Perceptions of Sex Education Among Muslim Adolescents in Canada
Perceptions of Sex Education Among Muslim Adolescents in Canada
3, September 2010
Abstract
The present study aims to explore the perceptions of Muslim adolescents in Canada
regarding sex education offered to them by Canadian schools, their parents, and
Islamic centers. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with nine Muslim ado-
lescents from Asia, Africa, Europe and North America. The findings of the study
reveal that despite the usefulness of sex education programs provided by Canadian
schools, some of the contents of these programs were problematic for Muslim adoles-
cents. The study also found that while Muslim adolescents predominantly preferred
to have their parents as sexuality educators, parents rarely talked to them about
sexuality. In addition, Islamic centres provide alternative sex education to
Muslim adolescents through ‘sheikhs’, brochures, booklets and Sunday schools.
The current study recommends that sex education programs in Canadian schools
need to be characterized by cultural sensitivity to the diverse youth that need to
obtain this information. Muslim parents can carry out their role as sexuality edu-
cators successfully if they better educate themselves on the topic and become more
comfortable with discussions of sexuality. Moreover, Islamic centers in Canada
should focus more on teaching about life or social values through which Muslim ado-
lescents and their parents may obtain information about sex and sexuality within
the Islamic framework.
Introduction
A significant challenge facing educators and policy-makers at the present time is to
assure that youth of today will be productive, responsible, caring and healthy people.
This means that formal and informal educational institutions must go beyond nurturing
the intellect to address the essential needs of education. Among these needs are the
knowledge, attitudes, and skills gained through a planned, sequential health education
programs that include sex education designed to foster positive social and sexual behav-
iour. Therefore, issues of sex education for adolescents have occupied the agendas of
researchers and policy makers for the past three decades.1
Sex education aids the student in placing the sexual aspects of life in their honest
perspective and gives factual information that will help reduce many misconceptions.2
Recent numerous studies confirm that the majority in North America support sex
education in schools and believe that adolescents should be given information to
protect themselves from unplanned pregnancies and sexually transmitted diseases and
infections.3 On the contrary, some people are still against sex education because they
believe the less adolescent children know, the less possibility it will be for them to
engage in sexual activity. They think that sex education programs will corrupt the
students’ morals, give them sexual ideas and lead to sex experimentation.4
ISSN 1360-2004 print/ISSN 1469-9591 online/10/030391-17 # 2010 Institute of Muslim Minority Affairs
DOI: 10.1080/13602004.2010.515823
392 Muhammad M. Zain Al-Dien
Sex education can be divided into two schools of thought. The more conventional
approach staunchly promotes family life education, youth abstinence from sexual
activity, the avoidance of disease, reproductive heterosex, and conformity to moral abso-
lutes. A more thoughtful approach to contemporary sex education acknowledges the
complex social process of sexuality and the cultural expression of what it means to be
sexual.5
Although the liberal values inherent in modern sex education reflect the actual politi-
cal, legal and economic circumstances that prevail in Western societies generally.6
However, there is a strong argument in the literature for the inclusion of religious and
cultural values in sex education.7 Religion now appears to be irrelevant in sex education
and equates the absence of religion to imply hostility towards different worldviews.
Halstead and Reiss argue that the lack of consideration for the religious and cultural
diversity in the classroom and broader society in the sex education programs, fails to
appreciate the universality and applicability of religion to student’s lives. According to
Halstead and Reiss:
Religious views about sexual values need to be considered for two main
reasons. First, that an inconsiderable number of people have them; second,
that if we wish to live together in a pluralist society, it behoves all of us to under-
stand at least something of what it is that motivates others. Such understanding
is both intrinsically respectful and instrumentally useful.8
Islam, a as religion, gives guidance to all aspects of life and Muslims are exhorted to live
by the tenets of Islam as God’s vicegerents on earth. All their actions should be guided by
Allah’s commands. The discussion, teaching and learning about sexuality are not taboo
or opposed in Islam.9 Given the centrality of sexuality in human affairs, in both the
public and private spheres, sexuality has a prominent place in Islam.
While many people would agree that young Muslims need to understand the nature of
their developing sexuality through appropriate sex education, but how, by whom and
when it should be done is a source of contention for many Muslim parents and students.
Three main aspects of contemporary practice in school-based-sex education programs
have become legitimate targets for Muslim opposition. Firstly, some sex education
material offends the Islamic principle of decency and modesty. Secondly, sex education
tends to present certain behaviours as acceptable which Muslims consider sinful.
Thirdly, sex education may be perceived as undermining the Islamic concept of family
life.10
Research Questions
The current study is guided by the following principal question: “What are the Muslim
adolescents’ perceptions regarding sex education in Canada”? Additionally, three
specific sub-questions emerge from this fundamental question, namely: what are the
perceptions of Muslim adolescents in Canada regarding sex education offered to them
by Canadian schools, their parents, and Islamic centers?
