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The twenty-seventh volume of this perennially acclaimed annual maintains the well-established high standards of orginial research combined with interesting and unusual illustrations from the world of warship history. This edition features George Moore's examination of British post-war destroyer construction, Keith McBride's look at the "Nelson and "Agamemnon battleships
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WARSI
—_—EDITOR
John Jordan is «former teacher of languages who has also
written for defence magasines, including Novy Invematonal,
Defence al Jan's Defence Weekly. He is the author of ewo
major books on the postwar Soviet Navy, and was responsible
for the sections on France, the Netherlands and Belgium in
‘Conways All the Word's Fighting Ships 1947-95. He has been
associated with Warship since its beginnings, and in recent
years has contributed a series of articles on the French Marine
"Nationale of the interwar and postwar periods. He took over
the Edlcorship at the end of 2004.
MAIN CONTRIBUTORS
Ita always boen the policy of Warship to publish the work of|
the worlds finest warship historians, Consequently, the
contributions to this volume are by established and recognized
experts,
David K Brown spent the whole of iis working life as a
member ofthe Royal Corps of Naval Constructors, reiing 3s
Deputy Chief Naval Architect in 1988, He is currently
President of the World Ship Society. He has contributed 10
Warship ever since its launch, and is the author af many books,
Including (with George Moore) Rebuldng the Royal Navy
Enrico Cernuschi and Vincent O'Hara have collaborated on |
a number of projects. Ceenuschi has written over 150 articles
‘0n maritime subjects and is co-author ofthe definitive Le nav
dda quera italime 1940-1945. O'Hara's work has recently
appeared in several publications, He is the author of The
‘German Fleet at War 1939-1945,
Keith MeBiride has written twmerous atticles for maritime
periodicals including Warship Word, Warsiptemational and The
Marines Mor, as wells eing a regular contebutar to Weaship
Iain McCallum worked for the British Council in various parts
‘of che world before retming to England to pursue his research,
in military and naval history. In addition ta a number of
articles, he has published Bload Brothers, a double biography of
the inventors Hiram and Hudson Maxie.
Stephen McLaughlin isa librarian at the San Francisco Public
Library. Besides being a regular contributor to Warship, he is
the author of Russian and Soviet Baedeshis an co-author with
R.D. Layman of The Hid Warship. He is errenaly working
‘0m a hock about Russian ironclad and coast defence ships.
‘George Moore has contributed numerous articles to Warship
‘on British warship building. programmes from the 1930s
‘onwards. He i co-author (with David K Brown) of Rebuilding
the Royal Naty.
Conrad Waters is a barrister by taining but a banker by
proftsion. The author of a number of articles on modem
naval history, he is public relations officer for the group
attempting t0 retum the Second Woeld War sloop HMS
Whinbrel to the UK.
£30.00 RRP.WARSHIP 2005WARSHIP 2005
Founding Editor: Antony Preston
Editor: John Jordan
Assistant Editor: Stephen Dent
CONWAY MARITIME PRESSFrontispiece:
‘The ex- Yugoslavian leader Dubrovnik, in alien service as Prema, underway in che Aegean in August
1942.The long-bareled 40/56 guns were also ordered forthe destroyer Split, which isthe subject of
EEnmco Cemasch and Vincent P O'Hara’ amticle inthis edition of Warship. (Aldo Fraccarol collection)
© Conway Maritime Press 2005
Fins published in Great Britain in 2005 by
Conway Maritime Press
sn vornt ot Choa books Gr le
The Chrysalis Building,
Bramley Road,
London. WI0 6SP
‘www.conaymaritime.com,
All ghs reserved. No part ofthis publeation may be rpreuced,
stored in a ercval system, of uansmied in any fem ot by any
‘means, electoni, mechanical, photocopying, recording or
otherwise, without the poe ermision ofthe publisher.
British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data
‘A eecond of distil available on request fom the British Library.
ISBN 1844860035
Consay editorial: John Jona, Stenhen Dene and Stuart Robertson
Design: Stephen Dent
Printed and bound in Singapore by Kyodo.CONTENTS
Publisher's Introduction: Antony Preston (1938-2004)
Editorial
FEATURE ARTICLES
The Riddle of the Shells, 1914-18:
Duquesne and Tourville: The First French Treaty Cruisers by John Jordan
Aboard Orél at Tsushima by Stephen McLaughlin
Lord Nelson and Agamemnon by Keith McBride
Steam Torpedo Boats of the Royal Navy by D K Broun
The Star-Crossed Split: the Troubled Story of an Unlucky Flagship
by Enrico Cemuschi and Vincent O'Hara
jisappointment in the North Sea by Iain McCallum
From Daring to Devonshire by George Moore
The ‘Escorteurs Rapides’ Chateaurenaule and Guichen by John Jordan
The Underside of Warship Design: A Preliminary History of Pumping and Drainage
Part 1: The Pre-Dreadnought Era by Stephen McLaughlin
REVIEW SECTION
Navies In Review 2004
Warship Notes
Reviews
Warship Gallery
Index
25
38
66
B
97
ui
136ANTONY PRESTON
{as with enormous sorrow, and just as this 27 volume of
Warship was going to press, that the Conway Maritime
eam leamed of the death ofthe anna’ founding Editor and
constant champion Antony Preston (1938-2004), Iewas sly
reminiscent of those occasions when Antony would attive in
the office as the final proof was about to be passed, enthusing
about the latest news despatch from the Swedish Navy, or
‘with an illustration of a new missile system for last-minute
inclusion in ‘Navies in Review’. The Admical’, as Antony
was known to many inthe naval community, passed away on
Christmas Day after a long illness that severely limited his
output over the lst two years, which in itself must have frus-
trated such a prolific writer, revered historian and skilful
commentator It was an hon to work with Antony over the
pase nine years in his roles as both Warship's Editor and
consultant to the Conway list. We will miss his unbridled
enthusiasm, his almost legendary stories and mischievous
sense of humour. Most ofall we are deprived ofthe knowledge
that the man had buile up, both for his specialist subjects,
namely the Victorian and contemporary navies, but also his
ability to say, or write, something appropriate and considered
fon most topics of naval and military history
(One of the last conversations I had with Antony was when
he telephoned to endorse fly and applaud the appointment
of John Jordan as his suecessor as Editor to the annual. Jobin
hhas a great determination (© continue the traditions and
values that the annual represents and has already browghe in
‘new ideas. We had all hoped that Antony would be able t0|
continue his involvement as Editor Emeritus and i¢ was a
commission that he was looking forwan! to undertaking.
