PART I1 DECEMBER 1935

THE JOURNAL OF

EGYPTIAN ARCHAEOLOGY

PUBLISHED BY

THE E G Y P T EXPLORATION SOCIETY

2 H I N D E STREET, MANCHESTER SQUARE, LONDON, W . l

ALL RIGHTS R E S E R V E D TO N O N - M E M B E R S 25s. NET P R I N T E D I N G R E A T BRITAIN

 CONTENTS
PAGE

.. 129

TOPOGRAPHICAL NOTES ON THE C E N ~ A CITY.

L TELL
E L - ' A X A ~ A ...
H ... ... ... ... ... EI. W . Fairman ... . 136

A LAWSUIT
ARISING FROW THE OF TWOSLAVESAlan H . Gardiner
PURCHASE ... ... 140

NEW KINGDOM
FOUR ~ ~ O N U I I I E N TW
S THE MUSEUN OF
E ~ ARTS.
E BOSTON... ... ... ... ... Dows Dunham ... ... 147

SOME OF MIN
CELESTIALASSOCIATIONS ... ..- ... G . A . Wainwright ... ... 152

NOTESON SORIE
FUNERARY
AXULETS ... ... ... Alan W . Shorter ... ... 171

THEVERB '1' TOSAY' AND ITS ...

DEVELOPDIENTS ... R . (9. Faulkner ... ... 177
THE OXFORD UNIVERSITYEXCAVATIONS
IN NUYIA.
1934-1935 ... ... ... ... ... ... L. P. Kirwan ... ... 191

ON COWS FOUND
REPORT AT IN 1900 ...
TEBTUNIS ... J . G. Milne ... ... ... 210

A TRIAL BEBORE TEE PEEFECT &PIUS SABINUS.

OF EGYPT
c . 25O A . D . ... ... ... ... ... ... T.C.Skeat and E .P.'Wegener 224

NOTICESOF RECENT PUBLICATIONS :

Dr . p h ~.lI. . 0. STP:UE~
. Myrrh6 und Stalcte
. . . . . . . . . . . . Reviewed by G . A . Wainwright ... 254

Ur . U. I-~OEDER
. Statuen agyptischer Konigznneri; irn Anschluss a n

ckn Torso An~on-erdasI I i n Sydney untcrsuclzt .........

E . A . SPEISER . EtJ~nic~ W o v e m e n ti ~n the Near East in thc Second

-'dillennzunz B.C. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .....

. Si'aintingsfio~nthe Tomb ojRekh-mi-RBr

XORMAN
UI: C A R ~DSA ~ I E
at il'hebes ........................... .. S . R . K . Glanville .. 258
.
C. G . SELIGMANEgypt and Keg70 Ajrica: A Study in Divine
Kingship . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
ELIZABETH . Accounting in the Zenon Papyri .
CKIER ........
..
. > . .
.. . .
G .4 Wainwright ...
T. C. Skeat . . . . . .
250
261
OTTO. Zur Gesckichte der Zeit des 6 . Ptolemaers . . . . . .
WALTEJL .. ]ti. I .Bell andl'. C .Skeat 26%
WILLIAMFOXWELL ALBRIGRT . The Vocalization of thc Eygptian

Syllabic Orthography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

C . H . ROBERTS . A n Unpublished Frczgment of the Fourth Gospel

.zn the John Bylands Librarg
ASISTIDECALDERLNI
..................
. D i z i v n a ~ odei nomi geograjici c topoyrajici
. .. H . I . Bell . . . . . . 266

dell' Egilto greco-romana . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ............ 267

 NO\%' READY

..
m. Supplement to ..
Gardiner's Egyptian Grammar
RY

A L A N H. G A R D I N E R & M. GAUTHIER-LAURENT.

The present work fulfils a dual purpose. The first

portion of the book, for\\,hich Dr.Gardiner is responsible.
consists of 21 pages of aclditions and corrections to his
k:qybfi~z~z (;rnrnmnu, including t h e Sign-List. ; ~ n dis
indispensable to those \ ~ l i opossess the (;rczrnmal: The
second portion, of -57 pages, contains an Index, compiled
by Mme. Cnuthier-Laurent, of all references to boolcs
and t o Egj ptian tests quoted in both the Gruinnznr and
the LCI~,b/~ler?~ertf,
and this will prove a n invaluable aid to
students in the reading of middle Eg) ptian tests, :1i40
enabling the more advanced scholar to ascertain readily
what may have been said concer.r~inga given passage.
The format is uniform with that oi the (' rY~7177171Nr.

PRICE. in paper covers 10/6 (post free) from The

Oxford University PI-ess, 116, High Street, Oxford, o r
40 francs (postage estra) from hlme. Crtuthier-Laurent,
37. Aveni~etlu Roule, Neuilly-sur-Seine. France.
 Detail from a Hnntidg k o c , a Wall Painting from a Tomb of
Ancient Egypcian Tlubtr. Fifteenth Ckmq B.C. The full
pintin8 is ar of those idW in E ~ e b r Painringc.
r .

ANCIENT EGYPTIAN PAINTINGS

SELECTED, COPIED, AND DESCRIBED B Y N I N A M. DAVIES WITH THE
E D I T O R I A L ASSISTANCE OF A L A N H . G A R D I N E R SPECIAL P U B L I C A T I O N
OF THE ORIENTAL INSTITUTE OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO

THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO PRESS

 ANCIENT EGYPTIAN PAINTINGS

T HISpublication represents the fulfilment of a project h o w for by the s e a t American

H . dardi-
Orientalist, Dr. James Henry Breasted, initiated some yeam a . byDb.%Alnn
1 -
ner of England, and finally ma& possible t k ~ u g kthe CkimI h d t u t e by the ginerosity
of hk.~ d h na. b & d & ~ f
The paiinti&gsof ladent Egypt k l d e m y which have long been individually noted
for their exquisite color, their brilliance of execution, or the interest of their technique or
subject matter. The vieissitudes of time have combined with intentional or heedless deface-
. ment ho mar such achievements of the past. Yet it has proved possible to assemble a group
. . worthily the progress and'the themes of
ch represent
the painting art during the most important: periods of Egypt's history.
The% ha-ye-been.care@llycopied in .color from the originals, most of which are still in
place on tomb or temple walls. The artist who made the beautiful and accurate reproduc-
tions is Mrs. Nina de Garis Dsvies, who already has to her credit many of the paintings in
the splendid Egyptian publications of the Metropolitan Museum of Art. Mrs. Davies her-
self has watched aad checked, plate by plate, the priming of the collotype facsimiles which -

s, thus assuring the scientific merit of the re-

Among the subjects are many from everyday life, such as "Men Gathering Figs," "Birds
"Syrians Grovelling at the Feet of Amemphis 111." A casket lid of King Tutcankhamiin's
has contributed two exquisite miniature paintings, one of a lion hunt, the other of the
slaughter of Syrian foes. Temple scenes and decorative &ling pattefns supplemqt the varied
range of tomb wall scenes. Each folio u o b ~ m 8contains 52 color platc~.

T E X T VOLUME

A CCOMPANYING the splendid volumes of plates is a smaller volume of text, supplying

the needed background of objective facts, such as source, date, size, and technique,
for each painting, together with a description of the picture's contents and translations of
whatever hieroglyphic legends have been inserted by the artist. More general matters-
historical setting, technical methods, nature and causes of deterioration and damagt--&LC
dealt with in the introduction to the text volume.

CONTENTS OF THE INTRODUCTION

1. Scope of the Work 10. Colouring

2. The Historical Setting 11. Backgrounds'
3. Technical Notes on the V & w & i d 12. Transparent Garments and Shading
4. The Subjects D c p i c d 13. Combination of Relief and Painting
5. The Mode of Drawing 14. Varnishes
6. The Nature of Egypeiaa Paintkg 15. Difficulties That Beset the Ancient Artist
7. Materials and Implements Used 16. The Painters of the Pictures
8. Method of Procedure 17. Durability of Pigments and Changes of Colour
9. Outlines 18. Causes of Destruction in the Theban Tombs
 TITLES O F T H E PLATES
OLD KINGDOM, DYNASTIES IV-VI LII. Girls Bringing Fruit and Flowers
LIII. Royal Favourites
I. The Meddm Geese
11. Ship under Full Sail LIV) Fishing and Fowling in the Marshes
LV.
111. Cattle-boats
LVI. A Nile Boat with Its Crew
IV. Fragment from a Scene of Spearing Fish
LVII. King Amenophis 111
LVIII. Foreigners beneath the Royal Throne
MIDDLE KINGDOM, DYNASTIES XI-XI1 LIX. Bull Decked Out for Sacrifice
v. A Granary, Tools, Weapons, etc. LX. Syrians Grovelling at the Feet of Amenophis I11
Hieroglyphs from Middle Kingdom Coffins LXI. Guests at a Feast
VI.
VII. Men Gathering Figs LXII. Craftsmen a t Work
VIII. Feeding the Oryxes LXIII. Mourners Crossing the Nile
IX. Birds in an Acacia Tree LXIV. The Final Rites before the Tomb-door
LXV.
x. Group of Semite Women
LXVI.j
1
Fowling in the Marshes
XI. Semite with His Donkey
LXVII. Farmers Deliver Their Quota of Geese
LXVIII. Horses and Mules at the Harvest Field
NEW KINGDOM, EIGHTEENTH DYNASTY LXIX. The Pool in the Garden
XII. King Tuthmosis I LXX. Singers and Dancers
XIII. A Decorative Lion LXXI- 1 The Procession t o the Tomb and Mourners
XIV. Minoan Tribute-bearers LXXIII. j
xv. A Pet Bitch LXXIV. Infant Daughters of Akhenaten
Scribe Registering Nubian Tribute LXXV.
XVI.
XVII. Musicians at a Banquet
'
I
LXXVI. / Birds amid the Papyrus Marshes
XVIII. Inscription in Ornamental Hieroglyphs LXXVII. Tutcankhamiin Hunting Lions
XIX. Birds in Flight LXXVIII.Tutcankhamfin Slaying Syrian Foes
xx. Hippopotamus a t Bay LXXIX. \
XXI. Foreign Princes Pay Homage to the King LXXX. / Nubian Tribute-bearers
XXII. Two Cretan Tribute-bearers LXXXI. A Nubian Princess in Her Ox-chariot
XXIII. Four Cretan Tribute-bearers LXXXII.The Viceroy of Nubia's State Barge
XXIV. Syrian Tribute-bearers LXXXIII.Ceiling Pattern with Name and Title
xxv. Funerary Rites in a Garden LXXXIV.Ceiling Pattern with Bucrania and Grasshopprs
XXVI. Music at a Party
XXVII. Cat under a Chair NEW KINGDOM, NINETEENTH DYNASTY
xxv1rI. Vintagers and Rope-makers at Work
x x ~ x . King Amenophis I1 on His Nurse's Lap LXXXV. The Cult-image of Amenophis I Carried in Pro-
xxx. Ibex and Hunting Dog cession
x x x ~ . Details from a Hunting Scene LXXXVI. Sethos I with ROC-Harakhtiand Ptab
XXXII. Cattle LXXXVII. Userbtt Enjoys the Cool of His Garden
XXXIII. A Piece of Goldsmith's Work LXXXVIII. The High-priest Userbet
LXXXIX. The Mother of UserhOt
x x x ~ v . From a Row- of Offering-bearers
xxxv. The Daily Meal within the Tomb XC. From a Row of Deities Bringing Offerings
x x x v ~ . A Lady Guest and Serving-maids XCI. Isis Conducts Queen Nefretere to Her T o ~ n b
XXXVII. Musicians a t a Banquet XCII. Queen Nefretere Worshipping
XXXVIII. Tribute of the Desert XCIII. Three Vignettes
x x x ~ x . Nubian Women and Children
XCIV. Kenro and His Wife in Their Garden
XCV. Kenro Plays a Game of Hazard
XL. A Negro Dancer
XCVI. Fishing with a Draw-net
XLI. Trapper with Pelicans
XCVII. Fishlnongers
XLII. Syrian Tribute-bearers
XCVIII. Vintage Scene
XLIII. Decorative Gold Vases
XCIX. Young Girl with a Duck
XLIV. Otficers of the Household of Sebkbotpe
C. King Ramesses I1
XLV. Nubian Soldiers with Standard-bearer
CI. Ducks and Pigeons in a Ceiling Pattern
XLVI. A Nubian Drummer
CII. Amennakhte Worships beneath a Ddm Palm
XLVII. Fowling in the Marshes
XLVIII. Vintagers and Bird-catchers
XLIX. Butchers and Bringers of Offerings NEW KINGDOM, TWENTIETH DYNASTY

"
LI.
] Harvest Scenc CIII. Isis Greets Ralnesses 111 and His Son
CIV. Ceiling Patterns

S P E C I A L R E D U C E D P R I C E U N T I L D E C E M B E R 31, 1 9 3 6
The generosity of Mr. Rockefeller makes i t possible to price these volumes at less than half the cost of publication.
Price per set of three volumes: Regular edition, bound in buckram £10.0.0 Extra set of plates, unbound £8.0.0
Deluxe edition, bound in pigskin £16.0.0 Extra copy of text volulne L1.0.0
The three volumes were printed in, and will be shipped from, England

I'ablished by THE UNIVERSITY O F CHICAGO PRESS

Sold in Great Britain and Ireland by
C A M B R I D G E U N I V E R S I T Y PRESS F E T T E R LANE, L O N D O N , E.C. 4
 LIST OF PLATES
PAGE
THE STELAOF NEBIPUSENTVOSRET: BRITISHMUSEUM 30.101.
Plate I. The Stela of Piebipusenwosret : Brit. Mus. No. 101 Frontispiece

THE PROBLEM OF THE SITE OF AVARIS.

Plate 11. Squeezes of inscriptions on the seat and base of a statue of Sesostris I, re-
inscribed by Neneptah in honour of the God Sutekh, from Tanis. Cairo
11useum . , facing p. 16

THE TWOSTYLESOF COPTICPAINTING.

Plate 111. Mummy-Portraits . ,, 64
Plate IV. Paintings from the Monastery of St. Jeremias, SakkBrah . between pp. 64 and 65
Plate V. Paintings from the Monastery of St. Apollo, Bawit . ,, 64 ,, 65
Plate TI. Paintings from the Monastery of St. Jeremias, Sakksrah, and the Church of
El-'Adra, Cairo . . facing p. 65
ERXESTALFREDWALLISBUDGE; 1857-1934.
Plate VII. Sir E. A. FT7allis Budge . ,, 68

PRELIBITYARY REPORTOF THE EXCAVATIONS AT TELLEL-'AYARNAH,

1934-1935.
Plate T'III. Excavations at Tell El-'Amamah, 1934-5. The Palace.

1. Faience plaque.
2. Fish in gold plate.
3. Faience plaques.
4. Sculptor's trial-piece.
5. Fragment of limestone column-drum.
6. Sunk relief showing foreigners . ,, 129
Plate IX. Excavations a t Tell El-'Amamah, 1934-5. The Palace.
1. Sorth entrance to the Pillared Hall.
2. Harem Garden from the south.
3. The Processional K a y from the north.
4. 'Reben-Aten': the foundations . ,, 130
Plate S. Excavations a t TeIl EI-'Amamah, 1934-5. The PaIace.
Plan of the northern section of the Palace. 1 :680 . . betu>eenpp. 130 and 131
Plate XI. Excavations at Tell El-'Amamah, 1934-5. The Palace.
Isometric drawing of the Garden Court in the Harem . . . facing p. 132
Plate XII. Excavations a t Tell El-'Amarnali, 1934-5. The Palace.
1. Sunk relief showing a king's head.
2 . Sunk relief showing a princess, with the uraeus added subsequently.
3. Black granite head of a king.
4. Sunk reliefs from the ' Weben-Aten' . . . 134

A L ~ T ~ FARISING
IT FROM TIIE PURCHASE OF TWOSLAVES.
Plate XIII. Pap. Cairo 65i39 . . between pp. 142 and 143
Plate XIV. Pap. Cairo 65i39 . 142 ,, 143
Plate SV. Pap. Cairo 65739 (continuation) . .. 144 ,, I45
Plate XVI. Pap. Cairo 65739 (continuation) . . 144 ,, 145
 LIST OF PLATES

FOUR
KEW KINGDOX
MONUMENTS OF
FINEARTS,BOSTON.
IN THE MUSEUM
Plate XVII. 1. Boston Xus. of Fine Arts, No. 09.287.

2. Boston Nus. of Fine Arts, No. 25.635 . . . facing p. 148

Plate XVIII. Boston Mus. of Fine ,Arts, No. 24.981 . . ,, 150
Plate XIX. Boston Xus. of Fine Arts, No. 29.i30.
1. Front View.
2. Left Leg.
3. Inscription on back.
4. Looking down on lap . .
THE OXFORDUNIVERSITYEXCAVATIOSS IN SUBIA 19341935.
Plate XX. Oxford University Excavations in Nubia: Firka, 1934-5.
1. View of Firka from the east, showing mounds.
2. The Mound a t Kosheh.
3. Firka. Mound 14 in course of excavation.
4. Church a t 3Iograka.
5. Firka. Sacrificed camel on the ramp of Mound 11.
6. Firka. Tomb 12, showing stairway entrance on the east side . . ,, 192
Plate XXI. Oxford University Excavations in Nubia: Firka, 1934-5.
Bronze dove lamp. Found in the mound above Tomb 12. Scale 2 : 3 ,, 194
Plate XXII. Oxford Cniversity Excavations in Nubia: Firka, 1934-5.
1. Silver signet-ring with engraved carnelian gem, from Tomb 12. Full size.
2. Impression of abore gem showing bust of the Emperor Commodus. Double
size.
3. Bronze strainer from tomb a t Kosheh. Scale 1 : 3.
4. Silver goblet from Tomb 14. Scale 2 : 3.
5. Impression of carnelian seal from tomb a t Kosheh. Double size. . ,, 196
Plate XXIII. Oxford University Excavations in Nubia: Firka, 1934-5.
1. Engraved bronze bowl from Tomb 12. Scale 1 : 3.
2. Silver anklet with lion-head finials. Scale 1 : 2.
3. Alabaster chalice from Tomb 14. Scale 1 : 3.
4. Silver bowl with engraved emblem. Scale 1 : 3.
5. Alabaster chalice from Tomb 14. Scale 1 : 3.
6. Bronze ladle with iron handle. Scale 1 : 3.
7. Bronze ewer from tomb a t Kosheh. Scale 1 : 3.
8. Bronze swinging lamp on stand, from Tomb 14. Attached to the chain is
a stopper for the filling hole and a pair of iron tweezers for trimming wick.
Scale 1 : 4 . . . facing p. 198

TEE AXTINOEFRAGMENT OF JUVENAL.

Plate XXIV. P. Ant. Juv. Recto . . ,, 202
Plate XXV. P. Ant. Juv. Verso . . . ,, 202

REPORTON COINSFOUND AT TEBTUNIS I N 1900.

Plate XXVI. Coins found a t Tebtunis, 1900 . . ,, 214

AN EASTER-TIDEFRAGXENT OX PAPYRUS.
Plate XXVII. Brit. Nus. Pap. 2906 . . ,, 218

A TRIALBEFORE THE PREFECT

OF EGYPT APPIUSSABINUS,c. 250 A.D.
Plate XXVIII. Pap. Lond. Inv. 2566, Col. ii. Scale 3 : 4 . . . ,, 224
 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS IN T H E TEXT
PAGE
THEPROBLEM
OF THE SITE OF AVARIS

Key to position of Inscriptions .

THEGODNEHEBKAG.
Fig. 1 .

Fig. 2 .

Fig. 3 .

NOTESON THE TOPOGRAPHY

OF THE CHRISTIAN
NUBIABKINGDOMS.
Sketch Map, showing boundaries of the Christian Nubian Kingdoms . .
SOME
CELESTIAL
XSSOCIATIONS
OF MIN.

Fig. 1 .

Fig. 2 .

Fig. 3 .

Fig. 4 .

Fig. 5 . .

Fig. 6 .

Fig. 7 .

Fig. 8 .

Fig. 9 .

Fig. 10 .

THEOXFORD
UKIVERSITY
EXCAVATIONS
IN KCBIA,1934-1935.
Topographical Map of Firka . . . .

Fig. 1. Plan, and Section through A-B looking South, of Tomb 12 .

Fig. 2. Types of pottery from the Forth Cemetery. Scale 1 : 8 .

Fig. 3. Types of pottery from the South Cemetery. Scale 1 : 8 .

 NOTICES OF RECENT PUBLICATIONS

Reviewed by PAGE

Measures and Weights; Sir W. M. Flinders Petrie, Kt., etc. . . Oliver H. Myers 119

Charles Wycliffe Goodwin, 1817-78. Warren R. Dawson . . R. 0. Faulkner 121

Topographical Bibliography of Ancient Egyptian Hieroglyphic Texts,

Reliefs and Paintings. IV. Lower and Middle Egypt. Bertha Porter
and Rosalind L. B. Moss, B.Sc. Oxon. . . R. 0. Faulkner 121

Koptische Pergamente Theologischen Inhalts. I. W. Till . . De Lacy O'Leary 121

A Papyrus Codex of the Shepherd of Hermas (Similitudes 2-9): with a

Fragment of the Mandates. Campbell Bonner . . H. I. Bell 122

Zenon Papyri: Business Papers of the third century B.C. dealing with Pales-
tine and Egypt. William Linn Westermann and Elizabeth Sayre
Hasenoehrl . . . C. C. Edgar 122

Pagan Tribes of the Nilotic Sudan. C. G. Seligman and Brenda Z. Seligman K. S. Sandford 123

From Fetish to God in Ancient Egypt. Sir E. A.'Wallis Budge, Kt., M.A.,
Litt.D., D.Litt., D.Lit., F.S.A. . . Aylward X. Blackman 124

Die Reliefs und Malereiendesneuen Reiches (XVII1.-XX. Dpastie, c. 1580-

1100 v. Chr.). Material zur agyptischen Kulturgeschichte. Luise Klebs Aylward >Blackman
I.
124

Tell El-Amarna. John Pendlebury . . Alan W. Shorter 125

Edward Hincks, a Selection from his Correspondence, with a Memoir by

E. F. Davidson, M.A. . . Alan W. Shorter 126

A Guide to the Collections (Metropolitan Museum of Art) . . Alan W. Shorter 126

Ancient Egyptian Materials and Industries. -4. Lucas, O.B.E., F.I.C.,

F.S.A. . . Oliver H. Myers 126

RIyrrhe und Stakte. Dr. phil. R. 0. Steuer . . G. 9.Wainwright 264

Statuen agyptischer Koniginnen ;im Anschluss an den Torso Amon-erdas I1

in Sidney untersucht. Dr. G. Roeder . . G. A. Wainwright 255

Ethnic Movements in the Near East in the Second Millennium B.C. E. -4.
Speiser . . G. A. f ainwright 266

Paintings from the Tomb of Rekh-mi-RE( a t Thebes. Norman De Garis

Davies . . S. R. K. Glanville 268

Egypt and Negro Africa: A Study in Divine Kingship. C. G. Seligman . G. A. Wainwright 259

Accounting in the Zenon Papyri. Elizabeth Grier . . T. C. Skeat 261

Zur Geschichte der Zeit des 6. Ptolemaers. Walter Otto . . H. I. Bell. T. C. Skeat 262

The Vocalization of the Egyptian Syllabic Orthography. William Foxwell

Albright . . H. W. Fairman. G. R.

Driver 2 64

An Unpublished Fragment of the Fourth Gospel in the John Rylands

Library. C. H. Roberts . . H. I. Bell 266

Dizionario dei nomi geografici e topografici dell' Egitto greco-romano.

Aristide Calderini. H. I. Bell 267

 INDEX

A 1 Apopis, serpent, 47.

Abdullah Ibn Sa'ad, Governor of Egypt, 61, 62. '
Appion, Bishop of Syene, 196.
Abu FBtma, linguistic frontier, 60.

Abfi SBlih, 61.

Abydos, 5, 6, 7, 249, 250.

I Bppius Sabinus, Prefect of Egypt, trial before,

224-47.
Armant Expedition, its work in 1935-6, 248-9.
Ace-Ptolemais, Perseus' city, 155, 156, 157.
Armant, fresh material of Ramesses I1 at, 248;
AdwB (Gebel Adda), 58.
Cleopatra's temple at, 252.
Aeizanas, King of Axum. 197.
Arnold, Mr. A. S., 260.
Aemilianus, Prefect of Egypt, 239.
Arsinoe, 227, 238, 246, 247.
Africanus, preserves text of Epitome, 13. I

Arsinoite nome, 224; 227, 228.

&mad Ibn Tiilfin, governor of Egypt, 62.
Artemis, special aspects of, 154; 166.
Akhenaten, 131, 136; his proposed buildings, 136-7;
Ashmolean Museum, 129.
248. Assessors, serpent-demons among, 46, 48; in E g j p
Akhmim, A h ' s connexion with, 152, 154, 157. tian courts of justice, 240.
r@nenre Apopi, offering-table of, 12-13, 16, 23. Assyriology, Budge and, 69.
ALBRIQHT,WILLIAMFOXWELL,The Vocalization of Astarte, special aspects of, a t Tyre, 184.
the Egyptian Syllabic Orthography (reviewed), Aswln, 58, 61, 62.
264-6. ( Aten, early and late forms of name, 137, 138.
Alexandrian-Coptic distinguished from native- I Athribis, 18.
Coptic style, 64, 66. Atlas, Mount, 169, 170.
Alodaei,,Nubian tribe, 57, 58. I Attis, 154, 164.
Alodia, Il(t),'Alwah, 58, 61, 62; its cultural indepen- Avaris, The Problem of the Site of, RAYBIOKD
dence, 62. 1 WEILL,10-25.
'Alwa, town, position of, 58. Avaris, p~oposedlocalizations, 10, 11, 17; distin-
AmBra, Meroitic temple located at, 197-8. guished from Tanis, 21-4; historically re-
'Amarnah Boundary Stelae, 136, 138. lated to it, 23.
AmenemhBt, his tomb a t Thebes, 6. Axum, 57, 197.
Amenemmes I, 248. - i.5
Amenemmes 11, 14.
Amenemmes 111, 2, 5, 248, 251. Baalbek, god of, 153, 154.
Amenemmes IV. monument a t Sinai mines, 24, 25. Bacchias hoard of tetradrachms, 212.
Amenophis 111, 248. Baetyl-meteorite, 153.
Amenpanefer, tomb-robber, confession of, 116. Bagnani, Dr., views on transcription of late hieratic,
Amherst Papyrus, completed by find a t Brussels, 49, 50; lecture by, 117.
116. BalBiia, 194.
Ammi (Royal Cumin), name derived from Nubian, Ba114, Quibell's work at, 115.
38. I Banks of Ptolemaic Egypt, 211.

Ammianus Marcellinus, 155. 1 Barnett, Mr. R. D., lecture by, 117.

Amulets, funerary, 171-6. Bates, Oric, 191.
Amfin, related to &En, 152, 157, 158, 160, 161, 164; Batn el-Hagar, 191.
220, 221. , Bawit, Coptic paintings from, 66.
BAYNES,N. H., with J. G. MILNE, Bibliography:
Anastasius, schoolboy, 52, 53, 54, 55.
Anhai, papyrus of, 48. Graeco-Roman Egypt. Part I: Papyrology.
Ani, pappus of, 48. 5 4. Political History, Biography, Administra-

Ankhefenkhonsu, papyrus of, 47. tion, Topography, and Chronology, 89-90.

Anthes, Dr., Acting Director Berlin hluseum, Egyp- 5 5. Social Life, Education, Art, Economic His-

tian Dept., 114. tory, Rumismatics, and Metrology, 90-1.

Antinoe, classical fragments from, 199, 200. 1 Behbit el-?&gar, ancient Per-hebit, Iseum, 22.
Antinoe Fragment of Juvenal, The, C. H. ROBERTS, Bekmfit, Pap. Cairo 65739, 141, 142, 145, 146.
199-209. Beliefs as to life after death, 6, 7, 8.
Antoninus Pius, 248. BELL,H. I., reviews by, 122, 266-8.
Snubis, 174. I "Bellowers" of Jlin, 161, 170.
Aphaca, 154, 168. I Berlin Museum, 14.
Aphrodite Urania, sky-goddess, 154, 168, 170. Bibliography: Christian Egypt (1934-5), DE LACY
Apollonides, Prytanis of the Senate of Arsinoe, 227, O'LEARY,D.D., 108-13.
235, 236, 237, 242, 243, 247. § 1. Biblical, 108-9.
Apopi, Seth-worshipper, 23, 24. 5 2. Apocryphal, Gnostic, etc., 109.
N n
 INDEX

Bibliography: Christian Egypt (contd.) Callender, Bir. A. R., 249.

5 3. Liturgical, 109-10. Calverley, Miss A. M.,249.

4. Literature, 110. Cambridge, Budge at, 68 ;its attitude to Assyriology,

3 5. History, 110-12. 69; his bequest to, 115.

5 6. Non-literary texts, 112-13. Capart, Professor, 116, 117, 129, 251, 252.

5 7. Philological, 113. Castor, V O ~ L K ~ P.

S ,
Lond. Inv. 2565, 226-7.

8. Archaeology, 113. Castration suffered by sky-gods, 154.

Bibliography: Graeco-Roman Egypt. Part I: Papy- Cat, 'daughter of RE(', 45; foe of serpent-demons,

rology (1934), various authors, 71-104. 47.

Part 11: Greek Inscriptions (19334), MARCUS Cemeteries of Firka, 191 ff., 195-6.

N. TOD,104-7. Central City, Tell el-'Amamah, buildings identified

Birch's theory regarding heart-scarab, 172. in, 136-9.

Bissing, Dr. von, 253. cerng, Dr. J., 28, 141, 144, 145, 146, 223, 251.

BLACKMAR, A. 3l., The Stela of Nebipusenwosret:

Chabas, places Svaris a t Pelusium, 10, 11.

British Museum No. 101, 1-9; reviews by,

Chaeris, advocate, P. Lond. Inv. 2565,227,235,236.

124, 125.
Champollion, 10.

Blemmyes, position of, 57.

Chassinat, his publication of Edfu, 26, 27.

Boeser, Dr. Pieter Adriaan Aart, death of, 116.

Chemmis, Herodotus' name for Panopolis, Akh-

BONNER,CAMPBELL, A Papyrus Codex of the Shep-

mim, 154, 155.

herd of Hermas (Similitudes 2-9): with a

Chester Beatty papyri, 48.

Fragment of the Mandates (University of

Chicago Oriental Institute, 249-50, 251.

Michigan Studies, Humanistic Series, xxii)

Christ in Coptic art, 64, 65, 66.

(reviewed), 122.
Christian remains in Nubia, 194, 196, 198.

Book of Am Duat, 41,43.

Christianity, its relation to development of Coptic

Book of the Dead, 43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 172, 175, 176,
art, 63, 64.

177.
Chronology, new evidence for, 251.

Boreux, BI., 253.

Churches near Firka, 197.

Boston Museum, New Kingdom Monuments in,

Cilicia, cities founded by Perseus in, 155.

147-51.
Clkdat, his localization of Avaris, 11.

Bouriant, 129.
Cleopatra, 248, 252.

Breasted, BIr. Charles, 250.

Coffin Texts, 6 ; corpus of, 251-2.

Breasted, Prof. J. H., 221, 222; obituary notice,

Coins found a t Tebtunis in 1900, Report on, J. G.

249-50.
S ~ N E210-16.
,

Bremner-Rhind Papyrus, 49; erratum in transcrip-

Coin-types described, 213, 215.

tion, 51.
Congress of Orientalists a t Rome, Sept. 1935, 253.

British Museum, 8, 68, 217.

Copper and silver, relative values of, 146.

'Broad Hall' of 'Amarnah Palace, 138, 248.

Coptic art, contrasted with Greek, 63; effect of Is-

Brooklyn Museum, 129, 250-1.

lamic conquest on, 64; special features, 65,

Broome, Miss M. F., 249.

66.

Brugsch, his localization of Avaris, 10, 11; 14, 21,

Coptic Dictionary nearing completion, 114.

27, 38, 39.

Coptos, Juvenal at, 199; 158.

Brunton, Mr., 134.

Coral in Nubian graves, 195.

Bubastis, 16, 18.

Cronus, 154, 157, 167.

Buchis, very late creation, 158; 159.

Crum, Dr. W. E., his 70th birthday, 114.

Buck, Dr. A. de, 251.

Cullen, Mr., District Commissioner, 191.

Buckman, Mrs. Marie N., 250.

Cumin, Ethiopian and Royal, 38.

BUDGE,SIR E. A. WALLIS,From Fetish to God in

Currelly and Weigall a t Abydos, 7.

Ancient Egypt (reviewed), 124.

Currency, Ptolemaic, 210-11,216; local leaden, 214.

Obituary notice, 68-70; his work for Egyptology,

114-15; 27, 39,198,221.

D
Bukharas (Faras), 58.
Daisies, inlaid, first complete specimens, 131.
Bull, representing sky-god, 158-9; 160,161,163,164.
Daressy, 10, 14.

Burckhardt, 191, 198.

Daum, Dr. Otto, 249.
Burney, Ethel W., translator of article, 10.
DA~IDSON, E. F., Edward Hincks, a Selection from
Busiris, 21, 22.
his Correspondence, with a Memoir (reviewed),
Butler, chief royal, IVn.f-dd-in, 149-50.
126.

Byzantine Uncial hand, examples of, 200.

DAVIES,NORMANDE GARIS, Paintings from the

Tomb of Rekh-mi-Re( at Thebes; with plates

C
in colour from copies by NINA DE GARIS

'C-group' cemeteries in Nubia, 197.

DAVIESand CHARLES K. WILKINSON(Publica-

Cairo Museum, 14, 115, 140.

tions of the Metropolitan Museum of Art.

CALDERINI, ARISTIDE. Dizionario dei nomi geo-

Egyptian Expedition. Vol. X) (reviewed),

grajici e topograJici dell' Egitto greco-romano,

258-9; 114, 140, 143.

Vol. I, fasc. 1 (reviewed), 267-8. Davies, llrs. K. de G., 251.

 INDEX

DAWSON,WARRENR., Studies in the Egyptian Firkinarti, fortified island, 197, 198.

Medical Texts, V, 37-40. Firmus, G. Valerius, Prefect of Egypt, 247.
Charles Wycli#e Goodwin, 1817-1878 (reviewed), Firth, C. Af., 148, 149.
121. Flying Vulture scarab, 175-6.
Decius, Emperor, 227, 228, 237, 246. Fondation Egyptologique Reine alisabeth, 129; to
Defennah, &fin worshipped at, 159, 166. distribute bibliographical notes, 253.
Deities represented by poles, 164. Foundation-sacrifices a t Tanis, 12, 18, 20.
Delta, cities of, in Golhnischeff Glossary, 21-2. Four Horuses of the East, 44,46.
DBr Abu Qennes, 64. Four New Kingdom Monuments in the &fuseurn of
De Rough, his views on Avaris, 10, 12; 221. Fine Arts, Boston, Dows DUNE-4~, 147-51.
Diospolis Parva, temple of Nehebkau at, 47. French Institute, their find a t Tiid, 251.
Dip16 use of, 202, 203.
Djaw, ruler of 12th Upper-Egyptian nome, 6. G
Dongola, 60, 61, 62.
Drioton, Canon, 253. GARDIXER,ALANH., A Lawsuit arising from the
DRIVER,G. R., review by, 266. Purchase of Two Slaves, 140-6.
Drower, Miss M., 249. Piankhi's Instructions to his Army, 219-23.
D o n m ~Dows,
, Four Kew Kingdom Monuments in his views on site of Avaris, 11, 12, 17 ; discussed,
the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, 147-51. 18-21,22; 26,28,49, 114, 250, 252.
Gauthier, on statue from Tanis, 14; 47.
- Gematen (Gematon), 191.251.

~emnihiamente,s3;ian slave-girl, 141, 143, 146.

Eagle as storm-bird, 167.

Easter-tide Fragment on Papyrus, ,4n, H. J. &I. Gem-pa-Aten, 137.
MILNE, 217-18. Gharak, coins from, 216.
Edfu, Temple of, Horus-texts in, 26; 27 ; 159, 164. Glanville, Professor, 252 ; review by, 258-9.
EDGAR, C. C., review by, 122-3. God Xehebkau, The, ALANW. SHORTER, 41-8.

Education, Graeco-Egyptian, 52, 55. Golden Falcon-head Collar, 17.5.

Golhnischeff Glossary, 17, 18, 21, 22.

Egyptian -Army Air Force, 129.

Grabham, Mr., 198.

Elagabalus, 163, 167, 170; coin of, 213, 214.

Grapom, Professor, 114, 117.

Eldest Lector, Ibi, 5, 7.

Great Harris Papyrus, 38.

Elephantine, 27.
Great Temple of Tell el-'Amarnah, 131, 138, 139.

Elephants, 162.
Greg, Sir Robert, 129.

Eloquent Peasant, 38.

Grenfell, Dr., 210.

Emerson, Rev. Titus, 70.

GRIER,ELIZABETH, Accounting in the Zenon Papyri
Enlil, development of, 152 ; 163.
(reviewed), 261-2.

Epistrategus, duties of, 239, 241 ;242. Griffith, Professor, a t Kaw-a, 191, 251.

ErPnofre, defendant concerning purchase of slaves,

Guentch-Ogloueff, %We,253.
Pap. Cairo 65739, 141-6. Gnnn, Professor Battiscornbe, becomes Editor of
Erman, Professor, 117.
Jozcrnal(1935), 118.
Ernest Alfred Wallis Budge, 1857-1934, R. CAMP-
BELL TROJLPSON, 68-70.
EshmunEn, papyrus from, 217.
Ethiopia, Viceroys of, 148.
~ H
I Hadad (Addu, Adad, Ramman), development of,
,
'
Eusebius, preserves text of Epitome, 13. 152, 153; 161, 163.
Eyes represented upon stelae, etc., 2, 5 ; their pur- I Hadrian, emperor, 248.
pose, 5 , 8. Harem a t Tell el-'Amarnah, 132-3, 138,248.
Harpe', weapon of sky-gods, 152, 155, 157.
F Harris Papyrus, 18.
FAIRXAN,H. W., The Nj-th of Horus a t Edfu-I, Harsaphes, temple of, 47.
26-36. Topographical Notes on the Central HASENOEHRL, ELIZABETHSAYRE with WILLTAN
City, Tell el-'-kmarnah, 136-9. LINN WESTERMANX, Zenon Papyri: Business
a t Tell el-'Amamah, 129, 133, 139, 248. Pupers of the third century B.G. dealing with
review by, 264-6. Pabstine and Egypt (reviewed), 122-3.
Falling of the sky, widespread fear of, 169. Hathor, 147, 168; 3Estress of Sinai, 251.

Famine Stela, 38. Batshepsut, inscription on her sarcophagus, 8.

Faras (Bukharas), 58, 60, 62. HawBra, 39.

Farina, Professor, activities of, 117. Heart-scarab, significance of, 171-3, 176.

FAULBNER, R. 0. Some Further Remarks on the

Heliopolis, suggested site of Avaris, 10.

Transcription of Late Hieratic, 49-51. Heracleopolis, cults at, 47.

The Verb 7 'to say' and its developments, Herapion, defaulting prytanis, 235, 243.

177-90. ,
Hermopolis Magna, 217, 219, 224.

1 Herodotus, his evidence on Tanis, 12, 13; identifies

reviews by, 121.
Fertility-deities with celestial nature, 164. Min with Perseus, 154-5, 156, 158.
Firka, site and features of, 191, 194. Heron of Alexandria, 212.
 INDEX

Hierakonpolis (K6m el-Ahmar), Quibell's finds at, Khusobk, 6.

115.
KIRWAN,L. P., Notes on the Topography of the

Hieratic fragments from tomb of Surere, 140.

Christian Nubian Kingdoms, 57-62.

Hittite portrayed a t Tell el-'Amarnah, 134.

The Oxford University Excavations in Nubia,

Hittite thunder-god becomes fertility-god, 152-3.

1934-5, 191-8; 251, 253.

Honoratianus, Maevius, Prefect of Egypt, 236, 244,

Kirwan, Mrs., 191.

245.
KLEBS,LUISE,Die Reliefs und Nalereien des neuen

uor, son of Psammetichus, inscribed statue, 47.

Reiches ( X V I I I . - X X . Dynastic, c. 1580-1100

Horemheb, 19, 20.

v. Chr.). Material zur iigyptischen Kultur-

Hornblower, &b.G. D., lecture by, 117.

geschichte. Teil 1: Szenen aus dem Leben

Horus, Min identified with, 152 ; 154, 156, 159, 162,

des Volkes. (Bbhandlungen der Heidel-

173, 175, 176.

berger -4kademie der Rissenchaften) (re-

Horus, Myth of, 26-36.

viewed), 124-5.

House of Rejoicing of the Aten, 137.

Knoche, Dr. Ulrich, 203, 204.

House of the Aten, larger 'Amarnah temple, 137.

KBsheh, cemeteries at, 197.

Hubbard, Mrs., 129.

Kosko, see Qostol.

Hunt, Dr., 210.

Kubra Ibn Suriir, 62.

Hyksos, 10, 12, 17, 23; their fortifications in Egypt,

18, 19; connexion with Sutekh-worship, 23,

L

24,25 ;date of settlement, 23,25.

Lacau, X., visits Tell el-'Amarnah, 129.

Hypostyle halls, forerunner of, a t 'Amarnah, 131.

Lake, Professor Kirsopp, 251.

Lamps in bird-form, 194.

I
Late-Egyptian, peculiarities of, 141,184, 185-6, 223.

Ibi, Eldest Lector, 5, 7.

Late-Hieratic, Some Further Remarks on the

Ibn al-Beithar, 38, 39.

Transcription of, R. 0. FAULKNER,

49-51.

Ibn Selirn, 'Abdullah Ibn -Qmed, his account of

Latin literature scanty in Egypt, 199.

Xubia, 58, 60, 61.

Lavers, llr., 129, 248.

Ibrim, 58, 196.

Lawsuit arising from the Purchase of Two Slaves, A,

lbscher, Dr., 117, 140.

ALANH. GARDINER,140-6.

Iconium, Perseus connected with, 155.

Leaden tokens circulating in Egypt, 213, 214, 215.

Ikudidi, 6.
Leopold I1 Papyrus, upper half of Amherst P., 116.

Illahun, 39.
Lepsius, his identification of Avaris, 10, 11.

Imet, 166.
Letopolis, thunderbolt centre, 152; 161.

'Influence ', expressing vague illness, 3940.

Lioness, not lion, supporting throne, 134.

Ioannes Antiochenus, 155.

Liturgical nominations in Graeco-Roman Egypt,

Irminsul, Pole of the Universe, 164, 165, 168.

236-7,238,242,244,245,247.
Ischyrion, advocate, P. Lond. Inv. 2565, 227, 235.
Longinus, bishop of the Kobadae, 57, 58.

Isis, 174, 175, 176.

Loret, V., 39.

'Island' of Akhetaten, 138.

Lowe, Dr., 200, 201.

Ivriz, fertility-god of, 153.

LUCAS,A. Ancient Egyptian Materials and Indus-

tries (reviewed), 126-8.

J
Lucius, advocate, P. Lond. Inv. 2565, 227, 235.

John of Ephesus, his account of Nubia, 57 ; 60, 61.

Lynx, foe to serpent-demons, 43, 45.

Johnson, Dr. John, 199.

Josephus, citing Manetho on Avaris, 12, 13, 23, 24.

3T
Jubilee ceremonies, 5.
Macadam, Mr. 111. F. L., 251. 253.

Julian, missionary to Nubia, 57.

Machine in temples operated by coins, 212.

Jupiter Heliopolitauus, 153.

Macrobius, 153.

Juvenal, The Antinoe Fragment of, C. H. ROBERTS,

Mahass, dialect of, 60.

199-209.
Nakoritae, Nubian tribe, 57, 58, 61.

l l a b i z i cited, 58, 61, 62.

K
Malalas, John, 156.

Kabil, King of Xubia, 62.

Malatia, Hittite sky-god from, 152, 157.

Kabfishiya, 62.
Nanetho's evidence on Hyksos and Avaris, 11, 12,

Kagbiir, 60.
23, 24.

Kaliibshah, inscription in Temple of, 57-8; 196.

Jlansion of the Aten, smaller 'Amarnah temple, 137.

Kantara, 11, 13.

Alareotic nome, first evidence for troops in, 56.

Karnak, 20.
Nariette, his views on Avaris, 10, 14, 16.

El-Kasr, on Nubian boundary, 58.

Maris, Nubia proper, 58, 60, 61, 62.

Kawa, ancient Gematen, 191, 198, 251.

Marriage, formula for, 143.

Kerma tombs, 194, 197.

Maru-aten, 139.

Khay, statuette of, contains missing half of Am-

El-Jfas'fidi, cited, 62.

herst Papyrus, 116.

Afattha, RIr. Girgis, 253.

Khnfim, sky-god, 167.

NcEuen, Mr. R., 249.

 INDEX

RlcGregor, Mr. G., 249.

Napata, 219.

MCKENZIE,R. Bibliography: Graeco-RomanEgypt.

Eastasen, stela of, 58.

Part I : Papyi-ology.
XBcu, 'bull of Kfit', 45, 47.

$ 8. Lexicography and Grammar, 101-2.

Naville, his views on site of Avaris, 11 ; 26, 27.

Mehen, protector of Re\ 46.

Nebeshah (Nebesheh), suggested reading, 22; JIin

Mekhitarian, &I., 129.

worshipped at, 159, 166.

Memphis, 16,21,27,56, 227,228; GolCnischeff town-

Nebipusenwosret, his stela described, 1 ; his career,

list compiled at, 22; lead tokens from, 213-14.

3, 4, 6 ; beliefs, 7, 8.

Nendes, 22, 26.

Xefermaat, priest, 159.

Menelik, decorates Budge, 70.

Neferronpet, vizier, 248.

Bleneptah, usurps XIPth Dynasty statues, 12, 14,

Nehebkau, serpent-demon, 41,42 ;meaning of name,

16, 23, 25.

41 ;texts bearing on, 43-5,48 ;functions, 46;

Meritaten, portrait of, 134.

sinister aspect of, 46, 47; connexion with

Meroe, 191, 197.

Sakhmet-Bastet, 47; name also epithet of

Meroitic civilization, 196, 197.

Sun-god, 44.

Netelis, god of, 161-2.

Xehsi, King, statue of, 13, 16, 17, 23; (another),

Meteorites, 152, 153, 167, 169.

obelisk of, 17, 23.

Jietropolitan 3Iuseum of Art, New Yorlr, A Guide

Nekhebet, 176.

to the Collections. Part I : Ancient and Oriental

Nekhthorheb, 248.

Art (reviewed), 126 ; 140.

Kero, coins of, 212, 213.

Yetternich Stela, 45, 47.

Xew Pear festival connected with ?iel!ebkau, 47.

RIILXE, H. J. JI., Bibliography; Graeco-Roman

Nilopolis, Mendes or Babylon of Cairo, 22.

Egypt. Part I: Papyrology. § 1, Literary

Nimilt of Hetwere, 219.

Texts, 7 2 4 .
Xobadae, Nabados, Noubades, 57. 58, 61, 196, 197.

An Easter-tide Fragment on Pappus, 217-18.

Nobadia, Nobatia, Coptic name of Maris, 60, 62.

MILRE, J. G., Report on Coins found a t Tebtunis

N ~ c K A. , D., Bibliography: Graeco-Roman Egypt,

in 1900, 210-16.
Part I: Papyrology.

with 3. H. BAPXES, Bibliography: Graeco-

§ 2. Religion, Magic, Astrology, 75-83.

Roman Egypt. Part I: Papyrology.

Komination to public offices in Graeco-Roman

$ 4. Political History, Biography, Administra-

Egypt, 224,236,237, 242, 244, 245,247.

tion, Topography and Chronology, 89-90.

Nonnus of Panopolis, 155, 156, 158.

S 3. Social Life, Education, Art, Economic His-

Sorth-west Building a t Tell el-'Amamah, 138.

tory, Numismatics, and Metrology, 90-1.

Notes on Some Funerary Amulets, ALAN IT.

JIin, celestial associations, 152-70; his bull, 158-9,

SHORTER, 171-6.

161, 164, 165, 167; warlike aspect, 161; on

Sotes on the Topography of the Christian Rubian

mountains, 162-0.
Kingdoms, L. P. Kmwax, F.S.A., 57-62.

Minium, uses of, 39.

Xubia, Christian Kingdoms of, 57 ff. ;boundaries, 58 ;

Monophysitism, in Subia, 58 ; effect on Coptic art,

OxfordUnirersity Excavations in, 191-8,251.

64, 66.
%ri, 191.

JIontet, reopens problem of Aaaris, 11; his views

Kut, prayer to, 9.

discussed. 12-18.

Monthu, parti-coloured bull of, 158; 159, 160, 251.

0

Noret, Professor, 253.

O'LEARY,DE LACY,Bibliography: Christian Egypt

Moss, ROSSLIND,L. B., with BERTHAPORTER,

(1934-5), 108-13.

Topographical Bibliography of Ancient Egyp- reriew by, 121-2.

tian Hieroglyphic Texts, Reliefs, and Paintings. Opening the Nonth, Rite of, 6.

I V . Lower and llliddle Egypt (reviewed), 121.

Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago, 249-

Mountains deified, 161-2.

50, 251.

NSS. of Jurenal, 203-5.

Orontes anciently called Tjphon, 156.

Jlukurrah, Nakuria, limits of, 60, 61, 62.

Osiris, 6, 7, 8, 46, 51, 149, 150, 154, 173, 175;

Mummy Portraits, development of Coptic style, 65.

mysteries of, 7.

Murray, Professor 11. A., 252.

OTTO,ITALTER,Z u r Geschichte der Zeit des 6. Ptole-

;Ilusi.es du Cinquantenaire, missing half of Smherst

maers (Abhandlungen der Bayerischen Akade-

Papyrus found in, 116.

mie der Wissenschaften, Phil.-Hist. Abt.,

MYERS,OLIVERH., reviews by, 119-21, 126-8; lec-

Xeue Folge, Heft 11) (revien ed), 2624.

ture by, 117 ; 249, 252.

Oxen, species of, 3.

JIyers. JLrs., 249.

Oxford Vnivcrsity Exca~-ationsin Subia, The, 1934-

Myth of Horus a t Edfu, The-I, H. JT. FAIRJIAX,

1935, L. P. KIRWAX,191-8.

26-36.

P
S P. Ant. Juv., fragment of Juvenal's Seventh Satire,

Nakhi, soldier, plaintiff in Pap. Cairo 65739, 141, 200, 201; its importance, 2034, 205; text,

142, 145. 208-9.

Name-bead, 174-5. P. Berol. Inv. 9571, 63; 2753, 55.

 INDEX

Painter, Ypt-Stbj, 149.

Priscus, C. .Julius, in Egypt, 245.

Palace of Tell el-'Amamah, 130 ff. ;Petrie's plan of,

Problem of the Site of Avaris, The, RAYMOND

criticized, 130; 137, 138, 248.

WEILL, 10-25.

Panopolis, 154, 155, 156, 158.

Procedure in court of Prefect of Egypt, 225-6,235-

Papyri, Amherst P., completed, 116.

7, 240.

Magical, Paris, 38 ; London-Leiden, 39.

Procopius of Caesarea, 57.

Medical, Coptic, 39; Berlin, 40; Edwin Smith,

Prytanis, functions of, 243, 245.

249.
Ptah, 149, 150; his temple a t Memphis, 21.

published in this Journal: belonging to H. E.

Ptahshepses, tomb of, 38.

White, 217-18; P. Ant. Juv., 199-210; P.

Ptah-Sokar, 149, 150.

Berol. Inv. 9571 and 2573, 52-6; P. Lond.

Ptah-Tathenen, 150, 151.

Inv. 2565,224-67 ;Pap. Cairo, 65739,52-6.

Ptolemy cited, 13, 58.

Paser, Vizier, stela of, 147-8; identification of, 148.

Purves, Mr., 198.

Peas found a t HawBra and Illahun, 39.

Pwenet, 160.

Pelusium, suggested site of Avaris, 10, 11, 13, 17;

Pyramid of Amenemmes III,2, 5.

22.
Pyramid Texts, 8, 41, 43, 44, 46, 47, 162, 169-70,

PENDLEBURY, J. D. S., Preliminary Report of the

173, 180, 183.

Excavations a t Tell el-'Amamah, 1934-1935,

129-35.
Q

Tell E l - A m a (reviewed), 125-6.

Quarterly publication of Journal abandoned, 117-

lecture by, 117, 248, 252.

18.

Pennison, Mr. Roy, 251.

Quibell, James Edward, short obituary notice,

Pepi 11, 163, 164.

115-16.

Pe-Racmeses, vizier of T~rw, 19, 20.

Qostol, 191, 194.

Perrins, Mr. C. W. Dyson, 129.

Perseus, identified with Min, 154, 157, 170; his

R

Syrian and celestial connexions, 155,156,157.

Ramesses 11, 11, 13, 16, 17, 18, 19, 21, 24, 141, 147,

PETRIE, SIR W. M. FLINDERS,Measures

and Weights
148, 219, 248.

(reviewed), 119-21 ;10, 14, 19, 130, 131, 133,

Ramesses 111, 159, 161.

137, 248.
Randall-MacIver and Mace a t Abydos, 7.

Philae (BilBk), 58, 61.

RE<, 5, 8, 26, 28 ff.; association with Nehebkau, 46,

Philip, Emperor, 245.

48.

Philippus, advocate, P. Lond. Inv. 2565, 227, 235,

Records Office of 'Amarnah, 139.

237, 238, 246.

REcia, merchant, Pap. Cairo 65739, 141, 145.

Piankhi's Instructions to his Army, ALANH. GAR-

Reich, Dr., 253.

DINER, 219-23.
Reisner, Dr., 191.

Pillar, of the Stars, 160, 163, 167; of Nubia, 160,

Report on Coins found a t Tebtunis in 1900, J. G.

163,167 ;of Eye-paint, 163,167 ;of Min, 163,

MILNE,
210-16.

167, 170; of air, 168.

Resheph, 152, 161.

Pillared Hall a t 'Amarnah, 130-1, 132, 135, 137,

Reynolds, C. J., 191.

138, 248.
ROBERTS,C. H., Two Letters of the Byzantine

Pillars or poles associated with sky-gods, 167, 168,

Period, 52-6. The Antinoe Fragment of

170.
Juvenal, 199-209.

Piopi's pyramid temple, protective eyes in, 8.

A n unpublished Fragment of the Fourth Gospel

Pi-Racmeses, why identified with Avaris, 11, 12;

in the John Rylands Library (reviewed),

probably Tanis, 17-18; its gods those of

266-7.

Tanis, 17, 18; many Ramesside monuments

Rockefeller, John D., jun., 249, 250.

at, 18 ; 20, 22.

ROEDER,DR. G. Statuen agyptischer Koniginnen;

Pliny cited, 38, 39.

im Anschluss an den Torso Amon-erdas I 1

Pole associated with &fin, 1 6 3 4 , 165, 166, 167, 170.

in Sydney untersucht (Mitt. der vorder-

PORTER,BERTHA,and ROSALIND L. B. Moss, Topo-

asiatisch-aegyptischen Gesellschaft (E.V.),

graphical Bibliography of Ancient Egyptian

37. Band, 2. Heft) (reviewed), 255-6.

Hieroglyphic Texts, Reliefs and Paintings.

Roman coins from Umm el-Baraglt, 212.

IV. Lower and Middle Egypt (reviewed), 121.

Royal Tomb a t 'Amamah, special precautions re-

Position of amulets on mummy, 171.

garding, 129, 130.

Pottery of Firka, 194, 195, 196, 197; Mycenaean, a t

Royal Valley, fresh robberies in, 129.

'Amarnah, 248.
Rudnitzky, Ih.G., 248.

PrBaux, Ik111e Claire, 52.

Prefect of Egypt, procedure in his court, 225-6,

S

235-7,240; 241.
Saft el-Qineh, Twentieth Nome, worships Sopdu,

Preliminary Report of the Excavations a t Tell el-

24-5.

'Amarnah, 1934-5, J. D. S. PENDLEBURY, Sahur6c

endows the White Bull, 159, 166.

129-35.
SLi, island, 58, 60, 61, 191, 198.

Pr-@y a t Tell el-'Amamah, identification, 138.

Sais, personified halves of, 8.

 INDEX

Sakhmet, Eye of RE(, 47, 48.

Sakhmet-Bastet, 41, 42, 47, 48.

SKEAT,T. C., Bibliography: Graeco-Roman Egypt.

Part I: Papyrology.
SakkBrah, Coptic paintings from, 65, 66; Quibell's
5 3. Non-literary texts, 84-9.
I
5 7. Palaeographg and Diplomatic, 100-1.
work at, 115, 116; stelae from, 148, 149.

Salt Collection, 1, 5. 3 9. General Works, Bibliography, General Notes

San (Tanis), statues from, 10, 14.
on Papyrus Texts, 102-3.
Sandal of Perseus, 155-6. $ 10. Miscellaneous, Excavations, Personal, 104.
SANDFORD, K.S., review by, 1234.
review by, 261-2 (with H. I. BELL),2624.
Sarabit el-Khiidim, 24, 251.
'
SKEBT,T. C. and E. P. WEGENER,A Trial before
Sarapion, advocate, P. Lond. Inv. 2565, 227, 236,

238.

1
the Prefect of Egypt Appius Sabinus, c.
250 A.D., 22447.
Satires of Juvenal, 199, 203, 208-9.
1
Sky-gods as mountain-gods, 163.

'Savage-faced messengers' of the underworld, 46.

Schafer, Professor, retirement, 114.

I
Slaves, traffic in, 140, 142, 145.

Small Temple of Tell el-'dmarnab, 138, 139.

Scholia on Juvenal, 201, 206-7.

Sculptures from Tell el-'Amamah, 134, 248.

Seager, Charles, helps young Budge, 68.

1
SmenkhkarEc, 131, 135, 137.

Smith, Mrs. Caston, 129.

I
Sobkemsaf, new Iight on robbery of his tomb, 116.
Sebekhotpe, 248.
Sokar, kingdom of, 41.
Selchis, consort of Kehebkau, 43,45.47.
Some Celestial Sssociations of Min, G. A. WAIS-
Seleucus, advocate, P. Lond. Inv. 2565, 227, 235,
ITRIGHT, 152-70.
236, 237, 244.
Some Further Remarks on the Transcription of Late
SELIGMAX,
C. G., Egypt and Xegro Africa: A Study Hieratic, RAY~IOXD 0. FAULKNER,49-51.
zn Divine Kingship (Frazer Lecture for 1933) Sopdu, 'Lord of the East', 24-5.
(reriewed), 259-61. 1
SPEISER,E. -4., Ethnic iTfovements i n the &'ear East
SELIGNAK,C. G. and BRENDA,Z., Pagan Tribes in the Second Millennium B c. (Publications
of the Xilotic Sudan (reviewed), 1234.
of the American Schools of Oriental Research,
Semaine EEyptologique a t Brussels, 252-3.
Offprint series, No. 1) (reviewed), 256-8.
Semty, inscription of, 6.
Spiegel, J., 219 n., 221, 223.

Senate of hrsinoe, 227, 242, 244.

Stairway of the Great God, 6.
Senusret I, his stela a t W&diHalfa, 160-1.
'Star of the South', 160.
Serenus, advocate, P. Lond. Inv. 2565,227,235,236,
Statues of Twelfth Dynasty usurped by Neneptah,
237.
12, 14, 16; their Seth-inscriptions discussed,

Serpent-demons, 41, 43, 44.

15-17 ; 23; originally of Se.iostris I, 25.

Serpent-head amulet, 175.

Stela of Nebipusenwosret, The, A. &I. BLACKMAN,
1-9.
Sesostris I, 14, 248; statues of, usurped by Mene-
Stela of the Year 400, 13, 16, 17, 20, 21, 23, 24.

ptah, 25. Sethe's interpretation, 19, 20, 23.

Sesostris 111, 2, 5, 6, 7, 8; his temple at Abydos, 7. I

Step Pyramid, work on, 116.

Setekh, see Seth, Butekh. ( STEUER,DR. PHIL. R. O., LWgrrhe ulzd Stakte (re-

Seth, Sutekh, god of dvaris, 10, 11, 12, 14, 15, 23;
v i e ~ ~ e d254-5.
),

and of Tanis, 20, 21, 23; his enthronement

Steward S d m , statue of, 150-1.

there, 19, 21, 23 ; adored elsewhere, 20;

St. Jeremias, Monastery of, 66, 115.

various titles, 15, 16, 17, 19; differing ac-

( Storehouses a t Tell el-'Amamah, 139.

counts of his history, 24; assimilated to

Storm-gods becoming fertility-gods, 152-3, 154.

Sopdu, 24-5; in Horus-myth, 26, 27, 28 ff.;

Strabo, evidence on Tanis, 12, 13; 58.

154, 156, 159. 161.

Studies in the Egyptian Medical Texts-V, WARREX

Sethe's interpretation of Stela of Pear 400, 19, 20.

Sethos, Sety I, 19, 20, 21, 24.

Sethroite nome, 13, 24.

'
R. DAWSON, 37-40.

Sudan specially under care of Min, 160.

Sun-god, connexion with Xehebkau, 44, 46-7.

Sety, vizier of T ~ r w 19, , 20.

Surere, hieratic fragments from tomb of, 140.

Severus, Emperor, 224,225, 236, 237.

Sutekh, see _Seth, Sutekh.

Shas-hetep, home of Seth, 27. I

Buys, P6re EmiIe, death of, 253.

Shaw, Miss Mary S., lecture by, 117.

Shell51, 58. I
T
Sherman, Mr. and Sks., 129, 252.
Tjru,, capital of 14th nome, 11, 13, 19, 24.

Sheshonq, 159. I
Faharka temple a t Kawa, 251.
s ~ n - s h r i n oef >fin, 165-6. 1
Tangassi, 191.
SHORTER, -ALAN ST., The God Xehebkau, 41-8.
I
Tanis, suggested identification with Avaris, 10, 12;

Kotes on some Funerary Amulets, 171-6.

probably Pi-Racmeses, 17-18 ; Semitic in-

reviews by, 125, 126; 1.

fluences at, 12; Seth-cult at, 12, 13, 17;

Silko, King of the Pu'oubades, 58, 196.

1
statues with Seth-inscription from, 14-17 ;

Silver and copper, their relative values, 140, 145,

1
Seth's enthronement at, 19, 21; argued dis-

146; 211. I
tinct from Avaris, 2 1 4 ; but historically con-

Sinai, new inscriptions from, 251. nected, 23; perhaps home of Ramessides,

Sinuhe, 6. 24; Min-worship in, 159, 166.

 INDEX
Tarsus in Cilicia, 153, 155, 156. Uranus, 154.

Tebtunis, coins from, 210-16. Uzat, offered by Kehebkau, 42.

Tefnakht's war with Piankhi, 219, 220, 221, 223. v

Tell el-'Amarna, work at, 1934-5, 129-35.

Notes on the Central City at, H. W. FAIR~~IAN, Valerius Apollonides the exegetes, 227, 235, 242.

136-9.
Verb l 'to say' and its Developments, R. 0. FAULK.

Tell er-Retgbah, foundation-sacrifices at, 12, 18.

KER,157-90.

Tell el-Yahudiyeh, suggested site of Avaris, 10; gods

Virgin in Coptic art, 65, 66.

'of Meneptah' at, 16.

TT

Tell Moqdam, cult of Seth at, 13,16,17,23.

W5di et-Tiimildt, 24.

Temple of Sethos I a t Abydos, publication, 117.

WLdi Qalfa, 160, 191.

Teti, King, represented on stela, 149.

Wadjet, 159, 166.

Tetradrachms, Ptolemaic, 210-11; Roman, 212.

WAINWRIGHT, G. A., Some Celestial Associations of

Thacker, Mr. T. W., 248, 253.

Min, 152-70; reviews by, 254-8, 259-61.

Thebes, 6, 16, 18.

Wallace, Dr. Waldo, 198.

Third Cataract, 58, 60, 61.

Wawa, 191, 198.

THOMPSON,R. CAMPBELL,Ernest Alfred Wallis

Budge, 68-70.
Weben-Aten, the, 133, 134, 138.

Thoth in Horus-myth, 26, 28 ff.

WEGENER, E. P., U-ith T. C. SKEAT,A Trial before

Thunderbolt, 152, 153, 155, 156, 160.

the Prefect of Egypt Appius Sabinus, c.

TILL, W., Koptische Pergamente Theologischen

250 A.D., 22447.

Inhalts. I. (Nitteilungen aus der Papyrus- WEILL, RAYMOND, The Problem of the Site of

sammlung der Nationalbibliothek in Vien. Avaris, 10-25.

Papyrus Erzherzog Ruiner. n'eue Serie, II.) WESTERDXANN, WILLIAM LINN, and
ELIZABETH

(reviewed), 121-2. SAYREHASENOEHRL,

Zenon Papyri: Business
TOD, RIARCUS N., Bibliography: Graeco-Roman
Papers of the third century B.C. dealing with
Egypt. Part 11: Greek inscriptions (1933-
Palestine and Egypt (reviewed), 122-3.
1934), 104-7.
White, Hugh G. Evelyn, papyrus belonging to,
'Tomb', curious writing of, examples, 144.
217-18.
Tomb-robberies, new details of, 116.
White, Rev. C. H. Eveljn, 217.
Tomb-types a t Firka, 194, 196, 197.
White Bull, ancient and connected with Min, 158-9,

Topographical Notes on the Central City, Tell

160, 161.

el-'Amarnah, H. W. FAIRMAN,136-9. Williams, Dr. Caroline R., 249.

Trial before the Prefect of Egypt Appius Sabinus, JVilson, Dr. John A,, 250.

A, T. C. SHEATand E. P. ~ E G E N E R ,2 2447.
Winged Disk, legend of, 26, 27 ; translation, 28-36.

Trial-pieces a t Tell el-'Amarnah, 132, 134, 248.

Winlock, H. E., 140.

Triphis, wife of Nin, 160.