Review of Literature
Three categories of literature are reviewed: contemporary sex education; adolescents’
sexuality; and Islamic perspective on sex education.
information and forming attitudes, beliefs and values about identity, relationships and
intimacy. It encompasses sexual development, reproductive health, interpersonal
relationships, affection, body language and gender roles. It addresses the biological,
socio-cultural, psychological and spiritual dimensions of sexuality.20
Contemporary sex education seeks to assist children and youth in understanding a
positive view of sexuality, provide them with information and skills about taking care
of their sexual health and help them acquire skills to make decision now and in the
future.21 Thus, the primary goal of contemporary sex education is the promotion of
sexual health. The World Health Organization defined sexual health as:
The integration of the physical, emotional, intellectual, and social aspects of
sexual being in ways that are positively enriching, and that enhance personality,
communication, and love. . . every person has a right to receive sexual infor-
mation and to consider accepting sexual relationships for pleasure as well as
for procreation.22
Cotemporary sex education is improving, but only slowly.23 There is a tendency that
schools have remained the major source of formal sex education. As an institution,
most public schools are charged with providing health education, including sex
education, to students. Sex education in public schools is one of the primary means of
educating adolescents about HIV and has been taught as a part of public school curricula
for many years.24 In most early literature, comprehensive sex education appears to be
favoured over abstinence-only education. Early debates focused on whether or not to
teach sex education in the schools, while current debates address the type of sex
education to teach.25
There are three types of sex education programs currently in use at public schools.
Abstinence-only programs focus on teaching that sexual abstinence is the only accepted
means of preventing pregnancy and STDs in adolescents.26 Abstinence-plus programs
provide limited discussion on contraceptive methods, but with an especially strong
emphasis on abstinence.27 Comprehensive programs provide adolescents with unrest-
ricted discussion on contraceptive access and use, decision-making and negotiation
skills, and how to prevent sexually transmitted infections.28 Some studies find compre-
hensive education to be more effective than abstinence-based models.29 Conversely,
others note the effectiveness of abstinence-based models.30 Also, some state that no
model has been proven decisively effective.31 While sexuality classes have been shown
to be more effective in increasing knowledge, some critics are concerned that it promotes
early sexual activity.32 Yet several studies have found no association between the
probability of early sexual activity and having attended sex education courses.33 Those
students who have attended sex education classes are often less likely to experience
pregnancy and more likely to use contraceptives.34
The living environment has a great impact on sexuality learning as well. It goes without
saying that parents play the most essential part, and that their attitudes often influence
greatly adolescents’ behaviour. Regardless of whether parents mention the word ‘sexu-
ality’ or not, they still are among the major sexuality educators for adolescent children.35
Also, parents do not necessarily intend to pass messages to adolescents, and no matter
how hard they try not to talk about sexuality, they convey a message to children
through tone, facial expression, or body languages about their feelings and attitudes
about sexuality. Generally, parental attitudes toward sex education for adolescents are
inclined to be conservative.36 It seems that gender plays a large role in the parent-
child communication. Mothers are more likely to be a source of information to both
Perceptions of Sex Education among Muslim Adolescents in Canada 395
sons and daughters. Daughters often report that their mothers are the primary infor-
mation source. However, this does not hold true across ethnicities.37
In addition, other institutions, such as religious institutions ‘mosques and churches’,
health departments, and even some types of clubs offer courses for sex education, and
the number is increasing. More literature and audiovisual materials are available to
facilitate the teaching. Also, people are becoming more comfortable with using precise
terminology and correct names when referring to body organs and their functions.38
Thus, sexuality-related-information is delivered to adolescents through a variety of
avenues, including schools, parents, and religious institutions, with often varying
content and messaging.39 Research suggests that increased access to accurate infor-
mation and comprehensive sex education is helpful for adolescents to avoid the potential
negative consequences of early sexual interactions.
Adolescents’ Sexuality
Adolescents’ sexuality has been a topic of special interest over many years.40 Many of the
findings pertaining to this population have been couched in political and economic
terms. As a result of the increasing number of teen pregnancies that occurred during
the past decades, teenage fertility issues become a matter of concern for many who
previously chose to ignore this domain completely. As societal and individual costs of
adolescents sexuality peaked, so did the interest in identifying social strategies for
understanding and coping with the issue.41
In most early literature, information concerning adolescents’ sexuality came primarily
from direct experience, and peers, and only minimally from family.42 The lack of orga-
nized efforts to educate young people for sexual experiences increased the likelihood that
they would learn through experimentation. Educational efforts, therefore, become an
option for a limited number of schools around the world.43 Although these early
hygiene classes focused only on personal health habits and straight anatomy, it was a
beginning. Today, sex education in the classrooms has taken on greater responsibility
than it has in the past. Not only is there greater opportunity for more students to
benefit, but the curriculum topics have broadened considerably.