Regrettably, this was not 10 be.
‘A memorial service is planned for the summer. There are
also plans to sec up an annual prize for naval writing in
Ancony’s honour. The evocative and fitting tributes that
follow have been provided by a small selection of his many
Warship colleagues. They certainly give you an idea of this
great man who will be sadly missed. John Lee, Publisher
[met Antony Preston in 1973, on my first visit t0 the
[National Maritime Museum and its Draught Room, then the
place where plans and Ships’ Covers could be consulted.
“Then and later he impressed me with the wealth of naval
historical lore he had accumulated, so litle of which ended up
in print, and so much of which helped explain 20° century
history. "The Museum, where Antony served what amounted
to his apprenticeship, was far more than national, Because
the Royal Navy hal so long been the mest powerful in the
world, it had necessarily gathered information on all the
world’s navies. Victories in two World Wars had brought it
rnot only German records but also the records the Germans
themselves had seized in Europe. Thus Antony had devel-
‘oped the sort of broad view which served him so well as a
naval journalist, and which illuminates his last book, The
Worlds Worst Warships, which is actually about why diferent
navies spproach somewhat similar problems in such diferent
ways, Deep exposure to the Covers, moreover, taught Antony
far more than mose journalists ever learn about the realities, as
opposed ro the hopes, of warship design and construction,
However, what I remember best of Antony is his wonderfil
stock of stories which certainly illuminated for me the nature
and the past of British and European society, anc which were
so memorable for their wit and joy. He was fond, for example,
‘of explaining chat as an English Catholic he could see Britain
from a slightly different point of view, not least because his
family had been banned from the country for several hundred
years due to an earlier act of reason. Norman Friedman
1 as serving in a farflung comer of che empire in 1975
when a letter arrived from Antony Preston, already a distin
guished naval historian. He was completing for publication
the English-language edition of Jenuschuta, Jung and Mickel’s
Die Japanischen Kriegsschiffe 1869-1945 and had heard on
the grapevine that | ad glas-plate negative ofthe Japanese
corvette Hiei completing in 1877 at Pennar, Pembroke Dock
I did not have the plate with me but a print was duly provided
and published. That was the beginning ofa friendship with a
teat warship historian and writer. We served together on
several committees and meetings usually ended with Antony
engaging me in vigorous discussion about the merits of some
Victorian gunboat whose reputation he sought to re-establish
‘Telephone calls from Antony were never short; ideas and
aneedtes tumbled out with successive ‘and did [tell you.”
fr ‘and have you heard..?, ensuring that plans for the
remainder of the evening could be abandoned. [¢ comes a3
surprise to note how many books Antony vvrote, None was
finer than Send a Gumboat! which he wrote with John Major
Ancony inscribed my copy '.avho shares with me a deep affec
tion for the Victorian Navy’, The Victorian Navy was indeed
his spiritual home and he might have written much more,
Ancony Preston was a good man. and all who beneficed from
his fellowship and profound knowledge of warships mourn his
passing and honour his memory. Lawnence Phillips
While Antony was still working at the Maritime Museum
in the early “608 a group used to meet in Greenwich under
his leadership to tall about the history of ships with Antony,
David Lyon, Trevor Lenton, Jim Colledge and others acca-
sionally such as George Osbon. Our main concer was the
{general opinion that the 19" century Admiralty was opposed
to technical change, largely based on Briggs’ misleading
book. We vowed to change this view and I think we have
done so between us. From this period comes an often quoted
remark of Antony's, chat ‘the Crimean Wat was the last old
fashioned war for the Army and the first modern war for the
Navy’. We also objected to the name ‘Crimean War for one
fought by the Navy mainly in the Baltic, but we have yet o
win that one. His Send a Guenboat! was one ofthe frst hooks
to suggest that che Navy did quite well off the Crimea.
Antony has an unusual skill in weiting ‘popular’ books
which were simple but still accurate, Of course he will be
bese remembered as the first editor of Warship as a quarterly
Pm sure I was not the only one who was persuaded to write
by Antony, David K Brown,EDITORIAL
ike all of us at Conway I was greatly saddened by the
‘death of Antony Preston, He was a big man in every
sense ofthe word, generous, immensely knowledgeable and
akove al a great enthusiast: Our elationship began in 1977
when he was Eltor of Navy Imemainal I had written a
lewer to the magasine which was critical of an article
published about the Soviet carirferuiser Kiew, and was
pleased enough ro sce may Letter, together with crude
“irawing of my own analysis of the weapons systems, in print
Twas surprised a week late to receive alter inviting me to
write whatever T wanted on the Soviet Navy. My own
“second career’ as a Soviet Navy analyst began there, and
when Antony moved on frst to Defence magaine, then to
Jane's Defence Weekly, he made @ point of commissioning
feom me two series f articles, ane on Soviet surface ships, the
exer on Soviet submarines, both of which resulted in books
Dring the 1980s Antony and were in regular contact, anc
1 remember accompanying him on visis to the MoD in
‘Whitehall, and to the Novosti Press Agency ~ a visit which
also took in an excellent Thai restaurant in South,
Kensington. He loaned me books of is for my research, and
visited my house on the south coast on a number of occasions
Hee loved to cock a snook at what he saw as The
xtablshment, and one of the dhngs that [know he liked
bout my writing was that I brought a different perspective to
things I wrote about, which Ithink he ascribed to my being 2
teacher in a state comprehensive and a Guarda reader. (I
shall always remember the chuckle wich which he inteolaced
‘me tan arms dealer ata reeption in. a Porstnouth hotel and
then moved on, leaving ust it!)