TVreszinski, Dr. Walter, death of, 116; 39.

Tfid, important find at, 251.

Wright, advises Budge, 69.

~ u l l i ~Gofessor
, Alberto, 253.
X

Tutcankhamfin, amulets found upon mummy, 171,

'X-group' culture of Pu'ubia, 191, 196, 197.

175. Xois, standard of, 161.

Tuthmosis I, inscription on his sarcophagus, 8.

Tuthmosis 111,new stela of, 248. Y

Two Fingers, amulet, its interpretation, 1 7 3 4 . Yastu, limit of Nubia, 58, 60.

Two Letters of the Byzantine Period, C. H. ROBERTS, Yggdrasil, 163, 168, 169.

52-6. Youtz, ilk. Philip N., 250.

Two Styles of Coptic Painting, The, DORAZUNTZ,

63-7. Z

Typhon, 156. Zaru, fortress, 13.

Zeus, 156, 163, 167, 170.

U
ZULUETA,F. DE, Bibliography: Graeco-Roman

'University' a t Tell el-'Amarnah, 139.

Egypt. Part I: Papyrology.

University College, Oxford, Budge's bequest to, 115.

fi 6. Law. 91-100.

University of California, Berkeley, 210.

Zfima, 191.

Uraeus, Nehebkau originally distinct from, 41, 48;

ZUNTZ,DORA,The Two Styles of Coptic Painting,

invoked as protection against serpents, 174-5.

63-7.

PRINTED I N GREAT BRITAIN AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS, OXFORD

BY J O H N JOmSOK, PRINTER TO TEE UXIVERSITY

 THE JOURNAL

OF

EGYPTIAN ARCHAEOLOGY

ALL RIGHTS RESERVED

 THE JOURNAL

OF

EGYPTIAN ARCHAEOLOGY

VOLUME XXI

PUBLISHED BY

THE EGYPT EXPLORATION SOCIETY

2 HINDE STREET, MANCHESTER SQUARE, W. 1

LONDON

1935

PRINTED IN GREAT BRITAIN

 CONTENTS
PAGE

A . JI . Blackman ... ... 1

THE PROBLEM O F T H E SITE O F - ~ V A R I S ... ... ... Raymond STeill

... ... 10

THE MYTHOF HORUSAT EDFTJ-I ... ... ... H . ST. Fairman ... 26

STUDIESI X THE EGYPTIAN ~ T E D I C A L TEXTS-V ... TI-arren R . Das~son

... 37

THE GODKEHEBKAU ... ... ... ... ... Alan JJT. Shorter ... ... 41

SOMEFURTHERRE>IARKSO N T H E TRANSCRIPTION OF

LATEHIERATIC... ... ... ... ... ... Raymond O. Faulkner ... 49

Two LETTERS O F THE BYZAXTITE P ERIOD ... ... C . H . Roberts ... ... 52

NOTESO N THE TOPOGRAPHY O F THE CHRISTIAT NUBIAN

KINGDOMS ... ... ... ... ... ... L . P . Kirwan. F.S.A. ... 57

THE TI?-o STYLESOF COPTICPAINTIKG... ... ... Dora Zuntz ... ... 63

ERSESTALFREDWALLISBUDGE; 1857.1934 . . . . ... R . Campbell Thompson 68

BIBLIOGRAPHY: GRAECO-ROMAN EGYPT .

PARTI : PAPYROLOGY (1934) ... ... ... H . J . JI . Pllilne. ,I. D .Sock.

T . C . Skeat. J . G. IIilne

a n d 5. H. Baynes. F . de

Zulueta. R . McKenzie 71

Marcus K. Tod ... ... 104

De Lacy O'Learj-. D.D. 108

J . I). 8. Pendlebury ... 1.29

H . ST. . Fairman ... ... 136

_Alan H . Gardiner ... 140

l ) o ~ ~Dunhani
s ... ... 147
G . 9. Wainwight ... 152

Alan IS'. Shorter ... ... 171

R . 0 . Faulkner ... ... 177

L . P . Kirwan ... ... 191

C . H . Roberts ... ... 199

J . G . Pllilne ... ... 210

CONTENTS
PAGE
H . J.N.Milne ... ... 217
Alan H. Gardiner ... 219

T. C . Skeat and E .
TVegener ...
 PRELIMINARY REPORT OF T H E EXCAVATIONS AT

TELL EL-'AMARNAH, 1934-1935

BY J. D. S. PEKDLEBURY
K i t h Plates viii-xii

- s in progress from December 1 to February 6. Our main supporters were

E x c a v a ~ ~ o hwere
again the Brooklyn Museum, Mrs. Hubbard, the hshmolean JIuseum, and Mr. C. TI7. Dyson
Perrins. Mrs. Gaston Smith's class a t Boston also gave a donation, and we have to thank
Professor Capart for a subscription from the Fondation ~gyptologiqueReine filisabeth,
Brussels, which enabled us to finish off the season fairly tidily. After work had closed down
further funds were received from Brooklyn, which are being held for the coming season.
The staff was the same as for the previous year with the addition of Mrs. Sherman, who
devoted herself mainly to drawing. Jfr. Fairman's return was the more welcome in view of
the mass of inscriptional material.
Among visitors to the site were M. Lacau, Director General of bntiquities, who not only
determined the extent of the 1%-orkto be undertaken in the Royal Valley but was also kind
enough to facilitate the expropriation of a certain amount of the cultivated land which has
encroached on that part of the Palace known as the ' Broad Hall ' ; M. Rilelihitarian, Professor
Capart's assistant, who took a number of admirable photographs of the site which were on
view at the annual exhibition; and Sir Robert Greg, a member of the Comite d'Egypto-
logie, Cairo. After the season was finished we received a visit from the Egyptian Army Air
Force, who, in conjunction with the Antiquities Department, are executing a fine series of
aerial surveys of ancient sites.
The Royal Valley
Before describing the results of the excavation on the Palace area where work this year
mas concentrated, it should be mentioned that a task long overdue has been completed by
the Society. Fresh depredations having occurred in the Royal Valley, it was decided by the
-4ntiquities Department that the spot must be dealt with finally, particularly in view of
rumours to the effect that another tomb had been seen by the robbers. I t was determined
that a n impregnable door should be built to the tomb itself, and that we should make as
certain as possible that no other tomb existed in the neighbourhood. The blocking of the
entrance to the tomb meant that work inside would be rendered virtually impossible in the
future, and permission was granted to the Society to make a complete record of the mural
reliefs which had hitherto been published only in a very inadequate and inaccurate form by
Bouriant and others in ililonuments pour sercir d l'e'tude d u culte d'dtonou, I . Mr. Fairman,
Mr. Lavers, and Mr. Sherman therefore spent over a fortnight a t the tomb, and, in spite of
every effort on the part of weather and insects, succeeded in making tracings and photo-
graphs of all the reliefs. RIr. Lavers spent a few hot days longer in building up the door of
the tomb.
After the work on the Palace was finished, my wife and I spent five weeks in making a
thorough search on both sides of the valley for the alleged new tomb and in testing every
S

Plate VIII

8. . . - , - -
.. - - -- W '
. .
1

-.
63"+&7?--7--
-.-
I.
.- .* .--
Faience plaque.
- - -
' I .

2.
--.-.-- -

Fish in gold plate.

I- - -- ,

. i
1

- \ .-. h -

, .
-+
- -- . - --~-/-, 4

\.
%

5. Fragment of limestone column-drum. 6. Sunk relief showing foreigners.

EXCAVATIONS AT TELL EL-'AMARNAH, 1934-5. THE PALACE

 J. D. S. PENDLEBURY

rumour however fantastic. This tomb proved to be non-existent, although two new
shawabti-heads and a number of interesting small objects, as well as the definite-if negative
-evidence, fully justified the expenditure of the Antiquities Department.
I t is hoped that in the near future the result of the Society's work here will be published
as Rock Tombs of El Amarna, ~ I Iin, which complete drawings, helped out by photographs,
will be reproduced together with a discussion of the scenes and a oo-ordination of the resuits
of all the excavations conducted there.
I t may be of interest to intending visitors to know that the Royal Tomb will in future
only be visible by means of a special permit from the Antiquities Department, the two keys
being kept at Cairo and at the Inspector's Office at Asyiit respectively.

The Palace
The work of previous seasons had practically completed the central, official quarter of
the City, betveen the Sikket es-Sultcin and the desert ; there remained only two areas of minor
importance, one lying to the south of the barracks west of the police station (cf. Journal, 20,
135), the other consisting of the long rows of magazines immediately south of the Temple
as well as a building betmeen them and Panehsy's Official Residence. These areas it mas
felt could wait, for their plans are practically visible in the aerial survey. But the great
Official Palace which lies west of the Sikket es-Sul?cin, and was connected by a bridge over
that road with the rest of the Royal Estate, still constituted a problem and a duty.
Fortunately there was not much doubt as to where to begin. The south end of the Palace
lines up with the southern limits of the rest of the Central City, and is separated by a wide
thoroughfare from the residential quarters immediately to the south. Furthermore the
dumping problem appeared to be easier here than elsewhere, and Petrie's plan was at least
intelligible, affording definite landmarks from which to advance to the comparatively
unknown area to the north.
First of all, however, two small buildings lying outside the south-west corner of the Palace
were excavated. These consisted mainly of heavy concrete foundations, which had kept back
the modern cultivation at this point. These foundations, consistingof great blocks connected
by narrow strips, were evidently intended to support some considerable weight, and resemble
the foundations just inside the main entrance to the Great Temple (cf. Journal, 19,114).
The depth to which they run suggests the possibility of their forming part of the approach
from the river, which we know existed, but discussion is better postponed until the whole
of the Palace area has been excavated and can be compared with the pictures in the tombs.
To turn to the Palace itself. The only plan in existence is that of Petrie (Tell el Amarna,
P1. xxxvi), and one of the most noticeable features of that plan is the double mall running
the full length of the plan on the east, and forming the south and west sides of the
Pillared Hall. I t must be said at once that this double ~valldoes not exist and has never
existed. The only point where such an impression is given is in the Harem quarter, to be
described below, where the whole block of buildings is set back slightly from the main wall,
leaving a passage for a guard to see that no one was burrowing in from without. In view
of such discrepancies between this plan and the facts it will be as well to describe the build-
ing as if last season's work was the first to have been done on the sp0t.l
At the south end of the Palace lies a vast hall with a forest of square piers. The central
aisle running north and south is wider than the rest, and a few of the piers flanking it preserve
For the purposes of a preliminary report the plan mentioned above suffices for the great south hall,
nest to be described. Additions to that plan should be noticed. An entirely fresh plan is given for the northern
section, and of course the whole has been resurveyed for the memoir City of Akhenaten, In.
Plate IX
 - ROYAL ROAD
-

U-- - - -- - -- - -' I
PA1 L W A Y
I
i
I I I

M O D E R N

C U L T I V A T I O N r-=?

U N E X C A V A T E D

Plan of the northern section of t h

EXCAVATIONS AT T E L L EL-'AMAKNP
 INTRANCE
HAREM I

NORTH -4

M O D E R N

C U L T I V A T I O N

1934 -
E X C A V A T E D
1 9 3 5.

ern section of the Palace. I : 680

. EL-'AMAKNAH, 1934-5. THE PALACE

 EXCAVATIONS AT TELL EL-'AMARNAH, 1934-1935 131

the roll-moulding which ran up the edges. Presumably this central aisle was raised to a
higher level than the surrounding parts and provided clerestory lighting. I t is in fact a
forerunner of the hypostyle halls of the Nineteenth Dynasty. I t has been suggested that
this area was a vineyard, and that the square pillars supported trellises for vines, and the
present writer rashly put forward the theory that these square bases might represent the
sites of offering tables such as we have in the Great Temple ;but the massiveness of the piers
disproves the first, as the height to which many are preserved disproves the second suggestion.
Fragments of painted plaster survive, all showing a pattern of grapes. These must have
come from the beams or the ceiling-our discoveries this year were too weathered to
determine which.
In the north-west corner lies an altar or chapel with a gaily painted wall.
To the south of the hall lie three rooms. The central one is entered (pace Petrie) by a
central door from the main hall, and itself provides access to the side chambers. These
latter have their roofs supported on square pillars. The central room, however, betrays no
sign of such, and since it is too broad to be spanned by a beam with no central support it
must be assumed to have been hypaethral.
The entrances to the main hall are two. On the \Test side a ramp leads up to a door in
the west wall. The main entrance, however, is the doorway from the rest of the Palace to the
north. I t appears that this door has been cut through the earlier south wall of the Palace.
?Teathering has been too great to allow one to see the actual bricks cut through, but the
foundations of the earlier wall run right across, below where the threshold should be (Pl. ix,
1).l I n any case it is clear that the hall is a later addition to the Palace, for a great number
of tree stumps and rnbbish pits exists below the floor, showing that thesite had been occupied
before the hall was built, and since every object discovered in these rubbish pits was of the
'Amarnah period there is no need to assume a previous settlement on the site. Furthermore
a nurnber of admittedly scattered bricks was found to bear the name of SmenkhkarBc and,
remembering the unroofed chamber at the south end and Akhenaten's fondness for
hypaethral ceren~onies,we feel justified in n~aliingthe suggestion that this may have
been the coronation hall erected for the occasion of the young prince's association as
co-regent.
This part of the Palace has been very badly denuded, and since the deposit had been
partly turned over previously and lies near the cultivation, me had little expectation of
finding objects. Outside the \vest \\-all, however, just to the north of the entrance, was dis-
covered a dump of faience consisting mainly of tiles wrenched from the walls of the hall. A
number of these \\-as fortunately intact, preserving most of the inlaid daisies (Pl. viii, 1).
They are the first complete specimens of their type that have ever been found. Both size
-the average is 20 em. by 12 cm.-and decoration vary very slightly. The background is
invariably green, which again varies in tone according to the firing and the composition of
the glaze. The details are in black, purple, and yellow, while the inlaid daisies are white
with a yellon centre. Most of them retained traces on the back of the plaster in which they
had been set. Kith them were found smaller fragments shorving birds and flowers; these
had evidently been shaped to fit into some prepared setting, and it is possible that above the
green plaques ran a more brightly coloured cornice. A few pieces in the shape of long green
leaves vere evidently intended to be inlaid into columns, and may therefore have come from
The entrance has been walled up with brick like so many of the doors of official and private buildings.
This presumably occurred nhen the site was abandoned by Tut(ankhan~dn,the possibility of a return being
envisaged not only in private but also in official circles. Sote, however, that the stone threshold had already
been removed.
132 J. D. S. PENDLEBURY
the buildings to the south-west described above, for the austere white plaster of the square
piers hardly allows of inlay. The interest lies in the inscriptions in ink on the back, which
were evidently intended to indicate the places to be occupied.
The area to the north of the Pillared Hall seemed on further examination somewhat
confused, and presented considerable problems in dumping. Work was therefore transferred
-pending the final drawing and planning of the Pillared Hall, after which it ~vouldprovide
an ideal dumping ground-to the extreme north end of the Palace, or rather the point so
shown on Petrie's plan (op. cit., P1. x). B number of large magazines was excavated, unpro-
ductive in themselves save for a rough trial-piece of the queen, but proving without doubt
that the Palace extended farther north. These magazines had, however, been of importance,
for a special guards' passage lies between them and the main wall.
South of these quarters, which must have been for servants and stores, lies the Harem.
The most direct access to it was gained from a heavily guarded gate in the east wall of the
Palace. The stone threshold had been removed, and in its place lay a large bronze crowbar
which had evidently been used for levering it up.
As was mentioned above, the Harem quarter is set slightly back from the main wall of
the Palace in order to allow a passage for guards. The southern and western portions are
much denuded, and it is not always possible to determine the exact position of the doors
to some of the compartments. The plan on P1. x shows the general arrangement of the
Harem.l
I t was discovered that further examples of painted pavements existed in the rooms
immediately to the south of the main halls. These were similar in style, though not in
quality or state of preservation, to the famous pavement. The north wall of the pillared
room which contained the latter is not, preserved above the level of the podium on which it
is raised, and the exact means of access thence to the colonnade to the north is uncertain.
The brick paving of the latter seems to begin some two metres away from the wall, and it is
possible that a flight of stone steps existed across the whole breadth, for there is a drop of
50 cm. in the floor-level.
A. reconstruction of the garden court is shown on P1. xi (cf. also P1. ix, 2). There is a
colonnade at the south end. To east and west lie corridors, their roofs supported on columns.
I n front was a low screen wall which probably supported square piers.2 Off each of the
corridors opens a row of small compartments ; at the back of these was a shelf just under a
metre high and 30 cm. wide, supported on brick piers in the corners of the room. These
rooms have been taken to be cubicles, sleeping apartments for the ladies of the harem, the
bed being raised on this shelf. The dimensions, however, would allos3- only a dwarf to
sleep in comfort, and even a dwarf would not like a nasty drop of nearly a metre if she
rolled out of bed. Since the wall between the conlpartments is painted with a series of
wine jars it seems better to regard these compartments as stores for the immediate needs of
the harem.
The outside of the screen wall was painted with a scene depicting life by the Sile, which

It should be mentioned that the two large rooms marked 'Painted Pavements', which had been built
up to protect Petrie's discovery, were not re-excavated, nor were the small rooms immediately to the east
of them. The plan of these given here is therefore taken direct from Petrie, with a correction of 1.5 metres
in the overall measurement.
? A small column-base was found near by, but as Mr. Lavers points out this may well have come from

a kiosk in the garden. I t would be a bad architectural feature to have columns of different sizes supporting
the same architrave, and, as shown on P1. xi, the square piers allow the human figures in the wall-painting
to extend upwards to their natural height.
 Plate XI

- - - - -

Isometric drawing of the Garden Court in the Harem.

EXCAVATIONS AT TELL EL-'AMARNAH, 1934-5. THE PALACE

 EXCAVATIONS AT TELL EL-'AMARNAH, 1934-1935 133

winds its way between banks of black mud. This practice of painting outside walls exposed
to the weather is very rare. The only other instance is the north mall of the King's private
house, where the feet of human figures can be seen.
The arrangement of the garden is clear. The beds were still filled with rich Nile mud. At
the south end was a well, of which Petrie had recovered the stone coping; from it a stone
channel leads to a depression in the ground which had once been lined with stone, and which
must have been an ornamental pond. Perhaps it was from some decoration here that the
fish in gold plate (Pl. viii, 2) originally came, although it was found in the filling just west
of the Harem.
The columns have already been described by Petrie. Many fragments were found, and it
is hoped that a complete, if composite, example may be restored. They vary considerably in
details, such as the number of flutes at the base, but all conform to the general type shown in
Petrie, Tell el Amarna, PI. vii.
Along the west side of the Harem, but extending farther north and south, runs a long
processional way paved with plaster (Pl. is, 3). It is stepped up and down at intervals, to
conform to the level of the ground. Along the east side ran a \$-all,the only traces of which
are marks of blocks in the plaster. Along the west side it was open, but a long row of stone
bases marks the site of colossal statues in granite and quartzite. Literally thousands of frag-
ments of these w r e found; they had been systematically and carefully smashed, for hardly
a fragment is more than 50 em. long. At a point opposite to the palace entrance described
above, the rnarks of stones extend right across the plaster, and there is a projection of
ordinary sand froni the west. I t is possible that there was some sort of reception area here.
perhaps like the low balcony at lledinet Habu. At the south end the way enters a large hall,
which seems to extend very nearly the whole width of the Palace, while a corresponding way
seems to have run northwards from its western end under tlie modern cultivation.
The marks onthe plaster paving of this hall imply the presence of columns between which
stood yet more statues. To discover how far south the hall continues is one of the tasks of the
coming season.
The name of this hall, and perhaps of the whole area. is di+casseclby Yr. Fairinan in the
article which follows this report.
The no st interesting objects from this part of the Palace are shown on PI. viii, 3 and
P1. xii, I. The bird rising startled from the foliage is a fine example of the glazer's art. The
fragment of white faience shown below it is unusual. not only because white plaques are
rare but also because human figures in relief on such plaques are practically unknown on the
site. (It should be mentioned that this fragment was photographed on its side by mistake;
the left-hand side should be the top.) PI. xii, 1 s h o \ ~ as very delicate sunk relief of the head of
a king; it somewhat resembles iiineteenth-Dynasty ~vorlc,though there is no doubt that it is
contemporary with the Palace.
Lastly comes the Ureben-8ten, \ ~ h i c hlies in a bay in tlie cultivation within the two arms
of the Processional K a y . The foundations only \yere recovered, and these lay a t a depth
varying from 3 to 5 metres below the level surface of the ground. The mystery of their
presence at a depth never before reached on the site was soon cleared up. The building \$-as
part of the original schenle of the Palace, but after a very few years reconstruction took
place; it was razed to its foundations, and together with the northern part of the
Processional K a y was covered with a layer of sand in order to form a large central parade
ground.
The foundations, rrhich alone remain, are most confusing (Pl. is, 4). Huge rough cylinders
of stone are grouped quite aimlessly in the trenches cut in the virgin soil, yet flat plaques are
 J. D. S. PENDLEBURY

in some cases carefully cut to fit round them. The trenches and the cut stones seem to lie
quite at haphazard, and to bear no relation to the plan of any building they could have been
intended to support. An uncertain amount, however, still remains to be excavated, and when
we get the point of junction between this building and the Processional Way a clue will
probably be provided.
Discussion of the Weben-Atenas a building is therefore premature. I t remains to describe
the finds. The amount of relief discovered was overwhelming, and the fact that the stones
had been buried at the time of the dismantling of the building meant that they had escaped
not only weathering but also the deliberate destruction which followed the general deser-
tion of the city.
Unfortunately not enough remained to enable us to reconstruct the wall-scenes with
certainty. I t seems indeed as if some of the sculpture had been removed for use elsewhere, for
the fragments of royal portraits are very rarely of the scale demanded by the size of soldiers,
priests, and horses. This is natural enough, for the royal figures would be the work of the
best sculptors, while any pupil could be turned on to do crowd scenes.
The finest of the discoveries are shown on Pls. viii and xii. P1. viii, 4 shows a good
example of a sculptor's trial-piece, and is also good evidence of the way in which early
burial has preserved the sharpness of outline in a soft, easily worn stone. P1. viii, 5 is a
fragment of a column on which the princesses are represented as being even more hideous
than usual. PI. viii, 6 is a study of foreigners, the disdainful, high-cheekboned Hittite being
a masterpiece. P1. xii, 2 is of historical interest, for the princess, as she certainly is from the
lock of hair, has had the uraeus added when she came to the throne. Presumably she is
Meritaten. P1. xii, 3 shonrs one of the many fragments of statuettes; it is in black granite,
and though badly worn still preserves the melancholy cast of face so common at this period.
P1. xii, 4 shows two more examples of the painted sunk reliefs.
Among other objects not illustrated was an interesting fragment which is further evidence
of the curious inversion of the sexes at 'Amarnah. I t shows part of the royal throne or
palanquin, and, as Nr. Brunton pointed out, the supporter is not a lion but a lioness. Trial-
pieces vere not uncommon; one example shows a head of the king, bearing a remarkable
likeness to the Karnak colossi. Another shows the apprentice trying his hand at copying
hieroglyphs, and doing it very badly. The crowd scenes must have been as lively as any in
the tombs; every head that has been preserved has an individuality, even the horses have
character. Several blocks are carved with flowers in relief, cornflowers, papyrus, and
sprays of grasses.
Within the building, whatever it was, had stood many groups of statuettes in granite,
quartzite, and sandstone. The fragments of hands and feet show some of the best craftsman-
ship of the period. There is a number of very delicately modelled torsos, some of them from
groups which showed two or more princesses with their arms round each other's waists.
As if in promise of what is in store for the coming season, the last hour's work saw the
discovery of two heads in granite, one of a princess from a life-sized group, the other a minia-
ture of the queen, as yet unfinished, for the ears are still marked out in red paint.
During the coming season it is intended to clear up the mystery of the Weben-Atenand
to attempt to complete the excavation of the Palace. The possibility of recovering the water-
front should not be overlooked, since a bay in the cultivation about half-way d o ~ the ~ n west
side of the Palace extends nearer to the river than does any other point, and it is practically
certain that in those days the bed of the Xile was some way east of its present course. The
deposit south of the point at which me stopped work is evidently of considerable depth, and
has by no means been completely excavated yet. The presence of so large a section
Plate XI1
 EXCAVATIONS AT TELL EL-'AMARNAH, 1934-1935 135

of the Palace as the Pillared Hall, which was built for SmenkhkarEc, gives hopes of more
remains throwing light on that obscure ruler. I t is also important to identify the names of
the various parts of the Palace, as can be seen from Mr. Fairman's article, pp. 136ff. below.
I t is hoped that with the funds which have been promised it will be possible, should the
Palace be completed, to round off the central part of the city so that this complete section,
comprising the royal and official quarters of Tell el-'Amarnah, may be published entire in
the memoir The City of Akhenaten, Part I I I .
 TOPOGRAPHICAL NOTES ON T H E CENTRAL CITY,

TELL EL-'AMARNAH

IN a well-known passage in the so-called 'early' text of the 'Bmarnah Boundary Stelae
(Stelae I(,M, and X), hkhenaten enumerates the chief buildings which lie will erect in his
new city. The precise nature and position of some of these places is still in doubt, and dis-
cussion of them would be out of place here, but the opening phrases of the building passage
are of no little interest, and worthy of quotation. The following copy is based on my own
collation of Stela K (Davies, The Rock Tombs of E l Amarna, v, Pls. xxix, xxx), with a few
restorations from X, and one or t ~ additional
o restorations which seem probable, and which
are inserted for the sake of clarity and continuity.

.
(14) . . . . . I a m making a House of the Aten for the Aten m y father in Akhetaten in (15)
this place. I anz making the JIansion of the Aten for the Aten my father i n Akhetaten in this
place. I a m nzaking the 'Sunshade of Rdc' of the [great] royal wife . . . . . . . . f o r the Aten my
father in Akhetaten in this place. I a m making a House of Rejoicing for the Aten my father in
the island of ' A t e n distinguished i n jubilees ' i n Aklzetaten i n this place. I have made a House
of Re-(lG)[joicing of the Aten] for fhe d t e n mzj father i n the island of ' A f e n distinguished in
jubiiees' in Akhetuten i n this place.
I n the follo~vinglines a brief discussion is given of those places mentioned in dkhenaten's
declaration whose identification with excavated sites in the Central City is certain or
probable, together with notes on other parts of the same area which it has been possible
to name. These notes aim solely at affording a preliminary presentation of the present state
Restored from X.
Battered but certain.
The top of the sign is destroyed. I t is difficult to decide whether there is room for W, but it is im-
probable that there is any need to restore it-this name is normally spelt with the direct genitive.
Sign almost completely destroyed, but it must obviously be 3.
K has - clearly; Davies gives by mistake; X has
A mere trace of n,but it is certain: X has
2.
slightly damaged.
Both stelae have a lacuna here, but the restoration is sufficient to fill the gap. The name is clearly a
longer one than that of the first Pr-hcy.
 NOTES ON THE CENTRAL CITY, TELL EL-'AMARNAH 137

of our knowledge, and of the theories upon which, at present, we are working. A fuller
discussion of these and other names, together with copies of the inscriptions, will appear in
due course in The City of Akhenaten, III.
1. kn Q A Q 99
: The Mansion of the Aten. The excavations of 1931-2 have
proved that this is the smaller of the two 'Amarnah temples (cf. the preliminary report in
Journal, 18, 143-9). The identification is supported by (a) the sign (a which is stamped on
many of the bricks, and (b) the fact that this is the only name to be found on any of the 237
portions of reliefs and inscriptions found and registered. The building is clearly a product of
the early Aten period: not a single example of the late name of the Aten is known from this
site. I t would appear that the name 'Mansion of the Aten' covers not merely the temple
itself, but those parts of the palace1 which lie immediately to the north of it, and on the east
side of the Royal Road: both buildings used bricks stamped 1.
oC7Qe:
2.
,1 n c n The House of the Aten. This is the larger of the two temples,
which was finally excavated in the seasons 1932-4 (cf. the preliminary reports in Journal,
19,113-18; 20,129-36). There can be little doubt about the accuracy of the identification,
which is supported by the evidence of the inscriptions, and by the striking correspondence
between the final plans and the tomb-drawings of the temple. Undoubtedly each portion of
the temple originally had its own name, but at present only two sections can be named with
any certainty :
"(a) The concrete platforms immediately to the east of the second pylon are probably
called Jgzq ~~Q~~~ 49,
The House of Rejoicing.
(b) The sunken courts which succeed the platforms appear to bear the name 9&f99
~4 n c OF,
n 1 C 7 O n o Gem-pa-Aten: this name also occurs on the limestone 'balustrade' in the
Cairo Museum, Temporary Register 27 :3 :25 :9 (early Aten name). Neither of these identifi-
cations is absolutely certain, but both are very probable. The dating of the whole building
is not as simple as that of the Small Temple, but it is certain that there was revision and
reconstruction before it was completed. The inscriptions give both early and late forms of
the name of the hten, but the latter are the more numerous.
3. The Palace. For that portion of the palace lying on the east side of the Royal Road,
see above, and Journal, 18,147,148. The other portion of the palace, which lies on the west
of the Royal Road, and which we call the 'official' palace to distinguish it from the 'private '
palace on the east side, was first excavated by Petrie, but incompletely: the final excavations
are still in progress (see above, p. 130 ff). Until this work is completed our conclusions
must obviously be tentative and incomplete, but already a certain amount of information
is available, and some interesting questions have been raised. KO evidence is as yet
forthcoming to justify the identification of any part or parts with the pryt Pr-(1, and the
pryt n t3 hmt-nisuit of stelae K and Xa2SOfar, the inscriptions have produced the names of
three presumed parts of the ' official ' palace :
(i) A few bricks from the Pillared Hall (see above, p. 131) bore impressions with the
name of Smenkhkarec, but since none of these bricks mere in perfect condition the exact
name of the Hall is still uncertain. The name of SmenlihkarEc, however, affords support to
the view, gained from archaeological evidence, that this is the most recent portion of the
palace.
There is also a possibility that the palace in the north, opposite U. 25. 11 (now the northern Expedition
house), also bore this name. This is not the Northern Palace excavated by Newton and Whittemore, but
that excavated in 1931-2 (Journal, 18, 143, 144).
The Harem, however, produced a solitary and incomplete block bearing . . . . ... n hmt-tziswt wrt

. . ..
. . . . . Itn m Pr-ltn m . . . . Dare we restore [pryt]n finzt-niswtuvrt [mPr-h(y np,] Itn m Pr-ITtn m [:kt-Itn] ?

138 H. W. FAIRMAN
1
(ii) ~ ~ P ~ - - Q ~ J , ~ ~ ~ Q Weben-Aten. % ~ Q ~The~evi-f ; Q C
dence would seem to indicate that this was the North-west Building (see above,
pp. 133,134), though one or two fragments of the name have been found in other parts of
the palace.
(iii) 4%z(l%@ ... @ ; var. m Pr-Fy, etc., The Broad Hall, probably to be identi-
fied with the Processional Way and the Great Hall to which it leads (see above, p. 133).
One of the most remarkable points about these names is that they are said to form parts
of the Pr-hcy n ppl Iltn m Pr-Iltn. There can be no reasonable doubt that these names do refer
to parts of the palace, and not to buildings elsewhere in the city, and we seem, therefore, to
be driven to the following tentative conclusions:
(a) Pr-hey may be the general name of the whole of the 'official' palace. It may be
observed here that several inscriptions from the palace area mention Pr-h(y n p~ Ttn m
Pr-Ttn without any additional place names, and these all come from objects which were
certainly originally in the palace, and which could hardly have been brought from other
parts of the site.
(b) The 'official' palace seems to be connected with the Pr-Iltn, the Great Temple, just
as the 'private' palace is clearly connected with the Small Temple.
If these deductions are correct, then we have evidence for the existence of two buildings
called Pr-hcy, both being connected with the Pr-Ttn. Does this explain the mention of two
Pr-hcy in the boundary stelae? I t is easy to attach too much emphasis to the use of in K
with reference to the second mention of Pr-hcy, especially since X uses z,
but may it not
indicate that the one was already built when the stela was set up, and that the other was
yet to be built ? Such evidence as we possess does in fact indicate that our two Pr-hcy were
built at different times. In the Great Temple, apart from the Sanctuary, inscriptions from
both periods are found, but those of the later period predominate. In the 'official' palace,
at least as far as the parts already excavated are concerned (with the exception, of course,
of the Pillared Hall), the evidence is far different: in the Harem area only early Aten names
are known; in the North-west Building we have 26 instances of the first cartouche of the
early Aten name, and 28 instances of the second cartouche, and, in addition, 11 parts of
both cart ouches over-cut with forms of the later name of the At en. No single instance of the
later didactic name without re-working is known. The main period of activity in the North-
west Building is therefore clearly prior to the change in the form of the didactic name, and
it therefore follo\~sthat the palace, if it be the Pr-hey, is equally the product of the earlier
period.
But how are we to explain the reference in the boundary stelae to the 'island' in which
the Pr-?~(y is said to be situated? The idea that it refers to an island in the river seems quite
impossible. I t seems equally improbable that Pr-h~ywas the name of no less than four
separate building^.^ We are therefore inclined tentatively to identify the two Pr-h(y
revealed in the excavations with the buildings of that name mentioned in the stelae. But
the Pr-hey of the excavations are clearly parts of the Pr-Ttn, a term which includes the
'official' palace and the Great Temple; it may therefore be that the 'Island' is a synonym
for the complex of buildings that comprises the Palace and the Great Temple, or perhaps
even a general term descriptive of the whole of the Central City, the kernel, so to speak, of
Akhetaten, an 'island' set in the midst of, and very clearly distinguished from, the rest of
the city.
The king's name is never preceded by titles, and, in one case, at least, is not even enclosed in a cartouche.

a It is strange, however, that in 1933-4 one or two inscribed bricks bearing Pr-&(yn p~ Itn were found in

Q. 42.25 and R. 42.6. No other bricks bearing this name are known.
 NOTES ON THE CENTRAL CITY, TELL EL-'AMARNAH 139

The names of two other places are known from impressions on the bricks of which they
were built:
4. & n i j & n z ~ z T l j i , the Records Office (Q. 42.21), ilnmediately to the east of the
Small Temple (Journal, 20,134).
5. [=l?a, the 'University' (Q. 42. 19 and 20), still farther to the east of the Small
Temple (Journal, 20,134) ; the building seems soniewhat out of keeping with its name.
6. In addition, the evidence from the occurrence of hieratic graffiti provides some reason
for placing the storehouses 2~ ~ C ? z o P r ) a/nd >E%-J -&,%- in the complex
P. 41. 3-6, between the Xagazines south of the Great Temple, and the Royal Estate. They
were storehouses for meat.
7. Inscribed bricks from P. 43. 1-2 have provided the name of yet another storehouse,
&$q %x@,-$j'aA:
?
31
probably is to be restored in the lacuna, p3 [zcd~]n s'ms n p3 7tn.
Q. 42. 19 also produced one inscribed brick, but it ITas too fragmentary for more than a
final . . . n PI Iltn to be read.
K i t h the exception of Maru-aten, this list exhausts the names of buildings or parts of the
city which can at present be identified and located with any approach to certainty. The
tombs, hieratic graffiti, and mud jar-sealings have provided us with a considerable body of
other names, mainly those of storehouses, but it is best to postpone the cliscussion of all
these, and the problem of the 'sunshades', until The City of Akhenaten, 111 is published.
Perhaps TTe shall by then have more abundant and more definite material.
 A LAWSUIT ARISING FROM THE PURCHASE

OF TWO SLAVES

BY ,4LAN H. GARDINER
Kith Plates xiii-xri

A FEW months ago, with the kind permission of H. E. Winlock, Director of the Metropolitan
Museum in New York, N. de G. Davies handed over to me for study a mass of hieratic
fragments discovered by him in clearing, on behalf of the said Museum, the tomb of Surere
in the KhBkhah district of Shekh 'Abd el-Kurnah (No. 48). These fragments proved a very
heterogeneous lot, ranging in date from Amenophis I11 to Ptolemaic times, but for the
most part early or middle Ramesside.l With few exceptions they were non-literary-scraps
of letters, deeds of sale, reports of judicial proceedings, and accounts. One or two familiar
names of necropolis officials met the eye. There was part of a duplicate of the Millingen
papyrus, also phrases from a magical text, and most tantalizing of all, a few incomplete
sentences betraying as their source an unknown Late-Egyptian story. The sorting of the
fragments is far from complete, and may have to be abandoned, the results being incom-
mensurate with the efforts expended upon them. Indeed, I should never have undertaken
the task had I not hoped-vainly, as it turned out-to find further portions of an incomplete
papyrus emanating from the same tomb which, on its return to the Cairo M u ~ e u m is , ~to
receive the registration number 65739.
Pap. Cairo 65739, as it may therefore already be called, is a judicial document of excep-
tional importance, its chief claims to attention being, however, not its legal bearings, but
first that it throws light on the traffic in slaves, and second that it gives new and trustworthy
evidence for the ratio between the values of silver and copper. Externally it is a very
attractive manuscript, especially as now mounted by the skilled hands of Dr. Ibscher
(Plates xiii-~vi).~The present length is 43 cm. and the breadth 20 cm. A join occurs
betaleen lines 1 and 2, and another, at a distance of 31.5 em., between lines 22 and 23. At
least ten lines of text are lost at the beginning, and probably much more at the end. The
papyrus is inscribed upon the recto only, if recto be defined as the side where the fibres run
at right angles to the joins. The text, however, is written across the breadth of the roll
against, not with, the fibres. This procedure, as Dr. Ibscher points out, mas economical,
since it enabled the scribe to cut off his papyrus at exactly the point where the text ended,
instead of risking the possibility of a nearly blank page.4 The rather small writing is in a
beautiful literary hand without many ligatures, and the very black ink shows up brightly
l The cartouche of Tuthmosis 111occurs on one hardly contemporary fragment, and there are also some
demotic scraps.
Permission to take these fragments to Europe for study was given by the late enlightened Director of
the Service des Antiquitks, M. Rfaspero, on condition that any pieces required by the Cairo Museum should in
due course be returned to it.
I have to thank 3fr. H. W. Fairman for preparing the plates of transcription.
The Berlin judicial papyrus (P. 3047) is witten in exactly the same manner, but we do not possess
sufficient evidence to be sure that this was the rule in manuscripts of this class during the early part of
the Nineteenth Dynasty.
 LAVITSUIT ARISING FROM THE PURCHASE O F SLAVES 141
upon the excellently made writing-material. The state of preservation is nearly perfect.
As regards date, the probabilities point to the beginning or middle of the reign of Ramesses
11; not later, for linguistic and orthographic, as much as for palaeographic reasons; and
scarcely earlier, since what hieratic me possess from the reign of Sethos I and before inclines
to be crabbed and angular.
The language and orthography of Late Egyptian are not really separable matters, and.
referring to both together, we may declare our text to be very correct and careful. In the
verb-form izctlf h r s'dm ( A ~ c Othe T ~ preposition
) ? is always written out, with one single
exception in 1. 14, where it is omitted. After the conjunctive m t w f ( f i ~ e e lBoh.) is
rightly always omitted (11. 5, 15, 16, 18, 19). The perfective relative form is several times
written in the Afiddle-Egyptian way, 1. 3 ; =& 11. 16, 19; -
7
3 '"I. 23-1 am not
Xvr\

here considering the judicial 31 11. 1, 15, 19, 28,sn intentional archaism frequent in other

37 1. 6 ; -
n~anuscripts. J7arying with this older writing of the relative form lye find also the new.
4 1. 20. Note in 1. 27 the form ( fi3rIfor the simple d&nf with future
reference, a tense-form to which Cern~;was the first to call attention. Several of the suffix-
pronouns are deserving of notice: for 1st fem. sing. $ (20 times) is far commoner than 8,
8
though this occurs in 11. 3, 5, 6 ; for 2nd fem. sing. is used twice in 1. 5, once in lac#
and once cut.iously supplementing in 3
'for thyself'. The 3rd fern. sing. is usually /in.
-
0

but /i occurs once in 1. 19 and (in -' but see in 1. 14) once in 1. 22. -As dependent pro-
"""

noun of the 3rd pers. fem. we have lo in 1. 21, where it is object of the participle : this i.;
definitely an archaism, since the normal Late-Egyptian form is $c. Another apparent
l&g
archaism is for 'there is' in 11. 16, 18, in place of s~hichLate Egyptian regularly
gives gc 5;4or if c be found before such a - or it is not the old ito wn, but marks
circumstantial meaning. To turn to orthography, our text is very sparing in the employ-
ment of the superfluous c and in the accumulation of determinatives characteristic of Late-
Egyptian writing; in other words, it is much nearer to Niddle Egyptian than such texts
as the Sallier or Anastasi papyri, so that it seems appropriate to date it as far back in the
reign of Ramesses I1 as possible.
The purpose of the papyrus is clear enough, in spite of the defective condition. I t is
the procds-verbal of a trial in which the soldier Xakhi accused a lady named ErEnofre of
having wrongfully used property belonging to another lady named BelimCit in order to
purchase for herself two slaves, one female and the other male. The opening lines may have
added to the date a statement about the composition of the court. Then, after further
sentences of introduction, will have followed the speech of the plaintiff, concerning the
contents of which a clue is provided in 11. 21-2. The existing text begins with the speech of
the defendant, preserved intact save for some TI-ordsat the beginning. The translation may
now be alloved to speak for itself. Small capitals are used for rubrics in the original.

TRANSLATION
[YEARX, . . . th month o f . . . . . , d a y Y . O n this d a y came the soldier S a k h i before the
magistrates to briny a charge against the citoyenne ErEnofre . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
SAID BY the soldier A T a k h i . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
(amount lost unlinozcn) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ..I
(1) SAIDBY the citoyenne Erdnofre: ' [ I a m the ztiqe of the superintendent of the district S i n ~ i i t ] , ~
and I canbe to dice11 in his house, and I worked and [. ...... .I2 and provided m y dress.3 A n d in
Y e a r 15, s e w n years after I had entered4 into the house ofj the superintendent of the district
Si[w~fit],Gthe nlerchant Rdcia approached m e with the S y r i a n slave Gemnihiamente, s71e being
142 ALAN H. GARDINER
(still) a girl,' and ( 5 ) he said to me: B u y 8 this girl, and give m e a price for her.g S o he said to
me. A n d I purchased10 the girl and gave h i m a Ciprice] for her. I willll nolo state in front of
the authorities the price that I gave for her:
'1 shroud12 of Upper-Egyptian cloth, makes 5 kite of silver.
'I blanket of Upper-Egyptian cloth, makes 3:13 kite of silver.
t Upper-Egyptian cloth, makes 4 kite of silver.
' I d ~ y t - g a r m e n of
' 3 sdy-garments of fine Upper-Egyptian cloth, makes 5 kite of silver.
1 dress of fine Upper-Egyptian cloth, makes 5 kite of silver.
'Bought14 from the citoyenne K a f y , 1 g~y-vesselof hsmn-bronze, nzakes 18 cleben, makes
1; k i t e of silver.
'Boughtfrom the head of the storehouse P y i a y , 1g~y-vesselof hsmn-bronze, makes 14 d e b e n ,
makes 1; kite of silver.
'Bought from the web-priest Huy-(IO)Pinhas, 10 deben of beaten copper, makes 1 kite of
silver.
'Bought from the web-priest A n i y , I g3y-vessel of hsmn-bronze, makes 16 deben, nzakes
1: kite of silver; I mnt-vessel of honey, makes15 1h e k a t , makes 5 k i t e of silver.
'Bought from the citoyenne T j u i a y , I cauldron of hsmn-bronze, makes 20 deben, ?nukes
2 k i t e of silver.
B o u g h t from the steward of the house of A m C n , Teti, I kbt-vessel of hsmn-bronze, makes
20 deben, makes 2 k i t e of silver; 10 mss-shirts of fine Upper-Egyptian cloth, makes 4 k i t e of
silaer. TOTAL,4 deben, 1 k i t e of silver from all sources.16 A n d I gave it to the merchant
Rdcia, there being (comprised) i n i t n o article belonging to the citoyenne BekrnQt. A n d he gave
7ne this girl, and I gave her the name Genznihiamente.'
(15) SAID BY the Court of judges to the citoyenne Erdnofre: ' Take a n oath by the Sovereign,
saying: " I f witnesses establish against me1' that there w a s a n y property belonging to the citoyenne
Bekmtit (comprised) in the silver which I gave for this seraant, and I have concealed it, I
toill be liable to 100 strokes, after being deprived of her."'
OATH by the Sovereign spoken by the citoyenne Erdnofre. ' A s AnzCn endures, and a s the
Prince endures, i f witnesses establish against m e that there was a n y property belonging to
the citoyenne BekmCt (comprised) in this silver which I gave for this servant, and I have con-
cealed it, I will be liable to 100 strokes, after being deprived of her.'
S A I D BY the Court of judges to the soldier hiakhi: (20) ' L e t there be produced before u s the
witnesses of whom you said that they knew this silver belonging to the citoyenne BekmCt which
was giaen in order to buy the slave Gemnihiamente, as well as the witnesses to this tomb18 which
you said was nzade by the citoyenne BekmGt, and the citoyenne Erdnofre gave i t to the merchant
Nakht, and he gave her the man-slave Tjelptah in exchange for it.'
NUMBER" O F the witnesses named by the soldier N a k h i before the Court:20 the chief of police,
-Ilini . . . . ;the mayor of the W e s t , Hacmose; the wBb-priest Huy-Pinhas, the elder brother of
the superintendent of the district, Simtit; the citoyenne K a f y , (25)'the wife of the chief of police
Pashed, who i s deceased; the citoyenne Wdrenofre; the citoyenne Hatia, the elder sister of the
citoyenne BekmCt; T O T A L , three nzen and three women, six I N ALL.^^ A n d they stood before the
Court and they took a n oath by the Sovereign as well as a n oath by God,22saying: ' W e will speak
truthfully, we will not speak falsehood; and i;f we speak falsehood, the servants23 shall be taken
f r o m us.'
SAID BY the Court of judges to the web-priest H u y : ' Tell u s concerning the S y r i a n slaze
[Gemnihiamente, concerning whonz the soldier N a k h i has said that] . . . . . . .' ( T h e rest is
lost.)
 t i4F?Z?dBIJ-d 9 ~ ' /'-J ~ ~ . - s ~ ~ ~ ' ~
i l l

-" : 2) 6 mmwe .-a

-
I- D
"
5

, 1
WW

"
-
Iw%'Y~

OU
,P 7
==--u1
'dB -UI
I L
"
% dc;i$'!

QJ"1
..a
,al --ouw~-jo~[
"
".-

IIIX aJeId
 Plate XIV

a.-
,r
,"

PAP. CAIRO 65739

 LAWSUIT ARISING FROM THE PURCHASE OF SLAVES 143

C, 0
1. Depositions usually start with the words
9,343,
and I have assumed this
restoration here, though the tiny traces hardly favour it. That the name of a man stood in
the lacuna is shown by ply$ in the second half of the line, and a reference to ErEnofre's
married status seems demanded by 1. 3.
2. I was at first inclined to restore 8% 'wore', but the fragmentary sign does not
suit &. Among other possibilities, o seems more probabIe than n, but no appropriate verb
suggests itself.
3. For dlilo as a woman's garment see Pleyte and Rossi, Pap. de Turin, 72, i, 5, but
perhaps the word is here used as a generic term for 'clothes '; for this there is some authority,
see Z.A.S., 49, 112.
The opening sentences of Ersnofre's deposition will appear less strange if u-e remember
that the lady was on her trial. She niay have wished to make a good impression, and in that
intent may have stressed the fact that for the first seven years of her married life she was
content to do her own domestic M-orkwithout the help of slaves.
4. This idiom seems to be unknown; the literal translation is 'at seven years of entering
which made, etc.', possibly referring to the entire group 'seven years of entering' rather
than to the infinitive (& alone, since in that case one might have expected the definite article
p~ ck. For the general structure of this indication of daie 4. ~Z]I __j!
P, n a

~ & $ $ + & ~ ~ ,Lloonzed - L IPrince,

~ ~7, 9.
5 . The phrase %A,=, is the technical term for entry upon marriage, and the present
exanlple seems alike the earliest known and also the only one in svhich it is said of and by a
woman. Khen used of a man, the formula, at least froin the Twenty-second Dynasty on,
seems to have been '(Date): on this day A entered into the house of B in order to make his
deed of marriage (lit. wife-document) for C, the daughter of B ' ; see RIoller, Zxei Ehevertrage
nus vorsnitischer Zeit, 16. Thus the house that was entered by a bridegroom was that of the
bride's father, but here (and perhaps whenever the phrase was used of a woman) the
genitive after pr doubtless refers to the husband himself, not to the husband's father. I t is
unnecessary to do more than mention the wider use of cF r p r to indicate less regular
sexual enterprises, see Pap. Leyden 371, vs. 3, 19; 31ax. d'dnii, 3, 10.
6. This name and title occur again in 1. 24, as well as on another fragment not belonging
to this papyruq; a l ~ o as, S. de G. Davies informs me, in a neatly incised addition to one
of the walls of Tomb 39 (Davies, The Tomb of PuyenlrB, I, 92 ~vithn. 2 and PI. xl). The
functions of the & @
: , and even the reading of the second conlponent of the title, are
problematic; see my Grammar, under Aa 8 in the Sign-list.
7. 1insert the ~vord'still' since the point clearly is, not that Gemnihiamente was female,
but that she wa; young a t the time.
8. lit. 'bring' or 'take'. For the specialized sense 'buy' see Grififh Studies, 123.
See further note 14 below.
0 with the suffix and not the possessive adjective, cf.
110
j&%czL Peet, Tomb-
Robberies, P1. 21, 5 , 6. So in Coptic coyrr'F./.
10. The sense of 'purchase' for q$ is given neither in the Berlin dictionary nor in the
article by Peet quoted in note 8. I t is, h o ~ ~ ~ e vcomnlon
er, with the Coptic g u n .
11. Lit. ' Beholcl, I am a t saying', the Late-Egyptian ancl Coptic 1st present. English
idiom prefers the future tense.
12. Swh(t),lit. ' egg ', is well known in the sense of ' coffin ', 'mummy-case ', determined with
-, Hence I have conjectured 'shroud' here ;the det. 8 for this word seems unknown elsewhere.
144 ALAN H. GARDINER
13. The total in 1.13 demands that z here should represent the fraction$. Still, additions
in Egyptian business documents are so frequently inaccurate that one urould hesitate to press
this argument were there not other evidence. This is provided by a Twentieth Dynasty will in
my possession where a woman contrasts her third (94 9
& J.2) with the two-thirds belong-
ing to her children's father (v&~.--v&q
oL@). Q c/ The same contrast appears to
occur in Pap. Turin 2021,3,1, studied by Cernj. and Peet in this Journal, 13,30 ff., where,

he and his co-editor read -

however, as Qernf tells me, there is a dot over the hieratic sign in question. For that reason
with hloller, Palaographie, 11, no. 674, who quotes Pap. Biblio-
thbque Nat. 208,11,10, and turo passages in Harris. The first of these three references cannot
be questioned: the strokes below the dot are longer and more clearly separate, and occur in
a composite fraction after j< $. 3loller's examples from Harris are puzzling: in 12a, S 2 is a
fraction which simply reappears in the total 12a,9 and consequently may possess any value.
I n 62b, 5-7, 8$ added to 5 + i gives 1 3 t . 2 , where clearly .zwith the dot cannot be identical
with without it. If, however, the former be taken as & and the latter as $, the addition
$+& yields #. This is not an impossible interpretation, since # is very near to 8 = i. On
the same page, in 1 . 1 3 , ~ with the dot folloms v and must consequently be a smaller frac-
tion. Doubtless the solution for Harris is that 2 = & and z = 4, a conclusion confirmed by
Harris 33a, 5-7, where 9 $ + 3 1 makes 13.1 Transferring this conclusion to the Turin papyrus
above quoted we ought strictly to read &, but probably the scribe has confounded the two
fractions. I t remains obscure how 2 came to be written for Q, which has a quite different
form in older hieratic, see Noller, Palaographie, I, no. 669.
14. is a strange writing for the perfective passive participle, but as such we must
take it ; j 49
z is expected. I render 'bought' again here, since it is not to be imagined that
these persons presented their goods to ErPnofre gratis. The nature of the transactions
involved will be discussed later.
15. in % doubtless stands for z, the writing being abbreviated so as to admit of
the sign .?& being placed below it. The same writing occurs in a Ramesside letter also
reconstructed from the fragments in the tomb of Surere.
16. Lit. 'consisting of all things'.
17. The meaning of 1 v here is substantially the same as in [i y x 4 $ sz
'establish his crime against him' in the Hittite Treaty text, 1.33, cf. I. 36. The fnrther use of
[I 1 q;rO with obj. of the person in the sense of ' t o accuse', Coptic coop€, may well be second-
arily derived from this idiom.
18. The curious writing I n for 'tomb' is so common in the Xew Kingdom
that it ought not to have been omitted in M7b. d. aeg. Spr., 11,49; a few examples are Pap.
Berl. 10496, rt., 3, 5 ; Ostr. London 5624, rt. 3 ; Peet, Tomb-Robberies, passim; and for the
further development etc., see my Late-Egyptian Stories, 72a.
v
19. I- 'number', amount ', is not the word which one might have expected here in
the list of witnesses, and we can only suppose that it disregards the names, and anticipates
the total in 1. 26. The more natural terms would have been +*zfj, v&z&8.2
or
20. Kote the absence of the definite article both here and below 1. 26; ~ ~ t - t~ b ~bnbt
h is
probably commoner.
21. Lit. 'total, men 3, women 3, total 6'. The superfluous separate totalling of the men

-
The student must be warned, however, that I have found it impossible to study all the Harris instances
here.
a Wrongly written with in Fb. d. aeg. Spr., II,428. The group is doubtless to be read p, rn-rn;good
examples are quoted Peet, Nayer Papyri, p. 10, n. 1.
Plate XV

&I@%.- - 9- dd$!dP4-k,?abLZ6Zb7Pb?4aX2PMZ@PPdulll/a n r , l5
" c , ~ l e

A b60K ~ & ~ , & & ~ , Z ~ % G ~ P ~ ~ ~ ~ , <

%!ME?!,! ~b~16~b7P~~~~~9~L'18K~@~fJ&
W ! / ~ ~ Y & ~ , ~ ? , & ~ B[1@fU7-,
~ ~ Z"~9- &lAPKJVY
P Z ~ ~ ~ -h,
A

~ z & ~ ~ ~ ~ @ ! ~ d b ~ ~ 2' :/~ ! ~ ! & 7 ! & ~

-a F--
~ : ~~ ~~ ~~,,,
~ ! r r - ~ ~ ~ , ~ , a _ ~ ~ , ~, ~l ! ~ ~ ~ $ ? ~pazl,,
$ P ~ ! E L ~ ~ & ~ ? ~ ~ ~ ? ~ G @!LLibiD:fl~%z&~
P~~!/,Z-: F----
e

~!~I-~~@I!~~;"IQ-~PB&E&-PPP~~~~I --Pe x"

&&hzl+lf P P ~ A & e-
? ? ~&~~?~&L$I&(~~-TE
~~~Z&&
&7zbE*:~ ~ ~ & s ~ ~ ~ ~ - ~
XY&LZJ~Z%?~L
~~?&PRQQ?~z ~~~~A~~B~RZL 25

l o : ~ ~ ~ + , ~Ia: ,zI ~
I I~
KvI I lI v
T ,; $~K~~~~ ~
~~~
dl-~,&&~~~k[T",dL~40~k-d@Pd&Q
PG'J,J&lABQ-kYf h"

'IKY:C~PBPP:~D-~G P P ~ ~ + , , ~ _ ~ L :
C_

4l
7
/% .._..............----.--.--.-.-------..-..----------------.-.~.----.-------..- aarni!&
Ja, d-rresi,
&&, ~ a ~ & ~ ~ @ l & i b aaPfl*a-4d-td*Rdtfwff
~ ~ . l ~ l l . & . ' ~ ~ k ~ ~ - ~ 9 - 1
26,'
- 5.4kaY. a a a a P 'Lru,dw$ -FaT

PAP. CAIRO 65739

(continuation)
 Plate XVI

PAP. CAIRO 65739

(continuation)
 LAWSUIT ARISING FROM THE PURCHASE O F SLAVES 145

and women occurs again, e.g., in the will mentioned above in note 13. No special legal
significance should be attached to it.
22. YYfiqB is quoted in Wb. d. aeg. Spr., I , 203, 1, only from Piankhi and from
Isis and RE(. I t is doubtless to be understood as (nb n ntr, cf. ?T&-.jk?bP above and
passim.
23. Cerny calls my attention to the fact that oaths frequently invoke upon the perjurer
a punishment similar to the wrong which forms the subject of the accusation. Hence
k h m in the
n3 bjkw here will refer to the witnesses' own slaves. For the alternation of b ~ and
y above, 11. 16, 19, as contrasted with hmt in 11. 4, 29; also Ostr.
sense of 'slave' see t ~ bgkt
Gardiner 90.

The clarity of the papyrus leaves nothing to be desired, so far as its positive information
goes, and as regards the lost portions we may comfort ourselves with the reflection that
had they been preserved, they would probably not have thrown much light on the questions
which to ourselves present the greatest interest. Possibly we might not even have learnt
the relationship of Ergnofre to Bekmiit and Nakhi, or how it happened that several of the
witnesses invoked by Kakhi were the same as, or closely related to, the persons from whom
Erenofre claimed to have obtained articles for the purchase of her female slave. I t will,
perhaps, therefore suffice if I confine my further comments to the two vital matters men-
tioned in the opening paragraphs of the article, namely the slave-dealing transaction and
the ratio of copper to silver.
Our information as to slave-dealing in Pharaonic times is very scanty, and the principal
documents hitherto published in connexion with it remain as cryptic as ever. I refer to the
papyri edited by me in 1906, under the title Four Papyri of the 18th Dynasty (Z.A.S., 43,
27 ff.). I n those texts it seemed to be a question, however, not of the sale outright of the
slaves, but of a hiring out of their services for a number of days. Consequently we have
here the first explicit account of the actual purchase of a slave, and it is ~vorthwhile trying
to imagine exactly what the transaction involved. The merchant RFcia may have been a n
itinerant huckster, though if this were true also of the merchant Kakht, who in 11. 21-3 is
said to have disposed of his male slave in return for a tomb, he must at least have looked
forward to finding an ultimate haven of rest in the Theban Secropolis. I t was apparently
the habit of such slave-dealers to offer their bargains from house to house, and on approach-
ing Erenofre the merchant REcia was lucky enough to find an eager customer. FTe can
picture to ourselves the hours it must have cost to fix the price, the more so since this
necessitated agreement on other prices, payment in those days taking place in kind. Prob-
ably the price had to be paid over at once, and ErGnofre will not have possessed the necessary
metal to meet the requirements of the case. Copper vessels or corn passed in Ramesside
times as regular currency, their value (here given in terms of silver) being assessed by weight.
We shall not be far wrong in conjecturing that the first five items which were offered and
accepted consisted of linen goods of ErPnofre's own making. These, however, added up to
little more than half the price wanted for the slave-girl, so that ErFnofre needed to have
recourse to her neighbours for further contributions. From a woman nanled Kafy she ob-
tained a small cup of bronze, and from Pyiay, the head of the storehouse, another such; and
so forth. In some instances she may have paid immediately with her own linen wares,
assessed at a suitable price; but it is also conceivable that she either had already or else
now obtained credit with these neighbours for past or prospective exchanges. I t is hardly
to be believed that before she could settle with Recia she had actually to go about and
complete from start to finish six other bargains. 31uch more probable is the conjecture
 ALAN H. GARDINER

that one or other of the articles given to R3ia was already in her possession when he ap-
proached her, and that in the deed of sale which she gave him was merely recorded the
price she had previously paid for the article in question, and the person to whom she had
paid it. Indeed, it is conceivable that a prudent housewife might keep by her a little stock
of goods belonging to and priced by her neighbours which she did not desire for her own
use, but might keep handy for such unexpected barter as we are here considering.
However this may be-and Cern? and I are not without hope that illumination on the
topic may be forthcoming from the multitude of hieratic ostraca we shall be studying together
-the purchase of the slave-girl Gemnihiamente was completed without the inclusion of any
property belonging to the lady Bekmfit. Such, at least, was the contention of ErEnofre, and
after so long a lapse of time we may perhaps give her the benefit of the doubt. The price
was fixed at 4 deben and 1 kite of silver, or 41 kite. How does this price compare with
others mentioned elsewhere? The evidence is exceedingly scanty. In the time of one of the
Osorkons thirty-two male and female slaves were valued at 15 cleben and 1$kite, and under
the Twenty-fifth Dynasty a Lower-Egyptian slave cost 2 deben and 4 kite.l I n the Ptolemaic
age the price for a young girl ranged from 50 to 300 drachma^,^ but I shall not venture upon
the hazardous task of comparing these figures with those of earlier times.
Let us now turn to the second point of special interest upon which the papyrus throws
light, namely the relative values of copper and silver. Hitherto the only sure testimony
from Pharaonic times has been a passage adduced by Peet from a late Ramesside papyrus
in Turin, where the ratio works out at 60 to In the Cairo papyrus we now obtain certain
evidence that in the sixteenth year of Ramesses I1 silver was worth 100 times as much as
copper. This ratio is given in 1. 10, where a weight of 10 deben (or 100 kite) of beaten copper
is valued at 1 kite of silver. Further indirect confirmation is provided by the values
attached in the adjacent lines to objects of hsmn-bronze. We do not know the exact dis-
tinction between hsmn and copper, but the former is doubtless an alloy of the latter and
not so very different from it. Of the five vessels of hsmn here mentioned, two have a
silver-value exactly one-hundredth of their actual weight (both in 1.12). The other three are
priced at either a little less or a little more than this proportion. The fluctuation may have
depended partly upon the condition and workmanship of the articles, and partly upon the
comparative keenness of buyer and seller.
Both quoted by Moller, Zwei Ehecertrage, 26; the respective references are Stela of Euerot, 1. 22 =
Z.A.S., 35, 22 and Pap. Louvre 3 2 2 8 ~4, = GrifEith, Rylands Papyri, m, 15. The readings of the stela of
Sheshonk (&far. Abyd., 11,36-7) are too doubtful to be used until Blackman's promised edition has appeared.
Westerman, Upon Slavery i n Ptolemuic Egypt, 60-1. Criflth Studies, 125, n. 1.
FOUR NEW KINGDOM MONUMENTS I N T H E llrilUSEUM
O F FINE ARTS, BOSTON
BY DOWS DUNHAM
With Plates xvii-xix

1 . The Vizier r$.