The early age of first intercourse has been implicated in many studies as an indicator of
future problem for healthy behaviours. Those adolescents who have had sexual inter-
course at an early age were more likely to engage in fighting and aggressive behaviour,
experiment with cigarettes and alcohols and carry a weapon to school.44 Most sexually
active teenagers try to prevent pregnancy and use contraceptive methods. Nevertheless,
prior to 1995, heterosexual transmission of HIV in Canada accounted for less than 10
per cent of new infections. Since 2000, heterosexual transmission accounts for almost
one-third of all positive HIV tests.45 Moreover, one million adolescent females
become pregnant each year in the United States.46 There are approximately four
million new cases of STDs among adolescent each year.47
Pregnancy rates among sexually experienced teenagers have declined substantially
over the last decade, but because the proportion of teenagers who are sexually active
has grown, the overall teenage pregnancy rate has increased. The way in which adoles-
cents resolve their pregnancies may also differ by age, income, ethnicity, and religiosity.
For example, nearly half of all White adolescents with unintended pregnancies choose to
abort, as compared to less than half of African-American and Hispanic adolescents.48
It is important to mention that adolescents who actively engage in sexual activity are at
a higher risk of STDs.49 Many studies have reported that the proportion of adolescents
396 Muhammad M. Zain Al-Dien
who have had sexual intercourse at an early age have decreased in the past few decades.50
Traditionally, more widespread sexual activity has been associated with males than with
females. However, the gap seems to be diminishing slowly.51 Adolescent pregnancy is
linked with a high level of poor social, economic, and health problems for both
mother and child.52 Also, the majority of pregnancies among unmarried teenagers are
unintended.53
The high teenage sexual activity and pregnancy rates are often attributed to the lack
of effective communication of sexual information. Numerous studies indicate that
current, formal institutionalized sex education programs are not universally available
and are not significantly lowering sexual activity and pregnancy rates to those who
receive them.54 School-based- sex education programs are often limited in scope and
duration, typically focusing on anatomy and physiology. Most students receive just five
hours of instruction on birth control and six hours on STD prevention and education
from grades 7 through 12.55
Other variables such as family stability and religious participation greatly influence
sexual behaviour among adolescents. Those adolescent living with intact families elicit
less permissive sexual attitudes and behaviours, compared to those who come from
families of higher socio-economic status.56 Religious participation and church attend-
ance have been proven to be inversely related to extra-marital intercourse among adoles-
cents.57
permissiveness among young people by providing them with information that triggers
their curiosity and fuels the desire to experiment with premarital sexuality. Thus, some
Muslim communities have preferred to use the term ‘Family Life Education’, instead
of sex education. 62 Family life education as a subject aims at helping young people to
understand the physical, emotional and social factors which influence the development
of sexual maturity. It helps young people to appreciate the importance of responsible
living and decision making and to understand human relationships and family roles.
This type of education begins with the children’s first curiosity about themselves
and where they come from and continues to the time when these children grow up
to become parents, and start answering similar questions from their own children.63
Muslim parents look for an education that builds and develops Islamic morals, deeds,
character and behaviour. Contemporary sex education tends to present certain beha-
viours, which Muslims believe are sinful, as normal or acceptable. ‘Free sex’, ‘safe sex’
and ‘boyfriend/girlfriend relationships’, for instance, are terms and concepts devoid of
any responsibility and accountability and hence are in direct violation of appropriate
Islamic behaviour and Islamic law.64
In Islam, pre-marital, extra-marital and same sex relationships are forbidden and
therefore, cannot be advocated or taught as alternative lifestyles or acceptable forms of
behaviour.65 Muslims are not permitted to touch, date, and have intimate relationships
with members of the opposite sex, including sexual intercourse, outside of an Islamic
marriage. Language such as ‘spending time together alone’ and ‘getting to know each
other’ that are commonly found in secondary school sex education texts, contravenes
Islamic principles of decency, modesty, chastity, sexual responsibility and accountabil-
ity.66 According to Islam, sexual behaviour is not based entirely on personal choice,
but must be within God’s laws. The philosophy underpinning this idea of individual
freedom to judge and the individual ability to judge, is a secular one and stands in oppo-
sition to the Islamic, conservative one; which takes account of the mind, the spirit and
the emotional aspects of sexuality as well as acknowledging that in adolescence, physical
maturity is rarely accompanied by a matching psychological and emotional maturity.67
In Islam, a human being must be treated as a spiritual and moral being. Therefore, sex
education for Muslim students cannot be purely physical without any spiritual or moral
dimensions. The moral framework in sexual health is a form of protective control and is
also closely linked with upholding the honor of the family. The concept of natural
modesty in Islam goes far beyond a specific Islamic dress code, but deals with the
entire spectrum of Islamic behavior, attitude and etiquette. For many Muslim parents
and students, it is not always necessarily the content of the sex education that is a
violation of natural modesty, but the presentation of the subject, totally divorced from
moral education.68 As Abdel-Halim states, teaching the etiquette of dating as is currently
practiced in much of the world violates Islamic principles of chastity.