‘Warship was fst publshed under Antony's editorship as a
«quarter in January 1977, and my own fist contribution was
to Warship No3, published in July that yeat. fer an intial
flue of articles there was then a gop of some ten years before
Tagain became a ceguar contributor, by which time the fcus
cof my interests had shifted from the postwar Soviet Navy to
the French Marine Nationale. However, even when I was
contebuting litle I remnined a subscriber, an there i fall
set of quterlies and annus on my bookshelves (mest of
which I paid for!- So alsough Ian now playing forthe team,
as i€ were, I have ako sto on on the terraces, and I have
‘experienced the elation (roundebreaking articles, regular
acces to the top names in naval history) and the occasional
feustracions (a follow-up promised but not delivered) of every
‘Worship readet
‘When Warship began, Antony's vision was of a journal
which would provide a forum for people who could write about
the design, development snd service history of combat ships in
away chat woul inform, enlighten and enthuse the reader
ship. The scope was tobe “international unlimited by period,
rationality, oF ship type’ (1 quote from the back cover of
‘Wership No.1). Throughout Warship’ lietie thse ims have
not only heen consistently achieved, but have often en
surpassed. Whereas the emphasis in dhe easly issues was prima
sly on information (and the birth of Warship certainly released
wealth of new material on the ‘twainstream warships ofthe
First/Second World War periods) there has heen a steady shift
in recent years towards the investigation of less familiar
warships and technical developments, and the publication of |
articles which aim to provoke 2s well as co enlighten. Since
becoming established Warship has hecome more ‘democratic?
inthe sense thac rather than the editorial eam commissioning.
articles, iis increasingly the case that we are appreached by
writers who are offering their material for publication. The
role of Editor then becomes primarily one of ensuring that the
articles we publish are of the quality that readers expect, and
that there is a good balance in ters of topic, period! and
‘nationality. We hope that we have achieved this with Warship
2005, andl it will certainly continue to be our primary focus for
the future, thereby ensuring that we remain true to Antony's
‘This year’s annual sees the conclusion of lain MeCallum’s
trilogy The Ride of the Shells, an investigation of the prob-
lems which resulted in the notoriously poor performance of
British armour-piercing shell atthe Battle of Jutland. A fas
nating story emerges, edolent with intrigue and personal
antagonisms. The British do love an inquest (always to be
preferred to getting it right in the fist place!), and the post
Jutland investigation conducted by the Projectile Committee
tothe filling and fusing of heavy naval projectiles’ is most
certainly a classic. The Committee undertook its delibera-
tions amid accusations from both the Jellicoe and Beatty
factions that the Grand Fleet was having to fight with one
hhand tied behind its hack because of defective shell, counter:
aceusations from some inside the Admiralty that Jellicoe was
simply making excuses for his own timid performance at
Jutland and Beatty for the poor shooting of his battlecruiser,
fand a determined rearguard action by the Department of |
Naval Ordnance. The chairman of the Committee, Vice-
Adial Farquhar, appears not to have enjoyed the full conf
dence of the main protagonists, and submitted a final report
‘which aimed to keep everybody happy andl satisfied nobody
(Butler Report, anyone!)
From the same period, and also concerned with the effects
cof projectiles on armour, we have Stephen McLaughlin's
dramatic account ofthe Battle of Taushima seen through the
eyes of the young Russian naval constructor Vladimir
Kostenko, who served in the battleship Orel, Kostenko
‘embarked on the ship during her work-up in 1904 and subse-
‘quently accompanied her on the Baltic Squadron's fatal expe-
dlition to the Far East, during which time he devised measures
to improve stability and to prepare the ship for combat. During
the course ofthe battle Kescenko logged the hits made by the
vatious projectiles on the ship, and supervised damage control
procedures. This is an absorbing personal account of the
battle into which the author has merged other important
sources in onder to resolve anomalies and create an accurate
picture of whar took place aboard the One. This article is
‘complemented by the frst of a two-part feature on underwater
damage conteo in battleships; the first pare deals with the pre
«dreadnought era while the second, to be published in Warship
2006, wil focus on developments after 1906,
HMS Lord Nelson and her sister Agamemnon, which were
begun only days before Tashima, are the subject of an articleWARSHIP 2005
by Keith McBride, They were the Royal Navy's last pre-
Greadinought bactleships, and although laid down some
months before Dreadnought herself, they were launched after
hace and completion was delayed because of the priority
accorded to getting the revolutionary new ship into service at
the earliest posible date, They were advanced ships for theit
dy, and their powerful 9.2in secondary batteries would have
enabled them to fight in the line with contemporary
Dreadinoughts, but eriple-expansion turbines, capable of a
maximum speed of 18.5 knots, would relegate them to
second-line service during the First World War. In his review
oof the protracted and sometimes heated discussions which
artended the design process Keith MeBride considers the
Impact made by the new DNC Philip Watts, who had
acquired a reputation for packing a quart into a pint pot in
his ‘export’ designs
The nineteenth century is represented by David K Brown's
absorbing article on the development of steam torpedo boats
in the Royal Navy. Following successful trials with early
Whitehead torpedoes during the late 1860s and eaely 1870s
the Navy committed itself ro a programme of boats capable
cof launching one or more torpedoes from deck-mounted
tubes, and by 1886 had no fewer than 210 torpedo boats in
service. Daviel Brown is keen to emphasize thar the late
Victorian Navy was not the conservative force that some
writers have portrayed, but was on the contrary keen to be in
the forefront of all new technotogical developments. He
paints a fascinating picture of life aboard these small, frail
craft, which would eventually be superseded in Royal Navy
service by the larger, more seaworthy "torpedo-boat
destroyer’
‘The Eclitor continues his series of articles on the interwar
Marine Nationale with a study of the early Treaty eruisers
Duquesne and Toure, Despite the almost coral lack of protec
tion in these ships, the French constructors still experienced
considerable difficulyy in keeping displacement within the
10,000-ton Washington Treaty limit, and it must certainly
have been a source of pusslement for the Marine Nationale
that che Fealian counterparts of the Trent class managed to
‘combine identical firepower with even greater speed, and stil
‘have sufficient weight available for an armoured citadel with
75min sides and a 50mm deck (but this is another story!)
