CIVIL-MILITARY CONCORDANCE IN PAKISTAN

*
Raashid Wali Janjua

Abstract
Civil-military concordance is based on the harmony of interests and values between
three important stakeholders, i.e., the political elite, armed forces, and citizens. When
these stakeholders develop a harmonious appreciation of their roles and contributions
to the nation with a shared understanding of the constitution, a healthy symbiosis of
interests and values is engendered, imparting states' desired stability. There are
examples of developing countries like Ghana, where weak democratic institutions
resulted in frequent military interventions. However, the phenomenon declined after
armed forces and civilians fostered a concordance based upon mutual respect,
wherein armed forces participated in the defence of the state and nation-building
tasks. This paper, therefore, deals with the employment of armed forces on military
and non-military tasks, facilitating much-needed concordance in civil-military
relations for democratic consolidation and improvement of armed forces’
performance on nation-building and crisis management. It discusses various civil-
military concordance models and analyses the best-suited option for Pakistan.
Rebecca Schiff’s Concordance Theory, a departure from western models of
Huntington, Lasswell, and Finer, contains some elements of Morris Janowitz’s civil-
military convergence theory and can be applied to Pakistan’s case. It also highlights
the application of four indicators of concordance, i.e., recruitment method, the social
composition of officers’ corps, military style, and political decision-making processes,
to Pakistan, yielding important conclusions regarding improved civil-military
relations.

Keywords: Concordance, Civil-military Relations, Political Culture, Nation-

building.

Introduction

C ivil-military relations in developing states feature a prominent role for

armed forces engaged in development tasks besides defending national
frontiers.1 Scholars like Samuel P. Huntington have been advocating a
model of civil-military relations based on ‘objective control,’ where armed forces
cede professional autonomy while maintaining political neutrality.2 In advanced
industrial democratic states, there is a complete separation of roles and spheres
of influence; civilian leadership makes policies, and armed forces execute them
according to the defined principles.2 However, armed forces in developing states

*
Mr. Raashid Wali Janjua is Acting President/ Director Research of Islamabad Policy Research
Institute (IPRI) Islamabad.

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(or anocracies) have been pressing into deus ex machina. In these states, the
combination of civilian and military competencies has redounded ideally to the
advantage of state and polity, with military and civilian components acting as
‘partners in policymaking.’3
Armed forces have been catalysts for development in different states for a
long. Employment of armed forces on nation-building tasks, such as
infrastructural development, peace and stabilization operations, counter-
terrorism operations, relief work, handling of emergencies, and combating
organized crime, has led towards better concordance between armed forces and
society. Armed forces in countries like the US, China, Turkey, Egypt, Indonesia,
Ghana, and South Korea have had a stellar record of providing security and
economic support to their governments, strengthening the political system and
governance. The growing role of armed forces, especially in developing political
economies, is a veritable cause célèbre. Organizational strength, discipline, and
technical skills like engineering, communications, logistics, and medical enable
armed forces to play an essential role in complex emergencies and nation-
building tasks. It is impracticable without harmony in civil-military relations,
where armed forces, people, and government benefit equally from a symbiosis of
the military’s organizational strength, political understanding of public
representatives, and general support of masses. This harmony is termed
concordance by scholars such as Rebecca Schiff. The Concordance Theory
provides a wide-ranging theoretical framework to explain the balance in civil-
military relations, begotten out of an understanding of the usefulness of three
leading roles played by the people, the armed forces, and the government.

Concordance Theory and Civil-Military Relations

Concordance Theory, propounded by Rebecca Schiff, is a veritable
denouement of civil-military relations featured with frictions, coups, and
praetorian in equal measure. It showcases the healthful nature of balance in
civil-military relations. Unlike Huntington’s theories that advocate the
separation of civil and military spheres, Concordance Theory recommends
integrating political institutions, armed forces, and citizenry in a harmonious
and mutually beneficial relationship. A complete concordance between the
political elite, armed forces, and people is achievable when civilian leadership
encourages armed forces by optimally using their national development
capabilities.4 Some scholars have cautioned against role-expansion of the
military in civilian areas, especially in states with heightened external threats,
fearing that a deified military might develop praetorian tendencies to the
detriment of harmonious civil-military relations.5 According to these scholars,
the military should be organizationally strong enough to do the bidding of a
civilian government but should be equally weak to defy its directives. 6

