Volume
III: Acropolis and Lower Town, Tholoi and Grave Circle, Chamber Tombs and
Discoveries Outside the Citadel. Princeton: Princeton University Press. 269 p.

Final publication of 1952-1964 excavations; this volume deals essentially with all
discoveries other than the palace itself and is divided into three major parts: 1) the acropolis and
lower town, including walls, buildings and objects found therein, in trenches dug under and
outside the palace; 2) burials, including two tholoi, a grave circle and chamber tombs; 3)
discoveries outside the citadel; abundantly illustrated. See also 1977.

1981 Kourouniotis, K. and Carl W. Blegen. 1939. Excavations at Pylos, 1939.

American Journal of Archaeology 43:557-576.

Preliminary report on the first season of excavation at the palace of Pylos at the
site of Ano Englianos in Messenia; describes the search for the site of the palace, its location and
siting, the excavation of architectural remains of the palace and of a tholos tomb, and the
discovery of numerous Linear B tablets.

1982 Lolos, Yannos G. 1998. The Capital of Nestor and its Environs. Athens: Potamos.

1983 Pantelidou, Maria. 1970. Tombs at Pylos. Achaiologika Analekta ex Athinon

3:125-136.
 Describes excavation of burials in the vicinity of Pylos, most notably tholos
tombs.

1984 Pini, Ingo, ed. 1997. Die tonplomben aus dem Nestorpalast von Pylos. Mainz:
Verlag Philipp von Zabern. 120 p.

Catalogue of 114 sealings from the palace of Nestor. Contents include discussion
of terminology and typology (Walter Müller), the inscribed sealings (Jean-Pierre Olivier), the
chronology of the sealings (Ingo Pini) and the use of the sealings from an archaeological
perspective. Also includes tables, concordances, indices and numerous illustrations.

1985 Shelmerdine, Cynthia W. 1987. Architectural change and economic decline

at Pylos. In: Studies in Mycenaean and Classical Greek in honor of John
Chadwick. John T. Killen, José Melena and Jean-Pierre Olivier, eds. pp.
557-568. Salamanca: Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca.

Surveys, describes and discusses architectural changes in various parts of the

palace at Pylos in LH IIIA-B; the author suggests that changes during LH IIIB resulted in
increased storage space and restricted access to and within the main building; she further
suggests that these changes represent a trend toward increasing specialization and centralization
in the face of long-term economic decline.

Salamis

1986 Anastasiou-Alexopolou, K. 1991. Adimosievta mykenäika evrimata apo ti

Salamina sto Ethniko Archaiologiko Mouseio. Archaiologikis Ephemeris
130:137-167.
 Describes, discusses and illustrates 69 previously unpublished LH IIIA-C pots
and pottery fragments from Salamis in the National Museum, as well as a phi figurine, bronze
razor and gold ring.

Samikon

The site is located on a low hill by a coastal lagoon in western Triphylia. There is
scattered evidence of a fairly large settlement occupied from EH II to LH IIIB. A large tumulus
containing late MH to LH IIIB burials was excavated at the northern end of the site.

1987 Yialouris, Nikolaos. 1965. Mykenaikos tymvos Samikou. Archaiologikon

Deltion, Meletai 20:6-40.

Excavation of a tumulus containing 14 graves, with pottery dating from late MH

through LH IIIB; in general the LH I and II pottery is more numerous and of higher quality than
that of LH IIIA and B.

Sellopoulo

1988 Popham, Mervyn R., E.A. and H.W. Catling. 1974. Sellopoulo tombs 3 and 4,
two Late Minoan graves near Knossos. Annual of the British School at Athens
69:195-257.

Detailed description and illustration of the excavation and contents of two LM

II/IIIA chamber tombs c. 2 km. north of Knossos. The most notable finds in these rich burials
were the bronze artifacts, particularly weapons, analogous to similar "burials with bronzes" and
"warrior graves" found in roughly contemporaneous burials on the Greek mainland. The form of
the tombs, the burial practices therein and the contents suggest that the individuals interred
within were either Mycenaean warriors who had assumed control of Knossos and possibly other
areas of Crete at the end of LM IB or Cretan nobility who had adopted Mycenaean culture and
practices. Thus these burials demonstrate a close relationship between some areas of Crete and
the mainland and the existence of a warrior aristocracy at Knossos at this time.
Spata

1989 Grammenou, Anna. 1996. The Mycenaean chamber tombs at Spata in Attica: new
research on an excavation of 1877. Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies
41:140-141.

Recent re-examination of the contents of large, rich chamber tombs involving the
complete study of their contents and the recently-discovered diary of Panagiotis Stamatakis, their
excavator. The tombs, dated to LH IIIA-LH IIIC late, contained more than 2500 items, including
100 vases, 1400 pieces of glass paste, 100 gold beads, 420 pieces of ivory and 43 pieces of boar=s
tusk helmet plaques.

Tanagra

This large chamber tomb cemetery in southeastern Boiotia was excavated, largely in the
1970's, by the Greek Archaeological Service under the direction of Theodoros Spyropoulos. The
more than 100 burials date from LH IIIA1 to early LH IIIC and are associated with several
unexcavated settlements in the vicinity. Although many of the burials contained abundant
pottery and bronze artifacts, the most notable feature here are the painted larnakes used as
sarcophagi, the only extensive corpus of such on the Greek mainland.

1990 Spyropoulos, Theodoros G. 1969. To mykenäikon nekrotapheion tis Tanagras.

Archaiologika Analekta ex Athinon 2:20-25.

Preliminary excavation report of LHIIIB-C chamber tombs at Tanagra, the most

unusual feature of which is the presence of painted larnakes as used as sarcophagi. See also 1991
and 1992.
1991 Spyropoulos, Theodoros G. 1970. Anaskaphi eis to mykenäikon nekrotapheion tis
Tanagras. Archaiologika Analekta ex Athinon 3:184-197.

Describes the excavation of 32 late LH IIIB/early LH IIIC chamber tombs at

Tanagra in Boiotia; of particular note were the presence of painted larnakes decorated with
friezes of mourning women and the discovery of a new type of figurine in the form of a hybrid
animal with horns of consecration; English summary. See also 1990 and 1992.

1992 Spyropoulos, Theodoros G. 1972. Mycenaean Tanagra: terracotta

sarcophagi. Archaeology 25:206-209.

Brief description and illustration of burial sarcophagi from the chamber tomb
cemetery of Tanagra in Boiotia.

1993 Spyropoulos, Theodoros G. 1975. Anaskaphi mykenäikis Tanagras.

Praktika tis en Athenais Archaiologikis Etaireias 1975:7-14.

Describes the excavation of chamber tombs in the cemetery of Tanagra in Boiotia,

with contents including painted larnakes, pottery and bronze implements. See also 1994-1996.

1994 Spyropoulos, Theodoros G. 1981. Anaskaphi mykenäikis Tanagras. Praktika tis

en Athenais Archaiologikis Etaireias 1979:27-36.

Describes the excavation of seven chamber tombs and their contents. See also
1993, 1995 and 1996.
1995 Spyropoulos, Theodoros G. 1983. Anaskaphi mykenäikis Tanagras. Praktika tis
en Athenais Archaiologikis Etaireias 1981:96-117.

Detailed description of the excavation of three chamber tombs and their contents.
See also 1993, 1994 and 1996.

1996 Spyropoulos, Theodoros G. 1984. Anaskaphi mykenäikis Tanagras. Praktika tis

en Athenais Archaiologikis Etaireias 1982:109-126.

See also 1993-1995.

Tarsus

1997 French, Elizabeth B. 1975. A reassessment of the Mycenaean pottery at Tarsus.

Anatolian Studies 25:53-75.

Describes and illustrates Mycenaean pottery from Tarsus, summarizing its

characteristics and comparing it with other sites in Cilicia and on Cyprus; analysis of this pottery
indicates local ceramic development along with continuing active contact with mainland Greece
during LH IIIC.

Thebes

The palace of Thebes is situated on a large acropolis hill whose upper surface measures
c. 600 x 800 m. It is believed that the palace encompassed most of this area, which would place
it on a scale of size and importance equivalent to that of Mycenae and Tiryns. Unfortunately the
palace, called the Kadmeion, lies underneath the Classical and modern cities of Thebes, so has
only been excavated in isolated segments. However, the evidence preserved, including large
structures with thick ashlar foundations, numerous fresco fragments, workshops and remains of
cyclopean fortifications, testifies that Thebes was indeed one of the largest, richest and most
powerful settlements in Mycenaean Greece.

The site was occupied throughout the Bronze Age. It is not clear when the palace was
first constructed, although it is likely that the Kademeion, like the other palaces, consisted of a
series of progressively larger and more elaborate structures. Stratigraphic evidence does
indicate, however, that part or all of the palace was destroyed during early LH IIIA1 and again in
LH IIIB, when it was finally abandoned. There is scattered evidence of other structures on or
near the acropolis, as well as a number of chamber tombs cemeteries (in which some 50 burials
are known to date) to the east, southeast and southwest of the Kadmeion. In addition to these
structural remains, the most notable finds are a group of stirrup jars inscribed with Linear B
ideograms and a number of Linear B tablets and inscribed sealings.

1998 Andrikou, Eleni. 1999. The pottery from the destruction layer of the Linear B
archive in Pelopidou Street, Thebes. In: Floreant Studia Mycenaea: Akten des X.
Internationalen Mykenologischen Colloquiums in Salzburg vom 1.-5. Mai 1995.
Sigrid Deger-Jalkotzy, Stefan Hiller and Oswald Panagl, eds. pp. 79-102.
Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-Historisch Klasse,
Denkschriften v. 274. Vienna: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der
Wissenschaften.

An appendix to Aravantinos’ discussion in the same volume of the discovery of

the largest Linear B archive yet discovered in Thebes. Thorough description, illustration and
discussion of two deposits of pottery associated with the archive on Pelopidou Street in Thebes
dating to LH IIIB2. Combined with other evidence from the site this indicates the presence of at
least two destruction layers in the middle and at the end of the LH IIIB period, both of which are
connected with archives. See also 1999-2001 and 2010-2012.

1999 Aravantinos, Vassilis L. 1995. Old and new evidence for the palatial society of
Mycenaean Thebes: an outline. In: Politeia: Society and State in the Aegean Bronze Age.
Proceedings of the 5th International Aegean Conference/5e Rencontre égéene
internationale, University of Heidelberg, Archäologisches Institut, 10-13 April 1994.
Robert Laffineur and Wolf-Dietrich Niemeier, eds. pp. 613-622. Aegaeum 12, Annales
d'archéologie égéenne de l'Université de Liège et UT-PASP. Liège: Université de Liège
Histoire de l'art et archéologie de la Grèce antique/University of Texas at Austin Program
in Scripts and Prehistory.

Aravantinos presents an excellent synthesis of our present knowledge of Thebes

based upon recent and earlier data. Among the most significant points are the following: 1) the
series of hills that comprise the focus of palatial Thebes was densely occupied as early as EH II,
and the antecedents of a prosperous state can be traced back to the end of the Middle Helladic
period; 2) the palace of Thebes was similar to the major palaces elsewhere, such as Mycenae and
Pylos, in its scale, administrative complexity, fortifications and political and economic strength;
3) the state in southern Boiotia ruled from Thebes was extensive and populous, and another
equally large and powerful state in northern Boiotia and perhaps eastern Lokris was ruled from
Orchomenos. Aravantinos also discusses some recent finds from the Arsenal area of the palace--
most notably many new Linear B tablets--and their possible significance. See also 1998, 2000,
2001, 2010, 2013 and 2014.

2000 Aravantinos, Vassilis. 1996. New archaeological and archival discoveries

at Mycenaean Thebes. Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 41:135-136.

Briefly describes work at Thebes over the last thirty years. Reports and briefly
discusses results of recent rescue excavation on the Kadmeian citadel, including more than 200
Linear B tablets and large amounts of carbonized grains and figs dating to LH IIIB2. The tablets,
which comprise an archive and were found in situ, refer mostly to offerings of cereals and wine
to a variety of recipients, including gods, officials and animals. Other products such as olives,
cyperus, wool, and amphorae, as well as mixed livestock production, are also mentioned. The
tablets also include names of other Boiotian sites and areas and lists of personnel. The documents
also suggest political and economic relations between mainland kingdoms and with Mycenaean
Crete. See also 1998, 1999, 2001, 2010, 2013 and 2014.

2001 Aravantinos, Vassilis. 1999. Mycenaean texts and contexts at Thebes: the
discovery of new Linear B archives on the Kadmeia. In: Floreant Studia
Mycenaea: Akten des X. Internationalen Mykenologischen Colloquiums in
Salzburg vom 1.-5. Mai 1995. Sigrid Deger- Jalkotzy, Stefan Hiller and Oswald Panagl,
eds. pp. 45-78. Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-Historisch
Klasse, Denkschriften v. 274. Vienna: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der
Wissenschaften.

Thorough preliminary description, illustration and discussion of the excavation

from 1993 to 1995 of an archive of more than 220 Linear B texts at a site on Pelopidou Street in
Thebes. Analysis focuses on political, social and religious aspects. See also 1998-2000 and 2010.

2002 Dakouri-Hild, Anastasia. 2001. Plotting fragments: a preliminary assessment

of the Middle Helladic settlement in Boeotian Thebes. In: Urbanism in the
Aegean Bronze Age. Keith Branagan, ed. pp. 103-118. London: Sheffield
Academic Press.

An evaluation of the extent, character and organization of Middle Helladic Thebes

utilizing a locational analysis of the frequencies of certain categories of remains indicates that the
settlement was more extensive and that the southern and eastern parts of the Kadmeia were more
densely occupied than previously believed. Domestic burials were widespread on the Kadmeia,
were not reserved for children, and formed extensive clusters in direct association with
dwellings. It is only toward the end of the Middle Helladic period that more discrete graveyards
begin to occur, forecasting the establishment of remote, dedicated cemeteries in Late Helladic I;
this perhaps reflects the gradual transformation from kin-based identities to community-based
ones, along with the increasing mortuary deposition of wealth indicative of changing social
strategies of display and identity. See also 1999, 2005, 2007, 2013 and 2014.

2003 Dakouri-Hild, Anastasia. 2001. The House of Kadmos in Mycenaean Thebes

reconsidered: architecture, chronology and context. Annual of the British School
at Athens 96:81-122.

Describes, illustrates and discusses aspects of the architecture of the palace at

Thebes, including landscape and terracing, plans, individual structures, half-timbering, wall
treatment and decoration, floors and ceilings, roof construction and hearths. Also discusses
chronology, including construction, refurbishment and destruction, and the context of the House
of Kadmos with other related structures. Dakouri-Hild concludes that the structure was an
extensive building architecturally independent of most excavated structures on the Kadmeia, was
technologically sophisticated in design, possibly shows some Minoan influence, may have been
constructed in LH II or early LH IIIA, and may have been destroyed after the transition to LH
IIIB. An appendix lists six groups of previously unpublished decorated pottery from the building.
See also 2012-2014.

2004 Demakopoulou, Katie. 1974. Mykenäikon anaktorikou ergasterion eis Thivas.

Archaiologika Analekta ex Athinon 7:162-173.

Reports the discovery and excavation of a workshop for the manufacture of

jewelry within the palace complex at Thebes; the workshop, which contained molds, bronze
tools, beads, unworked material and a large figurine of a goddess with upraised hands, was
probably destroyed at the end of the LH IIIB1 period, along with the rest of the new palace. See
also 2008 and 2012.

2005 Demakopoulou, Katie. 1975. Upomykenäikos kivotioschimos taphos eis

Thivas. Archaiologika Analekta ex Athinon 8:86-90.
 Excavation of a Submycenaean cist tomb dug into the earlier palace complex at
Thebes; indications are that it may be part of a larger Dark Age cemetery. See also 2002 and
2007.

2006 Keramopoullos, A.D. 1909. I oikia tou Kadmou. Archaiologikis Ephemeris

1909:57-122.

Describes the earliest excavation of the palace at Thebes, in 1906.

2007 Philippaki, Varvara, Sarantis Symeonoglou and Nikolas Faraklas. 1968.

Anaskaphai kai Erevnai: Thivai. Archaiologikon Deltion, Chronika
22:226-230.

Describes excavation of Late Bronze Age structures and burials in the vicinity of
Thebes. See also 2002 and 2005.

2008 Sampson, Adamantinos. 1985. La destruction d'un atelier palatial mycénien à

Thebes. Bulletin de Correspondence Hellénique 109:21-29.

Describes the excavation of a workshop in the palace at Thebes, destroyed at the

end of LH IIIB1, in which pieces of worked and unworked ivory and pottery were found. See
also 2004 and 2012.
2009 Sampson, Adamantinos. 1996. Cases of earthquakes at Mycenaean and pre-
Mycenaean Thebes. In: Archaeoseismology. S. Stiros and R.E. Jones, eds. pp.
113-117. Fitch Laboratory Occasional Paper 7. Athens: Institute of Geology
and Mineral Exploration and the British School at Athens.