INVENTORY
KO. 09.287.-Fragmentary upper part of a round-topped limestone stela.
Height 0.465 m., width 0.508 m., thickness 0.080 m. P1. xvii, 1. This stone was bought of
Mohassib in Luxor in 1909 and was.acquired by the lluseum by gift from a private donor.
The preserved portion is occupied by a scene in which the Vizier Paser, accompanied by
a second person, stands in the presence of Ramesses I1 enthroned, while behind the Iring,
in an attitude of protection, is a standing figure of the goddess Hathor. The figure at the
left is almost wholly missing; only his right hand, raised in salutation to the king, his left
arm partly clothed in a loose pleated garment, and a bunch of flowers held in his left hand
are preserved. The figure of Paser is more complete. He stands facing right and slightly
inclined before the king. He is shaven-headed and beardless and wears the usual Vizier's
garment terminating below the arm-pits and supported by a 'halter' round the neck.
His right hand is raised in salutation, and in his left hand he grasps an ostrich plume mounted
on a papyriform handle and a scarf doubled over and twisted round his wrist. The king
sits facing left on a wooden chair, beneath the seat of which appears the emblem of the union
of the Two Lands. On his head is the war helmet with uraeus, and around his neck a broad
wsh-collar. Hanging on his chest is a large pectoral ornament, and he is clothed in loose
pleated robes. In his right hand the king holds two objects which he extends toward Paser:
one appears to be a long straight staff and the other a short papyriform wand. The staff is
indicated as passing in front of the head of the wand. In his left hand he holds the hkl-
sceptre and the ($1-sign. The goddess Hathor stands behind the king grasping his left arm
with her left hand. She wears a cornice-like crown, a uraeus with disk and horns on its head,
and a fillet with pendant streamer, to which is attached another uraeus crowned with the
double feathers. Beneath her long heavy wig she wears a zcslr-collar with counterpoise, the
end of the latter appearing below the base of her wig at the back. The goddess is clothed in
the traditional tight-fitting dress.
The inscriptions at the top are in six vertical columns, the second of which is of double
width and contains the cartouches of the king. The left-hand part of the sixth column is
missing and there is room within the curve of the stone for a short seventh column, now
lost. Columns 3, 2, and 1 read: (3) mrj imn-Rc a S ~ niru: t nb pt (2) ab tiwj e ~ d r - r w c t - ~ c
d t p - o - ~ 3nb (r(w c~c-rndsnnj 2 m l 3 mi<-brto (1) dj (nh, dt.' (3) 'Beloved of Amen-re,

The use of both mgc-llru:and dj in conjunction with the king's name is interesting and unusual.
Another instance of a similar use of both epithets on a single monument, and referring to a dead king, is to be
found on the inscribed slab of the Butcher Ptahhotpe published by JBquier in ,Wastabat Faraoun, PI. xii. The
stone is dated by the author to the early Niddle Kingdom or possibly to the Intermediate Period. I n it
Shepseskaf of the Fourth Dynasty is referred to as both mzc-hrw and dj (nh, and the stone, found in the
 DOWS DUNHAM

King of the gods, Lord of heaven, (2) Lord of the Two Lands User-maet-RBc, Setep-n-RBc,
Lord of Crowns Ramesses-beloved-of-Amiin, justified, (1) endowed with life for ever.'
Columns 4 to 6 read: (4) _tJjbw hr wnmj n ndwt (5) imj-r nwt j l t j PJ-dr mmlc-brw (6) (3 n idt m. . .
(4) 'Fan-bearer on the right hand of the king, (5) Governor of the Town, the Vizier
Paser, justified. (6) Chief of the workmen in'l[(7)-text lost]. Column 6 contains
the title of the person at the left, the name of the place in which the workmen
laboured being lost in the missing column 7. Behind the figure of Hathor is a
column giving her name and epithets: 'Hathor, Mistress of the West, Lady of
Heaven, Mistress of the Two Lands'.
The Paser of this stela is undoubtedly the same as Weil's Vizier No. who held office
under Sethos I and Ramesses 11, and this monument may therefore be added to the already
considerable number in which this official is recorded. In this connexion it may, perhaps,
be worth while to note the occurrences of the name Paser among both Viziers and Viceroys
of Ethiopia in the New Kingdom. Weil (op. cit.) lists two Viziers of this name: Paser I
(No. 15) under ,4i, and Paser I1 (No. IS), the owner of Tomb 106 at Thebes and the
man of our stela. Reisner in his Viceroys of Ethiopia3 also lists two Pasers; the first
(No. 9) under Ai (and Horemheb?), and the second (KO. 13) under Ramesses 11. I t is clear
that the Vizier Paser I and the Viceroy Paser I are one and the same person. Both Weil
and Reisner draw their evidence from the same source, the inscriptions at Gebel esh-Shems;*
all titles listed by both authors are found here, but Weil omits imj-r &dwt nbw n Tmn and
Reisner omits Ltj u;l, mmlct. On the other hand, the Vizier Paser I1 is not the same person
as the Viceroy Paser 11, for the former is the son of Nebneteruw, while the father of the
latter was named Minmose.
2. The Painter 4 4.
Inventory No. 25.635.-Round-topped limestone stela found by the late C. M. Firth in
the Egyptian Government excavations near the Teti Pyramid at SakkBrah, and acquired
by the Museum from the Egyptian Antiquities Department in 1924. Height 1.025 m.,
width 0.515 m., thickness 0.180 m. PI. xvii, 2.
precincts of Shepseskaf's funerary temple, is taken as good evidence that the funerary cult of this king was in
existence a t the time. A somewhat similar case occurs in our stela No. 25.635 published below (PI. xvii, 2),
where the deified King Teti of the Sixth Dynasty is called dj (nF, but not m,(-hrw.
Gunn, in a letter to me, makes the comment on the Teti example that 'when a dead king is regarded as
still potent to intervene in human affairs, in other words is the object of a cult other than his private funerary
one, he is often styled d j (nF, rather than m,(-Erw', and refers to Cernjr's article Le Culte d'rlmdnophis Imchez
les ouvriers de la ndcropole the'baine in Bull. de I'Inst. fr., 27, 159 ff., for many examples of this. We know
that the Teti stone comes from the region of that king's funerary temple, and that similarly the Ptahhotpe
stone was found associated with the funerary temple of Shepseskaf. I t seems evident, as Jhquier suggests
in his comments on the latter inscription, that one reason for the survival of the royal funerary cults in later
times was that their priesthoods found economic advantage in exploiting the piety of private people seeking
to obtain for their own dead a share in the offerings to, or the intercession of, the deified king. While we are
without evidence a3 to the original location of the Paser stela, it is probable that here too a desire to obtain
the support of the deified Ramesses was a motive for its erection, for it is clearly funerary in character.
It appears clear, as Gunn has suggested, that a dead king may be referred to as dj cn&under circumstances
where his intercession as a god among the gods of the Netherworld is desired or hoped for. That he may also
on occasion be referred to as m~(-hru: as well is evident from this example and from the Ptahhotpe stofie. The
matter deserves further study, but the inference is clear that the expression dj (nF, can refer to life as a god
in the other world, and need not be incompatible with the condition of being m,(-hrw.
See restoration in the drawing. Viziere des Phuraonenreiches. Journal, 6, 28 and 73.
L., D., 111, 114 e, f, h, as corrected in L., D., Text,v, 179-80.
Plate XVII
 MONURlENTS IN THE MUSEUM O F FINE ARTS, BOSTON 149
The stone is in four fragments: the round-topped upper piece has been deliberately
chiselled off, presumably so that the rectangular lower portion might be better suited for
use as a building stone ; the remaining fractures are clearly accidental. The face is divided
into two fields, the upper one finished off a t the top with a disk with wings drooping to fit
the curve of the stela.
In the upper field the figure of King Teti of the Sixth Dynasty stands at the left present-
ing two spouted vases to Osiris. He wears the lappet-wig with uraeus and queue, and a
pointed kilt with tail at the back, and in front two pendant uraei. In the centre stands a
table piled ~ ~ i offerings.
th At the right, on a pedestal, is the figure of Osiris in traditional
mummy form, while behind him is a large floral piece. I n the centre, above the offerings,
are four columns of hieroglyphs identifying the two figures. The t ~ v oat the left read:
'King of Upper and Lower Egypt @on of RE<, ~ e t qGood
, God, Lord of Deeds, endowed
with life.'l The two at the right read: 'Osiris Khenti-hmentet, Great God, Lord of the
necropoli^.'^
The lower field contains the figures of a man and a woman, each with both hands raised
in prayer. The man wears a wig descending to his shoulders and a pleated garment from
the waist to below the knees. The woman wears a heavy wig falling almost to the waist
and bound with a fillet about the brow. On her head are a cone and a lotus flower with bud.
She wears a full heavy outer garment covering the upper arms and descending to the ankles.
The under garment is not represented and her dress shows no indication of pleating. The
costumes of both man and woman are clearly of the post-'Amarnah type: late Eighteenth
to Yineteenth Dynasties.
To the right of the male figure is an inscription in four columns as follows: (1) 'An offer-
ing which the king gives of incense and libation to Osiris Khenti3-Amentet, to Anubis (2) in
front of the god's booth, (and to) the gods who are in the Ketherworld, that they may grant
a good life to the lia[of] (3) the Osiris, the Painter Hpt-St_hj,4(4) justified.' The inscriptions in
front of and behind the woman's head read: 'His sister (=wife), the Lady Hnwt-izc?zw.'j

3. The Butler 6&2$.

Inventory No. 24.981.-Limestone wall from a destroyed funerary chapel near the Teti
Pyramid at SakkHrah. Found by Firth during the excavations of the Egyptian Government,
and acquired by the Museum from the Egyptian Antiquities Department in 1924. Height
1.85 m., width 1.19 m. P1. xviii.
The six blocks of which this wall is composed form two scenes and a band of inscription
running across the bottom. I n the upper scene the Royal Butler TYn.f-@.Sn and his wife
N3j stand before the statue of Ptah in a ~ h r i n e .Both
~ hold floral pieces in their left hands,
and the man is pouring a libation with his right. Before the shrine is a table piled with
offerings. The lower scene is of a similar nature, but the god in this case is Ptah-Sokar,
and I7n.f-dd-dn is burning incense and pouring libation.
See note 1 on p. 147 above, where the use of d j (nb in this and other examples is discussed.
' Note the writing with terminal t, not in use before the Eighteenth Dynasty (see Wb. d. aeg. Spr., V,
616. 4). The sign is clearly A,miswritten for &.
1zk]44. The name is not listed in Ranke, Die cigyptischen Personennamem. but the combination sug-
gests that King Seth% I may be referred to, with a consequent dating to the Nineteenth Dynasty.
The name is listed by Ranke, op. cit., 242, 19, as known in three examples of the New Kingdom.
I n the upper left corner of the shrine is the god's name, followed by an epithet which is probably intended
for8 8, 'great of might '.
 Each of these scenes has its appropriate inscription. I n the upper scene, behind the shrine
of Ptah, is the lower end of a single column with the second part of the man's name pre-
served. A small fragment, not in place when the photograph was taken, gives the first part
of the name, but the beginning of the column is lost. I reconstruct (from the level of the god's
shoulder down): . . . . . . [WSir wdpw nSwt n] nb tjwj Wn[f]-dddn nu<-brw. ' . . . . . . [the
Osiris, Royal Butler of] the Lord of the Two Lands, Wn[.f]-dd.i;n,l justified'. The main
inscription of the upper scene is written in ten columns of varying length: '(1) giving praise2
to thy ka 0 Ptah, Lord of Truth, that it (thy ka) may give water, bread, (2) air, libations, and
incense to (3) the Osiris, the Royal Butler (4) [of] the Lord of the Two Lands, wnlf-(5)dd-Sn,
justified. (6) Praise to thy ka (7) thou Lord of Truth, (8) mayest thou permit my soul to
live3 (9) in the Yetherworld. (Spoken) by (10) the Lady Nlj, justi[fied].'
The lower scene has an inscription of fourteen vertical columns, of which the two on the
right read $+, giving the name of the god, and the remainder read +$, with a text similar
to the foregoing. The god is called '(2) Pth-skrw, Lord of (1) Sjjt', and behind his head
stands the further epithet 'Great God'.4 Over the table of offerings is written ' a thousand of
incense, a thousand libations'. The main body of the inscription runs as follows: ' (3) Making
incense and libation to Sokar5 (4) and to Osiris, that they may give water, ( 5 ) bread, air,
libations, and (6) incense to the Osiris, the Royal Butler (lower down) of the Lord of the
Two Lands, (7) TVnlf-dd.(8)i;n, justified in (9) peace, in6 the beautiful West. (10) Praise to
thy ka, 0 Sokar, (11) Ruler of the West, (1'2) Great God, Lord of Heaven. (13) (Spoken) by
the Lady (14) Njj, justified.'
Across the base of the stone, from right to left, runs a single line of inscription: 'An
offering which the king gives (to) Sokar the great god, that he may permit the soul to live
in the Netherworld for the ka of the Chief Royal Butler (of) His Majesty: Wnj-dd-Sn,
justified.'

Inventory No. 29.730.-Sandstone

4. The Steward
IZ .
statue of a man seated on the ground; Kineteenth
Dynasty. Height (including base) 0.730 m. P1. xix, 1-4.
Bought by the Museum in 1929 from a private owner, in whose possession are notes
indicating that the figure was acquired in Alexandria by an American ship's captain during
the American Civil War (1861-5).
The figure (Pl. xix, 1) is seated on a cushion upon the ground with arms crossed upon the
knees, the right hand grasping what is evidently an ear of grain* (Pl. xix, 4). Between the
feet and extending up to the level of the knees is a standing figure of the god Ptah-Ta-
thenen.s The man wears a full, slightly waved wig and a short beard. He is entirely enve-
loped in a garment through which only the general forms of the body are visible. The two
hands are shown uncovered on the knees, and the lower edge of the dress is defined at the
The name may perhaps be translated: 'He hurries a t their bidding' or the like; singularly appropriate
for a butler! "fl930*0 for ~ Q o h j l ~ o o
I read ~~~b~ here and again in a shorter writing in the inscription a t the base.
The third sign is clearly the papyrus-roll.
Note the misw~itingof n for s here; for t~ in t~zoj,line 6; and for hrw in line 8.
Y for m. Read: 2.
That the man was an 'Overseer of Granaries' makes this identification of the object extremely probable.
Compare Cairo Museum No. 42147 (Legrain, Statues et Statuettes, rr, Pl. ix), where the god in the shrine
appears to be identical with this example, save that the Boston figure has .s disk above the horns of the
head-dress.
 Plate XVIII

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BOSTON MUS. OF FINE ARTS, No. 24.981

 Plate XIX

2. Left leg.

I. Front view. 3. Inscripti011on back.

4. Looking down on lap.

BOSTON MUS. OF FINE ARTS, No. 29.730

 MONUMENTS I N THE MUSEUM OF FINE ARTS, BOSTON 151
ankles. On the feet are sandals, their fastening-thongs in high relief. Up the back of the
figure, to about half the height of the head, extends a rectangular supporting pillar. The
figure is extensively weathered, especially about the face and feet, but the morkmanship
was originally of fair quality.
This statue bears the follosving inscriptions: A. Double column down the pillar at the
back cJ, (PI. xix, 3) ; B. Column on right shin t-4 (PI. xix, 1) ; C. Column on left shin $+
(Pl. xix, 2) ; D. Line on lap between face and hands c (Pl. xix, 4) ; E. Cartouche on right
upper arm +$ (Pl. xix, 4) ; I?. Traces of inscription on left upper arm ;(Pl. xix, 4).
9. '(1) Boon granted by Ptah-Tathenen of Sn-zcr, may he grant length of life upon
earth under the royal favour, completion1 of years without reckoning2 them, without
evil,3 (2) without experiencing (lit. hearing) terror, for the ka of the King's Scribe,
Great Steward, King's Messenger to every foreign land, Overseer of the Granaries
of the Western Border,* Xdm.'
B. &: 1-? &Ez ~ 'Boon granted by Ptah-Tathenen, a good lifetime5
t l ~ ~

for the Xa of the Steward Ndm, justified.'

C. -4s B, except that tl-inn is followed by 'every good thing'.
D. Almost illegible, but beginning: 'King's Scribe, Steward . . .'
E. Cartouehe: C~kr-ln~(t-[R(]
-
ktp.n-[R~D.
~ o 1 os7er n.
I?. Illegible except for t ~ signs:
Read LI &A. Read (So.
For -mgn. The first sign is differently formed from A elsewhere in this text, but I know of no
other hierogljph for which it could be intended.
Reacl: xzafy 'Western Border of the Delta'. See Gauthier, Dict. gebgraphigue, m, 133 ; Gardiner
in Journal, 5, 259, n. 3. The group is badly weathered.
 SOME CELESTIAL ASSOCIATIONS OF MIN

INJournal, 17, 185-95, I was able to show that Min was far from being the mere fertility-
god we have been accustomed to think him, but was a sky-god also. Some indications were:
the choice of Akhmim as his home ; the use of the light-weapon or thunderbolt, which served
as his symbol and as that of his nome of hkhmim ; his feathers, streamer, raised arm, and
perhaps his whip-like implement ; his sacred bull ;his identification with one sky-god, Horus,
and his identity with another, Amiin; and his participation in, or even ownership of? the
RI-mwtf object, which shows many signs of being a meteorite. Further, there was the fact
that hkhmim worshipped the shrewmouse as did Letopolis, a city which had as its symbol
the same light-weapon as Akhmim and Min. I n its turn Letopolis itself proves to have been
essentially a thunderbolt centre.2 Later, &fin was associated with Resheph, the Syrian
lightning-god.3
I t needs no emphasis that Min was a fertility-god. On the other hand, scholars, with the
exception of Kewberry and the few who follow him,4 have entirely overlooked the celestial
side of Min's nature. Yet it is by no means adventitious, but is on the contrary original
and important, as is shown by the majority of the facts quoted above. Nor is it in the least
surprising that the weather and fertility should coalesce in the person of a single god. I t
occurs often enough, as the following cases show.
In most countries of the world the fertility of the earth is dependent on the rains which
the sky-god sends. When crops are abundant animals and men find plenty, and thus in
their turn increase and multiply. Hence the sky-deity is liable to add fertility to his or
her other manifestations. Thus in Babylonia Enlil was an ancient 'Lord of the Storm',
yet in due time he became the 'Lord of Vegetation' also.Qe seems to have died out after
Gudea's age, 2600 B . c . , ~ and with the incoming of the Semites another storm-god appears
under the First Dynasty of Babylon, 2200-1900 B.c.' This was Addu, Adad, or Hadad, who
wielded the lightning and rode upon the Yet in his turn he became the dying vegeta-
tion-god, and the 'Lord of A b ~ n d a n c e ' .Again,
~ in the 'Hittite' hieroglyphs a group has
been isolated as the personal name of a god. The god who brandishes the harpd bore a variant
of it about 1200 ~.c.,lOand the god with the axe and lightning-flashes still did so as late as
Couyat and Montet, Hammcidt, P1. xv and p. 57, Inscr. 58, no. 14; P1. xxvii and p. 74, Inscr. 106,
where in both cases the object is called Min without any reference to Amiin, and once is specified as &En of
Tpw (Akhmim). The date of these sculptures is late, as is usual where this object is shown.
a Journal, 18, 159-72. Op. cit., 17, 192.
Liverpool Annals, 3,50-2 and P1.xix ;4,99 second note ;Noret, Le Xi1 et la cicilisation igyptienne, 54,63.
M.Jastrow, Aspects of Religious Belief and Practice i n Babylonia and Assyria, 71, 72.

Schlobies, Der akkadische Wettergott i n Jlesopotamien, 23 (pub]. in 3litt. der altor. Gesells., 1925).

Id., op. cit., 8. The reference is to Thureau-Dangin, Lettres ef contruts, this document being of Ammidi-

tana's reign, 2000 B.c., as Mr. Gadd informs me.

* Journal, 19,44. For the great golden lightning-flash found in his temple see W. Andrae, Der Anu-Adad-
Tempe1 in Assur, PI. xxxiv and pp. 77, 78, and Id., Hettitische Inschriften auf Bleistreifen aus Assur, p. 2, and
Fig. 1, for its position. Schlobies, op, cit., 9, 23.
lo For the harpd as the thunder-weapon see p. 157 infra.
 SOME CELESTIAL ASSOCIATIONS O P MIN 153

about 850 B.C. (Fig. 1). I t was therefore clearly the name of the storm-god, yet some
hundred years later, about 733 B.c., it is given to the pure fertility-god of Ivriz (Fig. 2).1
Had it not been for this, it would have been impossible to recognize the old thunder-god in
the comfortable and benign figure bearing nothing but grapes and corn. All vestige of his
earlier character has disappeared. At Tarsus in Cilicia the classical coins show him some-
times in one character, sometimes in the other.2 Elsewhere, a t Baalbek in Syria, the
local god had been the storm-god Hadad, as is shown by many things. The baefyl-meteorite,
which fell as a ball of fire in Mount Lebanon, announced that it belonged to the god of
Baalbek.3 The god possessed the thunderbolt, and bulls were sacred to him.4 His titles

were those of Adados,5 and his Latin name was Jupiter, though by this time the epithet
Heliopolitanus was added to it. Yet, in spite of all this, on his classical statues the thunder-
bolt has been degraded from his weapon of offence in his raised right hand to nothing but a
major decoration of the ~ t a t u e and
, ~ perhaps one of the emblems held in the left hand.7
On the statues the left hand is now generally broken off, but where it is preserved it does
not show the thunderbolt as described by Macrobius but only the ears of corn.* Moreover,
these figure prominently on the head-dress.g An ear of corn is liable to appear on some
coins of this city,lo and on others what is probably an ear of corn is s h o ~ ~asn the sacred

Bossert, Juntas' und Kupapa, Figs. 250, b, c, and pp. 41-3 (pub]. in X t t . der altor. Gesells., 6 , Heft 3).
The weapon of Fig. 25a is more clearly sickle-shaped in the photograph of the original publication. The name
has been read as 'Sandas' with some show of probability. Bossert's Figs. 25a, b, are my Figs. 1, 2. Fig. 1
is drawn from Koldewey, Die hettitische Inschrift, P1, i ; Fig. 2 from Garstang, T h e Hittite Empire,
PI. xxxiv. Bossert, op. cit., 43.
I. Bekker, Photii Bibliotheca (Berlin, 1824), 348: 'Suddenly he saw a ball of fire running down from
above. . . and Eusebius himself ran up to the ball, for the fire was already extinguished, and he perceived that
it v a s the buetyl, and he took it up and asked it to what god it belonged. And it ansm~eredthat it belonged
to the Highborn; the people of Heliopolis (Baalbek) worship the Highborn, having set up a figure of a lion
in the temple of Zeus.'
For the bulls see Dussaud in Syria, 1, Plates to his article pp. 3-15; A. B. Cook, Zeus, I, figs. 435, 437,
441, and P1. xxxiii. Dussaud in op. cit., p. 11 ; Cook, op. cit., I, pp. 550, 551.
Dussaud in op. cit., Pls. ii, iii, facing pp. 8, 10; Cook, op. cit., i, figs. 440, 442, 443, 445, and p. 5'70.
&lacrobius,Sat. I, 23, 12, describing the statue says: 'with a whip in its raised right hand, a thunder-
bolt and corn-ears in its left'. Cook, op. cit., I, fig. 436.

Cook, op. cit., fig. 440; Dussaud, op. cit., p. 5. l o Id., op. cit., fig. 427.

154 G. A. WAINWRIGHT
object within the temp1e.l The storm-god of Baalbek had very definitely become the
fertility-god.
Again, Aphrodite fell as a star at her famous shrine of Aphaca2 and had omphaloi at
Byblos3 and P a p h ~ s .She
~ mas Urania, the sky-goddess. But this was not all, for she was
also Pandemos, the goddess of love, and this has practically obscured from us her other
nature. Similarly, at Tyre it was Astarte, the fertility goddess, who put on the head of the
bull and picked up the sacred 'star fallen from the sky'.5 I t was the same with Artemis,
who was a meteorite-, omphalos-, arrow-, and labrys-goddess, and 'sister' of Apollo the
god of light.6 But besides being a celestial deity she was also the 'Lady of Wild Animals',
and is known to us primarily as a fertility-goddess. In Roman times she developed that
most maternal of all statues, Polymastos, the one with many breasts. She mas served by
emasculated priests.?
Castration was suffered by various sky-gods at the hands of others, and historically
seems to represent the supplanting of one by another.* It was one of the features which
passed from them to the fertility-gods. Seth was a storm-god, and he suffered it at the
hands of his victorious brother H ~ r u s .Yet
~ in the classical story of the vegetation-god,
Osiris, something of the sort is ascribed to him.10 So it was in other lands, for the sky-god
Uranus mas thus mutilated by his son, the sky-god Cronus,ll yet it was the vegetation-god
Attis who has become best known to us for this loss.12
The foregoing examples show that the combination of fertility with a celestial nature is
very general. In Ifin it was already complete in his statues of the drchaic period-say
3500 B.C. Hence, the matter for remark in Min is not the fact of this combination. I t is
only that in him may be seen an early and very thorough example of the workings of a
widespread and age-long trend of thought.
As is well known, Herodotus (11, 91) speaks of the festival held at the city of Chemmis,
i.e. Ilpzo, Panopolis, or Akhmim, and identifies the local god, Min, with Perseus. Scholars
have been hard put to it for an explanation of this. being unaware, as they have been, not
only of the celestial character of Min but also of that of Perseus. They have mostly looked
for it in various names and titles upon which Herodotus might have fastened in a wild
Id., op. cit., p. 558 and fig. 420.
Sozomen, Eccles. Hist., 11, ch. v (publ. in Migne, Patrologiae Cursus Completus, Series Graeca, 1859,
vol. LXW, col. 948).
G. F. Hill, Brit. N u s . Cat. Greek Coins: Phoenicia, P1. xii, 13 = p. 103, no. 38 = p. 102, no. 37.

Id., Brit. Mus. Cat. Greek Coins: Cyprus, Pls. xv, xvi, xvii, xxvi. Cf. Tacitus, Hist., 11, ch. 3 ; Maximus

T j ~ i u sP, hilosophumena, 11, $ 8. Eusebius, Praep. Ev., I, x, 31.

Journal, 17, 193. Strabo, XIV, i, 23.
I t also has a weather and fertility significance. For instance, in Kigeria this sacrifice is made to renew
the power of the juju which combines protection from damage by lightning and thunderbolt ~ i t the h giving
of plentiful harvests, P. Amaury Talbot, I n the Shadow of the Bush, $4-6.
$ Sethe, Pyramidentexte, $$ 535, 946, 1463. The mutilation is referred to in 5s 594, 679. With this last

compare § 418, where the damage is done to the Bull (of the Sky ?).
l o Diodorus Siculus. I, 22,6, cf. IV, 6, 3 ; Plutarch, De Iside et Osiride, $ 18, where the member was carried

off and a substitute had to be supplied. A tendency tou-ards assimilation to the sky-god is observable as
early as the Sixth Dynasty, when Osiris is called 'Lord of Heaven', Kees, Tofenglauben und Jenseitsvor-
stellungen der alteia ~ ~ y p t e233.
r,
" Hesiod, Theogony, 11.180,181. Cronus in his turn is said to have been so treated by Zeus, Sir J. G.
Frazer, Adonis, Attis, Osiris (Golden Bough, 3rd ed., 1914, Pt. IT), I, 283. The finally successful sky-god,
Zeus, suffered a milder form of mutilation a t the hands of the unsuccessful Typhon, for he only had sinews
cut out. For a collection and discussion of these passages see Cook, Zeus, 11, pp. 417-50.
Frazer, op. cit., 263-5; cf. 268, 269.
 SOXE CELESTIAL ASSOCIATIONS OF N I N

attempt to make some sort of identification a t all costs. These efforts, however, have led
nowhere, and are quite valueless, as indeed Wiedemann has sh0svn.l Instead of being
foolish, Herodotus shows himself to have been well informed on the religion at Panopolis,
for he does not use the civil name of the city, Ypzo, but had found out its sacred name Hn(t).
which he reproduces as Chemmis. Hence it is a priori likely that he would have some
good reason for his identification of the Egyptian god with the Greek hero.
Perseus was primarily not a Greek but an Oriental, perhaps Philistine, hero, and was a
considerable figure in Syria and certain parts of Asia Minor. I n fact, there mas a strong
tradition in antiquity that the 'Ethiopia ' of the Andromeda story was Joppa on the
Palestinian coast.3 At Iconium, in Asia Minor, he figured as one of the chief types on the
coinage.* H e founded the city and an image ( E I K ~ v )of the Gorgon's head was set up there,5
and this was supposed to have caused the corruption of the old name Kuwanna, Kawania,
into its Greek and Latin form.6 The Cilician cities of Iotape, Coropissus, and Carallia7 put
his figure on their coins, and it was one of the niost irnportant types at Anemuriun~,another
city of C i l i ~ i a .At
~ Tarsus, the leading city of this country, he again provided one of the
most irnportant coin types."n fact, there 15-8s a strong tradition that he founded this
city as well as Iconium,lo and a little to the east of Tarsus Aegeae also claimed connexion
with hirn.11 Of special interest to us is the fact that the foundation of Tarsus is attributed
to Perseus by Yonnus the fourth-century poet of Afin's city Panopolis,l%nd by two writers
of Antioch which is in the direction of Tarsus. They are Ammianus 1farcellinus,l3who wrote
in the same century as Xonnus, and Ioannes Antiochenus, who was of later date.14 H e n c ~
rye are well justified in looking to this region for the elucidation of our problem, and as a
matter of fact Herodotus shows hiniself to have in mind the legends of this part of the
world. S o t only is he greatly concerned as to how the 'Egypto-Assyrian' Perseus could
have become a Greek ( v ~ 54), , but also he is largely interested at Panopolis in Perseus'
sandal (11, 91). This plays no leading part in the ordinary tales of classical literature, but
on turning to Cilicia and Phoenicia we find it to have an importance of its own. At Aegeae
a boot is one of the types used on the coinage,l5 and, as a connexion was recognized between
this city and Perseus, it rnay well have belonged to him. But the coins of another city leave
no doubt a t all. This was A4ce-Ptolemaison tlle Phoenician coast, where the boot or foot
is figured again. In the first place the worship of Perseus lyas strong there,16 and secondly
the boot or foot is definitely marked as belonging to him by liis harpd which accompanies it
as well as the thnnclerbolt.li The fame of Perseus' foot or footgear was such that it proviiled
Herodots ~zccitesBuch, p. 369, but see his o s n attempt on similar lines in Philologus, 1891, pp. 179, 180.

Gauthier, Dict. des lzorns ge'ogr., n7,176, 177, and cf. v, 167.

Koscher, Leziko,?, S.T. lope, cols. 293, 294.

* G. kl. Hill, Brit. Mus. Cat. of the Grerk Coins of Lycaonia, Isauria, and Cilicia, p. xxiv.
Id., op. cit.. p. xxiii.
Knwanna is the Hittite form,andKa~vaniais the Phrygian ;2Iayer and Garstang, I~ldesqfHittife~lhmes,
31 (Brit. School of Arch. i n Jerusalem, Suppl. Papers, i, 1923); Calder in Jourx. Hell. Stzidies, 31, 189, n. 48.
- Hill, op. cit., pp. xxxvii, lvii, and p. 47, n. 1. Id.. op. cit., p. sli. Id., op. cit., p. xcvi.

l o Lucnn, De Bello Cicili, 111, 1.226 ;C. Iulius Solinus, Collect. Herum ,1Iem. (ed. Tl1. IIommsen), sss~m, 3.

" Vollgraff in Bull. de corr. hell., 28, 422, 11. 20 ff.

l 3 Xonn11s Panopolitanus, Dionysiaca. XVIII, 11. 293, 294.

l 3 Roman Histor:/, xrv, 8 , 3, though lie does not give it great credence.

IVragmenta. 1-1,18 (C. ITuller, Fragm. Hist. Graec., IV, 544).

l5 Hill, 011. cit., P1. r, 1, and p. 26, no. 37 and n. 2.

l6 Id., Brit. X u s . Cat. of the Greek Coins o j Phoenicia, P1. s r i i , 3. arid p. 134, nos. 33, 36; cf. the harp&

P1. xvii, 4, and p. 133, nos. 37, 38.

l7 Id., op. cit., PI. xvii, no. 11 = p. 135, nos. 51-53, ant1 p. 137, no. 47.

 G. A. WAINWRIGHT

Nonnus, ibid., with a Volksetymologie for the name of the city of Tarsus. He says that
when Perseus founded his new city among the Cilicians, it took its name from his swift
.rapads. This word means primarily ' a flat tray of wickerwork, a mat ', and by extension
any flat surface such as ' the sole of the foot ', and then by further extension ' the foot '
itself. This vague word aptly expresses the lack of definition revealed in the use of the 'foot '
at Ace-Ptolemais, the 'boot' at Aegeae, and the 'sandal' at Panopolis. However, the
full explanation of Herodotus' version probably lies in the fact that there actually was a
legend of a sandal in the near neighbourhood. This was in the Aphroditopolite nome,
Wdyt, the tenth of Upper Egypt, which was the next north of the Panopolite. The capital
city was called $&,: _Tbw 'Sandal-city', because on conquering Seth Horus had made
himself a pair of sandals there.l The tenth nome was not unrelated to Min, for it will be
encountered again on p. 163 in the study of the pole, another of Min's celestial associations.
Then again, as with Min2 there was a certain 'doubleness' there,3 and the symbol lid+,so
well known as the standard of Min's nome of Coptos, might be used for the eastern district
of the tenth nome also. This standard referred to Horus and Seth,4 concerning whom the
legend of the sandals arose. I t might have been this which turned Herodotus' thoughts in
the first place to Perseus, a hero with a sandal, rather than to Zeus, hpollo, Herakles, or
any other of the better known sky-gods. Then, in their turn, the priests of Panopolis may
have been enabled to reply the more readily to his inquiries about the sanda1.j
Herodotus' evident concern with the beliefs of Syria and Cilicia gives special importance
to the following statements. The Orontes was anciently called Typhon, for, according to the
legend, the river bed represented the trail of the monster, when crawling away after his over-
throw by means of thunderbolt^.^ A relic of this still survives in the modern Arabic name
of the river al-'&y 'the Rebel', 'from its occasional violence and windings'.'
Seth being identified by the Greeks with Typhon, me are still near the conquest of Seth a t
the ' Sandal-city ' close to Panopolis. Two Antiochene writers have already proved helpful,
and another, John Malalas of the sixth century A.D., says it was Perseus who controlled the
river with a thunderbolt. Typhon was a huge serpent, and Malalas says that the Orontes,
or River Draco (i.e. Serpent) as it mas previously called, had once been swollen to a dangerous
degree by a great storm. On Perseus' exhorting the people to prayer and religious exercises,
' a ball of thunder-fire (u$aipa nvpds ~ ~ p a v v o i fell
7 ) down from the sky, stopped the storm,
and restrained the violence of the river'.* Further evidence that the thunderbolt was
wielded by Perseus is provided by the coin of Ace-Ptolemais just discussed; it shows not
only his foot, but also his harpe and the thunderbolt. Thus, in Syria at least, Perseus was
clearly a god of the heavens, for not only could lie still the storm, but he controlled the
thunderbolt as well. A further and very important point for this argument is that his
conquest of 'Typhon' is comparable to that of Seth by Horus, with \+-llomMin was identi-
fied. This view of him as a thunderbolt-god lasted on into the Middle Ages. I t may be found,
for instance, in one of the c~zriousinventories of classical gems and their supposed magical
Gauthier in Rec. de trav., 36, 9, 10. V o u r n a l , 17, 191, n. 4.
Gauthier in op. cit., pp. 8, 12-14. Sethe and Gardiner in Z.A.S., 47, pp. 48,49.
As originally suggested by Diimichen, Geographie des alten Aegyptens (Oncken, Allgem. Gesch., I), pp. 160,
note *, 162, note *. Strabo, xw, ii, $ 7.
Barker in Journal of the Royal Geographical Society, 7,99. The idea seems to go back a t least to the time
of Yiqiit, thirteenth century A.D. I n the early centuries of our era the river had been called "Atros, Pauly-
Wissowa, Real-Encyclopadie, s.v.
Ioannes Malalas, Chronographia, 11, ch. 0 , 4 4 (ed. Dindorf, Bonn, 1831, p. 38) ; and in less detail, Ioannes
Antiochenus, Pragmenta, VI, no. 18 (ed. C. Nidler, Fragm. Hist. Graec., IV, 644).
 SOME CELESTIAL ASSOCIATIONS OF MIN 157

virtues, which states that a gem engraved with Perseus is a preservative 'against lightning
and tempest and the assault of devils'.l I t is perhaps significant, that the editor of this
thirteenth-century document remarks that it has a somewhat Oriental character.
Though not appreciated hitherto, this aspect of the hero is present in the conventional
classical legends. Already by Herodotus' time Perseus had exchanged his original indefinite
'sword' (Zap) for his well-known and more definite harpL2 Long before classical times this
weapon had been shown in the hand of a god, who otherwise brandishes the axe and light-
ning flashes. This as on the 'Hittite' sculpture from near RfalBtia, dating to about
1200B.c., which mas mentioned on p. 152. After this, early Greek legend had given the harp5
~ stated it to be made 'of grey steel ' (noA~ov^~ i S d ~ a v ~ o sOn
to C r ~ n u s ,and ) . ~another
occasion the Phoenician writer, Sanchoniatho, says that Cronus' weapon was made 'of
iron' (EIK U L S ~ ~ P O Iron
U ) . ~ coming from meteorites and the meteorite being the t h ~ n d e r b o l t , ~
Cronus' weapon, ~vhichpassed to Perseus, proves to have been one more of the inany repre-
sentatives of the thunderbolt.' This has already been demonstrated by the coins of Perseus'
city, Ace-Ptolemais, where both 71arpB and thunderbolt are figured on the one coin.
Cronus was an old sky-god,8 and evidence has already been forthcoming that Perseus
was one also. There are yet other clues to his nature, and these occur in the original account
of his deeds. They are that, like the meteorite and flash of lightning, he came flying to
the attack through the air,g and like the air itself he mas invisible, for he wore the Cap
of Hades.lo This last characteristic is reminiscent of Amfin, Min's other self, whose name
meant 'invisible' and was originally determined with an empty space representing the
invisible air.ll
Perseus, then, was one more of the many personifications of the sky and its phenomena,
and he mas identified with Min. That their identification st-as due to this aspect of his is
proved by a document, which, through its publication in a non-Egyptological journal, has
never received the attention due to it. An antiquity dealer possessed a strip of tanned calf-
skin which came from Akhmim (Panopolis). Written on it in large uncials was 'The sacred,
triumphal, universal, Olynlpic, contest of the celestial (06~avlov)Perseus in the Great
Paneias'.12 Its value to the present argument lies both in the word 'celestial' and in the
date. The epithet is not only one more piece of evidence that Perseus was indeed a sky-god,
but also shows that this was the aspect that commended him to the Xin-worshippers of
Akhmiin. JIoreover, the date of the document, about AD. 100,13makes it valuable in t ~ o
Wright in Archaeologia, 30, p. 450, no. 20.

First in Pherecydes, A. B. Cook, Zeus, 11, p. 721, n. 7. He was a contemporary of Herodotus, K.

Smith, Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and -Mythology, s.v.

Hesiod, Theogony, 11. 175, 179. Id., op. cit., 11. 161, 188.
Eusebius, Praep. Euang., I, x, 18, 21 (Teubner ed., I, pp. 45, 46).
Journal, 17, p. 189 and n. 8; 18, pp. 4, 7, 8, 10.
Other implements serving in this capacity have been axes, whether double or single, arrows, the trident,
whip, etc.
Cook, op. cit., 11, p. 548; cf. also Wainu~ightin Jour~zal,19, 51.
Hesiod, The Shield of Hercules, 11. 220, 222.
l o Id., op. cit., 1. 227. For the invisibility of the wearer see Iliad, v, 1. 845; Pherecydes, Fragm. 26 (publ.
in C. Muller, Fragm. Hist. Graec., I , 76).
" e Urgotter con Hermopolis, $S 153, 179 ff ., and Pyr., $5 399,434. For the similar
Sethe, Alnun und d ~ acht
view of Shu, the air-god, see Id., Amun, etc., 3s 225, 240.
l2 Iconomopoulo~in Reeue des Etudes grecques, 2 (1889), 164-8.
l 3 The date is deduced from the use of the very rare word cloehaa~~wds, triumphal, which a t present is not
knom- to occur earlier. It is chiefly found in the correspondence between Pliny and the Emperor Trajan,
Letters, 118 (119), 119 (120).
158 G. A. WAINWRIGHT
ways. I n the first place it carries back the idea of Perseus as a sky-god to a date earlier
than any of the records quoted hitherto. I t also forms a link between Herodotus, who wrote
about Perseus at Panopolis (Akhmim) some five hundred years earlier, and Nonnus of that
city, who ~vroteabout him some three hundred years later. I t shows that the identifica-
tion of Min with Perseus was no vagrant whim of Herodotus but Ivas well established and
permanent. Proofs are fast accumulating that it was made with good reason.
I t has been abundantly shown that the bull represented the sky-god whether in Egypt
or abr0ad.l As so much evidence has been forthcoming that Min belonged to this category,
it is natural that his sacred animal should have been a bull. This was one of the differences
between him and his derivative _4mfin,for the latter's sacred animal was the ram, who, how-
ever, was also concerned with the sky.2
But before discussing Min's bull it will be necessary to consider the commonly held
opinion that he was Buchis and belonged to Monthu. I t will be shown immediately that
already in archaic days lfin had had a sacred bull; that in the Min ceremonies of the Y'ine-
teenth and Twentieth Dynasties he appears again, when he is called 'The TVliite Bull';
and that the White Bull occurs all through history, generally not far removed from Min.
There would, therefore, never have been any doubt that the White Bull was his, but for the
unfortunate chance that several inscriptions from Armant of Caesarion's time give this title
to another and neighbouring bull, B ~ c h i s .He
~ seems to have been a very late rea at ion,^
and was connected in some secondary m y with month^,^ who himself mas one of the bull-
gods.6 I t is known from several sources that Nonthu's own bull mas not entirely \\ hite but
parti-coloured, being white with black head and sli~ulders.~ Hence the epithet 'white'
for Monthu's bull was either inaccurate or only given to Buchis. If the latter was actually
the case, then the choice of a bull that was entirely white would seem to suggest that an
attempt was made to give the new incarnation a respectable ancestry. It would have been
all the easier to attach the new bull to Min since Monthu had long been a bull-god and
approximated to Ifin, or Imiin, \\-hose stiff feathers he wore.
Returning to Min, we find the bull along with other sacred symbols carved on one of the
archaic statues of the god from cop to^.^ Moreover, the pole, which was probably Jfin's
original shrine, \v.vas surmounted by the horns of a buIL9 As stated above, A h ' s bull was
white, and figures with his name in the Min procession and harvest ceremonies of the 1U'ine-
Journal, 19, 42-52; Pal. Explor. Fund Quarterly Stafement, 1934, 37. To these may be added the
statement that in Heracleopolitan times the Four Winds are called 'Bulls of Heaven', Kees, I'otenglauben,
ctc., 320. Journal, 20, 140-5, 152.
L., D., IV, PI. lxiv. a = Text, IV, 7. Cf. L., D., IT, Pls. Ix, rl, Ixi, d.
Fairman, Buchez~m,n , 46, 'not even the name of Buchis is known before the reign of Xekhthorheb'.
Id., op. cit., 45. Id., op. czt., 49.
For a coloured picture see Griffith, Tu-oHieroglyphic Papyri from Tunis, P1. x, 16. See also the phrase
..
in Drioton, ikIe'damoud (1923), 11, 46, Inscr. No. 102: '. BIonthu the Mighty. The Two Horuses are
united in hinl as one white of body and black of face'. This accurately describes the bull, and shows the
colouring to have been so clearly established as to have originated a religious doctrine. The plain blue given
to his hierogl~phin Inscr. 80, Drioton, op. cit., 6, is probably meaningless.
The others are, a pair of his thunderbolt-emblems, a pair of saws of sawfish (?), a pair of pteroceras
shells, an oryx (?) head, an elephant, a bird, and a hyena, Petrie, Koptos, P1. iii = iv. Of these, the thunder-
bolts we already know to have been sacred to him, and the gazelle (?) seems to have had a special sanctity
a t Coptos. The remains of the bird look very llkc those of a vulture, and the fact that its wing droops makes
it conlparable to the definite and roughly contemporary vulture, Quibell and Petrie, Hternkonpolts, I,
PI. xxvi, 6. Later a colossal vulture was dedicated a t Coptos by Amenemhat 111, Petrie, Koptos, p. 11, 3 21.
See p. 165. Bulls with the wide-spreading horns are shown for instance in Da\-ies, Ptahhetep and
Alzhetlzetep, I , PI. xxi, as well as the shorter-horned breed.
 SOME CELESTIAL ASSOCIATIONS O F MIN

teenth and Twentieth Dynasties. I n the more complete set of sculptures of Ramesses I11
he figures twice,l and once in the more damaged ones of Raniesses II.2
The White Bull is ancient, and is mentioned occasionally all through history. The
priestly title 1 U 7%'Attendant of the White Bull' is already known under the Third
Dynasty,3 and is not uncommon in the Old K i n g d ~ m .I~n the Fifth Dynasty SahurEc gave
the White Bull an endowment of land in the nome of Tanis, the fourteenth of the Delta."
I n the Twelfth Dynasty Senusret I calls himself 'White Bull trampling the Nubians'.G I n
Ptolemaic and Ronian days the TT7hite Bull appears occasionally, but in unexpected guise.
An inscription at Edfu represents him as Horus' enemies, that is Seth and his omp pang,^
and at Armant his name is given to llonthu's bull Buchis. As has just been shown, Jlonthu
at least had some relationship with him, for he wore llin's feathers and was worshipped at
Thebes, where the White Bull lived. Moreover, the animal had not lost his celestial character
in representing Seth, for lie was the storm-god and was related to Min's derivative, Amfin.
At the beginning of the Fourth Dynasty the titles of Nefermaat and his eldest son
Hm-izunw seem to imply some connexion between Min and the White Bull. The father
holcls five priesthoods, among them that of ===A! ;s they are all inherited by his son except
this one, but he xyas appointed 'Attendant of the White an office his father had not
held. The presence of the one and the absence of the other in each case perhaps imply some
connexion between the two.
Again, SahurAc7sendowment brings the White Bull into association with Slin. The estate
lay in the nome of Tanis, to which city Min was brought in the Twenty-first Dynastyl0 along
with other gods, but not Monthu, af ter the suppression of Seth.ll His worship mas continued
here by Sheshonq.12and in Ptolemaic times Min, Horus, and Wadjet formed the triad there.13
Among the mass of figurines found there those of Min mere not uncommon.14 Min's %-orship
was not confined to Tanis, but was widespread in this north-eastern corner of the Delta,
being celebrated in the Twenty-sixth Dynasty in the neighbouring cities of Xebeshah and
Defennah.15 Thus, at some time or other both the White Bull and Ifin were established at
Tanis and in the neighbourhood. The antiquity of the White Bull in this district may well
account for the inclusion of Jfin among the gods to be brought there.
Champollion, iVonuments, Pls. ccxii, ccxiv. For the whole scene see Ttlillrinson, ,Vanners and Customs
(1878), ID, PI. lx, facing p. 357. For a study of these scenes and their texts see Gauthier, Les fe'tes du dieu
Min, li6-84, 241-50. L., D., III, P1. clxii.
Statue of Sepa, R. de RougB, Xotice des monuments au muske du Louvre, 8th edn., p. 26, no. 36 =
Boreux, SntipuitPs igyptier~nes:Guide-Catalogue, I (1932), P1. xxx, facing p. 229.
hlumay, Index of Sames and Titles of the Old Kingdom, xxv, col. c ; Junker, G i x , I, p. 149, no. 11.
Fairnlan, op. clt., p. 43, c, gives Dr. Alumay's list, but unfortunately says the references are to the ?J7hite
Bull 'in tpht d n ' . These words are not in the inscriptions. Hence that amount of supposed early con-
nexlon between 3lonthu and the White Bull falls away.
Schafer, E i n Bruchstuck altagyptischer Annulen, 36; cf. Gardiner in Journal, 19, 125.
Breasted in P.S.B.II., 23, 232=P1. iii, 1. 2.
A text referred to by Junker, Die Onzcrtslegende, p. 37, n. 1.
Petrie, Medt~nz,Pls. xvi, xx, xxi. Junker, Giza, I, 151.
l o Slamen offers to Slin-Amon, Petrie, Tanis, 11, P1. viii, no. 131.

" SIontet, Les ~zol~telles fouilles de Tanzs (1929-32), 172.

'"'etrie, Tanis, 11, PI. ix, no. 161.
l3 Id., op. cit., I , P1, xv, figs. 2, 3 = vol. D, P1. x, nos. 164, 165. For Rlin's relationship to Wadjct see

pp. 166 n l f ~ a . l4 AIontet, op. cit., 115. Monthu is not there.

l5 Amasis orsh ships JIin a t Sebeshah, Petrie, Xebesheh (bound with Tanis, D), P1. ix, 4 and p. 31 ; a stela

was set up a t Defennah In the Twenty-sixth Dynasty to 'JIin, Lord of Iioptos', Petrie, Defeilneh (bound
with Tants, n),P1. xlii and p. 107.
 G. A. WAINWRIGHT

Senusret's dreadfully damaged stela from WBdi Halfa is a remarkable document in

many ways, not least in those epithets of the king which remain. Selecting that of 'White
Bull', and ignoring the rest, Lefbbure not unnaturally supposed that it referred to Monthu,
the Theban war-god, who appears in the scene a t the head of the ste1a.l Not only is this
not necessarily so, but there is much to suggest that the allusion was to Min. The epithets
that interest us here are 'Star of the South illuminating the Two Lands, White Bull tramp-
ling the N ~ b i a n s ' .In
~ the Eighteenth Dynasty we get a variation of the theme of Two
Lands, Bull, and Stars. This time it applies to Amen-RE<,Min's derivative, who is called
'Bull of the Two Lands and of the Stars [in] Deir el-Bahri'.3
Senusret's stela seems to connect the White Bull with Rlin in several nrays. First it was
set up under a king who was specially devoted to Min. Not only was he one of the chief
builders at the temple of cop to^,^ but at Thebes he has left us our first pictures of the
ithyphallic Arnii~t.~ On our stela he does not wear any one of the royal crowns, but the
cap and feathers of Min which were inherited by Amiim6 Then, also, it is natural that in
Nubia the king should be likened to Rlin, for the Sudan and itsneighbourhood were peculiarly
under this god's care. The Sdciny of Pwenet officiates at the Min ceremonies.' I n the
Twenty-fifth Dynasty, and again in the Twenty-sixth, gratitude is expressed to Min for
rains in the S ~ d a n In . ~ Ptolemaic times he and his wife Triphis are the deities of the Pwenet
chamber a t A t h r i b i ~ . He
~ rules the Sudan, creates its inhabitants, and overthrows them,1°
and on several occasions presents the Nubians to the Pharaoh.ll Then again, the association
of a star, and a Bull, and Nubia, is not new here. The same grouping had already occurred
in the Pyramid Texts, where a star is mentioned with the 'Pillar of the Stars', and both
are connected with the 'Pillar of Nubia' and the 'Bull of the Sky'.12 I t may be that this
leads further towards Min, for it will be seen that Min's own bull was identified with a pole
or pillar (p. 164), and Min himself was a sky-god, a thunderbolt-god, and a shooting star is
the thunderbolt. Breasted, ibid., naturally compares the 'Star of the South' to the
did to which later Pharaohs often liken themselves in battle, and the Ss'd was a shooting
star.13 Perhaps it is worth adding that on one occasion (Pyr., 5 1207) Nubia was in
some way associated with the storm. We have already dealt with the star in so far as it
was in combination with the Two Lands and the Bull, and this has suggested Amiin.
But it may be that the star of itself indicates RIin or AmEn. Among the Heb-sed symbols
the fan peculiarly represented this god.14 I t may, therefore, be worth noting perhaps
that at Deir el-Bahri a star is sometimes set in the centre of it.15 Thus in various places
stars are connected with Nubia, with a Bull-whether the White Bull or the Bull of the
Sky-and with Min-Amiin. In other places they all seem to be united again through the
Sphinx, 8, 10. Breasted, ibid. Kaville, Deir el Bahari, I , P1. ii and p. 5.
Petrie, Koptos, Pls. ix, 2, x, xi, 3(?).
Chewier in Ann. Serv., 28, Pls. i, iv of his article pp. 126-8.
There has been much alteration in this part of the stela, which may reduce the value of this scrap of
evidence.
Gauthier, Fgtes, p. 61,l. 6, p. 200. He appears to address himself especially to the White Bull, p. 202.
Jozirnal, 20, 150. $ Petrie and Walker, Athribi~, Pls. xvii, xviii, and pp. 17, 18.
l o Gauthier, op. cit., p. 201 and n. 1;p. 202. l1 Id., op. cit., 198, 199.
l2 Sethe, Pyr., § 280, a. I n $ 121 a bull and Nubia come together agaih, when 'the Great Bull who
smote Nubia' is named.
l3 Journul, 18,162. TO the references given there in note 6 add G . A. and &I.B. Reisner in Z.A.S., 69,
p. 27, 1. 5. l4 Kees, Opfertanz, 127, 128; Jequier in Rec. de trav., 27, 174.
l5 Tuthmosis 11, Naville, Deir el Bahari, I , P1. ii, where the god is called "Bull of the Two Lands and of
the Stars'; Hatshepsut, Id., op. cit., m, P1. lxiv (?); IT,P1. cx.
 SOME CELESTIAL ASSOCIATIONS OF MIN

pillar. There is thus a good deal to suggest that on Senusret 's stela, as elsewhere, the white
Bull belonged to Min. Moreover, the stela provides a valuable, and perhaps the only, scrap
of information that we possess as to his violent and raging nature. It, however, accords with
an equally little-known side of Min, which emerges occasionally, as in the comparison of
the victorious Smenophis I1 to 'Nin in the year of terror',' and in the name of the Ptole-
maic god 'llin-Slayer-of-Enemies-Re~heph'.~ Presumably Ranlesses 111's hymn to Min
refers to the same thing in the words ' I am 3lin standing upon the mountains, after
conquering all land^'.^ This dangerous nature which is to be found in llin and his TI-hite
Bull is a common characteristic of sky-gods.
Consideration of Senusret's White Bull has led back to the 'Bull of the Sky', and other
passages leave no doubt of the correctness of this train of thought. In the Xineteenth and
Twentieth Dynasties the hymn which addresses Iiin as the 'Great Bull' proceeds 'opening
the rain-clouds, the mind on the river'.4 Here we have a clear indication that Min's Bull
was the Sky-Hull. But the association of the god and the sky neither mas secondary nor
can it have been borrov-ed from Amiin, as Gauthier supposes ;5 for Ifin had been a thunder-
bolt- and bull-god from the beginning, and long before Amiin appears on the scene. To all
that has already been adduced for this6 we may now add the Ptolemaic text which seems
to call Xin 'the King upon the rain-clouds', reading / for @'$:
.'
Twice again in the
above-mentioned hymn,s and on other occasions also? >fin is addressed as 'Great Bull',
and this side of his nature is so marked that elsewhere a class of worshippers was called his
' Bellovers ' 541 .lo Like the bull himself, bellowings and roarings have often been
met during the study of the storm- and air-gods, notably in the cases of Xmiin and Seth in
Egypt,ll RaminEn (Hadad)in Babylonia, and Yahweh in Palestine.12 Hence >fin's association
with the White Bull and his lvarlilre character are yet other indications of his nature as a
sky-god.
The earliest picture of EvJin's Bull shows him striding on the mountain-tops. Hence a
fev words inay be devoted to these, and they prove to be no mere artistic detail but to
be full of significance. I t has already been shown that the Mountain has been widely held
sacred to the storm-gods.l3 Like the light-weapon <cT>)
of JIin and/or Letopolis14 the moun-
tains had already been deified in the Second Predynastic Bge,ls when their symbol was used
as a standard on the well-known boats. Here they are shown quite indifferently as a group
of five, four, three, or two peaks, T,
suggesting that it is ino~zntains generically
which are depicted. If the somewhat indefinite animal's head be really the bull's head the
discoverers supposed it to be, the bull and the nlountains ~ o u l dbe set together as a group
on a vase of protodynastic age,l6 and would therefore be roughly contemporary with Min's
archaic statues. In Ilynastic times Xois, the sixth nome of the Delta, definitely set the bull
and the mountains together, enlploying the group -% T as its standarcl.17 Its neighbour
AJetelis, the seventh nome, worshipped the god H3.18 He was the Mountain-god, for though

L.,D.,m,P1.65,a,1.5. L., D., IV, PI. 11, a and TT-ain~rrightin Joz~rnal,20, 132, 153.
Gauthier, FRtes, p. 190, 1. 10. Id., op. cit., p. 190, R. 11, 31. 7, 8. Op. cit., 194.
Journal, 17, 185-95; 20, 150. Gnuthier, 01). cit., 195.
Id., op. cit., p. 190, 1. 12, and 'Great Bull (thrice) of thy JIothcr' ('!) 11. 15, 16.
Id., op. cit., p. 196. Id., op. cit., p. 179, 1. 2. Journal, 20, 149, 150.
I' Jol~rnal,19, 44; 20, 150. l 3 Journal, 19, 47, 48. " Journul, 17, 185, 186; 18, 159, 160.

l5 Pie~berry in Llverpool Annals, 5, 139,141,and 1,24; l'etrie, Prehistoric Egypt, Pl.sxii1, fig. 5,110s. 18-21.
l 6 Quibell and Petrie, Hie~akonpolis,I, PI. n i l , and p. 7.

Journal, 19. 48. l8 Jou??tul, 19, 48, and n. 8.

 G. A. WAINWRIGHT

his symbol is generally written y,which might mean 'foreign lands', is also
used, Pyr., 5 119; and this clearly means 'mountain'. He also bore the t i t l e P e 'Overlord
@kl
of the Two mountain^'.^ I t is interesting, therefore, to observe that this Mountain-god was
closely related to Min's cycle. For in one place in the Pyramid Texts he unites witkHorus
to make a compound deity Horus-HI: and in another is correlated both with Min himself
and with a damaged name which may have been Amiin or possibly an early form of M h 4
Horus, of course, had been early identified with Min. The labrys cfl is a thunder symbol?
and in company with this, Min, and Horus, HI forms one of the small group of five gods who
were served by the imy-ht or ht p r i e ~ t .The~ mountains, therefore, need not be merely a
support for the bull, but are likely to have an identity of their own, and in any case the
deified mountains are closely related to Min himself.
Actually the mountains are much in evidence on the archaic statue of Min, for not only
is the bull shown upon them, but also the elephant and the hyena(?).7 Elephants go upon
the mountains elsewhere in archaic art.s In this last case there have been three animals,
and they are shown naturalistically in mountainous country. Among the mountains shown,
the tops of three are used to support each of those elephants which are still preserved, and
the animals adopt the same attitude as the bull on the statue of Min. Indeed, three supports
are the minimum with which it is possible tb show an animal in motion. Hence, in view of
this fact, and of the independent identity possessed by the mountains, and of the indifferent
use of the two- or three-peaked sign for the mountain-god HI, it is clearly on the 'mountains '
in their primitive sense that Min's bull is treading, and not 'foreign lands', the transferred
sense of the later hieroglyph a. I n fact, in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Dynasties Min's
sacred bull is addressed in the words 'Thou who art in the form of the Bull coming upon
the mountains (75)',9 and in Ptolemaic times Min himself is likened to the Bull upon the
mountains.1° If it be permissible here to translate 5,
merely by 'mountains', instead of
the usual 'foreign lands, desert' (because as contrasted with Egypt they are mountainous)
this exactly describes the original picture. Elsewhere in the Twentieth Dynasty the god
says, ' I am Min standing upon the mountains (VTTz)
',I1 and from the Middle Kingdom
onwards Min's title is 'he who is upon his htyw',12 which Gauthier has shown meant ori-
ginally ' Alin upon the cliffs (of the eastern desert) '.I3 His statue is regularly set upon a base
with steps in front, probably carrying out this idea.14 I t is in keeping with their characters

I owe this reference to Jlr. FauUtner, who shows the two forms to be interchangeable, Grifith Studies,
72. I take this opportunity to acknowledge Mr. Faulkner's never failing kindness and help with the
translations in this article. a Brugsch, Dict. ge'ogr., 1291. Sethe, Pyramidentexte, § 1013, d.
Id., op. cit., 8 1712,b, and see his discussion of the name in -4mu12~ ~ dien dacht Urgb'tter von Hermopolis,
p. 22, $ 3 0 ; but see also bTrgeschichte,p. 39. V o u r n a l , 17, 193; 19,43.
Blurray, Index of flames and Titles of the Old Kingdom, xxxiv, col. a ; Newberry in Li~~erpool Annals,
1, 27 ; 2, 49, 50 ; 4, 100; cf. TVb. d. aeg. Spr., nI, 344, 347. The fifth is the s~~allow. Cf. also the remark in
Journal, 17, 192, 193.
Petrie, Koptos, P1. iii, fig. 4. The elephant is well known in prehistoric art from the earliest times. For
others than those mentioned in the text see RBnBdite in Journal, 5, P1. i = ii; p. 227, fig. 1 top; Pls. xxxiii,
xxxiv and cf. p. 237 and n. 2. By S.D.47 he was definitely sacred, Petrie, Prehistoric Egypt, p. 12 and
PI. xxiii, fig. 5, no. 2 = Naqada and Ballas, PI. Ixvii, fig. 14.
Quibell and Petrie, Hi~rakonpolis,I, PI. xvi, 4 = p. 6, fig. 6 of P1. vi.
Gauthier, FEtes, p. 200,l. 4 ; or perhaps 'from the mountains', cf. Gardiner, Crammar, § 165.
lo Petrie, Athribis, P1. xxxiv, col. 15 = p. 23, where, box-ever, Dr. Walker read the sign as a cow.
" Gauthier, op. cit., p. 190,l. 16. Id., in KEmi, 2, 41-6.
" Id., in op. cit., 69 ff., especially 82. l4 Id., in op. cit., 56-8.
 SOME CELESTIAL ASSOCIATIONS OF MIN

as sky-god and sky-bull that Min should stand upon the mountains, and that his Bull
should come upon the mountains. Many cases of the sky-god as a mountain-god have been
collected in the companion article to this, Journal, 19,47,48, and it would serve no purpose
to increase their number. Such deities were Enlil and Xinlil in Babylonia, hdad or Ramman
in Assyria and elsewhere, Teshub and Zeus in the Syro-Cappadocian and Greek lands
respectively. In Syria there was Elagabalus, and as he will be mentioned again (p. 167), we
may recall that while the description of his sacred object answers exactly to that of a
meteorite1 his name El6h-gabal means ' The god "lfountain" '.
The next association of Min's Bull is with the pole, and for this study certain information
concerning the Scandinavian world-tree serves as a valuable background. This tree will be
encountered again (p. 168), but a t the moment let it be noted that it was called either
'Yggdrasil' quite shortly or more fully 'The Ash of Yggdrasil'. Yggdrasil means 'Horse of
Dread' and was the storm upon which Odin the storm-god rode.2 Thus, in one country at
least, the universal support has been identified with a sky-animal. There was in Egypt a
Bull of the Sky,3 and at times he was identified with pillars. Thus, in Pyramid Texts, $5 280,
283, it is said 'Star of those who are before the Pillar of the Stars *:), they see the (9
Pillar of Xubia (axg), the Bull of the Sky (%1 wU&)',ancl a few lines farther on it
continues 'his horn shines, Pillar of Eye-paint (1I&&-), the Bull of the Sky'. Here the
Bull of the Sky is first of all identified with one pillar, that of Subia, and then tvith another,
the 'Pillar of Eye-paint'. A 'Great Bull' is identified with yet another pillar, that of the
hphroditopolite Some (h $! J a 3),
Pyr., $79.2. This is not ~vithoutimportance here, for the
legends of this nonie may bear on Herodotus' account of religion at Panopolis-ilkhnlim, as
was seen on p. 156. The sky-pole w ? m ~ as personified by a bull (p. 168). Thus, a pillar and
a bull (generally 'the Bull of the Sky') form quite an ordinary combination. They meet
again in Jfin's worship, where the pillar or pole was no less characteristic of the god than
ITas the Bull, and this animal has proved to have been a Bull of the Sky. In the Old King-
dom, lfin's pole was of sufficient importance to provide a personal name, -
$ ' The Pillar
of Jlin',4 and in this lllin is unique, for no other god affords a name of this type.5
K i t h the foregoing in mind we may now turn to llIin's own pole. In the Sixth Dynasty
Pepi I1 devoted a new town to the service of hfin, stating in his decree that 'Jly Majesty
hath commanded the setting up of a pole iyy-
Jnt of foreign ~vootl,ancl that (?) in the
new Such a dedication to Ilin involved freedom from the king's jurisdiction. Hence,

'. . . its colour [is] black. They solemnly assert it to have fallen from the sky ( 6 r ~ x s qand
) they point
out certain small excrescences and marks . . .', Herodianus, v, 3, 5. A pitch-black surface is characteristic
of the stone meteorites, and the iron ones cre only less black. The surface of all is also rough and irregular in
rr~ryingdegrees. The usual solarization of the old sky-gods caused some of the late classical writers t o change
the name to the meaningless Heliogabnlus, and to think that this meteorite, as well as that a t Aegospotami,
had fallen from the sun; see my articles Jacob's Bethel in Pal. Expl. Fund &?tart. Siatement, 1934, 41, ancl
Baetyls appearing shortly in Journ. Hell. Stud.
Stallybrass, Teutonic i?fythology by J . Grimm, p. 1331. The idea of the god riding the storm was ancient
and widespread in the Xear East. Enlil flourished his whip and drove his chariot in ancient Babylonia about
2800 B.C. (W. Hayes Ward, The Seal Cylinders of Vestern Asia, fig. 12i, and cf. 128, and p. 52); Sandan
flourished his harpe and drove his chariot a t &fal8tia about 1200 B.C. (Bossert, op. c ~ t . p. , 42, 25a and cf.
pp. 152,157 supra) ; and, even though they are late, such expressions as Yahweh 'rideth upon a swift cloud'
(Isaiah xix, I ) , 'hath his way in the nhirlwind and in the storm' (Sahum i, 3), etc., will occur to every one.
See p. 158 supra, n. 1. 3Iurrdij-, Index, vi, col. c.
Cf. Ranke, Personennanzen, p. 17.
Moret in Cornptes rendus ci I'acad. des inscr. et belles lettres, 1916, p. 326, fig. 2, I. 'i and pp. 3-28 ff.;
Sethe, Crk., I, p. 292, 1. 7 .
164 G. A. WAINWRIGHT
in his publication of the inscription Moret likens the pole to the pole of freedom set up in
such towns in Merovingian France. However, in view of the specific connexion between
Min and a pole, it may be more than this, and may well have been symbolic of the god to
whom the town was appropriated. We know more of a pole of Min in this reign, for the
setting up of one is sculptured in the temple of Pepi I1 a t SakkLrah (Fig. 3).l Unfortunately
no inscription remains, but from the Sew Kingdom onwards the scene is well known, svhen
it invariably belongs to $fin or his counterpart, the ithyphallic AmiinS2 The ceremony is
regularly described as ~ ~ dchr k~ Shnt,
~ exceptj once at E~ d f ~ where
, ~~ the words
3
k3 Shnt are replaced by the apparatus itself. This means either 'The Setting up of the Shnt

(pole) of the Bull!, the divine animal being written first out of respect, or it might mean
'The Setting up of the Bull of the d?z?zt (pole)', but in view of what has gone before it no
doubt means 'The Setting up of the Bull, the Shnt (pole)'. The god mould have been as
immanent in his sacred pole as in his sacred bull, for deities are often represented by poles.
7
The and are well known in Egypt, as are the 'Asherah in Palestine and the Xttis-pole in
,4sia Minor. One of them, the 7,
actually became the symbol of divinity par excelle?zce.
The Irminsiil, the northern-European Pole of the Universe, was described as an 'idol'
(idolum).5 In any case the Shnt-pole belongs to the Bull, and was no doubt actually identified
with him, just as various poles are identified with the 'Bull of the Sky' (p. 163), and the
Pillar of the Aphroclitopolite Xome is identified a-ith the 'Great Bull'.
_in interesting variant of the scene occurs twice. The fuller example gives a picture of
the ceremony, while the other only mentions the setting up of the apparatus. Here, instead
of merely showing the usual pole set up before Nin, the scene shows the whole shrine which

JBquier in An??.Serc., 27, 56, 57 and PI. iv, from TI hich Fig. 3 is drawn.
AI\IENOPHIS 111, Gayet, Le temple de Louxor, Pls. x, liii, figs. 59, 100; RA~IESSES 11, Max lliiller,
Eg~jpfologicalResearches, I, P1. xlii; SETI, Teynard, Egypte et Nubie, I, P1. lviii = Chanipollion, Xot. descr.,
11, p. 4 9 : YTOLEICAIC,L., D., IT, P1. xlii, b, llariette, Dende'rah, I, P1. xxiii, Rochemonteix, Le temple d'Edfou,
I, P1. xxxi b = p. 375, vol. 11, P1. xl b = p. 56.
The inscription is rarely complete, but as there is little or no variation in the wording the lacunae can
be filled in with certainty.
Rochemonteix, Edfotc, 11, 56. Stallybrass, op. cit., 117.
 SOME CELESTIAL ASSOC,IATIONS OF MIN

may so often be seen behind the god's statue (Fig. 4).l The accompanying inscription is
-~~~~ 1; f- d(hc k~ Shn; that is t o say, the usual one except that the word Shnt
'pole' has been replaced by Shn ' shrine' to suit the scene. The other case is merely a mention
by Ptolemy huletes that Min was 'setting up for himself the shrine of the Bull (E%)'.2
The use of the same words h.3 Shn on two different occasions shoxs that the
substitution of the Shn-shrine for the Shnt-pole was no error or chance. Thus
the pole of the climbing ceremony was, or came to be, interchangeable with
the shrine of the god. I t represented the latter, as well as belonging peculiarly
to Jfin's bull. Illore accurately it represented, or came to represent, the pole of
the ~ h r i n e .Thus,
~ on one occasion the pole of the climbing ceremony is given
the papyrus capital and bull's horns of the pole of the ~ h r i n e .Elsevhere ~
three objects appear on the top of it, one of which is the hut of the shrine, or FIG. 4.
rather its gateway, and another is its p0le.j -4s will be seen in the next para-
graph, the pole of the shrine was no mere appendage to the hut as Jkquier supposes, but
had a n identity of its omn, and in its turn could represent the whole.
Leaving the Shnt-pole of the ceremony and turning to the Shn-shrine, it is noteworthy
in the first place that it as composite, consisting of a pole united by a cord t o a little hut
behind it.6 Originally the hut had stood alone,' but by the Twelfth Dynasty it had been
added to the pole, which proves to have been the important part of the complex. I t is on the
pole that the bull's horns8 are set, not the hut, ancl this malies it comparable to the pole
of the ceremony which belonged to, or even represented, llin's Bull. Then again, the 1~11ole
coinposite shrine was called dhn, a name only differing in gender from that of the pole of
1;
the climbing ceremony. Usually it was spelt [I k or similarly, Shn,9 where the determina-
tive is the hole shrine, pole and hut. But the m-ord could be spelt -1 21
shn-cl 'The
Great Shrine',1° where the determinative is the pole only. Hence the pole of the shrine could
represent the whole complex just a? did the pole of the climbing ceremony. Here again the
IrniinsGl is useful, for not only Jyas it described as an 'idol', as has just been seen, but also
as a ' teniple', or even a 'sacred grove' (fununz, luczrs).ll The pole, therefore, not only pecu-
liarly belonged to the Bull, but was the essential element of the compound shrine. The
little hut was subordinate to it and a n addition.
The pole of the shrine. again, is not simple, but complex, for it supports a coil of rope,
mhicl~was sacred in itself. I n the Thircl Dynasty it stood alone.12 I n the early Fourth
Rochemonteix, op. of., n, p. 88, PI. xl, i, from ~ ~ h i Fig.
c h 4 is drann.
? Petrle, Athribts, P1. xriii, fifth register.
J&quierin Bull. Inst. fr. d'arch. or. d u Caire, 6, 37, has already approximated the two poles.
L., D.,Ir, P1. xlli, b, Ptolemy S. The top varies greatly in the different pictures.
Nariette, Dende'rah, I, P1. xxiii. I can no more make any suggestion about the third object than collld
Jkquier, ibid. 31ax ?Iluller's explanations, o p cit., 34, are entirely abstract and unconvincing.
From Senusret I onwards, Petrie, Koptos. Pls. ix, 2 ; x, 3.
?~IESTTEIOTEP SEBTA\;I-RE(,C'ouyat and JIontet, Ha~nrnci~dt, PI. xxix, 110 ; I ~ D D LE
KINGDOI\I, Rloret
~ enksteine des mittl. Retchs, Pls. xvi,
in Rec. de trac., 32. p. 138, P1. i, fig. 1 ; Lange and Schifer, Grab- U I L D
20188; xix, 20240; xlviii. 20612. SECONDITTER~EDILTE PERIOD,Boeser, Aeg. Sammlung, Ir (Stelen),
P1. xxxii, 42. These are, ho~$ever,all very crude in execution.
Bulls as T? ell as c o n had sometimes nide-spreading horns, as for instance Petrie, Sapada a ~ Ballas,d
P1. li, 14; Daries, Ptahhetep and Akhethetep, I , P1. xxrii. 3Iin's Bull is, however, always shown 1~1ththe
crescent horns commonly given to bulls. Rochemonteix, op. cit., 11, SS twice.
O' Daressy in .-Init. Serr., 17, p. 77, 1. 7. Though it nns made for Arsenuphis a t Philae, not Min, it was

macle for him 'a3 a SudBny', thus keeping up the southern associations.
Stallybrasq, op. a t . , 117.
Junker, Giza, T, p. 151. no. 17, and cf. ITb. d. aeg. Spr., I , 29 for another Old Kingdom example.
166 G. A. WAINWRIGHT
Dynasty it is coiled into the branches of a stick.l At the beginning of the Sixth Dynasty,
raised on a simple pole and given a crest, a number of them belonged to Wadjet, and under
Pepi I, still as hers, it takes the form that is so well known as belonging to Min.2 This early
connexion with Wadjet probably accounts for the change which came over the pole at Min's
shrine. Originally it was a simple pole like hers, supporting the horns and coil of rope
(Fig. 5),3 but later it was given the papyrus capital, and so transformed into the hieroglyph
of her name (Fig. 6).4 On two occasions even this is transferred to the pole of the climbing

~ e r e m o n y .Min
~ and Wadjet mere definitely related, for they meet again in the extreme
north-eastern corner of the Delta. Since the Nineteenth Dynasty at latest, Kadjet had
been widely worshipped in this d i ~ t r i c t and
, ~ had been so intimately connected with Imet'
that the city took its sacred name, Per-Wadjet, from her.8 Imet mas the modern Nebesl~ah,~
and &fin was also worshipped here, a t least in the Twenty-sixth Dynasty,lo as well as at
Defennah some fifteenmiles away.ll In Ptolemaic times she was brought to Tanis, which also
is quite close by (Fig. 7), to join Min in forming the triad there.12 This n-as the nome in
which his White Bull had already been given an estate by SahnrPC in the Fifth Dynasty,
and where Min was worshipped after the suppression of Seth (p. l j 9 ) .
At Min's shrine the presence of the cord on the pole was made use of to connect the two
main members of the whole complex. To join two things by a cord is a natural and world-
wide method of effecting a mystical union between them. For instance, the ~vallsof Ephesus
were joined to the temple by a rope seven stades long in order to put them under the protec-
tion of 4rtemis.13 Similarly, at Athens certain conspirators on coming out to their enemies
kept hold of a thread which they had tied to the temple. On its breaking, the goddess was
said to have refused them her protection, and they were immediately murdered.14 E l s e ~ h e r e ,
in Tibet, on special occasions the priest holds to his heart the end of a string which is tied
to the sacred object lying in the lap of the divine image.15
Junker, op. cit., fig. 23, b and pp. 150, 151, no. 22.
Pyr., 8 702. The next kings, hleryrE' and Pepi I1 Neferkarc', write the pole and its horns merely as a
crutch. Petrie, Koptos, Pls. ix, x, 3. Fig. 5 is drawn from P1. ix.
Fig. 6 is drawn from Champollion, .iTfonuments, PI. ccxi. Cf. also ?Iloller in Z.A.S., 39, P1. iv facing
p. 72 ; and often later.
JV. Rlax Miiller, Egyptological Researches, I, PI. xlii, Rarnesses 11. Ptolemy X adds the horns as well,
L., D.,IV, P1. xlii, b.
Besides Kebeshzh and Tanis, to be mentioned later, she was worshipped a t Kantarah by Seti I, Griffith
in Petrie, Defenneh (bound with Tanis, n), 104, Chuthier in Ann. Serv., 23, 179; and a t NenHgi by Nekht-
nebf, Griffith, op. cit., 46.
' Gauthier, ibid. ; id., Dict. des noms gLogr., I , 73, 74. Id., op. cit., rr, 65.
Petrie, Xebesheh (bound with Tunis, n), 6. Cf. Gardiner in Journal, 5, 244; 19, 125.
Petrie, op. czt., P1. ix, 4 and p. 34. Id., Defenneh (bound with Tanis, TI), PI. xlii and p. 107.
1" Petrie, Tanis, I, PI. xv, figs. 2, 3 = vol. n, PI. x, nos. 164, 165.

l3 Herodotus, I, 26. l4 Plutarch's Lives, Solon, *XI.