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While the Huntingtonian school of thought emphasized separating civilian

and military spheres, the Janowitzian school of thought sought to bridge the
civil-military gap by recommending changes in military organizational structure
and training.7 Morris Janowitz suggests a civil-military interaction model
wherein the military is involved in non-military responsibilities by restructuring
itself under civilian control.8 The above is envisaged in a greater value
convergence between civil and military components of a state, leading to
improved civil-military relations. The history of Pakistan indicates a significant
role of armed forces in national development and integration. According to
Rebecca Schiff, the recruitment pattern of armed forces and the social
composition of officers’ corps play a vital role in civil-military harmony.9 In
Pakistan, the progressively inclusive recruitment system has broadened the base
of human resources and changed the British era’s social composition of the
army. The greater representation of smaller provinces and broad base of officers’
recruitment has made armed forces a vital instrument of national integration in
the face of fissiparous tendencies of ethnic sub-nationalism unleashed due to
socio-economic deprivations in the country.
Lawrence Ziring has pointed out civil-military propensity in Pakistan to
prefer national integration over other socio-political priorities.10 One of the
crucial elements of stability in a post-colonial society with an underdeveloped
political system, such as Pakistan,11 was the existence of armed forces as a
symbol of national unity, representing all classes and ethnicities in a
geographically diverse country. The accent on esprit de corps, merit and non-
parochial ethos inculcated in armed forces made it an integrative force in a
newly independent nation where political parties had yet to grow strong roots in
the masses. Therefore, the military in Pakistan, right from the beginning, started
performing a significant role in the social, political, and economic development
of the country. The civil-military relations in Pakistan have resembled the fourth
category of civil-military relations. As per Samuel Huntington, these relations
are seen in countries with a pro-military ideology where the military holds high
political power and professionalism.12 Contrarily, Peter Feaver and Rebecca
Schiff suggest civilian ascendancy through the compliance of civilian leadership
based on harmony generated through the military’s participation in military and
non-military tasks for the benefit of the state and citizens. It should not be
through complete separateness (as propounded by Huntington,13 Lasswell,14 and
Finer15) or synthesis of civilian and military competencies (as suggested by
Morris Janowitz17).
In the early days, Pakistan faced an existential threat to its national security
due to Indian perfidy, withholding its assets and denying water rights.
Consequently, Pakistan strengthens its armed forces by prioritizing defence
spending over other expenditures. Pakistan spent 71.30% of total government
expenditure on defence in 1948-49 and had to keep its defence spending within

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the range of 50-60% between 1958 to 1968-69.16 Thus, a modern military

organization emerged over the foundation of a military structure of the colonial
era. It compelled to act as Morris Janowitz’s model of serving in civilian spheres
for diverse nation-building tasks,17 unlike Huntington’s notion of ‘objective
control,’ which meant acquiring professional autonomy in return for non-
interference in politics.18 According to Rebecca Schiff, Huntington’s separation
of civilian and military spheres fails to the cognizance of cultural and political
differences between the US and other developing countries. It does not apply to
countries with different socio-political and cultural environments.
The Objective Control Theory was relevant to the post-WWII US, where a
dominant military had expanded its influence on non-military spheres. After the
war, it had to be reined in for democratic control of armed forces in a society
that had come to regard the military as a coercive power in the context of
domestic politics.19 Schiff believes that a country may adopt any form of civil-
military relations, including separate or integrated, depending upon local socio-
political culture and historical traditions. She cites India as an example where
political institutions have atrophied significantly, yet the military has not
intervened due to indigenous culture and political practices. 20 Though Harold
Lasswell believes that the military’s development of skills for civilian tasks
would increase the chances of its intervention in national politics,21
understanding the need to respect constitutional boundaries prevent such
biases. According to Huntington and Finer, civil-military separation requires
strong political institutions and ‘objective control’ predicated upon the US
Army’s tradition of professional insularity.22 The professional insularity in the
US is possible because conditions like strong political institutions and
democratic culture exist there. Democratic culture is the repository of attitudes,
preferences, and values, shaping an environment where political actions occur.23
While US democratic culture has started co-opting the military for non-military
tasks with political ramifications, political culture in countries like Pakistan is
different, which historically prefers integration of civilian and military spheres
instead of separation proposed by the western culture. 24

Concordance Theory and Its Applicability to Civil-Military

Relations Models
Concordance Theory supports harmony, accommodation, and shared
values among political elites, military, and citizens. 25 In preference to
institutional separateness, civilian and military components of a state can
operate in a cooperative relationship, where the military is respected for its
nation-building tasks. Instead of civil-military dissonance, a concordance can be
created by the military’s voluntary respect for constitutional boundaries and
politicians’ voluntary restraint of creeping in the military’s domain, with a
beneficiary population revering the military for its nation-building role. It is