It is the way sex education is imparted and presented. . .completely divorced
from moral values and ethics. Information should not be given in a way that
would encourage immoral relationships and conduct, for example, some tea-
chers teach the etiquette of dating without any consideration of cultures who
do not encourage dating.69
All discussions about sexuality with Muslim students must be within the context of
modesty and to preserve this modesty, single sex classes for sex education programs
are preferred, as are classes that are taught by a teacher of the same sex. Popular
classroom practices such as demonstrations on how to use a condom correctly do little
398 Muhammad M. Zain Al-Dien
to safeguard the modesty of Muslim students as does the use of explicit videos, depicting
nude people or detailed diagrams of the human form. Staring at people of the opposite
sex or watching people kissing on TV or in the street are also incompatible with the prin-
ciple of modesty in Islam.70
Islam recognizes the strong sexual urge and desire for reproduction. Thus, Islam
encourages marriage as a legal sexual outlet and as a shield from immorality. Marriage
therefore is a sacred institution in Islam and must not be ignored in the sex education
for Muslim students. In Islam, marriage gives expression to the divine harmony consist-
ing of the complementarities of men and women. Sexual duality in creation reflects the
duality on earth and is recognized as one of the great signs God has bestowed on human-
kind.71
Marriage is viewed as a legal sexual means and a shield from immorality, a social obli-
gation which forms the basis of an orderly society and the cornerstone of building a
family which is the basic unit of the Islamic society.72 While procreation is an aim, it
is not an exclusive aim. Companionship and enjoyment of the spouse along with avoid-
ance of unlawful or sinful relationships are also main purposes. The current individua-
listic perspective to sex education prioritizes personal autonomy and self desire over
obligations and commitments to others such as family. To avoid undermining the
Islamic position and concept of family life, family values must remain intact within the
sex education. Therefore, as Halstead, points out:
Unmarried cohabitation or same-sex partnerships are in direct opposition to
Islamic teaching as are any programs of sex education which imply to
Muslim children that relationships which have some of the features of marriage
such as cohabitation, are just as valid as marriage itself.73
In Islam, adultery is a crime not against one person but against the whole society.
Adultery which includes both pre-marital and extramarital sex is an epidemic in
Canada and in Western countries. The Bible says frequently ‘Thou shalt not commit
adultery’. The Qura’nic command ‘Do not approach adultery’ is more sensible. What
it means that not only illegal sex is prohibited, but anything which leads to illegal sex
is also illegal. These may include dating, free mixing of sexes, provocative dressing,
nudity, obscenity and pornography. The dress code prescribed for both men and
women is to protect them from temptation and desires by onlookers who may lose self
control and fall into sin.74
It seems that contemporary sex education theory and practices not only clash with
Muslim adolescents’ moral and value perspectives to sexuality, but with their sexual
ideology. However, the permissive sexual ideology, which endorses many forms of
non-procreative sexuality including masturbation, oral sex and homosexuality, is the
driving force shaping the nature and scope of sex education today. The dominant influ-
ence of one sexual ideology can be both damaging and destructive to Muslim students
and those young people who do not identify with it.75 Consequently, school-based-sex
education in Canada and Western countries need to recognize and respect the reality,
diversity and cultural specificity of student experiences in the classroom, including the
needs of appropriate sex education for Muslim students
Methodology
The data for this study were collected using individual semi-structured interviews, with
nine Muslim adolescents in Canada. The participants of the study included four females
Perceptions of Sex Education among Muslim Adolescents in Canada 399
and five males. Four are from Asia (Syria, India, Pakistan and Bangladesh), three are
from Africa (Egypt, Tunisia, and Nigeria), one is from Europe (Bosnia) and one is
from North America (Canada). Three have been in Canada for more than 10 years;
six have been for less than 10 years and one born in Canada. Three interviews were
held at the Muslim Community of Edmonton (MCE), two were held at Islamic
Supreme Council of Canada (ISCC), another two were held in the University of
Alberta classrooms, and the rest were conducted in participants’ homes. The individual
semi-structured interviews were also tape-recorded and lasted between 30 and 45
minutes. The participants were invited to use English language. Each interview
covered the perceptions of these Muslim adolescents regarding sex education in
Canada offered to them by Canadian schools, their parents and the Islamic centers.