Accurate and reliable information on the early French Treaty
cruisers has until recently not been easy to come by, and the
slficulties experienced when attempting 10 research the
follow-on aricle on the Sufren-Duplix, to be published in
Warship 2006, are the subject of one of this years ‘Warship
Nowe.
Some 15 years after the Duguesnes were laid down, a
modern destroyer was begun for the Yugoslav Navy. It would
‘bea further 19 years before she finally entered service, during
which time the basic design was little modified; she was
therefore already obsolete even before she entered service.
Enrico Cemuschi and Vincent O'Hara have traced the
«chequered history ofthe Spl from conception ro completion,
The article illustrates the problems of building complex
svarsips in small countries with a narrow military-industrial
base: a8 originally designed the ship would have had a main
armament made in Czechoslovakia, French fire control
‘stems, AA guns from Sweden, and Yarrow turbines made in
Britain. Most of these items were never delivered because of |
the outbreak of war and the incomplete hull was captured by
the Italians while still on the cocks, Completion of the ship
postwar then assumed a national symbolic dimension, in the
same way that the French Navy fel compelled by public
‘opinion to complete the batleship Jean Bar.
The postwar period is represented by George. Moore's
anicle From Daring to Devonshire’. After his study of the
postwar frigates ofthe Type 41, Type 61 and Type 12 clases,
the author tums his atention tothe destroyer designs of the
same period. The Daring was the last destroyer buil for the
Royal Navy eo be armed exclusively with guns for flet air
defence, and the ‘County'type destroyer the fist to he
quipped with surface-to-air missiles. The unusual design of |
the Seaslug misile, with its wrap-around boosters, meant that
ithod a much greater impact on the overall layout ofthe ship
than contemporary US Navy missiles of che Tartar/Terier
series. This makes the development of what was in other
respects a very suecessul warship design all the more ered
itable
This year's Navies in Review section has been compiled by
Conrad Waters, and as usual is complemented by Warship
Noes, reviews and photogallery. A number of readers have
‘been in contact about the photo ofthe beaches! submarine in
last year's Galery, and although we don't yer feel we can tel
the whole story we ate fail certain that we can identify this
particular boat (see Warship Notes). In a new depareure, our
customary reviews of the major naval books of the year are
complemented by reviews of two important websites with a
‘warshipfnaval history focus, and we intend this to become 2
regular feature of future issues. Many of our readers now use
the Intemet for research, and whilst naval websites constitute
an invaluable resource they vary widely in quality, being
‘written by enthusiasts for other enthusiast, often witha lack
of editorial ‘quality contol, For this years review we have
selected the well-established Kaigun (IJN) and Regia Marina
(lalian Navy) websites, andl we shal be reviewing others in
Warship 2006,
Over the past two years we have been endeavouring t0
‘open up the ‘Review’ section ofthe annual tothe readership
for example, our invitation to readers to send in thei own
views on Antony Preston's selection in his hook The World’
Worst Warships. A number took up the gauntlet and
responded, but not as many as we had hoped. Lean only eit
erate that we would ike as many people to hecome involved
with Warship as possible, and we particularly weleome any
contributions readers feel able to make to Warship Notes and
to the photogallery. We also encourage readers to write t us
to let us know which features they have enjoyed and what
‘they might like to see in future isues John JordanTHE RIDDLE OF THE
SHELLS, 1914-18
Part Three: Disappointment in the North Sea
In the concluding part of his trilogy, Tain MeCallum looks at how the Battle of Jutland
focused the Royal Navy's attention on the performance of its armour-piercing shell, the
inter-personal and inter-departmental antagonisms which all but derailed an objective
inquiry, and the remedial measures subsequently undertaken to restore the offensive capa-
bilities of the Grand Fleet
N ‘o naval action in history has caused mote contro.
versy than Jutland os, as the Germans call it, the
tattle of the Skagerrak. None since Trafalgar had been so
long and cagerly awaited, and expectations were high. For
a few hours on 31 May 1916 the Royal Navy under
Jellicoe was offered a golden opportunity to capitalise on
the huge scale of national investment in. warship
construction before the war and to demonstrate the power
of its great guns. Unlike their military counterparts, the
naval commanders had hitherto been reluctant fo commit
their main forces unless sure of some initial advantage
‘Perhaps one explanation of the difference,’ writes Basil
Liddell Hart unkindly, ‘was chat the Admials exercised
their command in the forefront of the battle and the
Generals from headquarters far in reat.” However that may
be, when at last the German High Sea fleet came out in
force, the opportunity was missed, Despite a two to one
superiority in ships and weight of broadside, the Grand
Fleet gor the worst of the exchanges, losing 14 ships
(111,000 tons) as against eleven of the High Sea fleet
(62,000 tons). A crucial difference was chat whereas five
British ships, including the battle cruisers Queen Mary,
Invincible and Indefatigable, blew up under fie, only one
German ship suffered a like fate, a fact which also
accounts for the high casualties on the British side: 6,945
as against the German 3,058.1
The story of Jutland has been many times told and
need noc be repeated here. In terms of strategy the
honours lay with the British, who retained control of the
seas, but the Royal Navy could find litele consolation for
British batdcerusers in action at Judd. This snapshot, chough not of partculaty high quality, gives a good impression ofthe condi-
tions inthe early phases ofthe bale. (CPL)WARSHIP 2005
its failure co achieve a decisive victory and thereby
pethaps to shorten the war. The possible consequences of
such a vietory have been much debated, recent opinion
tending to the view that they would not have been as
momentous a8 earlier commentators were inclined to
believe. Nevertheless at the time no one was in any doubt
that a splendid chance had gone a-begging, The frustra-
tion of David Beatty, commander of the battle cruiser
fleet, was expressed ina letter to Lond Fisher: ‘Would that
ve had been able to make job of it... To be so near and
yet so far was worm and gallwood after che hammering we
huad given them and the losses we had sustained... They
suffered more than we did.”