="addell, The Buddhism of Tibet, 446, and another case is quoted in n. 2.
 SOME CELESTIAL ASSOCIATIONS O F MIN 167

Finally, Scha,rffhas very tentatively suggested t,hat there might be a connexion between
the pole of Min's shrine and the &nut,for Blin was one of many gods who had a
sanctuary of this much-discussed name. He bases his suggestion on the spelling, which he
thinks perhaps goes back to 1; h t ' a pole'.l
Thus a pole in one form or another is continually encountered during a study of Min. It is
found in the personal na.me 'The Pillar of Min'; one was set up a t the dedication of a town
to him ;another was set up for a ceremony before him ; it represented the pole of his shrine ;
and that in its turn could represent the whole shrine which was composite. The pole of the
ceremony belonged specially to Min's Bull, who shows signs of being a Sky-Bull, and quite
apart from Min the Bull of the Sky himself had to do with various pillars. He was identified
with one, 'the Pillar of Eye-paint ', and with another that belonged to Nubia, Min's special
country; and both the Bull himself and this latt,er pillar were associated with a third, 'The
Pillar of the Stars'.
It remains now to inquire why the pillar or pole should have been so closely associated
with Min. -4 very good reason may be found a t once in the evidence already adduced that
Min was a sky- and air-god, for such association is quite common not only abroad but also
in Egypt itself. In Crete the young warrior god descends from the sky alongside a high pole
(Fig. The meteorit,e-god Elagabalus, who has helped
us so often before, affords evidence here. I t was planned
to set up a great column, on the top of which the sacred
meteorite should be raised aloft into its native element.3
He was also called ImmudItes, which name is accepted
as incorporating the Arabic carna, 'a tent-pole, pillar, '\
et,c'.* Again, the eagle is well known as the storm-bird,
and he is often set up on a pillar. On the top of Mount
Lycaeus in Greece there was an altar to Zeus, and in FIG.8.
front of it, to the east, stood a pair of pillars sup-
porting gilded eagle^.^ At Kara Kush in the Taurus Mountains, north of Samosata, is
a monument consisting of three sets of pillars, each set supporting a tablet flanked by a
pair of eagles in the one case: and a pair of bulls and lions in the others. Like the eagle, the
bull and the lion were storm-animals. In Roman times statues of the victorious Jupiter
were often uplifted on high pillars? At Delphi in Greece there was the old sacred meteorite
'The Stone of Cronus'8 and the omphalos of Apollo. These were storm- and light-gods
respectively, and here a t Delphi the omphalos itself seems to have supported a The
pole, therefore, clearly had a significance of its own in relation to sky-gods.
Returning to Egypt, and bearing this in mind, we find some very clear evidence as to
the nature of t,he pole. hlin was not the only god to possess one. Khniim was a sky-godlo
and in Ptolemaic days it is said that 'he putteth Nut under the sky like a great pillar of air

Z.A.S., 62, 96.

Evans, The Palace of Minos, I, p. 160, fig. 115, reproduced here as Fig. 8.
Script. Hist. Aug. (Teubner), Ehgabalus, x m , 7.
Roscher, Lezikon, s.v. ;Pauly-Wissowa, Real-E~tcydopcidie, s.v. By the late time of one of these inscrip-
tions he had been completely solarized.
Pausanias, vm, 38, 7.
Humann and Puchstein, Reisen in Kleinasien und Nordsyrien, pp. 218 ff., Pls. xv, 2, xvii, 2, xviii, 1.
For the date, first century B.c., see p. 226. Cook, Zeus, n, 57 ff.
Pausanias, X, 24, 6, cf. my article Baetyls appearing shortly in Journ. Hell. Stud.
O Cook, op. cit., 11, pp. 169 ff. lo Journal, 20, 142. Cf. also pp. 146, 148, 149.
 G. A. WAINWRIGHT

($?&)'? Fig. g2 shows a graphic representation of such a pillar of air. A pole called

r
the wF,was quite well known in Egypt, but what has not yet been appreciated is that it
was a sky-pole. It was worshipped at Cusae, where the local goddess, Hathor, was called
by the Greeks Aphrodite Urania? the name of the meteorite goddess at Aphaca
. ~ wh,is at least as old as the Old Kingdom, when pictures
near Byblos in S ~ r i a The
show it to be a papyriform pillar crowned with the stiff feathers of &!in and other
sky-gods (Fig. In the Middle Kingdom it also has Nin's flagellum attached?
and a triple form shows two of the pillars surmounted by feather-wearing falcons
of JIin's class of god? The wh,thus proclaims itself a sky-pole by some of the
signs we have already met in Min. I t is probably significant that there was also a
FIG. 9.
pillar at another nome of Hathor-Aphrodite, m ' d y t , the tenth of Upper E g y ~ t . ~
Another significant thing is that this brings us back once more to Min, for the
tenth nome has associated itself with him in more ways than one, especially with several
of his features as a celestial god, see pp. 156,163. That the ti& was indeed a great sky-
pole is now seen to be clearly stated in the late Nineteenth Dynasty passage 'Thou great
wh,which beginnest in Heaven [and reachest to] the Underworld'? Moreover, it seems to
be identified here with one of the forms of Ptah, and he was one of the gods before
whom the ceremony of 'The Uplifting of the Sky' was performed.1° h similar
pillar, izm, is mentioned at the beginning of the Eighteenth Dynasty, when
it is said 'Thunder is in the southern sky in (?) the night, storm is in the northern
sky. The Pillar is fallen in the water.'ll This clearly means that a thunderstornl
shakes it into the abyss. f hile Egyptologists have long been accustomed to the
four supports of heaven, a single one such as these has hitherto escaped notice.
FIG. 10.
Yet analogy ekes out the scraps of information already gained about them, and
makes it clear that this is what they are. Prof. A. B. Cook likens the Jupiter-
pillars of Europe to the sky-pillar, Irminsfil, of our Saxon forefathers.l"t was a huge,
wooden, universal post supporting all things,13and seems to have originated in a great tree.
Such a world-tree was the Yggdrasil of northern Europe. This had its roots in the lower
regions and supported not only the earth but also the sliy above.14 Evans has recently shown
Daressg in Rec. de trav., 27, 87, 1. 61; cf. p. 192, 1. 1.
Drawn from Mariette, DendPrah, IV, P1. 23, fig. b.
Blackman, Mair, I, 2. Unless a miniature one was so used it was not the sceptre of the goddess as sup-
posed on p. 3. Sethe, Urgeschichte, 16, has also realized that it was a pillar, but not that it was a sky-pole.
The wh was personified by a bull (O.L.Z., 1932, cols. 521 ff.).
* Sozomen, Eccles. Hist., 11, ch. v (publ. in Migne, Patrologiae Cursus Completus, Series Graeca, 1859,
vol. LXVII, COI.948). See also Wainwight in Z.A.S., 71, 43.
Blackman, op. cit., I, 3. For these feathers as representing the air, see Journal, 17, 194, 195; 20,
144, 145. Fig. 10 is drawn from Blackman, op. cit., rr, P1. xviii, 2. Id., op. cit., I, 4.
Id., op. cit., I, 3, fig. 1. Is the shrine on the central one comparable to that among the other objects
on the Ptolemaic pole of the llin ceremony, Jlariette, DendLrah, I, P1. xxiii ?
See p. 163 supra. The nome had been hers a t least since the Kineteenth Dynasty, Gauthier in Rec. de
trav., 35, 23.
Lange, Der magische Papyrus Harris, p. 52, 11. 1-4, and his commentary pp. 75, 76 (publ. in Det kgl.
danske T'idensk. Selskab. Hist.-fil. Xedd., 1927, xiv, 2).
lo Chabas, Le calendrier cles jours fastes et nifastes, 75 ; Brugsch, ,2late'riaux .. . du caleizdrier, PI. xii, 1. 10 ;
id., Drei Fest-Kalender, PI. ii, 1. 13 ; cf. also Journal, 20, 142.
JYreszinski, Der Papyrus Ebers, I, p. 102, no. 360.
la Cook, Zeus, 11, 50 ff.
Id., op. cit., p. 53, n. 2: 'Irminsul . . . universalis columna, quasi sustinens omnia'.

l4 Stallybrass, op. cit., 596 ff.

 SOME CELESTIAL ASSOCIATIONS OF &TIN

that this idea came nearer to Egypt both in time and place, for it recurs in the Peloponnesus
in the sixteenth century B . c . ~ To this we may add Homer's description of Mount 'Atlas,
who knows the depths of every sea, and himself possesses the tall pillars which keep earth
and slry asunder '.2 The great u;F,which began in heaven and reached to the Underworld was
clearly another Atlas, Yggdrasil, or still more accurately Irminsfil, a great pole which bound
the whole universe together. The pillar, iwn, was much the same, though it only seems to
have held up the heavens.
If its foundations mere loosened it was liable to fall down. I t is evident that if such a
pillar fell, the sliy would fall too, for there ~ ~ o u bel dnothing to hold it up. As a matter of
fact such a catastrophe was to be feared in Egypt, for in the early Middle Kingdom a condi-
tion is stated in which 'Nut (the sky-goddess) mill fall to the g r ~ u n d ' and
, ~ later on, in the
Twentieth Dynasty, Yeith similarly threatens that 'the heaven shall crash to the g r ~ u n d ' . ~
This anxiety was not confined to Egypt, but has been widespread. In 335 B.C. the Celts
told Alexander the Great that the only thing they feared ~ v a thats some day the sky might fall
upon them.5 In 179 B.C. a tremendous thunderstorm accompanied by hail and rain broke
over another Danuhian army, which fled, saying 'that the sky was falling upon them'.6
The possibility of this calamity still caused concern to the Irish of the early Middle Ages,
whose oath began, 'If the sky do not fall with its rain of stars upon the face of the earth
where me are camped',' and its memory still lingers among us to-day in the nursery story of
Henny Penny who vent to tell the lring that the sky v a s falling. The danger also appears
in the Arabian Sights: the Unbelieving Ginn describing his overthrow by the Believing
Ginn says 'he cast at me a shooting star of fire (shihcib ?nin ncir) . . . and he cried out at me
so terrible a cry that meseemed the skies were fallen flat uponme, and the niountains trembled
at his ~ o i c e ' .The
~ Irish oath goes on to envisage an earthquake and the overwhelming of
the land by the sea. The story of the Danubian army, that of the Arabian Sights, and the
terms of the Irish oath, provide the details for a general understanding of the fear. I t was
due to the physical shaking, noise, and clownpouring of the skies: to a thunderstorm ~ % i t h
hail and rain, a rain of stars, or, nlythologically expressed, a battle with shooting stars.
I t is established that great shon~ersof meteorites have at times accompanied earthquakes,
and that there is an approximate coincidence between earthquakes and the thirty-three
year period of nieteoric s h o ~ e r s .Jloreover,
~ flashes of light in the sky have often been
reported at the time of an earthquake.1° Yet again, a very violent thunderstorm does shake
the ground under the observer,ll and earthqualies do sometimes swamp the land with the
sea.l"n Egypt these conditions are indicated several times, excepting the onrush of the
sea. In the Pyramid Texts there is the famous passage, ' The sky rains ; the stars darken(?) ;
the Bows rush about ; the bones of the Earth-gods tremble'.l3 Another similar one comes in
$ 1150: 'The sky rejoiceth loudly at him; the earth trembleth at him; the hail is dispersed

Evans in Journ. Hell. Stud., 45, 51, 73, or less fully in his Palace of Xinos, 111, 145 ff.

Odyssey, I, 11. 5 2 4 . Lacau in QuibeU, Ezcacations at Saqqara, 1906-7, p. 32.

Gardiner, The Chester Beatty Papyri, KO. 1, p. 16, 3,l. 3.

Arrian, Anabasis, I, iv, 8 ; Strabo, C. 302. Livy, XL, 58.

H. d'Arbois de Jubainville, L a premiers habitants de Z'Europe (1894), 11, p. 316, n. 2.

Burton, The Tholozcsand Sights and a Sight (Benares, 1885), IT, 100 = JIacnaghten, The Alif Laih

(Calcutta, 1839), III, 97.

J. Milne, Earthquakes and Other Earth 2lIoz'ements (1913), 262, 263. lo Id., op. eit., 267.

" A famous case is that reported by Herodotus, tm, 37, where a t Delphi two rocks were opportunely

shaken down b ~a- thunderstorm on to the invaders.

la See for instance JliJne, op. cit., 165-77. The series of vaves following the famous earthquake a t Lisbon

in 1755 were thirty to sixty feet high. l 3 Pyr., $393, and see Faulkner in Journal, 10,97 ff.

z
 G. A. WAINWRIGHT

for him; he roareth like Seth'.l In the early Eighteenth Dynasty it was the thunderstorm
which would shake down the twn-pillar (p. 168).
Thus, a pillar or pole is a very common adjunct to a sky-god, whether in Egypt or
abroad, and Min's possession of one is yet more evidence of this side of his nature. It is
suitable to a god 'who standeth upon his mountains (htyw)' and 'who cometh upon the
mountains ', for the mountains also have been thought to support the sky. In Egypt Mount
Bakhau was said to have done this at least as early as the Middle K i n g d ~ mand
, ~ in Greece
it was said of Mount Atlas, as has just been seen.

In the companion article Min has already been shown to have been a thunderbolt-god,
that is to say, a sky-god. In the present one much more has been adduced in the same vein.
I t is common for the weather and fertility to coalesce in one god, and Min was only an early
and good example of this. The secret of the identification of Min with Perseus lies in the
fact that they were both thunderbolt- and sky-gods. Bulls regularly belonged to the sky-
gods all over the Near East, hence, as Min shows many signs of being one also, it was suitable
that he should have the 'White Bull'. While Min himself could be called 'the King upon
the rain-clouds', his Bull was said to be 'opening the rain-clouds, the wind on the river'.
Min was worshipped by 'Bellowers', and bellowings again are a commonplace with sky-gods,
whether in Egypt or abroad. There was a certain violence in the character both of Min and
his Bull, and this is usual among sky-gods. The mountains are the special territory of Min
and his Bull as of other sky-gods; they often serve to hold up the sky. Like the Bull of
the Sky, Min's Bull was intimately related to a pole, and the pole or pillar was of the very
essence of Min's worship. I t is highly probable that this was a sky-pole, for such are found
in Egypt-where they represent the air-as elsewhere. They often occur with sky- and
meteorite-gods, such as Zeus, Apollo, Elagabalus, Aphrodite Urania, and Nut, or they may
be found with mountains such as Mount Atlas. These things we know to be original in
Min's worship, many, in fact, prehistoric. They have to be searched for with the help of
archaeology and comparative religion, for they scarcely find expression in the literature.
The reason probably is that during the historic period they were eclipsed by the fertility
side of Min's nature. No doubt with him, as with other gods of his class, this tended to
come more and more into prominence. Solarization was the other fate which befell old sky-
gods, but 3lin escaped that, though it overtook his derivative, Amfin.
The trembling, speaking, quaking, weeping, and burning of the sky are accompaniecl by the trembling
of the earth, but without further indication as to the cause, Pyr., $5 143, 549, 924, 1110, 1365, 2063, 2109.
I n $1120 they speak and tremble when the Pharaoh ascends to the sky. I t was this which caused the thunder-
storms just mentioned.
Sethe in Z.A.S., 59, PI. 44*, 1. 8a, and p. '74. See also Journal, 18, 165.
 NOTES ON SOME FUNERARY AMULETS
BY ALAN W. SHORTER
THEfollowing paper is an expansion of some notes collected by myself in 1930 when working
through the British Jluseuin collection of Egyptian amulets. Some of the ideas contained
in it appeared as bare suggestions in a short paper1 contributed by me to the Semaine
t!gyptologique held at Brussels in 1930, but were then worked out no further. The intention
of the present paper is to re vie^^ briefly the evidence available for ascertaining the real
purpose underlying the use of certain amulets. which purpose hitherto has not been fully
understood, or about which soine confusion appears to exist. I have to thank the Keeper of
the Department of Egyptian and Assyrian Antiquities for permission to publish the texts
inscribed on soine of the Museum specimens.
P O S I T I ~OF
X AMULETS O N THE MUMMY

The only conspectus published is that of Petrie in his Anzulets (pp. 51, 52, and Pls. 1ff.),
but this does not go back earlier than the Twenty-first Dynasty. For positions in the Saite
period further evidence will be found in Barsanti and Maspero, Fouilles auteur de la pyranzide
d70u~2usi n Ann. S e w . , 1, 162, 263 ff., 267 ff., 269 ff., and Barsanti in Ann. Sera., 2 (1901),
102 ff., while for the Eighteenth Dynasty we now have the mummy of Tutcankhamcn, with
its wealth of splendid amulets found undisturbed, recorded by Carter in his second volume
on the tomb. The positions of the amulets upon the body of Tutcankhamcn agree in genera1
with those recorded from later periods, and an examination of the evidence from the sources
quoted above shows clearly that a definite canon of arrangement (admitting some variations)
was observed in the placing of amulets upon the mummy froin the Eighteenth Dynasty to
the Thirtieth, confusion only appearing in the Ptolemaic ancl Roman periods, when they
were scattered at random on the body.
THE HEART-SCARAB
This amulet, in the form of a large scarab, urually of a hard green stone,2 was in use from
the late 11Iicldle Kingclom until Roman times, and was apparently enclosed within the
bandages of the n ~ u m m yover the l ~ e a r t .The
~ base of the scarab is very often inscribed
with the text of Spell 30 B (occasionally 30 a) of the BooB of the Dead, the main object of
which vns to prevent the lieart from giving evidence against the deceased in the Judgement
before Osiris. The purpoFe of this text in its relation to the lieart is therefore clear; what,
l i o ~ ~ e v e is
r , by 110 means so clearly stated in btanclard Egyptological text-books is the
Printed in the Chro?ziqzied ' ~ ~ July~ ~ 1931.
t e , I t 13 a yrateful pleasure for the vriter to recall that, since
he himself n a s unable to be present a t the Semzne, his paper n a s read for him, s ~ t characteristic
h kindness,
by the late Dr. H. R. Hall. "enerally termed 'green basalt '.
So the rubric of Spell 04 of the Book of the Deatl seems to prescribe; nrchaeological e\ ~dence,llonever,
is meagre. I t certal~ilrclld not 'replace' the heart (supposed to ha\ e bee11 removed) a3 Inany of the older
books on E p j ptlarl ar~haeolopvxronglg state. The heart 11as reglilarly left In the bod!, attached to it5 large
T essels. See Elllot Smlth and Dsnson, Egyptian -Vurnmies, 146. The h~art-scarab mas solnetlineb impended
from the neck b j a xire (Carter, The Tomb of Tut.ankh.Ameiz, 11, 83, 1 2 ) ; Eudgc, The ^11111711/17/, 2nd ed.,
203), and also often mounted in a rectangular pectoral.
 ALAN W. SHORTER

significance of the heart-scarab itself. Why exactly was the scarab-form chosen as the
vehicle of this powerful spell ?
Dr. Gardiner, in The Tomb of Ameneml~gt(p. 112), states that the spells of the Book of the
Dead assigned to the amulets of the Dad, the Girdle-tie and the Heart-scarab, 'shorn clearly
enough that these [amulets] vere originally designed to replace or stimulate the functions
of the dead man's back, his blood and his heart respectively'.
That this idea of stimulating the dead organ again to life underlay the use of the heart-
scarab appears very likely indeed, if we consider the general significance of the scarab as
the symbol of self-created life and resmrection,l but there certainly existed another idea
side by side with this, which must have possessed equal importance for the Egyptian mind.
The key to this idea is to be found in the words of the invocation of the heart in Spell 30 B :
so'&--&bj-&, which is rendered by Dr. Gardiner, 0 my breast of my upgrowing,'
and, in a later publication, 0 my heart of nzy different ages (lit. nzy for~ns)!~
Eow Samuel Birch, in an important essay On Formulas relating to the Heart, which was
published in serial form during the years 1866 to 1870,4 took the view that the word bprw
was to be rendered 'transformations', the reference being to the various forms into vhich
the deceased believed he would be able to change himself, such as a falcon of gold, a lotus,
a bnw-bird, etc., described in Spells 76-88 of the Book of the Dead.5 The bpr-sign, i.e. the
scarab, therefore, as the verb 'to transform oneself', 'become', was naturally chosen, so
Birch contended, for the amulet which mas to bear the heart-spell, and I mould like to draw
the attention of students to this theory of the heart-scarab, and to urge its adoption. I n
view of the insistence throughout the Book of the Dead upon the deceased's power to
accomplish transformations, this translation of the word bprw would appear to be the
correct one! and the expression 'heart of my transformations' can then only mean 'heart
which wills or desires my transformations', an interpretation which is fully supported by
passages in Egyptian literature dealing vith the heart and its functions. I need here only
refer to the famous Memphite dramatic text which describes the creation of the Sun-god
Atiim first as a thought occurring in the heart of Ptah and then as a word finding utterance
upon his tongue.' From the heart (=mind) proceeded all the actions of the will which
resulted in the accomplishment of a deed. In the deceased's heart would occur first the
desire to make a certain transformation, and then the action of the will to accomplish it.
Thus the rubric of Spell 20 states that knowledge of the spell will enable the deceased to
make all transfornzations (bprw) according to the dictates of his heart (r didi ibj)f),s and similarly
the rubric of Spell 64 (short version) claims that he mill be able to make transformations
(bprw) into whatever his heart desires (m ntt ib.fl.9 Thus, in Spell 30 B, after saluting his heart
as the organ mhich he received together with his whole body from his mother at birth, he
goes on to address it as the source of the motive power to accomplish the god-like changes
of form which he desires in the life after death.1°
l See Hall, Catalogue of Egyptian Scarabs, ets., in the British Museum, I , xviii ; Budge, The Mummy, 2nd
ed., 278. Gardiner, op. cit., 113.
Gardiner, Egyptian Grammar, $269. z . A . ~ . , 4 (1866), 89 t o 8 (1870), 73.
Birch, however, seems to have been misled by variants of A or & for -- in the expression.Eb.i n bprw..E
t o conclude that, even in the original form of the text, the deceased nas expressing a wish not to 'undergo
any transmigrations in the future state, beyond those necessary to his passage through the Hades'.
This is apparently realized by Piankoff, Le Cmur dans les textes &gyptiens,81, 82.
Sethe, Dramutische Texte zu altaegyptischen Jfi72/sterienspielen, 50.
Budge, Book 0.f the Dead (Text, 1910), I , 118. Budge, op. cit., 199.
lo See the important variants given by Birch, op. cit., 8 (1870), 46, &?/?// v@& & bcm,
Q
whereby I accomplish (or one accomplishes) transformation, and h,ty (1n bprw 'heart rich in transformations'.
my heart
 NOTES ON SOME FUNERARY AMULETS 173

Sow the hieroglyph of the word 'to become', 'to come into existence', and also 'to be
transformed', is the scarab-beetle 8 , the symbol of the Sun-god as generative power, the
creature which appeared to come into existence out of nothing even as the Sun-god himself
came into being of himself alone ( h p r &f). I t f o l l o ~ ~therefore,
s, that in the case of an
amulet intended to protect the most important organ of the human body, the organ which
mas believed to be the source of all the creative action of man, the scarab-beetle would be
the obvious and natural form for it to take. I t only remains to add that the figures often
engraved upon the heart-scarab, of Osiris between Isis and Sephthys, or of the b?zzc-bird of
RE(, would seem to indicate the usual practice of identifying each part of the human body
with the corresponding part of a god. Thus the deceased's heart mould be thought of as
the ' still heart ' of Osiris, which was quicBened again to life, or as the heart of RFc,l the author
of the Universe, the heart from mhich the supreme creative impulse came forth.
JTe may now summarize tlle ideas underlying the use of the heart-scarab as follo~vs,
without insisting that any one is older than the others :
1. The scarab-beetle as symbol of the generative Sun-god, the principle of life out of
nothing. Intended to stimulate the dead heart once more to life.
2 . The scarab-beetle as the symbol of 'transformation', and the hieroglyph with which
that word was witten. Intended to assist the dead person's 'heart of his transforma-
tions' to accomplish the magical changes described in Spells 76-88.
3. Intended by virtue of Chapter ~ O B ,inscribed upon it, to prevent the heart from
weighing too heavy in the scales of Truth, and thus causing the deceased to be
condemned by Osiris.
THE TWOFINGERS
For some time past this amulet has been explained as the two fingers of Horus which
the latter extended to his father Osiris, in order to assist him to mount to the top of the
heavenly ladder.2 There seems to be, however, no evidence for such an interpretation of the
amulet, and the theory ~vouldappear to rest solely upon such a statement as $ 980 in the
Pyramid T e x t s where, at the end of the well-known passage about the ladder (nwT;t), it is
said of the deceased king: /lyn,m ~ = = - ~ [ l - ~ - f i [lwglN.springs q ~ pto tile
sky, to the twofingers of the god, the lord of tlze ladder. Rut the expression r dbctcy is used in the
Pyramid Texts with the meaning simply of ' t o the presence of ', 'to the side of ',3 and this
is quite lilrely its meaning here. Iloreover, even if the literal meaning were intended in this
passage, ~vhichis possible in view of the immediately preceding statement that every spirit
'opens his hand' to the king, the significance ~vouldrather be 'hand', two fingers standing
for a71 the finger^.^ Lastly, apart from all this, the connexion of the funerary amulet with
this passage is purely arbitrary, and is supported by no other indications.
Brit. Xus. 7876 actually has the bnut-bird and the aords ib 7~ R(ntry, ' thc heart of RE<the dirine' (Budge,
~lfumnzy, 2nded., 2!)5).The bnu'also appearsfrequently upon the heart-amulet which, likc the heart-scarab, is
enlployed as a vehicle of Spell 30 B. The bnw is further connected \vith Spell 2'3~.n hich relate5 to tbc
carnelian heart-amulet. In thls text the deceased excleims: I ctm the bnw, the sol11of RF(,tcho guides the gods
to the Z'nderzcorld (D?t),thus suggesting that tliebnwacts as a kind of $ u ~ o a o / ~ r d ahowill
s, enable the deceased's
soul, with which his heart is closely bound up, to reach the nest norld in safety, and will also enable it to
'come forth upon earth', as the text goes on to say. Sea also Birch in z.,J.S., 5 (l665), 16.
V . g . , Budge, op. c t f . , 325.
ITb. d. ctey. Spr., T, 563, and see Pyr. Texts, jiS465, 2180.
JTb. d. aeg. Spr.,v, S63 ; and Pyr. Tests. 5 1208. T s o fingers TT ould, in any case, be of little assistance to a
person climbing a ladder. IIoreover, the preposition Ir could not signify 'by means of', as linderstood by
Budge (ibid.).
174 ALAN W. SHORTER
Now on collecting the instances in which the position of this amulet upon mummies
has been recorded, we find that it is usually placed on the left side of the pelvis, near the
embalming incision in the left flank,l and I would tentatively suggest that we should see
in the amulet the fingers of the embalmer. I t is possible that it represents the two extended
fingers which niay well have been inserted through the fresh incision in order to work it
open sufficiently to enable the whole hand to enter and to begin the process of evisceration.
If any niythological connexions exist, as would be expected, we may perhaps suppose that
the fingers are those of Anubis, the embalmer of Osiris and so in theory of all the Osirianized
dead. I am fully aware that this explanation is hypothetical, but it has, at least, the support
of the canonical position assigned to the amulet upon the body.

THE NAME-BEAD
AND THE SERPENT-HEAD
(a) The Name-bead.
This amulet is so termed here for the sake of convenience, since it frequently bears
simply the name of the deceased person. The bead is usually made of carnelian ; it occurs in
the lists of objects for the dead figured on Middle Kingdom coffins, and is depicted as
worn upon the throat in the decoration of mummy-masks and anthropoid coffin^.^ In shape
the bead is of the barrel-type, or else the flattened type, and, as already said, very often
bears simply the name of the deceased, e.g., No. 507423 in the British Jluseum, made for Iy,
of the Eighteenth Dynasty, and 7838, a later example of blue glazed composition, inscribed
for. . .. o$$Q !)J&Ps~c.
c-) Sometimes, however, the bead is inscribed with the short text :
nAy&x. p p ~ - ~ < ~ ~ ~ ~ . ~ This may be rendered: Words spoken by Osiris AT.:
'Give light to Isis zcith (or as?) the brilliant one!' This short text occurs also on a carnelian
(b) Serpent-head amulet
from the Serapeum5 (after name and title of hpis): ddzf /iPn3-.A<t The
SZC

determinative of ~ h witht the eye in this example shows clearly that the epithet 'brilliant
one' is applied here, as regularly in Egyptian texts, to the Sun-god's eye.6 Now the uraeus
upon the god's forehead was identified with his eye, and was also called hence it would
be very natural that the amulet of the serpent-bead should be a representation of the
uraeus morn by the Sun-god, which is thus implored to lend its po~verfulprotection against
the dangerous serpents of the Underworld which are his enemies even more than the de-
c e a s e d ' ~ .The
~ deceased person is, for the purpose of the spell, identified with Isis, possibly
See Petrie, Amulets, 51 ; Barsanti in Ann. Serv., 2, 103; Barsanti and Alaspero, Fouilles autour de la
pyramide d'Ouans in ,4nn. Seru., 1, 162.
See Mace and Winlock, The Tomb of Senebtisi, 63. The authors give a valuable account of the bead.
The large carnelian barrel-bead found nit11 the mummy of Senebtisi was actually imitated in carnehan inlay
on the neck of the anthropoid cofin. Published by me in Lirerpool Annals, 17, 73 ff.
E.g., Keisner, Amz~lets(Cat. gCn. du LIIusCe du Caire), Nos. 12012, 12019.
IrIariette, Le Se'rape'um de ,Ilernl~his,P1. 11. A variant of the text, found on a carnelian 'name-bead',
appears on the same plate: dd mdu; (in) TlV8irH p : ~ @ ~ . - - ~ ~where I-, ( ; itj is~difficult to understand
the .s a t the end. A possible rendering, understanding shd n(.i), is: '&lay Isis give light to (me) with her
uraeus', from ~ ~ h i itc hmight perhaps be inferred that the other examples of the t e s t quoted above are to be
rendered: 'May Isis, as the uraeus, give light t o (me)'. But this alternative rendering does not alter the
general import of the text. See also Budge, JIummy, 2nd ed., 323.
iPb. d. aeg. Spr., I , 17. Op. cit., I , 10.
Budge states (02)cit., 323) that the spells engraved on serpent-head amulet,s are taken from Spells 34
and 35 of the Book of the Dead, which are spells against snake-bite, but I can find no example so inscribed.
 NOTES ON SOME FUNERARY AMULETS 175

in reminiscence of the protection afforded by RBc to Isis and Horus when they were living
in the papyrus swamps, when Th6th was sent to bring the infant Horus back to life after
he had been stung by a scorpion. The view that ~ h here t refers to the uraeus is confirmed
by the text carved on the Cairo specimen No. 5483:l dd m d w in W s i r A'. =j)ns g
=$&
3l+&&l--aQ : W o r d s spoken by Osiris N.: ' 0 thou zcho art on the forehead, I have brought
i t (?) to thee, ecen the Horus-eye in sound condition!', where there can be no doubt that it is the
uraeus which is referred to. h variant of this text, omitting reference to the uraeus, appears
on another example, Cairo 5846:l[' gz
]gz&&i==#&~y :?)Zj :I
have brought to

thee the sound eye of Horus which i s in Abydos, I hare brought it to thee!

Now the facts, that a text invoking the Sun-god's aid through his uraeus occurs on the
name-bead as well as on the serpent-head amulet, and that the ritual position of both
amulets is usually upon the t h r ~ a t suggest
,~ that the name-bead also was intended, at all
events sometimes, as a protection against the serpents of the Underworld. The throat
mas, no doubt, thought of as a part very liable to be bitten, especially when the body lay
extended inert in the tomb.
Other texts from snake-head amulets, of a fragmentary nature, are quoted by Budge (op.
cit., 323), to which may be added one from Brit. Mus. 26246 : m ~ " ~ ~ ( & q ~ $ ~
W o r d s spoken by Ra'mo'se: ' 0 Horus, mayest thou yice light to nze!'

Spell 158 of the Book of the Dead, devoted to the miniature collar with two falcon-
heads, does not appear till the 'Saite Recension'. This little amulet of late times is the
descendant of the full-size falcon-collar depicted in the Middle-Kingdom coffin paintings,
which, like the vulture and Horus collars, etc., became for funerary purposes a dummy
collar in sheet-gold, as on the mummy of Tutcankhamfin. This splendid ornament has
shrunk to the size of a small amulet, usually made of sheet-gold in Saite times and inscribed
v i t h Spell 1583 (as directed in the rubric), and of gilded wood4 or wax in the Graeco-Roman
period.
The text5 of Spell 158 may be rendered as f o l l o ~ ~ s :
Spell for a collar of gold fo be placed o n the neck of tlze deceased. Recitation by Osiris S.:

' 0 m y father! O m y brother! O nzy mofher Cnszcnfhe nze! Belzold nze! I a m one of the

unszc.athed ones zcho see Gbb!'

The magical function of this amulet from the Saite period onwards is thus shown clearly
by this chapter to have been the freeing of the dead person by Osiris, Isis, and Horus from
his mummy-wrappings so that he may live once more.

This is the Saite descendant of the Vulture collar of earlier times, depicted in the coffin
paintings of the Middle Kingdom, its history resembling that of the falcon-head collar
(see above) and the Horus-collar. But whereas the vulture collar and the amulet of the
Note, however, that in the former chapter the deceased identifies himself with the uraeus ((rcrt),as also with
the l j m ( m d d t ) , the sworn enemy of Apophis and other evil snakes. Hall considered that the serpent-
head amulet was originally a phallus, the form of a serpent being a later development.
Reisner, op. cit. Petrie, Amulets, 21, 2 6 ; Carter, T h e Tomb of Tut.ankh.Amen, 11, 117.
E.g., Maspero in A n n . Serv., 3 (1902), P1. ii, 1, 2.
E.g., Brit. Mus. 2236. Budge, Book of the Dead (1910),11,19.
I t is worth while to mention that in the version of this spell preserved in a Ptolemaic Book of the Dead
in the British Museum (KO.10558) the 'mother' invoked is not Isis, but the goddess Xenhyt.
176 ALAN W. SHORTER
standing vulture were certainly intended to represent the goddess Nekhebet (corresponding
to the collar and amulet of the uraeus-goddess Uto), the text of Spell 157 of the Book of
the Dead, which does not appear till the late period, shows that the little Saite amulet
portrays Isis in vulture-form. The text1 may be tentatively rendered as follows:
Isis has come, she has traversed the city, she has sought out the secret places of Horus
when he came forth from his swamps . . . . .. . . . , he has obtained protection, and there is
decreed to him the sovereignty of the nomes after he has waged a great battle . .. . . ;he
plants the fear of him, he creates the dread of him, his mother, the Great Lady, protects him
against those who attack Horzcs.
Thus the vulture appears to be Isis, who will protect the deceased even as she protected
her son Horus. Actual specimens2 of this amulet are usually made of sheet-gold in Sait8e
times, and inscribed with this spell, as the rubric thereof directs.

Reference should also be made to the passage in the opening section of the auto-
biography of (Ahmose son of Ibana, 4r.n.i bprwei m dmi n Nbb,3 and to the discussion
as to its exact meaning by S ~ h a f e r . The
~ meaning of the word bprw in this passage,
however, still remains most uncertain, and its bearing upon the expression in Spell 30 B
is therefore hypothetical. On the other hand, I think that the evidence adduced above
will show that the interpretation of the word bprw in Spell 30 B as 'transformations' was
in the mind of the users of the heart-scarab.
Budge, op. cit., 18. Maspero, op. cit., Pi. i, 5, 6.
Sethe, U r k , IV, 2. z.A.x.,5 2, 102. See, however, B. Gunn and A. H. Gardiner, Journal, 5,49.
 T H E VERB 'I'TO SAY' AND I T S DEVELOPMENTS
BY R. 0. FAULKNER

INZ.A.S., 64, 3 Sethe called attention to a verb g&

1 or 'to say' which occurred twice in
a text from the temple of Luxor, remarking that this verb had been observed already by
de Buck in Pyr., $5 282 ff., 911 ff., Z.A.S., 57, 103 and the Middle Kingdom version of
Chapter 99 of the Book of the Dead. Since that text was published other instances have
come to light, and the follo~vingverb-forms have been noted :
Infinitive. Q&- :$)2
4 i] /l 'Declamation by Isis. She says .. . . . . . .' Lamentations of
Isis and Nephthys, 2 , l ; similarly 3 , l ; 4 , l ; 5,3.9, in each case introducing a long utterance.
This text is of Ptolemaic date, but is written in an idiom approximating to Middle Egyp-
tian.1 The fact that this passage is a title or heading shows that the verb-form is the infinitive
followed by agential i n and not ddmainlf;one may compare the common 'recitation by'
such-and-such a divinity, e.g., Pyr., l a ff.
3 Q &2.-&J2.. .
'Utterance which he pronounces as a magic spell', Z.A.S., 59, 47*
1
(Sl, 26; J6 has the variant Q),introducing the said spell. Here the infinitive is purely
nominal in sense, with qualifying relative clause, the function being again that of a title or
heading. The later versions of the text have not understood this 9 P& 2 ~ -

and have
substituted ddahrj, thereby changing a heading into an instruction 'he shall say'.
I t is also probable that the word i 'utterance' which occurs in &=1/-97-A
&--kJ u 3\ 'they waft up this thy goodly utterance to Nehebkau', Pyr., 170Sc, is
nothing- but the infinitive of this verb used as a noun.2
old Perfective. ~ ~ , ~ ~ ~ - Q Q ~ ~ - - ~ '''0 ~ ~ ~ Q

mother of this P.," say I (i-ki), "give thy breast to this P. that t,his P. may suck at it"',
Pyr., 5 911b-c (Spruch 470), 1st sing. I n the parallel versions of M. and N. the speech is in
the 1st person (' 0 my mother', etc.), and the verb for 'says' is in the 3rd person with nomi-
nal subject ('says M.,N. '), the ddrn.n.f form being employed, see below under this heading.
With the use of the old perfective to introduce oratw recta compare 2y 'I said', Sin.,
B 45. 114.
The above passage continues with the reply of the goddess: k a4n&gE3 -
&fB9-?S--9-9I%-9-Z,PZh9bbEaTPPB-&kBS;$.%9-

' " 0 my son P.," says she (i.t(i)), "take to thee my breast that thou mayest suck it ", says

she, "that thou mayest live", says she, "whilst thou art little", says she. "Thou ascendest

to the sky as do falcons, thy plumes are those of birds", says she', Pyr., $5 912a-913b. The

position of the first instance of 10 in exact correspondence to that of i.ki in the preceding

sentence, between the vocative and the main speech, shows that this is indeed the old perfec-

tive 3rd fem. sing. of i and not a writing of ity 'king'. Yet(;) occurs again in an almost exactly

similar context in 5 1109b.

Further on in Spruch 470 Tve meet the old perfective 1st sing. again: 'Whither goes he?
Republished and translated by the present writer in Mdlanges Maspero, 1, 337 ff.

I owe this instance to Dr. de Buck, to whom I am also indebted for some valuable criticisms.

A a
178 R. 0. FAULKNER
" This P. goes to heaven for (?) all life and prosperity that this P. may see his father, that
this P. may see RE(," 9-9-9&A2~119-L4 say I, "(even) to the
4
high regions, to the Sethite regions "', $5 914c-915b. Here the verb has been left in the
1st person in error, the N.-version having more correctly 'says N.', using the @m.n.f.l
For other examples of the old perfective see Pyr., $5 282a ; 284a ; 285a ; 939~-b; 1021b ;
1362a, and various Middle-Egyptian instances, all quoted below, pp. 182-3, under d ; for
possible, but very doubtful, examples see Pyr., $5 1696-8, quoted below, p. 181, under c,

&Q4 !--a
with my remarks thereon.
sdmsnmf form. B-9 9 Q-~Q-H>3~~af - "' 0 my mother," says
N., "give me thy breast that I may suck it ", says N.', Pyr., $ 911b-c. The P.-text has the
old perfective i.ki, see above.
" ' 0 Bull of Offerings, bow thine horn and let N. pass"
Here the P.-text has the Sdmlf form 9 8 , see below.
44 4-a says N.', $ 914~-b.

'"Whither goest thou?" " N. goes to heaven that N. may see his father, that N. may
-!a
see RE<," 4 4 says N., "(even) to the high regions, to the Sethite regions" ', $8 914~-915b.
For the P.-version with the old perfective i - k ( i ) see above.
Seth in the form of a black pig has injured Horus. ' Thus spake (ddsin) RE<," The pig is
an abomination unto Horus." 13 4
9 1-JL Q--l-l040 "May he recover! " said they, the
gods', Z.A.S., 58, 19" (S 36-8).
9Q -El 1 ' S O says the god to him', Lacau, Textes re1.,2 IX, 5, at the end of a spell.3

Another possible instance of the ddrn.n.f form is ~ ~ , J q q ~ ~ ~ - - ~ 'The Two

Enneads have cried out at the knowledge of his name', Z.A.S., 57, 98,4 mTGre the variants
have the ddm.n.f of the rare verb ki ' to cry out '. This use of Q ' to say' quite
independently of oratio recta is, however, without any certain parallel,5 and Kees is doubtless
right when he says that is simply an error, though he is clearly unaware of the existence
of the verb in question.
~ d m -form.
f "' 0 Bull of offerings, bow thine horn and let this P. pass"
says this P.', Pyr., $ 914a-b. The N.-text has the Sdm.n.f form, see above.
Qe 'so says Neith', Z.A.S., 64,2; similarly with variant Q$Jibid., 3, the closing words
of each verse of an ancient song.
In addition to the verb-forms already discussed, it is possible that the imperative and
the relative form are to be found in Late-Egyptian texts, but these cases are very doubtful.

9@
Q$Jz
The possible imperative is QGAQ 'tell me', Pap. Mayer A, 4, 4. Here, however,
is probably an abbreviation or error for 9 33, the word usually employed in such con-
texts in the Tomb-Robberies Papyri. The relative form of Q is perhaps to be found in
'The King was sore displeased -~'&9a~~n at what she had said', d'orbiney, 16, 5 .
-
The theoretically correct Late-Egyptian form would be pl * Q$ J In,b ut the ending -[i n
might well be reproduced automatically from the common group Q&"-vn'so said she',
which will be discussed later. In this passage, however, Gardiner suggests the emendations
p3 9 /la or 4 without ~ 1 The . ~d'orbiney papyrus is too corrupt a text for this

It is abundantly clear that this Spruch once stood in the 1st person and that it was later changed to the
3rd, the editing, however, having been badly carried out. I t is this latter version which has actually been
cut on the pyramid walls. Hereinafter cited as Lacau.
Collated with de Buck's copy. I owe this reference to Jb.Fairman.
The other two possible cases of the independent use, from Late Egyptian, are also extremely doubtful,
see below. Late-Egyptian Stories, 26a.
 VERB 'I 'TO SAY' AND ITS DEVELOPMENTS 179

p3 in-s to be regarded as an example of the relative form without confirmation from more
reliable sources, and this is a t present lacking.
I t will be seen from the foregoing that the occurrences of ~!/a
' to say' noted by Sethe
in his above-mentioned article by no means exhaust the instances of this verb, and its
existence may be regarded as demonstrated beyond any doubt, for it is found in the infini-
tive, in the old perfective, and in two forms of the suffix-conjugation, without mentioning
the much more questionable imperative and relative form, and in texts varying in date from
the Old Kingdom to the Ptolemaic period. Before considering the developments to which
this will lead us, it will be of some interest to note that (1) the i d m . n j forms Q -- and 14
94 --, the d d m j form 41 and the infinitive 44
suggest that the verb is to be classed as
ultimae inJirmae and should be read in full as iw>ii; (2) the Pyr. examples with one excep-
tion (the P.-version of 5 914b) use the perfective forms dcjmqnj or old perfective, although
the time is relatively present, because the act of speech is complete and finished for ever at
the very moment of utterance,l while the P.-version of 914b, with its ddmf form, shows
the beginning of the use of S&njfor present time in general which has led in Middle Egyptian
to ddm.n.f being mainly confined to past narrative; (3) the verb may be used to introduce a
~ p e e c hmay
, ~ follow a speec11,~or may be interpolated at the end of each sentence t h e r e ~ f , ~
the independent use being in every case open to q ~ e s t i o n (4) ; ~ ' t o say to' some one is i r
(lit. perhaps 'to O! t o ~ a r d ' ) .This
~ point is of significance in connexion with the question
of the origin of the construction 4-777
'so say the gods', which is likewise followed by r
'to' some one instead of the more usual n, see below, p. 180, n. 4. I t should be noted,
however, that i X r.f may mean not only 'says X to him', but also 'says X concerning
him';' it is usually clear from the context which is meant.
The recognition of this verb i 'to say' raises questions as to the origin of certain m-ell-
known constructions used after a quoted speech to indicate the speaker, namely those of
the type 9 777 and Ljl-777 'so say the gods', frequent in both Old and Middle Egyp-
tian, and of the Late Egyptian 9 and Q & ~ 12 Q 'so said he'. The Berlin Dictionary
(Tt7b. d. aeg. Spr., I, 89) in 1926 apparently considered these idioms to be usages of a verb
i n ; Gardiner (Eg. Gramm., 5 436) in 1927 thought that and the like ,ere but shorten-
ings of cjd.in njrzc, etc., analogous to the well-known ellipse of the infinitive dd after the
preposition hr; Sethe, in the article quoted at the beginning of this paper, published in
1929, stated that the constructions in question were Scjn~.nlfforms of the verb but did q@
not go further into the matter, contenting himself with the assertion, and his view has
not been universally accepted, for Erman (xeuag. Gramnz., 2nd ed., 714) in 1933 still
believed & : and &LQI 2 to be descended from ddainlf.
Turning first of all to the older construction L771
and its variations, there emerges at
the outset a reason for doubting the derivation from dd.4n.f. _Inexamination of the Pyramid

Compare the use of idm.n.,f in ne di.n.(i) n.k ' I give to thee' and similar sentences in ritual texts and
scenes where likewise the act is completed simultaneously ~ ~ ithe t hspeech, cf. Gunn, Syntax, 69 ff. ; Gardiner,
Eg. Gramm., § 414, 5 .
Lamentations 2 , l and passim ; Z.A.S., 59,45*; Pyr., § 911b ( P . ) ,following the vocative but introducing
the main speech, compare $S 911b-c (P;.); 1109b, where i both introduces and closes the speech.
Pyr., $ 914b; Z.A.S., 58, 19*; 64, 2. 3 ; Lacau, IX, 5 ; cf. Pyr., $$ 9 l l b (X.);
~ ~ 1109b.
V y r . , $§ 912a-913b.
Z.A.S., 55, 9 8 ; Pap. ,%layer A, 4, 4 ; d'orbiizey, 16, 5 .
Pyr., $8 284a ; 913b (3.); probably also Lacau, L s s s m , 12; an example with 7~ instead of r in Cofln
~ 2 102
, (de Ruck).
Lacau, LXXZI, 17. 4 6 ; Budge, Book of the Dead (1898 ed.), Text, 169, 2, hereinafter cited as Budge.
180 R. 0. FAULKNER
Texts, which despite their comparatively late absolute date, are generally regarded as en-
shrining the oldest phase of the Egyptian language now preserved, shows that while the
construction in question is fairly common therein, the Sdm.in.fis exceedingly rare, the sole
examples being T n lI-, Pyr., $ 1197d and 1-, $ 1197e;l the earliest instances
of Sdm.in.fthat I have found outside the Pyr. are Urk., I, 3 8 , l l ; 39,2. 5 (reign of Sahur8~).~
I n view of the marked numerical preponderance in the Pyr. of the constructions with A
'says' over the Sdm4n.fform, there seems little doubt that the former has priority of date
over the latter, and indeed the question is raised whether the Sdm.infform may not really
be derived from the other. I propose to return to this matter later. A further argument
against the derivation of A'says' from the Scjrn.4n.fform is that the former, with but two
late exceptions, always follosvs the speech, whereas the latter invariably precedes it.
To substantiate the statement that 'says' is common in the Pyramid Texts, I have
collected the various usages found therein, adding some typical references to Middle Egyp-
tian examples of the same:
(a) A+nominal subject. ' "Behold he is come, behold he is come" 1 a 1
--,I
says
Zehpu ; " Behold the son of RE( is come, behold the son of RE(is come " 4FG&
says Zehpu ;
4
" I caused him to come, I caused him to come " -b says Horus', Pyr., § 1492a-c; QFzI
'says Zehpu' in same context, $5 1493a, b; 1494a, 3 ; 1495a, b, where the last speech has the
variants -4 Fz 'says Seth', $ 1 4 9 3 ~ ; A&J'says GZlb', § 14946; 4-% $ gfj$& 'say the
Souls of Heliopolis and the Souls of Pe', $ 1 4 9 5 ~ .For
0
~ the curious construction 9-93
\ \ \ ' say men' in the continuation in $ 1496a, see below under e.
9
'" Stand up, 0 W. ! " ! b says Horus ; " Sit dosvn, 0 TTT. ! " 4 & says Seth ', $4733.
'" He who should a r r i g comes " 77
say the gods', $ 1 1 6 z ; similarly, $11706.
"'Let him come, for he is pure" 4-&-/5i-oAaLu~Jl&/H says the priest of
RBC concerning P. to (?)* the doorkeeper of the sky', $1141~-b.
'"How happy are they who see, how pleased are they who behold!" says Isis',
$1472a; compare $5 476a; 939~2,b, quoted below under d.
' "Hai1,Lord of greenfields" P -.,n 7 says Hi',5 $700a (S.). The T.-version has Tn I ;
9 4
for this vriting of dn see gy,
var. 1, $ 422c and 95, 0
var. and A, $ 426a in obscure
contexts. I n the last instance in is perhaps the agent~alpreposition.
"-1
@ -4$&
! +--la
' "Welcome! "6 says Isis: "In peace! " says Nephthys', $ 1292a ;
similarly 5 2009c. Other examples are 5 1525 (first sentence), quoted below under d ; $ 2144a
(damaged context) and perhaps also $ 22123 (damaged context). Instances from Middle
Egyptian are Urk., v, 203, 10; 204, 3 ; Lacau, LXXIII,11-12.
It is highly improbable that the - of Pyr., $228b is i d m h f . The context is difficult, but from its
position between two ddm.nf sentences it seems likely that it is idm.n.furith the weak final radical indicated.
a The &,in hm.f of Vrk., I, 19, 13 is a restoration and is probably incorrect; elsewhere this inscription
uses &$rn;fwhere Sdrn.2n.f might have been expected.
47,
It is curious that the ~ ~ i t i n g with determinative, is confined to the speeches of Zehpu; neverthe-
less, i t is impossible to disoern any distinction in meaning or use between this and the 4- of the other
speeches.
Emend '
!
Lu ir iry-<I?Note that in the Pyr. 'says to' in this idiom is almost always in r, see
§§ 627a; 930d; 931a; 1525, all quoted below; an exception is 5 22126, which has n, but here damage to
the context introduces an element of uncertainty. I n 4 7 2 ~ - b ,where i n is found with bft, it is by no means
certain that this is the verb 'saps' a t all. I n Middle Egyptian the usage is also in r, see Gardiner, op. cit.,
$436, second and third examples.
A personified exclamation ? See W b . d. aeg. Spr., 11, 306, 2.
 VERB T 'TO SAP' AND ITS DEVELOPNENTS 181

I n later tests this construction very occasionally precedes the speech to which it
refers:
The draughtsinan Nebseni addresses Osiris: 'I give thee praise, 0 Lord of the Gods,
Unique One who lives on truth! (/FJg-&& Thus says thy son Horus, "I have collie
that I may greet thee " ', Budge, 452, 7-9. The context makes it clear that i n s ~ Hk r refers
to what follosl--a only and has nothing to do %with the preceding words of the deceased;
Kebseni employs this expression to indicate that he is no longer using his own words but is
about to quote the words of Horus.1
9 5x35 w (name and titles) 2L 'There speaks the Greatest of the Seers of the
Aten . . . . . . . he says . .. . . . .' Davies, Anzar~za,I, 8. There can be no question here of the
+
future construction in -/- noun @mf; i?ecertainly means 'says', 'speaks', and is resumed
a t the end of the intervening name and titles by 3d.f. A somewhat similar usage is found
in TT7ena?nzk, 2, 25-6, see below, p. 185.
(b) A+suffix (no noun in apposition). The Great Ennead speak '"Carry one who is
greater than thou" J_jl-z h k?--.;
say they to him', Pyr., 5 627a, ~ i t sTar. similarly
5 6276.
Tlle gods speak: ' " Our hearts were not glad until thou camest d o ~ ~ n "
g 1198~.
-
say they ',

The Ennead describe the deceased King: '"hfalconwhen he captures" 3-1 say they',
$162~.
A unique variant is found in '"Lift thee up" 4 J! 1- say they', 5 147l1.~
I n these instances the identity of the speakerzs sufficiently indicated in the preceding
context, so that a suffix is adequate after i n ; it is worthy of remark that all examples of
+
i n suffix in both Old and Middle Egyptian are confined to the 3rd plural or dual. Middle
Egyptian examples of i n + suffix without noun in apposition are Lacau, XXIII, 15, 17.
(c) Lfsuffix f noun in apposition thereto. "'We have seen something new"
Q-ji-qqqnx~& say they, the primeval gods', Pzjr., $304b.
4I_t$q-q-1-T7TTT77T7ll97T7T4T (/--Am
a o Q

'"Our brother
comes to us "3 say they, the Two Enneads, concerning Osiris &.I.,t he King (?) Osiris 31. ',
5 1696c-d; similarly $5 1697b; 1698 b, d, the latter examples having the variant 'concerning
thee, 0 King (?) dsiris M.' Here 4-
is not at all likely to be the verb 'to say', since in
$5 1683a, 1685b, 1686b, 1696b, 1699c 9 0 is almost certainly the vord for 'king'.* If, indeed,
(a be the verb ' t o say' in the passages under discussion, it will be the old perfective 3rd fern.
dual, the translation being then 'so say they, O Osiris $1.' in a kind of parenthetic aside, but
this seoms highly improbable. Another similar passage, but with ,!/ads omitted,
is "'He to whom wrong has been done by his brother Seth comes to us " 4-1 -7747
77444477479749 say they, the Two Enneads', 5 1699a-b.
/>,-~-P&W~.-~~1;-/0~-/-77l '"%'herewith shall we break his egg?"5
say they, the gods ', 1967.
By so doing he doubtless identifies himself with the god, so that in an indirect way they are his own
words, though given as a quotation.
The same writing is used for the agential preposition $72 'by' in § 151 a-c.
Read iy n.n inm.
I n the f i s t two instances 'my father' is also a possible rendering.
Emending kd.n q0HA q
z
or with de Buck. An alternative is to read ir(y) Szc!tl.f 'that which appertains
to his egg' and to translate as 'egg-shell'.
182 R. 0. FAULKNER
Middle-Egyptian instances are Lacnu, VI, 1 ; xrx, 33 ; XXIII,29; LXXXI, 39 ; an instance
4
with t,he dual suffix is --./ i ~ c o ~ - &' say they, the Two Enneads, to me', ibid., XIX,2 3 4 .

.,;U."
n

(d) Constructions of the type Al/--.Aqqq 'say they, namely the gods'. Here the
second A (= 'namely') is probably agential in sense, the usage being closely analogous to
that of Gardiner, Eg. Gramm., fi 227, 5, first example. 4, similar idiom is found in Late
Egyptian in the forms QaEh X and 9$Jz--X 'so said he, namely X', see below,
p. 185.
'"How happy are they who see, how pleased are they who behold!" k1--.A474 say
they, namely the gods', Pyr., fi 476n.
jgs{pA+jWAjl++-
n mxn
9 ~~~Q~~~"Come,mychild",1says~4tiim;"Cometous",
say they, namely the gods, tythee, 0 Osiris', 5 1525.
'"Our elder brother comes, the first-begotten of his father, the first-born of his mother"
Al/ say they, namely the gods', fi 1526a-b.
"'How has this happened to thee?" 9-/1--La4-'3$&3&yjl< say
they to X., namely the spirits whose inoutlis are equipped', 5 931a-b; similarly, but in
obscure context, fi 930d-e.
An exactly similar construction is found sr-ith the old perfective of the verb Q$J.The
following instances have been noted:
3rdfem. sing. ' " H o s ~happy are they svho see!" 409
--jsays she, namely Isis ; "HOW
pleased are they who behold!" Qa!--Esays she, namely Nephthys', fi939a4, with var.
QA;compare fi 476a, quoted above.
--~-QP-~--~o~]~~~$~Q~Q--.~ "'Greeting!"2 says she, namely Isis; "Go in
peace!" says she, namely Nephthys', fi 1362a.
"'I enfold thee" 3
09-
94,
oa says she, namely the beautiful West, to W.'
5 284a, with var.
.:4
My son P. has come in peace" gnQA(sL.
6 '6
says she, namely Nut ', fi 1021b.
3rd masc. sing. "'He (scil. the King) has opened the earth through his linowledge on the
day when he desired to come thence" 9 19++-%/1~0>8-&& says he, namely the Great
Cultivator who dwells in the Ketherworlcl', fifi 281b-282n.
'"Go, row thou to the Field of Offerings; proceed thou by boat3 to him -who is on his
Fjt-plant " 9 19---mnE92 says he, namely Hnty-mnitj', $$284b-285a.
Both of these passages are from the same Spruch as $ 284a, quoted just above, which
exhibits the 3rdfem. sing.; in fact the last example follows directly thereon, so that there
is little doubt as to the interpretation of this 414--.4 Undoubted instances of both masc.
and fern. old perfective from Middle-Egyptian texts will be found immediately following.
-4 good Middle-Egyptian instance of the old perfective 3rd fen?. sing. is "'Behold, I
hare brought to thee everything complete and united from the regions" 9nQ--.y-!y
says she, namely thy mother Isis', Z.*d'.S., 57, 103, here the parallels have the significant
Reading nnwi ; i t seems impossible to regard this as a writing of the dative n4, although that is what
4
the second speech would lead us to expect. For the rare use of as an imperative cf. Gardiner, op. cif.,
§ 336 (p. 257). That this is indeed an imperative and not idmf is shown by the absence of subject after
--.
jwm 4
and by the ir.k 'to thee'. I n the following quotation, on the other hand, is clearly idmy, since here
the gods are stating the result of their invitation; note also the absence of ir.k.
IVb. d , aeg. Spr., IS, 203, 8. "i_tk hpt.
For this writing cf. also Co8n B ~ C 2, 31, see below. The references of this type are to the Middle King-
dom coffins shortly to be published by de Buck in his forthcoming edition of the Coffin Texts.
 VERB T 'TO SAY' AND ITS DEVELOPMENTS
variant 4a0; this is decisive against Kees's rendering '" 0 King ",says thy mother Isis '.