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promoted through a merit-oriented broad-based composition of military

leadership, inclusive decision-making procedure by political leadership, a fair
military recruitment process, and military leadership style, e.g., colonial,
revolutionary, citizen soldierly, or a balance of the three.26 Using deductive
causation methodology, empirical evidence from case studies based upon four
concordance indicators, i.e., military style, social composition of military
leadership, civilian decision-making processes, and military recruitment pattern,
can lead to generalizations about the military’s propensity to intervene in
politics. The greatest weakness of separation and agency theories was the civil-
military dichotomy, i.e., us against them. It was never suitable for cultures
where the military was a stabilizing and development agent.27
a. India. In India, a long-held civil-military concordance is coming under
strain due to the politicization of military leadership by Bhartiya Janata Party’s
28
(BJP) political leadership. Despite weak political institutions and social
polarization, the concordance had prevented military coups. The political
leadership of Nehru and his idea of political inclusivism combined with a clear
delineation of civil-military spheres created stakes between citizenry, political
29
leadership, and military that prevented military intervention in politics.
Broad-based recruitment and increased middle-class officers’ corps have
resulted in a greater connection with the masses. The above, combined with
well-structured civilian administrative institutions, such as the Defence
Committee of Cabinet and Parliamentary committees, is resulted in a smooth
30
civil-military interaction. Indian Army is frequently employed on internal
security duties and disaster relief operations to aid civil power. It has been
valued by the political elite but criticized by some scholars who regarded armed
forces' involvement in non-military tasks as deleterious for political
31
institutions. The use of armed forces for political purposes, such as making
election speeches after the Pulwama incident and communalizing armed forces,
is sliding India slowly towards civil-military discordance.32
b. Ghana. Another developing country, Ghana, offers a helpful case study to
understand the concordance between armed forces and civilians. The Ghana
Armed Forces (GAF) have slowly transitioned from an erstwhile praetorian
instrument to a development agent.33 Through a regional balance in military
recruitment and better training and resource allocation, GAF have developed
into a prestigious national institution. The international peacekeeping role has
invested GAF with prestige at national and international levels.34 In turn, the
political leadership has learned to deal with defence matters relevant to GAF
with much circumspection, especially budgetary aspects. All major decisions on
defence and military matters are taken through a constitutional body called the
Armed Forces Council (AFC) with the full participation of civilian institutions,
such as Parliament, Auditor General, Accountant General, and Justice

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Department.35 GAF have emerged as one of the country's most trusted

institutions due to their performance on defence and development tasks. People
revere GAF because of its extensive employment and sterling performance on
disaster relief, internal security, and international peacekeeping roles. The
military’s revered image encourages political leadership and civil society to allow
an expanded role for GAF without fear of military domination of national
politics.
c. The United States. The role of militaries, even in advanced industrial and
democratic nations like the US, has been scrutinized for civil-military
concordance by scholars like Richard Kohn and Risa Brooks in recent times.
They have noted a deficit of value convergence between civilians and the US
military. The Huntingtonian separation of the military from civilian affairs and
politics in the US elicits scepticism by Risa Brooks, who recommends greater
military involvement in national affairs to understand the difficulties of civilian
leadership while planning country’s wars other than non-military tasks.36 The
US military has enhanced its global influence in foreign policy and defence. It is
ubiquitous in policy debates concerning the US military’s overseas
commitments to pursue political objectives.43 Since many foreign and domestic
tasks assigned to armed forces straddle military and political domains, military
leadership in the national policy-making process (institutionalized) serves the
national cause much better than operating in silos. The military needs to be
involved in civilian planning processes to understand better the political
limitations of civilian leadership in a conflict milieu, increasingly blurring
boundaries between military missions and operations other than war.37
Attempts to politicize the military, such as exhortations by Congressmen to 18 th
US Chairman of Joint Chiefs of Staff General Martin to criticize Obama for his
weak policies vis a vis ISIS, were clear signs of politicians’ attempts to drag the
military in politics.38 Instead of playing partisan politics, a standardized system
of military involvement in civilian planning processes through nation-building
tasks can improve civil-military concordance.
US military leadership has started displaying greater political partisanship
while civil society is getting more concerned about military leadership’s
politicization. US military is getting more politicized, as per Risa Brooks, due to
the Trump era’s encouragement of military leaders to support politically
partisan policies openly.39 The civil-military concordance earlier strengthened
through former US army officers in the Senate and House of Representatives is
wane.40 There is a need to bridge the expertise gap in military affairs between
civilian and military leadership through formal education and exposure to
develop concordance. Besides the above, the resource gap between Pentagon
and other state departments also needs to be reduced to balance civil-military
relations.41 Richard Kohn has criticized US military leadership for its defiance of
US Presidents over Kosovo bombings on Serb positions, gay rights issue, and