Offers evidence of destruction during LH IIIB1 likely attributable to an

earthquake, as well as an earlier seismic destruction at the end of EH II. See also 1998, 2011 and
2012.

2010 Spyropoulos, Theodoros G. 1970. To archeion tou mykenäikou anaktoron ton

Thebon. Archaiologika Analekta ex Athinon 3:322-327.

Focuses on the discovery of part of the palace archives at Thebes, dated by

associated pottery to late LH IIIB and including 20 Linear B tablets concerning wool; also
discovered was a bathroom containing a larnax. See also 1998-2010.

2011 Spyropoulos, Theodoros G. 1975. Excavation of part of the Mycenaean palace

(Kadmeion) of Thebes In: The Thebes Tablets II. Theodoros G. Spyropoulos and
John Chadwick, eds. pp. 7-81. Suplementos a Minos 4. Salamanca: Universidad
de Salamanca.

Describes excavation of part of the palace in 1970 and 1972; includes catalogue
of finds; in his general observations, the author discusses pottery and other finds, chronology and
topography; he rejects the idea of an "old" and "new" palace, citing evidence in these more
recent excavations for a single palace complex which was destroyed at the end of LH IIIB by an
earthquake and suggests that the main, central part of the palace complex, including the
megaron, remains to be excavated. See also 1998, 2009 and 2012.
2012 Symeonoglou, Sarantis. 1973. Kadmeia I: Mycenaean Finds from Thebes,
Greece. Excavations at 14 Oedipus St. Studies in Mediterranean
Archaeology 35. Göteborg: Paul Åströms Förlag. 106 p.

Catalogues, describes, discusses and illustrates the architecture, pottery, ivories

and a jewelry workshop comprising part of a Mycenaean palace complex; discusses the
construction and chronology of two successive palaces in the area of Thebes known as the
Kadmeia: the first palace, which was destroyed during the early part of LH IIIA:2 and the second
palace, which was constructed during late LH IIIA:2 and destroyed at the end of LH IIIB:1. See
also 1998, 2004, 2008, 2009, 2011, 2013 and 2014.

2013 Symeonoglou, Sarantis. 1979. On the topography of prehistoric Thebes. In:

Proceedings of the Second International Conference on Boiotian Antiquities (McGill
University, Montreal, 2-4.11.1973, John M. Fossey and Albert Schachter, eds. pp. 3-6.
Teiresias Supplement 2. National Library of Canada.

Summarizes inhabitation of Thebes during the Bronze Age and discusses the
nature and location of fortification walls, gates and major structures during the Late Helladic
period. See also 1999, 2000, 2002, 2003, 2012 and 2014.

2014 Symeonoglou, Sarantis. 1985. The Topography of Thebes from the Bronze Age
to Modern Times. Princeton: Princeton University Press. 334 p.

Lists and discusses sites of various periods in the vicinity of Thebes, focusing
upon the remains of the Mycenaean palace, fortification walls and other manifestations of
Bronze Age occupation. See also 1999, 2000, 2003, 2012 and 2013.

Tiryns
 Tiryns was first excavated by Schliemann; excavations were resumed in the 1960's by
members of the German Institute in Athens. After Mycenae, it is the most imposing site in the
Argolid. The palace is situated on a large oval limestone outcrop at the head of the Gulf of
Argos at the southern end of the Plain of Argolis. The palace and the Lower Town occupy the
entire upper surface of the acropolis, and area of c. 100 x 300 m., and are entirely surrounded by
massive cyclopean walls, better preserved than even those of Mycenae. The site was occupied
from the Neolithic period onward, and was already an important settlement by EH II. This
settlement was destroyed and was followed by a long Middle Helladic sequence and LH I-II
occupation, most of which was destroyed by subsequent LH III construction. It is likely,
however, that a palatial structure graced the acropolis during the early Mycenaean period. The
first palace of which we have substantial evidence was built in LH IIIA2, as were the walls of the
upper citadel. Expansion of the palace, the lower city and the walls continued into the end of LH
IIIB, when most of the citadel was destroyed by fire. The palace was not rebuilt, but habitation
continued in the Lower Town in LH IIIC; further destruction occurred in the middle of LH IIIC.
Parts of the site were also occupied well into the Dark Age.

In addition the large and elaborate multistory palace and the substantial buildings of the
Lower Town, Tiryns like Mycenae and Athens had a long passageway within the citadel leading
to an underground spring. As in the case of Mycenae and Thebes, there is considerable evidence
of settlement outside and in the vicinity of the citadel as well, particularly toward the north. A
large chamber tomb cemetery with burials dating from LH II to early LH IIIC is located c. 800
m. to the east on the hill of Profitis Ilias; two large LH III tholoi are located here as well.

2015 Jantzen, Ulf, ed. 1971. Tiryns: Forschungen und Berichte 5. Mainz am Rhein:
Verlag Philipp von Zabern.

Contents include: P. Gercke and G. Hiesel, Grabungen in der Understadt von

Tiryns von 1889 bis 1929 (pp. 1-20); D. and E. French, Prehistoric pottery from the area of the
Agricultural Prison at Tiryns (pp. 21-40); P. Grossman and G. Shäfer, Tiryns: Unterburg,
Grabungen 1965 (pp. 41-76); H.B. Siedentoff, Frühhelladische siedlungschichten auf der
Unterburg von Tiryns (pp. 77-86); W. Rudolf, Tiryns 1968: Mykenische und nachmykenische
streufunde von der Unterburg (pp. 87-107). See also 2016-2018.

2016 Jantzen, Ulf, ed. Tiryns: Forschungen und Berichte 6. Mainz am Rhein: Verlag
Philipp von Zabern.

Describes prehistoric and Mycenaean occupation of Tiryns and settlements in its

vicinity; contents include: H.B. Seidentopf, Frühhelladische keramik auf der Unterburg von
Tiryns (pp. 1-22); W. Rudolf, Die nekropole am Profitis Elias bei Tiryns (pp. 23-126); H. Döhl,
Iria: die ergebnisse der ausgrabungen 1939 (pp. 127-194); U. Willerding, Bronzezeitlich
pflanzenreste aus Iria und Synoro (pp. 221-240); W. Voigtländer, Zur chronologie der
spätmykenischen burgen in Tiryns (pp. 241-268). See also 2015, 2017 and 2018.

2017 Jantzen, Ulf, ed. 1975. Tiryns: Forschungen und Berichte 8. Mainz am Rhein:
Verlag Philipp von Zabern.

Describes various aspects of 1968 and 1971 excavations; contents include: K.

Müller, Die kuppelgrab von Tiryns (pp. 1-6); P. Gercke, W. Gercke and G. Hiesel, Tiryns Stadt
1971: Graben H (pp. 7-36); L. Godart and J.-P. Olivier, Nouveaux textes en linéaire B de
Tirynthe (pp. 37-54); P. Grossman and J. Shafer, Tiryns: Unterburg 1968, grabungen im bereich
der Bauten 3 und "4" (pp. 55-96); W. Rudolph, Tiryns: Unterburg 1968, eine kammer in der
Unterburgmauer uber Bau 1 (pp. 97-116); G. Hübner, Dachterrakotten im magazin des Museums
von Nauplia (pp. 117-136); H. Döhl, Tiryns-Stadt: Sondage 1968 (pp. 137-159). See also 2015,
2016 and 2018.

2018 Jantzen, Ulf, ed. 1980. Grabungen in der Unterburg 1971. Tiryns: Forschungen
und Berichte 9. Mainz am Rhein: Verlag Philipp von Zabern. 194 p.

Describes, discusses and abundantly illustrates excavations in the lower city of

Tiryns in 1971; includes an extensive discussion of stratigraphy and pottery; contents include: R.
Avila, P. Grossman and J. Shäfer, Grabungen im bereich des Baues 2 (pp. 1-88); P. Grossman,
H. Knell, E. Slenczka and W. Voigtländer, Grabungen in den quadranten IV2, V, VI2 (pp. 89-
180); E. Breitinger, Skelette spätmykenischer gräber in der Unterburg von Tiryns (pp. 181-194).
See also 2015-2017.

2019 Karo, Georg. 1930. Die Schatz von Tiryns. Mitteilungen des Deutschen
Archäologischen Instituts, Athenische Abteilung 55:119-140.
 Describes, illustrates and discusses a treasure hoard consisting of gold, amber,
bronze and stone artifacts found at Tiryns in 1930.

2020 Kilian, Klaus. 1988. Ausgrabungen in Tiryns 1982/83: bericht zu den

grabungen. Archäologische Anzeiger 1988:105-151.

Describes excavations in the lower city; well illustrated.

2021 Kilian, Klaus. 1996. Earthquakes and archaeological context at 13th century
BC Tiryns. In: Archaeoseismology. S. Stiros and R.E. Jones, eds. pp. 63-68.
Fitch Laboratory Occasional Paper 7. Athens: Institute of Geology and
Mineral Exploration and the British School at Athens.

Kilian interprets the deformation of walls and foundations and skeletons found
under collapsed walls of houses as evidence of earthquakes occurring at the end of LH IIIB1 and
B2. He suggests that in some cases the incidence of earthquakes can be correlated with changes
in site organization and planning and the inception of new pottery phases.

2022 Podzuweit, Christian. 1978. The development of late Mycenaean pottery at

Tiryns in the light of the most recent excavations. Bulletin of the Institute of
Classical Studies 25:175-177.

At Tiryns the LH IIIB pottery gradually evolves into LH IIIC, as indicated by the
appearance of new designs on monochrome vessels; the most common or characteristic of these
are skyphoi with painted bands or zones; these developments are similar to those seen at
Mycenae. See also 2023, 2024 and 2026.
2023 Podzuweit, Christian. 1983. Bericht zur spätmykenischen Keramik.
Archäologischer Anzeiger 1983:359-402.

Describes, illustrates and discusses LH IIIC pottery from Tiryns. See also 2022,
2024 and 2026.

2024 Podzuweit, Christian. 1988. Keramik der phase SH IIIC-spät aus der Unterburg
von Tiryns: ausgrabungen in Tiryns 1982/83. Archäologische Anzeiger
1988:213-225.

Describes, illustrates and discusses late LH IIIC pottery from the lower city of
Tiryns. See also 2022, 2023 and 2026.

2025 Schliemann, Heinrich. 1967. Tiryns: the Prehistoric Palace of the Kings of
Tiryns. New York: Benjamin Blom. 385 p.

Describes 1884-1885 excavations, the topography and history of Tiryns,

architecture, pottery and other finds from the earliest excavations at the site; reprint of original
1885 edition.

2026 Schönfeld, Guntram. 1988. Bericht zur bemalten mykenischen keramik:

ausgrabungen in Tiryns 1982/83. Archäologische Anzeiger 1988:153-211.

Describes, illustrates and discusses late LH IIIA through middle LH IIIB painted
pottery from Tiryns. See also 2022-2024.
2027 von den Driesch, Angela and Joachim Boessneck. 1990. Die Tierreste von
der mykenischen Burg Tiryns bei Nauplion/Peloponnes. Tiryns:
Forschungen und Berichte, Vol. 11. pp. 87-164. Mainz am Rhein: Verlag Philipp
von Zabern.

The authors describe, illustrate and discuss faunal remains, including wild and
domesticated mammals, birds and fish.

2028 Weber-Hiden, Ingrid. 1990. Die mykenischen terrakotta Figurinen aus den
Syringes von Tiryns. Tiryns: Forschungen und Berichte, Vol. 11. Pp. 35-85.
Mainz am Rhein: Verlag Philipp von Zabern.

Describes, illustrates and discusses figurines.

Torone

2029 Cambitoglou, Alexander and John K. Papadopoulos. 1991. Excavations at

Torone, 1989. Mediterranean Archaeology 4:147-171.

Describes excavations at a coastal site at the tip of the Khalkidiki peninsula in

central Macedonia occupied continuously from the Early Bronze Age onward, including the
recovery of LH I-II sherds, the earliest known in Macedonia.
Trianda

Located on the coast near the northern tip of Rhodes, Trianda began as a Minoan colony
in the Middle Minoan period and was a flourishing town during LM I-IIIA1. Following a
destructive earthquake in LM IIIA1 the settlement became increasingly Mycenaean in character.
It is one of only a few excavated Bronze Age settlement sites in the Dodecanese.

2030 Benzi, Mario. 1988. Mycenaean pottery later than LH IIIA1 from the Italian
excavations at Trianda on Rhodes. In: Archaeology in the Dodecanese. Søren
Dietz and Ioannis Papachristodoulou, eds. pp. 39-55. Copenhagen: The
National Museum of Denmark, Department of Near Eastern and Classical
Antiquities.

Describes and illustrates sherds from 1935-1936 excavations, most of which date
to LH IIIA2.

Tris Langadas

The site is located on a steep hillside in the northern end of the island of Ithaka on Polis
Bay and was inhabited in LH IIIA-B.

2031 Benton, Sylvia and Helen Waterhouse. 1973. Excavations in Ithaca: Tris
Langadas. Annual of the British School at Athens 68:1-24.

Discusses results of 1937-1938 excavations, including a catalogue of LH IIIA-B

pottery and a brief discussion of areas excavated and structures found; from this and other
archaeological investigations on the island, it is concluded that Mycenaean settlement at Tris
Langadas and elsewhere on Ithaca begins in LH IIIA1.

Troy
 The site of Hissarlik near the northwestern coast of Anatolia was first excavated by
Schliemann and later by his colleague Wilhelm Dörpfeld. Remaining portions of the site were
excavated by the University of Cincinnati under the direction of Carl Blegen in the 1930's. Work
was resumed by German archaeologists in neighboring vicinities in the 1980's.

The site was occupied more or less continuously from the early Bronze Age onward and
was divided stratigraphically by Schliemann into twelve successive settlements. Some LH I-II
sherds and a more substantial amount of LH IIIA pottery was found in levels of Troy VI, dating
to c. 1800-1275 B.C., indicating some degree of contact with mainland Greece throughout the
Late Bronze Age. Troy VIIa has some LH IIIB pottery, as well as some local imitations; this
pottery is, however, virtually the only element of Mycenaean culture present. Troy VIIa, which
Blegen believed was Homer's Troy, was destroyed sometime near the end of LH IIIB and
immediately reoccupied. The succeeding settlement, Troy VIIb1, has some LH IIIB pottery, as
well as LH IIIC.

2032 Basedow, Maureen A. 2000. Beşik-Tepe: Das spätbronzezeitliche Gräberfeld.

Studia Troica Monographien 1. Mainz am Rhein: Verlag Philipp von Zabern.

2033 Blegen, Carl W., Cedric G. Boulter, John L. Caskey and Marion Rawson.
1958. Troy, Volume IV: Settlements VIIa, VIIb and VIII. Princeton: Princeton
University Press. 2 v.

Final publication of results of 1932-1938 excavations; Part 1 contains text and

Part 2 plates. See also 2034.

2034 Blegen, Carl W., John L. Caskey and Marion Rawson. 1953. Troy, Volume
III: The Sixth Settlement. Princeton: Princeton University Press. 2 v.

Describes 1932-1938 excavations of Troy VI, occupied from c. 1800-1275 B.C.

See also 2033.
2035 Korfmann, Manfred. 1995. Troia: a residential and trading city at the Dardanelles.
In: Politeia: Society and State in the Aegean Bronze Age. Proceedings of the 5th
International Aegean Conference/5e Rencontre égéene internationale, University of
Heidelberg, Archäologisches Institut, 10-13 April 1994. Robert Laffineur and Wolf-
Dietrich Niemeier, eds. pp. 173-183. Aegaeum 12, Annales d'archäologie égéenne de
l'Université de Liége et UT-PASP. Liége: Université de Liége Histoire de l'art et
archéologie de la Gréce antique/University of Texas at Austin Program in Scripts and
Prehistory.

Describes geophysical prospection and excavation revealing an extensive walled

lower town at Troy from as early as the beginning of Troy VI to the end of Troy VIIb2,
indicating that it was in the 2nd millenium, given its size and location, a substantial trading
center. See also 2036.

2036 Korfmann, M. and D. Mannsperger. 1998. Troia: Ein historischer Überblick und
Rundgang. Stuttgart: Theiss.

See also 2035.

2037 Mountjoy, Penelope. 1997-1998. The East Aegean-West Antatolian interface

in the Late Bronze Age. Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 42:228-230.

A re-examination of the dating of Troy middle and late Phase VI and Troy Phase
VII in the light of improved knowledge of Mycenaean pottery and the restudy of Mycenaean
pottery in the Istanbul Museum gives rise to the following conclusions: Troy VI d can be
tentatively dated to LH IIA, VI e to LH IIB, VI f to late LH IIB, VI g to LH IIIA1, and VI h with
destruction horizon to LH IIIA2; Blegen was correct in assigning the VI h destruction to an
earthquake; most Phase VI Mycenaean pottery was locally made; Phase VIIa dates to LH IIIB; if
the VIIa destruction horizon is mid-LH IIIB, the agency could be the Trojan war, if late LH IIIB,
more likely Sea Peoples; Phase VIIb1 begins at the end of LH IIIB and extends into LH IIIC
early, and possibly middle, with the first appearance of handmade burnished ware; Phase VIIb
seems to have ended peacefully; in Phase VIIb2, in which only a small amount of Mycenaean
pottery occurs, old houses were remodeled and new ones built after a possible earthquake; if not
mid-LH IIIB, an alternative date for the Trojan War is LH IIIC middle, perhaps associated
therefore with Phase VIIb2. See also 2038 and 2039.