Other instances from Middle Egyptian are Lacau, XVII,34;l LXXII,30;2 Cofin, ~ 2 ,
The 3rd fem. and masc. sing. are found in exact parallelism in ' " Tell my name " 4 0 9-

- -
wj]n) says she, namely the mooring-post ', CoJ4i.n slOc, 334, beside
'says he, namely the mast ', i b i ~ l . var.
,~ 44
I -, Cofin, B ~ C231.
,
499 ?:&
.-.
Similarly from Chapter 39
-

of the Book of the Dead we have masc. 4 .f$y$ and 9 9 9-kJ.?+,

Naville, Katseshni,
xxx, 18 and fem. fiAQf;Lt$
szc
ibid., 19 ; 9% Azz$
SZC
ibid., 20; more correctly a-
:=$ ibid., 21 .j I t is now possible, in the light of the foregoing, to identify the 3rd rnasc.
sing. and plur. of the old perfective in other texts:
3rd masc. sing. "'He celebrates his monthly festival in his hour together tvith those
who are in linen, and he has beheld with his (own) eyes " 4 4 [M".IZ~ 8
&% 0
says he, namely he who is on the great throne, concerning me. End.' Lacau, LXXXI,44-6
(emended according to de Buck's copy).
From the Book of the Dead sve have 37) 4 o & ~ =-=& rn ~ ~ 'says ~ he, J namely
SZC

he who is high on his db,, concerning me', Budge, 169, 1-2, in parallelism mith .$,,Et
80s 'says he, Ruty, concerning me', ibid., 169, 3, the actual speech preceding in both
cases.
3rd nzasc. plur. ' "Here comes the god \711om the Red Crown bare " 991-
+$$ jn
a i I 1-3 say they, namely those who are in (my?) train, concerning me ', Lacau, LXXXI,

16-17.
I n these last three passages the infinitive +
agential in and the s'dm.i?zj form are both
excluded. since dfi follows the speeches! whereas these verb-forms would precede them;
there remains only the old perfective +
i n 'namely ', of ~ ~ h i indubitable
ch examples have
already been quoted. Other instances, where, however, the difficulty of the contexts intro-
duces an element of doubt, are Lacau, XVII,19; LXXXIII,7, 12.
(e) An isolated and obscure construction with A '
'says' is '"Hail, 0 RE<!" ,-q n

9 =I I I say men', Pgr., fi 1496a : mith 2,

instead of ;2L $$1497a ;149Sa. This may possibly
B

be analysed into in 'says' -/- participle-subject +

noun in apposition, lit. 'say they FX-ho
speak, (namely) men'.' I am inclined to suspect in this apparently tautologous introduction
of the verb dd the first stage in the development of the Late-Egyptian idiom $ J ~ Qi 4 2,
lit. 'so said he, speaking', see below, p. 185.
Middle Egyptian does not differ from Old Egyptian in its use of i n 'says', and references
for the various usages have already been given, so that this stage of the language does not

Collated with de Buck's copy.

"eading <a XYm Kith de Buck. I owe this reference to de Buck.
* Middle Kingdom version of Chapter 99 of the Book of the Dead. With other masculine parts of the
ship 4a 1- 4
has been replaced in this coffin by simple w 'says'.
I owe these references to de Buck, who points out that this source yields a better text of Chapter 39
than that published in Budge.
The first example is absolutely unequivocal on this point, since the passage ends with the punctuation
mark d.
, a letter to me, differs entirely from my interpretation of this passage. He thinks
De Buck, h o ~ e r e rin
that we have here the interrog. particle + .
@m.f 'do men say, i.e. think (wrongly) t h a t . . ? ' The objec-
tion to this is the prothetic $ in Add, which in the idmy would be unlikely to occur except with a suffix.
Since the imperatile is out of the question, the probabilities are that idd is a participle, in which case the
preceding in can only be the verb of which it is subject.
184 R. 0. FAULKNER
call for special treatment, but in Late Egyptian the idiom assumes a fresh aspect. From
the link between Middle and Late Egyptian, the Amarna texts, evidence is entirely lacking,
apart from the passage from Davies, Amama, I, 8, quoted above, p. 181, for in the hymns
based on the formula 4,,gz.
. . .. 4-X, e.g., Davies, op. cit., I, 38 ;11,4,5,21, tn is certainly
to be understood as the agential 'by', compare the common formula 'Adoration of such-
and-such a god in by so-and-so', e.g., Budge, 1, 4 ; 3, 14; 6, 14.
Late Egyptian uses i n 'says' in a manner somewhat different from the older stages of
the language, inasmuch as a pronominal dative of the person addressed is usually, though
not invariably, appended, and hr dd 'speaking' is often added as well. Further, while in
the older language in generally has the nominal subject expressed in one way or another
(see a, c, d, e, above), and the pronominal subject without further addition (b above) is
comparatively rare, the reverse holds good of Late Egyptian, the indication of the nominal
subject (always with m or n 'namely', see below) being in the minority. I t should also be
observed that in Late-Egyptian texts i n is invariably written Qa-, with determinative.
Yet another point of difference between Old and Middle Egyptian on the one hand, and
Late Egyptian on the other, is that in the former only the suffixes 3rd plural or dual are
found with A, whereas in Late Egyptian is found with suffixes of all persons,
singular and plural, with the exception of the 2nd fern. sing. The various usages of 9a*-.
which have been noted are as fo1lows:l
(1) Without following dative.
1st sing. 'so said 1', Pap. Brit. Mus. 10052, 6, 10 = Peet, Great Tomb-Robberie~,~
P1. 29 ; ibid., 12, 9 = Peet, P1. 32.
2nd masc. sing. 4 'so sayest thou', Spiegelberg, Coruespondan,ces,17 (1. 4) ;39 (1.7)'
65 (1. 12).
3rd masc. sing. Q az 'so said he', Abbott, rt., 5, 18 = Peet, P1. 3 ; ibid., 6, 20 = Peet,
P1. 4 ; Pap. Brit. Mus. 10052, 6, 20 = Peet, P1. 29; Pap. Brit. Mus. 10403, 1, 9 = Peet,
P1. 36. Note the adverbial adjunct in 9 chga~ 'so said he in his heart ', d'orbiney,
13, 6.
4
2nd plur. GI% (sic) 'so say ye', Spiegelberg, op. cit., 47 (1. 3).3
(2) With following dative.
1st sing. Q ' SO said I to her ', Horus and Seth, 7, 9-10. 11 ; similarly WenamBn,
2,5. 37 ; Pap. Mayer B, 1 ; Pap. Brit. Mus. 10052,13,6 = Peet, P1. 33 ;Berlin 20377 (apud
Erman, op. cit., 5 714, end).
3rd masc. sing. 'so said he to me', Horus and Seth, 15, 8 ; similarly Wenamtin,
1, x+22; Pap. Mayer B, 5.9 ; Spiegelberg, op. cit., 33 (1. 7) ; Pap. Brit. Mus. 10052,4,10 =
Peet, P1. 27.
3rd fem. sing. -
4fiwy 'so said she to me', Horus and Seth, 7, 8 ; similarly Pap. Brit.
Xus. 10052, 1, 10 = Peet, PI. 25; ibid., 10, 9 = Peet, P1. 31.
1st plur. QaI";",,
CNnnmnh
'SO said we to him', Pap. Mayer B, 6.

3rd plur. 4$j,clz 'SO said they to him', Pap. Brit. Mus. 10052,10, 7 = Peet, P1. 31 ;
similarly ibid., 13, 4 = Peet, PI. 33 ; Pap. Bologna I I , 24 (apud Erman, op. cit., $ 714, end).
The speech precedes in all cases, with the exception of WenamCn 2, 25-6.
Hereinafter cited as Peet.
Kot quite certain, owing to defective context. Reading confirmed by Peet, but b d n is doubtless
intended.
 VERB '
I 'TO SAY' AND ITS DEVELOPMENTS 185

(3) With following hr dd but without dative.

2nd rnasc. sing. QaEEn912

'so retortest thou' (lit. 'so sayest thou again, speak-
ing'), Anastasi 1, 18, 4.

+
(4) With following hr &Idative.

1st (fern.) sing. Q$jy 2 oI 'so said I to him ', d'orbiney, 5, 3.

- '"'-0
7
3rd rnasc. sing. Q $ j z o ~ -In ' so said he to her', ibid., 3, 5 ; similarly 5, 2.

3rd fern. sing.

Truth, 6, 1.
Pazbn~~>E 'SO said she to him', ibid., 16, 5 ; similarly Blinding of

The preposition hr is sometimes omitted: ]$JL'-E, 'so said he to him', d'orbiney,

2, 4 ; similarly Abbott, rt., 5, 16 = Peet, P1. 3.

(5) Indication of the speaker by m or n 'namely'.

(a) With m but without hr dd:
~ f i ~ 'SO~said~he to&her, namely
~ @the Vizier', Mes, N 15.
4$JLcl1--, h V & \ , s &-?, 'so said he to them, namely this prince of Wo', Abbott,
rt., 6, 14 = Peet, P1. 3.
(b) With m+(&r) dd:
P
PPZ&Y& ~-M5QiibM5\,~!?Ii[~l&(~)~-^$Q~~~Y a m - ~ n
z& 'so said he, namely the son of Pniifer this workman, to the herdsman Ihumeh', Pap.
P1.
Brit. Mus. 10052, 8, 10-11 = Peet, 30.
(c) With n :
[PQIk@PP~+-92+~$4~+944$~~L-h$&Y~PQF+P&'
'Assuredly he spake thus, namely ,4men-RE(, King of t'he gods, saying to Herihor my lord
"Send me" ',I Wenamdn, 2,25-6. The usage of in here is different from any other example
from Late Egyptian known to me in that it serves to introduce the speech of the god, the
construction being not unlike that from Davies, Amarna, I, 8 quoted above, p. 181, though
here we have the infinitive dd instead of the 5dm.f form ddf.
I t will not be out of place here to make a suggestion as to the origin of this m or n
'namely'. The older view was that this word was but a late phonetic writing of the preposi-
tion A,2but Gardiner, when discussing the matter verbally some while ago, was disposed
to regard it as a usage of the m of equivalence, an opinion which has the greater apparent
probability. Inview, however, of the earlyconstructions of the type --.Aqqq 'say they,
namely the gods' discussed previously in this paper, it seems likely that Erman's view is,
after all, the correct one, and that the Late Egyptian nz or n 'namely' is but a disguised
form of the agential in. Xevertheless, it is possible that there has been some coalescence
with the m of equivalence, for it is noticeable that the writing for 'namely' is apparently
unknown to Late Egyptian in this formula.
A curious aspect of the Late-Egyptian usages of in 'says', 'said' is the tendency to
append a tautologous (hr) dd, the full expression reading literally 'so said he, speaking'.
'Rle' refers to Wenamfin himself, who in quoting the words of Amen-RE<has confused his pronouns;

what the god would really have said would have been 'Send him'.

a Most recently, Erman, op. cit., $502.

sb

 R. 0.FAULKNER

It has been seen that as far back as the Pyr. we find i n and dd in association in the passages
Pyr., $$ 1496-8, where the participle (i)dd seems quite unnecessary to the sense, although
in Davies, op. cit., I, 8 dd has a definite function to fulfil; compare also the association of
9a and dd in Z.A.S., 59,47*; Lamentations, 2 , l and passim, see above, p. 177. I t is possible
that a feeling may have arisen that it was desirable to reinforce in 'said' by the better-
known and less ambiguous dd, so that (hr) dd came to be appended to i n j , etc., even when
the context did not require it.
Having now examined the constructions of the type i n nirzo 'so say the gods' and their
later descendant i n j (hr @) 'so said he' in some detail, we turn to the question of the origin
of these idioms. Of the three views which have been held in regard to this matter (see
above, pp. 179-80)) we have already seen reasons for rejecting that which would see in them
but shortenings of ddeinj. Of the remaining alternatives, that which would consider these
idioms as usages of a verb i n and that which would derive them from 9a,
the probabilities
are altogether in favour of the last, for the following reasons:
(1) KO verb of speaking in is otherwise known, and it seems unnecessary to postulate
such a verb when a derivation lies ready to hand in 4a.
4
(2) Both 4 and & in the older language are constructed withr and the person addressec1.l
(3) A ;a the old perfective of & are exactly parallel in use in 1m i q q q 'say
9
they, namely the gods', beside !j n i x 'says she, namely X', with the var. !a
n i , and

4
its masculine counterpart F A ,var. 4 #JA.
4 94 4
(4) The Sdm-njforms Q ij --2 and +-,3 as well as the Sdmf forms & ,* C,j and Q $jj ,6
follow the speech exactly as does A and perform the same function.
(5) The Late-Egyptian writing Q&z with the n following the determinative suggests
the ddnz.n.f form of 9a.
I n view of these considerations it is impossible to avoid the conclusion that in 'says',
'said ' in the construction 4
and the associated idioms and in & ~ ( Q I is indeed 2)
derived from 93 ' t o say' and that in fact it is simply the i d m . n j form of that verb specia-
lized for use after a quoted speech, the choice of this particular verb-form being due to the
considerations put forward on p. 179 under (2). The only thing which might be urged
against this view is the writing 4 F o f Pyr., $8 1492-5, but an isolated variant of this nature
cannot weigh against the evidence in its favour adduced above, and indeed the position of
the determinative after the n may be due to purely graphic considerations, though it is not
clear why in this case alone, of all the innumerable examples of in prior to Late Egyptian,
it was found desirable to add a determinative a t all.
It is now necessary to discuss the relationship of the ddm.in.f form to i.n 'says'. The
most generally current view of the origin of the ddrneinf form is that it is derived from
a passive participle+agential in+suffix or noun-subject, literally 'heard by him', but
there are certain objections to this theory. In the first place, while i n 'by' is used to
indicate the agent when the latter is a noun, the independent pronouns are substituted
when it is a pronoun, i n j 'by him', etc., never occurring; secondly, as Gardiner has
pointed out,7 while the ddm.4n.f and dpnz.hr.f forms might conceivably be developed in this
way from the agential prepositions in and br, this explanation cannot apply to the closely
* For the rery rare cases of n after A, see p. 180, n. 4. I n Late Egyptian, hovever, n is regular after in,
9
doubtless under the influence of the usage with &. After $jj n is found once only, cf. p. 179, n. 6.
a Pyr., 3 914b. Z.A.S., 58, 19"; LWU,IX, 5 .
PYY., 914b. ".d.S., 64, 2. Ibid., 3. Eg. Gramm., $ 427.
 VERB 'I 'TO SAY' AND ITS DEVELOPMENTS 187

related Sdm.k,.f form, there being no preposition 73. I t is possible, therefore, that the
Sdm4n.f and Sdm.hr.f forms may not have been directly derived from the corresponding
prepositions and that it may be necessary to seek their origin in a different direction. Ko~v
in 1924 Lexa published an article in Philologicu, 2, 25 ff., in which he criticized the accepted
view with regard to these verb-forms and suggested that, e.g., the Sdm.inlf consisted of a
verb of speaking in appended to the original verb-stem, the form thus meaning in origin
' '' hearingH-cries-he' or the 1ike.l On the face of it, this hypothesis appears highly im-
probable, and it is not supported by the fact that many of the examples of this supposed
verb i n quoted by him are susceptible of very different explanation^.^ Severtheless, Gardi-
ner points out in the Additions and Corrections to his Egyptian Granzn~ar,~ sub coce p. 344,
$427; p. 347, $436, that Lexa's general contention has recently received unexpected support
from the evidence published in an article by A. TT7aley and C. H. Armbruster, entitled The
verb 'to say' as an auxiliary i n Africa and China, in the Bulletin of the School of Oriental
Studies, London Institution, 7, 573 ff., though he considers the existence of a verb i n 'to
cry', to be problematical. From this a~ticleit appears that in early Chinese, for example,
a passage reading literally 'the duke says he bestows a goblet' means simply 'the duke
bestows a goblet '. Similarly, in Nubian, ' sleep well! ' is literally ' "good "-saying-sleep '.
The reader is referred to the article in question for details, but it is to be remarked that the
auxiliary verbs of saying in Xubian, namely i and 6n, inevitably calI to mind the and
9 discussed in the present paper. TT7hether there is any real relationship between the
Nnwn

Nubian and the Egyptian words is perhaps doubtful, but the coincidence is at least worthy
of note.
Yet another objection to the derivation of Sdm.in.f from the agential preposition is that
while in the Pyr. ddnz.hrf does not appear at all and $dm-inf is, as we have seen, very ram,
Sdrn.k~.fis not uncommon, and is therefore presumably the oldest of the three forms, prob-
ably being the model on which the other t ~ were o constructed. But this is just the one
form of the three which quite definitely tloes not contain a preposition, rrhich again suggests
that neither do the other two. In view of the remarkable facts demonstrated by FValey
and Armbruster, there seems to be no radical objection to deriving the Sdm.k~.fform from
the verb 7i, ' t o devise', 'plan', so that in origin it would mean '"hearingn-plans-he'; this
hypothesis accords admirably with its known uses of expressing a future consequence or
determination or an injunction, 'he shall hear'.4 Turning to the Sdrnainf form, we see that
Lexa was in all probability right when he derived this verb-form from an auxiliary verb of
speaking appended to the verb-stem, giving the primitive sense of ' "hearing "-says-he ', it
having developed along the same lines as those suggested above for the Sdmk1.f form. I n
my view, holyever, the auxiliary 'says' is not a separate verb in otherwise u n k n o ~ ~ but n,
the specialized i.n discussed above, which in its turn is simply the dcJm.n.f form of
This theory is supported as against the view of the origin of d&?~.in.fgenerallycurrent by the
$a.
fact that i.n 'says' does occur with suffixes, whereas in ' b y ' does not. 4 similar explanation
may now be applied to the ddm-l~rfform. Gardiner, Eg. Gm??zm.,p. xxviii, quotes some
passages supplied by de Buck from the Coffin Texts, in which a word zda,
var. 51,
Lexa explained the i&m.hrgand &Im.bj forms on similar lines, and in fact attained much the same
results as set out below, though on scanty evidence.
Of these examples, that of Pyr., $ 583a is but the agential prepmition in 9 A& 'words spoken by
Horus', similarly § l c ; Crk., IV,220,16, while in Pyr., § 1 7 0 9 ~ Urirk.,
; n', 215, 13 we have the future construc-
tion in+noun+i&nf.
A. H. Gardiner and M. Gauthier-Laurent, Supplement to Gardiner's Egyptian Grammar, pp. 13-14.
Garcliner, Eg. Gramm., $434.
188 R. 0.FAULKNER
'says'' appears in constructions exactly parallel to those with 4,- 'says'. It seems clear that
we have here the verb which has entered into the development of the ddmebr-f form, this in
its turn having also the basic meaning '"hearingM-says-he'. There is a t least nothing in
the known uses of ddmein-f and ddm-hrjwhich is inconsistent with the proposed etymologies.
It is highly probable, therefore, that the forms ddmekl-f, ddmqinj, and Scjm-hr-fcame into
use in that historical order, and that they have had parallel histories, each arising from the
addition of an auxiliary verb to the parent stem, which may have taken the form of either
an infinitive or a perfective active participle, more probably perhaps the latterS2I t must
be admitted that the existence of 'thou shalt say',3 also following speech, is a
difficulty, since k3 in itself does not mean 'to say'. It is possible that we have here a genuine
ellipse of cjd, but it seems more likely that this construction means literally '(such-and-such
words) thou plannest', the nuance of speech being imposed by the context. The fact that
this construction is invariably future supports the latter contention, since an action which
is in the future relatively to a given moment of time can at that given moment only be
intended or planned, since it has not yet been performed. If this explanation be true, then
k3 in the sense of 'shall say' falls neatly into line with 4.n and br 'says'.
Nothing that has been said above, honrever, can apply to the Sdm-njform. There seems
to be no doubt that this has indeed been formed by the addition of a datival preposition to
the perfective passive participle. The regular use of the Sdm.nj and its extended form izu
ddm.nj as the equivalents of a perfect tense is sufficient evidence of this, when it is recalled
that in Egyptian the preposition n can express possession, so that me get the equations
< I'
heard "-is-to-him ' = ' "heard "-is-his ' = ' he-has-" heard " '.
Finally, it may perhaps be permitted to speculate upon the origin of the preposition
and particle in. In his article Two employnzents of the independent pronozcns in Journal,
20, 13 ff., Gardiner has demonstrated afresh that the i n of the 'participial statement' and
the future construction in+noun+ddm-f on the one hand and the agential i n 'by' on the
other, are really identical, since both are replaced by the independent pronouns when the
semantic subject is pronominal. He further points out that a similar phenomenon is found
in Old Egyptian in the non-verbal sentence with nominal predicate, in sometimes preceding
the noun-subject: whereas the independent pronouns are regular when the subject is pro-
nominal, this almost defunct usage of in being the base of the constructions with i n t p a r t i -
ciple or ddmj. I n the case of the sentence with nominal predicate Gardiner agrees with
Sethe in supposing that in is a mere particle of asseveration, a comment which must there-
fore ultimately hold good of the more developed uses of this word. But asseveration that
some one has said something is just the function of i.n 'says'. Is there not a possibility that
i n the particle and preposition may be a derivative of i - n 'says' and that they have therefore

Clearly connected with hrw 'voice', but probably not identical therewith as Gardiner suggests. This
8 1 'says' is much more likely to be verbal, for the reason that not only does its context demand a verb
rather than a noun-ompare the undoubtedly verbal A studied her-but
0
it also lacks the nominal ending
w in the instances quoted by Gardiner, though the noun nearly always shows it. I see no reason why hr(w).fy
may not also be verbal; the derivation from 'he says' is just as likely, in view of the above, as from 'his voice',
and thew is absent here also. I n neither case does any explanation of the ending y in fy offer itself. It seems
quite clear that this 21 and the of Gardiner, op. cit., $ 4 3 6 are as identical in origin as they are in
use.
a The objection to the infinitive is that with weak verbs with fem. infinitives one would expect
to find forms like *E
4
:: and with geminating verbs forms like *sJL, which in fact do not
occur.
Gardiner, op. cit., $ 4 3 6 . * Gardiner quotes Pyr., 5 137Oa as a case in point.
 VERB Z1T 'TO SAY' AND ITS DEVELOPMENTS 189

a common ancestor in 44 'to say '?l It is true that the two are quite separate and distinct
words in the earliest surviving texts, so that the differentiation must have taken place a t
a very early date, but that in itself is not a valid o b j e c t i ~ n .I~f this suggestion contain a
grain of truth, it follows that the independent pronouns of the ntf paradigm must also be
remotely related to
y"31-,4
l)a,since both their known uses and the early writings 9 y 1 m , 3
prove that they contain the particle-preposition in. Further than that it is not
possible to go, since the t-element in these words has so far eluded satisfactory explanation,
while 2 and its agential variant s h a v e special difficulties of their own.5 I t is a temptation
to bring the interrogative in into the same category and to derive it also from i.n ' says '
and thus ultimately from Qa,b ut I must confess that I fail to see how this could come
about, asseveration and inquiry being mutually incompatible.6 Some confirmation of the
view that the particle and preposition 4,- is derived from 'says' (and is therefore distantly
related to the Sijm.inj, though not its actual formative element) is to be found in the fact
that the Sdrn-kllf form has likewise its counterpart in the particle k3, which is certainly
derived from the verb 1c3 'to plan'. At first sight one is tempted to suggest a similar deriva-
tion of the preposition and particle br from the verb br 'to say' which enters into the Sd.rrz.lzrj
form, but in this case the early writings of the particle with the determinative suggest
a very different origin. It seems likely, indeed, that the preposition and the particle are to
be dissociated in this case. The preposition, which can have agential force, even as in, is not
improbably descended from the verb br 'says' just as in 'by' appears to descend from 4.n
'says', but the particle, judging from the early writing !Ern,seems to be connected
with the verb ' t o fall'. This distinction between the t ~ words ~ o llr, the preposition and the
particle, apparently gradually disappeared in Middle Egyptian, the particle losing its
determinative and becoming outwardly indistinguishable from the other. In the construc-
tion br.f Sdmf we have unquestionably the verb br ' says' which enters into s'drn.lzrj, as the
corresponding construction k~j d d m j shows. I n fact, in these two later idioms, b r j ddmj
and k3.f ddvzj, 1%-ehave the verbs of 'saying' and 'planning' functioning once again as
auxiliaries and thus affording valuable confirmation of the theory as to the origin of the
Sdm-brjand ddrn.li3-f adhered to in this paper.'
In conclusion, it will be desirable to sum up the results of this lengthy discussion as follows :
(1) The verb 4a 'to say' proves unexpectedly common.
That i.n 'says' is not itself a particle is abundantly demonstrated above, see especially d, pp. 182-3,
where it interchanges with the old perfective of 4a and therefore must be verbal.
It should be noted that the writing 5 of the particle and preposition in (e.g., LTrk.,I, l76,6; 190, 10;
CrE., IT, 245, 13), a hich also occurs in writings of the idm4njform (e.g., Crk., IV, 255, Il), cannot be claimed
as confirmation of this hypothesis, since 2 in this group is not a determinative of speaking but simply a
phonogram for in, see Gardiner, op. cit., Sign-List, A 27. His view is confirmed by the writing 93 for in
(e.g., Crk., I, 33,7 ; Urk., IT, 754, l), which sho~vsthat the n is inherent in 3, and by the fact that in the
3
Northampton Stela. is enigmatic for ini 'bring'. Pyr., 8 711b. Pyr., § 1650b.
See the article by Gardiner referred to above. The ending E in this pronoun is also a puzzle ;it can hardly
be connected with the ending kwi of the old perfective 1st sing. The closely related Semitic pronouns like-
wise show these k and nt elements.
The in found in, e.g., !--.z?fi 'for the sake of' Peas. s l , 79; 4-rn & t' C% rn 'through lack

of' Pap. Kahun, 31, S, is in no way connected with the words under discussion. This is but a full form of the
preposition a, comparable vith 9 0 beside r.
The objection to the view that the suffix in these constructions is the subject in anticipatory emphasis
dependent upon a non-enclitic particle (Gardiner, op. cit., 5 239) is that non-enclitic particles are elsewhere
followed by the dependent pronouns, not by suffixes.
 190 R. 0. FAULKNER
(2) The word in 'says', 'said', found in 4 777
'so say the gods' and its variations
and in Late Egyptian 4a v(, 12) 'so said ' is the Sd,n.n-f form of 4
specialized for
use after quoted speech.
(3) I t is this i.n 'says', used as an auxiliary verb, which lies at the root of the Sdm.inj
form, the dcjrn-br-f and ddm-klj forms having likewise developed out of the use of auxiliary
verbs.
(4) I t is not improbable that the particle and preposition in, and therefore also the
pronouns of the ntf paradigm, have arisen out of the specialized use of i.72 'says', and that
they are therefore ultimately descended from the verb 9a
' t o say'.

Addendum
The parallelism of -
@ 'says' to 'says' discussed on p. 188, is fully demonstrated in the
case ofZL 4
'so says he' Urk. I, 199,7, at the end of a biographical inscription, --+noun
'so says X ' occurring in an exactly similar context ibid., 201,8 ;l it thus seems impossible to
doubt that hr is indeed an independent verb of speech. That 2here and in the examples
quoted by Gardiner, op. cit., $436 is not an ellipse of ddalzr is certain; the use of br 'says'
corresponds in no way to that of dd.h,r.f, the latter alvi-ays preceding the speech, whereas the
former follows, and the parallelism with i.n further contradicts the older view, for it has been
shown above that i.n 'says' is not derived from dd4n.f.
At the sTerylast moment the publication of the first volume of Dr. de Buck's edition of the
Coffin Texts has brought to light an even more striking example of the association of the two
verbs of speaking i and h,r, namely 4$JQ--Ta 'so says he, namely Osiris', CoBn Texts, I,
10% (var. 4-4- BlP), where the parallel TlLb has and SIC has @J@,LT~.
I t would be sugerfluous to labour mv point further.
Another inteiesting passage from thenew publication is 4 l--qqq
op. cit., 94c (TlLa,
I--.
var. Q & without det. TlLb) beside 0% in the other versions, mhich compels the
translation 'so shall they say, (namely) the gods'. TTe thus have the ddm.f form of i used for
future time, and incidentally a new spelling of the verb to put beside the variants 4 44, 4
4,
41 9 and already noted.
I am much indebted to Prof. Gunn for calling my attention to these examples, which I had overlooked.
 T H E O X F O R D UNIVERSITY EXCAVATIONS I N
NUBIA, 1934-1935
BY L. P. IiIRTT1lS
K i t h Plates xx-xxiii

ON December 1, 1934, our party, consisting of Jlr. C. J. Reynolds (Worcester College),

Mrs. Kirwan, and the writer, left TT7&diHalfa by lorry and travelled some two hundred and
fifty iniles along the east bank of the Kile to Kawa (the ancient Gernaten), opposite New
Dongola, wliere the excavations of the Oxford Expedition had taken place in 1930-1 under
the clirection of the late Professor F. L1. Griffith. The primary object of this journey mas to
collect equipment for our camp at Firka. At tlie same time 71-e were able, though only in a
cursory manner, to examine a large number of ancient sites in a region vhich is still to a
great extent unknown territory from tlie archaeological point of view. After a stay of two
nights as guests of 3Ir. Cullen, the District Cominissioner at P;ev Dongola, we made a not
uneventful journey in our heavily laden lorry northwards to Firka.
The village of Firka (GQ) lies on the east bank of the Xile, about a hundred miles to
the south of TJTBdiHalfa and a t the foot of the desolate Batn el-Hagar region with its seem-
ingly endless expanse of sun-blackened crags and narrow, rocky defiles. To the east of the
modern village are the remains of the mud-brick houses xhich once held three thousand of
the Khalifa's troops, who were, on the night of June 7, 1896, surrounded by a n dnglo-
Egyptian force and suffered a defeat which marked the first step in the reconquest of the
Sudan.
The earthen burial mouncls which xvere the chief objects of our visit had been noted by
Burckhardt in 1814. ' I n the plain', he says, 'are five barrows, or tumuli, evidently artificial
like those I saw near I<oslio.'l X few years later, in 1820, they mere visited by Waddington
, ~ likevise describe them as ' b a r r o ~ '.~ sI n more recent times the late Oric
and H a n b ~ r ywho
Bates, on the analogy of a group of similar mound tombs excavated by him a t Gammai,
about fifteen miles to the south of lT,'I'8diHalfa, assigned3 the mounds a t Firka together with
others of a similar type at Qostol, S&i,TTawa, Tangassi, Stiri, Ziima, and Meroe to the late
Subian culture termecl by Dr. Reisner 'X-group'.
The cemetery of mound tombs at Firka may be divided into two parts: the Korth or
main Cemetery, which included the large inounils (three of them between 8 and 10 metres
high) mentioned by Burckhardt; and the South Cemetery of small mound tombs, which
appeared to be later in date. Some of them, in fact, inay belong to the period immediately
after the official conversion of Sorthern Subia to Christianity in the midclle of the sixth
century.
The wide, sliallom trench which encircled the base of each mound showed the source
Burckhardt, Travels i n Subia, 52. London, 1819. The mounds a t 'Kosko' (Qostol) are those excavated
by JJT. B. Emery and the -miter in 1930. See Emery, Preliminary Report of the work of the Archaeological
Surzey of 3ubia in Ann. Serc., 32, 38-46.
a Jyaddington and Hanbury, Journal of a visit to some parts of Ethiopia, 1. London, 1822.
Bates, Excaec~tionsat Qammai, 117. Harvard African Studies, VDI (1927).
 Plate XX

I. View of Firka from the east, showing mounds. 2. The Mound at Kosheh.

*I-
--
'
a

R-nb s-
-*rcrc-:
,_
-
i-;.*

.. -
Y <
*-4.
"
.K,'
I

' .-..-_....,
, ,
,.
- .-\,-.
-
-..
-. --*-
- " -- ,
. . ,.
f l .

.., ," A
3. Fir+. Mound 14in course of excavation. 4. Church at Mograka.

5. Firka. Sacrificed camel on the ramp of 6. F i e a . Tomb 12, showing stairway entrance on
Mound 11. the east side.

OXFORD UNIVERSITY EXCAVATIONS IN NUBIA: FIRKA, 1934-5

 OXFORD UNIVERSITY EXCAVATIONS IN NIJBIA, 1934-1935 193
from which was obtained the loose gravel of which the mounds themselves were composed.
Below the mounds (see PI. xx, 1, 3) the tombs had been cut to a considerable depth in the
hard alluvial mud deposited by the Nile. The larger tombs for the most part conformed
to t'he same general plan (cf. Fig. 1). On the east side, an inclined or stepped approach

RAMP

*
Scale aC Feet
;t 0 iL a 7 to 0%

AB

FIG.1. Plan, and Section through A-B looking South, of Tomb 12.

led (4PI. xx, 6) down into a rectangular pit, in two sides of which burial chambers had
been hollowed out on a level with the floor. The treacherous nature of the soil, which
had caused the mud strata to split under the weight of the mound above (resulting in the
collapse of the roofs of the chambers), together with the moisture due to the depth of the
tomb, made the work of excavation and the extraction of antiquities somewhat difficult.
The entrance ramp or stairway as a rule contained the skeletons of animals-horses,
donkeys, and camels-which had apparently been sacrificed that they might accompany
the owner of the tomb on his journey to the next world. The skull of one camel, for instance,
from Toillb 11 (Pl. s s , 5 ) showed clearly the marlrs of the axe or other sveapon with which
it had been slaughtered. One object of special interest from theraillp of the same tomb was a
grooved iron bit, circular in shape, with a curb-chain attached, which IT-asfound in a horse's
mouth. Round the necks of some of these animals were hung bronze bells and, occasionally,
 L. P. KIRWAN
necklaces of faience beads and cowrie shells, while in one case a horse had a saddle-cloth,
with a coloured woven border of which only fragments remained.
The pit at the bottom of the ramp seems normally to have been reserved for the burial
of a cow or sheep ; large pottery jars had been placed upright against the walls.
Of the two chambers, the one on the north or north-east side of the pit-probably that
of the owner of the tomb-had invariably been plundered in ancient times. The second
chamber, on the western side and opposite the foot of the ramp or stairway, was, however,
in three of the tombs-Nos. 11,12, and 14-untouched, and the mud-brick blocking of the
door was found intact. This second chamber held several burials, thought to have been, like
the similar ones in the tumuli at BalBiia and Qostol, those of the owner's servants. For the
most part these burials were orientated north and south, and lay in either a flexed or a fully
extended position. The attitudes of some of these skeletons, however, left little doubt that
the persons to whom they had belonged had, like those of the Kerma cemetery,l been buried
alive in the tomb. I n the west chamber of Tomb 11, one of the occupants appeared to have
been lying on a wooden couch, bound with iron bands and having a circular iron bracket a t
each corner to hold wooden poles supporting a canopy. This canopy seems to have been made
of beads of different colours. \T7ith the collapse of the roof of the tomb the canopy had
fallen, and hundreds of these beads were found scattered over the bodies below.
Only a few of the smaller tombs of the Xorth Cemetery were completely excavated,
largely with a view to ascertaining tomb types, and in order to obtain a representative
collection of pottery and anthropological material.2 All these small tombs had been
thoroughly ransacked in ancient times, either by removing part of the mound or by tunnel-
ling belom it.
Among these smaller tombs two types predominated: one, a deep, rectangular pit,
orientated north and south, with a short stairway on the south side and a chamber at
the north end with brick vaulting ; the other, a similar pit with a lateral burial-niche cut in
the east face on a level with the floor.
The more interesting objects from the Xorth Cemetery came from the large tombs
Nos. 11, 12, and 14. The silver signet-ring, inset with a carnelian gem engraved in intaglio
with the bust of the Emperor Commodus (PI. xxii, 1, 2), gives a terminus post quem for
Tomb 12. Moreover, cut in the original ground surface below the mound of this tomb, and
plundered by its builders, was a number of i'vleroitic graves of the 'pit with end-chamber'
and 'lateral niche' types which, to judge by the few sherds of pottery found, may be of the
second or third century A.D. That the tomb itself is probably a good deal later in date seems
indicated by the presence of a cream ware amphora (Fig. 2, top left), of a type well known
from Coptic sites, having a graffito in red paint on the shoulder in a hand attributable to the
fifth or sixth century. On the whole, the majority of the tombs of the North Cemetery may
be tentatively assigned to this period, and the character of both the objects and the pottery
agrees well with such an estimate. Lamps in the form of birds, such as the bronze dove-
lamp, which Was found in a perfect state of preservation in the mound of Tomb 1.2 (PI. xxi),
are very characteristic products of East Christian Art of the fifth and sixth centuries. The
large tombs at Firka were remarkable for the number of weapons they contained, such as
iron spears of several types, iron swords, and iron arrow-heads. Unfortunately, owing to the
moisture, iron objects were in a poor state of preservation. In Tomb 11 was found a number
of scarabs and amulets plundered from earlier graves, and in this connexion it was of interest
See Reisner, Kerma, 70 ff. Harvard Bfrican Studies, v (1923).
a Notes as to the sex of the skeletons were taken on the site, and a number of skulls has been presented
to the Royal College of Surgeons.
 Plate XXI

Bronze dove lamp. Found in the mound above Tomb 12. Scale 2 :3.

OXFORD UNIVERSITY EXCAVATIONS IN NUBIA: FIRKA, 1934-5

 OXFORD UNIVERSITY EXCAVATIONS IN NUBIA, 1934-1935 195
to find in some of the tombs scaraboids, crudely cut from carnelian, felspar, and steatite, and
pierced for threading, which were very clearly of contemporary manufacture. The beads,
which showed a high standard of workmanship, were mostly of Meroitic types ; among them
was a very large number of coral beads. The coral would presumably have come from the
reefs of the Red Sea coast. The silver goblet and bowl from Tomb 14 (Pls. xxii, 4,xxiii, 4)

3 L/'
1
FIG.2. Types of pottery from the North Cemetery. Scale 1: 8.

are notable for the curious design engraved upon them, which is composed of the insignia
of Isis-horns, disk, and throne-with a pendent cross below.
To the south of the Xorth Cemetery was another group of mounds, smaller in size, which
though thoroughly plundered in ancient times were of considerable archaeological interest.
A representative number of graves was excavated, and it soon appeared that the cemetery
could be divided chronologically into two parts: the earlier tombs at the north end, all of
them plundered, in which the axis of the tomb Tvas north and south and which contained a
large amount of pottery (cf. Fig. 3), and those at the south end, orientated east and n-est,
which contained no funerary offerings or pottery and which were uniformly intact. Both
groups of graves vere covered by mounds of a similar size. The graves of the north group
had a short entrance stairway on the south side, leading to a long, rectangular pit with a
196 L. P. KIRWAN
mud-brick vaulted chamber a t the north end. The graves of the south group were of two
types: the first, similar to that of the north group but orientated east and west; the second,
a deep, rectangular pit, orientated east and west, with a lateral burial-niche cut in the north
wall in which the skeleton lay extended on the back, tlle axis of the body being east and west.
Immediately adjacent to this southern group of mound tombs was a small Christian cemetery
of 'shaft with end-chamber' tombs in which the bodies were orientated east, and west. I t is
possible that the graves of the southern group represent a transitional type introduced with
the conversion of Xorthern Kubia to Christianity to~vardsthe middle of the sixth century.
Though the mound burial was retained, tlle
orientation of the tomb was changed and the
pagan custom of placing funerary offerings in the
tomb was abandoned.
The cemeteries a t Firka seem then to have
been in use during the fifth and sixth centuries.
As to the people who were buried there, it was
unfortunate that so much of the anthropological
material had been destroyed either by moisture or
through the depredations of plunderers. Those
intact skulls, ho~vever,which could safely be con-
sidered to be those of the owners of the tombs (as
distinct from the subsidiary burials) exhibited a
heavily negroid strain characteristic of the 'X-
group' skulls as a whole, which are notably more
negroid than those from the earlier Meroitic graves.
Culturally, especially with regard to the pottery
and beads from Firka, the affinities with the
Meroitic civilization of Xorthern Nubia are pro-
3' Types of Pottery
Cemetery. 1 : 8. the South
Scalefrom nouncecl. At the same time, the presence of
pottery vessels of Coptic types and of amphorae
and certain bronze objects probably imported from Egypt indicates close relations with that
country.
I n addition to the total absence of the Xeroitic script, of the Ba-statues, and of the sculp-
tured or engraved tombstones which are normal accompaniments of the Meroitic graves, the
form of burial below an earthen mound is a feature which does not occur in the earlier
Meroitic cemeteries of Xorthern Kubia. This type of tomb, svith a sloping or stairway
entrance, is clearly related to that of the Ethiopian earthen tumulus tombs such as those at
El-Knru of the eighth and ninth centuries B . C .
I n the Leyden papyrus recording an appeal from Appion, Bishop of Syene, to the
military governor of the province for troops to protect his churches on the island of Philae,l
there is the first contemporary reference to a people called the 'Avvov,BclG~s,~ v h oappear to
be identical with the Nov/3clG~sof Priscus2 and of the great inscription set up by their king
Silko in the Temple of K a l i i b ~ h a .dccorcling
~ to that inscription the territory of the Ken-
bades lay immediately to the south of Ibrim, though subsequently they became rulers of all
Northern Nubia from the First to the Third C a t a r a ~ t . ~
Date c. A.D. 425-50. See Wilcken in Archiz;. f.Pap., 1, 396407.
Priscus, Fragmenta, ed. Niebuhr, 1 6 3 4 .
Gauthier, Temple de Kalabchah, 204-5.
For the later history of the kingdom of the Noubades see Kirwan in Jozirnrtl, 21, 57 ff.
 Plate XXII

I
*
a
-l
2 c
Po"ho
 OXFORD UNIVERSITY EXCAVATIONS I N NUBIA, 1934-1935 197
The presence of this new element in the population of Sorthern Subia mag- perhaps be
explained by identifying the Xoubades with the S6ba people, xvho seen1 to have invacled the
Island of Xeroe early in the fourth century A.D. and who were in turn driven northr~ards
towards the middle of that century by the invading armies of leizanas. King of Ixunl.l I n
view of this possible identification of the K6ba-Soubades ~ ~ - ithe t h 'S-group' people, the
strong Xeroitic influence perceptible in the '5-group ' remains has been accounted for by the
fact that the S6ba themselves may have been influenced by the civilizatic,ii of their neigh-
bours at N e r ~ e .There
~ is, however, as yet no evidence to s h o that
~ tho Meroitic liingdonl
of Sortliern Kubia collapsed with the fall of tlle capital city before the Abyssinian invaders.
Indeed, it nlag be argued that the Aleroitic contribution to the 'X-group' culture is of too
fuilclainental a kind to have been the result of a superficial contact between the S6ba people
ancl the Neroites during what was probably but a short period of time. If the overlords of
Korthern Subia during the sixth century were the Koubades, the indigenous inhabitants
were physically and culturally descendants of the earlier Meroitic population. The ' 5-group '
period may perhapsbe regarded as the final phase in the history of the Sorthern hleroitic
kingdom, during nllich Nubia was strongly influenced by the contemporary civilization of
Byzantine Egypt. The negroid Koubacles made little contribution to Subian culture, and
where signs of a cultural decline are perceptible, as in the tlisappearance of the native
Jferoitic script and the absence of the delicate ancl elaborately painted pottery, the finest
product of the 3feroitic artist, this decline may have been due to the primitive ancl illiter-
ate ruling class and to the severance of relations with the ~tloreciTili~eclsonthern capital
consequent on the fall of Meroe.
The neighbonrhood of Firka is rich in ancient sites. Opposite the village is the iqland
callrcl Firliiaarti, a t the south end of ~vhichis a large rectangular fortificci enclosure n i t h
clry-built stone nails having a semicircular hastion a t each corner and also square-huilt
towers projecting a t intervals. These 7~-allsenclosed a number of stone and mud-brick liouses
nlostly ~~leclieval in (late. though the presence of potsherds ~inlilarto those from the n~oluld
tombs nlay indicate that parts of the site were in occupation as early as the fifth or sixth
century. The tradition anlong the native population is that qnch fortified to\\-ns, of which
there is a number on islands in the Cataract region, were built by their ancestors the Siiba,
who a t the time of the invasions of tlie Arabs fled froin the villages along the river baillis and
sought refuge n ithin their walls.
On the \\-eat bank of the Sile opposite Firka are two churches. and near these is a granite
quarry. apparently of the same period, \\.it11 some partly her{-n pillars lying on the ground.
On the east hank, ahout five miles t o the soutli of Firka. is a ell preserved church, built of
mud-hricli, and set high up on a hill overlooking the village of lllogralia (PI. s s , 4). ;1mile
farther to the sonth, a t IicSshell, we examined a cemetery of tumulur tonib-, several of xlzich
had been escavatctl. The largest mound (Pl. s s , 2) yielcled a nurnber of interesting bronzes,
including the strainer (Pl. saii, 3), a variety of remarlialAy fine beatls. and the carnelian
gem engraved in intaglio x i t h tlie figure of a gocldess of Mcroitic type (Pl. ssii, 5 ) .
Botll at I<Gihell and a t Firka. to the east of the n~ounclccnleteries, \\-ore sinall cemeteries
of the so-called 'C'-group' or Jfidclle Kingdom type, with circular stone superstructures."
The pottery fro111these graves resembled that from the I<enua tonlbs more closely than that
fronl the Lo\\-er Subian 'C-group' cemeteries. On the east hank of the Sile near '_Imbra,
Cf. Littmann, Iielrtsche dkszim Expedition, Inscli~zffen,11~.
Cj. Junker in ,Il~tf.Kc~iro,3, 153 ff.
" The x r ~ t e hr as p~ckedup sherds of both 'C-group' and Early Dynastic rippled potterjr of Xubian type
on ancient sites not fClrfrom Iihartoum.
198 L. P. KIRWAN
about twenty-five miles to the south of Firka, we located with some difficulty the site of the
Meroitic temple described by Budge.1 When visited by the latter in 1906 both the gateway
and six columns with sculptured reliefs were standing; to-day only one broken granite
column-base and traces of mud-brick foundation walls are visible. A few miles to the south
of 'Amiira is the island of Siii, a place, as Burclihardt discovered, extremely diffioult of access.
At the north end of the island is a fortified enclosure similar to that on Firkinarti. Among the
ruins of the town was a number of inscribed blocks and column-drums from a temple
founded, according to one inscription, in the twenty-fifth year of Tuthmosis 111. The island
contains a number of cemeteries: some of the Christian period, one of New Kingdom date,
and a large cemetery of mound tombs similar to those at Firka. Not far from the town are
the remains of the Metropolitan church. Finally at Wawa, on the east bank of the Nile about
one hundred and fifty miles to the south of the Second Cataract, we visited an important
cemetery of large mound tombs which, to judge by the sherds on the surface, were of the
same period as those at Firka. Part of one of the largest mounds had been removed by
plunderers in recent years, and the entrance on the east side had been cleared, revealing
an elaborate f a ~ a d eof red brick.
I n conclusion we should like to express our thanks to the officials of the Sudan Govern-
ment-especially to Mr. Grabham, the Acting Conservator of Antiquities ; Mr. Purves, the
Governor of the Northern Province, and his District Commissioners; and to Dr. JTTaldo
Wallace of Halfa-for their ever-ready help and unfailing courtesy. The excavations at
Firka were of necessity on a small scale. This winter the Expedition is continuing the
excavation of Kawa (the ancient Gematen), where the large town-site and the adjacent
cemeteries are as yet unexplored.

Budge, A History of the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan, I , 467.

 Plate X X I I I

I. Engraved bronze bowl from 2. Silver anklet with lion-head

Tomb 12. Scale 1 : 3 . finials. Scale I :2.

3. Alabaster chalice from 4. Silver bowl with engraved 5. Alabaster chalice from
Tomb 14. Scale I :3. emblem. Scale I :3. Tomb 14. Scale I :3.

"7 I

7. Bronze ewer from tomb a t Kosheh.

Scale I :3.
C
' . + %

6. Bronze ladle with iron handle. 8. Bronze swinging lamp on stand,

Scale I :3. from Tomb 14. Attached to the
chain is a stopper for the filling hole
and a. pair. of iron tweezers for
tnmrmng wick. Scale I :4.

OXFORD UNIVERSITY EXCAVATIONS I N NUBIA: FIRKA, 1934-5

 THE ANTINOE FRAGMENT OF JUVENAL1
BY C. H. ROBERTS
With Plates xxiv, xxv
EVENin the fourth and fifth centuries, when the Latin language was more widely employed
in Egypt than ever before or after, Latin literature never took a firm hold among the
Hellenized upper classes of the provinces: so much is clear from the scanty finds.2 Cicero and
Virgil were the most popular, to use the word in a very restricted sense; their position was
no doubt guaranteed by the school and the rhetorician's lecture-room. When people read
Latin at all for other than utilitarian reasons-on this ground the fragments of the legal
classics may be accounted for-they seem to have been attracted by history, whether
compressed into epitome or chronicle or in a more literary shape; the inhabitants of Egypt
had every reason to be more interested in Rome as a historical force than in Rome as a nurse
of poets. Leaving Virgil on one side, we find that Latin poetry has been represented by one
solitary scrap of Lucan ;3 hence Dr. John Johnson's discovery among the papyri brought to
light during the Society's excavations at Xntinoi! in the spring of 19144of a leaf from a codex
of Juvenal containing 11.149-9s of the Seventh Satire, the text of which is given for the first
time below, is a welcome addition to the small collection of Latin manuscripts from Egypt.
There is an appropriate irony in the fact that while Catullus, Horace, and Ovid have found
no ~ i t n e s to
s their fame in this field, Juvenal should have this tribute paid to his memory by
Egypt, a land to which, with all its inhabitants, his antipathy was so violent and so im-
pressed itself on his readers that later tradition felt it necessary to invent some personal link
between him and it; hence came the story that Juvenal was banished to Coptos for an
indiscretion (as pradectus cohortis at the age of SO!) and there intra brevissinzum tempus angore
et taedio periit.5 But though this parchment has its interest for the Kulturgeschichte of Egypt,
its real importance lies in what it can tell us of the text and textual history of the Satires;
and to this, after a description of the manuscript, me must turn.

A brief account of this text was given by me in a paper read to the Fourth International Congress of
Papg~ologyin Pilay of last year, and has been published in Aegyptus, 15,297-302. Since then the parchment
has been cleaned and this account needs correction in one or two details: for depy$s on p. 301 read d+vrjs,
and the statement that the mark of short quantity does not appear is no longer true, cf. below, p. 202.
Besides my great obligations to Dr. Clrich Knoche, the scope of which will be clear from the description
of the text, I hare to thank Dr. E. A. Loye for his advice and assistance in matters of palaeography, Pro£.
Eduard Fraenkel for discussing several difficult points with me, Air. E. Lobe1 for arranging for the parchment
to be cleaned, and, not least, Dr. John Johnson, for waiving in my favour the discoverer's right of publication.
-4list of Latin literary papyri discovered up to 1917 may be found in Schubart's Einfiihrung, 481 ; see
further, for a description and discussion of the finds, P. Jouguet, Rezwe cles ztudes latiwes, 3 (1925), 47-50;
J. G. \?-inter, Life and Letters in the Papyri, 34-7. I n both of these mill be found references to texts discovered
since Schubart's list was d r a m up: but to the best of my knowledge no complete inventory exists.
P. Brit. SIus. Lit. 42, containing De Bello Civili, 11, 247, 248; 265, 266. Perhaps P. Oxy. 781 should
also be mentioned, a sindl1 unidentified frzgment, probably in hexameters.
Cy. Johnson's account of these excavations and the papyri discovered in them in Journal, 1 (1914),
168-81.
For the Bitne of Juvenal, cf. P. 1%-cssner,Scholia in Juvenalern Betustiora, pp. xxsiv-xxsvi; text on p. 1.
 C. H. ROBERTS

The leaf is 2.2-7 cm. in height by 17 cm. in breadth, the upper and lower margins measur-
ing 3 cm. each, the side margins 2.6 cm. The inner side of the leaf has suffered severely ; the
whole bottom corner has been torn away, while higher up there is another gap which leaves
lines 153-6 and 178-82 mutilated. The intervening section of this side has survived as a
separate fragment; but though there is no break in the text between this and the main
portion, they cannot actually be attached, as the latter has warped and consequently is
overlapped by the small fragment. But this is not the only damage the leaf has suffered.
Besides some creases and contractions of the parchment, parts of the surface are so stained
and discoloured that they have hitherto resisted any restorative treatment. The effects of
this may be seen in the photograph ; by comparison with the verso, the recto has suffered
considerably, and while even here except for a few bad patches the text can be made out, the
interlinear glosses and scholia have sometimes vanished beyond recall-partly because
the light-brown ink in which they are written in places can hardly be distinguished from the
stain. (Here a warning may be given: accents and stops are only inserted in the transcript
where their presence is beyond doubt, and the absence, e.g., of an accent on a word which can
itself be read in spite of the stain on the parchment, is no evidence that the word was not
originally accented.) The rulings were made on the hair side, in this case the verso, on which
the furrows made by the stilus can still be seen ; the corresponding ridges are in part visible
on the recto. If there was ever any numeration, no trace of it survives, so that it is impossible
to tell whether the codex included any other work before the 8atires.l
The text is written in a careful and regular uncial hand of considerable beauty, small and
with a slight tendency to a backward slope, of a type which Dr. Lowe mould designate the
Byzantine Uncial. Of this hand the classic example is the great Florentine codex of
Justinian's P a n d e c t ~ ,whose
~ origin in Ravenna would sufficiently explain its affinity to
Eastern rather than to Western hands and which is perhaps to be dated to the late sixth
century. One important characteristic of this type of hand, a g with a long stroke to the left
below the line and finished off with a small hook to the right, is present both in the Florentine
codex and in P. Ant. Juv. (to give this parchment a convenient if temporary name) and is
not to be found in contemporary Western hands. A similar g may be observed in the new
fragments of Gaius, P.S.I. 1182, some leaves of a parchment whose provenance is thought to
be Antinoe. This manuscript, which represents the same script in an earlier stage of its
development, is assigned by Prof. Rostagno to the fourth or early fifth century ;3 its bolder
and squarer hand is undoubtedly earlier than that of P. Ant. Juv., but the resemblances
between the two are considerable; cf., besides the y, the d, m, 1, and s. Among other uncial
manuscripts not of this specific type, with which P. Ant. Juv. may be compared, are the
Vercelli Gospels (Ehrle-Liebaert, Specimina Codicum Latinorum, 5c), the Codex Veronensis
of Gaius (Steffens, Lateinische Palaographie, IS), and the Codex Bobbiensis of St. Cyprian's
Letters (Ehrle-Liebaert, op. cit., 5 4 , in which a form of t very like that in P. Ant. Juv.
occurs. In P. -4nt. Juv., a and r are of the early type (cf. P.S.I. 1182), while the m with the
left stroke curved sharply inwards and the t with its almost semicircular hasta are evidence
of a fairly advanced stage of uncial writing. Dr. Lowe considers that P. Ant. Juv. was

But it should be noted that in the Bobbio manuscript (Vat. 5750) the Satires of Juvenal preceded those
of Persius; v. Wessner, op. cit., p. vi.
a Justiniani Augusti Digestorum seu Pandectorum Codex Florentinus olim Pisanus phototypice expressus,
Rome, 1910. Certain parts of this manuscript are written in a script of mixed uncials and minuscules, cf. the
reproduction in Maunde Thompson's article on palaeography in Sandys, Companion to Lafin Studies, 775;
i t is only with the purely uncial part of this manuscript that P. Ant. Juv. can be compared, as it shows no
trace of minuscule influence. P.S.I., XI, 2-3.
 THE ANTINOE FRAGMENT OF JUVENAL

probably mitten c. A.D. 500, a date which agrees well enough with the external evidence;
it thus ranks as the second oldest of Juvenal's manuscripts, being preceded only by the
fourth-century Bobbio palimpsest, Vat. 5750. The ink in which it is written is of the metallic
type, reddish-brown in colour, which is usual at this period.
Scholia and glosses both in Greek and Latin are thickly crowded along the margins and
between the lines of the text; how many hands are to be distinguished here is not quite
certain. The bulk of the scholia are written in a light reddish-brown ink, more diluted and
less durable than that of the text: I now incline to think that we must distinguish two hands
here,l which we may call B and C, reserving A for that of the text proper. Both employ a
mixture of uncial and cursive forms, with the uncials predominating: ligatures are rare, and
the forms of the letters are in general the same in both. But B, to whom may be assigned
all the scholia on the left margin of both recto and verso, writes in rather a clumsy and heavy
upright hand: C writes an easier and more flowing hand, and appears to be more at home
with Greek than is B (there is little to distinguish B's Greek letters from his Latin, cf. 8oovaac
in 1962and contrast the clumsy E'v T@ pcuavXIv of 1812 with the ~d 8ac7jyrIpaof 161). Dr. Lowe
regards these hands as practically contemporary with that of the text (A): nor would I
suggest that in separating the hands we need to look for two sources of these scholia, since
all are sufficiently inept to have the same parentage. Of the Latin letters in these hands e is
frequently of a cursive type and reaches above the line: 7~ is angular, very different from the
rounded uncial of 8 :1 has a long hasta with a down-stroke well below the line: a is of the open
type resembling 2 ~ and
, is never found in an uncial form. The g used by C in lnagister (166) is
of interest, as it bears a distinct resemblance to the half-uncial form. d is cursive, always of
the uncial type. These two hands would appear to be very close to that of the first scholiast
in the Bembine Terence, to judge from the description given by G. F. 3fountford3 (unfortu-
nately no reprocluction of this hand of the scholia has appeared) ; this is also assigned to the
first half of the sixth century. The rapid and attractive semi-cursive in the Greek scholia of
C has a close parallel in one of the glosses to P.S.I. 1182 ( & r a ~ ~ o v ^ vin~ o73)
s and is not
unlike the hand of one of the commentators of P. Oxy. 2064.4 B and C between them account
for the great majority of the scholia and glosses ; some Greek annotations written in a cursive
hand in dark, black ink were added at some later date by D, who occasionally inked over an
earlier scholion or even a few letters of the text and once translated a Latin scholion of C.
To E and F (probably readers into whose hands at some later period in the sixth century the
manuscript passed) may be attributed a word apiece, both in Latin, the one an annotation
to a scholion, the other probably a gloss.
Of these scribes B was probably responsible for a few corrections of the manuscript (some
have been added by A) and also for the punctuation, accents, and some of the critical signs.
For punctuation high, medial, and low stops are employed, the first correctly to indicate
a longer pause (cf. P. Oxy. 226, introd.), the other two quite indiscriminately. Deleted letters
are indicated once (187) by drawing a line through the letter in question and placing a dot
above it (the usual method), once (161) by placing a dot below the letter: in this case the
letter deleted occurs in the middle of a word and the correction is written above.5 I n the
text itself the only abbreviations found are -Pfor -que and once (162) zhrbe- for urbe(m) ; in
the scholia, both Greek and Latin, they are much more frequent. Marks of quantity are used
These scholia (B and C) were referred to in my article in Aegyptzcs as the ~ ~ o ofr ka single hand.
Such references are to the lines of P. Ant. Juv. T h e Scholin Bembina (London, 1934), 4.
Hunt and Johnson, Two Theocritus Papyri, PI. 1, fr. 31.
For deletion in Latin manuscripts c. W. ?;I. Lindsay in Palaeographia Lafinn, nr, 65-6; in Greek papyri,
a. Kenyon, Pulaeography of Greek Papyri, 31.

D d

 C. H. ROBERTS

haphazardly and by no means correctly throughout the text, - frequently, " only in 187 and
193. (The former is found in other Latin manuscripts from Egypt, e.g., P.S.I. 21, P. Oxy.
1089, and an unpublished fragment of Virgil in the Rylands collection.) ,4n interesting
feature of the text is the use of accents ; the acute is used on any syllable except the last
(only twice on a monosyllable, qui in 165 and most probably on the same word in 164), the
grave only on monosyllables, though by no means on al1.l I t may be noted that the accent is
frequently placed over the consonant following the vowel accented. The diaeresis is regularly
used over i preceded or followed by another vowel and once (inzplet, 161) when i stands alone.
One of the peculiarities of this manuscript is the presence of critical signs. Underneath
191 and 192 diplai have been drawn, the former in all probability a diple obelismene (what
can be seen is >- and there is no trace of ink in the intervening space) ; and the two are
apparently connected by a line drawn through the first letter of 192, which consequently
looks as though it had been e n ~ l o s e d .The
~ usual purpose of the dipld both in manuscripts
and papyri (for the latter cf., e.g., P. Brit. Mus. Lit. 27 = Kenyon, Classical Texts in the
British Museum, 100, and P. Oxy. 445 ; both are texts of the Iliad, and the critical signs in the
latter approximate very closely to those in Venetus A) was to draw attention to notes on
either grammar or subject-matter, not at this period inserted in the text itself, or to mark
a quotation; here the dipld may have been employed to guide the reader's eye to the
irrelevant and edifying scholion in the margin, but more probably (see below, p. 203) has a
different purpose. 5- for iJ?jrrluov) or ((?~TEL),
resembling an uncial d with a line across the
top, has been scored against three lines (157, 160, 185) and is probably used in its correct
context to indicate an uncertainty of reading or interpretati~n.~The third, which is
frequently inserted by hands B (or C) and D is -1.-a sign which, unless it be regarded as a
degenerate form of the asterisk, is not, as far as I know, found in papyri. It is placed
between the lines and presumably draws attention to a gloss or scholion.
Accentuation appears to be unknown in Western manuscripts of this period, and handbooks of palaeo-
graphy (e.g., Maunde Thompson, Introduction to Greek and Latin Palaeography, 64) usually first mention them
in connexion with early English and Irish manuscripts. I n Latin manuscripts from Egypt they are not
unknown, but are by no means common; the only examples I know of are P.S.I. 21 (Virgil, Aeneid 4, fifth
century), P. Oxy. 1099 (a Virgilian word-list of the fifth century), and P. Oxy. 30. I n this last fragment the
editors refer to the marks as apices-the apez being the mark of a naturally long syllable which is frequently
found in inscriptions and which disappears from use near the end of the third century-and partly relying
on this assign the text, part of an unknown historical work, to the third century. Apices are also found in the
papyrus fragment of the Poem on the Battle of Actiz~mfrom Herculaneum (Scott, Fmgrnenta Hercuhnensia, 50)
and in P. Ryl. 79 (second century A.D.),and are almost certainly to be recognized in the Claudius papyrus
(B.G.U. 611, A.D. 43-54), though described by Steffens (Lat. Pal., 3) as accents. I n view of the later evidence
the marks in P. Oxy. 30 should probably be regarded as accents. The use of accents in Latin manuscripts has
its origin-as far as my knowledge goes-in Egypt, where we may safely attribute i t to Greek influence. For
tho later use of the apez, v. W. RI. Lindsay, Palaeographia Latinu, n, 17. It may be worth noting that the
practice of P. Ant. Juv. does not tally with the principles of accentuation laid down by Isidore, Etym., 1, xviii, 2.
a I am glad to find that Dr. Knoche agrees with me not only that below 191 a dipld obelismend is in all
probability to be recognized, but also that both the diplai refer to the single line 192 (a glance a t the photo-
graph will show the reasons for thinking this to be so).
The use of this sign has recently been studied by Dr. A. C. Clark, The Acts of the Apostles, 371-3; he
quotes examples of its use both in literary papyri, to indicate errors, and in documents (e.g., to call attention
to some matter needing verification), and later in Latin manuscripts, where it is used to mark corrupt
passages. According to Clark the earliest Latin manuscript in which it is found is Vindob. 2160, of the sixth
century. It seems probable that in P. Ant. Juv. it is used to mark a word or passage the scholiast failed to
understand, i.e., in 160 arcadico, in 157 mercedem solvere, in 185pulmentaria (afterwards glossed by D) unless
he was worried by the indicative conponit. I n two nearly contemporary papyri it is found used as a c o r o n i e
in P. Brit. Mus. Lit. 98 from Aphrodito and in the Antinoe Theocritus (Hunt and Johnson, op. cit., 21).
 Plate XXIV

S cm. .~., I :

I I
-, . :<.
-\:
*:'.'. + ,.
, -
. --
.,.
I ,f
A _ _ .
>
-A .:21-.-*-*&.