‘Apart from controversy over the taetical handling of
the Fleet, which became the subject of a long-running
dispute between the Jellicoe and Beatty camps, the post
Jutland inquests cenired on technical factors believed to
be responsible forthe disappointing outcome of the battle,
In his despatch to the Admiralty, Jellicoe referred to the
light disadvantage during the early tages of the action and
to ‘the indifferent armour protection of our batle cruisers’
alo to the high standard of the German gunnery and the
face that‘... theie ships are stil able fie with great accu
racy when they have received severe punishment’ But the
first question that arose was why so many British ships had
been lost following massive internal explosions. At first
the answer seemed obvious, On 3 June Beatty sent an.
urgent telegram to Jellicoe: ‘Present arrangement of flash.
doors are (sic) ineffective when turret armour is pene
trated. Flash from shell may reach cordite in main cages,
and handing rooms... Almost certain that magnzines of
three lost battle cruisers exploded from such a. caus,
Maurice Hankey, Cabinet Secretary, noted in his diary
“We have discovered the reason why our ships blew up —
vie. defective arrangements for preventing the effect of a
shell bursting in the turret from reaching the magatine.
Subsequently other deficiencies were highlighted in the
course of inquities instituted by the Admiralty, and each
of the parties involved looked to defend their comer.
Bearty conceded that in the heat of battle precautions
ray have been relaxed to achieve a higher rate of fte, and
he drew attention to the relatively weak armour protec
tion of the battle cruisers and the safety tisk presented by
Iyedite filled nose-fuzed projectiles, He also requested a
formal investigation into the cause of explosions in
British warships. The director of naval construction,
Tennyson d'Eyncourt, denied that the fault lay with the
design of the ships or an insufficient thickness of armout.
He lent his support co the flash theory, arguing that the
German propellant charges, contained in brass cylinders
instead of silk bags, were not only safer but had been
better handled, so reducing the risk of fires being trans-
mitted to the magazines. He too pointed the finger of
blame ar the careless manner in which cordite hal been.
exposed during the action, that is ‘the system of supply
which we unfortunately practised’. As to che British
projectiles, the Department of Naval Ordnance
confirmed that it was proposed to replace Iyddite by TNT
in common HE shell equipped with the No. 45 fuze and a
‘sealing device’ to increase safety.
‘At the same time Beatty and his flag-captain, Ernle
10
Chatfield, turned their attention to another disquieting
aspect of the butte, namely why the British heavy projec
tiles, despite being much heavier than those of the
Germans, appeared not to have inflicted anything like
proportionate damage. On 14 July Beatty wrote to the
Admiralty drawing attention to the failure of German,
ships to blow up under fre as, at Jutkand, had his three
battle cruisers. By contrast he instanced che German
cruiser Bhicher at the Dogger Bank, which, ‘when lying
‘over practically on her beam ends was repeatedly hit by
heavy shell, some of which entering through her unpro
tected bottom must have penetrated to and burst in or
near her magazines’, and yet did noe blow up. Captain EC.
Dreyer of the Iron Duke, Jellicoe’ flagship, acked to these
concerns when he declared that the British armour
piercing shells had failed to do what was expected of them,
and had mostly broken up on the enemy's armour plate.
Tn the light of past experience this ean have come as no
‘great surprise. The Fleet’ Manual of Gunnery for 1915,
states plainly enough that: ‘These shell seldom penetrate
even medium armour unbroken if striking obliquely, and in
the case of the APC filled HE fic. lyddite} this marked
tendency to break up lessens materially the chance of
obtaining the detonation of these shell actually clear of,
and behind, armour...’ Now forthe fist rime pressure grew
for action to remedy what ad hitherto been regarded as an
unfortunate but unavoidable limitation. As Dreyer was
later to note in his memoirs ‘Te was obvious to us after
Jutland chat there must be something very wrong with our
‘APC shell 12-inch and above... If our actual hits with far
Tanger shell had pierced thicker armour and burst with
proportionately greater explosive effect, it seemed probable
that some half dozen or more German capital ships would
have been sunk.? The implications of this were worrying
to say the least, and a small number of gunnery officers led
by Dreyer began to agitate for an investigation into the
filling and fusing of heavy naval projectiles. Experience
trad revealed that in engagements fought at long range only
very few of these could be expected to find their mark it
was therefore all the more essential that when they did
they should achieve the maximum effect and, in a much,
used phrase, penetrate to the vitals of the opposing ship.
EC. Dreyer had long been regarded as one of the
Navy leading gunnery experts. Before the war he had
been appointed gunnery officer, Home Fleet, before
joining the Department of Naval Ondnance as assistant to
Jellicoe. Here he was concerned with all aspects of
‘ordnance and methods of fre control, collaborating with
Percy Scoct and Reginald Bacon and developing with the
help of is brother Cape. J. T. Dreyer RA a range finding
‘computer known to the Fleet as the Dreyer Table, He was
a regular visitor to Vickers’ and Armstrong’ works, where
he inspected hydraulic mountings and supervised
newly installed guns. His strictures about the fai
the armour-piercing shell had therefore to be taken seri-
‘ously. Four days after Jurland a committee was appointed
under his presidency ‘to inquite into and report on the
‘gunnery information derived from or confirmed by the
action of 31st May,.', and this in turn led to the setting
up of a committee to investigate the whole position with,
regard to heavy naval shell‘THE RIDDLE OF THE SHELLS, 1914-18
(On board HIMS Prince of Wales in 1911. Jelicoe, commanding the Adantc Feet, with Captain Ronald Hopwood on his ighe and
the young F, C. Dreyer, Flag Commander, on his left. (Photo courtesy of Admiral Sit Desmond Dreyer, GCB, KBE, DSC)
Preside over by Vice-Admiral R. B. Farquhar, the
Projectile Committee started work in August, embarking
om a series of rials of APC and CPC shell. For this assign-
‘ment Farquhar was not pethaps the ideal choice. A former
chief inspector of naval ordnance, he did not take kindly
to the suggestion thar the British shell was faulty
Together with others at the Admiralty, he believed thac at
Jutland i had acquitted itself at least as well as the
German shell, and that Dreyer was exaggerating its
alleged defects. There was little urgency about the
Committees proceedings, and its findings tended co
reflect the view ofits president. A final report was not to
appear until March 1917, when the preamble regeetted
that the trials had taken'so long due to ‘the extremely
heavy work, owing to the war, devolving on the expet
mental establishment at Shoeburyness.