2038 Mountjoy, Penelope A. 1999. The destruction of Troy Vih. Studia Troica 9:253-
293.

Conducts a detailed, fully illustrated re-study of Mycenaean pottery in the Istanbul

Museum published by Blegen in order to examine the date of the floruit and destruction of the
Phase Vih settlement. The overwhelming presence of LH IIIA2 pottery in destruction deposits
suggests that destruction due to an earthquake occurred at the end of this phase. See also 2037
and 2039.

2039 Mountjoy, Penelope A. 1999. Troia VII reconsidered. Studia Troica 9:295-
346.

Mountjoy dates the different phases of Settlement VII at Troy based on a restudy
of Mycenaean pottery excavated by Blegen in the Instanbul Museum and a re-examination of
their excavation contexts, providing a full description and illustration of the material. She dates
the destruction of phase VIIa, possibly as the result of an attack by the Sea Peoples, to late LH
IIIB, probably the transition between LH IIIB2 and LH IIIC Early, making this phase about
ninety years in duration. She describes the pottery of this phase as Ginger Ware, i.e. Mycenaean
shapes made from the local tan ware and painted in Mycenaean style with matt paint. See also
2037 and 2038.

2040 Tolman, Herbert Cushing and Gilbert Campbell Scoggin. 1903. Mycenaean Troy:
Based on Dörpfeld's Excavations in the Sixth of the Nine Buried Cities at
Hissarlik. New York: American Book Company. 111 p.

Summarizes the results of Dörpfeld's 1893-1894 excavations; describes the

topography of the Troad and the citadel of Troy VI, including the outer walls, gates, towers and
the architecture of the inner citadel; there is also a brief discussion of Mycenaean civilization and
its relationship to the Homeric poems.
Tsoungiza

An important early Mycenaean site in Corinthia, Tsoungiza is situated on a ridge

overlooking the Nemea valley to the north. The site was also occupied in the Middle Helladic
period and in LH III.

2041 Rutter, Jeremy. 1993. A group of Late Helladic IIA pottery from Tsoungiza.
Hesperia 62:53-93.

Rutter describes the archaeological context of the pottery, its principal ceramic
subdivisions, fabric and surface treatment, presents a catalogue of sherds, analyzes the pottery by
shape, decoration and date and discusses the character and significance of the deposit, which is
similar to that found at Korakou. The deposit provides the most reliable indication to date of the
relative frequency of Mycenaean lustrous-painted pottery in a non-palatial settlement close to the
center of Mycenaean ceramic development. There is also a large proportion of large utilitarian
vessels imported from Aigina, which is typical of sites in the vicinity of the Saronic Gulf. The
decorated pottery and undecorated fineware was probably produced at Mycenae, with local
production unlikely. Rutter suggests that the inception of importation of high-quality pots in LH
IIA indicates the expansion of palace activities beyond that of the Shaft Grave period.

Ugarit

2042 Yon, Margarite. 2000. Céramiques mycéniennes d’Ougarit: concordance entre

l’inventaire du Louvre et la publication RSO XIII. Syria: Revue d’art et
archéologie 77:297-304.

Concordance of Mycenaean pottery in the Louvre and the publication of Ras

Shamra-Ougarit XIII: Cerámiques Mycéniennes.

Voïdokoilia

A small tholos tomb was excavated here, c. 5 km. south of Pylos.

2043 Korres, Giorgios S. 1978. Erevnai ana tin Pylian. Praktika tis en Athenais
Archaiologikis Etaireias 1976:252-282.

Describes the excavation of tholos tombs at Voidokoilia, Tragana, Routsi and

Koryphasion in western Messenia near Pylos.

Volimidia

This extensive chamber tomb cemetery, which also contained several tholos tombs, is
located c. 10 km. northeast of Pylos. There are traces of a settlement occupied from LH I to LH
IIIB in the vicinity.

2044 Karagiorgia, Theodora. 1976. Archaiotites kai Mnimeia Messenias.

Archaiologikon Deltion, Chronika 27:256-262.

Describes excavation of tholos tombs at Volimidia and Mila in Messenia.

2045 Marinatos, Spyridon. 1967. Anaskaphai en Pylo. Praktika tis en Athenais

Archaiologikis Etaireias 1965:102-120.

Describes the excavation of chamber tombs at Volimidia and tholos tombs at

Peristeria in western Messenia in the vicinity of Pylos.

Zygouries

Zygouries is located in a fertile valley c. 10 km. north of Mycenae. It appears to have

been inhabited continuously from EH I to early LH IIIB, when it was destroyed by fire. The
most notable structure here is the "Potter's Shop," which contained a large amount of pottery
apparently stored there. LH IIIB chamber tombs have also been found in the vicinity.

2046 Blegen, Carl W. 1928. Zygouries: A Prehistoric Settlement in the Valley of

Cleonae. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. 227 p.

Definitive publication of 1921-1922 excavations of this small site in the Argolid,

midway between Mycenae and Corinth, which was occupied throughout the Late Bronze Age;
includes chapters concerning architecture, tombs, pottery and miscellaneous objects; for the Late
Bronze Age, in addition to the cemetery, which contained two LH III chamber tombs, the most
notable feature is the "Potter's Shop," an apparent pottery storehouse containing a vast amount of
LH III pottery: c. 1300 total vessels in 20 shapes.

GLOSSARY

AEGEAN - As a geographical term, refers to the part of the Eastern Mediterranean bordered by
Greece on the west, Thrace on the north, Anatolia on the east and Crete in the south; as a cultural
or ethnic term, refers to the Bronze Age inhabitants of Greece, Crete and the Cyclades.

AHHIJAWA - Name referring to an important culture or society, whose location is uncertain, in

some 14th and 13th century B.C. Hittite texts; some scholars have seen this term as a Hittite
equivalent of Achaean, thus applying to either Mycenaeans as a whole or perhaps to a specific
Mycenaean state.

ALABASTRON (pl. ALABASTRA) - A small closed ceramic vessel with either curved or
straight sides and three small handles on the shoulder, probably containing precious liquid or
viscous commodities such as oil, honey or unguents.
AMPHORA (pl. AMPHORAE) - A large closed pear-shaped ceramic vessel with a narrow
cylindrical base and wide shoulder with three equidistant handles; used for storing and pouring
liquids such as olive oil or wine.

AMYGDALOID - Almond-shaped; used to describe sealstones.

ANATOLIA - The area which is now known as Turkey, and earlier as Asia Minor.

APSIDAL - Term used to describe the shape of structures, referring either to an oval building or
one in which one end of a rectangular structure is rounded; particularly characteristic of Middle
Helladic houses.

ASHLAR - A kind of construction in which the visible faces of stone blocks are worked or
dressed so as to present a rectangular facade in which the blocks join at right angles and are laid
in parallel courses.

BOTHROS (pl. BOTHROI) - Greek word for a pit or hole in the ground designed to receive
offerings or libations.

CHAMBER TOMB - A communal or family tomb (and thus used more than once, often for
multiple or serial inhumation) cut into soft rock--usually a hillside--with an ovoid chamber, a
narrow doorway (stomion) and a rock-cut corridor or passage (dromos) leading to the outside.

CIST GRAVE - A rectangular grave dug into the earth, usually containing a single burial, lined
on each side with a slab of rock and covered with one or more slabs; often the floor is covered
with pebbles.

CORBELLING - A means of creating an conical or beehive-shaped arch or dome by

successively overlapping courses of stone until the hole at the top can be bridged by a capstone.
CYCLOPEAN - A form of construction, used mainly for fortifications, involving the use of large
unworked boulders, with smaller stones and clay wedged in between.

DORIANS - Ancestors of those (most notably, the Spartans) who spoke the Doric dialect in
Classical times; according to legend, the Dorians invaded Greece at the end of the Late Bronze
Age, causing the collapse of Mycenaean civilization.

DROMOS (pl. DROMOI) - The entrance to a rock-cut chamber or tholos tomb, usually cut into a
hillside and open at the top, often with inwardly-sloping sides, and leading to the doorway
(stomion).

FABRIC - The composition or quality of clay of a vase, which may vary in color, texture or
surface finish.

FAIENCE - A colored glass paste, blue or green in color (from copper either added to or part of
the silicate base) and formed in molds to make jewelry or small sculptures.

FIBULA (pl. FIBULAE) - A spring-driven fastener with a catch, shaped like a safety pin, made
of bronze, and used to secure clothing.

GLYPTIC - The art of cutting, carving or engraving designs on small, shaped stones, such as
gems or sealstones.

HELLADIC - Chronological designation for mainland Greece during the Bronze Age.

HERAKLIDAE - Descendants of Herakles, believed in classical Greek legend to have invaded

Greece at the end of the Late Bronze Age after having been expelled several generations earlier.
HITTITES - An Indo-European people who entered and conquered Anatolia at roughly the same
time as the Mycenaeans entered Greece and whose civilization, like that of the Mycenaeans, was
destroyed at the end of the Late Bronze Age.

IDEOGRAM - an incised figure on a Linear B tablet, schematically representing an object,

animal, weight or measure.

INHUMATION - The practice of placing a body intact within a grave tomb (as opposed to
cremation or secondary burial).

KEFTIU - A term used by the Egyptians to designate an Aegean people depicted and referred to
in tomb paintings; usually considered Minoan, but possibly Mycenaean as well.

KOINE - Common, shared or standardized culture, particularly referring to the Aegean in the
14th and part of the 13th centuries B.C. (Late Helladic IIIA-B).

KRATER - A large, wide-mouthed ceramic bowl, used in Classical times for mixing wine.

KYLIX (pl. KYLIKES) - A goblet-shaped ceramic drinking vessel with a cylindrical base,
tapering cylindrical stem and a wide hemispherical bowl.

LARNAX (pl. LARNAKES) - A clay or stone coffin, chest or sarcophagus, often painted,
commonly found in Bronze Age Crete, but also on the mainland, particularly in the chamber
tomb cemetery at Tanagra in Boiotia.

LENTOID - Bean-shaped; used to describe gems or sealstones.

LEVANT - The coastal area of the Eastern Mediterranean now comprising Israel, Lebanon
and part of Syria.
LINEAR A - The syllabic writing system developed on Crete from an earlier hieroglyphic script
and used during the Middle and Late Bronze Age; given its name by Arthur Evans, the excavator
of Knossos.

LINEAR B - The name given to the Mycenaean script by Arthur Evans.

MATT-PAINTED WARE - A characteristic Middle Helladic pottery ware featuring simple

geometric decoration applied with a dark, dull paint on a light-colored clay.

MEGARON (pl. MEGARA) - An isolated rectangular building comprised of a main hall with a
central hearth and an open or columned porch through which the building is entered; often refers
as well to the throne room of a Mycenaean palace.

MINYAN WARE - A characteristic Middle Helladic pottery ware with a smooth or burnished
gray or yellow fabric in shapes with an angular profile, often with ribbed stems.

NIELLO - A decorative technique, sometimes referred to as "painting in metal," in which

designs in precious metals are inlaid on a metallic--usually bronze--background.

PITHOS (pl. PITHOI) - A large clay storage jar used to store oil or wine, and sometimes as a
burial jar.

PERIBOLOS - A surrounding wall, usually circular.

POROS - Greek word for local limestone with a pale spongy quality.

POTNIA - Word found on Linear B tablets meaning "mistress" or "lady," a term for one of the
most important Mycenaean goddesses.
PROTOGEOMETRIC - A pottery style characterized by essentially Mycenaean shapes with
simple geometrical motifs, such as concentric semicircles, which succeeds either LH IIIC or
Submycenaean pottery; also a chronological designation referring to the 9th and 10th centuries
B.C.

PYXIS - A closed cylindrical vessel with a lid; similar in function to an alabastron.

RELIEVING TRIANGLE - Triangular hollow space above the lintel of a tholos tomb or other
large lintel and post structure, such as a gate; used to distribute the weight supported by the
lintel.

RHYTON - Stone or ceramic vessel, open at one end and with a narrow opening at the other end,
used for pouring libations, and therefore having primarily a ritual or ceremonial function; either
conical in shape or shaped in the form of an animal's head (usually either a bull or a lion).

SEA PEOPLES - A group of peoples, the origins and ethnicity of whom are largely unknown,
who attacked and destroyed many cities in the Eastern Mediterranean and mounted several major
attacks against Egypt; some of them may have either attacked mainland Greece or have been
Aegean peoples themselves.

SEALING - The impression on a nodule of clay created by a sealstone or signet ring.

SEALSTONE - A small object, of various shapes (e.g., discoid, lentoid, amygdaloid), made of
various materials (including steatite, carnelian, rock crystal, onyx, etc.) used to impress a design,
pattern or image on wet clay in order to assert ownership or responsibility for the sealed contents
of a container or room; sealstones also functioned as amulets and pieces of jewelry.

SHAFT GRAVE - A kind of burial consisting of a large rectangular pit sealed with a roof at the
bottom of a deep shaft; the most notable examples are those found in Grave Circle A and Grave
Circle B at Mycenae.
STIRRUP JAR - A closed ceramic vessel, usually globular in shape, with a narrow cylindrical
spout on the shoulder, and two closed or false spouts connected by a strap-like handle; used for
storing liquids such as olive oil or wine; also called a false-mouthed jar.

STELE (pl. STELAI) - An upright stone slab, often used as grave markers and sometimes
engraved, such as those over the Shaft Graves at Mycenae.

STOMION - The mouth or doorway of a chamber or tholos tomb.

SUBMYCENAEAN - Term coined by Arne Furumark to designate a debased kind of pottery

which evolved in Attika and elsewhere from LH IIIC pottery and which precedes Protogeometric
pottery in some areas.

THALASSOCRACY - Literally, in Greek, "rule of the sea," i.e.,control or domination of part or

all of the Mediterranean Sea, as has sometimes been attributed to the Minoans during the first
half of the second millennium B.C.

THOLOS (pl. THOLOI) - A round building with a corbelled beehive-shaped roof, usually a
tomb, but sometimes other structures as well.

TUMULUS (pl. TUMULI) - a man-made mound of earth, usually circular in form and
sometimes surrounded by a low retaining wall, covering one or more burials, usually cist graves
or pithoi.

WANAX - Term used in Linear B tablets to designate a king or ruler.