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Afghanistan conflict, displaying a lack of policy concordance between civilian

and military components of the state.42 He also warns about the perils of over
politicization of military leadership, including defiance of Truman during the
Korean War, revulsion to technological reforms under Eisenhower, opposition
to McNamara reforms, resistance to Bill Clinton policy of ‘don’t ask; don’t tell,’
and defiance of Obama’s Afghan policy.43 Therefore, the concordance between
military and civilians is adversely impacted despite fair and broad-based
recruitment and merit-oriented promotions due to politicians’ current penchant
for politicizing the military.
Some valuable lessons are culled out of the above case studies of India, Ghana,
and the US:

 The first lesson is increasing the relevance of the concordance model of

civil-military relations instead of the separation model of objective
control in countries with peculiar socio-political culture and threat
environments.
 The second lesson is the increasing importance of armed forces
employment on operations other than war, including disaster relief,
internal security, and development tasks for a concordance between
civil society, political elite, and military.
 The third lesson is strong civilian institutions for policy direction led by
leadership adept in military affairs. Bridging the expertise gap between
civilian and military leadership is necessary.
 The fourth lesson that emanates from the discourse is the need for
value convergence and cultural unity between civilians and the
military.
 The broad-based and merit-oriented recruitment in armed forces as a
binding glue to connect armed forces with society emerges as the fifth
lesson that leads to a civil-military concordance so vital for smooth
civil-military relations.
 The sixth and most important lesson is that when civil and military
components operate within constitutional boundaries, the military has
a non-political nation-building role.44
Pakistan’s case study offers another proper referent to showcase the efficacy
of the Concordance Theory.

Applicability of Concordance Theory to Pakistan

Military in Pakistan has acted as an agent of socio-political and economic
change due to its organizational strength, discipline, and technical
competencies.45 Since its inception as an independent state, Pakistan’s highly
threatened geopolitical environment has forced the military to take centre stage
in national security and nation-building tasks. The military, due to its response

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capacity in natural calamities, infrastructure development capacity in a

challenging environment, and security expertise, has always been relied upon by
civilian governments as an instrument of last resort for several non-military
tasks, such as counter-terrorism, disaster relief, crime control, conduct of
elections, census duties, and infrastructure development tasks. A traditional
reverence of population has always shaped public opinion for the military as
guardians of national frontiers. Military sacrifices in wars with an implacable foe
on eastern borders and counter-terrorism operations have always resonated well
with the people who idolized the military and welcomed its participation in
nation-building tasks.
Pakistan experienced civil-military discordance during its initial years
owing to civil-military friction due to weak political institutions and the early
departure of the Father of the Nation. People suffered vagaries of political and
economic instability stoically as the prestige index of politicians plummeted
compared to the military that had burnished its credentials due to its untainted
reputation and sacrifices in military conflicts against India. The fear of India and
the military’s prestige combined with politicians’ failure to strengthen
democratic institutions through democratic practices resulted in military coups
that harmed civil-military concordance. However, the military’s efficient and
dedicated performance in nation-building tasks always supports concordance,
where citizens view military discipline, efficiency, and cohesion as ideal traits
worth emulation by the political and bureaucratic elite of the country. An
effusive celebration greeted the country’s first military coup on the streets due
to their belief in the military’s dedication and efficiency. The international
response was equally positive.46 Some critics ascribe the discordance between
the political elite, armed forces, and people as the main reason for military
coups.47

Indicators of Concordance Theory

An evaluation of the four indicators of Concordance Theory applied to
Pakistan would be necessary to understand the state of concordance in civil-
military relations. The first indicator of Concordance Theory, the social
composition of officers’ class, shows diversification compared to the past. With
an increased number of Sindhi, Balochi, and former tribal-area officers, the
recruitment process has become broad-based and inclusive, as validated by a
study of district-level recruitment quoted by Christine Fair.48 The second
indicator, political decision-making processes, has shown improvement through
democratic continuity and consolidation, though there is still room for
improvement. The diminishing of fear of Indian aggression after attaining
nuclear deterrence amongst the population and the rise of independent media
are two main factors that have instilled greater confidence in civilians. 49 The
third indicator, recruitment base, shows significant development in broadening

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the recruitment base. The fourth indicator, military-style, is also changing with
old military traditions of insularity, being replaced by a sensitivity for local
values and nationalistic orientation in armed forces. 50 The armed forces’
willingness to undertake several challenging nation-building tasks, such as
infrastructure development in Balochistan, former tribal areas, and Gilgit-
Baltistan, attests to its keenness to contribute to human security and
development in keeping with the government’s current focus on national
security matrix.51 The above indicates visible improvement in concordance of
civil-military relations in Pakistan.