P. ANT. JW.
RECTO
 Plate XXV

5 cm.
.r'- . 1 I I I
1L -

P. ANT. JW.
VERSO
 THE ANTINOE FRAGMENT O F JUVENAL

This brings us towhat is of real importance in this discovery-its contribution to the study
of the text of the Satires. For what follows, both the analysis of particular passages and the
conclusions on the character and value of the text, I am greatly indebted to Dr. Ulrich
Knoche, who hasplacedatmydisposalhisexceptionalknowledgeof the manuscripts of Juvenal;
without the assistance of his notes it would have been impossible either to give so full a colla-
tion or on the strength of this collation to estimate the significance of the Antinoe fragment.l
P. Ant. Juv. gives us, on the whole, a sound and trust~vorthytext ; it does not, however,
present us with a single new reading that can be accepted as authentic, and even its mistakes
are known to us from one source or another except for the following which are of little
significance: 161 diei for die, hannubal for Izannibal, 177 arte for artem, 188 constavit for
constabit, 194 perfrisit for perfrixit. The text from which this fragment derives was sub-
stantially the same as that represented by the medieval codices, and it is for the study not of
the test of Juvenal but of its transmission that P. Ant. Juv. is of peculiar importance. I t is
of some interest to know that Juvenal had his readers among the Hellenized provincials of
Egypt in the sixth century: of much greater interest for the study of Latin authors in general
and of Juvenal in particular that certain passages in this text were marked with critical signs.
This gives substantial confirmation to Dr. Knoche's theory that the archetype of Juvenal to
which all our manuscripts go back was a gelehrte Ausgabe, i.e., an edition equipped with critical
signs. This theory, suggested (i) by the scholia to VI, 238 (4.Wessner, op. cit.,ad loc.), 365, and
others, (ii) by the omission or change in sequence of certain verses in certain MSS., (iii) perhaps
by certain signs in some medieval manuscript^,^ finds its conclusive proof here3 in the diplai4
placed against 192; this line was condemned by Jahn in his second edition as an inter-
I have contented myself with summarizing Dr. Knoche's views, as he will shortly publish in a German
periodical a rather fuller account in which in particular he will discuss in more detail the importance of the
text for LTeberlieferungsgeschichte. V. Knoche, Gnomon, 11 (1934), 596, 599, and particularly 601 f.
I t should, of course, be remembered that this parchment comes from a literary circle where Greek
literature was far better known than Latin and where readers would be accustomed to critical editions of
Greek texts : hence the presence of critical signs might be explained as a local peculiarity. But I do not think
this consideration need really invalidate Dr. Knoche's conclusion, as (i) critical signs are not generally found
in Latin literary papyri-the only example known t o me is P.S.I. 1182, where the nap&ypa$os, the &paios, and
another mark of uncertain significance are found-and so it is not likely that they would be inserted here
without special reason; (ii) it is doubtful if the scholia in P. Ant. Juv. account satisfactorily for the presence
in the text of the diplB and the 5-, i.e., it looks as though these were taken over from a preceding text and as
though the scholiast of P. Ant. Juv. did not understand their exact significance (though in the absence of
other evidence not much weight can be attached to this) ; (iii) if (u. the next note) the diplai against 192
indicate that this line is interpolated as spurious, this would be conclusive, as certainly not a t -4ntinoe nor-
given the state of learning evinced by the scholia-at Alexandria would the line be condemned without
authority. Xor does the use of <- suggest a local origin, as in the nearly contemporary Antinoe Theocritus
and P. Brit. 3111s. Lit. 98 it is used not as a critical sign but as a coronis.
Dr. Knoche has pointed out to me that in the scholia to the Iliad the diplB by itself may be used not
merely to indicate the presence of some point needing comment, but also to mark that the line in question
was athetized or omitted by one of the earlier Alexandrian critics but retained, perhaps doubtfully, in the
text. I n Iliad 9, 140, it indicates that some critics interpolated a line after 140, as also in Iliad 13,
808 (cf. text in T. IT. Allen's Homer's Iliad and scholia ad loc.). I n C.K.T., v, 1, 18 (P. Berol. 9774),
containing 11. 596-608 of Iliad 18, four lines have been interpolated from the Hesiodic Shield of Heracles, and
the intcrpolstion is here indicated by placing a diplz against each of the lines in question (for this reference
I am indebted to Prof. Jachmsnn). Hence there is a strong probability-all the stronger if the mark above
192 is a dipld obelis~nenE-that the scribe intended to mark 192 if not as spurious, yet a t least as doubtful.
This is of some importance: not only does it strikingly confirm Jahn's rejection of this line, but it also
argues very strongly for the view that the critical signs in P. Ant. Juv. do imply the existence of an
anterior critical edition of Juvenal and are not the work of a local scribe.
 C. H. ROBERTS

polation, and now that his judgement finds this support, the burden of proof will rest on
those who maintain that 192 is in its correct position here. This has a somewhat wider
interest in view of the fact that the critical signs of Latin grammarians not only in the text
of Juvenal, but in that of all Latin authors, have, with very few exceptions, disappeared.
A discussion of the affinities of the text of P. Ant. Juv. should be prefaced with
the statement that it, together with all our other manuscripts of Juvenal, may be referred
to a common archetype written c. A.D. 400. This may be regarded as certain for the
following reasons :
(i) The sequence of verses is identical with that found in the vast majority of manuscripts.
There are no omissions or additions, and the spurious verse Perfer[r]et inductis turbata et
sobria ceris, added by a corrector of the Oxoniensis after 153, and in Brit. Mus. Sdd. MSS.
11997 placed with slight variations after 160, is absent from P. Ant. Juv., as it certainly was
from the text of the archetype.
(ii) Three corruptions characteristic of the archetype are also to be found in P. ,4nt. Juv.
These are: (a) 149 inponere (where some word like poscere, suggested by Bucheler, is needed) ;
(b) 153 isdem for idem (a conjecture of Jahn's, since found to be supported by some medieval
manuscripts, v. Knoche, Gnomon, 10-1933-247) ; (c) 177 scindens for scindes (a correction
again due to Jahn and the reading of the first hand of Voss. F 64 and two later MSS.).
We may postulate that not long after the archetype was written, the manuscripts of
Juvenal were to be found divided into two groups which may be called I7 and 9. In the
verses with which we are concerned the text of I7 is reproduced with comparatively little
change by the P(ithoeanus) (Montpellier 125), the Scidae Arouienses (Ar.), and the lemmata
of the scholia (S), while Q, the vulgate text, is reflected in more than three hundred manu-
scripts. But between those two groups comes a large number of eclectic texts, and it is with
these that P. Ant. Juv. must be ranked. At the time when P. Ant. Juv. was written, how-
ever, this process of conflating the two recensions had not gone very far, and consequently
the text is to a large extent free from secondary corruptions. As the following list shows,
P. Ant. Juv. has escaped a large number of corrupt readings which later made their way
into the text of I7 as represented by P, or by P, Ar., and S in agreement:
149 Africa si placuitlAfricas placuit Pa Ar.I;+inponere+iponere PI Ar.' and a few other
codices; 153 cantabitlcantavit P Ar. and one other manuscript; 157 volunt/celunt P ,4r.'; 161
QuaquelQuanzque P' Ar.'; hannibal (Hannu- P. Ant. Juv.)/annibal PI Ar.I and other manu-
scripts ; 162 deliberatlliberat P' Ar.' and two other manuscripts ; 165 accipelaccipere PI Sr.';
174 Summula/Summavia Pa S ; 175 temptaltemptat Pa S and other manuscripts; 176 polliol
polio (hardly likely to be correct, cf. H. A. J. Jlunro ad Lucr. I, 313) P ; 180 iumentaltu-
mentia P a ; 194 perfrixit (-sit P. Ant. Juv.)/ perfrinxit Pa (later corrected) ; 197$es/$et Pa and
a few other codices.
Similarly, certain corruptions peculiar to some of the subdivisions of A, e.g., 176 Griso-
gonus, 178 sexcentis, are also absent from P. -4nt. Juv. ; but these hardly need specifying
here.l I n the following instances it agrees with 17 against Q, where the former has preserved
the correct reading: 150 retti (not vecti), 165 quid (not quod; n.b. the scholionof P. Ant. Juv.),
166 haec (not ast).
For some of the readings of P. Ant. Juv. another interpretation must be sought. Knoche
has argued2that at some time the Ilrecension was influenced by Qand that the effects of this
are to be traced where P, Sr., and S, or any two of them, agree in rejecting the correct reading,
For the a group, from which these t n o examples are taken, v. Knoche, Gnomon, 4 (1928), 93; id.,
Hermes, 63 (1928), 361-3: for the y group v. Leo's edition of Juvenal (Berlin, 1910), introd., xx ff.
' Die Ceberlieferung Juz.enuls (Berlin, 1926), 34.
 THE ANTINOE FRAGNENT OF JUVENAL

originally present in 17 and now to be found only in some of the eclectic texts. On this
assumption it is easy to account for the two instances in which P. Ant. Juv. dissents from
both P and the vulgate, and together with a few manuscripts of the same type as itself has
preserved the correct reading. These are: (i) 154 [crlambe, a conjecture of Politian's and the
reading given by G (=Parisinus 7900, tenth century) and the second hand of Vat. Urb. 342
(tenth-eleventh centuries), and supported by the later scholia ;three other eclectic texts give it
in the slightly corrupted form grambe (Parisinus 8071, Parisinus 9345, and the first hand of
Vat. Urb. 342), while P1 and Ar. (and perhaps originally Leid. Voss. Q. 18) read crambre and
most of the vulgate texts cambr(a)e. (ii) In 185, assuming (v. Housman, ad loc.) that com-
polzit is the true reading, we find that while condit is supported by the majority of manu-
scripts, componit only survives in a number of eclectic texts, among them G, Vat. Reg. 2029,
Laur. 34,42, and Voss. Q. 18. Hence P. -4nt. Juv. provides additional proof that some correct
readings not to be found in the majority of our codices, and only surviving in a few medieval
inanuscripts of eclectic type, are not the results of conjecture, but may well be derived froin
texts of the late classical period.
After this it is less surprising to find that on three occasions P. Ant. Juv. preserves a
reading peculiar to itself and a few, mostly late, manuscripts against the mass of the tradition :
(i) I n 157 su$iciunt is mistakenly given for sujicient, which was the reading of both lI
and SZ; otherwise suflciunt appears only in Laur. 34, 25, Laur. 34, 39 (both of the twelfth
century), Laur. 54, 53, and Dresd. 154 (both of the fifteenth century).
(ii) 156 dicersa fronte. This reading is found only in Vat. 3286 (eleventh century)l and
in three fifteenth-century manuscripts, Ottobon. 2884, Vat. Barber. 18, Roman. Casanat. 27.
This reading has met with some ~ u p p o r tbut , ~ in all probability we should follow Housman
in preferring the diversa parte of the vulgate to both fronte and the dicersaeforte (accepted
by Leo) of P' and Ar.'
(iii) I n 184 domunz supplants the correct domus-an error P. Bnt. Juv. shares only with
seven early manuscripts: G, Par. 7906, Par. 8071 (=I?), Par. 9345, Bat. Urb. 342, Brit. 1111s.
Add. MSS. 15600, Pal. 1701, and a few of later date. I t is possible that P itself originally
read dornurn, as the -s is due to a corrector. From these readings we may infer that a reading
which appears in a few manuscripts against the testimony of P and the great majority of SZ
manuscripts may be of quite ancient origin.
Only once does P. Ant. Juv. agree with 17 in one of the latter's characteristic corruptions,
namely the reading peremit for perinzit in 151, also found in F and GI. Most probably this
is not to be regarded as more than a coincidence. I t may, however, be inferred from the
inponere of 149 and theJies of 198 that P. S n t . Juv. does presuppose the existence of some
manuscripts of the SZ recension. (Owing to a gap in the parchment, it cannot be determined
whether we should read in 159 laeca with SZ or Inerne with P1 -4r.I)
I t is clear from this collation that P. Ant. Juv. cannot be closely associated with any
manuscript or any group of n~anuscripts. Its surprising agreement with Vat. 3286 and a few
other manuscripts in 156 cannot be taken as evidence of their relatedness, as elsewhere the
divergences between the two are considerable. I t may be described as a manuscript of
eclectic character, the basis of s~hichis the text of I? free from the secondary errors with
l ~ h i c hthe latter has come down to us in P. Ar., and S,but ~vhichhas been influenced by
the 52 recension. From it may be learnt two facts of some importance: the first, that
there existed in the late classical period a critical edition of Juvenal's text; the second,
that variant readings vhich have very little manuscript support may well be of ancient
origin.
1 For this codex 2.. Iinoche, Hermes, 63 (1928), 342 ff. a C. E. Stuart, C.Q., 3 (1909), 7.
 C. H. ROBERTS
The orthographyis on the whole good, e.g., in 173 and 197 the text gives rheto- instead of
retho- common in the medieval manuscripts, in 190pulcher instead of the pulcer of P and some
other manuscripts, and in 164 cohortes, not cohortis (though the latter is ~ e r h a p sto be
preferred), in 161 Hannubal (I. Hannibal), where P, Ar., and most of the manuscripts omit
the h (but in the same line our text agrees with most manuscripts in giving implet for inplet).
The salient fact about the scholia and glosses preserved in the margins and between the
lines of P. Ant. Juv. is that they are independent of the scholia known to us from the
medieval codices ;beyond that they have little to tell us except about the depth of ineptitude
of which fifth-century commentators were capable. As has been said above, the bulk of
them, though in different hands, are probably to be referred to a common source: both B and
C show about the same level of intelligence; both attempt to paraphrase and amplify rather
than elucidate or comment on peculiarities of style or text. With the exception of the note
on Quintiliano in 186 (evidence enough of the ignorance of the scholiast) no attempt is made
to comment on a proper name, although these scholiasts are by no means singular in their
ignorance of the personae Juvena2ianae;l throughout there is only one lemma, that in 186.
With D, who usually confines himself to translation, a lower level is reached ; these annota-
tions are probably due to a reader with some Greek, but little or no Latin. E and F (the
addition of patri by the former to an existent scholion almost passes belief) are presumably
due to later readers. But ignorant as are the scholia inserted in the text by B and C, it
would, I think, be a mistake to regard them as readers' comments rather than as the work of
a professional commentator. For one thing, the way in which they are written does not
suggest that they are the jottings of an amateur; more important, the range of the vocabu-
lary is certainly beyond that of an ordinary educated Graeco-Egyptian of the period.
~ ~ L u T ~ T ~and L ( o ) vare, it is true, ecclesiastical rather than literary words, and the
~ ~q5uy(~)ia
former is found in contemporary documents ; but S~lljyypa,t,4vXporocds(known only from the
scholia on Iliad 5, 75 and Theocr. 15,58), Glu~ovs(gloss onfercula, 184), and ~ X a v ~ p v ~ ~ ~ p o 6 s
(gloss on vagitus, 196) smell of the lamp, and are fairly clearly the work of a grammarian with
lexica at his elbow. With the single exception of dividens (gloss on scindens in 177)-and this
is probably no more than a coincidence-none of these scholia are to be found in Wessner's
Scholiain Juvenalem Vetustiora: a fact which gains in interest if we accept the highly probable
theory2 that all our known scholia, i.e. those found in manuscripts of the II andQrecensions,
as well as those attributed to Probus by Valla (cf. the stemma in Wessner, op. cit., p. xliii),
derive from a single vetustum commentum composed between 353 and 399, and that before
this date no commentary a t all on Juvenal was in existence. Thus we must assume that
within a hundred years (for there is certainly no reason to think that the scholia of P. Ant.
Juv. are earlier than c. 400, and they may well be later) two independent commentaries came
into existence. (Some parallel to this may be found in the scholia to the Theocritus papyri
from Oxyrhynchus and h n t i n ~ e these,
: ~ though not quite independent, differ considerably
both by omission and addition from the existing scholia.) We should naturally think of
Alexandria as the place where the scholia, part of which are preserved in P. Ant. Juv., were
written, and indeed this might explain both their grammatical character and their poor
Cf. Wessner, op. cit., p. xxxviii.
Wessner, op. cit., pp. xxxvi ff. ;IZnoche, Die Ueberlieferung Juvenals, 64 ff. Knoche is of the opinion
that the setusturn commenturn, so far from being the first commentary on Juvenal, mas a collection, in an
abbreviated and revised form, of the work of earlier commentators (he argues, e.g., that a scholion such as
that on 14, 102 could not have been written in the fourth century) and regards the scholia in P. Ant. Juv.
as representing one of several versions of these notes not incorporated in the vetustum cornmentzrm.
Hunt and Johnson, op. cit., 5,29.
 T H E ANTINOE FRAGMENT O F JUVENAL 207

quality; for though philological studies certainly survived the destruction of the library of
the Serapeum in A.D. 389,l it is probable that they never fully recovered from that disaster.
As has already been noted, there is no very close relation between the text and the scholia,
and the latter frequently betray a misunderstanding of the former which is surprising in
view of the high standard of accuracy of the text itself; probably we should not be wrong in
postulating a separate origin for the text and the scholia, the former being the descendant
of a gelehrte Ausgabe, the latter representing an inadequate attempt, with no tradition
behind it, to explain an author too difficult for the age.
In the following transcription the text stands exactly as it does in the original, except
that words have been divided and abbreviations extended: punctuation, accents, etc., are
those of the original. Square brackets [ I indicate a lacuna; double square brackets [I]
a
deletion ; round brackets ( ) the expansion of an abbreviation ; ' ' indicate that a letter has
been written above the line. The lacunae have been filled up from Housman's text (Cambridge,
1931). Scholia and glosses by B are printed in Roman and upright Greek type; those by
C in italic and slanting Greek type ; and those by D in thick Greek type.

Notes on the Text

150. Perhaps read . . ram?nantia: the initial word might be coram, but magistro cannot
be extorted out of the subsequent letters.
166. 7; qu(i)d do ut totiens. This is the only lemma found among these scholia.
169. The theme alluded to in these lines is explained thus by Housman: marito caeco uxor
venenum dedit, ille recepit oculos: uxorem dimisit: ingrati reus est. Some other interpretation
seems to have been attempted by this scholiast-perhaps that the wife assisted the husband
to kill her lover.
175. provata (1. prob-). After the ais a stroke which might represent an s ormore probably
a mark of abbreviation. Probato cannot be read.
176. Arte represents a further corruption after scindes had been transformed into scin-
dens, pueros perhaps being construed as object to doceat and scindens and the latter, glossed
by diuidens, being used in the sense of 'apportion', 'share'.
181. p ~ a a d h ~ oov
s , is quoted in Liddell and Scott (9th ed.) only from Photius and Suidas
as a varia lectio for pE'aavhos.
184. emit may be more fairly regarded as an attempt to make sense of the corrupt quanti-
cumque domum than as due to a confusion between venio and ceneo. (D is responsible for the
gloss in 194, where ~ o v c i r ais~probably the result of confusion between algeo and ~ 2 ~ 0 s . )
Cf. Sandys, History of Classical Xcholarship, I, 381.
 RECTO et[:I$
st vzs ex doctrtna tuc
afrlca si p!'??u.it mercedem !nponere linguae Eucrum habere
?%..a[ I....
rjo de d?c[elr! declamare doces. o ferrea pectya vetti
d!s d!+c~-
PU~!?
cum perelllit saevos cl?ssls numerosa tyrhnnds
~ . . a EVT( 1 a r ~ y ao p a O q q s !!~cv ru.yaptvos Kal ~ a O ~ p c v o s
nanl guaecumq(ue) sedens mod0 lbgerat haec eadem strins

[perferet a]tq(ue)eadem c?[nt]ab!t versib'us' isdem

[occidit miseros crlambe ~epetitalnagistrds

[quis color et quold s!t

cahsae genus atq(ue) ubi summa xov tUTLV 9
xoosaois raw
. . f .. ?!? .I.avsi[.]pp~ac!s Aoyou
[quae]st,!o quae [ve]q!an$ diversa fronte sag!ttae

nosse volunt onlnes mercedenl s6lvere n@ino. 3

[?objiclt-]
u r ad nmg- p[u]eros rogpt
drum mercedem appellas gu!d enim scio. culpa dockntis
ex dlscl-
pulo a n n e corde TOW pacrOov
scilicet argu'itur. quod la[evae] parte inanlillae
mobetur . . . ....
nil sAlit arcadico j'uveni. cuHus mihi sexta lTO
cos a1nrlToOW
TOW

ETIXI?PY[~~] saeyus .I.

Fma oa- quaq(ue) di[c'II\e'! miserum dirus caput hhnnubal fmplet

[BI@arov
ovrlva E A U ~ E S . . ps . $@; o avvtpah
quidquid !d ?st de quo dehberat an petat urbe(m)
-
a canills . an post nimbos et, fulmina cautus post pietatetn

~ocabit

c~rcumtigatmadidas a tempestate cohdrtes .

[quanltym vis [stipulalye e[t] p~ot!t?usAccipe quid da

die .I.unt [ In
[ut totilens !!Hum patey $u'd!at l>aecaKi~[sex ] so pud d6 multzs cu
ut tolzens ris taedt sunt

[vel plurels uno co[n]c!anl[ant]ore sophistae .

. . . . . l]!t$s
d ~ s c i p u l [.
i~
[et veras agi]tan[t] ![i]tes ral?tore relict6 de latfone non
] .... $t ?$cetur W Z O ~ C I ~ U S eonsz~lta?2t
E .. EY .. [
de vene$cz[zs]
.I.
de marztzs
[fusa venenla yIen[t] m[a]jus ingratusq(ue) maritus l70ll C 0 i l ~ l i ~ -
tnnf
s e n u ~ nveneni
[et quae jam vet:ereq sanant morthr~aciecos

[ergo sib] dabit] !pse ~ u d e msi nostra movebunt

ETTI @C(IVEI

[consilia et viltae diversum iter ingredietur .

[ad pugnam qui] ~het6ricadescendit ab umbra
]end?. ?!, .
a n t ~ q u fiit r'h'etor u t e r n i g ~ e tex officio

149. p'.l'~ui.t 1 add. A. 153. versib'us' us add. B. 155. summa inked over by D. 161. di[[c]]'e'j e add. A. 166. plu'd& u add. B.
 VERSO
. ?CH . a . [.
PT! a n € A a B € Xopaylov U L T O V[.] .I. a v v r a [ ~ so a v € K f i h ~ @
npos a .. . .
~ 7 w p ~ . o[. .]?ov
t IS? clKTpW U ~ O B C QO !~~Y O ~ C???[.
V .. .I. Val,. .
xopayiov oirov c v r : c [ . 1. r g ? [ r
[dl? tess-
[eraj
summula ne pereat qua vllls tkssera venit.
..... provata: j
175 frumentl gu!ppg haBc mirrces lautisslma. tdmpta
?! ETITOK() .I. :!ye
.!
[. .]VISI..? chrysbgonus quantl doceat vel pol110 quanti
ma+s
.I. .. vo[ drtzde17s
alvltum lautorum pueros arte sclndens t1)eodorl
TU[ 1
. . sopa bhlnea sescentjs et plur~sp6rtic[us in qua]

KaTa E A A E I ~ I V qestetur domlnus quotl~n[spluit anne serenum]

L

rrap(o) TWV
2ou[A(wv) .I.a n n e yvpvagrr
180 i ~ del v r s expbctet spargatq(uetluto jurl~[entarecentl:
Q?v?vXPO)I![
EV T W NE- hic pbtius namqjue) hic m6ncl'a'e n[ltej$ ung[ula mulae]
oavhlw EV .I. .I.
ST)moa
plirte aha. 16rlgis nunildarum fulta colujmnis!
yv~vuxel XO~OVV

aedificatur yqpo-rrolqy ??a .I. u p ~ m q ~ q p ~ v OT' ?PU X(:~[WVOS

+ v [ r i yiv-
i n a h a par- sdrgat et algirntem rBpiat ceniit10 s61ein era1
t e portieus dives elll~t Gra~our
cenat16 ful-
t a erat toll-
9a'Yra Eugvws
lnnis nun]'- napap.. fi$!?q?ooou ayopa3~1cocom aprucr
18j darum ;tnt(lquis) conpdnit . vdniet qui pulnient81*lacondit 3
honestis narScvrqs TOV V L O V auTou

116s inter sumptus sestirrt~aqulntllitino magister

pzzz
....[ ]es -1. dzvztzs
L Im
~ ultum [sJ d6o sufficlunt' riis nulla inlnorls
.I.
nullnm constjvlt patrl quarn filius iulde 'igltur tot
-
.
ex pa- est huml- 'A.

renti- le e t mln- qulntllianus 'habet' saltus ' exelnpla nov6run1

b(us) ha-
bet
or vldetur
nt fillus
p;itI.l . . . (..[ TWV I ' E W V

'90 fatbruni trans1 fellx ef [p]ulcher'et' 6cer

eruditus est feljix el! saplens et nobllls et gener[osus]

solus qui pau- OUTIS TOPE! 2 ~ p u a E K 7q5 nEvIas E&$E TOT. n . . . :'
per est [nejc ----
adposltam nigrae lunani subtexlt [alutae]
[mlolest~as![I-]
met
>---a-~ e t I . . .
qui' enim f&x orlitor qubq(ue1nldxlmus ejt jaculator]
est dives . . . . a l g e r ~ t. rroverraL [E]! EXEI T[O]Y[U]X?S. 9.. [
[e]x eo atem
n . t ! o v t 'c'u kt si perfrlslt cintat bbne d[lstat'enlrn quae]
.S . $?spit IP( 1 .I.
sidera te excipiant mod6 p[r~nios~ nclplenten~]
a-m?aouva~KhavBpupto~ous[ ] F.. [
6dere vagitus et adhuc a m[atre rubentem]
si f6rtkxi vcilet. fies de r'hfet[ore consul]
si v6let haec badem fies de [consule rhetor]
175. provata add. E. 176. Perhaps Pollid. 181. mund'a'e a add. B. 189. 'habet' add. A. 190. 'et' add. A. patri add. F.
Ee
 REPORT ON COINS FOIJND AT TEBTUNIS I N 1900
BY J. G. MILNE
With Plate xxvi
THE coins found at Tebtunis (Umm el-BurEg8t) by Drs. Grenfell and Hunt in 1900, when
they mere excavating for the University of California, have never been described. The
intention was that a catalogue should be published as part of a full account of the site and its
excavation: and for this purpose the coins were retained when the rest of the antiquities
were sent to California. The account, however, was never written: and the coins were still in
Dr. Hunt's rooms at the Queen's College when he died. As I had promised Dr. Grenfell, in
1900, to report on them, the time has now come to fulfil my promise. The coins are now
housed in the Museum of -4nthropology of the University of California at Berkeley, and the
report is published here with the approval of the authorities of the University.

1. -4 hoard of 140 Ptolemaic base-silver tetradrachms (inventory no. 442) was found in
a house in the temple enclosure. They were all of the issue ~vithoutany symbol in the field
of the reverse, dated by regnal years, and of late style. Their preservation was excellent:
they were quite unaffected by corrosion of any kind, and very few showed appreciable wear
from circulation: even those that mere most rubbed could not have lost more than a fractional
percentage of their original weight. As a large hoard in such good condition is not of com-
mon occurrence, they were all weighed, and the weights are given below, in gramnles,
classified under the regnal years.
Year 1: 14.01. Year 4: 14.62, 14.05, 13.89. Tear 5 : 14.17, 13.93, 13.76. Year 7: 14.33,
13.95. Year 8: 13.87. Year 9: 14.47. Year 10: 13.73. Year 16 = 13: 13-84,13.83. Year 14:
14.25, 14.14, 14.10, 14.07, 13.60, 13.54. year 15: 14.4.2, 14-39,14.22, 14.18, 14.00. Year 16:
14.39, 14.28, 14.20, 14.18, 13.38. Year 17: 14.73, 14.47, 14.37, 14.30, 14.17, 14.07, 13.76,
13-73, 13.55, 12.68. Year 18: 14.69, 14.47, 14.32, 14.31, 14.23, 14.22, 14-18, 14.17, 14.13,
14.12, 14.11, 13.93, 13.62, 13.53, 13.47, 13.35. Year 19: 15.57, 15.37, 15.14, 15.08, 14.86,
14.80, 14.72, 14.62, 14.46, 14.41, 14.28, 14.03, 14.00, 13.95, 13.78, 13.75, 13.72, 13.64, 13.55,
13.49, 13.48, 13.47, 13.42, 13.42, 13.26. Year 20: 15.31, 15.13, 14.88, 14.66, 14.56, 14-50,
14.43, 14.41, 14.40, 14.34, 14.32, 14.26, 14.00, 13.87, 13.69, 13.64, 13.36, 13.20, 13.18, 13.10,
12.84. Year 21: 14.99, 14.90, 14.55, 14.52, 14.44, 14.27, 14.14, 13.96, 13.29, 12.98, 12.77.
Year 22: 15.13, 14.55, 14.19, 13.70, 13.70, 13.69, 13.63, 13.62, 13.23. Year 23: 15.09, 14.85,
14.48, 14.45, 14.39, 14.12, 14-05, 13.99, 13.98, 13.90, 13.88, 13.58, 13.42, 13.41, 13.32, 13.21,
11.56. Year 24: 13.80.
The composition of this hoard furnishes strong evidence in favour of the classification of
the later Ptolemaic silver issues proposed by Regling (see Svoronos, TA voplaPa.ra TOG K ~ C ~ T O U S
T&V~ ~ o X E ~ U IV,~326-30),
U V , according to which the coins without symbols dated by years
1to 10 are of the first reign of Ptolemy X Soter 11;those by years 8 = 11 to 13 = 16 of the
joint reign of Ptolemy XI Alexander I and Cleopatra; those by years 14 to 26 of the sole
reign of Ptolemy XI Alexander I: the regnal years thus correspond to the periods when these
contending claimants for the Ptoleinaic power respectively controlled the Egyptian part of
the empire. The comparative numbers of the coins from each year in the hoard are roughly
 REPORT ON COINS FOUND AT TEBTUNIS IN 1900 211

what might be expected to remain in circulation out of the issues of twenty-four successive
years at the end of that period: and the coins with the earlier year-dates are the most worn,
~vhilethose with the latest are quite fresh. But other hoards do not fit in so well with this
classification: for instance, a small hoard of the dated tetradrachms without symbols, found
at Kom Truga and published in the Annuario del Nuseo Greco Roma?zo, I (Alexandria, 1934),
p. 44, containec25 of year 1 , 2 of year 20, 27 of year 21,22 of year 22, and 3 of year 29. The
presence of the coins of year 1 seems anomalous, unless they belong to year 1 of Ptolemy XI11
Seos Dionysos, s ~ h osucceeded Soter I1 in 80 B.c.: and they rather favour the alternative
theory that Neos Dionysos went on striking the series without symbols during the first part
of his reign. More evidence from hoards is necessary before the grouping of the late Ptolemaic
silver can be determined with any certainty.
The weights of the coins, which, as noted above, may be taken as approximately those
at which they were struck, show that there was no serious attempt to standardize them a t
this period. The Ptolemaic kings seem to have abandoned the attempt to control the price
of silver in Egypt, of which there are traces under Soter I and Philadelphus (see Journal, 15,
150), after the middle of the third century B.c., and the internal business of the country was
normally done on a copper basis: consequently nothing ~vouldbe gained by giving a fixed
amount of silver in hat was purely a token currency, and tetradrachms of different metal
content ~vouldcirculate together with the same purchasing power, just as shillings struck
before and after 1920 do to-day in England: the good silver tetradrachms of the first half of
the third century and the debased ones of the latter part of the second are found mixed up
in hoards. Foreign trade did not need to be considered: Ptolemaic silver coins are hardly
ever founcl outside Egypt after the third century, and it would have been absurd from a
business standpoint to export them to places where they would have been valued as bullion,
since the market price of silver in Egypt was at all times far higher than elsewhere in the
Mediterranean area. The irregularity of weight needs no further explanation.
The hoard is rather exceptional in containing only coins of one series, apparently, and
all in good condition: most Egyptian hoarcls of the Greek and Roman periods are much more
varied in their con~positionas regards dates of issue and degree of wear. It may possibly
be suggested that this was an official consignment, or an issue from a bank: on the analogy
of later banking practice, it does not seem unreasonable to assume that the state-controlled
banks of Ptolernaic Egypt might make a selection from the coins that came in to them, and
reissue to their custonlers only such as were in a fair degree of preservation.

2. B second parcel of Ptolemaic coins consists entirely of bronze: the note on the lid of
the box is almost effaced, but seems to read '444. 108 together from temple'. There are
actually only 107 coins nom in the box, all but three of which are of the type of Svoronos
1426-7 = B.M.C. Ptolemies, p. 106, 32-5: in the former this is ascribed to the reign of
Philometor, in the latter to that of Soter 11. TWOare of the type of Svoronos 1237, ascribed
to Epiplianes, and one of Svoronos 1158, ascribed to Philopator or later: the last-mentioned
type is considered by Robinson to be Cyrenaic, of the second century (B.31.C. Cyrenaica,
p. 90, 106-8). The average state of preservation is very poor: there are not more than a
dozen good speciinens in the hoard.
So far as the date is concerned, it seems impossible to ascribe the type of which this hoard
mainly consists to any one reign. These little coins are found in quantities on every Ptolemaic
site in Egypt, and are practically the only currency of their size that is represented there by
anything later than issues that must be of the third century. They vary considerably in
style: tested by this, and in comparison with the silver coins, some might well be of the reign
 J. G. MILNE

of Philometor, as suggested by Svoronos, others of the reign of Soter 11, as suggested by

Poole, others still later. There are, it is true, small bronze coins which bear the names of
Euergetes (11) and Soter (11) in more or less abbreviated forms; but these occur only rarely
and, so far as the records of finds show, do not together number as much as one per cent. of
the type under discussion. I t was not till the reign of Cleopatra VII that any copper or
bronze coins with the personal title of a Ptolemy mere issued in quantity in Egypt: her
pieces of 80 and 40 copper drachmas are fairly common. The evidence strongly suggests
that, just as the types of the gold and silver were repeated in reign after reign, so the types
of the bronze became fixed: these small coins may have been struck in the first instance
under Philometor, and continued to be struck without variation for over a century.
They were the smallest bronze pieces in regular use during this period: and the discovery
of a hoard of them in the temple of Tebtunis recalls the fact that Heron of Alexandria, in his
Pneumatics, describes an automatic machine which was placed at the entrances of Egyptian
temples to supply water to the worshippers, and was operated by dropping into it a r e v -
~ $ S p a ~ ~vdp~upa-i.e.,
ov a little bronze coin like these. The Tebtunis hoard may be the
takings of such a machine.

3. The largest group of Roman coins found in the excavations at Umm el-Baragst
consisted of 119 tetradrachms (inventory no. 445). As the chief value of such a hoard for
historical purposes lies in the comparative numbers of specimens from each year, to facilitate
their tabulation on the lines of the Ashmolean Catalogue of Alexandrian coins a list of the
coins is given under the headings of the emperors, with the regnal year in Roman figures;
the number of the type in that Catalogue, with a note, in angular brackets, or a brief descrip-
tion of any variants ; and, in round brackets, the nuniber of specimens of each type.
XEROiii ; 142 (I), 144 (1) : iv ; obv. Bb, rev. Homonoia (1) : v ; 177 (1) : x ; 217 (5), 222 (3) :
xi; 223 (a), 226 (I), 228 (S), 236 (1): xi;; 238 (21): xiii; 248 (2), 251 (6), 266 (I), 262 (I),
273 (3): xiv; 277 (I), 281 (I), 287 (I), 288 (2), 304 (1). GALBAi ; 309 (I), 312 (I), 314 (I),
322 (3): ii; 329 (1). VITELLIUS i ; 372 (1). VESPA~IAN i ; 384 (ties a) (1): ii; 388 (2), 389 (I),
393 (I), 394 (1). TITUSii ; 454 (1). TRAJANxv ; 649 (1) : xviii; 713 (1) : xix ; 738 (1) : x x ;
789 (1). HADRIAX i v ; 940 (1): v ; 986 (I), 991 (1): vi; 1014 (I), 1018 (I), 1027 ( 2 ) : viii;
1051 (1): ix; 1078 (E) (1): x ; 1120 (I), 1158 (1): xii; 1255 (1): xiii; 1274 (2): xiv; 1280 (2):
x v ; 1294 (a), 1301 (I), Sabina 1305 (1): xvi; 1325 (1): xviii; 1399 (1): xix; 1454 (3): x x ;
1501 (I), 1508 (1): xxi; 1520 (1): xxii; 1560 (1). ANTOSINUS PIUSii; 1597 (1): vii; 1755 (1):
i x ; 1854 (-NEN 0 CC-) (1) : xii; Aurelius Caesar obv. &a, rev. as 1944 (1) : xiii ; obr. as
2038, rev. as 2042 (1) : xiv ; 2073 (D,) (1) : xis ; 2304 (1).
The composition of this hoard is what is normal in Egyptian hoards of the middle of the
second century A.D.,as may be seen by comparison x-ith the Table in the -1shmolean Cata-
logue. The issues of Sero, particularly the Alexandria type of year 12 (no. 238), formed the
preponderant part of the currency till the time of Comniodus.

4. d little lot of 13 tetradrachms and 1 bronze drachma (inventory no. 446), marked as
found together, is catalogued on the same principle.
XEROxi; 226 (I), 228 (1): xii; 238 (4): xiii; 251 (2), 261 (1): xiv; 300 (1). C~ALBA i ;
311 (1). TITUSiii; 459 (1). HADRIAN xix; 1451 (1). ANTOKINUS PIUS,date illegible; -33 (1).
The presence of a stray bronze coin in a hoard of billon tetradrachms is not unparalleled,
and need not be supposed to be a later intrusion: in the great Bacchias hoard of over 4,400
tetradrachms, which I saw excavated and poured out of the amphorae which contained them,
there was a solitary bronze drachma.
 REPORT ON COINS FOUND AT TEBTUNIS IN 1900 213

5. Among the miscellaneous finds of coins in a box numbered 443 there was one group
which may be regarded as the equivalent of a hoard, as the coins were all stuck together,
and therefore have a material guarantee of their original relationship. They are:
CLAUDIUS v ; 103 (1). XEROiv ; 165 (1) : x ; 217 ( 2 ): xi ; 228 (6) : xii : 238 (4): xiii ; 251 (1):
s i v ; 281 (21, 287 (1). GALBA i ; 312 (1). DOMITIAX vi; obc. Db, rec. Nilie (1). TRAJAN xviii;
725 (1). HADRIAN i ii; 910 (1): viii; 1051 (1): x ; 1123 ( C L A E K A 3 T O V ) (I), 1153 (1):
xi; 1177 (1): s v ; 1294 (1). , ~ S T O K I N U S P I ~ ii;
S 1596 (&a) (1).
Two of the specimens of type 228 of Nero appear to be of exceptionally base metal: so
far as the technique of the coins shows, they do not differ otherwise from the regular products
of the mint of Alexandria, and may therefore be taken to be official issues. The coin of
Domitian is of the types of Dattari 439, but differs slightly in details from that illustrated
on his Plate xviii. ancl is accordingly figured here (Pl. xsvi).

6. X little parcel in the box of miscellaneous coins proved to be of special interest: it mas
wrapped in a paper marked, in Dr. Grenfell's hand, 'llec. 14. Together'; and the contents
were t ~ v obronze and six leaden pieces. The former were an extremely TI-ornfirst-century
Alexandrian diobol, on which the head of Vespasian was just discernible, and an Antiochene
coin of Elagabalus, of the type of B.M.C. Galatia, etc., p. 206, 457 (the end of the obverse
legend is not quite certain). The leaden pieces were all of the type described by A. de
Longperier in his article entitled Jlorznnies du Serape'um de JIemphis (Rer. Nuvzism., 1861,
p. 4071, from a specimen found by Mariette in his excavations at SakkLrah: their association
with the coin of Elagabalus gives the first evidence of the kind as to the date when such leaden
tokens were circulating in Egypt.
These six pieces (Pl. xsvi) were all from different dies, and shorn some slight variations
in treatment: a combined description follo~vs. I t may he noted that the face mhich is here
callecl the obverse, on grounds of technique, bears a type which x-ould more fitly be placed on
the reverse of a coin if the normal Greek practice were observed.
Obc.: Silus seated 1. on rocks, crox-ned with lotus, wearing himation over legs, holding
reed in r., cornucopiticl in 1.: facing him, Euthenia standing r., crowned with corn (in 1
possibly moclius), wearing long chiton and peplos floating out behind, holding up in r. ear
of corn: above, O B O
B
' : single border of dots in 1-3, double border in 4-6.
Ker.: Apis bull standing r., with disk between horns, on garlanded basis, with an altar a t
the r. end: before him, Isis standing to front (in 1 with head r., in 5 and 6 with head l., in 2-4
apparently TX-ithhead. to front), crowned with disk and horns, mearing long chiton, r. hand
outstretched, serpent in 1.: behind him, Ptah standing r., disk on head, mummiform, holding
was-sceptre with both hands: over back of bpis, crescent opening r. (rudimentary in 4-6):
above, in 1 palm, horizontally, in 2 degraded palm (?), in 3 and 5 possibly nothing, in 4
two flying fignres facing, holding wreath b e h e e n them, in 6 a t ~ ~ i s t eobject,
tl perhaps a
serpent or degraded \vreath: border of clots. Sizes ancl die-positions: (1) 30 mm., T: (2) 30
mnl., T: (3) 31 mm., +: (4) 28 mm., t:(5) 30 mm., T: (6) 30 mm., 1'.
The flans of all but 4 are very thin, that of 3 being too thin to take a proper impression
of the dies. The reverse die of 4 also s11o.ir-sthe best work, though the obverse is crude: and,
as this piece is the most worn, it is probably the earliest. The others clo not look as if they
had been handled much in circulation: their imperfections ag specimens are due to faulty
striking, not to rubbing, ancl they are not patinated.
The style and technique are so close to those of the leaden tokens with the name of
Jfemphis, and the reverse type is so distinctively Memphite, that there can be little doubt
214 J. G. MILNE
of the correctness of Longperier's attribution of this type to Memphis. The workmanship
of 4 is inferior to that of the best Memphite tokens-e.g., Num. Chron., 1930, PI. xxii, 19:
1 is somewhat worse than 4, the rest very much worse.
Xs regards the date of the hoard, the Antiochene coin of Elagabalus is a good deal worn:
and (though it is perhaps dangerous to rest too much on the evidence of a single piece) it looks
as if it must have been several years in circulation, and rnight have been deposited about
A.D. 250. The leaden pieces, except 4, would then have been struck shortly before that date:
this agrees with the general conclusions reached on other evidence as to the period ~vhenthe
Egyptian leaden tokens were produced, namely from the last quarter of the second century
to the end of the third: these pieces are about midway in style between the best and the
11-orst. In any case, it may be taken as certain that they were struck later than the first
quarter of the third century.
The facts that they were found with official coins and bear marks of value furnish clear
evidence in support of the contention that such leaden tokens were actually used as small
change in Egypt when the government had ceased to issue any coins smaller than a tetra-
drachm: local enterprise filled the gap, just as it did in England with 'plombs' under
Elizabeth, t o m and traders' tokens under the Con~mon~vealth, and traders' tokens again
under George 111. Hitherto, though large numbers of the leaden tokens have been pub-
lished, the only specimens of which the find-spots are recorded have come from rubbish-
mounds or house-sites, where indeed official coins are similarly found, but also ~niscellaneous
collections of small objects of every kind, and their presence there throws no light on their
use: the occurrence of such tokens in a hoard is therefore important. As the six specimens
are all from different dies, it is evident that the issue must have been a fairly large one ; dies
would not wear out quickly in striking these thin leaden flans.

7. The remainder of the 'miscellaneous' coins had no records of any kind attached, and
presumably were casual finds from the mounds. The only evidence that they furnish, as a
whole, concerns the period of occupation of the site, and a summary list of them will suffice
for this, the more so as the majority are in worn condition and only partly legible; but a few
specimens deserve rather fuller treatment.
Ptolemaic (all 3;references to Svoronos). (250-200 B.G.) 994; 1125 ; 1149 (with counter-
mark on reverse): (150-50 B.c.) 1237; 1426 (7) ; 1427: (Cleopatra vii) 1871: 2 illegible.
Alexandrian (tetradrachms Bi., rest 23: dates by regnal years: references to Ashmolean
catalogue, except where noted). AGGUSTUS undated ; 12 (diob.), 20 (obol) : xli ; as 29, but
18 mm. (obol). TIBERIUSiv ; 35 (Livia, diob.) : v ; 36 (obol), 37 ? (obol, date uncertain) : ? ;
rev. illegible (obol). CLAVDIVS iii ; 84 (tetr.) : iv ; 100 (diob.) : x ; 114 (diob.) : xii ; as 128, but
L I B (diob.): xiii; 128 (2, diob.). KEROx ; 222 (tetr.). VESPASIAX ii; 404 (ties a) (diob.):
jv ; 422 (obol): v ; 425 (diob.): vi ; 432 (diob.): ? ; rev. bust of Sarapis, date illegible (diob.).
DOMITIAN i ii; 472 (diob.), 473 (diob.): xi; 502 ? (diob.), as 512, but obv. E,d (obol), obz.. E,b,
rev. eagle r., looking back, L I A in field (diob.) : ? ; rev. illegible (dr.). TRAJAX xiv ; 618 '? (dr.) :
xv ; 664 ? (dr.) : xx ;806 (dr.) : ? ; rez.. Herakles of Herakleopolis standing I., date illegible (dr.).
HADRIAX ii or iii ; rev. quadriga, date illegible (dr.) : iv ; 958 (dr.) : xii ; 1270 ? (+ dr.) : xiv ; as
1286, but rev. dthene (dl) (dr.): x v ; 1316 (dr.): xvi; 1329 (dr.), 1346 ? (diob.): xvii; as 1364,
but Triptolemos (a2) (dr.): xviii; 1415 (dr.): xxi; 1556 ? (Aelius, diob.): ?; rev. Nilus
reclining I., date illegible (dr.). AXTONINUS PIUSi ; see below (dr.): v ; see below (dr.), see
below (diob.) : viii ; 1804 '.I (Aurelius Caes., dr.), Dattari 6361 (Aurelius Caes., dr.) : x ; 1925 ?
(dr.) : xii?; rev. Eirene standing l., date uncertain (4dr.) : xiii; see below (diob.) : xv ; 2150
(Ll E above) (Faustina, dr.), 2153? (dr.), 2166 (F,b,) (dr.): xvi; 2168 (D,k,) (tetr.): xviii;
Plate XXVI
216 J. G. MILNE
8. Two small parcels marked '737. from Ptolemaic cemetery' contained miscellaneous
coins, presumably surface finds, in poor condition. One, which was said to have 10, but
actually had 11, pieces in it, included 7 Ptolemaic i3?(1149, 1426 (3), 1871, and 2 illegible),
2 Alexandrian B (430 and illegible), 1 Byzantine follis of Alexandria, and 1 completely
illegible: the other had 2 Ptolemaic, 1 Alexandrian, and 1 fourth-century Roman 3. The
preponderance here is naturally Ptolemaic.

9. From an exploratory excavation in the town a t Gharak there were 18 coins (inventory
no. 447) in very poor condition: 3 were Ptolemaic 23, 2 third-century Alexandrian tetra-
drachms, 9 fourth-century Roman B, and 4 completely illegible.
 AN EASTER-TIDE FRAGMENT ON PAPYRUS
BY H. J. M. hlILNE
(With Plate xxvii)
STUDENTS of Christian Egypt owe a debt to Hugh G. Evelyn White, and it seems appropriate
that a papyrus which once belonged to that lamented scholar and has now been presented
to the British Museum by his father, the Rev. C. H. Evelyn White, should see the light in
the pages of the present Journal. This papyrus, measuring 8.3 cm. x 18.3 cm., and bearing
the Inventory Number 2906, hails, according to the dealer's statement, from EshmunBn in
Middle Egypt, the ancient Hermopolis Magna. It is uncertain whether it forms part of a
liturgical roll written parallel to its height in the Byzantine and medieval fashion, or whether
it is simply an odd scrap with an isolated text, perhaps used as an amulet. h few spots above
the first legible line may preserve the traces of previous words, but the loss of the left-hand
part of that line prevents us from judging whether these mould be necessary to the sense.
Certainly the end of the papyrus as it stands gives a full and satisfactory meaning.
Script and content are of a familiar type. The writing, a rather irregular sloping hand
of the sixth to seventh centuries, runs athwart the fibres of the papyrus and covers only
one side. Circumflexes occur over iota in a T p a T l w T q (1. 3) and the initial letter of 1 a x L p w O a ~
(1. 4), perhaps meant for diaereses; those over omega in U T ~ U T L W T U L(1. 5) and upsilon in
aKOUOVTOS (1. 7 ) presumablp.stand for accents, in the latter case wrongly. h triangle of dots
appears to mark punctuation after 07aavpo~(1.5) ; SO too other dots or strokes a f t e r a ~ o v o v ~ ~ ~
(1.7) and X E ~ O V T E S(1.8).
. But erratic dots are also plentiful in this papyrus. A rough breathing
is placed over 01 (1. 5 ) . Words do not overflov into the nest line, but, if necessary, are com-
pleted above the line as in 11. 5 and 7. The sacred names have the usual contractions. The
text is illiterate, even for its period and kind. Orthography and syntax are far from satis-
factory. One TJ-ondersif the faithful m.ho recited the words on Easter Day could really parse
the first five lines, or vere content with a mere 'blessed mutter'. At all events one modern
reader picks his way with diffidence. From ~ K O V O V T O S (1. UKOUOVTES) onwards we have the aid
of a verifiable quotation. Cp to that point only fitful gleams of possible meanings shine
through, but the passage seems to be based upon the incident in Ilatt. xxviii, 11-13.
I - . a [

] . 7) 0 1 IOV~ELLOL
KC21
$ [ u ~ a ] < [ a ] v ~~
~oy vwpa u~pa~iw
a v~aqy y e ~ M a ~ ~
bPLV 0 i W S <U # E U ~ U D ~ UKUTU.
L TOU kX;p.pw6aL
5 '.' 6 1 TOL ~ 7 p ~ 7 1 ~ 7 ~ [.1 8. .1 .]TEVE
CIJ 6 r l C 7 ~ U p 0 s 0 "TuL'
napavopo~.I-TOV 6G ~ L O T E U O LT E ~ O STOY
VEKPWV an08orai UKOCOVTOS TOV T ~ O $ ~ T O ' U '
X E ~ O V T E S a v ~ q7 p ~ p EaV oE
EnoLaev
a y a M i a ~ o p ~ B[ KaU L ~ v ] $ ~ a v 6 w
EV ~a~v v~ q
10 071 EKrYEp7Ul X[S C ~ W ] T ~ T~OL[ UK O C ~ / . L ] ~
'Jews and soldiers, guardians of the tomb, proclaim ye to us that he lives. Ye spalie a n untruth
concerning the Lord. The sepulchre was made fast [i.e. the body has not been stolen]. Soldiers. . .
Ff
21 8 H. J. M. MILNE
lawless men, believe ye i n God, that the dues of the dead have been paid, giving ear to the
words of the Prophet: "This is the day which the Lord hath made; we will rejoice and be glad i n
it", because Christ is risen, the salvation of the zcorld.'
3. Of q h h d f a v ~ e s(or whatever word it be) only the foot of the first and iifth letters is left.
Cf. ooi TTPOV^VTES in Matt. xxviii, 4. Read 76 pv+a, and ~ T ~ ~ T L G The T ~reference
L. appears to be to
the episode recountedin hlatt. xxviii, 11-13 : nopevopbwv 62 a 6 ~ G /v~ O ~ T L V ~Fjs E S K O U U T W ~ ~MOdv~es
~ S
€19 T ~ ~V A L cin7jyye~hav
V 70;s 6pX~epeV^u~v Z ~ a v ~h
~ aY e ~ d p e ~ a~ . auvvaxOiv~es
l ETA TGV~peu/3v~ipwv
U V @ O ~ ~ L ) \ , T~ EV Xa/3dv~escipydpLa ~ K U V
E6w~av
~ TO^ U T ~ ~ T L ~ T C L L hS i y o v ~ e %s UTE GTL 0 : paOlTa2 a6706
VUKTBS dhb'dv~es&che#av a h d v 'IjpGv K O L ~ W ~ ~ V W V .
4. Read 'Ijpiv Gnus [2j = &L [ g ? The two staccato verbs which follow are most simply restored
as <E'>t,lie&auOe.. .luXvph07. The references are to e h a ~ e...K O L ~ W ~ ~ Vabove,
W V and to ciu#aXroOFjva~
V dq50vin Matt. xxvii, 64.
T ~ ~
&7. Read T L U T E ~ E T E ,<&L>~ i h o TGV
s v c ~ p G vciiro8d8o~a~, with a glance at 1 Cor. xv, 20: "But
now is Christ risen from the dead, and become the hstfruits of them that slept" ? Read ci~odov~es.
8-9. Read X ~ ~ O V T O S A
. ctually the quotation is from Ps. cxviii, 24: a&q 'Ijpipa ijv 2noi~uevK dp~os*
&yahh~au&p~Oa K ~ EL ~ + ~ U V O G E V a versicle still recited a t various points in the Orthodox
2v~a6~2j,
services a t Easter.
10. Read 2yrjycp~a~.For the restorations we may compare X p ~ u ~ d2 ys G y c p ~ a ~~6q5poudvq ,
al&v~osand u7jpePov u u ~ ~ T$~ ~i dau p ?GTL O E V ~ U T ~ X P L U T ~from
S , troparia a t Easter matins.
Plate XXVlI
 PIANKHI'S INSTRUCTIONS TO HIS ARMY
BY ALAK H. GARDIKER
FORthose whose life is devoted to the study of Egyptian texts it is sornewhat humiliating to
find that some of the most interesting hieroglyphic inscriptions are not really Egyptian at all,
but emanate froin the Xubian kings of alien descent who ruled Egypt, either wholly or in
part, during the latter half of the eighth and the first half of the seventh centuries before
the Christian era. Perhaps it was the foreign blood of an energetic and ~varlilierace that
caused them, despite a deep devotion to Pharaonic tradition, to commemorate upon their
triumphal stelas a wealth of picturesque details and manifestations of personal tempera-
ment entirely absent from the vainglorious annals of earlier times. The third Tuthinosis
and the second Ramesses have afforded as accounts of their exploits far less jejune than those
of most of their compatriots. But who among us 15-ill prefer their narrations to that of the
Ethiopian conqueror Piankhi?
If there remained any doubt upon the point, it would, I think, be effectually dispellecl by
the passage which forms the subject of the present article. The rendering I have to offer
differs widely from that given by previous translators, who indeed have failed to discerrl the
sense o~vingto their ignorance of the meaning of a crucial word. The meaning of that ~ ~ o r d
once recognized, the sense of the whole paragraph follo~vsalmost automatically. The con-
clusions here to be set forth were reached a few years ago, but I deferred publishing them in
the hope of finding time to give a corilpletely new version of the entire stela. During the last
few days, however, there has come before me an article by a young German scholar1 who,
while he has one excellent and novel suggestion to make, is still baffled by the passage as a
whole. For this reason I have thought fit to claim a few pages of the Journal for a discussion
of this philological problem. I begin wit11 a rather free translation of the passage as I inter-
pret it, in the hope of attracting soine readers who ~vouldbe uns\illing first to plough their
way through an expanse of granlinatical and lexicographical notes.
Piarikhi has heard (11. 3 ff.) that Tefnakht, ~ v h owas the local ruler of Sais, had seized the
entire western Delta as far as Lisht, and had then sailed upstream gaining victories svherever
he went. One important kinglet, Similt of Hetwere, had thro~vnoff his allegiance to Piankhi,
and had even razed the ~vallsof his city in the hope of conciliating the invader. I n face of this
news Piankhi writes to his generals already in Egypt ordering them to beleaguer Herrnopolis
Magna, while at the same time he fits out another army to send from his Ethiopian capital
at Napata (11. 9 ff.):
Then sent H i s X u j e s f y a n army into Egypt charging them very strictly: dttac?; not the enemy
by night after the lcay of ganzesters, butJight when you can be seen; challenge !tint to battle f r o n ~
nfnr. If ke bid yo^^ await the infantry and cacalry of another city, rest quiet until his troops come.
Fight only when he bicls. Fzirthernzore, allies of his be i n another city, let tlbenz be awaited.
Such princes as he nzay take to help him, or any trusted Libyan troops, let thenz be challenged to
battle in adcance, saying: Thoz~-for zce know not whonz to address i n nlusteriny the arnzy-
harness the best steed of thy stable, d ~ a l ozcp i n Zitze of bctff7e. For 1in0lc thozi that AnzCrz is the
god that 11nth sent us.'
I n other words Piankhi co~nmanclshis generals to give the enemy choice of tirnc and
J. Spiegel; see below, p. 221, n. 5.
 220 ALAN H. GARDINER
place for the fight. Respite should be allowed to enable Tefnakht's auxiliaries to arrive, and
due warning should be given before any attack is launched. The last line divulges the
grounds prompting this strange strategical counsel: ' F o r know thou that AmGn i s the god
that hath sent us'.
Were such a command intended in literal earnest, it would indeed be an unprecedented
utterance for an experienced warrior. I t is the first principle of strategy not to underestimate
the enemy, and deliberately to let him fix his own battle-conditions would be a remark-
able innovation in generalship. But we must make allowance for the fact that this order is
inscribed upon a triumphal stela erected a t a date posterior to Tefnaliht's unconditional
surrender. However merely rhetorical Piankhi's words may be regarded as being, a t least
they bear witness to his high courage and unswerving piety. In this respect the passage
harmonizes well with the rest of the stela, since we read that when the news of the rebellion
reached Pianlihi, he received it 'with a high heart, laughing and in gladness' (1. 6), and the
immediate continuation of the speech already translated reflects his deep faith in his god:
' W h e n you have reached Thebes over against Epet-esut,l enter into the wate~,purqy yourselves
in the river, array yourselves i n clean linen (?),2 rest the bow and loosen the arrow.3 Boast4 not
of being lords of might, for without him no brave hath strength; Ize maketh strong the weak, so that
many$ee before the few, and one man overcometh a thousand. Besprinkle yourselves with water
from his altars. Iiiss the earth before his face. Say ye unto him: "Give us fair passage, that we
may Jight beneath the slzadow of thy strong arm. The youths whom thou hnst sent, theirs i s the
victory; and many shall be dismayed before them."'
The text of the passage here particularly interesting us reads as follows:

I.e., the temple of Karnak.

2. The word seems unknown, unless it is somehow identical with the late I ? I which IV6rterb. d.
oeg. Xpr., v, 291 gives as 'Beiwort von Unreinlichkeiten, die abgewaschen werden'.
These last words are almost a quotation from the story of Sinuhe ( B 274). It is known that the scribes
responsible for the text of these Nubian stelas were deeply versed in the classical books of the Middle King-
dom, and habitually quoted from them. See my article on the 'Instruction of iimenemmes' in the Me'Zunges
Haspero, pp. 494-5.
Strangeas it may seem, B z/$
appears here to be the determinative of 41 ;~ fthewriting
on another stela of Piankhi from Gebel Barkal, Z.A.S., 66, 90,I. 27.
.
 PIANKHI'S INSTRUCTIONS TO HIS ARMY 221

It does not seem necessary to comment on all the renderings of previous translators,
though in one place even the translation Q£ de Rough, made sixty years ago, has something to
teach his successors.l I shall confine myself to the versions of Griffithj2Budge,SBreasted,*
and SpiegeL5 and shall quote from them only as much as appears desirable in order to
acquaint the reader with the nature of the interpretations here rejected. For the sake of
brevity the names \?-ill be referred to in the shortened forms G., B., BR., and SP.
In one point at least all earlier translators have an advantage over the very latest, in
that they refer the pronoun 'he', ' h i n ~ throughout
' the passage to Tefnakht, not to Amiin,
which is the suggestion of SP. SP. defends his view on the ground that in 1.13-in the words
'for without hinz &@'&z no brave hatlz strength'-the pronoun 'him' unquestionably be-
longs to Amiin, without (so says SP.) the connexion with him having been anywhere indicated
in the intermediate text. SP. has overlooked the specific mention of Amiin in the last clause
of the hieroglyphic excerpt given above. This, together with SP.'s obvious ignorance of my
article on the nieaning of the rerb 1!En (see below, note g), puts his interpretation out of
court.6
The renderings of G., B., and BR. a11 assume that Piankhi is here giving serious strategical
advice, instead of nierely displaying his contempt for the enemy. Alone of the three BR. has
attempted, in footnotes, to make intelligible sense out of the various points mentioned. He
interprets the first words as a command to attack a t the earliest opportunity. The following
sentences are stated to mean that if Tefnakht send his allies to fight them, they are to await
the attack; but if the allies remain in some city, Piankhi's forces are to seek them. Doubtless
this is as good an interpretation as can be elicited from the passage without taking the words
Qzn
ji --. as ' t o wait for'. The trouble is that in various minor points BH.'s version is open
to philological objection, and that-most important of all-it does not harmonize with the
defiant tone of the last words of the paragraph.
I now proceed vith my notes on specific philological details.
(0)To be read ?zn nesn,as is clear from the t1~70instances of ?znin 1. 87.
(b) The restoration pl[g]z seems certain, being demanded by both the sense and the
space available. For 2 as a spelling of n& A see 1. 33 ; this word is preserved on a new
fragment of the stela unearthed by Reisner, and published by Loukianoff in Ancient Egypt,
1926, Plate opposite p. 86, where it is assigned to its right place in 1.9. A trace near
n
1 may
quite well belong to : for the four signs above one another see h m s - c of 1.10 as shown in
Mariette's facsimile. Loukianoff renders ' fi'enfrez pas pendarzt la nuit ', but it seems clear
that ,"must have the not TerF common sense of 'attaclr' lrno~vnfrom Sinuhe B 53. 61.
(c)1 jl-&-..-.,[i;& lit. ' in the nzarzner of ctraugl~ts-pluyirlg
'. In rendering 'trfter the way
of cinrrzestt'rs' I have triecl to bring out the sense more clearly; in the game of draughts each
&jer seeks to outv-it the other.-
((7) G. and B. are doubtless wrong in taking sr n.f (?h, nz i u as the object of m 3 1 (B. 'as soolz
as ye see that he hufh set Ibis troops in rnarching order') ; BR. construes sr as imperative, whicli
C'hrestomathiec'gyptienne, 4me fascicule, 1876. De Roug6 rightly divined the sense of the first words of
the speech: 'JJ'(attayuezpas) la %?sitd'aprGs le plan (eomme)d'u?zjcu'.
I n Specimen pages of a Library of fhe World's best L/tercrt?tre(Xe~vT ork, 1897), 5277-8.
The Egyptian Sitdin, n, 13.
' Ancient Records, n*,421-2.
Ein neuer Ausdruck fiir 'der u?td der' im ~ g y ~ t i s c h e in
n , Z.d.S., 71, 156-7.
Another defect of SP.'s article is that he has missed Loukianoff's important article in Ancient Egypt,
1026, 86 ff., quoted below in note b. I n exactly the same way SP. detracts from the value of his otherwise
excellent brochure Die Praanzbel des Amenemope und die Zielsetzzcng der agyptischen Weisheitsliteratur by
neglecting the new readings indicated by Griffith in his article on The Teaching of An~enophisin this
Jou~nal,12, 191.
 ALAN H. GARDINER

seems to me obviously right. However, I do not agree with BR. that bft mu should be under-
stood as ' on sight', i.e., as soon as you behold the enemy. The sense suggests rather a passive
meaning for m?>,'corresponding with seeing' being equivalent to 'when you can be seen' ; or
alternatively a neutral sense 'when one can see'. To these possibilities there is no gram-
matical objection, the infinitive being indifferent as regards voice. The phrase $ft rn>l is
obviously contrasted with 7rz grh previously.
(e)l-=kQ is rendered in Worterb. d. aeg. Spr., IV, 190 as 'Iiampf beginnen', the Coptic
q-imac e8oX being compared. The latter phrase does indeed mean in effect 'fo set the
battle in array', as Crum gives it, and corresponds to the G r e e k n a p a ~ $ u u ~ ~ 8But
a ~ .the sense
in the two instances here and in the further one in 1.17 must be 'to challenge someone to battle '.
This follows ( l j from the expansion dd n rll-n, etc., at the end of our passage, (2) from the
known ineaning 'proclaim', 'foretell', 'announce' of !oh, pz
cf. the ~ ~ r i t i n g in 1. 17, and
(3) from the use with the dative here. The literal sense is, of course, to 'announce battle to'
someone, and the Coptic idiom, if connected at all,l is due to a transition of meaning.
(f) 'from afar', cf. below 1. 93; Metternich stela 53. BR. renders 'Force battle
upon him fronz afar', and explains this as meaning, "not that they are to fight at long range,
avoiding close quarters, but that they are to seek battle at the earliest opportunity, and
begin the attack from afar". But this ~ o u l dsurely be a very unnatural mode of expression,
and it is far easier to suppose Piankhi to be ordering his troops to announce their intention
to attack when still at some distance; in this may the enemy tvould have ample time to
make his dispositions. This interpretation, and this alone, fits really \\-ell into the context.
(g) Literally 'If he say, Wait for the infantry, etc.', with the meaning 'wait for' which, as
I showed in Z.A.S., 49,100-2, is necessary in seven different passages containing the phrase
-
1!an--.. BR.'s rendering 'If he says to fhe infantry and chariotry of another city, Hasten'
is impeccable grammatically, and 19zn or Q ~ J ' Ais k n o ~ to
~ ndemand this sensein other
passages. Ho~vever,(1) g&c2- in the apodosis implies that the persons addressed
by Tefnakht are not certain of his now distant allies, but the attacking army of Piankhi; (2)
-
later on, /j qenn&iT;=: mould have to be ji I a n - & = , since nesn could only mean ' (hasten)
to their help', not ' a G n s t them', and both cGtext ayd Breasted's hypothesis demand that
hostile action against these troops should be meant. But the real objection to Breasted's
translation is that my alternative fits far better into the sense of the passage as a xhole.
(h) BR. and SP. both render .&as 'but '. This vould, however, be $2.
2
(i)There are three possible ways of taking the demonstrative : (1) as subject of a clause
with nominal predicate ' These are the princes. . . . ' (Eg. Gramm., 3 127,l) ; (2) as co-ordinated
with hltyzo-c ' the princes and those whom. . . . .' ; (3) as in apposition to hltyzc- (,' the princes
(namely) those whom. . . . .', a very common construction in Coptic, cf. T c o g r a ~ a i '
e~aeepaT'ice e l r e ~ e p o ~ obutc , rather unconlnlon in Egyptian. I prefer the last of these
alternatives. I n any case, as Gunn points out, these words are best taken ~vithwhat follon-s,
since while the entire body of allies is to be awaited, it is not the rank and file, but only the
chieftains among them, who are to be challenged before the battle starts.
(j) &zg is a difficulty. ?Ire need not perhaps attach much importance to the deter-
minative tg, for this may be inspired by the m-ord for ' ancestor(s) ', found written j in
1. 1. But it seems a little doubtful whether we should take this adverbial expression tempor-
ally or spatially. If the latter, then the group tvould be nearly equivalent to 22 above.
The meaning of ctop ' t o spread (abroad)', 'distribute' seems very far distant from the Egyptian use.
Perhaps, howeyer, the Coptic meaning is the original sense, which has only found its way into literary
Egyptian in the specialized meaning 'proclaim', this surviving in + - y a w eho'A, see Crum.
 PIANKHI'S INSTRUCTIONS TO HIS ARMY 223

On the whole, however, I prefer to take it temporally, the more so since Worterb. d. aeg. Spr.,
v, 282 quotes hypl as a late expression for 'a??zAnfang' (der Schopfung). On this view
Piankhi will be meaning that not only shall these allies be a~vaited,but also when they have
arrived due notice shall be given of the attack.
(k) Probably imperative, not an abbreviation of 5 A>,,or t he latter occurring,
e.g., in 1. 85.
(1) SP. (10~.cif.) has cleverly discovered the meaning of these words, x-l~ichhad defeated
all other translators. Starting out from the Coptic u e y e n r u ' so-and-so ', vhich Ermanlong
ago proved to be derived from J cz&";;"&a ' I know not who ', he quotes several Late-
Egyptian examples in which a similar phrase is used as a substitute for the name of a person,
when that name is unknown or when the spealier, for some reason of his own, ~vishesto
suppress it. Here, accordingly, the clause beginning with n r72.r~takes the place of a vocative,
and this is why I have inserted in my translation a 'thou' which is not in the original
Egyptian. SP. is, however, mistaken in rendering z2E 'den, den er gerufen Izat', though
this is grammatically possible, o@ being occasionally used \\-it11 a direct object in the
sense ' t o summon'. But the meaning clearly is 'we know not to whom to call' in the sense
of ' t o whom we should call', ~ ~ h i Egyptian
ch would naturally render by passive participle+
dative ('one called to him') on the model of @8: 'one who is to be feared' (Ey. Graw~m.,
5 376). The use of ($with n of a person is common.
4
(nz) is of course imperative. The phrase must be equivalent to
I can quote no other instance.
TTx, but

In conclusion, let us hark back to the question as to how far Piankhi's speech is historical.
I t is a question to which no confident answer can be given. The probability seems to be that
the author of the stela has attributed to Piankhi I\-ords either in harmony with his known
character or else corresponding roughly to what he actually said. I have insisted sufficiently
already on the strangeness of the instructions from a strategical point of view. But it may
be, as Dr. Cernf points out, that in them Piankhi did not disclose all his thought, but had
reasons of his own for desiring a single decisive battle, rather than a prolonged campaign. I n
point of fact, though Tefnakht's discomfiture seems to have been fairly rapid, we are told
of a number of battles and sieges taking place before he was compelled to surrender. There
are no grounds for believing that Piankhi's high-flown command was obeyed.
 A TRIAL BEFORE THE PREFECT OF EGYPT

APPIUS SABINUS, c. 250 A.D.