Schools are often the center of adolescent’s social learning. This social sphere of influ-
ence is ideal to present to a large number of people, the correct and honest information
about sexuality.76 While all adolescents participating in this study did not intend to
engage in premarital sex, most of them agreed that sex education offered by Canadian
public schools provided important and useful information, especially when this infor-
mation was worded in a technical and scientific fashion. In this respect, an adolescent
reported:
In these public schools, I get some good and scientific knowledge about sexu-
ality which I could use in the future. Sex education offered to us by these
schools facilitates information that my parents would not have been able to
give because they were never given such information and they did not have
the proper knowledge and skills to discuss these issues.
Despite the usefulness of sex education courses provided by Canadian schools,77 some
respondents perceived that some of the contents of these courses were problematic.
They perceived that schools were not sensitive to the religious and cultural differences
of students attending those courses. By concentrating on students who planned to be
involved in sexual activities before graduating from high school, these courses margina-
lized the experiences of those Muslim students that did not intend to involve in such
activities. An adolescent noted:
I think that sex education offered by Canadian schools was mostly geared
towards Canadian, maybe the Christian point of view, and not take into
account some people who have different cultures, especially Muslim students.
It should take into account that not everybody sitting there is sexually active or
engaged in sexual relationships.
Moreover, most Muslim adolescents participating in this study perceived that these
classes, by discussing dating and premarital sexual relations, encouraged a lifestyle
that was un-Islamic. They also reported that the means through which sexuality
400 Muhammad M. Zain Al-Dien
information was shared was inappropriate. Adolescents objected to the use of videos as
didactic materials on account that showing these videos could lead to Muslim students
wanting to experiment with sex. These findings are consistent with findings from other
research which confirmed that Muslim students experienced more difficulty participat-
ing in sex education related activities than their Catholic peers.78 Issues of modesty ‘such
as dress, public display, mixed-sex activities’ were of greatest concern. Wearing of the
sports uniform caused embarrassment for both male and female students and feelings
of guilt and shame were exacerbated when many of the activities were held in public
places such as playgrounds and community parks. Communal showers, part of the
school’s health education program, caused severe problems even to the extent that
some students absented themselves from school. The apparent failure of school to
accommodate to the students’ needs was described as a policy of positive discrimination
towards the Muslims, an attack on cultural and religious values and a strong push for
institutional racism by the school.79
The objections mentioned here are not unique to Muslim adolescents. Numerous
studies found that immigrant and minority adolescents perceived that sex education
offered by schools failed to incorporate the reality that emotions related to sexuality
are framed by cultural values and beliefs, that instructors were insensitive to adolescents’
experiences and made assumptions about these adolescents based upon cultural stereo-
types.80 Aarons reported that Latino and African-American adolescents preferred clinics
to schools for sex education and related services because the latter did not fit the reality of
adolescents’ lives.81
Some respondents suggested that sex education offered by Canadian schools would be
more useful if it was taught in gender-segregated classes. This may allow both male and
female students to ask questions and not feel embarrassed because the other sex was
present.82 Sex education programs had to also be age appropriate.83 Invariably, partici-
pants recalled that they felt uncomfortable when their classmates giggled at the infor-
mation being presented in class.
Sex education in Canadian schools also covered diseases that resulted from unpro-
tected sexuality. The high rate of adolescent pregnancies and STDs makes imparting
such information necessary.84 However, some respondents perceived that sex education
in their schools focused more than was necessary on warnings about diseases, infections
and teenage pregnancy. Since Muslim adolescents did not intend to engage in premarital
sex, they may find the material not only irrelevant but also distasteful. Thus, two adoles-
cents in the study commented that they should not attend sex education courses as they
considered classes taught in this way a waste of time and energy.
I’m seventeen years old now. I do not know why my parents do not talk to me
about sex though unbridled sexuality is so pervasive in Canada. I guess that my
parents are too afraid of talking to me about sexuality. I don’t think it is a big
deal because I will find out. I would rather hear it from my parents than be
like what happened? Why aren’t my parents telling me? What’s the big deal
about it?
Because respondents found their parents narrowly focused on the threats that premarital
sexual relations posed to the social and moral order, respondents felt that this kind of
communication did not help much with knowledge about sexuality. Furthermore,
several participants mentioned that their parents had given them the ‘we’re Muslims;
we should not talk about sexuality; we have to be afraid of God’. In general, limiting
conversations about sex is common with immigrant adolescents. A study of immigrant
adolescents’ life narratives indicates that the messages parents gave to their kids
were limited to moral interdiction regarding what was allowed and forbidden for
adolescents.86
Moreover, most respondents emphasized that their parents had little idea about sex
education offered to their kids in Canadian schools. Findings indicated that parents
did not even take the initiative to reach out to schools or review the materials presented
in these classes. In this respect, an adolescent reported:
My parents just signed permission slips required for my participation in school-
based-sex education classes. They didn’t review the materials related to sex
education presented in these classes. And even if they reviewed it, they had a
limited understanding of the contents and the manner in which information
regarding sexuality was imparted in these classes.