 AUTHOR INDEX

(Numbers in index refer to entry numbers)

Adams, A.B., 722 Anderson, W.F., 822

Adrados, F.R., 58 Andreyev, Y.V., 1

Agallopoulou, P.I., 954 Angel, J.L., 41, 121, 293, 294, 844

Åkerström, A., 394, 560, 561, 834, Apostolopoulou-Kakavoyianni, O., 472

837, 879
Aravantinos, V.L., 225, 240, 312, 839, 933

Alden, M.J., 292

Asaro, F., 327, 635

Ålin, P., 181, 471

Aschenbrenner, S.F., 45, 854, 1041, 1043

Allen, H., 40
Astour, M.C., 156

Alram-Stern, E., 866

Åström, P., 348, 576, 780, 868, 888, 918-

Alvarez, J.J.M., 131 920, 941, 997-999

Alzinger, W., 866 Atkinson, T.D., 1059

Augustson, S., 291

Avila, R.A.J., 676, 1098

Balcer, J.M., 548 Bennett, E.L., Jr., 234, 743, 761, 762, 773,

781, 808, 809, 812, 813, 823, 824,

Baramki, D.C., 327
834, 838, 839, 841, 844, 1066

Barber, R.L.N., 344, 861, 1060

Benson, J.L., 562

Bartonek, A., 50, 69-72, 297, 836, 838, 841

Benton, S., 473, 1107

Bass, G.F., 912

Benzi, M., 593, 837, 847, 848, 1106

Baumbach, L., 19, 54, 110, 206, 369, 452,

Bergonzi, G., 366
737, 742, 759, 838-841

Bermejo Barrera, J.C., 454

Beattie, A.J., 760

Betancourt, P.P., 80, 81

Beck, C.W., 722

Betts, J.H., 695, 696, 714

Begg, D.J.I., 174

Beyer, I., 528

Beier, T., 648

Bieber, A., 636

Belli, P., 419, 538

Bielefield, E., 715

Bennet, J., 207, 208, 298-300, 837,

841, 843 Biernacka-Lubanska, M., 548

Biesantz, H., 697

Bietti Sestieri, A.M., 268, 366 Bisel, S.C., 844, 1041

Billigmeier, J.C., 452, 453 Blegen, C.W., 2, 92, 172, 395, 495, 517,

533, 889, 971, 973, 1063, 1067-1072, 1108,

Bingham, D., 1043
1109, 1115

Bintliff, J.L., 42, 835

Blin-Stoyle, A.E., 639

Birchall, A., 836

Blitzer, H., 1041 Brandenburg, H., 657

Bloedow, E.F., 111, 120, 501 Branigan, K., 3, 82

Blome, B., 576 Breitinger, E., 1098

Boardmam, J., 19, 716 Bridges, R.A., Jr., 970

Böckisch, G., 301 Brilliante, C., 98

Borchhardt, H., 657 Broneer, O., 543, 550, 890, 891

Borchhardt, J., 657 Brooks, D.W., 636

Boulotis, C., 7 Brown, W.E., 235

Boulter, C.G., 1103 Bruns, G., 277

Bouzek, J., 143, 356-358, 433, 599, Bruschweiler, F., 788

836
Bryce, T.R., 333, 336

Brackman, A.C., 32
Bryson, R.A., 43 Carpenter, M., 236

Buchholz, H.-G., 4, 338, 359, 657 Carpenter, R., 43, 763

Buck, R.J., 152, 183, 434, 600 Caskey, J.L., 144, 153, 901, 984, 1108, 1109

Cadogan, G., 261, 327, 582, 1051 Caskey, M.E., 379, 577, 902

Calder, W.H. III, 33 Cataudella, M.R., 454

Caracausi, G., 51 Catling, H.W., 262, 327, 637-639, 650, 657-

659, 690, 1041, 1076-1078

Carlier, P,, 302, 839

Cavanagh, W.G., 396, 397, 406, 409, 410,

Carlson, B., 1043
539, 837, 861

Carothers, J., 474

Chadwick, A.J., 474, 835 Cherry, J.F., 345, 638, 639, 835

Chadwick, J., 5, 6, 52-54, 59, 62, 99, Chirassi, I., 834

132, 133, 313, 315, 427, 455,

Choremis, A., 955
744-746, 764, 765, 771, 782-784,

792, 803, 804, 806, 810, Cline, E.H., 263

815, 816, 834, 835, 838- 841,

Coche de la Ferte, E., 601
854

Cole, S.G., 844

Charitonides, S.I., 873, 1062

Constantinidou, S., 435

Chatziliou, C., 669
Cook, A.B., 436 Curtois, J.-C., 327

Cook, V., 349

Cooke, S.R.B., 854, 1043 Dabney, M.K., 380

Coulson, W.D.E., 844, 1041, 1043 Dachy, F., 841

Cowgill, W.C., 73 Dakaronia, F., 475, 990

Craft, J.C., 1043 Daniel, J.F., 978

Crepajac, L., 839 Darcque, P., 456, 544

Crossland, R.A., 209, 836 Davaras, C., 7, 278

Crouwel, J.H., 165, 563, 564, 568, 691, 692, Davis, E.N., 665, 666

861
Davis, J.L., 345, 346, 476, 849, 972

Crowley, J.L., 165, 346, 496, 501

Dawkins, R.M., 1079

Cummer, W.W., 903

Day, P.M., 645, 687 Deger-Jalkotzy, S., 184, 185, 457, 458, 866

Dayton, J.E., 725 Demakopoulou, K., 7, 27, 380, 518, 564, 578,

871, 905, 938, 994, 995, 997-999,

De Fidio, P., 210, 222, 370, 825, 839
1085, 1086

de Grummond, W.W., 665

Demargne, P., 497

de la Cruz, J.C.M., 986

 Deroy, L., 230, 237, 747 Divari-Valakou, N., 997, 1036

Desborough, V.R.d'A., 186, 187, 201, 327, Dobiat, C., 419

834, 1003, 1027

Döhl, H., 33, 819, 820, 996, 997

Deshayes, J., 914-916

Donder, H., 7

Despinis, G., 904

Donley, D.L., 43

Deuel, L., 34
Donovan, W.P., 1041, 1043, 1071

Diamant, S., 837

Dörpfeld, W., 951

Dickinson, O.T.P.K, 16, 28, 43, 157, 158,

Dothan, M., 635
165, 166, 330, 398, 477, 602, 603, 835, 846,

860, 1041 Dothan, T., 327, 834

Diehl, U., 648 Doumas, C., 1002

Dietrich, B.C., 134, 371-374, 437, 438, 834, Dow, S., 748, 755

840
Doxey, D., 173

Dietz, S., 159, 160, 165, 880, 985, 1036

Dragona-Latsoudi, A., 833

Dikaios, P., 930

Drews, R., 161 Duhoux, Y., 55, 56, 211, 786, 840,

841
Driessen, J.M., 174, 319, 785, 806,

841 Duncan, M.A., 1043

Dunkel, G., 74, 236 Fant, J., 854, 1043

Duruy, V., 8 Faraklas, N., 1088

Farnoux, A., 807

Easton, D.F., 35 Fellows, C.A., 722

Eder, B., 21 Fernandez, N., 837

Edwards, R.B., 100 Ferrarese Ceruti, M.L., 363

Einfalt, H.C., 687 Feuer, B., 850

Eiwanger, Josef, 7 Finley, M.I., 112, 145, 212

Ekschmitt, W., 766 Foltiny, S., 657

Ellis, S.E., 685 Forsdyke, E.J., 101, 604

Ephron, H.D., 767 Fortenberry, D., 658

Erard-Cerceau, I., 241 Fossey, J.M., 485, 545

Ersoy, Y.E., 996 Foster, E.D., 231, 243, 253

Evans, A.J., 162, 399, 439, 965 French, D.H., 335, 619, 1095

Evans, J.A.S., 264 French, E.B., 86, 330, 364, 366, 379, 605,

615, 619, 623, 628, 629, 640, 641, 837,

Evely, D., 686
1004, 1041, 1084, 1095
Frödin, O., 881

Furumark, A., 9, 328, 606, 607 Gale, N.H., 655, 687

Gallagher, W.R., 213 Godart, L., 190, 794, 801, 806, 817, 821,

1096, 1098
Gallivotti, C., 814

Gödecken, K.B., 837

Gamble, C., 280

Goldman, H., 934

Garcia Lopez, J., 375

Graham, J.W., 519, 518

Gates, C., 165, 400, 501

Gray, D.H.F., 113, 749

Gates, M.-H., 501

Graziadio, G., 83, 459

Geiss, H. 301

Greenhalgh, P.A.L., 188, 660

Georgiev, V.I., 75, 836

Gregori, B., 330

Gerard, M., 237

Grossmann, P., 1095, 1096, 1098

Gerard-Rousseau, M., 370

Guida, P.C., 661

Gercke, P., 1095, 1096

Guterböck, H.G., 121, 334

Gercke, W., 1096

Guthrie, W.K.C., 376, 377

Gibbon, G., 844

Gill, M.A.V., 698, 699

Haevernick, T.E., 726

Hafner, G., 498 Hallager, E., 84, 243, 340, 521, 798-800,

802, 966
Hägg, I., 882

Halstead, P., 279, 280, 282, 294, 840, 842

Hägg, R., 163, 339, 378-380, 401, 402, 447,

840, 882, 921 Hammond, N.G.L., 102, 135, 146, 164, 836,

851
Haidouti, C.F., 1043

Hampe, R., 499

Hallager, B.P., 630, 800, 802, 837

Hankey, V., 85, 86, 97, 265, 327, 329, 368, Haskell, H.W., 175, 225, 266, 582

614, 959
Hayden, B.J., 530, 531

Hänsel, B., 7
Hayward, L.G., 730

Hansen, J.M., 281

Heinrich, B., 551

Harbottle, G., 636

Heltzer, M., 303

Harden, D.B., 727

Henrickson, E., 854, 1043

Harding, A.F., 359, 360, 723, 1050,

Heubeck, A., 838
1051

Heurtley, W.A., 852, 864, 911, 1052

Harland, J.P., 154, 867

Hiesel, G., 532, 1095, 1096

Harmatta, J., 834

Higgins, C.G., 44
Hart, G.R., 244

Higgins, R.A., 500, 685, 738

Hiller, S., 103, 165, 202, 314, 315, 335, 360, Hoddinott, R.F., 361

440, 460, 461, 522, 750, 838, 841

Hoffman, S.M.A., 1041

Hirmer, M., 504

Holland, L.B., 717

Hirsch, E.S., 553, 554

Holmberg, E.J., 164, 908

Hirschfield, N., 841

Hood, M.S.F., 87, 176, 177, 186, 189, 327,

Höckmann, O., 657, 677 381, 540, 631, 928, 929, 1028

Hodder, I., 835 Hooker, J.T., 20, 62, 92, 104, 136, 147, 161,

170, 189, 214, 305, 307, 751, 774, 785

Hope Simpson, R., 114, 316, 479, 483, 491, Hurwit, J., 667

685, 835, 845, 846, 1043

Hutchinson, J.S., 215

Hopkins, C., 178, 522

Huxley, G.L., 115, 336

Hopper, R.J., 148

Howell, R.J., 836, 852, 1041, 1043,

Iacovou, M., 565
1051

Iakovidis, S.E., 10, 88, 327, 346, 403-405,

Hubberten, H.W., 687
533, 546, 651, 673, 688, 841,

Hubner, G., 1096 892, 936, 1005, 1006, 1053- 1055

Hughes-Brock, H., 723, 727, 1041 Ilievski, P.H., 57, 216, 789, 834, 838, 839,

841
Hurst, A., 788
Immerwahr, S.A., 267, 346, 555, 566, 584, Johnson, J., 991

893
Johnstone, W., 931

Isaac, B.H., 171

Jones, G., 282

Jones, R.E., 268, 330, 353, 636, 642-645,

Jacob-Felsch, M., 837 649, 687, 837, 888, 1043

Jacobsen, T.W., 844 Joro, F.A., 58

Jacopi, G., 943

Jameson, M., 382 Kaiser, B., 689

Jannoray, J., 979, 980 Kalcyk, H., 551

Jantzen, U., 1095-1098 Kalligas, P.G., 969

Kanta, A., 190, 874 Kase, E.W., 141, 480, 481

Kantor, H.J., 354, 729 Kaza-Papageorgiou, D., 875

Karageorghis, V., 4, 7, 191, 203, 529, 567, Kendall, D., 835

575, 932, 963, 964, 1065

Kenna, V.E.G., 327

Karagiorgia, T., 1113

Keramopoullos, A.D., 1087

Kardara, C.P., 149, 543, 579, 834

Kilian, K., 7, 304, 360, 380, 523, 660, 684,

Karo, G., 1007, 1099 837, 1100

Kilian-Dirlmeier, I., 380, 837 Kosmopoulos, M.B., 407

Killen, J.T., 217, 225, 228, 232, 245-247, Kostourou, M., 678

321, 636, 803-805, 821, 835,

Kourouniotis, K., 955, 1072
838- 841

Kraft, J.C., 45
Kirk, G.S., 116

Krigas, E.J., 235, 481

Kling, B.B., 608, 668

Kritseli-Providi, I., 556

Knapp, A.B., 269

Krogulska, M., 834

Knauss, J., 551

Kroll, H., 283

Koehl, R.B., 974

Krzyszkowska, O.H., 580, 730

Kokkotaki, N., 872

Kontorli-Papadopoulou, L., 406 Köpke, G.,

270 La Rosa, V., 841

Korfmann, M., 121 Lacy, A.D., 585

Korres, G.S., 343, 425, 662, 834, 974, 1057,

1112

Laffineur, R., 165, 346, 380, 501, 505, 586, Lambert, J.B., 646

669, 700, 716

Lambrinudakis, V., 379

Lamb, H.H., 43
Landau, O., 462
Lang, M.L., 117, 220, 238, 248, 557, 826 Lolos, Y., 165, 609

Laverty, J., 481 Long, C.R., 408, 739

Laviosa, C., 834 Lorimer, H.L., 118, 864

Laxton, R.R., 541 Loulloupis, M., 327

Lazenby, J.F., 114, 479, 854 Loy, W.G., 46, 854

Lee, D.J.N., 59 Luce, J.V., 119

Lehmann, G.A., 194 Ludwig, E., 37

Lehrer, M., 36 Lukermann, F.E., 854, 1043

Leighton, R., 366

Lejeune, M., 60, 61, 322, 463, 752 MacDonald, C.F., 193, 323, 679

Mackeprang, M.B., 610

Leonard, A., Jr., 587, 588, 646, 837

Macnamara, E., 365

Levin, S., 62, 768, 834

Maier, F.G., 327, 1049

Lewartowski, K., 192

Maiuri, A., 944

Lindgren, M., 464, 753, 754

Malone, C., 366

Littauer, M.A., 692

Manatt, J.I., 15
Lo Schiavo, F., 363

Manning, S.W., 89, 90

Maran, J., 961 Marazzi, M., 268, 271, 330

Maraz, A., 204

Marinatos, N., 379, 380, 502, 837 McLaughlin, C.D., 646

Marinatos, S., 428, 503, 504, 719, 736, 775, McNally, S., 844

834, 836, 989, 1114

Mee, C.B., 120, 337, 351, 352, 380,

Marthari, M., 7 397, 409, 410, 643, 837, 855

Martin, S.L., 1041 Melas, E.M., 481, 856

Matson, F., 854 Melena, J.L., 249-252, 284, 693, 791, 818,

838
Matthäus, H., 652, 670, 701

Mellink, M.J., 121, 133

Matz, F., 701

Merrillees, R.S., 272, 327, 355

Mazarakis-Ainian, A., 534

Meyers, T., 23
McArthur, J., 638

Middleton, J.H., 524

McArthur, J.K., 63, 317, 638

Milani, C., 740

McConnell, B.E., 545

Milburn, E., 981

McDonald, W.A., 29, 425, 474, 481-

483, 537, 854, 1039- 1043 Millett, A., 637-639

McFadden, G.H., 979 Mommsen, H., 647, 648

 Moody, J., 1043 Morgan, C.H. II, 894

Moon, B.E., 21 Morris, C.E., 380, 568

Moore, A., 837 Mountjoy, P.A., 589, 590, 611-614, 649,

658, 837, 895, 1061

Mopurgo Davies, A., 64, 305, 840, 841

Muhly, J.D., 90, 122, 166, 191, 336, 653 Neumann, G., 838

Müller, K., 524, 952, 1096 Newton, G.W.A., 641

Müller, S., 411 Nichols, M., 105

Müller, V., 535 Nicolaou, K., 327, 331, 625

Murlasits, E., 591 Nielsen, B.V., 1043

Murray, C.M., 253, 383 Niemeier, W.-D., 92, 179, 380, 465,

521
Musgrave, J.H., 296

Nightengale, G., 728

Mylonas, G.E., 11, 47, 167, 307, 327, 374,

412-415, 448, 624, 925-927, Nikopoulou, Y., 1058

1008-1017
Nilsson, M.P., 106, 168, 385

Nixon, I.G., 137

Negbi, O., 449, 505

Nobeli, C., 854

Negri, M., 65
Nordquist, G.C., 155, 380, 883
Obrink, U., 942

Oleson, J.P., 22 Packard, D.W., 23

Olivier, J.-P., 218, 776, 790, 793-795, 804- Page, D.L., 123, 124

806, 811, 818, 821, 839, 841, 1096, 1098

Paidoussis, M., 416

Ota, H., 834

Palaima, T.G., 219, 220, 225, 254, 525, 755,

Ozguc, T., 992 777, 778, 791, 839, 841, 843

Palmer, L.R., 12, 91, 92, 180, 221, 255, 324, Pare, C., 362

325, 341, 386, 387, 417, 429, 441,

Parlama, L., 860
484, 756, 834

Parovic-Pesikan, M., 360

Palmer, R., 222, 841

Patton, P.C., 844

Palumbo, G., 330

Payne, R., 38
Panagl, O., 7, 750, 757, 841

Pelon, O., 380, 419

Pantelidou, M., 117, 1073

Peltenberg, E.J., 273

Papademetriou, J.K., 1017

Persson, A.W., 388, 881, 922, 923

Papadopoulos, T.J., 165, 353, 417,

493, 680, 857-859, 869, 962 Peruzzi, E.G., 66

Papastopoulou, I.A., 1001 Petsas, P.M., 870

Papazoglou, L., 958 Philippaki, V., 1088

 Phillips, E.D., 834 Popham, M., 92, 93, 296, 342, 347, 967,

981-983
Pierides, A., 327

Poursat, J.-C., 732, 733

Pilides, D., 632

Powell, J., 503

Pini, I., 7, 506, 701, 702

Protonariou-Deilaki, E., 380, 1037

Piteros, C., 818

Pugliese Carratelli, G., 796

Platon, N., 507

Puhvel, J., 307, 430

Podzuweit, C., 125, 526, 648, 957, 1101-

1103 Pulgram, E., 169

Polychronakou-Sgouritsa, N., 442

Pope, M.W.M., 779 Rackham, O., 48

Raison, J., 797 Renfrew, J.M., 285, 286

Rapp, G., Jr., 45, 854, 1043 Richards, E.E., 639

Rawson, M., 1069-1071, 1108, 1109 Riis, P.J., 327

Re, L., 330 Risch, E., 839

Reese, D.S., 735, 1041 Robinson, F.J., 1041

Rehak, P., 431, 501 Robinson, V.J., 641

Renfrew, C., 379, 389, 486, 835, 836, 842 Robkin, A.L.H., 256
Rodenwaldt, G., 558 Sacconi, A., 758, 806, 814, 817, 827