(P. Lond. Inv. 2565)

BY T. C. SKEAT AND E. P. WEGENER

(With Plate xxviii)

THEprocedure of nomination to public offices ( h a g in the local municipalities of Graeco-

Roman Egypt is still very imperfectly known. For the period before A.D. 200 m-e have, it

is true, in Papyrus no. 77 of the Rylands collection an authority of prime importance;

but hitherto, although a certain amount of valuable information has been pieced together,

notably from the documents published in P. Oxy. XII, no papyrus has come to light which

similarly reveals the details of procedure after the fundamental reforms which the Emperor

Severus carried through in that year. 2565, as the papyrus here published will be hereafter

designated, has therefore in spite of its mutilated condition a considerable interest, u-hich is

enhanced by the fact that it relates to the Arsinoite nome, whereas almost all the earlier-

known texts come from Oxyrhynchus or Hermopolis. I t has thus seemed desirable to pub-

lish it with as little delay as possible, especially as many years must elapse before the

appropriate volume of the Catalogue of Papyri can be taken in hand. Unusual difficulties

both of decipherment and restoration make the interpretation of large tracts of the docu-

ment extremely hazardous, since in view of the number of passages where the text,

though virtually complete, is nevertheless barely intelligible, it will be realized that here

half a dozen or more letters are missing a convincing restoration has frequently eluded

us; but all the same we feel justified in printing the document in its present state, for to

many of these problems it is reasonable to hope that the insight of other scholars, or future

discoveries of related texts, will eventually provide the key.

The notes appended to the text make no claim to be an adequate commentary. In
particular, many difficult and complicated points of municipal administration for which
the a-itness of 2565 is of value, have been purposely passed over, as they will be discussed
at length by Miss Wegener in her forthcoming thesis on the local senates of Egypt after the
reforms of Severus. Our main object throughout has been to provide, as far as lies in our
power, an accurate reproduction of the text of the papyrus.

Condition of the Papyrus

When acquired by the British Museum in November 1924, and given the Inventory
Number 2565, the papyrus was broken into a mass of fragments, which were later joined
up to form five columns of writing; that Col. i was originally preceded by one or more
columns is indicated not only by the text of the first line preserved, but also by the existence
of several small pieces (printed as Fragments 1-5) which cannot be fitted into any of the
five reconstructed columns; Col. v, the right-hand half of which is lost, was certainly the
last. The average height of the roll is 21 cm., the total length of Cols. i-v as now arranged,
152 cm. The papyrus generally is of poor quality, and the kollemata vary greatly in width,
the broadest being 18.5 cm., the narrowest only 8 cm. across. Large areas are now in bad
 TRIAL BEFORE PREFECT OF EGYPT APPIUS SABINUS 225
condition, being very brittle and stained a deep red-brown to black colour through damp,
while the lower part especially is often badly rubbed.

Palaeography and Style

The document is written throughout in a clear but undistinguished uncial hand; Col. ii,
which is the best preserved, is reproduced here (Plate xxviii). A few abbreviations are more
or less regularly employed, viz. EL) for E ? ~(the V final hook being in reality a cursive n), p for
&rwP (as in P. Oxy. 1502, where the editors' interpretation is confirmed), and 6 7 or ~ ~ ~
6n€LKp for ~ T E K ~ ~ V ~ T2frly-O . for E)frIY7).r7jsand vopw- for vdpwv also occur. The diaeresis in
the form of two dots or a short horizontal stroke is found sometimes over initial L and v, and
there are some examples of the apostrophe (') separating two consonants. The only mark of
punctuation is a sloping line placed usually at the end of each section of dialogue between
the Prefect and the advocates.
The scribe JTas careful and generally accurate. As in even the best-written documents
of this age, EL and L are constantly interchanged ; o and w are much less commonly confused
(11. 50, 81, 96, 99) ; EL for E is found oc;asionally in 6 n ~ L ~ ~ ( l v a r for o ) , r) perhaps twice (11. 88,
108). The only actual mistakes seem to be ] . . avv.ra (1. 14), 6vclyvw for 6vlyvw (1. 48),
V E V ~ ~ O ~ E for B ~ V~ E~V ~O W
~ OVB E T(11.
~ ~ .58-9, cf. 1. 107), 7jp~Zvfor 6p~Zv(1. 69), and perhaps
03aXkpos for OdaXkp~os(1. 109). Several other errors and omissions, mostly in Col. iv, have
been rectified by the scribe himself, who seems to have checked the whole document, after
copying, with the exemplar (CIVTL/~~MELV, 7 T P ~ u a ~ r ~ cf. j 3 P.
~ ~Oxy.
~ v , 1479, 4 and note).
Division of words is correct throughout, &rloj[ry? in 11. 41-2 and 6 v a y ~ w d u l ~in w 11. 82-3
being permissible (Kenyon, Palaeography of Greek Papyri, 32).
I n general style and structure 2565 resembles previously k n o m records of the Prefect's
court; of these it is now by far the most extensive example, and gives us a much better
picture of the proceedings than the usual brief extracts from 6 n o p ~ ~ ~ a ~We i u can
~ o note
~.
the preponderating share the Prefect himself took in the conduct of the case ; as a rule he
questions each side in turn, criticizing their arguments himself (e.g. 11. 101-2) or inviting
criticism from their opponents (e.g. 11. 85, 99-100). At frequent intervals the Prefect or the
advocates call for the reading of documents put in as eridence-extracts from the 6nopvr)-
p a r ~ u ~ of
o l previous prefects, of the epistrategus or strategus, or from proceedings in the
ilrsinoite Senate. The only law (vopoO~ula)quoted is in the form of a 1-erbal response by
the Emperor Severus (11. 8 2 4 ) to a personal petition, in which he lays down the vital
principle which, so far as FTe can judge, really decides the case in favour of the defendants.
The reading of each of these documents is regularly introduced by the formula (d G ~ i v a )
dvlyvw rd ~ n o r ~ r a ~ p 08 ~ v dPX7j.,
ov and, unfortunately for us, only the opening words and
~ a r& l &$7js ('etc.') follow, the amount quoted being quite insufficient to indicate the
contents or the purpose for ~vhichit was read. After each reading, the procis-verbal is taken
up again with the words PET& r;7v ~ V ~ ~ V W U(6L VS~iva)E ? ~ ( E v )The . same abbreviation of
documents quoted as evidence is found in other records of the Prefect's court, notably in
P. hmh. 67, 9-13, which might be restored: E'nl~pe-l[#ov 62 6vay]vwof?7jvai a;.rov^ T+V
X~~P~YPa+ 61'l a$s
v dCLoXoY~i~a~ [? T& Y ~ Y ~ v T I p k ] ~ a a. 6vkyvw
l T & 6 n o r ~ ~ a y ~(? l v1.a76 6 n o r ~ -
raypkvov) 06 6pX<. /3ovhG 1 [? ~ u v a ~ B ~ 'AX~(av8piavji
lu]~ T$ ~ p a r l u r yA;p?jXios &pijvos ALO-
u~dpov1 [ ~ a l gfijs.1~ & per&T+V 6vclyvw [u]L[v] r O ~ ~ P a r ~ a&ap 6 ~ ] Alydnrov E ln [EV KTX.
[ ~ [xos]
Another example is P. Oxy. 1504, where ~ a T2& <@s. p ~ ? [ & r$v ~ V ~ ~ ~ V Wshould
U L V be restored
in 1.7. Four times during the hearing (11. 29-30, 6s-9,104, 114-15) the Prefect brealis off to
consult with his assessors ( U K E # ~ ~ E V O Sp ~ r T d GVE)v T& owtLjgovh~I~), resuming the case by asking
Gg
226 T. C. SKEAT AND E. P. WEGENER
a question or calling for fresh evidence; in all previously known instances (see 11. 29-30,
note) this consultation takes place once only, immediately before the final giving of judge-
ment, and that the presiding official apparently retired from the bema has been inferred
from P. Teb. 286 (= M., Chrest. 83), 15 (cf. P. Oxy. 1102, 5, n.), from a trial before the
hypomnematographus : ('Iodhios Okwv) [ L E ~ E ; ~ ] ~ a 6r0p~['a]~[o~]~d~os
l 6vau[rd]s€ 1 [olvp-
~
[TI&
[PodAcov ~ ] a Ul K E # ~ ~ [ E V OpS ~ ] r d [ ~ ] a [ p d ] y [ ~ [dmj
w ] v ~ d p ] ~ v6rdq5a[u~v
(~~y 4 ~ ] a6l v ~ y v d -
oO[y K ~ ] T +h i t [ ~ vOO;[T]WS
] Zxovua K T ~ . Wilckenl has well compared Act. Apost. xxvr, 30-1 :
~ a ~l a i i ~ tar d v r o sa3~oii(SC. ITadhov), 6vkury o' /3auih~;s ~ a o'l ?jycpCL;v,7 j T E B E ~ E V ~I Ka ~ oEl ,
o v v ~ a O r j p ~ vao3~~ o i s ~
. a 6vaXwp7juavr~s
l <AclXovv ~ p d s6AA.rjhovs X ~ ~ O V T E S ," O T 0
~ 3 8 2 ~Oavdrov
4
Gttov S ~ a p G v7rpdoorr.d a"vOpwrros0 8 ~ 0 s .In the case of 2565, however, it seems unlikely
that the Prefect absented himself so frequently from the tribunal, and more probably the
assessors were consulted on the spot on any knotty point. In any case, it is clear that
henceforward reference to such a consultation cannot be invariably taken as evidence that
the final judgement is impending.
Another feature in the structure of 2565 may be mentioned here: when the Prefect
questions some one who has just been speaking, the fact is usually recorded in the form
ZaP~ivos2rrapXosA l y d r ~ o va h @ E ~ T ( E V ) . and the reply which follows is introduced merely
by the word a ' r e ~ p ( l v a ~ o )This
. criterion, though 6ot infallible, is useful in distributing
the speeches among the different pleaders where their names have been lost through
mutilation of the papyrus ; but it must be noted that discipline in the Prefect's court was
apparently not over-strict, and an advocate who has just been asked a direct question by
the Prefect is not infrequently anticipated by a colleague, or even an opponent (e.g. 1. 85),
while a t least twice (11. 45, 81) the reading of written evidence is interrupted by a protest
from one or other of the persons concerned in the case.
Of the style of 2565 there is little to be said; in common with most other records of its
type, the style of reporting is bald to a degree; the speeches appear broken up into short
staccato sentences with, often, acute asyndeton (e.g. 11. 32-6), while dependent clauses or
any form of elaborate construction seem to be deliberately avoided. That the Greek
pleaders practised such economy of words is hardly to be believed, and probably all that
we have here is a summary of the arguments used, derived perhaps from shorthand notes.
Nevertheless, there is no reason to doubt that the papyrus represents faithfully enough the
general trend of the discussion, and its trustworthiness is vouched for by an occasional
human touch, such as the exasperation of the Prefect when a straightforward question of
his is met by an evasive reply (11. 31-2).2 And in some of the longer utterances, particularly
in Col. iv, we may detect some echoes of the forensic eloquence of Graeco-Roman Egypt
in the third century A.D.
Persons in the Case
1. Aurelius Appius Sabinus, Prefect of Egypt, with:
2. His assessors ( 0 ; <V 74 uvp/3ovh~Icp).
3. Castor, once (1.116) styled V O ~ L K ~and
S , once (1. 123) ;<rwp. The v o p i ~ d swas a jurist
acting as unofficial legal adviser (cf. Meyer, Jum'stische Papyri, p. 281 and P. Oxy. 1416,
21, n., where the editor compares C.P.R. 18 = Mitteis, Chrest. 84, 22-5: Bhalu~os
TI@
Mapiavds . . . . mvAah?juas' A P r ~ [ p ~ ] 8 [ & P c pV O ~ [ L ] K @[ T ] E [ P ~ ro]ii 7TPdYpa~os
d[mj]YdP~~~~
&rd[+aa~v K T ~ . ) ; it is unlikely that a V O ~ L K would
~ S also be an advocate in the case, hence
Archiv., 5, 232-3.
a Cf. the impatient repetition of a question by the epistrategus in a similar situation: 'Avrtvocds ioriv;
' A n i v o c d ~i o ~ i v (Boak,Jounutl,
; 18, 69-76 = S.B. 7558, 1. 22).
 TRIAL BEFORE PREFECT O F EGYPT APPIUS SABINUS 227
one description must be mistaken; if so, V O ~ L K is~ Smore probably correct, seeing that Castor
takes no part in the previous discussion, but only appears, as in the Rainer papyrus,
immediately before judgement is delivered.
4. The advocates:
For the Villagers ( ~ w p ~ :~ a g For the Senate of Arsinoe:
Sarapion, &up. Ischyrion, 67j~wp.
Chaeris, b7j~wp. Philippus, 67j~wp.
Seleucus, ovv7jy0~os.l He names his own particular Serenus, ,.irj~up.
clients in 1. 56: Gy& ovvqyop& li'or[dP]uv~~ a" lE h e ~ a l Lucius, $j.rwp.
fix+.
5. Apollonides, Prytanis of the Senate of Arsinoe. Whether all the occurrences of this
name refer to the same person is not quite certain, but it is highly probable, and to differ-
entiate them into two or more persons of the same name creates more difficulties than it
solves. Usually he is simply called 'A.rroMwvlGrlswithout title or description, from which
it is clear that he \$-as not one of the professional ;$TOPES. Hence it is natural to identify
him with the 'A.rroMwvl6r/s.rrpd.ravcs who is addressed by the Prefect in 1. 104. We can now
equate him with the 03aX4p~os'A ~ o M w v l G 6xo6~6~yp4vos
~s ~ p d ~ a v c(1.s 21) mentioned in an
extract from the proceedings of the Arsinoite Senate; it is natural that in an official docu-
ment of that type his name should have been given in the fuller form, and if he mas 6x0-
~ E S E L ~ ~xpd.ravrs
~ V O S then, he might well be &apxos at the date of the trial. Finally, we can
now hardly avoid identifying him with the 03aX4p~os'A.rroMwvlGr/sGfr/y(rl~rjs) of 1.44, which
apparently refers to the period when he was still only prytanis-designate. This final
identification is in any case practically forced upon us by the fact that if Valerius Apollo-
nides the exegetes is distinguished from plain Apollonides, a satisfactory restoration of
1. 45 becomes impossible.

Date and Place

Though the date and place of the trial are lost with the prescript of the document, both
can be determined with some certainty. The adulatory reference in 1. 103 to the benefits
expected from the Bela hXr/ of the Emperor Decius favours a date not long after he had
been recognized in Egypt in October or November A.D. 249;2 Decius died about July 1,
251,3 hence October 249-July 251 are the extreme limits of date. The prefecture of
Bppius Sabinus is of no assistance ;this is known to have extended from at least September 14,
249, to July 17, 250,4 but as no subsequent Prefect is known until September 24, 258, his
term of office may well have extended into 251 or beyond. Here, however, the evidence of
place comes to our aid, for since affairs in the Arsinoite nome were concerned it is probable
that the trial took place during the conventus at Memphis, which according to Wilcken was
usually held within the period late January-hpri1;j occasionally, it is true, the conventus
was held at Arsinoe itself,6 and of this 2565 perhaps furnishes another example (1. 109, n.) ;
ovv?jyopos and b47wp appear to be exactly synonymous, cf. Seicll, in Pauly-Wissowa-Kroll, Real-
encyclopadie d. Altertumswiss., art. ovvrjyopos.
a See F. S. Salisbury and H . Mattingly, The Reign of Trajan Decius, J o u m l of Roman Studies, 14 (1924),
1-23. The earliest dating by Decius in papyri is November 28,249.
Ibid. Reinmuth, The Prefect of Egypt, 138. Op. cit., 100-1.
& I. 25, n. 5. Possibly also P. Amh. 82. Hence the vague phrase &ov E'dv ~ d 700
Grundz, v vopoV^ h a -
hoy~opdveoorjraor, zlel. sim, on which see Collart in Me'langes B&z, 97-8.
228 T. C. SKEAT AND E. P. WEGENER
but the phraseology of this very passage shows conclusively that Arsinoe was not the venue
of the present trial. To enable us to decide between late January-April 250 and late
Jan~ary-~4pril251 we have only the fact that the events in the Arsinoite nome which gave
rise to the trial occurred on 28 and 30 Mesore of the 6th year (of the Philippi, i.e. August
21-3, 249) ; there is nothing to indicate that any great delay had intervened before the
hearing of the case, and since the reference to Decius favours the earlier date1 we may
conclude that the trial took place a t Memphis on some day between the latter part of
January and the end of April, A.D. 250.
Cf. also the note on 1. 103.
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 TRIAL BEFORE PREFECT OF EGYPT APPIUS SABINUS 235

Translation
[This does not profess to be more than a makeshift rendering of the more intelligible
parts of the papyrus; the peculiarly compressed style of the Greek makes a certain amount
of paraphrase inevitable, but otherwise the original has been followed as literally as possible.
It has not, of course, been possible to indicate all the passages where the restoration of the
Greek is dubious, or where several alternative interpretations seem possible; furthermore,
since lack of time has made it impossible for Miss Wegener to see this before it appears in
print, I wish to emphasize that I alone am responsible for its composit,ion.-T.C.S.]
26-37. .... and then, should he decide, he appeals (?) ; for on this account (?) the law
actually requires an appeal.
The Prefect: Did the epistrategus . . . . . ?
Lucius, advocate, read the evidence beginning: Alexander acting-epistrategus said,
According to the decision given, etc. After the reading, the Prefect said: Read (evidence)
that they were summoned. And after consulting with his assessors, he said:
Who convenes the Senate?
Ischyrion, advocate: The prytanis convenes it in name and in appearance (only), for
the (real) convener is the law.
The Prefect (to Ischyrion): The law using some instrument. Some prytanis or other was
the convener. Which prytanis convened the Senate?
Philippus, advocate: The prytanis Herapion convened the Senate, and when it had
been convened the Senate made the nomination in the usual way. For these [i.e. the persons
nominated] proposers and tellers were appointed for the purpose of all these persons being
summoned to undertake office. They did not appear for this. The case came before the
epistrategus and they were condemned after being thrice summoned and having failed
to comply.
The Prefect (to Philippus): Show . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Chaeris, advocate : . . . . . . . . . . . .

39-62. The Prefect (to Philippus ?) : Did the Senate examine (?) them (?) ?
Chaeris, advocate : Apollonides sealed us.
Seleucus, counsel : The prytanis was not present.
The Prefect (to Seleucus): But the Senate nominated while the . . . . . prytanis was
present.
Seleucus: He departed when the nomination began (?).
The Prefect (to Seleucus) : Was there a prytanis present on the 30th (?) ?
Serenus, advocate: Herapion.
The Prefect (to Serenus) : Read.
Apollonides read the evidence beginning: The 6th Year, hlesore 30. Valerius Apollonides,
exegetes-and in the middle of reading this he said:
A fortnight before Mesore of the 6th Year I was indeed elected to this prytanyship, but
up to the fifth epagomenal day there was one prytanis preceding me. On the 30th after
convening (?) the Senate (?) he was no longer to be found.
The Prefect (to Apollonides) : And it was he who nominated ?
Apollonides : Yes.
The Prefect (to Apollonides) : Read.
Apollonides read the evidence beginning: You know that they have elected to the
prytanyship, etc. After the reading, the Prefect said:-
Read (evidence) that he, the man preceding you, nominated.
 T. C. SKEAT AND E. P. WEGENER
Chaeris, advocate: On hlesore 28th Apollonides sealed us.
Lucius, advocate, read the evidence beginning: Chaeremon, exegetes, said, What
. . . . . . . . . . . . . etc. After the reading, Apollonides read the evidence beginning: Syrion
son of Pasion, exegetes, etc. After the reading, the Prefect said (to Apol1onides):-
From their demurrer we (?) have removed the allegation that the nomination was not
made lawfully. Since they are here themselves let them speak.
Seleucus, counsel: I am counsel for Potamon, Elpis, and Palas.
The Prefect (to Seleucus) : And the three have a case ?
Seleucus: Yes.
Sarapion, advocate, said: We are ... villagers and we have judgements to read. And he
read the evidence beginning: Honoratianus Prefect of Egypt said, What has been estab-
lished by law, etc. After the reading, the Prefect said (to Sarapion):-
To what liturgy were they nominated?
Sarapion: He did not even name the kind of liturgy, but merely made changes in the
years and put them under seal.
Apollonides: With us it is always villagers who are put forward for the post of cosmetes,
for .........
65-89. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Apollonides: Always in the Arsinoite
nome .......the villagers bear . . . . . .
The Prefect : Read . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . to the oftice of cosmetes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

The Prefect, after consulting with his assessors, said to Apol1onides:-

Do (only) private persons become cosmetae with you, or senators as well?
Apollonides : Private persons.
The Prefect (to Apollonides): Are you willing to put forward a . . . . . . . .?

Apollonides: (Yes) when he has a sufficient fortune.

The Prefect (to Apollonides) : How many . . . . . . . . . . . . . . of the Arsinoites ?

Apollonides: Three hundred and more.

The Prefect (to Apollonides): . . . . . . . . . . . . . those in the city had become cosmetae,
that you might thus turn to those in the villages ?
Apollonides: . . . . . . . . or if not they had become decemprimi by rota, or exempt
. . . . . . . . . . . . But the remainder, the younger men, had already (?) become cosmetae,
and some of them agoranomi.
Sarapion, advocate, read the evidence beginning: Honoratianus Prefect of Egypt said,
What has beenestablished bylaw being sufficient (3)etc. After the reading, Spollonides said :-
When affairs were in a state of prosperity this prytanis resigned his property and not
a single prytanis remained to succeed him.
Seleucus, counsel: . . . . . . . . . . . . . having nominated . . . . . . the villagers (3). I read.
And he read the evidence beginning: ........ said, I shall therefore deliver judgement, etc.
After the reading, the Prefect said (to Se1eucus):-
You admit however that it is lawful to impress (candidates) from the villagers?
Seleucus: I t is not lawful.
Apollonides . . . . . while these things were being read . . . . . . to-day for two days.
Seleucus, counsel: I read a law of the Emperor Severus, to the effect that men from the
villages are not to be impressed into the liturgies of the metropoleis. And when they had
been summoned (?), Severus said, Their request is reasonable, etc. After the reading, the
Prefect said to Serenus, advocate:-
Do you also read me a law.
 TRIAL BEFORE PREFECT OF EGYPT APPIUS SABINUS 237
Seleucus: And after Severus all the Prefects have judged thus.
Philippus, advocate: The laws are indeed to be held in awe and revereme, but you in
trying the case must follow (the decisions?) of Prefects who have had regard for the needs
of the cities; it is the need of the city which limits the application of the law. For this reason
have Prefects many a time, when such laws were quoted to them, decided .. . . . .. . having
the needs of the cities before their eyes . . . . . . . to do thus according to the decision
which . . . . .
93-106. . . . . . . . demand private resources. By law you are judging citizens of Arsinoe,
formerly a numerous body, but now going to ruin (?) if they hold office for two days only;
and of these same facts I will read to you an admission, or better (how) one of them, making
a declaration to be put on record before the strategus, said 'Let him have my property
and fulfil the liturgy'; the man who said this sustained the office, this very man (?) who
had abandoned his property; and asking to wear the crown (of office) he had already
surrendered himself to the liturgy. (Lest ?) a decision given in one case obtain force over
all, the prytanis adopts a deprecatory tone.
The Prefect, to Serenus, advocate: What do you say to the law of Severus and to the
judgements ?
Serenus: To the law of Severus I will say: Severus ordained the law in Egypt while
the cities were still prosperous.
The Prefect: The argument from prosperity-or rather the decline of prosperity-is
equal both for the villages and the cities.
Serenus: After Severus this new imposition t001i place, which the sacred Fortune of
Decius lugustus will relieve.
The Prefect, after consulting with his assessors, said to Apollonides, prytanis: The power
of the laws will, as time goes on, be still further increased. There has been read an ordinance
of the Emperor Severus exempting coloni from the municipal liturgies . . . . . . . . .
Notes
1-25. Some explanation is needed of the grounds on which this column has been recon-
structed. At present it consists of six detached fragments, arranged in two rows of three.
I n the lower row the relative positions of the three fragments are absolutely fixed by certain
restorations; owing, however, to the loss of both the beginnings and ends of the lines, it is
not possible \xithout further evidence to determine exactly how the lines were divided,
though their total length is indicated by assured restorations running over from one line
to the next. Happily, the fibres on the 1-erso are sufficiently distinctive to enable the three
fragments in the upper row to be placed correctly by means of these in the lower, and the
result is confirmed in the case of frags. 2 and 3. the distance between which is fixed by the
supplement in 1. 6. Furthermore, since frag. 3 in the upper row preserves the ends of
the lines. we can now estimate approximately where these would have come in the lower
row, and hence how the lines were divided there. The conclusion is that only 2-3 letters are
lost a t the ends of 11. 14-25, and consequently about 9-12 at the beginnings. In the upper
row about the same amount, 9-12 letters, is lost a t the beginnings of 11. 1-6, and about
12-15 letters in 11. 7-10. K h e n calculating the number of letters missing, account must
be taken of the fact that the first four lines of the column are written in a much larger hand
than the remainder; 1. 2, for example, seems to have contained only about 56 letters, while
1.20 contained about 68. An attempt to reproduce this has been made by spacing out the
letters in the printed text.
1. This is clearly a speech of one of the advocates for the Senate addressing the Prefect;
 T. C. SKEAT AND E. P. FYEGENER
cf. 1. 93, 81Kd[<]€ls' A P a i v o l ~ a iand ~ , 1. 86, both from a speech of the advocate Philippus,
who may well be the speaker here also. For qj [T&V'Apaivoi~&]v V ~ X E Lcf. 1. 109. Though
the supplement looks short for the lacuna, it is justified by the large size of the handwriting
at this point, and we might even omit TGV.
3-4. The title eluqm~;7s~ a2l~ ~ $ q + i u ~ 7which j s , also occurs, in the plural, in 11. 17 and 34,
has previously been known only from B.G.U. 362, a long roll of accounts of the temple of
Jupiter Capitolinus at Arsinoe (A.D. 215); the authorization for payments from the temple
funds is there expressed by the formula (e.g. col. xv, 5) [&]~oXod@os 70% 2.rriu.raheiblpoi 6rd
T[+] ~ p a ~ l u ~/30v;\jjs
q s 81& A6pqXlov t A P ~ o ~ Py a~ ~~ ( lv a~ u~~ ~d ~~~V I~. ' $o~ ~v[ O) V ] T ~ V T ~ V E W S
y [ v ] & p ~ h ~ ~ ~ ~a ~~l~ I T7L $0~ +f L ~ TThe O C . first editor, indeed, and every one after him, has
regarded y v ~ p q e ~ u q y q ~aso va single word in apposition to npv~clvt-us,and this monstrous
formation, (tacitly 'corrected' to y v w p e ~ u q y q ~ by o t Preisigke in the Wiirterbuch), has found
its way into the new edition of Liddell and Scott. 2565, being also concerned with
Arsinoe, now proves that y v ~ p q ~ ~ u q y qshould ~ o u be divided into two words as shown.
The functions of the eloqy. K . 2m$q+. are not easy to determine. The title is not found
outside Arsinoe, though senators introducing motions at Oxyrhynchus are described as
elarly(q~<s?) in P. Oxy. 1416, and the title ~ t u ~ ~ y q~ ~~ o~ fp isk vfound o ~ at Heracleopolis
(Stud. Pal., 20, 60), though the context cannot be determined. Miss Wegener thinks that
the institution mas regular throughout the metropoleis, and that in the case of liturgical
nominations the eluIY. K . 2m$q+. was the actual proposer of the candidate, as in P. Oxy.
1413, 15, GUOL v f v dvopdo8qaav 6n-d @~Akov~ a 'Hpa~Xi8lwvos l &vopda@qaav, where she
regards Phileas and Heraclidion as the ~ t u q yK. . 2n~$q+. But 2565, 11. 33-5, seems to show
that the ~ l u q y y ~ ~a la 2vi$q+~u~al
l were not appointed until after the nomination, i.e. that
their duties were merely nominal, such as the putting of the question and recording of the
votes on a motion which had already been informally agreed to ; the whole of 2565, col. ii,
indicates that the real proposer of the candidates was the prytanis.
4-7. Miss Wegener (after restoring 6 [vdpos E ' K ~ ~ v ] u € in 1. 3) suggests E ) K ] K E K ~ ~ ~ ~ v [ o u TOG
67161 ~ ~ o ~ k ~p~ ~o[ Tv Q I v E w sljp77p]kvo~ 87j &S Z~XOVT[OS Set & v a y ~ ] a I oKTX.,
s 1. 6, [T+V dvopaulav]
rtv &u+aX~tnotci[v qj /30vhfj (or n d h ~ i )taking , the whole as a general statement of the usual
procedure when difficulties arose in the nomination.
9. Possibly 8i]&7 0 6 ~ 27fl 0 U [ E T ~ XV a p ~ p d ~ a ~&oTv] a p ~ 0~ vK K E K ~ [ < ~ E @(or
u] ~ K K E K ~ [ ~ ~ ~ V O L S ] )
& o ~ a Ts ~ ~V ~ L ~ [ U T ~ i.e. ~ T the
~ ~ epistrategus
O V , was the K ~ L T - I !808~ls.
~ But a11 these restora-
tions are very hazardous, and in any case there is nothing to show that it was the ante-
cedents of the present trial which the speaker was describing.
10-11. It is not quite certain that these lines are consecutive, but there cannot have been
more than one line lost between them, and even that is unlikely.
15. ~ p [ o u ] k @ ~Cf. ~ ~B.G.U.
v. 361, 111, 17, If.. Chrest. 372, recto, col. v, 11, and orator
adjecit in the post-Diocletian P. Bouriant 20, 4.
20. &vQIyvo@~ &i usually means 'read (evidence of the statement) that . . . .' (cf. 11. 29,
50-I), but it is difficult to take the X after 7j ~ o v X < as the beginning of a verb, which one would
expect to be in the aorist. On the other hand, L ~ ~ [ & K L O+S] 7 j ~ just ~ p fills the lacuna. Probably,
therefore, something has dropped out after 7j povX<.
21. 06aXk]gios ' A n o M w ~ l 8 ~ Cf. s . 11. 43-7, 104, and introduction.
22-6. The mutilation of these lines is regrettable, since they seem to have described in
some detail the conditions of appeal against nomination ( Z K K X ~ T O S ) ;unfortunately any
attempt at restoration seems hopeless, and all that can be said is that apparently Sarapion
is defending his clients against the allegation that they had failed to appeal, or had failed
to fulfil the legal forms in appealing, against their nomination. As usual, ~ K K X ~ T OisS reserved
 TRIAL BEFORE PREFECT OF EGYPT APPIUS SABINUS 239
for appeal to the Prefect, the only exception so far known from papyri being P. Oxy. 1204
(A.D. 299), where ~ ' K K X ~ T Ois
S made to the Catholicusl. The rare references to ~ ' K K X ~ ~inOpapyri
S
do not shed much light on the regulations governing it: in P. Amh. 82 it is stated that the
appeal must be lodged within a certain number of days from the nomination (cf. P. Oxy.
1204,5, n.), while from P. Oxy. 1642, 22, it appears that a candidate could not be forced to
take office while his appeal rvas pending (&a 2v T@p e ~ a [ JT&C &[pX&]r Z K & ~ + ~ J ,cf. Dig.
XLIX, 1,21, Ximagistratus creatus appellaz)erit,colleganz eius interim utriusque oficium sustinere
debere, etc.). Compare also P. Oxy. 2104, a copy of the same edict of Severus Alexander
regarding appeals which is preserved in the Digest (XLIX,1, 25).
25. ] q a P a ~ q a K T[ his was the reading of the first transcript, but a fragment has now
disappeared, and only 1. rqQK[can now be read.
27. llliss Wegener reads ~ a r ~ q ~ [ q which u ~ v Jshe
, takes to mean that after their condemna-
tion (1.35) the nominees were appointed by the epistrategus. Apparently neither K ~ T € $ [ ~ K C L U € V ]
nor K ~ T ~ ~ [ ~ L vasE vone] , would expect from 1. 35, can be read.
27-8. 'AXiEavGpos S~kn-wvT+V E)n-~arparq~lav.This official was previously known only
from P. Oxy. 1119 (A.D. 244), where he is called ' A v ~ d v ~ 'Ahk(avSpos os 6 K ~ ~ T L ~ T&L-O S
u ~ p d ~ q y o sHere,
. however, about five years later, he is styled G L ~ T W V r+v Zn-~m~arqylav, an
expression commonly taken to mean a deputy epistrategus. Now it is of course just possible
that after his retirement from office he might have been called upon to act as a deputy for
his successor; but that is not at all likely, and as a rule at least deputies for official posts
mere d r a ~ from~ n acting officials of lolver grade. The natural interpretation is that 8~kn-wvmjv
Zn-~arp.is merely an ornamental periphrasis for ~ T L ~ ~ ~ the ~ Y fact
O Sthat
; he is actually
called 2n-~urpd~qyos by the Prefect in the preceding line (as also in 1. 35) is perhaps not an
argument ; but the true meaning of the title should long ago have been seen from P. Oxy.
1201 (24 Sept., 258): an application addressed in Latin Mussio Aen~iliano a(iro) p(er-
fectissimo) pmef(ecto) Aeg(ypti) followed by a Greek translation beginning Movaolw~
A i p ~ X ~ a vTG
@ X ~ ~ T ~ O T C ; ~~ LW ~LT O V TT+V
L 7jycpovlav. The same Greek title is given to Aemi-
lianus by Eusebius, Hist. Eccl., VII, 11 (in the year 257) and by P. Oxy. 1468 (no date);
in P. Ryl. 110 (September 29-October 28,259), however, he is styled d 8~auqpFL6~a~os ?jyeudv.
The Rylands papyrus being the latest in date, it has generally been supposed (so J. G. Slilne,
Journal, 10, 80) that Aemilianus mas successively Vice-Prefect and Prefect ; but this does
not dispose of P. Osy. 1201, and to suppose that the Latin title there is inaccurate is not
a satisfactory solution. I t suits the position of Aemilianus much better if we accept the
evidence of P. Oxy. 1201 that he was all the time Prefect of Egypt and no mere deputy, and
for this view 2565 adds strong support. It is now clear that the position of other officials
styled ~ L & W V mjv (7jYePovlav,Z ~ u s ~ p a ~ q ~K ~l aX .v)must
, be reconsidered: in particular we may
note P.S.1. 1101, addressed T[o]vXlv &fapK€k%v9r@8 t a a q p [ o r d r ~ L & ~ O V4 Tv] $ycpov[a[v];
L
M?1]Tpd8wp~s 8~&n-ovr+v & r ~ a ~ ~ a ~ q yP.l aOXY.v , 1502; A O ~ ~ ~ T'AXifav8pos
LOS ~ L [ ~ V W ] r+v
V
d a ~ a ~ p a ~ y lI T
a essely,
v, Wiener Studien, 24 (190B2),106, cf. Martin, Archic, VI, 217-1 8 ;n o r & -
pwv 8c&wv mjv 2yXoy~arlav,IT., Chrest. 171. ,411 of these have been regarded in the past as
deputies, but henceforward the possibility must be reckoned 1%-iththat they are the properly
appointed officials themselves. In minor offices ~ L ~ V WisV admittedly used without any
implication that the holder is a deputy (e.g. the title ~ L ~ T ~ VT OTX L&T L K ~ ,borne by the Prytanis
a t Oxyrhynchus, P. Oxy. 55,4 ;2109,5 ;P.S.I. 1070,2) ;and a similar ornamental periphrasis
can be found even in the Ptolemaic period, in the phrase 8 ~ r f d y w vT & K ~ T &T$V ( a ~ ~ a ~ q y l a v
KTX.), which, as Hunt remarks (P. Tebt. 790, 2, n.), bears no suggestion of deputizing.
' W e may note that in the Codex Sinaiticus Act. Apost. xxv is headed ITadAov npbs cPija~ov6 ~ o h o y l a~ a i

~KKXVTOS.

240 T. C. SKEAT AND E. P. WEGENER

m-e do not of course suggest that the use of these titles never implies a deputy ;that such
a meaning is possible is clear from P. Tebt. 522, where the same person is described suc-
cessively as J ~ ~ ~ L AYLP (Ka~p ps a r ~ ; ~S L)~ T W V ~ a <r&> l K ~ T & [orpaqylav], and l g a ( u ~ X ~ ~ 6 s )
ypa(pPare6s) 8~a8e~d(pevos) l o r p a ( ~ ~ y l a(cf.
~ a mjv v ) also P. Strassb. 74), and from applica-
tions to the Archidicastes, often made through the 81knwv T& KUT& T$V ~ P X L ~ L K ~ U (e.g. T E ~ ~ V
P. Oxy. 727, 1472).
28. q o v . Cf. 1. 115, where it is used of a decision of an earlier Prefect quoted as a
precedent; but a Zpos could also be laid down by an epistrategus, cf. P. Thead. 15 (A.D.
280-I), 20, AG~~ALos ' H P a ~ A e 1d8 K~~~~ ( T L U T O Sh) ~ ~ u r p d ( ret(gev)-
~ ~ o ~ ZvrevX%~ls
) GPov 8duw.
29. 6vclyvw%c.G TL nap77yykhrluav. I t is clear from 11. 35-6 that the judgement of the
Epistrategus just quoted condemned the defendants by default, and, as in P. Hamb. 29,
the Prefect calls for evidence that the original summons to attend the court had been
properly served by the plaintiffs. The papyrus does not reveal whether the evidence was
forthcoming, but presumably the point was satisfactorily settled, for after consulting with
his assessors the Prefect turns to an entirely new aspect of the case.
29-30. o~e\Ldpevo~ p€7&TGV hv r@uvplgovAeIq~. Cf. the introduction, p. 225, supra. In
nearly every court of justice in Egypt the presiding judge seems to have been assisted by
a number of assessors, but very little is known about them, and they are referred t o under
a great diversity of titles. In the Ptolemaic period the uvPnapdvres mentioned in protocols
of legal proceedings are usually government officials, but this does not seem to have been
the case in the Roman period, for the casual way in which they are mentioned indicates
rather that they are private persons and have no real locus stalzdi in the Court. They are
apparently to be distinguished (Meyer, Juristische Papyri, p. 55) from the legal experts, the
V O ~ L K O Ithough
, these mere also consulted on occasion by the Prefect (cf. the role of Castor
the V O ~ L K in ~ S 2565, 11.116,123; M., Chrest. 372, 111, 18, AoCnos AaA.juas per& TGV V O ~ L K G V
E ~ T E V KTA. ; If., Chrest. 84, 2'2-4, Bhalu~osMap~av6s&apXos u ~ [ e l p 7 n]pdrqs )s @Aa[v]la[s
KL]XIKWV I TTLK?~S mvhd<uas ' A P r e [ ~ ~ ] 8 7[ ]d$PV~O ~ [ L ] K + KTX. ; also P. Oxy. 237, VIII, 2-3,
where an &rapXosuroAijs consults a V O ~ L K by ~ S letter).
The uvp/304A~ovprobably had some more or less permanent and official standing, as it
only occurs in records of the Prefect's court, the other examples besides those in 2565 being
P. Ryl. 75, 11, 27-9, firp&v[co]s Mapep[r]~ V O S[u]KE#&pEypS pf7[d r]Gy hv r@ G - V ~ ~ O V ~ ~ ~ J
(so restored from the editors' reading [.I . a . . . .a . . .'. [. .Iwu in 1. 28) and P. Oxy. 2111,
9-10, nerpdvros [Mapepreivos U K E \ L ~ ~ E Vp O~ S] r hr& hv uvp/3ovAIY? In P. Tebt. 266, re-
stored on the analogy of P. Oxy. 1102, 5, we find the expression 6vao[rd]sels ovp[lgodA~ov
~ ] a u~e\Ldp[evos
l pe]rd [r]Gv [ ~ r ] a [ p d ] ~ [ r wused] v of an Hypomnematographus, but els
wP[/3o4Aiov here may be merely abstract, 'for advice'. In some other reports of cases
tried by the Prefect, however, much vaguer expressions are found, e.g. AoCnos AaA40as per&
TGV ~ I A W V(M., Chrest. 372, I V , 12), AoCnos [lgovAe~udpevo]~ p ~ r dTGV +lAwv (P. Oxy. 706,
5-6), EGGa[l]pwv ~ o v h e v o ~ p e wu;v s rois napo[v^]u~ (M., Chrest. 37'2, I V , 19-20). ~ ~ € i , b a ' p € ~ 0 ~
per& TGV napdvrwv is found of the Hypomnematographus in P. Oxy. 1102, 5, where it
confirmed the restoration of P. Tebt. 286 already quoted. I n a fragmentary report of a cafe
before the Juridicus, P.S.I. 293, 35, where the editors print - - 1 s o~ei,bdpevo~ pe[. . . . .]
$napX[... . . .] wv ~ v a y v w u % ~ v r [ wone v , might restore - - Aos (cf. 1. 34) d ~ L K ~ L O ~ ~ T ~ ] ~

I n P. Goodsp. 29, m, 1-2, where the editor prints I I p e [ i ] o ~ o4s

v a'vayvwo6sio7]s ..
epaM[..]Ipcri T&V i v 74
i q ~ KTX., Grenfell and Hunt proposed (P. Oxy. 706, 6, n.) A~P~pa7h[rs(?)
~ v ~ o v h cincv Xd-joas (i.e. the Prefect
Sempronius Liberalis, who would certainly suit the date of the papyrus) ;but considerations of space make
Wilcken's suggestion O K E $ & ~ [ Z V O S ] pc78 (Preisigke, Berichtigungsliste) more likely. Cf. also Act. Apost, xxv.
12, T ~ T Ed CJ+UTOSovvhaXjuas p c ~ hTOG UV&~OU~~OU.
 TRIAL BEFORE PREFECT OF EGYPT APPIUS SABINUS 241
6 n a p X [ d v ~ w Ev ~ ( E v ) ] ~ & &vayvwaekv~[wv
U K E $ & ~ E V O S ~ E [ T ; T&V] v K T ~ .The Epistrategus, too,
sat with assessors, as we now learn from P.S.I. 1100, 2, @av^a~os( T K E $ ~ ~ E V O~S E T &TCVOZIVE-
~ P E V ~ V T O Vbut
; the simple phrase d , M., Chrest. 89,26-7, and
U K E $ ~ ~ E V OES ~ E V in

P. Oxy. 1420, 1-2, may imply that the latter official had no legal assistance of this kind.
31-2. This punctuation of these lines was suggested by Prof. van Groningen. It seems,
however, equally possible to discover a series of questions: d vdpos; 8 i a ~ d v7 1~~ 1X P d ~ ~ ~ ~ s ;
7TPd7CLV1~ 71s $V d O U V U Y U Y ~ V ; 71s ?TPd7avl~ O V V ~ ~ U ~T$V E V~ o u ~ < v ;

33-6. These lines are also difficult to punctuate satisfactorily. Miss Wegener wishes to
place a stop after ~ T E ~ T O ~and ~TQ make
L, KUT& r d 260s T O ~ T W Vbegin a new sentence; but KUT&

~d 260s is so common at the end of a clause or sentence that I am inclined to take it so here,
and interpret T O ~ T W Vas meaning TCVd v o p a o O i v ~ w vunderstood from the preceding sentence.
706 . . . . ~ X ~ e i j v isapresumably
~ epexegetic after E'8d6Taav, though it might conceivably be
taken with O;K E ) ~ < K u ~ L v . r P d s TOCTO also is in a rather ambiguous position, and might be
taken with either the preceding or the follo~~ing words. The only certain punctuation is
the stop after S i a S ~ ~ a a l a .
34. ndv-rwv is obviously corrupt. I t may simply be a mistake for n d v ~ a sor , alternatively
the word yvdpyl may have dropped out before it (cf. P. Oxy. 54, 10-12, ~ l a 8 0 6 l v r w v6nd 706
w ~ 7 0 6 KOLVOUI TCVc i P X d v ~ ~B.G.C.
~ i j Xs ~ X E W S y p a p P a ~ ~yvdpq v; 235,13, d;va818wPi - - yvdtLZ7
K L V ~ T&V
K U ~ ~ V d;Td
~ T ~ K
Sd P q s ) .
35. in: 706 E ) T T T L ( J T ~ ~ T ~ ~ ~ yO Vi y o v ~ v8 ~ a 8 ~ ~ [ a ]certainly
does not suggest, as we should
ola
expect, and as Miss TTTegeneris inclined to think, that the case had been expressly delegated
to the epistrategus by the Prefect; it is true that an argument for this might be found in
11.9-10,81]2170U^70 Va p n p d ~ a 7 0 v&7]apX0V E
Q [ T~ ~ h ) K K € K ~ [ ~ ) ~ ~ V O L S ] & I J K U TS ~ ~V ~ ~ [ U T ~ ~ T ~ ~ O V ,

but, as already pointed out, these restorations are far from certain and it is not even clear
that it is the present case which is there referred to. K e know that c. A.D. 200 the Prefect
issued an order delegating appeals concerning the offices of gymnasiarch and agoranomus
to the epistrategi (P. Oxy. 1185) and it is possible that by A.D. 250 this procedure had been
extended to the office of cosmetes. I t is, however, an argument against this that, whereas
in P. Oxy. 2130 the gymnasiarch-elect appeals first to the epistrategus, as would be ex-
pected, in C1.P.R. 20 = W.,Chrest. 401, a cosmetes-elect appeals direct to the Prefect
without any mention of a previous application to the epistrategus. For the present the
question had better be left open.
Considerably greater interest attaches to the concluding words, K ~ T E ~ L K ~ U ~ r~p iUs [ ~ V ]
K ~ ~ ) ~ E ' v T € KU;
s p$ [ J ] ~ T U K ~ K [ O ~ ]Happily
T E S . the reading is quite certain, as the gap before
T ~ IisStoo small for o l ] r p i s (i.e. o l T P E ~ S ,cf. 1. 57) to be restored. This is the only example in
papyri of the procedure described in the Digest, 5 , 1, 68 (Ulpian): (after the initial failure
of the defendants to appear) ad peremptoriunz edictum hoc ordine cenitur, ut prinzo quis petat
post absentiam adcersarii edictunz prinzum, nlox alterum per intercallunz non minus decenl
dierum et tertium; quibus propositis impetret. Steinwenter (Studien x. ronz. T'ersuumniscer-
jahren, pp. 75-6) has pointed out that this cumbrous process TI-oald be unsuitable for the
brief duration of the conventus; and in P. Hamb. 29 (see op. cit., p. 76) we find the three
edicts telescoped into one-the unum pro tribus which by the end of the third century had
usurped the name of edictunz perelnptoriunz properly belonging to the third only of the three
successive edicts. The rele1-ant passage of P. Hanlb. 29 may be quoted here (11. 3-9):
KX~OE'VTWV TLV&V E)K T&V 7 T P 0 ~ [ ~ n-pds ] f ? 8~i ~~a i~0 8
~0 ~
u ~ advv o p d ~ [ ~ v ~ ] a p$
l ~~~KOVU~VTWV
ME'TTLOS 'POU^~[OS]E ) K ~ ~ E U ~TE ~ VK [ ~ ] ~ U KKrlpCfCL1'
U 01 5 7 P 0 ~ ~ 8 E)x' E 'E)$~ ~KCL~
~ ~ p*.7jJ ~ T ~ K O ~ U ~ V T E S
~ T W U U V;TL ~ d h ~ & vva y o p c u 8 ~ a o v r a iK ; [ V ] pr182 T ~ T E J X Q K O ~ U W U [ L& ~] VT ~ V T E SK ~ L ~ ~ U O V [ T ~ L ] .
This is ,I case of judgement by default being threatened by the Prefect him3elf; regrlrding
Ii
 T. C. SKEAT AND E. P. WEGENER

the same procedure by judges delegated by the Prefect evidence is yet more scanty (op. cit.,
pp. 78ff.). I n P. Flor. 6 (op. cit., p. 85) the Dioecetes replies to the defendant's request for an
adjournment, in order to enable him to attend to urgent private affairs, in the words:
7d 6 ~ 7006 Aap7TPo~C/~ov 7jy~~dvos K E A E V ~ ~ EGL&
V ~ T $ ~ O V S 6vdeo8al T ~ O U ? ~ K E L . &V O ~ ~V V T U ~ ~ V -
70s 700 ~ a ~ ~ KA7)8€ ~ d k ~P$o I;natcodq?s,
v i'ura~r d 6~dAov8a. Steinwenter takes the final
warning, 2ui-a~rd 6~dhov8a,as a threat to issue the edictum peremptorium and condemn
the defendant by default. But it is not clear whether the dioecetes had been delegated by
the Prefect to try and to decide the case, or merely to investigate i t ; in P.S.I. 1100, a record
of a trial before the epistrategus, the judge expressly states that lie has been ordered by the
Prefect to investigate the case, and declares his intention of reporting the results of his
investigation; certain witnesses not being present (11. 10 ff.), @av^orosE'K~AEVUEVa6ro;s
~A~Oijva~, ~ a l ;na~ova$vrwv @aCaros E Z ~ E V . Zdv n a p a 7 $ x ~ urd ~ ~ci~dAov60v~ U T ~ L .
Here a t least the delegated judge has no authority to decide the c'ase, and it is most unlikely
that mere default at this stage would result in condemnation; it is accordingly more
probable that the phrase l'ura~rd 6~dXov8aor rd 6tcdhovOov merely refers to the consequences
of breaking the oath to be present at the trial. If this be so, 2565 remains the only example
of judgement by default pronounced by a delegated judge.
40. E'.rreo#~~C/ye~u~v. This appears to be some hitherto unknown stage in the process of
nomination, preceding the final and definitive act of nomination by the Senate. Miss
Wegener connects it with the J n ~ ~ v ~ of~ C.P.H. a ~ I 7,11, ~ w 7, and the ~ L T T $ K L O Vof P. Oxy.
2130,ll-12.
Unfortunately 11. 40-51, though comparatively well preserved, have lost just enough a t
the beginnings of the lines to make it very difficult to reconstruct what happened during
the various sessions of the Arsinoite Senate. Perhaps the obscurity may have been to some
extent the intention of the party of the Senate, who clearly ~vishedto prove that the
nomination had been legally made, but a t the same time, fearing an adverse judgement,
were anxious lest responsibility should be fixed upon any individual of their number, in
particular Apollonides. I n the first place, the proceeding mentioned in 11.39-40, 'AnoMwvlGrls
7jpEs E ' ~ € u ~ ~ $ ~ E is
L udefinitely
Ev, stated in 1. 51 to have taken place on Mesore 28 ; the further
objection by Seleucus in 1. 40, 06 rapijv d .rrpdravis, would, then, naturally be expected to
refer to the same cccasion; this same meeting (of Mesore 28) is still under discussion in
11. 41-2, but with his next question, npdravcs rapijv rjj [. . ;] the Prefect seems to turn to
the next session, which, since the month is obviously the same, can only have taken place
on Mesore 29 or 30. Worliing back from the A (i.e. Mesore 30) in 1. 46 sho~vsthat this date
is almost certainly to be restored in the lacuna in 1. 44, and this is confirmed by the fact
that the space there is in fact only sufficient for a single letter. The date in 1.44, furthermore,
is certainly that of the sitting referred to in 1. 43, where the choice between Mesore 29 and 30
may now be decided in favour of the latter figure.
Only two sessions of the Senate, on the 28th and the 30th of Mesore, are thus in question.
At the former, the candidates were 'sealed' by Apollonides ('AnoM~vlG~s 4 ~ 6 sE)XEU+~C/-
ye~urv,K7] MeuoP$ E ' n ~ u + ~ a ~7jCL6s I ( e ~'A~ToMwv~G~s), but as soon as the actual nomination
commenced (?) ([? 6 P X ~ p ] d ~rqs r l ~dvopaulas) the presiding prytanis left the meeting, which
was apparently unable to transact any further business. On Mesore 30 the prytanis Herapion
was present (1. 43); he convoked the Senate ('Hpanlwv rpdravrs T$V /30vX$v ovvrjyayev,
11. 32-3 ; r$v [? ,BovA$v no]trjuas, 11. 46-7) and must have himself nominated the candidates
( K ~ K E ~&vd,ua[u~v;
VOS c i n ~ ~ ~ ( I v a ~ vaI),
o ) ] ' but immediately after disappeared ( O ~ K ~ T~L6 ~ d O ~ ) ,
his place being taken by the prytanis-designate, Valerius Apollonides (11. 43-45), who
together with the Senate apparently completed the process of nomination.
 TRIAL BEFORE PREFECT OF EGYPT APPIUS SABINUS 243
I t may be remarked here that while Apollonides is desperately anxious to avoid implicat-
ing himself in the matter of nomination, the advocates of the Senate seem to make no
attempt to shield Herapion; this can be explained if, as we propose, Herapion is the prytanis
who 'disappeared' during the session of Mesore 30; this discreet phrase no doubt covers
the fact that, unable to meet his obligations, he had followed the immemorial custom of the
Egyptian and taken refuge in flight, and consequently at the present trial his erstwhile
colleagues could feel no compunction in shifting any amount of responsibility on to him.
41. n p v ~ ~EIT<pov v ~ sis a possible but not very satisfactory reading. 2vdpXovis impossible.
41-2. 6 ~ l u j [ ~Unless ~ ? the writer has made a false division, this restoration can be
regarded as certain. The participle at the beginning of 1.42 may be 6pxop]4v7s or 6 P ( ~ p ] 4 v 7 7 ~ ,
or, as Miss Wegener suggests, ~ l u ~ y q p ] l vin~ sany ; case, some such word is necessary to
explain why no further attention seems to be directed to the meeting of Pllesore 28, the
Prefect now turning to the next session, on PlIesore 30.
43. [A; . & p ] f j ~ O ~ is rather short for the lacuna, which usually contains 6-8 letters.
[;(fjs, i.e. ~ f [EI(fjs
j (/30uAfj) would suit better, but is not so probable.
45. [Kal ~ a i j r a C] ~ V ~ ~ L ~ V ~ U K O V T O SNo
. space can be found for ~ a T& l E((fjs which elsewhere
f o l l o ~ ~the
s opening words of the ~ ~ T ~ T E Tand ~ ~the~ reason
~ v ~ for
v , this is clearly that
Apollonides interrupts himself in the middle of reading. That the subject of the g e n i t i ~ e
absolute is the same as that of the main verb is nothing unusual, this being one of the
commonest constructions in Hellenistic Greek; Mayser, Gramnz. gr. Pap., 11, 3, pp. 68-70,
cites a selection of examples filling a page and a half, while for the Roman period cf. the
papyrus published in Ale'l. Bidex, p. 44, 11. 8-11, 6~op4vovpov 62 ~ f j sK p ~ 7 ~ U 77 0j y~ ~ p d v 0 ~
r a l o v O6~/3lovMa(lp[ov] Giayvdu~ws,~ ( L G~a~axwpiudfjvac. L nap& U O L ~d 6rrdpvqPa KTX.
Presumably
~ ' T O V S7 M [ E ] I T O ~ $ . Nesore 30 is meant; there is not room to read 2'~ovsq [X
M E ] U O ~ $The . statement that hpollonides was only appointed 19 days before he was
expected to assume office is a surprising contrast to P. Oxy. 1414, 24, according to ~ ~ h i c h
the law (at Oxyrhynchus, at any rate) required the appointment to be made six months in
advance. As regards the position of Apollonides there is already some el-idence that in the
absence of the prytanis his duties devolved upon the prytanis-elect : in P. Cair. Preisigke 13
a declaration of surety for an epimeletes is addressed to the prytanis-elect, and in P. Giss. 54
a 6 i a 6 d ~ Zvrjvqs
~s is nominated by the p ~ M o n ~ d ~ Elsewhere S ~ o ~ . we find the prytanis making
special arrangements for a substitute in the case of enforced absence, e.g. P.S.I. 804, a letter
from the prytanis of Oxyrhynchus (?) asking his father to replace him, and P. Oxy. 166.2,
a letter from the prytanis to the strategus asking him to appoint a certain irenarch to take
his place during a journey to Alexandria.
Another interesting point here is that the term of office of the prytanis clearly began on
1 Thoth, as had already been conjectured by Oertel, op. cit., p. 347; the length of the term
was probably a year, though naturally the holder mas only 2vapXosfor a few days.
46. ~ l [n]pA s EIpov. Miss TTegener reads d [nlpd, taking .rrp;.rav~sas complement.
47. TOLELV in the sense of 'convoke' is classical. K ~ K E L O S &v6paI[u~v;~ ~ ~ E K ~ ( ~val, V~TO)']
Cf. 1.50. This is the most definite possible statement that the prytanir made the nomination ;
previously it had been doubtful whether the prytanis ever acted thus on his own responsibility
(negatively, van Groningen, Le Gymnasiarque, pp. 128-9); but 11-e can now accept the
evidence of B.G.U. 8, 11, 4, +pdv~c.uov~ a ~ a u x ~[ pi i pdvov , TG]Vvopapxcjv ~ a ~l[ c j l Xoincjv
v
~ c j v< V E ~ O ~ ~ V ~W Va TO[^
l X]rc.porov$uav~os a d [ ~ o ; sn p v ] ~ d v ~ Tw&s 6ndpxovra ; cf. also P.Oxy.
1252,11, 21-3, n., and P. Oxy. 1415, 30, where np0/3dX]?~pa~ a6rAt~6@v is found, apparently.
in the mouth of the prytanis.
54. napaypa+rj here means exceptio, demurrer ; cf. P. Oxy. 1642,27, and n. Miss TTegener
244 T. C. SKEAT AND E. P. WEGENER
reads the word at the end of the line as &[+n]pGp~[Oa, but the Prefect does not speak of
himself in the plural (cf. POL 1. 85, and UOL, &n~++vw in 11. 95, 108) and the vestige of a letter
after E seems inconsistent with 0, though exactly suitable to V. It thus seems possible that
the true reading is &+rlP17plvo~,agreeing with a6rol in the next line. Happily the general sense
remains unaffected.
55-6. Miss Wegener regards Seleucus not as the advocate of these particular clients, but
as the permanent legal adviser of their village. Cf. F. F. dbbott and A. C. Johnson, Roman
,Vunicipal Administration, p. 25.
58. Maevius Honoratianus was Prefect of Egypt from c. 231-236, cf. Reinmuth, op. cit.,
p. 138.
59-61. I t is difficult, in our ignorance of the judgement of Honoratianus previously read,
to decide whether the details of this judgement are under discussion, or whether the Prefect
has reverted to the conduct of the Senate of Arsinoe. I n the former case the subject of
dvdpaucv and T € T o ~ ~ ) K €must be Honoratianus, and the meaning of &p0~/3ds TGV2rGv may
be that he merely read out judgements of his predecessors, making the necessary changes
in the dates. To suppose, however, that the discussion has turned back to the case in hand
gives more point to Apollonides' protest in 1. 61, and enables us to equate 2n-l u+pay~l8wv
~ c n - owithl ~ ~E ) ~X L U + ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ EinL V11. 40,51. The subject of dvdpau~vand n - ~ n - owill l ~ then
~ ~ be
Apollonides himself; the obscure expression &po~Pds TGV2rGv may indicate that some kind
of register was kept of persons undertaking liturgies, and that Apollonides had made the
new appointment by merely changing the number of the year set against the names of the
villagers, an action which he defends in 1.61 by claiming that at Arsinoe villagers were always
nominated to the office of cosmetes (and thus implying that they must have been perfectly
well aware of the duties they were expected to undertake). But the interpretation of the
whole passage is very uncertain.
60-1. [&poi]/3ds TGV2/[r]Gv is a fairly secure restoration, 2~]/3aor&vbeing quite in-
tractable; the initial lacuna in 1. 61 may possibly have held two small letters, but a 7, to
judge from that at the beginning of 1. 55, would exactly fill the space.
61. 2n-l ~ [ + ~ ] a ~ r l 6 wCf. v . B.G.U. 1032 (with Preisigke, Berichtigungsliste), 1-2, ~ ~ A T [ o v
n-]po+[~]uulwvos2 [ ~ ] l~ + ~ a ~ c i 82[n-]l w v roc La (Zrovs) ; ibid., 3-5, 8lArov p a p ~ [ P ] o n - ~ ~ 7 j u ~ ~
277-1 U + ~ U ~ E ~ Y~ ~Wv V~ p k v 7rfj7 ~r p A y ~ 1 6 ; A6yodurwv;
~ B.G.U. 847 (as restored in P.Oxy.
1451, 21, n.), 16-17, [ ~ a ri6 v E'n-~~~wop6vwv 8kAro]us /g [ n - ] P ~ ~ ~ u < u > i d [ ~[u+pay~~8wv
]~
~ ~ ~ ~ o v ~ uKTA.pkvas
67-8. Line 67 ends about six letter-spaces short of the normal length, the blank being
filled up with a long horizontal stroke; at the beginning of 1. 70 is vacant space of about
three letters. Apparently there has been a deletion, and the words rewritten did not quite
fill up the space. adoras, but not urlt,has, may be the last word of 1. 67.
+
69. The interlineation ~al/3ovX~vral seems too far to the left to come in after / 8 ~ C r a ~ ,
and probably it is better regarded as the conclusion of the Prefect's question.
70-3. These lines have been reduced to a state of almost hopeless illegibility by the fact
that the scribe originally omitted more than a line of text, and noticing this on revision
washed out three lines and wrote four in their place; even this, however, did not give him
quite enough space, so the final words were squeezed into the margin between cols. iii and iv,
with two vertical lines drawn on either side to distinguish them from the adjoining columns
(cf. for a similar method of insertion P. Oxy. 1184). The earlier writing \+-asnot completely
effaced, and its remains add considerably to the difficulties of decipherment.
71. Something like n- duo^ E ~ U L V~ h r o p owould ~ be expected, but the traces after n-duo1
most nearly resemble vo[.
 TRIAL BEFORzEPREFECT OF EGYPT APPIUS SABINUS 245
73. No room can be found for a word like ~ ~ c u / 3 d ~ cto p obalance
t the V E ~ T E ~ of
O L1. 74,
hut the idea is perhaps implied in the mention of decaproti, who were regularly recruited
from ex-magistrates. The ~cpLoSosis the cycle in which the different +vXaI or cip+oSa
became responsible for filling the liturgical posts (cf. P. Oxy. 1030, 1119, 1552) ; in addition
to this there is some evidence for an individual a'vdnavocs restricting the reappointment of
the same person within a certain term of years (cf. P. Oxy. 1410). The present passage,
11owe~-er,is largely unintelligible through the mutilation of the end of the line; xavaaytry
is fairly certain, but the succeeding letter is neither o, 7, nor a , though navoapcvw[v is just
conceivable. h further obstacle is the beginning of the marginal insertion, as nothing can
be made of ] F j 3 j v , and the purpose of the stroke over the letters is obscure.
74. ol Xorrol is perhaps best talcen with / ~ O V X E U T U ~ ,but this is not certain, and the
lacuna, ~ ~ h i ~vould c h naturally be filled with [oE p l v ] , is definitely too short for that reading.
Either [rj'S1] is to be supplied, still taking ol ho~nol~ t i t h/3ovhcvral, or [ K U ~ ] o. r even simply
[rj'], in ~ h i c hcase /3ovXcv~albecomes the complement. K i t h VEL;TEPOLc ontrast the ,BOUXEVT$S
rpca/3;~arosof P. Giss. 34, 2, and cf. P. Oxy. 1477, 16, n., Oertel, op. cit., p. 309.
- ?
r b-7. T& ~ p d [ y p ] a is
~ amuch less likely to refer to the affairs of the individual prytanis
than to the general condition of Egypt, or the Empire, and the fact that in A.D. 250 the
prefecture of Honoratianus, only some 15-20 years earlier, was already looked back to
as an era of prosperity is an interesting illustration of the havoc wrought by the continual
warfare, both internal and external, which had distracted the Roman Empire since the
dcath of Alexander Sererus; cf. 11. 93-4, 100-2. For more direct causes we may adduce
the oppressions of C. Jnlius Priscus,l who had been Juriclicus and Vice-Prefect of Egypt
before his brother, the Emperor Philip, made hirn Pretorian Prefect and Prefect of lfeso-
potami't with. apparently, a general command over the Eastern provinces (rector Orietztis
in C.I.L. 111, 14149 (5) ) ; the effects of his administration are thus described by Zosimus
(I, 20,2) : T A pkv KUT& T<V E'Cav ~ a ; sT&V C$dpwvclanpdtca~teal 78 R;ola~ov,GpXcivT&VE ) K E ~ U E
K ~ O E ~ T ~ ~ E I VE)Ov&v,
O V &C$dprj~ov ~ T Q G L VE ~ V C L/3apvvdpcva,
L ~ a SL&
l TOGTO rrPTTs VEWTE~I~ELV
, ,
rpazrcv-ra, Iw~ax~avTTv nap?jyayov els T$V T&V ;(Xwv &pXrjv. -4 further contributory cause may
have been requisitions for Philip's celebration of the millenium of Rome; cf. B.G.U. 8 and
Viereck, Hernzes, 27, 516 ff.
77. 2 t l c r ~ ~which
, normally signifies the resignation of property in order to escape
appointment to a liturgy, is surprising here, since the office of prytanis never seems to have
degenerated into a liturgy, and neither appeals from nominations to it, nor offers of ZKUTUULS
in connexion with it, are know-n. But it is not certain that 2 t l a ~is ~used in a technical
sense here.
79. 6noC$alvopu~is usually restricted to decisions of the Prefect, but in 2565 the Prefect
is in~ariablygiven his full title &apXos Aly;n-rou, for 15-hich space cannot be found here.
i']7rapXosc1n;rjcv)is just possible.
86. T T ~ & Va ppear> to ha\-e no object, and something may have been omitted, e.g.
T & S K ~ $ E L S , or simply 74.
v . B.G.r. 362, v, 8-9, and P. Tebt. 2S,18, where this seems prefer-
89. zr]pZ,d d O ~ h [ ~ &C'.
able to the otherwise unattested adverb npoo+OdXpws.
93. & n a l ~ w aloolis
~ v at first sight more like &nap~&otv, but actually the doubtful letters
are U L made in one strolit. with a loop at the top of the L (cf. E ) ~ ~ u ~ a h i 1. j v24,
a ~ where
, the same
phenomenon occurs). The reading aE X p e l a ~assumes that aE has been formed in a similar
way; otherwise &pX+vwould be a possible reading.
See 8.G. Roos, de C. Julio Prism, ,?Inemosyne, 51, 286 ff., 435; P. W. Townsend, The Administration
of Gordian 111, Yale Classical Studies, IT, 98-100.
246 T. C. SKEAT AND E. P. WEGENER
SLKCI~ELS.Cf. 11. 1, 86. It is highly probable that the whole of 11. 86-98 are spoken by
Philippus.
94. ~ l [Xs] ~ i [ p ] owasv suggested by TVilcken.
95-7. Though these lines are well preserved, their interpretation is far from certain.
The speaker seems to be quoting, as a n example of the burden which the municipal magis-
tracies laid upon the citizens of Srsinoe, the case of a man who had resigned his property
to escape some magistracy, and had nevertheless been compelled to undertake it. As
.
regards construction, ;vds . . ~ / n d v ~ apparentlyos depends on dpohoy~lavin 1. 94, while
d TOGTO ~ I n d vis clearly identical with the subject of ~ t n d v ~ odifficulty s; is caused by d Srj;
this might be corrected to d 66, introducing a fresh subject, but seems unlikely since
d 7 T ~ p a ~ € X ~ isp ?almost l ~ d ~ certainly identical with the speaker of E'xl~u pov T ~ 06ulav.
V
If a correction is to be made, it seems better to read I%E,d TGVJnaPxdv~uv~ a p a ~ ~ ~ u p ~ ~ d
continuing the subject of d 7 0 6 ~ 0~ l n d v . K U ~u~~+avq+[op]fuai would then begin a new
sentence.
95. E'nel (1. E'nl) Jnopvqpd~wv. Cf. e.g. P. Oxy. 1204, 9-10, perhaps also P. Oxy. 1418, 4
(for the editors' E'nl Jnopov[).
97. u ~ ~ ~ a v ~ ~ [ o Cf. ~ ] u~~+avq$dpos
fuai. l a P.Ryl. 77, 34-5, and o~&$avos,
E ' t q y q ~ ~ in
U T ~ + U , and u ~ l p p ain connexion with the ceremonial investiture of magistrates (van
Groningen, op. cit., 58, 159; P. Oxy. 1413, 4, n.; A. J. BoyB, Studi Bonfante, IV, 184, n. 5).
98. ha,U.P$[vulyis uncertain, as the lacuna looks only large enough for a single letter.
h a p / 3 $ [ ~might
]~ be read, certain forms of 7 and v being identical in this document, but
neither inspires c0nfidence.l c i n ~ v ~ r a i ocan s mean either 'deprecating' or ' t o be depre-
cated'; the former is more probable, since the whole of Philippus' speech is little more than
an appeal ad misericordiam. But the whole expression seems to be without parallel.
103. c i n d ~ a ~ ~iso corrected
v by Miss VTegener to Z T ~ K T O Vbut , 1 think s satisfactory
meaning can be obtained without such a drastic expedient by comparing P. Oxy. 1662
(A.D. 246), where we find the prytanis of Oxyrhynchus about to set out for Alexandria
CVEKEV T ~ T P E u / ~T E~ ~E'ni/3hqe~Iuqs p q ~ 706 L(~po6~ X O T ~ K T O V . The
E)ni/30hjjsT @ 7 j p ~ ~ i vop@
S~ s ' ~ E ~ ~
adjective iepo6 means some tax directly imposed by the Imperial government, as it is
applied to the &va/3oXi~dva nd the annona (P. Oxy. 1135, 2 and n. ; P. Oxy. 2154, 19). The
nature of the impost, however, is quite uncertain; Rostovtzeff, Social and Economic History,
438, regards it as an increase in the rent of state lands imposed on the nome, but this is
a mere conjecture.
A c ~ l o v706 Z ~ / 3 a u ~ o 6This
. gives some further reason for preferring A.D. 230 to 251 for
the date of the trial, since by the latter date Decius had associated his two sons Herennius
and Hostilian with him as Caesars (Jlattingly, J.R.S., 14, 12-16). But not much weight
can be attached to this argument.
E)navopOdu~~ai. The choice of the word is significant ; the one hope, at least of the middle
and upper classes, during the turmoil of the third century A.D., was a return to the peace
and prosperity of the preceding period; hence restitutor orbis, or its Greek equivalent
inavop0w~?js,was a title commonly affected by the candidates for Empire. I t makes its
appearance as early as the time of Gordian 111, who is styled restitutor orbis in C.I.L. VI,
1092 (A.D.241), while in Egypt the title E'navop0ur?jswas assumed by the usurpers Claudius
Firmus and hchilleus (Archiv, 9, 98-9; cf. P.S.I. 1076). The whole question of the title
will be studied by 31r. C. H. Roberts in the forthcoming edition of the JIerton papyri.
If we could assume that b a had dropped out a t the beginning of the line, excellent sense would be
obtained, the subject of XapPdv?l being 76 24' ivds ~ p l o i v , i.e. the decision of Severus quoted in ll. 834.
But there must be some simpler solution.
 TRIAL BEFORE PREFECT OF EGYPT APPIUS SABINUS 247
104-8. These lines contain the final &n6+aa~sof the Prefect (cj". 6nc+$vw 1.108), and the
words 6vryvdoOrl K ~ A are . accordingly to be taken as part of the judgement, recapitulating
the principle laid down in the law of Severus quoted in 11. 83-4. The fact that the Prefect
addresses himself specifically to Xpollonides sho~t-sthat the lattcr was regarded as official
representative of the Senate.
107. -4t the beginning ~ o a - ] I p is~ just ~ ~ ~possible.
~ v The division 06 vrvopo~cOv(for
V ~ V O ~ O O C is ~ [ perhaps
) to be preferred, especially as there is a mark like an apostrophe
after ov, perhaps a diastole.
109. pos at the beginning cannot be the end of hapnpds, which t ~ o u l dimply a wrong
division; furthermore Firmus is called Xaprpd7a~osin 1. 115. Hence OdaXc]lp<~>os is the
most likely solution. T'alerius Firmus, who was Prefect c. A.D. 245-7 (Reinmuth, op. cit.,
11. 138) was probably the immediate predecessor of Sabinus. His praenomen is now known
to have been Gaius (P. Ross.-Georg. v. 22).
Z n ~ 6 r l ~ $ o a sThis. is the technical term for the co~z~entus, which TYas occasionally held
at Arsinoe (introduction, p. 227), but is not entirely confined to those occasions.
110. T&V J n a p X d v ~ w v .Doubtless some part of ZtLu~aaOa~ stood at the end of the pre-
ceding line; v-hether the person wishing to resign his property TTas the prytanis, d T ~ T E
np&-av~s(cf. 1. 77), is not certain; KEAE&CL[S]rather than ~ d r v ^ u a [should ~] probably be read,
the subject being Firmus, and a d ~ d vt he prytanis.
111. ~ a ' y p ain 1. 112 suggests that the meaning here is that nomination to each muni-
cipal office must be made by the members of its respective ~ c l y p a .
Fragment 1. The general appearance of the papyrus strongly suggests that it comes
from the upper part of col. i ; exactly the same change in the size of the hand can be observed,
11.1-3 of the fragment being in large sprawling script like 11. 1-4 of col. i. Seither the fibres
of the papyrus nor the intervals between the lines are any objection to inserting the frag-
ment in col. i ; but it seems impossible to malie connected sense of the resultant text, and
this argument must of course be decisive.
At the last moment a number of emendations of the text suggested by Prof. TVilhelm
have reached us through the kind offices of Prof. TTenger. Though it has not been possible
to utilize these in the correction of the proofs, we are glad to have the opportunity of
printing the more important of them here: 1.2, O&E $Mo]v TLV& ZPxov7a; 1. 9, Z Ay&p]C8wfcas
T ~ EV) ~ L I [ U T ~ & T ~ ~ O V ; 1.17, T E T V ~ ~ ~ K ~ [T&V]
U L V; 1.18, 7 ~ [ ~ d 7 r p 1.
] ~34,
v ; O ~ E)q%~aatv
K = E)47j~auiv
from &@vai, to appeal; 1. 98, AaP/3clva written or intended, the subject being 76 ~ p i e b ;
1. 107, T & E)K naha~.oCv ~ v o ~ o ~ ~ ~ ~ [ p ~ v a .
 NOTES AND NEWS
THE Society's expedition to Tell el-'Amarnah, consisting of Messrs. John Pendlebury (Field
Director), H. W. Fairman, R. S. Lavers, G. Rudnitzky, and T. JV. Thacker, started work on
19 November, and finished in the middle of February. The season has been a successful one,
the principal result being the recovery of the ground-plan of the Palace, which, we are
informed, is the most impressive secular building known to us in Egypt. L4s regards the
main state halls the Palace was found to be exactly symmetrical, and enough architectural
remains have come to light to enable the whole of these halls to be reconstructed in detail.
The excavation of the 'Broad Hall', the most spacious part of the building, has been com-
pleted ; here the original, ambitious plan of a forest of columns, the foundations of which
were marked out, was abandoned in favour of a mud-paved court, surrounded by colossal
statues (some of which it has been possible to reconstruct on paper) and approached from
the south by a series of monumental entrances in the form of courts surrounded by colon-
nades. The central court seems to have been filled with stelae, of which, however, only
fragments have been found. The southern end of the Palace was excavated a t the end of
the season. The objects removed from the site include a quantity of sculpture in relief, with
some good heads, parts of a statue bearing the names of Alihenaten and Amenophis 111,
a fine unfinished head of dkhenaten, a great number of trial-pieces, a large piece of painted
pavement from the south-east of the Harem, many amusing sketches on sherds. fragments
of Mycenaean pottery of a type unusual a t El-'Amarnah, and numerous ink-inscriptions
from wine-jars. Some of the faience fragments found may, it is thought, join up with those
brought from the Palace by Sir Flinders Petrie over forty years ago and now a t University
College, London. A group of rock stelae of Ramesses I1 and Merenptah, seen in a quarry in
1891 but not published, has been rediscovered and recorded.
The Armant expedition was in the field by the end of October, and is still there at the
moment of going to press. The work has consisted chiefly in exploring and recording the
temples in which Armant is so rich; five new ones have been identified, and the list of rulers
who have left remains of building activity now includes Amenemmes I, Sesostris I, Amenem-
mes 111, Tuthmosis 111, a Sebekhotpe, Akhenaton, Ramesses 11, Sekhthorheb, the seventh,
ninth, and tenth Ptolemies, Cleopatra, Hadrian, and Antoninus Pius. The most important
of this season's temples is that of Ramesses 11; in addition to a frieze of captured cities it
has a building inscription which mentions the Vizier Seferronpet and gives years 54 and 57
as falling within the period of construction. Another dated inscription of this king gives us
five new sea-feasts for his reign, since it mentions the ninth, tenth, and eleventh, the sixth
being the last previously known. Some fine blocks of the early Middle Kingdom have been
found. A number of Roman rooms, from the end of the pagan period, standing from five to
six feet high, and provided with cupboards, benches, orens, and the like, hare vielded, in
addition to coins, glass objects, and much pottery, a large granite stela recording the victories
of Tuthmosis 111; unfortunately the lower part of the inscription is lost. Other objects
include parts of a colossal Eighteenth-Dynasty statue, a block of Tuthmosis I11 originally
covered with gold leaf, ostraka, and a carnelian necklace statecl to be equal to those from
the royal tombs of the Middle Kingdom. h large cemetery site, s~-ithstone heaps covering
 NOTES AND NEWS 249