To be sure, parents play an active role in sex education and schools may help bridge the
educational experiences at home and at school for immigrant youths. Sexuality educa-
tors may want to borrow from the experience of projects that address issues of achieve-
ment and English proficiency for immigrant youths. For example, in order to better
involve parents in school efforts to teach immigrant youths, schools need to build on
what people already know from their experiences as parents and teachers in their
home countries and create opportunities for parents to explore similarities and differ-
ences between new and native countries and to build bridges that will link the two experi-
ences. Helping parents actively participate in the design of the sex education curricula as
well as organizing classes for these parents may be two strategies for bringing parents
closer to school and thus acquitting sex education classes often perceived as challenging
the transmission of family values87.
Some respondents explained that they do not want their parents to talk about sexuality
in a scientific and technical way. Such information could be given by schools. They just
want their parents to transmit Islamic moral values to them and instruct them on social
etiquette and personal hygiene and wearing modest clothes. Other adolescents thought
that their parents have a tendency to postpone talking about sexuality on account of their
adolescents’ age. They showed that it might be a little too late. However, they were con-
fident that their parents would talk to them about sexuality ‘when the time is right’, i.e.
on the engagement, or right before marriage because that was the time when they need it.
According to respondents, several reasons accounted for why their parents did not talk
about sexuality. Some adolescents believed that their parents did not possess the infor-
mation and the skills to talk about sexuality in a scientific manner. Other adolescents
402 Muhammad M. Zain Al-Dien
thought that their parents felt embarrassed to think that their kids know about sexuality.
While there is no study that correlates absence of communication with sexual activity
among Muslim adolescents, other research shows that sexually active minority adoles-
cents report having spoken less frequently with their parents about sexual matters
than non-active adolescents.88
Although most adolescents participating in the study criticized their parents who did
not make healthy and direct conversations with them regarding sexuality, few of the
respondents avoided talking to their parents about this matter on the assumption that
parents would worry that their kids want to engage or already engaged in a sexual
relationship. One of the adolescents said:
I haven’t engaged in talks about sexuality with my parents yet. I really want to
initiate direct and open conversations regarding this important issue and I
decided to do. Then, I changed my mind as my parents might think that I
want to engage in a premarital sexuality or experiment.
These findings replicate conclusions from other research; immigrant and minority ado-
lescents prefer not to ask their parents about sexuality because their parents will, rightly
or wrongly, infer that the adolescents want to engage in sexual activity.89
research that shows that Islamic centres can provide Islamic sex education through reli-
gious teachers or ‘sheikhs’, and through brochures, booklets and Sunday schools.91
It seems that Islamic centres in Canada do exert considerable effort to attract these
youths to their programs. They teach religious, social and moral values; sex education
is part of these teachings. Therefore, Islamic centers in Canada do not focus only on
teaching the Qur’an and Hadith. They also teach what is legal and illegal about sexuality
to these adolescents. That appears clearly in an eighteen year old girl’s remarks as
follows:
I think that it was a good idea to attend regularly at the Islamic centre. I got
much information about sexuality at this centre. Namely, I received knowledge
regarding women’s duties and responsibilities; I received some instruction on
how a woman dresses and behaves; I also got knowledge about spousal relation-
ships. In brief, I learnt how to control my desires and do things in a halal
(permitted) way instead of a haram (forbidden) way.
However, these findings are not consistent with findings from other research that shows
that one of the major complaints is that most Islamic centers in Western countries just
teach the Qur’an and Hadith, but not about life or social values.92
themselves better on the topic and become more comfortable with discussion of sex with
their children. Muslim parents should become more involved in Canadian schools’
programs to teach Muslim adolescents about sex. More dialogues between Canadian
schools and Muslim parents could be useful in dealing with Muslim adolescents’ require-
ments for sex education. Additionally, the study recommends that Islamic centers in
Canada and in other Western countries should focus more on teaching about life or
social values through which Muslim adolescents and their parents may obtain infor-
mation about sexuality within the Islamic framework. To attract more adolescents,
Islamic centers may work with primarily non-governmental organizations (NGOs)
that have gained experience from tackling issues of sex education. While not everything
presented in these NGOs has relevance for Muslim immigrant adolescents it should be
borne in mind that these adolescents live in Canada and are exposed to sex-related issues
with the same intensity as their non-Muslim peers.
NOTES
1. See, for example, C. E. Bruess and J. S. Greenberg, Sexuality Education: Theory and Practice,
New York: Macmillan, 1988; M. J. Reiss and S. A. Mabud, Sex Education and Religion, UK: The
Islamic Academy, 1998; and L. Smylie, E. Maticka-Tyndale and D. Boyd, “Evaluation of a
School-Based Sex Education Programme Delivered to Grade Nine Students in Canada”, Sex
Education, Vol. 8, No. 1, 2008, pp. 25–46.