But even before the Projectile Committee had started
its deliberations, gunnery officers drawing conclusions
from the experience of battle were emphasising the need
for improved shells and fuses. Three weeks after Jutland,
and with the destruction of the battle cruisers in. mind,
Dreyer wrote to Jellicoe: ‘When we introduce an AP shell
filles! HE (nor Iyddte) with delay aetion fare I should like
to see their [ie. the German] fuze copied as a start, and
tried in AP trotyl [TNT] filled shell. We have many
people engaged in trying to make out that out AP shell
filled Iyddite, which burst half way through the plate, ace
just as good 'as the German shell filled with troryl with
delay action fuze, which burst their shell well inside our
ships. It seems a pity not to be willing to learn.’ Jellicoe,
well aware of long-held reservations about Iyddice as a
bursting charge, urged on the Admiralty, with the backing
of Beatty and Chatfield, that the Ordnance Committ
press ahead with eests of AP shell filled with TNT and
g an adaptation of che German delay action fuze.
Rumours were already circulating on both sides about
the indifferent performance of British shell. On 10 July
Admiral Hipper, commander of the German battle cruiser
squadeon, noted in.a report headed Lessons ofthe Skagerrak
Batele that the enemy’s heavy projectiles had inflicted
relatively little damage because of “ineffective bursting
‘charges’, which he aseribed to faulty fuzes. The Germans
may well have preferred to conceal their awareness of this
situation, but comment was unavoidable. According to
Arthue Mardet: ‘The decisive impetus for doing some.
thing about the shell seems to have derived from a
luncheon party in the Lion [Beatty’ flagship] some time in
‘August. One of the guests, a Swedish naval officer who
hhad been Naval Attache in Berlin, told Chatfield chat
German naval officers considered that che British navalable’ ~ that the heavy shell had not pene
cir armour but had broken to pieces on it. had
wh,’ Chatfield
cords, ‘and pretended to take
the marter, but I was hardly able t0
self till the guests had gone." The next day (6
Beatty wrote to Jellicoe: *...1 am_very much,
he starement of the Swedish gentleman and I
ery much like to know what you think about it
his concern was shared, for there followed a
wonled letter from Beatty to the Admiralty
or the Ordnance Committee to carry out thor-
ests of heavy shell against armour at varying angles
ick. When these trials were held, they revealed that
probable battle conditions of obliquity the APC
equently failed to carry their charge through .a 2-inch,
te. They were, in Chatfield’s words, ‘quite hopeless
fe Was now a growing divergence of opinion
een Beatty and the Fleet's gunnery officers on the
ine hand, and officials responsible for procurement at the
Admiralty and the Department of Naval Ordnance on the
other. On account of his rapid promotion and flamboyant
litesoyle, Beatty was not generally popular with colleagues
at the Admiralty, of whom he had earlier written to
MPshtiche dor Shem Lage
stom Vaglaihe ib-om gn
f Brivsh 15-inch armour piercing shell, with black pou
comparison. According to Campbell, Seyi
ust behind the armour plating.
Jellicoe: ‘..they are an astounding collection and really
‘do not seem to know what they are talking about" Beatty
hhad blamed incompetence in Whitehall for the loss of
‘Cradock at Coronel, and he complained constantly about
the lack of communication between the Admiralty and
‘the Sea’. For their part officials at the Admiralty
suspected that Beatty and his colleagues were using the
shells issue as a excuse for the poor shooting of the battle
cruiser fleet at Jutland, The indifferent record ofthe bactle
cruisers in this regard was a matter of common knowledge,
Beatty himnself having bemoaned the fact that his ships
were suffering from lack of practice because owing to the
submarine threat they had been limited to small bore
shooting within the confines of the anchorage at Rosyth
in the Firth of Forth.
The Projectile Committee having been set up, there-
fore, the Admiralty declined to tke any further aetion
until its report had been received. But Beatty refused t0
allow the matter to be shelved in this way. In November
he returned to the charge, pointing out that during the
war: ‘Fourteen German ships have been sunk by gunfire
alone and none of them have blown up. Nine British ships
Ihave been sunk by gunfire, of which six blew up. Ie is diff-
aan a5)
(MS, Syl!
uler filling, on board Seyelits after the bate, with a German
as struck by no fewer than eight 15in shells, most of which broke up
12euenot to conclude that the Germans have the advantage
‘over us in either fuzes, explosives or ship construction.” He
urged that the explosives experts of the armament firms
should be consulted, for: ‘The opinions of Naval Officers,
whose experience suggests expedients, only result in
tempting to find a cure, but leave the cause unknown.”
At the Admiralty most senior officers preferred 10
accept the flash theory, which put the onus on the ships
for mishandling the cordite propellant, than to face up to
the implications of shortcomings in armour protection or
projectiles. Tennyson 'Eyncoure repeated his view that
while both British and German ships had been exten:
sively damaged, the Germans had escaped blowing up
because they had devoted greater care to the safe handling
of their propellant charges. Concerning the British prac-
tice, a former director of naval ordnance, Frederick Tudor,
rinuted: “There is little doubt in my mind that in the
great anxiety to attain a rapid rate of fire, the ordinary
precautions for safety of cordite cartridges have been grad-
ally relaxed, until a lst the test of the enemy's shells has
proved the danger of what was being done..." Aecondingly
the Admiralty’ reply laid stress on ‘the undoubted
improper exposure of condite during this action’, where-
‘upon Beatty and Jellicoe took umbrage at what they inter-
preted as an implied censure. After an_ acrimonious
exchange of correspondence oil was poured on the tro
bled waters, an Admiralty minute conceding that: ‘The
explanation may be with the delay action of the German
fuzes, bu this is not certain.
In December 1916 there was a marked change in att
tuxles when, following Jellicoe’s appointment as fist sea
lord, Beatty succeeded him as commander-in-chief,
Grand Fleet. At once a higher priority was accorded to
the problem posed by the shells. Beatty wrote to Jellicoe:
“The latest Ordnance Committee report is very disturbing
and alarming and will need very energetic steps to be
taken to remedy the existing deficiencies in the projec:
tiles, otherwise we are at a grave disadvantage to the
Enemy in the very arm we thought we had a priority
On the Projectile Committee Farquhar was replaced by
Vice-Admiral Limpus and Major John Dreyer RA was
broughe in to hunry the trials along, but it was not enough.