Concordance through Employment of Armed Forces in Nation-

Building
Armed forces in Pakistan have been actively participating in nation-
building tasks since independence. As an organized and disciplined institution
having a diversified capacity portfolio spanning a wide gamut of competencies
like law enforcement, disaster relief, infrastructure construction, and logistics,
armed forces have been regularly co-opted in nation-building tasks by the
government. The Karakorum Highway has been a crowning achievement for the
Army Corps of Engineers. Sino-Pakistan cooperation began in right earnest after
the 1965 war when a US-wary Pakistan started looking eastwards to address its
strategic vulnerability of overreliance on western economic and military aid.
Since the Chinese were also seeking to break out of international isolation,
symbiosis of these interests resulted in a proposal to construct a ‘Friendship
Highway’ linking both countries.52
The technical delegates of Pakistan and China met at Kashgar in January
1966 and worked out modalities of the project. After five days of deliberations,
both sides agreed to build a road linking China's Xinjiang Province with
Pakistan. The road link was to be established in two years, and the Chinese were
to provide logistic support to Pakistani builders while working on their part of
the road in their territory. A joint survey team fixed the junction point of
Friendship Highway at a 4700 meters high point on the Karakorum watershed
between the two countries in June 1966. The project was ultimately completed
after twelve years of herculean effort. The eighth wonder of the world, a 616-
kilometers long highway connecting Thakot to Khunjerab, was finally
inaugurated in June 1978, taking a toll of 11 officers, 25 junior commissioned
officers, 531 soldiers, and 246 civilian labourers.53 The successful completion of
the Karakorum Highway project cemented a beneficial relationship between the
government, citizens, and armed forces with people realizing the positive role of
a national instrument (the military) towards improving human security. These
positive feelings significantly improved the concordance between civilians and
armed forces. Armed forces in far-flung northern areas improved

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communications to hitherto isolated areas that broke geographic isolation of

underdeveloped regions.
Another aspect to cover is civil-military cooperation during the catastrophic
earthquake of October 2005. It presents a textbook example of civil-military
cooperation in a humanitarian emergency, collaboration with national and
international disaster relief and rehabilitation organizations. A 7.6 Richter
scaled earthquake jolted the country's northern region, including Punjab, KP,
and Azad Kashmir. The major cities, such as Balakot, Muzaffarabad, Bagh, and
Rawalakot, were the worst affected areas,54 thus facing a colossal humanitarian
crisis. It was the time when those whose job was to counter violence (army) and
those whose job was to bring about relief (humanitarian emergency relief
organizations) gelled together in epic relief and rescue efforts, showcasing civil-
military cooperation in a humanitarian emergency.
The military elements in earthquake-affected areas provided stability in
terms of law and order, protection of relief workers, and guidance and
coordination for all NGOs and INGOs working in the disaster zone. Civilian
relief organizations and volunteers, usually wary of the military, came to rely on
it as a sheet anchor for their relief work. The achievements of this civil-military
synergy are evident by the statistics (providing temporary shelters to 385,000
families, 951,790 tents, 6,361,090 blankets/quilts, 256,376 tons ration, 3053.76
tons medicines, 65 field hospitals, 86 field/mobile medical teams, and 30,33455
sorties).56 According to a post-earthquake study carried out by Andrew Wilder,
“Pakistan earthquake rescue and relief efforts are considered to have been one
of the largest and most integrated civilian and military humanitarian operations
ever much more so than other recent responses to natural disasters, including
2004-Indian Ocean tsunami and Hurricane Katrina.” 57 Most INGOs were full of
praise for the army’s protective umbrella and facilitation during the relief
operations.58
Each successful nation-building task has contributed to a better
understanding of each other’s planning processes, promoting a rare
concordance of values and interests between the two. The 2005-earthquake was
an event that fostered the best possible concordance between the government,
armed forces, and people. The civilian institutions worked in an organized
manner with armed forces that promoted a better understanding. According to
former Federal Minister Ahsan Iqbal, “the civil-military interactions should be
made more institutionalized by making their meeting points more formal and
reflective of civilian control.” 59 Senator Mushahid Hussain also echoes the same
idea, albeit adding a caution about armed forces’ role expansion in civilian
affairs, which needs to be balanced.60 The civilian leadership’s faith in the
military’s ability to perform efficiently on non-military tasks is evident from
former Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif’s decision to introduce military courts to

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counter terrorism, which Supreme Court turned down. 61 According to Professor