2. E. Maticka-Tyndale, “Sexual Health and Canadian Youth: How Do We Measure up?”, The Canadian
Journal of Human Sex, Vol. 10, 2001, pp. 1– 17.
3. See D. Kirby and K. Coyle, “School-Based Programs to Reduce Sexual Risk Taking Behaviour”,
Child and Youth Services Review, Vol. 19, No. 5/6, 1997, pp. 415– 436; and E. Connell, “Desire as
Interruption: Young Women and Sex Education in Ontario, Canada”, Sexuality Education, Vol. 5,
No. 3, 2005, pp. 253–268.
4. D. Kirby, “Sex and Sex Education at Home and School”, Adolescent Medicine, Vol. 10, No. 2, 1999,
pp. 195 –209.
5. L. Beckett, “Where Do You Draw the Line? Education and Sexual Identities”, in Schooling and
Sexualities, edited by L. Laskey and C. Beavis, Deakin University: Deakin Centre for Education
and Change, 1996.
6. J. M. Halstead, M. J and Reiss, Values in Sex Education: From Principles to Practice, London: Routledge
Falmer, 2003.
7. Reiss and Mabud, Sex Education, op. cit., pp.10 –21.
8. Quote from Halstead, and Reiss, Values in Sex Education, op. cit., P. 87.
9. Ibid, p. 89.
10. J. M. Halstead, “Muslims and Sex education”, Muslim Education Quarterly, Vol. 26. No. 3, 1997,
pp. 317–330.
11. M. C. Allan, “School-Based HIV-AIDS Education in Canada”, Paper presented at the annual
meeting of the American Psychological Association, Washington, August 1992, pp. 14– 18.
12. Ibid.
13. Ibid.
14. See Council of Ministers of Education, Canadian Youth, Sexual Health and HIV/ AIDS Study:
Factors Influencing Knowledge, Attitudes and Behaviours, Toronto: Council of Ministers of
Education, 2003; and Public Health Services, Sex? A Healthy Sex Resource, Nova Scotia: Office
of Health Promotion, 2004.
15. Council of Ministers of Education, Canadian Youth, op. cit.
16. See D. B. Langille, J. Hughes, G. T. Murphy, and J. A. Rigby, “Socio-Economic Factors and Adoles-
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2005, pp. 313–318; and Public Health Agency of Canada, HIV/AIDS Epi Update-May 2004: HIV
and AIDS among Youth in Canada, Ottawa: Centre for Infectious Disease Prevention and Control,
2005.
17. See, for example, Maticka-Tyndale, “Sexual Health and Canadian Youth”, op. cit.; H. E. Randall, and
S. Byers, “What Is Sex? Students’ Definitions of Having Sex, Sexual Partner, and Unfaithful Sexual
Perceptions of Sex Education among Muslim Adolescents in Canada 405
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Maticka-Tyndale and Boyd, “Evaluation of a School-Based Sex Education”, op. cit.
18. C. L. Somers, and A. T. Surmann, “Sources and Timing of Sex Education: Relations with American
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19. Y. Bilkisu, “Teaching Family Life Education in Islamic Communities: The Nigerian Experience”,
Paper presented at the conference of Islamic Faith-Based-Organisations for Sub-Saharan African
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20. Randall, and Byers, “What Is Sex?”, op. cit.
21. Kirby, “Sex and Sex Education”, op. cit.
22. Quote from World Health Organization Task Force, “Education and Treatmen1 in Human Sex: The
Training of Health Professionals”, Technical Report, No. 572, Geneva: WHO, 1975, p. 8.
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25. C. Wiley, “The Ethics of Abstinence-Only and Abstinence-Plus Sexuality Education”, Journal of
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30. Dodge, Sandfort and Yarber, “Sexual Health”, op. cit.
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32. See Kirby and Coyle, “School-Based Programs”, op. cit.; and J. R. Moran, and M. D. Corley,
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35. See C. O. Izugbara, “Home-Based Sex Education: Nigerian Parents Discussing Sex with Their
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Ed Meets Parent Ed: Supporting Parents as Sex Educators”, SIECUS Report, Vol. 29, No. 2,
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36. V. L, Wiechen, Parental Attitudes toward Sex Education for Young Children in Taiwan, University of
Virginia: Curry School of Education, 1994.
37. S. K. Tucker, “Adolescent Pattern of Communication about Sexually Related Topics”, Adolescence,
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38. Bruess, and Greenberg, Sex education, op. cit., pp. 12 –18.
39. L.Y. Bay-Cheng, “SexEd.com: Values and Norms in Web-Based Sex Education”, Journal of Sex
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40. Adolescents refer to individuals from age 13 through 19 years, most of whom are students attending
high school.