Clearly more vigorous aetion was called for. Beatty’s friend
and biographer WS. Chalmers recounts how ‘Chatfield
came to him with the disturbing news that no anni
lating wietory over the German fleet was likely until all
the existing shell had been replaced by a more effective
type. Beatty...thought only in terms of annihilation, but
it would be necessary, literally, to pound enemy ships all
clay with ‘cud shell, as had been done at Jutland, before
they could be put ou of action."
‘Writing ‘Secret and Immediate’ to the Secretary of the
Admiral, Graham Greene, Beatty crew attention to trial
reports that APC shell for the much vaunted 13.5-inch,
guns ‘will not penetrate 13-inch armour at an angle of
Impact of 20 degrees or more except at ranges of about
7,000 yards or less... The disappointing results obtained
by our gunfire at the Bartle of Jutland and Dogger Bank
are now explained.’ Again he called for thorough tests of
heavy shell, insisting that‘.the issues at stake are such as
to justify fring experiments with fuzed shell at an obsolete
B
‘THE RIDDLE OF THE SHELLS, 1914-18
battleship or eruiser on lines similar to the Edinburgh
trials’ And he went on to declare that: “Whatever the
‘conclusion formed as tothe relative merits, or demerits, of
the APC Lyddite and CPC powder, it is conclusively
proved that both ate entirely unsuitable as projectiles for
the Grand Fleet... The excellent guns mounted in our
ships are entirely wasted ifthe projectiles supplied with
them cannot even defeat a 10-inch plate at modern
figbting ranges. Iris therefore of the utmost urgency that
an improved type of burster using TNT or some other
insensitive substance be provided for the Fleet. The
satter should be pushed forward night and day until the
problem is solved.
This starting communication gave rise toa controversy
which, while kept secret as far as possible, reverberated
through the senior echelons of the service. Many at the
‘Admiralty remained sceptical of such criticism by officers
‘who were not without prejudice in the matter ofthe shell
Jellicoe was under attack for what was alleged to be an
excess of caution at Jutland, and his supporters were glad
to identify other than tactical reasons why his efforts had
‘not been rewarded by a more satisfactory outcome. Beatty
looked t© confound those who cast aspersions on the
shooting of the battle cruiser fleet. Gunnery officers such
‘as Chatfield naturally inclined to the view that the shell
rather than failings in gunnery had been at fault, espe
cially since they believed they had scored more hits on
the German ships than turned out to be the case. Above
all, officers connected with the Department of Naval
Ordnance resented the imputation that they had been
responsible for allowing defective shell to be supplied to
the Fleet. The director during the critical years feom
1912-14 was now Thisd Sea Lord and Controller of the
Navy, and itwas as Rear-Admiral Sir Frederick Tudor that
hhe minuted on Beatty's letter: ‘I cannot agree with the
statements, arguments and conclusions in C-in-C’ leer
It is generally assumed that the Germans have an AP shell
specially filed with compressed TNT and fitted with a
delay action faze, This is quite possible and we should
rake every effort to obtain a method of filling our AP
shell less sensitive than at present; but the outstanding
facts are...that the greatest thickness of our armour perfo-
rated by the German shells was 6 inches...and the
‘numberof blinds’ with their shell was considerable
The argument that the German shells had performed
no etter than the British filed ro answer the objection
that the heavier British projectiles should have been that
uch more effective, and Beatty persisted. Angered by
‘sher, who had spoken disparagingly of the standard of
the battle cruisers'gunnery at Jutland, he protested in a
letter to his wife: ‘le has since transpired that the enemy
was hit by the battle cruisers a great deal more than they
were hie and the reason they did not suffer immense
damage was because our projectiles were not capable of
penetrating the enemy's armour... Lord Fisher was the Ist
La. of the Admiralty at the time that Jellicoe was the
Director of Naval Orgnance, who was responsible for the
production of the inefficient projectiles.” Writing to the
‘Adiraley from his flagship Iron Duke, Beatty asked to be
informed of progress with investigations into the shells
question, and was assured that action was being taken toWARSHIP 2005
introduce a delay action fuze and an explosive filling
insensitive enough to carry through thick armour.
‘When it appeared in March 1917 the report of the
Projectile Committee tried to satisfy both sides in the
dispute. It recommended withdrawal of nose-fuzed
common HE shell, described by Beatty as ‘useless against
armoured ships, and confirmed that when striking at
oblique angles of attack APC shell could not be relied
upon to penetrate duc to the sensitivity of the Iyddite
filling. There was, indeed, little to choose between APC
and CPC shell in terms of their ability to penetrate
armour, Unlike the Germans, who in about 1912 had
‘recapped all their APC. projectiles with the Firth
Hadfield hollow cap’, the British manufacturers ‘may have
been led to consider designs of caps with a view to normal
actack only, and this may be at the expense of perforative
‘qualities under service conditions of angle attack [when]
the perforatve quality of the APC almost, if not quite,
disappears.” The Committee therefore proposed that
further trials be carried out with the hard steel cap and a
suitably insensitive HE filling, preferably pressed blocks of|
TNT as used in the German projectiles. Since these
required a more sophisticated fuze to detonate them, it
was recommended that: “Trials should be pushed on with,
all speed, with a view to perfecting a delay action fuze for
use with APC shells"
‘Acrthe same time, however, the Committee pointed out
that at Jurland ‘a large number of German turrets were
apparently destroyed by shell fire [which] also appears to
have reached their engine and boiler rooms’
Comparisons had shown that ‘in design, material and
method of manufacture our shell, from the point of view
of armour-perforating, are better weight for weight than
German shells of corresponding calibre... The Committee
hhave reason to believe that the results of hits of our APC.
and CPC shells obtained in the Battles of Dogger Bank
and Jutland were better chan is here fue. in Beatty's letter]
implied.’ It declared that the British projectiles, even
without a delay action fuze, ‘have been generally very
effective... The latest German battleships and battle
cruisers are heavily protected... In spite of this [they] were
heavily damaged, and this result must be regarded as...a
4,000
2000 3,000 4000 $000 6,000 7,000,
ange in yards
000
4
tribute to the effectiveness of British APC and CPC
shells... Probably the value of armour generally in
resisting attack at an angle, whether by German shells or
‘tir own, has been rathsr under-estimated.