Rosser, J., 1043 Sackett, L.H., 488, 982, 983

Rubinsohn, Z., 138 Säflund, G., 443, 909

Rudolph, W., 1095-1097 Sainer, A.P., 223

Ruijgh, C.J., 67 Sakellarakis, I.A., 420, 508, 572, 689, 720,

733, 806
Ruiperez, M.S., 76, 287

Sakellariou, A., 7, 703

Runnels, C.N., 487, 492, 686

Sampson, A., 1089

Rutkowski, B., 450

Samuel, A.E., 13
Rutter, J.B., 343, 615, 616, 629, 633, 634,

644, 913, 1111 Sandars, N.K., 194, 195, 681

Rutter, S.H., 616 Sanders, J.M., 861

Rystedt, E., 569-571, 837 Santillo Frizell, B., 541, 884-886, 910

Santillo, R., 541

Sapouna-Sakellarakis, E., 878, 939 Schaar, K.W., 517

Sarkady, J., 196, 239, 318 Schachermeyr, F., 150, 197, 332, 336

Sayre, E.V., 636 Schäfer, J., 1095, 1096, 1098

Sbarounis, C.N., 416

Schilardi, D.U., 841, 976, 977 Schliemann, Shear, T.L., 896

H., 33, 1018, 1046, 1104

Shelmerdine, C.W., 224, 225, 232, 257, 839,

Schnaufer, A., 421 841, 843, 1041, 1044, 1074

Schofield, E., 347, 903 Sherratt, E.S., 126, 258, 350, 592, 615, 617

Scholes, K., 862 Shrimpton, G., 43

Schönfeld, G., 1105 Siedentopf, H.B., 1095, 1097

Schuchhardt, C., 30 Sieurin, F., 402

Schurmann, K., 713 Simon, E., 499

Scofopoulos, N.C., 548 Sjöberg, B., 226, 380, 526

Scoggin, G.C., 1110 Sjöquist, K.-E., 780

Scourtelli, A., 641 Slenczka, E., 573

Sepp, M.J., 24 Sloan, Robert E., 1038

Seydel, C., 794 Small, D.B., 634

Shaw, M.C., 581 Smith, C.H., 92

Shay, C.T., 1041, 1043 Smith, E.B., 533

Shay, J., 103 Smith, J.C., 1041

Shear, I.M., 536 Smith, T.R., 274

Smithson, E.L., 897 Ström, I., 422

Smits, D.W., 489 Stubbings, F.H., 31, 33, 170, 199, 327, 574,

593, 594
Snodgrass, A.M., 43, 94, 127, 205,

275, 663, 683, 836 Sturmer, V., 510

Snyder, G.A.S., 509 Styrenius, C.-G., 423, 618, 887

Sourvinou-Inwood, C., 25, 432, 638, Symeonoglou, S., 595, 1088, 1092-1094

794, 836
Syriopoulos, K.T., 876

Southard, G.C., 722

Szemerenyi, O., 834

Sperling, J., 121

Szemler, G.J., 480

Spitaels, P., 656

Spyropoulos, T.G., 654, 865, 1047, 1048,

Talcott, L., 898
1080-1083, 1090, 1091

Tamvaki, A., 444, 626, 704

Stanley, P.V., 288

Taylour, W.D., 14, 390, 445, 596, 906, 907,

Stavrianopoulou, E., 227, 232
1019, 1020, 1030, 1071

Stiebing, W., 198

Tegyey, I., 107, 225, 239, 259, 260, 466,

Stoddart, S., 366 836

Stos-Gale, Z.A., 655, 837 Themelis, P.S., 416

Theochares, D.R., 935, 945-950, 993, 1038 Thomas, H., 671

Theochares, M., 1038 Thompson, M.S., 128

Thomas, C.G., 29, 108, 139, 142, 215, 306-

309, 468

Threpsiadis, I., 937 Trümpy, C., 829

Tiradritti, F., 330 Tsagarakis, O., 446

Tolman, H.C., 1110 Tsountas, C., 15

Tonks, O.S., 597 Tufnell, O., 85

Topping, P., 854 Turner, D., 36, 39

Touchais, G., 165 Turner, J.A., 453

Tournavitou, I., 276, 598, 837 Tovar, A., 77 Tusa, S., 271, 330

Townsend, E.D., 898 Tzedakis, I., 190, 801

Traill, D.A., 33

Travlos, J., 900 Uchitel, A., 228, 289, 326, 468

Treweek, A.P., 769

Tripathi, D.N., 656 Vagnetti, L., 268, 330, 363, 837

Tritsch, F.J., 455, 836 Valmin, M.N., 987, 988

van Andel, T.H., 487 Ventris, M.G.F., 740, 770, 771

van Effenterre, H., 979, 980 Verdelis, N.M., 619, 664, 940, 1021, 1022,

1064
van Leuven, J.C., 165, 229, 379, 391, 427,

451 Vermeule, E.T., 16, 121, 200, 392, 512-514,

558, 574, 868, 905

van Royen, R.A., 171

Vickers, M., 3
van Soesbergen, P.G., 140, 469

Vickery, K.F., 290

van Wersch, H., 854

Vilborg, E., 68
Varoufakis, G.J., 674

Vincentelli, I., 330 Wagstaff, M., 291

Vlasakis, M.A., 800, 802, 960 Walberg, G., 633, 837, 998- 1000

Voigtländer, W., 1096 Walcot, P., 393

Vokotopoulou, I.P., 675, 924 Wallace, P.W., 141, 490, 551

Vollgraff, W., 917 Walsh, V.A., 537, 844, 1041

von Hase, F.-W., 367 Ward, S.C., 714

Wardle, D.E.H., 282, 837

Wace, A.J.B., 17, 95, 151, 395, 542, 620, Wardle, K.A., 282, 360, 621, 837

734, 1023- 1034

Warren, P.M., 18, 86, 96, 253, 835, West, M.L., 832

1002
Wiesner, J., 424, 657, 694

Was, D.A., 324, 470, 828

Wilkie, N.C., 425, 480, 844, 1041, 1043,

Waterhouse, H., 491, 1107 1045

Watkins, C., 121 Willerding, U., 1097

Weber-Hiden, I., 627 Wilson, A.L., 317, 638

Webster, T.B.L., 129, 830, 831 Weiniger, Winter, F.A., 142

B., 89
Wiseman, J., 493

Weinstein, G.A., 81
Wood, M., 130

Weinstein, J.R., 684

Woodard, R.D., 78

Weisser, T.D., 1043

Woodard, W.S., 968

Wells, B., 380

Wright, H.E., Jr., 43, 844, 854

Wright, J.C., 225, 310, 380, 426, 494, 525,

527
Xenaki-Sakellariou, A., 669, 1035

Wundsam, K., 311

Wyatt, W., 79, 232

Yassoglou, N.J., 854, 1043

Wylock, M., 241

Yeivin, S., 834
Yialouris, N., 953, 1075 PLACE NAME INDEX

Young, D.C.C., 245, 772

Younger, J.G., 26, 501, 515, 516, 672, 696, (Numbers in index refer to entry numbers)

705-712, 721

Yule, P., 713

Zaccagnini, C., 330

Zachariadou, O., 877

Zafiropulo, J., 109

Zangger, E., 49, 492

Zerner, C.W., 343, 380, 622

 Achaia, 184, 185, 353, 837, Amnisos,

857, 859, 860, 863, 865, 868-870, 953, 1001

Acropolis (Athens), 551, 578, 655, 658, 890-

892, 894, 895, 897

Aeolian Islands, 596

Aetolia, 360, 534

Aetos, 864

Agnanti, 865

Agora (Athens), 402, 655, 891, 893, 896-900

Aigeira, 184, 185, 865, 868-870

Aigina, 165, 867

Aigion, 353, 868-870

Akrotiri, 345, 346, 505, 687

Alalakh, 326, 468, 568

Albania, 164, 360, 836

Amarynthos, 312
 207, 298, 314, 317, 839 681, 739, 837, 912, 970, 992, 996, 1084,

1008-1110; see also Asia Minor

Amphiklea, 865

Antigori, 330, 363

Amphissa, 141

Antikythera, 491
Amyklai, 437, 871

Apochori, 872
Analepsis, 481

Aptara, 317
Anatolia, 2, 27, 30, 32-39, 111, 115, 119-

121, 123-125, 130, 133, 142, 156, 167, 197, Apulia, 365

263, 265, 269, 275, 327, 330, 332-337, 351,

Archangelou, 873
358, 416, 452, 457, 522, 628, 631, 633, 656,

Areopagos (Athens), 888, 891, 896

Argive Heraion, 396, 563; see also 564, 573, 576, 579-581, 589, 592, 598, 602,

Prosymna 603, 605, 610-611, 615, 619-622, 626, 631,

633, 636, 639-643, 648, 649, 660, 663, 664,

Argolid, 1, 2, 11, 14, 15, 17, 27-39, 41-43,
666-668, 670, 671, 682, 685-687, 704, 706,
47, 83, 86, 95, 109, 121, 130, 153, 155-157,
719, 722, 731, 733-735, 739, 758, 760, 793,
159, 160, 162, 164-166, 170, 185, 225, 241,
808-811, 819-821, 833, 834, 837, 857, 860,
255, 265, 273, 276, 283, 292, 327, 336, 339,
874, 875, 879-887, 908-910, 914-923, 927,
361, 379-381, 390, 391, 394, 396, 399-402,
931, 940, 971, 972, 984, 997-1000, 1003-
410-415, 422, 423, 426, 428, 433, 438, 445,
1037, 1063, 1095-1105, 1111, 1115; see also
448, 449, 459, 476, 477, 479, 481, 487, 492,
Peloponnese
494, 495, 501, 513, 516, 519, 522-527, 536,

542, 543, 546-549, 556, 558, 560, 561, 563,

 Argos, 396, 874, 875, 879, 914-917, 1037; Arkhanes, 419, 878

see also Deiras

Arno-Vardhates, 481

Aristodheemion, 46
Ashdod, 204, 327, 635

Arkadia, 313, 428, 481, 853, 876

Asia Minor, 332, 388, 416, 452, 479, 547,

Arkasa, 877 549, 575, 912; see also Anatolia

Asine, 155, 160, 380, 735, 834, 879-887 888-900, 925-927, 939, 961, 989, 1053-

1056, 1058
Asklepeion, 933; see also Epidavros

Aulis, 938, 939; see also Glypha

Assiros, 282

Ayia Irini, 345, 347, 379,

Assur, 326

576, 901-903
Assyria, 263

Ayia Thekla, 904

Atalante, 475

Ayia Triada, 298, 380, 408, 470, 530, 687,

Athens, 108, 150, 403, 546, 548, 549, 550, 578,
706, 841
614, 618, 633, 649, 655, 658, 879, 888-900,

1058; see also Acropolis, Agora, Areopagos Ayios Ioannis, 905

and Kerameikos
Ayios Stephanos, 339, 616, 644, 837, 906,

Attika, 108, 150, 403, 414, 416, 423, 438, 546, 907

548, 549, 550, 578, 589, 593, 603, 614, 618,

649, 655, 658, 731, 735, 836, 837, 844, 874,

Babylonia, 388
 Balkans, 146, 164, 195, 357-360, 522, 824, Besik Tepe, 121

836; see also Southeastern Europe

Beth-Shan, 368

Baltic, 722, 723

Black Sea, 335

Berbati, 492, 561, 641, 648, 834, 837, 908-

Bohemia, 653, 725
910

Boiotia, 27, 30, 40, 48, 100, 109, 156, 240, Caria, 912

297, 312, 341, 438, 478, 518, 523, 527, 545-

Castellorizo, 479
547, 551, 559, 589, 603, 638, 793, 815-817,

834, 839, 841, 934, 936-938, 1046-1048, Central Asia, 166

1080-1083, 1085-1094
Central Europe, 135, 164, 166, 184, 356, 360-

Boubousti, 911 362, 653, 666, 725

Britain, 653, 723 Central Mediterranean, 172, 258, 267, 268,

274, 363-367; see also Italy

Broglio di Trebisacce, 330

Chios, 639, 928, 929

Bulgaria, 164, 359, 633

Cilicia, 156, 970, 1084

Byblos, 470

Corinth, 98, 493, 543, 913

Cornwall, 653

Crete, 1, 6, 7, 12, 16, 18, 63, 78, 84, 86, 87, 162, 166, 170, 173, 175-180, 190, 207, 208,

91, 92, 97, 109, 113, 144, 148, 152, 158, 214, 219, 220-222, 224, 225, 228, 229, 241-
 247, 249, 250, 253, 254, 259-261, 265-267, 837, 840, 841, 888, 930-932, 941, 942, 963,

282, 284, 288, 295, 298-300, 310, 314, 317, 964, 978, 979, 991, 992, 1049, 1065, 1084

319, 323, 326, 330, 332, 338-347, 354, 368,

402, 408, 419, 420, 427, 450, 452, 465, 467,

470, 484, 511, 521, 522, 530, 531, 538-540, Danube, 164, 195

569, 583, 616, 630, 636, 638, 639, 643-645,

Deiras, 396, 914-917; see also Argos
649, 656, 666, 679-682, 687, 693-695, 698,

706, 710, 732, 743, 744, 748, 750, 755, 760, Delos, 516

774-776, 779, 785, 787, 790, 798-807, 834-

Dendra, 81, 380, 394, 402, 660, 663, 664,
842, 877, 878, 960, 965-968, 1062
682, 837, 918-923; see also Midea

Cyclades, 7, 16, 18, 97, 152, 165, 177, 179,

Devdelija, 360
249, 280, 286, 291, 310, 344-347, 379, 389,

419, 438, 444, 449, 476, 487, 505, 516, 577, Dodecanese, 193, 267, 327, 328, 331, 336,

600, 639, 687, 709, 775, 840-842, 849, 862, 338, 348, 351-353, 410, 479, 575, 594, 596,

901-904, 975-977, 1002, 1059-1061 615, 643, 727, 837, 847, 848, 855, 856, 873,

877, 943, 944, 958, 985, 1062, 1106

Cyprus, 4, 7, 111, 172, 191, 197, 203, 204, 261,

262, 265, 267, 269, 272, 273, 327, 329, 331, Dorion, 988; see also Malthi

338, 345, 348-350, 363, 368, 433, 529, 561,

Doris, 141, 480, 490
565, 567, 571, 574, 575, 580, 581, 588, 594,

598, 601, 606-608, 617, 625, 632, 635, 637,

639, 642, 645, 650, 658, 701, 727, 732, 773,

Eastern Mediterranean, 41, 102, 172, 173, 303, 327-332, 336, 338, 345, 354, 403, 457,

194, 195, 197, 199, 258, 267-269, 273, 294,

 568, 639, 694, 834, 856; see also Cyprus, Ephyra, 418

Dodecanese, Levant and Syria

Erzgebirge, 653, 725

Egypt, 85, 86, 90, 137, 170, 191, 194, 245, 261,
Euboia, 296, 312, 488, 690, 902, 929, 959,
263, 265, 269, 273, 327, 330-332, 354, 355,
981-983
379, 393, 412, 414, 415, 496, 514, 520, 594,

639, 648, 665, 719, 730, 738, 739, 788, 823 Europe, 7, 166, 195, 215, 356-362, 653, 663,

666, 837
Ekron, 204

Eutresis, 589, 934

El Amarna, 327, 514, 648, 788

Exalophos, 935
Elaphotopos, 924

Elateia, 728

Fayum, 85
Eleusis, 414, 438, 796, 836, 925-927

Filicudi, 364
Elis, 857, 860, 872, 1075

Fourni, 420
Emporio, 928, 929

Enkomi, 327, 529, 580, 601, 608, 650, 658,

930-932 Gla, 523, 527, 545-547, 551, 841, 936, 937

Epidavros, 379, 933 Glypha, 938, 939; see also Aulis

Epeiros, 135, 360, 418, 485, 675, 858, 924, Gouvalari, 974

962
Gritsa, 940, 1064; see also Pteleon
 Hala Sultan Tekke, 941, 942 Italy, 66, 268, 271, 274, 330, 338, 353, 360,

363-367, 596, 628, 630, 701, 834, 837; see

Hama, 327
also Central Mediterranean

Ithaka, 30, 119, 864, 1052, 1107

Ialysos, 193, 328, 351, 410, 643, 837, 847, 848,

943, 944, 977

Jordan, 331
Iasos, 351

Inatos, 317

Kakovatos, 722, 951, 952

Ioannina, 675, 924

Kalapodi, 837
Iolkos, 285, 335, 945-950, 1038

Kallithea, 953
Ionian Islands, 30, 119, 164, 473, 857, 864,

954, 969, 1052, 1107 Kaloriziki, 979

Iria, 1097 Kalymnos, 193, 481

Ischia, 596 Kambi, 954

Israel, 204, 327, 330, 368, 584, 594, 635; see Kapakli, 955

also Palestine
Karpathos, 479, 855, 877, 1062 Karpophora,

Isthmian Wall, 543 956

 Karystos, 312 Kastelli, 799

Kasos, 479, 856 Kastello, 958

Kastanas, 957 Kastri, 339

Kea, 344, 345, 347, 379, 476, 577, 901-903 228, 241-247, 249, 250, 253, 254, 259, 260,