41. See J. Brook-Gunn, and F. F. Furstenberg, “Adolescent Sexual Behaviour”, American psychologist,
No. 44, 1989, pp. 249– 257; B. M. Holzner, and D. Oetomo, “Youth, Sex and Sex Education
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406 Muhammad M. Zain Al-Dien
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42. Moran and Corley, “Sources of Sexual Information”, op. cit.
43. Ibid.
44. Centres for Diseases Control and Prevention, Adolescent Health State of the Nation: Pregnancy, Sexually
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ment Printing Office, 1996.
45. Public Health Agency of Canada, HIV/AIDS Epi Update, op. cit.
46. S. Henshaw, U.S. Teenage Pregnancy Statistics, New York: The Alan Guttmacher Institute, 2001.
47. Centers for Diseases Control and Prevention, “Youth Risk Behaviour Surveillance-United States”,
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48. Alan Guttmacher Institute, Sex and America’s Teenagers, New York: Alan Guttmacher Institute, 1994.
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51. Alan Guttmacher Institute, Sex and America’s Teenagers, op. cit. pp. 32–39.
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55. Alan Guttmacher Institute, Sex and America’s Teenagers, op. cit. pp. 44–49.
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58. Reiss, and Mabud, Sex Education, op. cit. pp. 21 –23.
59. Allah said: “Among His signs is that he created consorts for you from among yourself, so that you may
find tranquility with them, and (He) set love and compassion between you. Verily in this are signs for
people who reflect”. And also said “Your women are a tilth for you, so enjoy your tilth the way you wish,
and make an introduction to yourself ”. Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) said: “When one of you have sex
with your wife it is a rewardable act of charity”. The companions were surprised and asked, “but we do
it out of our desire, how can it be counted as a charity?”. The Prophet replied “if you had done with a
forbidden women, it would have been counted as a sin, but if you do it in legitimacy it is counted as a
charity?”. And said also: “Marriage is my tradition. He who rejects my tradition is not of me”.
60. S. A. Ashraf, “The Concept of Sex in Islam and Sex Education”, Muslim Education Quarterly, Vol. 15,
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61. See, for example, S. A. Mabud, “An Islamic View of Sex Education”, The Muslim Education Quarterly,
Vol. 15, No. 2, 1998, pp. 67- 93; and G. Sarwar, Sex Education: The Muslim Perspective, 3rd Edition,
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62. F. M. D’Oyen, The Miracle of Life: A Guide on Islamic Family Life and Sex Education for Young People,
Leicester: Islamic Foundation, 1996. pp. 34– 37.
63. Ibid.
64. Halstead, “Muslims and Sex”, op. cit.
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67. Ashraf, “The Concept of Sex in Islam”, op. cit.
68. N. H. Al-Romi, “Muslims as a Minority in the United State”, International Journal of Educational
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69. Quote from A. Abdel-Halim, Meeting Needs of Muslim Students in the Australian Education System:
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71. Ashraf, “The Concept of Sex in Islam”, op. cit.
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73. Quote from Halstead, “Muslims and Sex”, op. cit. p. 320.
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77. Smylie, Maticka-Tyndale and Boyd, “Evaluation of a School-Based Sex Education”, op. cit.
78. McInerney, Davidson, and Suliman, “Personal Development”. op. cit.
79. B. Carroll, and G. Hollinshead, “Ethnicity and Conflict in Physical Education”, British Educational
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80. See, for example, J. V. Ward and J. M. Taylor, “Sex Education for Immigrant and Minority Students:
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81. S. J. Aarons, and R. R. Jenkins, “Sex, Pregnancy, and Contraception-Related Motivators and Barriers
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82. D’Oyen, The Miracle of life, op. cit. pp. 45 –51.
83. Ulanowsky, “Sex Education”, op. cit.
84. P. Piot and M. Q. Islam, “STDs in the Nineties: Global Epidemiology and Challenges for Control”,
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85. See Cappello, “When Sex Ed Meets Parent Ed”, op. cit.; L. C. Jenson, J. F. De-Gaston and
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86. O. M. Espin, Women Crossing Boundaries: A Psychology of Immigration and Transformations of Sex,
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87. Cappello, “When Sex Ed Meets Parent Ed”, op. cit.
88. S. Pick and P. A. Palos, “Impact of the Family on the Sex Lives of Adolescents”, Adolescence, Vol. 30,
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89. J. V. Ward and J. M. Taylor, “Sex Education”, op. cit. pp. 33 –41.
90. See Ashraf, “The Concept of Sex in Islam”, op. cit.; and Mabud, “An Islamic View”, op. cit.
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92. F. Husain and M. O’Brien, Muslim Families in Europe: Social Existence and Social Care, London:
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