Furthermore, a detailed inspection of ships surviving the
bartle revealed that: ‘No German shell has succeeded in
passing through, and bursting behind, KC armour...most
of the hits failed to do sufficient damage to impair the
fighting efficiency of the British ships” As to the blowing
up of the battle cruisers, this was put down in each case ‘to
condite charges either at the gun positions ot in the hoists
becoming ignited by the flash or being struck by fragments
‘of a bursting shell, and the corte flames reaching the
magazine... The Committee therefore feel justified in
regarding the unfortunate loss ofthese ships as not being
due to any special efficiency of the German shells.”
These conclusions, while vindicating the procurement
policies of the Admiralty and the projectiles provided by
Woolwich and the trade, did not satisfy Jellicoe, Beatty,
Dreyer and Chatfield. Ithad not escaped their notice that
the military authorities had long been strugeling to rectify
problems with explosives and fuzes in shel supplied to the
army, Dreyer’ brother John, now a Lieutenant Colonel,
was well placed to provide a degree of cross-fentilisation
between the rigidly segregated service establishments. A
former arsistant superintendent of experiments. at the
Shoeburyness gunnery ranges, he had gone with the BEF
to France, where he was able to experience at first hand
the inadequacies of much ofthe shell supplied to the field
anillery. Since December 1915 he had been member of
the Ordnance Committee set up by Lloyd Geoxge, and he
was closely associated with investigations carried out by
the Ministry of Munitions into British and German gun
ammunition
In the preamble to the Projectile Committees report,
the Secretary to the Admiralty observed thar it was ‘issued
for the information of the Fleet, as there is much inter
esting matter contained therein, though the deductions
are not entirely concurred in by their Lordships’. Clearly
opinion in the Admiralty was divided, and Beatty was not
to be put down. As C:in-C he earsied heavy guns himself,
and he was not convinced that the British projectiles were
Deserve fect of heavy
‘naval sell at normal end
oblique angles of anack
Ranges a which perforation
of KC amon may be
expected at normal anle of
inpace.
Taken from Admialty
paper June 1908) defending
the one cle big gun arma-
sent for capil sips and
making che pin that the
ewier the projectile the
seer ts peneratve power.
‘The same reasoning was oom
to lead to the inerduction of
9000 the 13.5 and S-nch guns
01000 12,000FUZE. PERCUSSION, BASE , LARGE, NP16D, MARK 1V.
‘THE RIDDLE OF THE SHELLS, 1914-18
apue mesbor ee
Delayed action fe developed by the Shell Committee forthe new type APC projectile, 1917. After Jutland "ic became evident that
the delay inherent in No.6 fuze was not suficint.
Lthe No. 16 Mark IV) was the best that could be evolved at the time.
cane was
therefore abproved in view ofthe urgent necessity of taking immediate action to issue delay action fies tothe Fleet”. (Admiralty
“Technical History: Ammunition for Naval Guns 1920)
better than German shells of comparable calibre. He
continued to believe that defects in the armour piercing
shell, both APC and CPC, were more serious ehan
responsible officials were willing to admit, and he doubted
whether the APC could be used effectively at a range
sreater than 10,000 yards. In February 1917 he had
renewed his attack; pointing out that pre-war gunnery
exercises had been based on visible hits rather than assess-
iments of damage inflicted, that ‘enemy ships must be
sunk’, and that at Jutland major damage had been caused
to German ships only in the later stages of the battle,
when the range was short. Again he stressed the impor-
tance of the projectile carying through the armour and
“reaching the enemy's vitals.
In March 1917 Beatty an Jellicoe resolved that only by
taking firm, independent action could matters be put
right, and they appointed FC. Dreyer Director of Naval
Ordnance. Despite the fact thar according to his own,
account he was “handicapped by having no knowledge of
metallurgy and.-had never had anything to do with the
design oF proof of ammunition’, Dreyer's response was at
once more positive and urgent. Jellicoe had great faith in
his flag-captain, whom he described as 'a gunnery officer
of unrivalled attainments and one of the best captains of
ships I have ever known. ‘Never, wrote Chatfield, was a
better appointment made than in selecting Dreyer..2t
that moment. Outstandingly able, and of great energy and
pertinacity, he et to work... With support ar the highest
level, the new Director of Naval Ordnance ignored the
findinys of the Projectile Committee and took matters
into his own hands.‘ was convinced he wrote later, ‘that
four APC and also CPC shel for guns 12-inch and above
‘were quite obsolete. che APC shell were too brittle and
the CPC shell could not pretend to perforate any armour
except the thinnest.” A small working group designated as
the Shell Committee (Army and Navy) was formed under
his direction. The brackets are significant. In view of the
gravity of the situation traditional service rivalries wete
set aside, two of the Committee's members, Colonels
Dreyer and Haynes (the latter superintendent of experi-
iments at Shoeburyness), being Royal Arillery officers. Is
purpose was succinctly stated: “To determine the most
suitable nature of projectiles and their filling and fusing
for use in the Navy for turret guns 12-inch and above.
That rumours about the shortcomings of naval shell
were reaching the clubs is evident from a letter written in
March from Lord Rosebery to Fisher: ‘My dear Admiral
=Isiterue that at the Batele of Jutland the shes were bad?
Of course you won't answer, if you would rather not..” In
fact Fisher declined to pass any comment, and due to the
need for secrecy very few even within the service were
aware of the extent of the crisis. Chatfield wrote to
Dreyer: ‘Lam glad the new Committee is formed... The
Fleet knows nothing at present about out Projectile limi
tations..and still believe we can penetrate the enemy's
belt at long range. I am getting out something mild and
cautious to partially disillusion them." At about ehe same
time Beatty decided that the facts, while remaining neces-