Saeed Shafqat, the western model of civil-military relations propounded by
Huntington and Lasswell recommending separation of civil-military
responsibilities in neat silos is inapplicable to Pakistan due to a flawed approach
disregarding external and regional environment.62 For Pakistan, Morris
Janowitz’s model is more suitable where armed forces perform civilian tasks due
to their superior organizational skill, discipline, and technical competence.68

Conclusion
This paper points out the need for harmonious civil-military relations to
serve constitutional requirements and a mutually beneficial relationship of trust
and affection between armed forces, the political elite, and citizens. The
concordance is equally applicable to developing and advanced industrial
nations, including global powers like the US, where it seeks to curb excesses of
institutional friction due to overweening ambitions of government entities and
individuals. Countries like Pakistan, whose chequered civil-military relations
history featuring authoritarian rule and weak democracy, need a concordance or
a mutually beneficial relationship between the people, the government, and the
military based on trust and respect of each other’s constitutional boundaries.
The armed forces’ increasing employment on nation-building tasks in Pakistan
within the constitutional remit is also in sync with the new national security
vision that places economic and human security front and centre. Since our
national security policy securitizes economy and human security, it is only
natural that the most organized and disciplined state institutions (i.e., armed
forces) play their due part in warding off threats to elements of national
security. The four indicators of concordance, broad social base, merit-oriented
recruitment, the military’s transformation to a nationalist entity, and inclusive
decision-making processes of civilian leadership display a smooth journey of
civil-military relations towards the attainment of civil-military concordance
recommended by scholars like Rebecca Schiff. To attain the ideal, however,
state's civil and military components need to respect each other’s constitutional
boundaries besides continually striving to enhance their respective
understanding of each other through education, training, joint projects, and
development of institutions that strengthen collegial decision-making.

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Endnotes

1
Lucien Pye, “Armies in the Process of Political Modernization,” in The Peaceful Uses of
Military Forces in Underdeveloped Areas: A Review Essay, Ed. Johnson (Princeton, NJ:
Princeton University Press,1962),69.
2
Samuel P. Huntington, The Soldier and the State: The Theory and Politics of Civil-
Military Relations (Cambridge, Mass.: Belknap, 1957).83.
2
William E. Rapp, “Civil-Military Relations: The Role of Military Leaders in Strategy
Making,” Parameters, Vol. 45, No. 3 (Autumn 2015): 1.
3
Raymond Barrett, “Partners in Policymaking,” Military Review, Vol. 45, No. 10 (October
1965): 84.
4
Rebecca L Schiff, The Military and Domestic Politics: A Concordance Theory of Civil-
Military Relations (New York:
Routledge, 2009), 13.
5
Harold Dwight Lasswell, Essays on the Garrison State ed. Jay Stanley (New Brunswick:
Transaction Publishing, 1997), 24.
6
Feaver, Peter D, “The Civil-Military Problematique: Huntington, Janowitz and the
Question of Civilian Control,” Armed Forces and Society Vol 23, Iss.2:149-178, 149.
7
Morris Janowitz, The Professional Soldier: A Social and Political Portrait (Glencoe, Illinois:
The Free Press, 1960), 343.
8
Morris Janowitz, The Professional Soldier: A Social and Political Portrait (Glencoe, Illinois:
The Free Press, 1960), 343.
9
Rebecca L Schiff, The Military and Domestic Politics: A Concordance Theory of Civil-
Military Relations (New York:
Routledge, 2009), 77.
10
Lawrence Ziring, Pakistan in the Twentieth Century: A Political History (Karachi: Oxford
University Press, 1997), 451.
11
Hamza Alavi, "The State in Post-Colonial Societies: Pakistan and Bangladesh," New Left
Review, no. 74 (1972): 68.
12
Samuel P. Huntington, The Soldier and the State: The Theory and Practice of State-Society
Relations (New York: Vintage Books, 1957), 96
13
Samuel P. Huntington, The Soldier and the State: The Theory and Practice of State-Society
Relations (New York:
Vintage Books, 1957), 83.
14
Harold Dwight Lasswell, Essays on the Garrison State ed. Jay Stanley (New Brunswick:
Transaction Publishing, 1997), 24.
15
S. E. Finer, The Man On Horseback(London and Dunmow:Pall Mall
Press Limited,1962),26. 17 Morris Janowitz, The Professional Soldier: A
Social and Political Portrait(Glencoe, Illinois: The Free Press,1960),342.
16
Hasan Askari Rizvi, Military and Politics in Pakistan (Lahore:Sang e Meel
Publishers,2003),63,106.
17
Morris Janowitz, The Professional Soldier: A Social and Political Portrait (Glencoe, Illinois:
The Free Press, 1960), XI.
18
Samuel P. Huntington, The Soldier and the State: The Theory and Practice of State-Society
Relations (New York:
Vintage Books, 1957), viii.
19
Rebecca L. Schiff, “Civil-Military Relations Reconsidered: A Theory of Concordance,”
Armed Forces and Society ,no. 22(October 1995):7,accessed January 29th,2022,
file:///C:/Users/dell/Desktop/Rebecca%20Schiff/CivilMilitary%20Relations%20Reconside
red.pdf.