282, 284, 287, 288, 298-300, 314, 317, 319,

Kephala Khondrou, 531
320, 323, 326, 340-342, 392, 402, 427, 452,

Kephallenia, 969 458, 465, 470, 484, 520, 521, 630, 636, 638,

639, 679, 682, 687, 693, 695, 698, 706, 743,

Kerameikos (Athens), 614, 618
746, 750, 755, 760, 777, 779, 785, 787, 790,

Kerkyra, 164 794-796, 802-806, 818, 834, 835, 838-841,

965-968
Khalkis, 959

Kokkolata, 969
Khania, 190, 207, 254, 266, 298, 317, 330, 630,

638, 798-802, 837, 960 Kokla, 380

Kiapha Thiti, 961 Kolonos, 891

Kiperi, 418, 962; see also Parga Kolophon, 970

Kirra, 481 Kopais, 40, 478, 523, 527, 545-547, 551,

841, 936, 937; see also Gla

Kition, 273, 327, 433, 529, 963, 964

Korakou, 602, 633, 649, 971, 972

Knossos, 6, 12, 62, 63, 78, 87, 91, 92, 162, 172-

180, 190, 207, 208, 214, 220-222, 224, 225, Koryphasion, 165, 973, 1112
 Kos, 193, 351, 352, 479, 958 Koukounara, 974

Koskina, 873 Koukounaries, 975-977

Kouklia, 327

Kourion, 327, 840, 978, 979 Latium, 66

Krane, 969 Lavrion, 655, 837

Krisa, 980 Lefkandi, 296, 633, 649, 690, 902, 981-982

Kynortion, 379 Lerna, 41, 81, 153, 380, 622, 984

Kyprianon, 685 Leros 479

Kythera, 339, 343, 491, 603, 609, 644 Levant, 31, 100, 197, 204, 261, 303, 321,

327, 330-332, 350, 368, 468, 470, 501, 567,

571, 573, 587, 594, 837

Lagaba, 788
Levkas, 164

Lagash, 228
Libya, 730

Lakonia, 42, 316, 339, 437, 477, 491, 616, 644,

Lindos, 985
665, 672, 685, 706, 731, 837, 861, 871, 905-

907, 994, 995, 1050, 1051, 1076-1079 Lipari, 338, 364

Larnaca, 327 Lipsoi, 479

Lasithi Plain, 299

 Llanete de los Moros, 647, 986 Lokris, 475, Malian Gulf, 481

728, 837, 865

Mallia, 681, 807

Malthi, 46, 987, 988; see also Dorion

Maa-Palaikastro, 327, 1065

Marathon, 836, 989

Macedonia, 137, 164, 282, 360, 361, 458,

Mari, 788
534, 836, 851, 852, 911, 957

Marmara, 990 Menemen, 996; see also Panaztepe

Maroni, 991 Menidi, 655, 879

Masat Höyük, 335, 992 Mesopotamia, 228, 263, 289, 326, 386, 388,

468, 522, 788, 823; see also Assyria and

Mazaraki, 924
Sumer

Mega Monastirion, 993

Messenia, 2, 6, 12, 42, 44, 46, 62, 82, 92, 93,

Megalo Kastelli, 1048 104, 107, 113, 117, 137, 163, 165, 210, 214,

215, 218, 220-225, 227, 228, 230-239, 241,

Megiddo, 646
248, 256, 257, 289, 302, 305, 307, 311, 313,

Melathria, 861, 994, 995 315, 316, 324, 325, 343, 370, 371, 383, 386,

405, 417, 425, 427, 430, 434, 441, 443, 454,

Melos, 280, 286, 291, 344, 345, 379, 389, 438,
455, 457, 460, 461, 465, 466, 474, 477, 481-
449, 486, 639, 840, 1059-1061
483, 511, 517, 519, 520, 522, 523, 525, 527,

Menelaion, 861, 1077-1079; see also Sparta 537, 556, 603, 609, 682, 706, 722, 731, 735,

737, 738, 741, 743, 750, 753, 758, 760, 761,

 775, 777, 780, 786, 788, 791, 812-814, 834- Midea, 546, 548, 920-923, 997-1000; see

836, 838, 839, 841, 843, 844, 854, 857, 896, also Dendra

951, 952, 956, 973, 974, 987, 988, 1039-

Mila, 1113
1045, 1057, 1066-1074, 1112-1114

Miletos, 327, 333, 336, 351, 837

Minet al Beidha, 501 797, 808-811, 837, 838, 879, 927, 984, 999,

1003-1035, 1101
Monemvasia, 905

Myloi, 1036
Monodendri, 1001

Myrtou, 529
Monolithos, 1002

Müskebi, 912

Naples, 268
Mycenae, 1, 2, 11, 14, 15, 17, 27-39, 43, 47,

81, 83, 94, 95, 109, 111, 121, 130, 157, 160, Naupaktos, 141

162, 164-166, 170, 225, 241, 255, 273, 276,

Navplion, 833, 1037
292, 327, 336, 339, 361, 379-381, 390, 394,

399-402, 405, 410-415, 422, 426, 428, 431 Nea Ionia, 1038

433, 438, 445, 448, 449, 459, 481, 491, 495,

Near East, 122, 263, 354, 363, 457, 468,
501, 505, 513, 516, 519, 523, 536, 542, 546-
496, 575, 659, 692, 694, 729, 732, 788, 831,
549, 556, 560, 563, 576, 579-581, 592, 598,
888
605, 610, 611, 614, 615, 619-621, 626, 628,

631, 632, 636, 639, 641, 648, 649, 655, 659, Nemea, 476, 494

666, 668, 670-672, 685-687, 692, 704, 706,

Nichoria, 46, 425, 537, 603, 736, 1039-1045
719, 722-725, 731-736, 739, 758, 760, 793-
 Nippur, 788 Nuzi, 326, 788

Nisyros, 479

Northern Europe, 94, 360

Old Paphos; see Palaeopaphos Patmos, 479

Orchomenos, 27, 30, 545, 551, 589, 796, Pavlopetri, 1050, 1051

1046-1048
Pelikata, 1052

Peloponnese, 79, 258, 343, 352, 353, 477, 481,

Pa-ki-ja-na, 383 493, 543, 568, 592, 603, 615, 637, 641, 645-

648, 723, 775, 855, 977

Palaeopaphos, 327, 1049

Perati, 403, 416, 633, 655, 735, 836, 977,

Palaikastro, 299, 877
1053-1056

Palestine, 330, 331, 587, 588, 596, 837; see

Peristeria, 343, 405, 1055, 1114
also Israel

Petra, 472
Panaztepe, 996; see also Menemen

Phaistos, 207, 298, 317, 520, 528

Pantalica, 366

Phaleron, 1058
Parapoungion, 46

Pherai, 316, 472

Parga, 962; see also Kiperi

Philistia, 204
Paros, 841, 975-977
 Phoenicia, 100, 327, 571 Plati, 530

Phokis, 141, 480, 481, 490, 980 Pogoni, 418

Phthiotis, 990 Pontic Sea, 111

Phylakopi, 345, 379, 389, 433, 438, 449, Prophitis Elias, 380, 1097

486, 840, 1059-1061

Prosymna, 380, 391, 402, 410, 571, 735,

Pigadhia, 1062 1063

Pteleon, 1064; see also Gritsa Qatna, 788

Pyla-Kokkinokremos, 1065

Pylos, 2, 6, 12, 62, 81, 82, 92, 93, 99, 104, 107, Ras Shamra; see Ugarit

113, 117, 137, 210, 214, 215, 218, 220-225,

Rhodes, 193, 267, 327, 328, 331, 336, 338,
227, 228, 230-239, 241, 248, 256, 257, 287,
351-353, 410, 479, 575, 594, 596, 639, 643,
289, 302, 305, 307, 311, 313, 315, 316, 320,
727, 837, 847, 848, 854, 873, 943, 944, 958,
321, 324, 325, 370, 371, 383, 386, 392, 417,
985, 1062, 1106
427, 430, 434, 441, 443, 454, 455, 457, 458,

460, 461, 465, 466, 474, 481, 511, 517, 519, Romania, 633

520, 522, 523, 525-527, 556, 682, 736, 738,

Routsi, 425, 706, 1112
741-743, 745, 750, 753, 758, 760, 761, 775,

776, 780, 786, 788, 791, 794-796, 812-814,

826, 834-844, 846, 848, 849, 859, 839, 896,

Salamis, 618, 836
973, 974, 1044, 1057, 1065-1074, 1112

Samikon, 1075
 Santorini; see Thera Saria, 479

Sardinia, 274, 330, 338, 363, 366, 538, 539, Saros, 856

541, 645, 701

Scoglio del Tonno, 330, 596,834

Sarepta, 327

Sellopoulo, 323 Sumer, 228, 289, 386, 468; see also

Mesopotamia
Seraglio, 351, 352

Surbo, 365
Servia, 164

Sybrita, 317
Sesebi, 327

Syme, 479
Sicily, 268, 271, 274, 338, 364, 366, 596, 834

Synoro, 1096, 1097

Sinda, 608

Southeastern Europe, 102, 164, 184, 359-361,

469, 633; see also Balkans, Bulgaria and Syria, 326, 327, 330, 331,379, 416, 468,

Romania 568, 587, 588, 596, 639,680, 730, 836

Spain, 647, 986

Sparta, 491, 649, 861, 1076-1079; see also Tanagra, 559, 1080-1083

Menelaion
Tarsus, 1084

Sukas, 327
Tel Abu Hawam, 327, 330, 640
 Tel Ashdod, 327, 635 Thera, 177, 249, 344-346, 505, 687, 775,

1002
Tel Mor, 327

Thessaly, 79, 113, 134, 137, 285, 335, 360,

Telos, 479
472, 489, 835, 850, 935, 940, 945-950, 955,

Termitito, 330 993, 1038, 1064

Thebes, 100, 109, 172, 240, 297, 312, 341, Thorikos, 655

438, 518, 589, 638, 793, 795-797, 815-818,

Thrace, 361, 469
839, 841, 938, 1048, 1085-1094

Tinos, 904 Troy, 2, 27, 30, 32-39, 111, 115, 119-121, 123-

125, 130, 336, 522, 628, 631, 633, 1108-

Tiryns, 27, 30, 32-39, 111, 185, 283, 380, 433,
1110
449, 517, 522-524, 517, 529, 546-549, 552,

558, 560, 573, 610, 614, 619, 641, 687, 692, Tsoungiza, 476, 494, 1111

722, 735, 791, 795-797, 819-821, 940, 999,

Tylissos, 298, 317, 839
1018, 1095-1105

Tragana, 1112

Ugarit, 303, 321, 468, 501, 571, 788

Transylvania, 666

Ulu Burun, 275

Trianda, 351, 1106

Ur, 228, 468

Tris Langadas, 1107

Vapheio, 655, 665, 672, 706

Velestino, 472 Zakros, 520, 706, 775

Visoi-Beranci, 360 Zapher Papoura, 323

Vivara, 330 Zakynthos, 954

Voidokoilia, 1112 Zygouries, 536, 641, 1115

Volimidia, 1113, 1114

Volos, 955; see also Iolkos

Vonies, 882; see also Arkasa

Yugoslavia, 360, 628

 SUBJECT INDEX

(Numbers in index refer to entry numbers)

Subject Index

Absolute dating; see 1078; see also

Chronology Economic

organization
Accounting, 211,
and Linear B
215, 232,

309, 839; see Agamemnon,

also 105, 316

Arithmetic
Agriculture, 6, 43,
and
49, 99,
Mathematics
211, 236, 249,

Achilles, 316 256, 279, 281-

283, 286, 287,

Administration, 6, 62,
289, 291, 454,
174,
463, 792, 839,
214, 219, 225,
854; see also
232, 266, 298,
Subsistence
300, 307, 325,

477, 702, 778- Animal

781, 786, 790- domestication,

792, 839, 843, 280

 Subject Index

Animal Alkanet, 253 Architecture, 4, 7, 14, 1041, 1050,

husbandry, 16, 1051, 1059,

Alum, 839
227, 280 153, 154, 175, 1069-1072,

Amber, 357, 177, 186, 202, 1074, 1076,

Crop
360, 722-724, 304, 349, 380, 1077, 1079,
diversity, 281
1099 381, 419, 426, 1088, 1092-

Crop 467, 494, 499, 1098, 1104,

Anchors, 335
storage, 282 504, 505, 507, 1108-1110,

Animals, 240, 280, 516-554, 576, 1115

Plowing,
287, 290, 610, 687, 835,
289 Arches, 541
436, 502, 505, 837, 856-858,

Ahhijawa, 121, 123, 506, 691, 704, 865, 869, 881, Ashlar

133, 327, 711, 729, 732 890, 892, 913, masonry, 191

918, 925, 926,

333, Aphrodite; see Chimneys,
930, 936, 938,
334, 336, 479, Deities 536, 834
946, 966, 971,
834; see also
Apollo; see 978, 980, 982, Columns,
Hittites
Deities 988, 1012, 517, 520, 687,

Akhenaten, 1013, 1020, 737

327 1021, 1025,

Constructio
1027-1032,
n, 737, 839
 Subject Index

Corbelling, 977, 980, 535, 834, Archives, 464, 468,

539, 541 1014, 1032, 1047, 1078 525, 750,

1093, 1094, 785, 786, 812,

Cyclopean Pillars, 438,
1097, 1110 843, 1090; see
architecture, 439, 529
also
191, 481, Hearths,
Roofs, 522, Administratio
543-548, 938, 191, 536, 834,
533, 834 n, Economic
977 1047
Organization
Tiles, 533
Domes, Houses, 7, 11, 118, and Linear B

539, 541 189,

Argonauts, 357, 360, 425,
518, 530-537,
Floors, 523, 524, 335 505, 650,657-
740, 938,
553, 554, 663, 682, 692,
1021, 1025- Arithmetic, 822; see
558, 750, 837, 918,
1030, 1032, also
687 919, 953, 1007
1041, 1050
Accounting,
Fortifications, 7, Corselets,
Masonry, Mathematics
191, 327, 659, 661
537 and
344,
Measurement Cuirasses,
481, 524, 543- Megaron, 203, 340,
322
547, 550, 841, 372, 521- Armor, 118, 128,

846, 892, 936, 523, 528, 533, 157, 201,

 Subject Index

Greaves, 657, 658, 714, 718, 731, Mosaic, Portraits,

661, 863, 732, 831, 844 524 495

953
Frescoes, 4, 7, 117, Painting, 4, 7, 408, Sculpture, 4, 379,

Helmets, 322, 380, 346, 499, 381, 389,

657, 661, 505, 520, 523, 553-575, 613, 413, 499, 507,

662, 555-558, 560, 661, 797, 839, 516, 576-581,

953 661, 662, 692, 932; see also 626, 661, 671,

709, 837, 839, Frescoes and 732, 834

Shields, 126, 657,
997, 1029, Pictorial
660, 661, Statues,
1047, 1059; Pottery
953 440, 577, 837
see also

Arrows; see Palaces and Asses, 436; Atomic absorption

weapons Painting see also spectrometry,

Animals 645, 837

Art, 14, 16, 128, 165, Iconography, 165,

202, 346, 346, 374, Athena; see

354, 355, 360, 378, 380, 496, Deities

Barley, 222, 282,
391, 440, 495- 501, 505, 510,
Athletics, 837; see 285, 841;
516, 553-581, 511, 579, 586,
also see also
667-669, 695- 700, 704, 707,
Agriculture
711, 718, 732
 Subject Index

Beans, 285 Boiotoi, 188 Burials, 4, 7, 11, 848, 850, 853,

14, 16, 83, 855, 857, 858,

Beehives, 278 Borders, 315,
121, 153, 155, 860, 863, 865,
850
Bellerophon, 157, 158, 160, 868-870, 872-

156 Bothroi, 420, 163-166, 175, 875, 877, 880-

446, 875 177, 186, 189, 883, 888, 891,

Bibliographies, 19-
193, 201-203, 893, 896, 898-
26, 742, Bridges, 548
205, 292, 296, 900, 904-906,
748
Bronze; see 304, 323, 327, 908-910, 912,

Biography, Metal 339, 349, 351- 914-919, 922-

32-39 355, 358, 373, 925, 927, 930-

Bull-leaping,
380, 391, 394- 933, 935, 939,
Bismuth, 725 515
426, 446, 456, 940, 943, 944,

Blegen, C.W., 29, 31,Bulls, 436, 566, 704, 458, 501, 504, 951-956, 958,

93, 111, 712; see 513, 538-541, 959, 963, 969-

124 also Animals 584, 593, 614, 971, 973, 974,

658, 664, 671, 979, 984, 985,

Boars, 380, 501; see
672, 694, 706, 989-991, 993-
also
722, 723, 728, 996, 1001,
Animals
735, 739, 836, 1003, 1007,

837, 844, 847, 1008, 1012,

 Subject Index

1013, 1016- 398, 402, 406, 1083, 1097, Cremation, 118,

1018, 1022- 407, 404, 421, 1114, 1115 416, 412,

1025, 1028- 44, 416, 421, 423, 979

Cist graves, 160,
1038, 1041, 456, 558, 584,
202, 398, Funeral
1042, 1045- 658, 664, 722,
401, 412, 414, games, 413
1048, 1050, 833, 833, 837,
417, 418, 423,
1053-1058, 848, 853, 860, Grave Circle A, 11,
850, 853, 860,
1062-1064, 863, 865, 868- 33, 83,
874, 875, 880-
1071-1073, 870, 872, 873, 380, 400, 412-
882, 906, 924,
1075, 1080- 877, 888, 896, 415, 422, 426,
935, 938, 969,
1083, 1086, 898-900, 905, 459, 497, 505,
990, 1003,
1088, 1096- 908, 909, 912, 671, 722,
1036, 1038,
1098, 1112- 915-919, 922, 1007, 1018,
1050, 1086
1115 933, 953, 956, 1031; see also

958, 959, 993- Coffins, Shaft graves

Cenotaphs,
995, 1001, 394, 402, 900
394
1022-1025,
Grave Circle B, 11, 1008, 1013,
Chamber tombs, 1035, 1050,
47, 83, 1017; see also
11, 292, 327, 1053-1056,
164, 412, 414, Shaft graves
351, 1058, 1062,
415, 459, 722,
352, 380, 396- 1071, 1080-
927, 984,
 Subject Index

Grave circles, 11, 402, 405, 412- 425, 426, 456,

83, 121, 415, 419-422, 538-542, 584,

Calendars, 441
164, 426, 459, 505, 655, 665, 685,

413, 418-422, 513, 656, 666, 837, 846, 850, Canaanites,

836, 837, 668-671, 682, 853, 904, 910, 449, 834, 879,

1016, 1071; 719, 722-725, 922, 931, 940, 888

see also Shaft 739, 837, 984, 951, 952, 955,

Canals, 545, 551; see
Graves 1007, 1008, 956, 962, 969,
also
1013, 1017, 970, 973, 974,
Pit graves,
1018, 1045; 996, 1018, Engineering
398, 898, 954
see also Grave 1030, 1041,
Carpenter, R.,
Sarcophagi, 408, circles 1044-1046,
43
1080, 1082; 1057, 1064,
Stelae, 47, 400,
see also 1071-1073, Catalogue of Ships,
413, 420,
Larnakes 1096, 1112- 114, 115,
516, 1007
1114 128, 199; see
Shaft graves, 16,
Tholos tombs, 11, also Homer
28, 83, Tumuli, 160, 164,
165, 343, and Iliad
157, 380, 411,
380, 398, 399,
158, 165, 166, 417-419, 836,
405, 410, 412,
170, 346, 361, 880, 935, 969,
414, 417-421,
364, 394, 399, 989, 990, 1075
 Subject Index

Cattle, 117, 186, 280, also Military 695-697, 704, 86, 89, 90, 94,

287; see organization 721, 732, 743, 96, 97, 264,

also Animals 750, 778, 779, 920

Chronology, 2, 4,
837, 857, 862,
Caves, 372, 12, 14, 16, Citadels, 11, 172, 301,
869, 885-887,
380, 438, 447 98, 101, 109, 504,
892, 902, 930,
111, 125, 153, 547, 549-552,
Celts, 142, 943, 946, 966-
157, 160, 165, 976, 997-
458 968, 971, 972,
178, 181, 195, 1000, 1003;
975, 981, 985,
Centaurs, 503 205, 264, 327, see also
1004, 1006,
340, 344, 358, Fortifications
Chamber 1033, 1036,
401, 406, 409, and Warfare
tombs; see 1055, 1056,
411, 419, 465,
Burials 1061, 1063, Climate; see
516, 537, 542,
1067, 1091, Environment
Chariots, 161, 166, 543, 547, 555,
1092, 1097,
225, 322, 557, 571, 573, Cloth, 246, 247, 259;
1101
394, 575, 583, 594- see also

402, 413, 481, 596, 603, 605- Absolute Textiles

561, 568, 626, 611, 613-623, dating, 81

Clothing, 118, 154,
660, 663, 690- 627, 628, 632,
Radiocarbon dating, 186, 189,
694, 993; see 656-658, 676,
80-82, 201, 247, 385,
677, 681, 686,
 Subject Index

505, 686, 736, Cobalt, 725 102, 133, 144- Daggers; see

837 149, 137, 138, Weapons

181-200, 836
Combs, 252, Cremation; Damos, 371,

736 see Burials Development and 463

expansion of
Computers, Cryptography, Dams, 548, 551; see
Mycenaean
835, 844 767 also
civilization,

Cone shells, Cult Center 172-180 Engineering

735 (Mycenae);
Origins of Danaans, 156
see
Cooking, 277 Mycenaean
Religion Danaus, 170
civilization, 2,
Copper, see
Cultural Evolution 6, 16, 28, 144-Dark Age, 108, 116,
Metals
and 150, 156-171, 143, 148,

Cowherds, 229, 836, 837 150, 196, 201-

Development,
287 205, 305, 371,
143-205 Cuneiform,
373, 392, 397,
Craft specialization; 788
Collapse of 401, 419, 423,
see
Mycenaean 440, 663, 831,
Economic
civilization, 2, 846, 864,
organization Da-mo, 468
6, 11, 16, 43, 1039, 1086;
 Subject Index

see also Early Dates, 253, Poseidon, 238, also

Iron Age 284 325, 369, Engineering

370, 834
Deities, 11, 129, 220, Demeter, Disease, 294,

231, 307, 427, 428 Potnia, 369, 295

369, 370, 373- 373, 427

Dionysos, 369, Do-e-ro, 468;
377, 379, 380,
379, 430, Zeus, 369 see also
382, 385, 386,
577, 801 Slavery
391-393, 427- Demography, 41,

434, 440, 445, Eleuthia, 155, 292-295, Dolphins, 346

834, 837, 840, 430 471, 854; see

Domesday
1085; see also also Disease,
Enesidaon, Book, 99, 215
Religion Health and
834
Population Dorians, 2, 76, 102,
Aphrodite,
Hera, 368, 131-142,
427 Diadems, 668,
427 183, 188, 189,
715
Apollo, 379 191, 308, 360,
Mother
Dies, 720 371, 437, 492,
Artemis, goddess, 388,
543, 599, 614,
427, 430, 432 427 Dikes, 40, 548, 551,
836, 911, 990;
936; see
Athena, see also

427 Collapse of
 Subject Index

Mycenaean Double axes, 335, 359, Early Iron Age, 118, 756, 778, 781,

Civilization, 360, 122, 183, 837-843, 854,

Dark Age and 384, 385, 675, 185, 201-205, 883, 1074

Tradition and 840; see also 303, 475, 534,

Corvée
Historical Minoan 674, 684, 715;
labor, 228
Evidence civilization see also Dark

and Religion Age Craft specialization,

Dörpfeld, W.,
6, 206,
1110 Drugs, 433 Earthquakes, 177,
211, 240-260,
179, 347,
305, 366, 622,
517, 999,
E-qe-ta, 305, 325, Early Bronze Age, 696, 781, 834,
1091, 1006;
458; see 18, 97, 145, 837, 1085
see also
also 164, 270, 348,
Environment Land tenure, 99,
Social 450, 546, 842,
112, 211,
846 Economic
E-re-ta, 325 231, 234-239,
organization,
Early Helladic, 16, 463, 750, 792,
E-re-u-te-ra, 5, 6,
167, 343, 830, 838-840
834 182, 196, 206-
522, 537, 658,
275, 303, 305, Reciprocity
E-to-ni-jo, 454 881, 893, 906,
325, 474, 476, , 273, 275
934, 971, 982,
487, 634, 742,
1095, 1097
 Subject Index

Redistribution, 210, Taxation, 99, 211, Elephants, 730; see Colluvation

212, 225, 230-233, also , 45

254, 275, 282, 237, 238, 321, Animals

Drought, 43
287, 837, 840, 838, 840
Engineering, 481,
1074 Geography, 6, 135,
548-552,
148, 315,
Trade, 6, 13, 14, 85, 730, 834, 837, 837, 940; see
406, 491, 756,
120, 154, 840, 846, 888, also
758, 835, 854,
155, 157, 160, 891, 996, Architecture
857
166, 172, 173, 1049, 1074
Engraving,
175, 190, 193, Geology, 42, 44-46,
Workshops, 225, 704
195, 200, 215, 406,
242, 258,
225, 245, 254, Environment, 40-49, 548, 854, 920,
501, 622, 670,
258, 261-276, 155, 278, 1043
672, 679-681,
279, 327, 329- 474, 492, 842,
695, 697, 704, Geomorphology,
332, 343-346, 854, 856, 1043
706, 710, 732, 42, 44-46,
351-360, 363,
837, 839, 860, Alluviation, 854
366, 368, 481,
877, 958, 964, 45, 492
571, 584, 587, Meteorolog
1009, 1085,
643, 650, 653, Climate, 43, 46, y, 43
1089, 1092
666, 681, 685, 48, 548,

701, 722-725, 844

 Subject Index

Palaeocolo 854, Faience, 273, 276, Figurines; see

gy, 844 1043 728, 912; Pottery

see also
Paleobotan Ethnoarchaeol Fishing, 120,
Jewelry
y, 483 ogy, 844 501

Family, 459; see also

Palynology, Europa, 105 Flax, 227, 231, 256,
Social
40, 43, 844 1044; see
Evander, 66
Organization also Linen and
Soils, 42, 46, 48,
Evans, A.J., Plants
49, 492, Fauna; see
29, 31, 92, 802
854, Animals Flowers, 241

919, 1043 Exchange; see

Feudalism, Food, 222, 277, 290;
Economic
Vegetation, 40-43, 311 see also
Organization
46, 48, Subsistence
Fibulae; see

External Contacts, Organization Metalwork Fortifications; see

327-368; and Trade Architecture

Figs, 838
see also and Citadels

Economic Figure-eight
Frescoes; see
Organization, shield, 203,
Art
Political 384

Fruit, 838
 Subject Index

Furniture, 417, 738- Goats, 186, 436, 693, Grave circles;

741; see 834; see see Burials

also also Animals

Griffins, 501, Heraklidae,
Wood
Gold; see 704, 896 98, 102, 183

Furumark, A., 86, 595, Metal

Gums, 241 Herbs, 241;
602, 603,
Grain, 221, 249, 259, see also Spices
613, 620, 985; Gypsum, 687
282,
see also Herodotos,
see also
Pottery 139, 839
Agriculture
Handmade burnished
and Hieros gamos,
ware; see
Subsistence 435
Gazetteers, 845, 846; Pottery

see also Grapes, 285, Hippopotamos, 730;

Health, 294-296, 844;
286, 288, 838 see also
Settlement see also
Ivory
Patterns Grave Circle Demography,

A; see Burials Nutrition and Historical evidence,

Glass, 501,
Population 2, 6, 14,
725-728, 863 Grave Circle
99, 100, 336,
B; see Burials Herakles, 105,
Goatherds, 489, 746, 792,
106, 170, 393
287 854
 Subject Index

History of 110, 112-119, Odyssey, 834

Mycenaean 121-123, 126- 116, 118, 446,

research, 130, 139, 199,

Honey, 242, Iconography; see Art
2, 10, 277, 315, 316,
250 and
13, 18, 27-31, 336, 377, 385,
Religion
34, 130 392, 412, 446, Horses, 164, 166,

489, 522, 569, 203, 380, Ideology, 304,

Hittites, 121, 123, 130,
657, 660, 662, 436, 694, 834, 358, 393
133, 137,
691, 692, 694, 989, 993; see
194, 197, 209, Ijereu, 325
715, 736, 829- also Animals
263, 333, 334,
832, 834, 838, Illyrians, 183
336, 458, 468, Hunting, 380,
839, 841, 876,
839, 997; see 505 Indo-Europeans, 132,
1025, 1052,
also Ahhiyawa 149, 161,
1110; see also Hyacinthus,
164, 167, 287,
Hoards, 365, 425, 650, Literature and 437
307, 427, 445,
656, 671, Trojan War
Hydrology, 46, 550; 458, 832, 834,
675, 1026,
Iliad, 59, 114-118, see also 836, 841
1032, 1099
128, Engineering
Inlaying, 665, 666,
Homer, 2, 6, 8, 23, 30, 316, 412
Hyksos, 170 669, 686,
33, 59, 65,
738
101, 103, 105,
 Subject Index

Introductions to Age and Early 1063, 1085, 1092; see also

Mycenaean Iron Age Art

civilization,Ivory, 252, 327, 417, Beads, 671, 718, Ka-ma, 454

1-18 499, 722, 723,

Kadmeia
516, 580, 729- 726, 912, 1085
Invasions, 92, 104, (Thebes), 518
734, 896, 915,
136, 146, Bracelets,
1025, 1089, Kadmos, 100,
150, 715
1092 105, 156, 172
166, 177, 183,
Earrings,
191, 195, 199, Kaineus, 503
715
293, 543; see
Jason, 105, Ke-ke-me-na, 236;
also Cultural Necklaces,
335 see also
evolution and 715
Economic
development Jewelry, 4, 120, 157,
Pins, 186, organization
165,
Iron; see 715
353, 358, 499- Ki-ti-me-na, 236; see
Metal
501, 702, 705, Rings, 380, 388, also

Iron Age, 89, 93, 191, 714-721, 723, 671, 705, Economic

201, 205, 735, 837, 863, 711, 714, 715, organization

371, 694, 887; 915, 1007, 720, 721, 993

Kings, 170, 235, 307,
see also Dark 1035, 1056,
311,
 Subject Index

413, 458; see and 822, 823, 839, 984

also Wanax Subsistence

Linear B, 5, 6, 12, 19, 373, 375, 376,

Kinship, 461; see Lapiths, 503
25, 382, 383, 386,
also Social
Larnakes; see Painting 91, 92, 99, 391, 392, 417,
and 104, 110, 112, 427-430, 432,
organization
113, 117, 123, 434, 435, 441,
Latin, 66
Ko-to-na, 236 129, 132, 169, 452-455, 457,
Law, 309 174, 176, 180, 458, 460-470,
Kurgan, 164
206-208, 210- 481, 484, 638,
Lausitz
225, 227, 228, 658, 682, 691,
culture, 135
230-257, 259, 693, 698, 736-
Land tenure; see
Lead isotope analysis, 260, 263, 266, 738, 740-828,
Economic
655, 269, 276-278, 830, 831, 834-

284, 287-289, 841, 843, 844,

organization Leather, 225
297, 298, 300, 854, 965, 968,

Land use, 279-281, Linear A, 174, 219, 302, 304-306, 1025, 1026,

287, 291; 470, 746, 309, 311-317, 1044, 1065,

see also 751, 755, 773- 319-322, 324- 1072, 1090,

Agriculture, 776, 778, 779, 326, 330, 341, 006; see also

Environment 362, 369-371, Linguistics

 Subject Index

Decipherment, 52, Orthography, 747, Linen, 225, 247, 256; Cloth, Flax

746, 747, 771, 786, see also and Textiles

751, 816
Linguistics, 50-79, Morpholog
759-772, 792
Paleography, 777, 121, 834, y, 52, 53, 67,

Epigraphy, 747, 778, 790, 836, 840 792

756, 816, 810, 834

Dialects, 50, 52, Particles,
818
Scribes, 78, 132, 53, 59, 62, 67

Graffiti, 174, 224, 62, 69-79,

Philology,
755, 775, 819, 225, 242, 248, 132, 140, 742,
25
820 257, 259, 525, 747, 771, 792,

743, 747, 756, 829, 836, 838, Phonology, 51-53,

Ideograms, 64, 92,
774, 775, 782- 841 67, 68,
240, 682,
791, 802, 804- 751, 778, 792
749, Etymology,
806, 815, 834,
774, 786, 792- 54 Syntax, 52, 53, 62,
838, 841, 843
794, 796, 813, 67, 68,
Grammar,
814, 823, 827 Syllabogra 751, 757, 792
68
ms, 64
Origins of Linear B, Vocabulary, 52-
Inflections,
751, 773- Texts, 792- 54, 57, 66,
62, 68
779, 792 821, 834 792, 814, 840
 Subject Index

Word 756, Social Medieval

order, 55 792; see also organization Europe, 215

Linear B
Word Mathematics, Megaron; see

formation, 68 Literature, 232, 792, 822- Architecture

101, 829-832 828

Lion Gate Menelaus, 316

(Mycenae), Livestock, Measurement, 213,

426, 516, 220, 240 221, 792,

576, 823-827, 839

Loomweights,
579, 581,
186 Metal, 157, 165, 166, 366, 394, 425,
1031; see also
191, 650-652, 654,
Sculpture Luvians, 167
205, 258, 274, 656-664, 670,