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 CIVIL-MILITARY CONCORDANCE IN PAKISTAN 113

20
Rebecca L. Schiff, “Civil-Military Relations Reconsidered: A Theory of Concordance,”
Armed Forces and Society ,no. 22(October 1995):8,accessed January 29th,2022,
file:///C:/Users/dell/Desktop/Rebecca%20Schiff/CivilMilitary%20Relations%20Reconside
red.pdf.
21
Harold Dwight Lasswell, Essays on the Garrison State ed. Jay Stanley (New Brunswick:
Transaction Publishing, 1997), 59.
22
Samuel P. Huntington, The Soldier and the State: The Theory and Practice of State-Society
Relations (New York:
Vintage Books, 1957), 97.
23
Myrion Weiner, ”Political Culture in Foreign Area Studies,” in The Political Culture of
Foreign Area and International Studies, eds. Richard J. Samuels and Myrion Weiner
(Washington: Brasseys US, Inc.,1992),4.
24
Professor Dr Saeed Shafqat, interview by Author, June 1, 2021.
25
Rebecca L. Schiff, “Civil-Military Relations Reconsidered: A Theory of Concordance,”
Armed Forces and Society ,no. 22(October 1995):12,accessed January 29th,2022,
file:///C:/Users/dell/Desktop/Rebecca%20Schiff/CivilMilitary%20Relations%20Reconside
red.pdf.
26
Rebecca L. Schiff, The Military and Domestic Politics: A Concordance Theory of Civil-
Military Relations (London and New York:Routledge,2009),13,accessed January 29,2022,
file:///C:/Users/dell/Desktop/Rebecca%20Schiff/10.4324_9780203892305_previewpdf.pdf
27
Ibid,11.
28
Sanjiv Krishan Sood, “Indian armed forces are losing their political neutrality-putting
national security at risk,”Scroll.in, May 25, 20191,,accessed, February 1,2022,
https://scroll.in/article/924409/indias-armed-forces-arelosing-their-political-neutrality-
putting-national-security-at-risk
29
Meghnad Desai and Aitzaz Ahsan, Divided by Democracy, ed. David Page(New Delhi:Roli
Books,2005),26.
30
Rebbeca L. Schiff, “Civil-Military Relations Reconsidered: A Theory of
Concordance,”Armed Forces and Society ,no. 22(October 1995):19,accessed January
29th,2022,
file:///C:/Users/dell/Desktop/Rebecca%20Schiff/CivilMilitary%20Relations%20Reconside
red.pdf.
31
Sumit Ganguly, “From Defence of the Nation to Aid to the Civil: The Army in
Contemporary India,”Journal of Asian and African Studies XXVI,1-2(1991),22.
32
Harish Khare,”The Troubled Legacy of the General Rawat Needs to be Rolled Back,”The
Wire, December 19,2021,accessed,February 1,2022, https://thewire.in/politics/the-
troubled-legacy-of-general-rawat-needs-to-berolled-back.
33
Naila Salihu,”Concordance Civil Military Relations in Ghana’s Fourth Republic,” Armed
Forces and Society, I17(2019),2.
34
Ibid,6.
35
Ibid,7.
36
Risa Brooks,“The Real Threat to Civilian Control of the Military.” January 18,2021,
accessed June 23,2021, https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/united-states/2021-
01-18/real-threat-civilian-control-military. 43 Richard H. Kohn, “The Erosion of the
Civilian Control of the Military in the United States Today.” Naval War College
Review,55,no.3(2002):22.
37
Risa Brooks, "Paradoxes of professionalism: Rethinking civil-military relations in the
United States," International Security 44, no. 4 (2020): 9.

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 114 RAASHID WALI JANJUA

38
Risa Brooks, Jim Golby, and Heidi Urban, “Crisis of Command: America’s Broken Civil
Military Relationship Imperils National Security,” Foreign Affairs
100,no.3(May/June,2021):66.
39
Risa Brooks, ”Paradoxes of Professionalism,” International Security 44:4(2021):8, accessed
January 30,2022, file:///F:/Own%20PhD%20Folder/Civil-
Military%20Relations%20USeful%20Refe/Risa%20Brooks)/Paradoxes%20of%20Profession
alism%20%20Rethinking%20Civil%20Military%20Relations.pdf.
40
“Nathaniel Flick:US Civil Military Relations in the 21st Century,” YouTube Video. Posted by
University of California Television (UCTV), 2010.
https://www.youtube.com/results?search_query=Nathaniel+Fick+US+Civil+Military+Rela
tions+in+the+21st+Centu ry.
41
“Nathaniel Flick: US Civil Military Relations in the 21st Century, ”YouTube Video. Posted
by University of California Television (UCTV), 2010.
https://www.youtube.com/results?search_query=Nathaniel+Fick+US+Civil+Military+Rela
tions+in+the+21st+Centu ry.
42
Richard H Kohn, "The erosion of civilian control of the military in the United States
today," Naval War College Review 55, no. 3 (2002). 22.
43
Richard Kohn: Six Myths about US Civil Military Relations, ”YouTube Video. Posted by
University of North Carolina, September 12,
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=l8MDZCOCatw.
44
Rebecca L. Schiff, “Civil-Military Relations Reconsidered: A Theory of Concordance,”
Armed Forces and Society ,no. 22(October 1995):12,accessed January 29th,2022,
file:///C:/Users/dell/Desktop/Rebecca%20Schiff/CivilMilitary%20Relations%20Reconside
red.pdf.
45
Samuel P. Huntington, Changing Patterns of Military Politics (New York: Free Press of
Glencoe, 1962), 35.
46
Wayne Ayres Wilcox, ‘‘The Pakistan Coup d’états of 1958,’’ Pacific Affairs 38, 2 (1965): 143.
47
Rebecca L. Schiff, “Concordance Theory in Pakistan: Response to Zulfiqar Ali,”Armed
Forces and Society I-
9 (2015):2,accessed January 30,2022,
file:///C:/Users/dell/Desktop/Rebecca%20Schiff/Concordance%20Theory%20in%20Pakist
an.pdf.
48
Fair, C. Christine. “Increasing Social Conservatism in the Pakistan Army: What the Data
Say.” Armed Forces & Society 38, no. 3 (July 2012): 458.
https://doi.org/10.1177/0095327X11426254.
49
Senator Mushahid Hussain Syed (Former Federal Minister), interview by Author, May 28,
2021.
50
Schiff, The Military and Domestic Politics:A Concordance Theory of Civil-Military
Relations,87.
51
“National security Policy of Pakistan 2022-2026,”National Security Division,6,accessed
January 30,2022, https://nsd.gov.pk/2022/01/
52
Lt Colonel (retired) M. Z. Kidwai, The Birth of KKH-A Saga of Courage of Khunjerab Force,
ed.Brig (retired) Raashid Wali Janjua, Brig(retired) Munir Ahmed Tariq(Rawalpindi: Map
Storage and Distribution Unit, 477 Army Survey Group Engineers,2015),9.
53
Lt Colonel(retired) M. Z. Kidwai, The Birth of KKH-A Saga of Courage of Khunjerab Force,
ed.Brig (retired) Raashid Wali Janjua, Brig(retired) Munir Ahmed Tariq(Rawalpindi: Map
Storage and Distribution Unit, 477 Army Survey Group Engineers,2015),20.
54
Annual Review 2005 to 2006, Rebuild, Revive With Dignity & Hope, Official ERRA
Report(Rawalpindi, Army Printing Press,2006),9.

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55
Annual Review 2005 to 2006, Rebuild, Revive With Dignity & Hope, Official ERRA
Report(Rawalpindi, Army Printing Press,2006),14.
56
Annual Review 2005 to 2006, Rebuild, Revive With Dignity & Hope, Official ERRA
Report(Rawalpindi, Army Printing Press,2006),14.
57
Andrew Wilder, “Perceptions of the Pakistan Earthquake Response,” Humanitarian
Agenda 2015 Pakistan
Country Study byFeinstein International Center,February 2008,56,accessed January
30,2022, https://fic.tufts.edu/assets/HA2015-Pakistan-Earthquake-Response.pdf
58
Andrew Wilder, “Perceptions of the Pakistan Earthquake Response,” Humanitarian
Agenda 2015 Pakistan Country Study by Feinstein International Center,February 2008,59,
accessed January 30,2022, https://fic.tufts.edu/assets/HA2015-Pakistan-Earthquake-
Response.pdf.
59
Ahsan Iqbal,(Former Federal Minister), interview by Author, June 25, 2021.
60
Senator Mushahid Hussain Syed (Former Federal Minister), interview by Author, May 28,
2021.
61
Ibid.
62
Professor Dr Saeed Shafqat, interview
by Author, June 1, 2021. 68Ibid.

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