Lions, 47, 346, 380, 338, 343, 356, 675-681, 683,

436, 501, 360, 363, 366, 684, 701, 739,

Malaria, 41,
506, 667, 738, 854, 834, 836, 858,
294
513, 671, 672, 856, 1043 863, 915, 919,

695, 706; see Marble, 684 924, 953, 964,

Bronze, 186, 225,
also Animals 979, 990, 996,
Marriage, 127, 461; 248, 262,
1025, 1032,
Literacy, 180, 243, see also 268, 274, 330,
1038, 1062,
309, 748, 357-360, 365,
1063, 1083,
 Subject Index

1085, 1099; Metalwork Metallurgy, 359, 651, Jewelry, Silver

see also and Rings 658, and Weapons

Armor, 725, 854,

Ingots, 650 Fibulae, 191, 360,
Metalwork, 1043; see also
684, 715,
Tools and Iron, 7, 118, 126, Metalworking
836
Weapons 327, 673,
Metalwork, 165, 170,
674 Metal vessels, 4,
Copper, 111, 173, 268, 366,
157, 584,
261, 265, Lead, 655, 499, 513, 593,
650-652, 665,
274, 837 650-684, 834,
669, 670, 738,
327, 330, 335, 836, 847, 919,
Silver, 170, 655, 1007
357, 358, 650, 1041; see also
665, 666,
670, 837; Armor, Tripods,
669, 670, 719,
Bronze, Gold, 417, 650, 701
Gold, 7, 357, 358, 725

380, 434, Metalworking, 191, 144, 145, 153,

Tin, 260,
495, 366, 652, 270, 294, 361,
357, 584, 653
508, 665-671, 656, 669; see 380, 449, 450,

714-717, 719- also 534, 540, 546,

722, 726, 979, Metallurgy 622, 846, 862,

993, 1099; see 880

Middle Bronze Age,
also Jewelry,
81, 82, 97,
 Subject Index

Middle Helladic, 16, 1041, 1063, Organization Millstones,

53, 107, 1077 and Warfare 686

151-
Migrations, 102, 142, Millet, 282 Mining, 227, 655; see
155, 157, 160,
146, also
164-168, 202,
150, 161, 164,
343, 380, 395, Minoan 501, 505, 507,
168, 171, 184-
398, 409, 411, civilization, 8, 509-511, 513,
191, 194, 195,
412, 414, 460, 9, 12, 16, 18, 515, 520, 521,
199, 204, 360,
522, 535, 551, 84, 86, 132, 528, 531, 542,
368, 614, 650,
599, 600, 603, 158, 159, 162, 553-555, 558,
836, 859; see
604, 616, 622, 163, 165, 174, 559, 561, 569,
also Cultural
655, 658, 668, 178, 179, 190, 567, 593, 607,
Evolution and
836, 874, 875, 261, 265, 307, 610, 616, 639,
Development
880-883, 893, 328, 337-340, 644, 652, 665-

895, 900, 906,Military organization, 342-344, 347, 667, 670, 681,

925, 926, 934, 195, 351, 354, 355, 696, 697, 701,

938, 961, 969, 227, 230, 289, 373, 375, 377- 706, 721, 729,

971, 972, 980, 314, 319-326, 381, 385, 388, 748, 774, 778,

982, 989, 458, 660, 692, 392, 399, 408, 779, 828, 837,

1036, 1038, 830, 839; see 429, 431, 438, 840, 842, 964,

also Political 452, 465, 479, 967

 Subject Index

Minyans, 154 Musical 535, 546, 735,Numeration, 827; see

instruments, 835, 1041 also

Molds, 650, 686, 718,
833
726, 1032, Nestor, 113, 316, 443, Mathematics

1085: see also Mythology, 8, 98, 770,

Nuraghi, 362,
Jewelry and 100-102, 1068
545, 546, 548
Tools 105, 106, 131,
Neutron activation
156, 170, 377, Nutrition, 222, 849;
Monarchy, 307, 393; analysis,
388, 393, 429, see also
see also 327, 635, 636,
503, 512, 567, Demography
Kings 640, 641, 647,
830, 831; see and Health
and Wanax 648, 655, 837;
also Religion
see also
Multidimensio and Tradition
Pottery
nal scaling, and Historical O-ka, 230,

835 Evidence New 289, 315, 324,

directions, 29, 325

Multiple discriminant
834-844

analysis, Neolithic, 4, 16, 18,

O-na-to, 454 O-pa, 287, 838
638 24, 97,

164, 279, 280, O-no, 213 Odysseus,

Multivariate analysis,
285, 286, 493, 105, 834
304, 459 O-nu-ka, 246
 Subject Index

Olive oil, 206, 225, Oxherds, 220 467, 470, 517- 1052, 1066-

242, 250, 528, 536, 552- 1070, 1072,

251, 557, 581, 679, 1074, 1078,

253, 254, 257, Painting; see 743, 755, 758, 1085, 1087-

266, 269, 276, Art 782-785, 790, 1098; see also

314, 587, 750, 791, 802, 834- Archives,

Palaces, 2, 7, 11-14,
813, 843; see 843, 861, 945- Architecture
16, 84,
also Economic 950, 965-968, and Economic
87, 91, 92,
organization 975-977, 992, organization
150, 173-176,
and Perfume 1005, 1009-
181, 188, 190, Palm trees,
1011, 1014,
Olives, 251, 207, 208, 212, 284
1016, 1022,
285, 286, 838 214, 225, 228,
1027, 1031, Patroklos, 412
233, 242-246,
Optical emission 1046-1048,
249-251, 253, Pausanias, 478

257, 260, 279,

spectrography, Peas, 285 251, 253, 257,
297, 300, 302-
636, 644; see 260, 843; see
304, 312, 318, Pelopidae, 98
also Pottery also Olive oil
320-322, 332,
Pelops, 172
Oxen, 220, 841; see 340, 372, 409, Perseidei, 98

also 433, 443, 447, Perfume, 225, 241,

Animals 457, 460, 465, 242, 250,

 Subject Index

Perseus, 105, Photoelectron Po-ni-ki-jo, Political geography, 6,

170 spectrography, 253, 284 114,

640 312-318, 835;

Persians, 458 Po-re-na, 434
see also
Physical
Personal names, 57, Poetry, 59, 65, 115, Toponyms
anthropology,
67, 113, 830-832;
121, Political organization,
452, see also
296, 844, 5, 13,
460, 462, 465, Homer and
1013, 1041, 129, 208, 229,
470, 747, 750, Literature
1098 297-326, 380,
754, 756, 771,
Polanyi, K., 409, 410, 426,
792, 834, 838,Pigs, 280, 436; see
226 501, 750, 778,
839, 841 also
785
Animals Political evolution,
Pharaoh, 393,
301, 310,
412 Plants, 253, 283, 290,
426
919,
Philistines, 191, 204,
1097; see also Population, 41, 279, Porotic hyperostosis,
327, 350,
Agriculture, 280, 292- 294; see
635, 834
Subsistence 295, 474, 487; also Disease

Phoenicians, and see also and Malaria

122, 156, 327 Vegetation Demography

 Subject Index

Pottery, 4, 7, 14, 83, 520, 536, 550, 995-997, Base-ring

85-88, 560-575, 577, 1002, 1004, pottery, 888

91-93, 120, 579, 582, 650, 1006, 1007,

Beaked
125, 153, 154, 658, 709, 797, 1039, 1041,
jugs, 510
157, 160, 162, 802, 807, 820, 1042, 1049,

163, 165, 174- 826, 834-837, 1056, 1059- Bichrome

176, 180, 181, 841, 847-860, 1063, 1069, ware, 204

184-186, 189- 862-864, 866, 1075, 1083,

Chemical
192, 195, 197, 868, 869, 873, 1084, 1089-
characterizatio
200-202, 204, 877, 879, 881, 1092, 1095-
n and
205, 225, 243, 884-888, 890, 1098, 1101-
provenience
258, 261, 262, 893-8999, 1107, 1111,
studies, 635-
265-268, 272, 901, 902, 905- 1115
649, 1041
274, 278, 327- 908, 912-916,
Alabastra,
331, 335, 337, 918, 919, 924- Deep bowls, 598,
587
338, 341, 343- 926, 928-933, 619, 621,

347, 349-355, 938, 942, 946, Amphorae, 835, 1049

358-364, 366- 952, 957-961, 583, 598, 619,

380, 389, 417, 964-967, 971- 820

423, 443, 483, 975, 977, 980-

Figurines, 364, 389, 391, 403,
499, 507, 510, 986, 990-992,
379, 380, 428, 433, 444,
 Subject Index

445, 501, 623- Kylikes, 380, 443, 575, 637, 709, Stirrup jars, 91,

627, 834, 837, 598, 621, 837, 932 225, 243,

871, 894, 915, 958, 996 254, 266, 269,

Piriform
993, 1028, 276, 327, 340,
Larnakes, 403, jars, 593
1056, 1081, 341, 583, 587,
408, 420,
1085 Pithoi, 583, 598, 638, 796,
559, 878,
598 797, 807, 815,
Handmade 1080-1082,
820, 835, 905,
burnished 1090 Pithoid jars,
926, 992, 1025
ware, 184- 174
Marine
186, 189, 191, Protogeometric, 187,
Style, 612, Proto-White
195, 327, 364, 201-205,
649 Painted Ware,
614, 628-634, 423, 599, 618,
565
886 Matt-painted 837, 864, 881,

pottery, 600, Pyxis, 501, 956, 1003

Knobbed
668, 895, 973 896
Ware, 631

Minyan Rhyta, 170,

Kraters, 362, 561, Queens, 579
ware, 604, 834 380, 840
568, 587,

619 Pictorial pottery, Skyphoi,

165, 560- 1101 Ra-wa-ke-ta,

305
 Subject Index

Radiocarbon dating; Chronology 428, 438, 445, Mystery

see 501, 556, cults, 435

1011, 1014-
Ramses III, 21, 134, Offering
1016, 1018
204, 834 154, 165, 218, tables, 442

220, 221, 227, Festivals,

Rations, 221, 222, Peak
302, 307, 314, 386-388, 435
245-247, sanctuaries,
327, 338, 369-
255, Horns of 438
451, 577, 623,
259, 455; see consecration,
717, 750, 756, Priestesses,
also Economic 203,
792, 834, 837, 837
organization 374, 381, 385,
839, 840, 844,
and 840, 1081; see Ritual and cult
871, 1016,
Subsistence also Minoan activities,
1019
civillization 433-446
Regional syntheses,
Altars, 225, 327,
847-863; Human Sanctuaries, 201,
374, 384,
see also sacrifice, 434 302, 370-
385, 446-448,
Settlement 374, 379, 384,
581, 839 Idols, 385,
patterns 385, 383-391,
433, 445
Cult Center 433, 446-451,
Religion, 6, 11,
(Mycenae), Libations, 529, 871, 964
13, 14, 16,
379, 380, 420
 Subject Index

Shrines, 11, 225, Temples, 374, 379, 698, 702, 704, 471-494, 835,

374, 379, 384, 449, 705, 801, 839, 842, 845, 846,

380, 450, 528, 576, 841 848, 850, 853-

384, 385, 446- 834, 902, 961 857, 860, 862,

Sealstones, 7, 26,
450, 528, 529, 1043, 1094
165, 225,
837, 840
327, 389, 506,Sheep, 244, 245, 252,

Resins, 241 Sea level, 43, 44; see 510, 516, 662, 260,

also 695-715, 720, 834; see also

Roads, 7, 481, 483,
755, 839; see Wool
492, 691; Environment
also Art,
see also Shekels, 330
Sea Peoples, 130, Administratio
Transportation
149, 150, n and Jewelry Shells, 735

Roses, 241 191, 194, 197,

Settlement patterns, Shepherds,
200, 204; see
16, 42, 43, 244, 245, 287
also Cultural
114, 128,
Schliemann, H., 27- Evolution and Ships, 275, 321, 346,
160, 170, 171,
39, 130, Development 505,
175, 186, 190-
1104 740, 839
Sealings, 92, 225, 193, 201, 227,

Scribes; see 240, 312, 229, 279, 280,Silver Siege Rhyton,

Linear B 510, 511, 662, 299, 316, 317, 16, 170,

 Subject Index

505; see also 455, 457, 460; Cyperus, Lamps,

Metal vessels see also Social 242 686, 689

organization
Slavery, 221, 228, Fennel, 241 Stone vessels, 4,
and Women
235, 237, 499, 686,
Mint, 241
454, Slavs, 458 689, 863

Rush, 250
Snakes, 428, Social structure, 6, Stonework, 174,

433, 445 112, 237, Safflower, 381, 685-

750 251, 253 689, 855, 863,

Social organization,
1041, 1099
99, 129, Sphinxes, 578, Sage, 241

132- 579, 834 Storage, 174, 250,

Sedge, 241
134, 166, 196, 521, 525,
Spices, 241, 250,
221, 228, 235, Sesame, 527, 583, 693,
276, 750,
237, 301, 303- 241, 251 739, 837, 1074
760, 838
305, 311, 322,
Sports, 569 Strabo, 478
380, 409, 426, Coriander, 241,

452-470, 474, 242, 250, Stags, 436 Stubbings, F.,

501, 658, 700, 253 329

Stone, 343,
756, 792, 834,
Cress, 241 539, 688 Submycenaean, 401,
841, 842, 883
423, 599,
Cumin, 241
 Subject Index

614, 618, 874,Subsistence, 154, 155, Thalassemia, Tools, 7, 186, 358,

886, 897, 956, 222, 294 359, 365,

1003, 1058, 291; see also 650, 654, 664,

Theoxenia,
1086 Agriculture 675, 695, 708,
435
713, 740, 858,
Survey, 107, 114, Tables, 417,
Theseus, 108 1025, 1056,
316, 473, 738
1085; see also
476, Thessaloi,
Tanning, 251 Bronze
477, 479, 482, 188, 935

483, 486, 487, Te-re-ta, 305, Axes, 360, 365,

Tholos tombs;
491-494, 835, 839 395, 675,
see Burials
845, 854-856, 1032
Technololgy,
985; see also Thracians,
22, 358, 842 Chisels,
Settlement 183, 469
365, 675
Patterns Textiles, 225, 227,
Thrones, 738
245, 246, Hammers,
Swineherds,
249, 251-253, Thucydides, 365
287
259, 260, 314, 139
Knives,
Swords; see 737, 750, 837;
Ti-mi-to-a-ke- 657, 679
Weapons see also Cloth
e, 1044
Razors,

736, 996
 Subject Index

Toponyms, 6, 62, 207,Trade; see Economic Urnfield Wanax, 231, 287, 304,

223, 243, organization culture, 184 305,

248, 254, 298, 340, 369, 393,

Tradition and
312, 313, 317, 834; see also
Historical
341, 483, 792, Vegetables, Kings and
Evidence, 98-
816, 839; see 241 Political
142
also Political organization
Ventris, M., 759-772;
geography
see also Warfare, 14, 117-119,

Transportation, 481, Trojan War, 2, 119- Linear B 129,

660, 691- 121, 123, 188, 200, 319,

Vetch, 282
694, 130, 183; see 322-325, 692;

854; see also also Homer Vikings, 168 see also

Chariots and Armor,

Tu-ru-pte-ri-
Roads Fortifications,
ja, 839
Wace, A.J.B., Military
Treasury of Atreus
Tuthmosis III, 31 organization
(Myceane),
85 and Weapons
542, Wagons, 694

685, 1018, Tyrtaeus, 139 Warrior

Walls, 539
1027 graves, 402
 Subject Index

Warrior Vase,

128, 516

Water, 216
 Subject Index

Weapons, 7, 118, 119, 157, 158, 165, 175, 186, 191,

192, 195, 201, 225, 320, 322, 326, 335, 357, 358, 360, 499, 505, 650, 654, 656, 657, 664,

666, 676-683, 692, 740, 834, 858, 953, 1007, 1038, 1056, 1062; see also Armor, Military

organization and Weapons

Arrows, 322, 676, 678, 996

Bows, 678

Daggers, 322, 346, 505, 657, 669, 678-683, 706

Javelins, 322

Lances, 657

Spears, 126, 195, 657, 676- 669, 681, 863, 996

Swords, 195, 322, 357, 360, 365, 380, 503, 657, 678,

679, 681-683, 836, 863, 996

Weaving, 246, 736, 1041; see also Textiles

Wells, 895, 897

West Semites, 156

Wheat, 222, 282, 285, 841; see also Agriculture

Wheels, 362, 481, 691

 Subject Index

Wilusa, 121

Wine, 221, 266, 288

Women, 228, 247, 453, 455, 457, 467; see also Social

organization

Wood, 394, 402, 499, 517, 737- 740, 900

Wool, 206, 245-247, 252, 255, 259, 816, 1090; see also

Sheep and Textiles

Writing, 4, 31, 755; see also Linear B