the burials, proves to belong to people of Saharan or Xubian culture. The personnel of this
year comprises RIr. 0. H. lIyers, Field Director, Messrs. G. MacGregor and R. McEuen,
Mrs. Myers and Miss M. Drower. Mr. ,4. R. Callender has also been assisting.
Miss 9. 31. Caloerley and Miss 11. F. Broome, assisted by Dr. Otto Daum, resumed work
a t Abydos a t the beginning of November. The material for vol. I11 of The Temple of
Seti I, and the paintings for the entire work, \$-ere completed, and great progress was
made with the material for vol. IT.
The death of Professor James Henry Breasted (at the JIedical Centre Hospital, New
York, of a streptococcic infection, on 2 December last) has deprived the world not only of
one of the greatest figures in the history of Egyptology, but also of the foremost living
American Orientalist, a scholar whose activities and interests embraced the x-hole of the
ancient Sear East, and an administrator and publicist of unsurpassed energy. His services
to our science date from 1894, when at the age of 29 he published the English translation of
the Egyptian Grammar of Erman. under whom he had studied after leaving Yale; this
translation made invaluable propaganda beyond German borders for the new and revolu-
tionary developments in Egyptian philology achieved by x h a t used to be called the Berlin
School. X mission undertaken in 1895 to make new copies of all historical inscriptions in
European collections for the Tt'orterbuch not only resulted in immensely valuable material
for that ~vorB,but enabled Breasted to compile the great corpus of historical documents
constituting Ancient Records of Egypt; this, involving as it did the copying of most of the
historical inscriptions in Egypt also, and a vast deal of collation and reconstruction of texts,
mould in itself have been a most creditable life-work, yet it was published thirty years ago.
And it provided a sure foundation on which was based the brilliant History of Egypt, which
is still the best book of its kind, and has been translated into four languages. Breasted \\-as
a true historian; he and hlaspero stand together among Egyptologists in their gift of the
constructive imagination which is able to combine scattered and fragmentary records into
a synthesis which has the breath of life. Egyptian religion was another of his chief interests
throughout his career; his thesis of 1894, for the Berlin doctorate, was a valuable study of
the solar hymns of Alchenaten's reign, and in later books, The Dez.elopment of Religion and
Thought i n Ancient Egypt, and The Dazcn of Conscience (published three years ago), he gave
us studies of Egyptian religion and morality of great breadth and originality of treatment,
the former of them indeed effecting a reorientation of the whole subject. His philological
labours in the fields of history and religious thought were chiefly concerned with documents
already published; but we olTe to him also the publication and almost exhaustive interpreta-
tion of the unique treatise on surgery known as the Edwin Smith Papyrus, \vhich, purchased
by Smith a t Lusor in 1562, and lying forgotten for nearly fifty years, v a s in 1920 brought to
Breasted's notice by his former pupil Dr. Caroline R. JTilliams. The publication is in every
way exemplary, despite the fact that it was produced in hours snatched from heavy admini-
strative work at home and during travel in the East. Such are some of Breasted's personal
labours for Egyptology. Xot less great are those that he rendered it as organizer and Director
of the Oriental Institute of the Cniversity of Chicago, into the multifarious enterprises of
which, from its creation in 1919, he threw an immense amount of energy, making it, with
funds supplied by 3Ir. John D. Rockefeller, jun., by far the greatest centre of archaeological
research that has hitherto existed. For with the years his vision of the past had broadened
from the ancient Egyptians (still his personal favourites) to ancient hfan in the Year East,
the various races and cultures of which must, he felt, all be studied singly and in combi-
nation, and in their relation to the classical vorld, to obtain the maximum of historical
K li

250 NOTES AND NEWS

knowledge-a principle which he imparted to scores of thousands of readers by his two popu-
lar books Ancient Times and ASurvey of the Ancient World. ' The Institute ', hemroterecently,
'is a research laboratory for the investigation of the early human career. I t endeavours to
trace the course of human development from the merely physical man disclosed by the
palaeontologist to the rise and early advance of civilized societies.' The work of its expedi-
tions abroad at many Asiatic sites-in 'IrBq, Persia, Anatolia, North Syria, and Palestine,
and the preparation at home of the Assyrian Dictionary (on lines similar to those of the
Egyptian Worterbuch), with its brood of smaller dictionaries of languages written in cunei-
form, concern us less than the Epigraphic Surveys at lledinet Habu, Karnak, and SakkBrah,
the Prehistoric Survey of Egypt and Nubia, and the collection and publication of the Coffin
Texts, about which last a further word mill be found below. And here we recall with grati-
tude our Society's particular debt to Breasted; it was, of course, through his co-operation
and advocacy that in 1929 the interest of Mr. Rockefeller was enlisted in the work of our
Archaeological Survey a t Abydos, resulting in a munificent subvention that has made that
work possible (as a joint enterprise with the Oriental Institute) on a scale which the Society
could not have thought of without such aid. I t was through Breasted's mediation also that
llr. Rockefeller made a donation which has enabled the Worterbuch to appear in a form
commensurate with the materials accumulated; and to him again it was due that the same
Maecenas presented the Palestine Government with the new Archaeological ~ ~ u s e uat m
Jerusalem. His charming and stimulating personality was a delight to all who knew him;
in this connexion we may quote from a letter to The Times by Dr. Gardiner, his closest
friend in this country: 'Breasted was not a man to be easily diverted from his labours, but
when at last so diverted he could play like a child and was a companion of extraordinary
charm. He enjoyed talking and had many a good story a t his disposal. An unbounded
enthusiasm, which a touch of naicete' rendered doubly infectious, gave a singular attraction
to his conversation, and his handsome features and athletic figure added greatly to the
pleasure afforded by his society.'
Dr. John A. Wilson, previously Executive and Scientific Secretary of the Oriental Insti-
tute of the University of Chicago, has been appointed Acting Director of that Institute in
succession to Professor Breasted, the appointment to be made permanent next July. Dr.
Wilson is well known to many of his European colleagues through his five years' work with
the Institute's Epigraphic Survey at lledinet Habu, and is also the author of a number of
important articles on Egyptian subjects. Mr. Charles Breasted, who had intended to leave
the Institute for another field of activity, has consented to remain until the various projects
of this great centre of archaeological enterprise have been revised and reorganized.
Mrs. Marie X. Buckman has resigned after many years of much-valued service as Secre-
tary of the United States Branch of our Society, and Mr. A. S. Arnold, Counsellor at Law,
of New York, who had previously been Local Secretary for that city, has kindly consented
to succeed her. We trust we are not betraying a secret in saying that Dr. Alan H. Gardiner,
who has recently returned from a visit to the United States, has come back with glowing
accounts of Mr. Arnold's energy and enthusiasm for the Society's interests which have
greatly heartened us. Our new American Secretary, ~vhois the proud possessor of a fine
Egyptological library, has already secured us some new members and revived the interest
of old ones.
Dr. Gardiner also reports on the deep interest taken in our work by the Brooklyn Museum
and its enterprising Director, Mr. Philip K.Youtz. Readers of the Annual Report will be
 NOTES AND NEWS 25 1

well aware how much support our excavations owe to the Brooklyn Museum, thanks to the
kindly mediation of Professor Capart.
The Oxford Gniversity Excavations in Nubia, with Mr. L. P. Kirx~anas Field Director,
have been working this winter at Kawa (the ancient Gematon), continuing the excavations
of Professor and Xrs. Griffith, who in 1930-1 uncovered three temples (the largest of which
is that of Taharka), and brought back an impressive harvest of fine objects. The first task
this season was to free the temples from the great quantities of sand which had again
accumulated, in order to enable Blr. $1. F. L. Iladacam to malie a final collation of the
important inscriptions, and Mr. Roy Pennison to study the architecture in detail. S n
examination of large numbers of fallen blocks has given hopes that a great deal more of the
Tsharka Temple than is now standing may be reconstructed on paper. From a number of
well-preserved houses of the sixth to fourth centuries B.c., built just inside the great temenos
wall, and belonging probably to priests and officials of Amiin, has come a faience plaque
with the name of a new Ethiopian king. Among other small antiquities is a good bust of a
voung man, perhaps contemporary with Tutankhamtin, the builder of one of the five temples
that are now lino~vnat Gematon.
We heartily congratulate Mrs. X. de G. Davies on the appearance of the two magnificent
volumes of Ancient Egyptian Paintings, the 104 coloured plates of which reproduce a large
part of her life-n-ork at the Theban Xecropolis. The work, which includes descriptive letter-
press in a third volume of smaller size, has been compiled with the editorial assistance of
Dr. Gardiner.
Quite special interest attaches to the remarkable find, recently reported in the Press and
confirmed privately, by the French Institute during their excavations at Tiid, near Luxor.
For in the four bronze caskets found in the foundations of the Temple of Montu, and stated
to contain Asiatic tribute to Amenemmes 111, were not only ingots of the three precious
metals gold, silver, and lead (one is reminded of the well-known mathematical problem deal-
ing with a bag containing these metals), lapis-lazuli beads and amulets, and Asiatic figurines,
but also t ~ - cylinders
o with cuneiform inscriptions. Should the latter mention a contem-
porary Mesopotamian ruler whose reign can be dated independently, the find will mark an
epoch in the study of Egyptian chronology, as providing for the first time, by a historical
synchronism, an external check on the accuracy of the astronomical dating which is held
to indicate 2000 B.C. as the date of the beginning of the Twelfth Dynasty.
I t will be remembered that Professor Kirsopp Lake, of Harvard, sent an expedition to
Sarabit el-I<h%dim,Sinai, last spring ; many new inscriptions, including some in the Sinaitic
script, XTere found, and Dr. Cerliy, who as a member of the expedition, collated all the
previously kno~vninscriptions still in situ with Dr. Gardiner's and Professor Peet's edition
of Sir Flinders Petrie's squeezes in our publication The Inscriptions of Sinai, Part I. Pro-
fessor Lake has kindly expressed his xillingness that all these results shall be utilized by our
Society in a rerised second edition of that volume. I n the time available it was only possible
to explore about half the Temple of Hathor Mistress of Sinai ; thus the revised edition cannot
appear until a further campaign has completed the examination of this site. Professor Lake's
report on last season's xork vill appear in Texts and Studies, probably before the autumn.
We welcome the appearance of the first volume, edited by Dr. A. de Buck, of Leyden
Lniversity, of the great corpus of Egyptian Co$n Texts. This is the first-fruits of an enter-
prise of the Chicago Oriental Institute in TI-hich several prominent Egyptologists have
252 NOTES AND NEN7S
collaborated at one time or another, and for which an immense body of material has been
gathered from 1922 onwards in the museums of Egypt, Europe, and America. These texts,
from wooden coffins of the First Intermediate Period and the hliddle Kingdom, form collec-
tively one of the three great bodies of Egyptian funerary literature, and form a link between
the other two-the Pyramid Texts and the Book of the Dead. The editing of the MSS. is in
every way exemplary; but details must be left to the re1]ewer.
'

?Ve gladly print the following from Mr. 0. H. Myers:

'There existed at Armant till the year 1861 an extremely interesting temple built by
Cleopatra the Great in honour of the birth of her son Caesarion. This was completely
demolished between the years 1861 and 1863, and the materials were taken and used in the
construction of a sugar factory; but before that date it had been visited and described by
many travellers, and fortunately a number of drawings, plans, and photographs of it were
taken by them. R e are engaged upon a reconstruction of this temple for publication, and
we should be very grateful for any help which your readers might be able to give us to make
this as complete as possible. Any information about unpublished descriptions, plans, d r a \ ~ -
ings, and photographs of this temple, or about out-of-the-way published descriptions of it,
would be of the greatest value.
'A large number of travellers toured this part of Egypt in the 18th and 19th centuries,
when the diary habit was strong, the standard of draughtsmanship high; and towards the
end of the temple's existence photography FTas just becoming popular. I believe that there
may well remain important records in private collections which ~vouldbe of great assistance
in making some restitution for the vandalism of the last century. In 1857 Francis Frith
took at least three photographs of this temple, which were published in Egzjpt and Palestine,
1858-9, and Egypt, ATubia,and Ethiopia, 1862. Naxime du Camp published another in
ggzjpte, Xubie, Palestine et Syrie, 1852, and Fklix Teynard one in Egypte et Xubie, 18/58.
The negatives of these, or any other prints or negatives of this temple, might be of the
greatest assistance, and I should be very grateful to hear (at 200 Euston Road, London,
N.W. 1) from any one who could help in the search for theni. I t sho~zldbe noted that Armant
is also spelt Erment and Ermant, and of course often appears in the classical form Her-
monthis.'

Professor Jean Capart was unanimously elected an Honorary Vice-President of our

Society at its Annual General 3Ieeting of the 15th July last, in recognition of the interest that
he has always taken in our concerns, and the energy with which he has furthered ourinterests.

Two Public Lectures, illustrated with lantern slides, were given under the auspices of
our Society at the Royal Society's rooms at Burlington House, W. 1, last winter, namely
'Last Season's work at Tell el-'hmarnah', by Mr. John Pendlebury, our '8marnah Field
Director, on 7 October, and ' The Gold Standard in Ancient Egypt ', by Professor Glanville,
our Hon. Secretary, on 11Ilecember. Both lectures were at tended by appreciative audiences.

Details are to hand regarding the Second Semaine Egyptologique, held last July at
Brussels under the auspices of the Fondation Reine alisabeth. Over forty persons, includ-
ing a number of leading Egyptologists, tool: part, and during the week a score of interesting
papers were read on as many different aspects of our science. The participants from England
comprised Dr. Gardiner (President of the Congress), Professor 3f. A. Murray, and Mr. and
Mrs. S. R. Sherman. Jlr. Sherman's paper was on the Surroundings of Tell el-'Amarnah,
 NOTES AND NEWS 253

and ended with a cinematograph film showing the Society's excavations in progress. A
number of diversions were arranged for the congressistes, including an exhibition of Belzoni's
Egyptian drawings, a visit to the Exposition Universelle, a n excursion into the country, and
of course a lengthy examination of the Egyptian Department of the 3luskes Royaux d'Art
et d'Histoire.
One important result of the Semaine ~gyptologiquewas the decision of the Fondation
Reine Elisabeth to undertake a distribution of bibliographical notes on new publications
(books, articles, and to some extent reviews) dealing with Pharaonic Egypt, similar to the
references that have been issued by the Fondation since 1932 with regard to papyrological
literature. Each work is to be given on a separate filing card of normal size ( 3 " ~ 5 " ) so ,
printed as to be suitable for classifying under the author's name. The usual bibliographical
details are given, and \Then necessary a few words of description; any reviews of a book
lino\\-n to have appeared are also included. No institution is so well equipped as the Fonda-
tion to ensure that the information suppliedwill be as complete as possible ; however, to obtain
the maximum fullness, scholars and organizations interested in Egyptology are begged to
inform the Fondation of their new publications (especially articles appearing in non-Bgypto-
logical periodicals), or, if possible, to send or cause to be sent copies for notice in the Chronique
d'ggYpte. I t is estimated that with this outside assistance an average of about 600 cards
will be sent out each year; the distribution will be periodical, the first batch being issued
towards the beginning of April this year. The annual subscription is 10 Belgas (at present
about 7s.), and stress is laid on the fact that this rate has been fixed far below the cost of
production and postage, in order to allow all Egyptological students to avail themselves of
this service, which we have no doubt prove to be of great value.

We regret to have to record the death, last December, of P6re lhnile Suys, Professor of
Egyptology at the Istituto Biblico Pontificio, Rome. If. Sups's chief contribution to Egypto-
logy ITas a n e v edition of the 'Eloquent Peasant' story, entitled Etude sur le conte du Fellah
Plaideur.
At the Congress of Orientalists held a t Rome last September, Professor Noret read a
paper on the Egyptian doctrine of kingly and divine justice, and discussed its possible
bearings on Israel, Persia, and Greece ; 11. Boreux described and commented on a n important
Egypto-Greek head-rest of the Alexandrian Period; Canon Drioton gave another of his
important elucidations of 'enigmatic vriting' ; Dr. von Bissing dealt with a curious seated
statuette of the Fourth Dynasty; and Dr. Reich read a communication on the term 'slave
born in the house'. Professor Slberto Tulli, of the Vatican Egyptian Jluseum, and 3111e
Guentch-Ogloueff, of the MusBe Guimet, also read valuable papers, the former on the
medical examination of certain mummies, the latter on late personal names of an impre-
catory nature.
Some recent distinctions gained by the younger generation at Oxford are worthy of
record here. Mr. L. P. Kirwan (Alerton College) obtained last year the degree of Bachelor of
Letters for a thesis on the history of Lower Subia in the Byzantine Period. BIr. $1. F. L.
Macadam (Queen's College), who was given the degree of D.Phil. last year for a thesis on
stelae in the British JIuseum, has been elected by JJTorcesterCollege to the Laycock Student-
ship. Mr. Girgis JIattha (Queen's) has obtained the same degree for a dissertation on demotic
ostraka. l l r . T. \I-. Thacker (St. Catherine's), has been elected to a Senior Studentship in
the University.
 NOTICES OF RECENT PUBLICATIONS

laboriously working through the pages, he has to read them through a second time in order to note what is
important and to leave the unimportant. The author no doubt had to arrive a t his own conclusions in this
arduous way, but should have prepared his results for the reader, and not have dragged him through the
same jungle through which he had to hack his cnvn way. It would ha\-e simplified the reader's task if the
passages relevant to the argument had been picked out and the useful points emphasized which were to be
found in each. For the sake of completeness the rest, bad and indifferent, need only have been grouped in
an appendix. Then again, having discovered that the older Egyptian records are correct and in agreement
with the better classical writers, surely it would have been better to start a t the beginning and work forward
rather than to work backward from the few correct or useful statements among a multitude of writings of
a variety of late dates. Xot only would some such arrangements have greatly shortened the article, but they
would greatly have clarified the argument.
Dr. Steuer deals a t length with various translations from one ancient language to a later one, but naturally,
as we might say, without arriving a t any result. Thus, the Septuagint generally translates the Hebrew mdr
by updpva, but once by U T ~ K T ?and
~ once again by K ~ ~ K L V O VSimilarly,
. the Arab translators of the Greek works
introduce considerable confusion by the use of their word mui'a. To expect anything else is surely to demand
of one's authorities too accurate a knowledge both of their predecessors' minds and of technical processes
carried out on an import from the ends of the earth. It is different from finding the general equivalent in one's
o u n language for the foreign name of some simple and common material like iron or gold. Yet even that may
be difficult enough, as the ~ a r i o u translations
s of .such a word as the Greek &rialpasshow. Again, it has been
thought that ~v'avoswas steel, but the prevailing view now is that it was blue glass. Was ,yalXu$ really what
we mean to-day by 'steel', and how many of Pliny's plants and other natural objects are unrecognizable by
the best scholarship of to-day?
G. A. FVAIXWIGFIT.

Statuen agyptischer Kihiginnen; im Anschluss a n den Torso Amon-erdas 11 i n Sydney untersucht. By Dr. G.
ROEDER.(Mitt. der vorderasiatisch-aegyptischen Gesellschaft (E.V.), 37. Band, 2. Heft.) Leipzig,
J. C. Hinrichs'sche Buchhandlung, 1932. 8vo. iv+84 pp., 5 pls. RM. 7.50.
A very long and detailed work on statues of Egyptian queens. We must admire the painstaking labour
given by the author, though, as he himselfreadily admits, it proves to be only a thankless task. The inquiry
has grown out of the study of the torso of Amenardas I1 which the author made for the G r i ' t h Studies. I t
is entirely archaeological in method, ignoring until the end the aesthetic questions of purely artistic style.
But unfortunately there is practicallg. no evidence on which to base the desired arguments, and there are
lacunae everywhere, arising from a n absence sometimes of sufficient photographs of the originals, sometimes
of sufficient details remaining on such statues as we have, sometimes indeed even of sufficient statues on
which to base any arguments a t all. I t is hardly surprising, therefore, that the results consist more of ques-
tions and possibilities than of anything else, as indeed the author freely admits.
I n the form in nhich it is published, the argument is none too easy to follow, consisting as it does of a
detailed study of thc characteristics of fifty-one statues, many of which are fragmentary. An immense series
of illustrations, classified to emphasize each point, is really necessary, but such are as good as absent. How-
ever, the author does what he can without them by lists and tables. Thus, Table I1 consists of the seventeen
points which he considers in as many of the fifty-one statues as possible, and Table XVI is a diagram of these
results as they affect a statue of a Divine Consort in Berlin. The date and provenience of this statue are un-
knovw, but Roeder finds its details to agree most closely with those of statues of the Kineteenth and Tu-en-
tieth Dynasties; he is unable, hopever, to bring any evidence of its supposed manufacture in the Delta.
Besides attempting to date his statues by a study of their details, Roeder attempts to find the distinguish-
ing marks of the various schools of sculpture which must have existed in Egypt. This, however, seems to
produce little result, very largely again through an almost complete absence of evidence. Nany of his statues
ha\-e no provenience. haring been bought from dealers. Of the rest nearly all come from Thebes; from
Gizah, Sbydos, 'Amamah, and Sinai only one each, from JIedinct Gurob two, and from Tanis three, and these
of the most varied periods. Again, the finding of a statue in a given place is not in itself proof that it ~ v a s
made there. I n fact Roeder himself admits this for the Sinai statue, and postulates a Delta origin for the
statue of Ankhnesneferibri! found a t Karnak.
In his study of the forms of the vulture head-dress he is inclined to bring the three uraei from the Delta,
but of this he admits there is no confirmation. Another curious detail is the replacing of the natural head
 NOTICES OF RECENT PUBLICATIONS

of the bird by that of a uraeus, and this he assumes to be a sign of Lower-Egyptian workmanship. But we
may well ask, was the sculptor a t liberty to dress the queen as he saw fit? Does it not rather imply that he
had orders to represent her as queen of the Lower Country? Had the sculptor freedom to show the king in the
red or the white or the double crown in accordance with the loyalties of the school in which he was trained ?
I n such case we should often have to consider one panel on a temple wall as the work of an Upper-Egyptian
school and that next to it as the work of a Lower-Egyptian one. The time is not yet ripe for an advance on
Maspero's old division into the schools of Memphis, Thebes, Hermopolis, and Tanis. These are manifest, and
there is plenty of evidence for them. The best Roeder can do is to see signs of a naturalistic school in some
statues which he would therefore assign to Middle Egypt, as we already know such a school a t Meir and Tell
el-'Amamah. He also thinks he can see signs differentiating the Theban school from tho others.
Finally, Roeder attempts a discussion of his statues from the stylistic point of view. Here he has to admit
that the peculiarities are not sufficiently well known to provide security in dating, and the same must be said
of any attempt to assign the statues to any given school of sculpture. The author's remark is only too true,
that one of the many difficulties is the variety of size, ranging as his material does from colossi to statuettes.
Here again we have the usual difficulty, that often the statue is broken a t the critical place.
I t is interesting to note the various changes of fashion introduced by Tiya. She popularized among other
things the upright feathers with disk and horns, the hair-band, the two uraei with horns and disk, and the
three uraei. We might add that in another connexion it was she who introduced the extraordinary head-
dress which only too often disfigures Nefertiti. What a time of change it was! for Akhenaton was the first
Pharaoh to wear the two uraei.
Dr. Roeder obtains some valuable information about the Sydney torso. From his study of the position
of the pillar a t its back it becomes probable that it is the upper part of a seated, not a standing, statue. The
statue is nameless, but is almost certainly that of Amenardas 11, daughter of Tirhakah. He is known to have
had a daughter of this name, and Psametik I records that Shepenapt I11 had adopted an Amenardas as
Divine Consort. This being so, it is strange that Roeder does not remark on the complete difference between
her features and those of the famous head of Tirhakah in the Cairo Ifuseurn.
I n conclusion, the reviewer cannot but feel that the essay is a brave attempt to wrestle with the impos-
sible. It would seem that the hour has not yet struck, and perhaps never will, for a study of so elaborate
and far-reaching a nature. At present the most profitable form of research would probably consist in a num-
ber of careful studies of such small details as can be observed with sufficient accuracy and in sufficient
numbers to provide a solid kernel of established fact.
G . A. JYAIXJVRIGHT.

Ethnic Movements in the Near East in the Second Millennium B.C. By E. A. SPEISER. (Publications of the
American Schools of Oriental Research, Offprint Series, No. 1.) Baltimore, 1933. 4to. 42 pp. $0.60.
This is a useful pamphlet on a portion of one of the most complicated problems of antiquity, and one of
which we know scarcely anything a t present. The study is largely concerned with the quite new and aston-
ishing discovery of the 'Hurrians'. We still do not know a t all who these people were, whence or when they
came, or what their civilization pas. As it stands a t present the discovery (and all the evidence) is linguistic.
It provides a name for a people, apparently not aboriginal, who were spread over the northern parts of Syria
and Mesopotamia a t a certain period; it provides a name for the language of Tushratta's letter in the Tell
el-'Amamah collection; and more important still, it shows by their names that the Hurrians had penetrated
far and wide, from Anatolia to Elam, from Armenia to Egypt. This latter information was quite unexpected.
Since their discovery this people has been given many names: Bergvolker, Subaraean, Ktannian, and
Hurri, Hurrian, or Hurrite. Professor Speiser pleads that some form of the latter is best, for documents from
Boghaz-Iieui show that there mas an important people to the south-east called by this name, whose language
was that of Tushratta's letter. -4t first sight 'Rlitannian' would, therefore, seem the natural name, but a t
present Mitanni implies to us nothing more than a kingdom which occupied a fraction of the 'Hurrian' area,
which existed for only a fraction of the time during which we now have evidence for Hurrians, and which had
a ruling class with Aryan titles and gods although the language of the Hurrians was not Aryan.
The essay consists in a study partly of the literary remains of this people with a view to discovering when
and where they wandered, and partly of those other wanderers the Hyksos and Khabiru. I t 1s still impossible
to say whence the Hurrians came, but it is not until after 2700 B.c., XarBm-Sin's time, that they begin to
appear, and then as isolated and sporadic settlers near 3IBsul and Nineveh. Bloreover, Sethe's A'cht~n~stexte
 NOTICES O F RECENT PUBLICATIONS
Dfyrrhe und Stakte. By Dr. phil. R. 0.STEUER.Verlag der Arbeitsgemeinschaft der Bgyptologen und
Afrikanisten in Wen, Vienna, 1933. 8vo. 48 pp.
A class of work is now beginning to appear through which we are a t last getting a knowledge of the
materials employed by the ancients. Quite recently we have had a splendid example in Lucas's Ancient
Egyptian ,&faterials and Industries. I n that volume a chemist, bringing his scientific knowledge to bear on
the materials used in antiquity, has collected between two covers an immense amount of organized informa-
tion on the archaeology of the country. I n the work under review Dr. Steuer elucidates, probably finally as
far as it goes, the question of (ntyzc, which hitherto has proved such a problem.
The first portion of the work is a very complete collection of botanical studies bearing on the question,
a chemical inquiry into the nature and products of certain resins, and a collection of extracts from the
classics, the Hebrew Bible, the Septuagint, the early Christian fathers and the Arabic writers, dealing with
sweet-scented oils and resins under uhatever name they seem to be hidden.
With such evidence as may be obtained from these very confused sources the author then approaches
the subject of the hitherto entirely misunderstood cntyw and &t in Egypt. This is the part which mostly
concerns the Egyptologist. Dr. Steuer notes that Hatshepsut definitely states the object of her transporta-
tion of trees from Pwenet ('Punt') to have been the securing of a supply of freshcntyw. The older Greek writers
know of an oil (oraanj) which u-as obtained from myrrh-resin (opJpva); and just as Hatshepsut emphasizes
the freshness of the cntyw, so is the freshness of the apJpva mentioned by the Greeks. Hatshepsut speaks
of 'expressing' mdt. For this she uses the word nwd with the determinative of a press with drops dripping
from it. This leaves no doubt that the dt which was wrung out of the cntyw was a liquid. Hence cntyw
was clearly the resin from the trees, and mdt was an oil expressed from it.
iWdt had been known since Pyramid times, and 'fresh (ntyw' is mentioned a t least as early as the Middle
Kingdom, from which period an cntyw dm,'sweet resin' is also known. This appears to be the resin before
the sweet-scented oil ( d t , O T ~ K Thad
? ~been
) pressed out, especially as another sort, cntyw siu 'dry ~ n t y w ' ,
is named.
At Berbera, in British Somaliland, myrrh is still made into bales mapped up in hides, and this practice
is recorded by PIiny (xii, 35). Dr. Steuer seems to think that this was done purposely to preserve the volatile
oil of the myrrh. Hide is, however, the regular baling material in those parts; for instance, the modern
travellers' o ~ v ncollections of specimens have, as one may read, been commonly packed in this way. The
more probable view surely is that the imperviousness of the normal packing material made possible the pre-
servation of the volatile oil during transit. Hence the natives were quite by chance provided with a trade
which otherwise could never have grown up.
Schweinfurth states that the Arabian myrrh has a higher content of this volatile oil than the Somali,
but the reviewer would demur to the conclusion that this would exclude Somaliland from the region called
Pwenet. Unfortunately the pictures of the trees a t Deir el-Bahri are of no help in determining the species
which produced cntyw .
Proceeding from the straightforward earlier statements about (ntyw and d t , the author comes to the
statements of Ptolemaic times. Here complications ensue, for the words seem to have altered their meaning.
cntyw is no longer the raw material from which a simple oil, mdt, was obtained, but mdt is a complicated
preparation of which (ntyw is a component. Moreover, a new name bB(i)is introduced, and this seems com-
parable to the old d t . This entaiLs a discussion-of only too common and unsatisfactory a type-as to
the reason the priests may, or may not, have had for using words as they did.
To more purpose are the remarks the author then makes on the insecurity of results obtained from a
purely literary study. To this might be added a word as to the presentation of the material. Two-thirds of
the essay are taken up with extracts from every possible author who has mentioned the subject, as was
noted above. When the reader has waded through all this, not knowing what points to observe, he finds that
many of the statements are misleading and incorrect, or a t any rate do not advance the study. Hence, after
 NOTICES OF RECENT PUBLICATIONS

laboriously working through the pages, he has to read them through a second time in order to note what is
important and to leave the unimportant. The author no doubt had to arrive a t his own conclusions in this
arduous way, but should have prepared his results for the reader, and not have dragged him through the
same jungle through which he had to hack his cnvn way. It would ha\-e simplified the reader's task if the
passages relevant to the argument had been picked out and the useful points emphasized which were to be
found in each. For the sake of completeness the rest, bad and indifferent, need only have been grouped in
an appendix. Then again, having discovered that the older Egyptian records are correct and in agreement
with the better classical writers, surely it would have been better to start a t the beginning and work forward
rather than to work backward from the few correct or useful statements among a multitude of writings of
a variety of late dates. Xot only would some such arrangements have greatly shortened the article, but they
would greatly have clarified the argument.
Dr. Steuer deals a t length with various translations from one ancient language to a later one, but naturally,
as we might say, without arriving a t any result. Thus, the Septuagint generally translates the Hebrew mdr
by updpva, but once by U T ~ K T ?and
~ once again by K ~ ~ K L V O VSimilarly,
. the Arab translators of the Greek works
introduce considerable confusion by the use of their word mui'a. To expect anything else is surely to demand
of one's authorities too accurate a knowledge both of their predecessors' minds and of technical processes
carried out on an import from the ends of the earth. It is different from finding the general equivalent in one's
o u n language for the foreign name of some simple and common material like iron or gold. Yet even that may
be difficult enough, as the ~ a r i o u translations
s of .such a word as the Greek &rialpasshow. Again, it has been
thought that ~v'avoswas steel, but the prevailing view now is that it was blue glass. Was ,yalXu$ really what
we mean to-day by 'steel', and how many of Pliny's plants and other natural objects are unrecognizable by
the best scholarship of to-day?
G. A. FVAIXWIGFIT.

Statuen agyptischer Kihiginnen; im Anschluss a n den Torso Amon-erdas 11 i n Sydney untersucht. By Dr. G.
ROEDER.(Mitt. der vorderasiatisch-aegyptischen Gesellschaft (E.V.), 37. Band, 2. Heft.) Leipzig,
J. C. Hinrichs'sche Buchhandlung, 1932. 8vo. iv+84 pp., 5 pls. RM. 7.50.
A very long and detailed work on statues of Egyptian queens. We must admire the painstaking labour
given by the author, though, as he himselfreadily admits, it proves to be only a thankless task. The inquiry
has grown out of the study of the torso of Amenardas I1 which the author made for the G r i ' t h Studies. I t
is entirely archaeological in method, ignoring until the end the aesthetic questions of purely artistic style.
But unfortunately there is practicallg. no evidence on which to base the desired arguments, and there are
lacunae everywhere, arising from a n absence sometimes of sufficient photographs of the originals, sometimes
of sufficient details remaining on such statues as we have, sometimes indeed even of sufficient statues on
which to base any arguments a t all. I t is hardly surprising, therefore, that the results consist more of ques-
tions and possibilities than of anything else, as indeed the author freely admits.
I n the form in nhich it is published, the argument is none too easy to follow, consisting as it does of a
detailed study of thc characteristics of fifty-one statues, many of which are fragmentary. An immense series
of illustrations, classified to emphasize each point, is really necessary, but such are as good as absent. How-
ever, the author does what he can without them by lists and tables. Thus, Table I1 consists of the seventeen
points which he considers in as many of the fifty-one statues as possible, and Table XVI is a diagram of these
results as they affect a statue of a Divine Consort in Berlin. The date and provenience of this statue are un-
knovw, but Roeder finds its details to agree most closely with those of statues of the Kineteenth and Tu-en-
tieth Dynasties; he is unable, hopever, to bring any evidence of its supposed manufacture in the Delta.
Besides attempting to date his statues by a study of their details, Roeder attempts to find the distinguish-
ing marks of the various schools of sculpture which must have existed in Egypt. This, however, seems to
produce little result, very largely again through an almost complete absence of evidence. Nany of his statues
ha\-e no provenience. haring been bought from dealers. Of the rest nearly all come from Thebes; from
Gizah, Sbydos, 'Amamah, and Sinai only one each, from JIedinct Gurob two, and from Tanis three, and these
of the most varied periods. Again, the finding of a statue in a given place is not in itself proof that it ~ v a s
made there. I n fact Roeder himself admits this for the Sinai statue, and postulates a Delta origin for the
statue of Ankhnesneferibri! found a t Karnak.
In his study of the forms of the vulture head-dress he is inclined to bring the three uraei from the Delta,
but of this he admits there is no confirmation. Another curious detail is the replacing of the natural head
 NOTICES OF RECENT PUBLICATIONS

of the bird by that of a uraeus, and this he assumes to be a sign of Lower-Egyptian workmanship. But we
may well ask, was the sculptor a t liberty to dress the queen as he saw fit? Does it not rather imply that he
had orders to represent her as queen of the Lower Country? Had the sculptor freedom to show the king in the
red or the white or the double crown in accordance with the loyalties of the school in which he was trained ?
I n such case we should often have to consider one panel on a temple wall as the work of an Upper-Egyptian
school and that next to it as the work of a Lower-Egyptian one. The time is not yet ripe for an advance on
Maspero's old division into the schools of Memphis, Thebes, Hermopolis, and Tanis. These are manifest, and
there is plenty of evidence for them. The best Roeder can do is to see signs of a naturalistic school in some
statues which he would therefore assign to Middle Egypt, as we already know such a school a t Meir and Tell
el-'Amamah. He also thinks he can see signs differentiating the Theban school from tho others.
Finally, Roeder attempts a discussion of his statues from the stylistic point of view. Here he has to admit
that the peculiarities are not sufficiently well known to provide security in dating, and the same must be said
of any attempt to assign the statues to any given school of sculpture. The author's remark is only too true,
that one of the many difficulties is the variety of size, ranging as his material does from colossi to statuettes.
Here again we have the usual difficulty, that often the statue is broken a t the critical place.
I t is interesting to note the various changes of fashion introduced by Tiya. She popularized among other
things the upright feathers with disk and horns, the hair-band, the two uraei with horns and disk, and the
three uraei. We might add that in another connexion it was she who introduced the extraordinary head-
dress which only too often disfigures Nefertiti. What a time of change it was! for Akhenaton was the first
Pharaoh to wear the two uraei.
Dr. Roeder obtains some valuable information about the Sydney torso. From his study of the position
of the pillar a t its back it becomes probable that it is the upper part of a seated, not a standing, statue. The
statue is nameless, but is almost certainly that of Amenardas 11, daughter of Tirhakah. He is known to have
had a daughter of this name, and Psametik I records that Shepenapt I11 had adopted an Amenardas as
Divine Consort. This being so, it is strange that Roeder does not remark on the complete difference between
her features and those of the famous head of Tirhakah in the Cairo Ifuseurn.
I n conclusion, the reviewer cannot but feel that the essay is a brave attempt to wrestle with the impos-
sible. It would seem that the hour has not yet struck, and perhaps never will, for a study of so elaborate
and far-reaching a nature. At present the most profitable form of research would probably consist in a num-
ber of careful studies of such small details as can be observed with sufficient accuracy and in sufficient
numbers to provide a solid kernel of established fact.
G . A. JYAIXJVRIGHT.

Ethnic Movements in the Near East in the Second Millennium B.C. By E. A. SPEISER. (Publications of the
American Schools of Oriental Research, Offprint Series, No. 1.) Baltimore, 1933. 4to. 42 pp. $0.60.
This is a useful pamphlet on a portion of one of the most complicated problems of antiquity, and one of
which we know scarcely anything a t present. The study is largely concerned with the quite new and aston-
ishing discovery of the 'Hurrians'. We still do not know a t all who these people were, whence or when they
came, or what their civilization pas. As it stands a t present the discovery (and all the evidence) is linguistic.
It provides a name for a people, apparently not aboriginal, who were spread over the northern parts of Syria
and Mesopotamia a t a certain period; it provides a name for the language of Tushratta's letter in the Tell
el-'Amamah collection; and more important still, it shows by their names that the Hurrians had penetrated
far and wide, from Anatolia to Elam, from Armenia to Egypt. This latter information was quite unexpected.
Since their discovery this people has been given many names: Bergvolker, Subaraean, Ktannian, and
Hurri, Hurrian, or Hurrite. Professor Speiser pleads that some form of the latter is best, for documents from
Boghaz-Iieui show that there mas an important people to the south-east called by this name, whose language
was that of Tushratta's letter. -4t first sight 'Rlitannian' would, therefore, seem the natural name, but a t
present Mitanni implies to us nothing more than a kingdom which occupied a fraction of the 'Hurrian' area,
which existed for only a fraction of the time during which we now have evidence for Hurrians, and which had
a ruling class with Aryan titles and gods although the language of the Hurrians was not Aryan.
The essay consists in a study partly of the literary remains of this people with a view to discovering when
and where they wandered, and partly of those other wanderers the Hyksos and Khabiru. I t 1s still impossible
to say whence the Hurrians came, but it is not until after 2700 B.c., XarBm-Sin's time, that they begin to
appear, and then as isolated and sporadic settlers near 3IBsul and Nineveh. Bloreover, Sethe's A'cht~n~stexte
 NOTICES OF RECENT PUBLICATIONS

of the Middle Kingdom give no suggestion that they had yet reached Palestine. Their intrusion there is
limited to the first half of the second millennium B.c., i.e. about the time of the Hittite raid into Babylonia
and the Hyksos invasion of Egypt. When they arrived in Palestine they seem to have exercised great in-
fluence there.
Hurrian or Hurrite seems to be the same word as the Biblical Horite. If so, the Horites were not mere
'cave-dwellers' of Edom as hitherto supposed, but were an important people spread over the whole land. I n
fact this is the chief interest that these people have for the Egyptologist a t the moment, for their name
seems to be the original from which the Egyptians derived their name of H r for 'Palestine' and
'Palestinian'.
This brings us to the other wanderers of this period, the Khabiru and Hyksos. The Khabiru we have
known hitherto only from the Tell el-'Amarnah Letters of about 1375 B.c., but now they have been found in
Mesopotamia before 2000 B.C. They were nomads and raiders already a t the time that the Hurrians were
spreading over the area finally occupied by them. Although so similar to them in so many ways the Khabiru
seem to have been something other than Hurrians, and to have been mainly, but not solely, Semitic. These
inchoate groups of wanderers apparently picked up a living on the shores of their desert as best they could;
as mercenaries if nothing better offered; a t worst even selling themselves into bondage, a t best raiding and
plundering their settled n~ighbours.
Another group of n anderers in the second millennium is knoun to us as the Hebrews of the Old Testament.
With the assistance of Professor Gunn, Professor Speiser treats the old question whether they were the same
as the Khabiru on the one side, and the 'Spiru on the other. The result appears to be that these are the
cuneiform and Egyptian renderings of the original Semitic cbr = Hebrew = Xomad. I n the Old Testament
the name Hebrew is first applied to Abraham (Gen. xir, 13), and he would have been wandering a t the time
of the earlier Khabiru.
The third set of wanderers concerns the Egyptologist rnore closely. The author rightly points out that
the name 'Hyksos' does not necessarily indicate a race, hut is an entirely vague epithet meaning 'Rulers of
Foreign Lands'. He then points out that the names of the Hyksos kings preserved to us are drawn from
various sources, Semitic, Egyptian, and another. Our author is anxious to identify the Hyksos with the
Hurrians, but to the reviewer he does not seem to adduce any evidence a t all. He proves conclusively that
there were Hurrians in Palestine, and that Hurrian prisoners were captured in Palestine by the victorious
Pharaohs of the early Eighteenth Dynasty. But this, and more in the same vein, does nothing to connect
the Hyksos with the Hurrians. His philological evidence is actually against such a belief. H e has to admit
that the non-Semitic and non-Egyptian names of the Hyksos are apparently not Hurrian. He makes a
valiant effort to derive the Egyptian word for a chariot u w y t from the Hurrian word warat, and this in spite
of Gunn's categorical denial of any such likelihood. The only scrap of positi~~e evidence is that the bird-
decoration on Hyksos pottery is found again in Palestine, and in those strata, a t Tell Billa in Mesopotamia
that also produce Hurrian things. Though this is important he gives no evidence that these birds are Hur-
rian, and not Indo-Iranian for example, or of one of the many stocks who were wandering about a t this period.
But even this carries the subject no farther. Petrie long ago pointed out that the occurrence of Khyan's
objects in Crete and Xesopotamia implied that the centre of the Hyksos n a s not Egypt, but somewhere in
S > ~ i a .Already in 1906 Petrie had found in Egypt toggle-pins in what 21e realized \yere Hyksos graves
(Hyksos and Israelite Cities, 12, 13) and pointed out that they were of northern origin, quoting examples
from Cyprus. Twentv years later others were found a t Byblos on the Syrian coast along with a number of
torques. & I. (Syria, 1925, 16 ff.) showed them to have Caucasian affinities. These objects were some-
Hubert
what earlier in date, being of the TI$-elfthDynasty, of which period one torque had already been found in
Egypt and recognized as non-Egyptian (Petrie, Illahu?~,Kahun and Gurob, P1. xiii, 18 and p. 12). Others
have since been found in Egypt, and always of the same date, and Frankfort once again has emphasized their
northern origin (Studies i v E~ arly Pottery of the S e a r East, 11, 149).
Professor Speiser mentions the qreat camps which are found all orer Syria. They are of the type which in
Egypt Petrie had identified as Hylrsos as long ago as 1906, and again in 1912. I t is unfortunate, therefore,
that Professor Speiser should perpetuate the claim which Albrlght has begun to make for himself as the
identifier of these camps as Hyksos (Bull.American Schools of Oriental Research, 1932, No. 47, p. 8) though his
original study (Joltrn. Pnlestzne Oriental Soc., 2 (1922), 122 ff.) is based entirely on Petrie's brilliant reahza-
tion. The addition Slbright makes to it is due to Phythian-A%dan~s, who pointed out to him that similar
camps are to be found in Transcaspia. Honour nherc honour is due! At present there 1s no answer either
wag to the question asked by Professor Speiser, whether these camps are of Indo-Iranian origin.
L 1
 NOTICES OF RECENT PUBLICATIONS

The author rightly objects to the vague talk sometimes indulged in of a Hyksos 'empire' from Baghdad
to Crete. This is a case, only too common among scholars, of going far beyond the evidence. He also tilts
against the hypercritical attitude which finds in a hiatus of only one hundred years a reason for rejecting the
equation of the names Khabiru and 'Apiru.
Why the Hebrews should have spoken a Semitic tongue, when their features are so very un-Semitic, i.e.,
un-Arab, has long been a problem. The explanation is given by the discovery of a Hurrian area centreing
on Harran, the homeland of the Patriarchs, of Hurrian names in Palestine, of the presence in the Khabiru-
Hebrew tribes of Hurrians and perhaps others with a predominance of Semites, and of the overwhelmingly
Semitic character of the Palestine these tribes invaded. The non-Arab features traclitionally known as
'Jewish' are well known in the Hunian area, though a t a later time. They are those of the Assyrians, of the
'Hittite' monuments of north Syria and Rlesopotamia, and of the modern Armenians.
Professor Speiser does not deal with the burning question of the authorship of the curious art hitherto
known as 'Hittite'. This art provides the monuments of the very area occupied by the Hurrians, yet they are
not of the period in which we know these people. The Boghaz Keui tablets show them as living there between
1400 and 1200B.C.,but the monuments all belong to a period after 1 1 0 0 ~ . cBefore
. this there seems a t present
to be nothing but cylinder seals of an equally definite type and resembling the monuments vaguely called
'IIittite', or perhaps more accurately 'Syro-Cappadocian'. I n the Journ. Palestine Orie7~talSoc., 7, 128 ff.,
Albright supposes these sculptures to be the descendants of Hurrian art, but unfortunately up to thc present
the postulated Hurrian ancestors are missing. The lack of any precise dating for the basalt slab from Beisan
is therefore the more tantalizing. It was found lying loose in the rubbish occupying the Tuthmosis I11 level
-see Rowe in The Museum Journal (hfus. Univ. Pennsylvania, Philadelphia), 1929, pp. 45-9 and figs.
t h e r e t e a n d is clearly related to the 'Hittite' sculptures, though of very much better workmanship than
usual. I t is perhaps not inopportune here to recall the very curious foreign carving in jasper published in
photograph in this Journal, 11, 159 ff. It was found with the Tell el-'Amarnah Tablets, and dates there-
fore to about 1375 B.C. It is the product of an otherwise unknown art, for which the circumstances of the
discovery suggest a northern home. The composition of the group points in the same direction. I t consists
of a lion springing on the back of a bull, a motif which is common down to classical times in the north, and
is found in early Sumerian art.
Professor Speiser still thinks of the Philistines as coming from Crete, in spite of the fact that there is no
evidence for this. The whole idea has grown out of one guess (out of a large variety) which identified Caphtor
with Crete. All the evidence there is points to Caphtor and Keftiu being the coast-lands of southern, and per-
haps south-western, Asia Minor. Similarly, when he speaks of Tell ~ i i in a Rlesopotamia as having been in
intimate connexion with Mycenaean centres, does he not really mean with centres which were equally in
touch with Mycenae ? Much has been done in recent years on Keftiu, Caphtor, Anatolian pottery and its
relationships, but the latest work known to Professor Speiser seems to be an article by Professor Albright
published as long ago as 1921.
Finally, the discovery of the importance of these completely unsuspected Hurrians gives special pleasure
t o the reviewer. He has never ceased to plead for more caution than is usual when dealing with anything that
may have come to Egypt out of the north. At present we know vaguely that these great regions were civi-
lized, but of their civilizations we do not see much more than a few dim reflections when peering a t neighbour-
ing lands. I n the discovery of the Hurrians we have been given one more peep a t thevnkn&n north, and
discover it to be just the 'seething pot' that Jeremiah (i, 13-15) saw it to be long afterwards: 'Out of the
north an evil shall break forth upon all the inhabitants of the land. For, lo, I will call all the families of the
kingdoms of the north, saith the Lord.'
G. A. WAIKWRIGHT.

Paintings from the Tomb of Rekh-mi-RE(at Thebes. By NORBMN DE GARISDAVIES,w ith plates in color from
copies by NINADE GARISDAVIESand CHARLESK. WILKIXSON.(Publications of the 3Ietropolitan
Museum of Art. Egyptian Expedition. Edited by Ludlow Bull, Ph.D., Associate Curator of the Depart-
ment of Egyptian Art, Vol. x.) New York, 1935. Folio. xii pp. and 26 Pls. $20.
The latest addition to the RTetropolitan Museum's publications is to some extent a break with tradition.
The familiar folio format is maintained; but the new \~olumchas not the bulk of those in the Tytus Memorial
series, and one looks a t first for a quarto companion, as with the Museum's more recent publications of
Theban tombs. But in fact this book is to stand alone, and emphasizes by the prefix 'Paintings from' its
 NOTICES OF RECENT PUBLICATIONS

The author rightly objects to the vague talk sometimes indulged in of a Hyksos 'empire' from Baghdad
to Crete. This is a case, only too common among scholars, of going far beyond the evidence. He also tilts
against the hypercritical attitude which finds in a hiatus of only one hundred years a reason for rejecting the
equation of the names Khabiru and 'Apiru.
Why the Hebrews should have spoken a Semitic tongue, when their features are so very un-Semitic, i.e.,
un-Arab, has long been a problem. The explanation is given by the discovery of a Hurrian area centreing
on Harran, the homeland of the Patriarchs, of Hurrian names in Palestine, of the presence in the Khabiru-
Hebrew tribes of Hurrians and perhaps others with a predominance of Semites, and of the overwhelmingly
Semitic character of the Palestine these tribes invaded. The non-Arab features traclitionally known as
'Jewish' are well known in the Hunian area, though a t a later time. They are those of the Assyrians, of the
'Hittite' monuments of north Syria and Rlesopotamia, and of the modern Armenians.
Professor Speiser does not deal with the burning question of the authorship of the curious art hitherto
known as 'Hittite'. This art provides the monuments of the very area occupied by the Hurrians, yet they are
not of the period in which we know these people. The Boghaz Keui tablets show them as living there between
1400 and 1200B.C.,but the monuments all belong to a period after 1 1 0 0 ~ . cBefore
. this there seems a t present
to be nothing but cylinder seals of an equally definite type and resembling the monuments vaguely called
'IIittite', or perhaps more accurately 'Syro-Cappadocian'. I n the Journ. Palestine Orie7~talSoc., 7, 128 ff.,
Albright supposes these sculptures to be the descendants of Hurrian art, but unfortunately up to thc present
the postulated Hurrian ancestors are missing. The lack of any precise dating for the basalt slab from Beisan
is therefore the more tantalizing. It was found lying loose in the rubbish occupying the Tuthmosis I11 level
-see Rowe in The Museum Journal (hfus. Univ. Pennsylvania, Philadelphia), 1929, pp. 45-9 and figs.
t h e r e t e a n d is clearly related to the 'Hittite' sculptures, though of very much better workmanship than
usual. I t is perhaps not inopportune here to recall the very curious foreign carving in jasper published in
photograph in this Journal, 11, 159 ff. It was found with the Tell el-'Amarnah Tablets, and dates there-
fore to about 1375 B.C. It is the product of an otherwise unknown art, for which the circumstances of the
discovery suggest a northern home. The composition of the group points in the same direction. I t consists
of a lion springing on the back of a bull, a motif which is common down to classical times in the north, and
is found in early Sumerian art.
Professor Speiser still thinks of the Philistines as coming from Crete, in spite of the fact that there is no
evidence for this. The whole idea has grown out of one guess (out of a large variety) which identified Caphtor
with Crete. All the evidence there is points to Caphtor and Keftiu being the coast-lands of southern, and per-
haps south-western, Asia Minor. Similarly, when he speaks of Tell ~ i i in a Rlesopotamia as having been in
intimate connexion with Mycenaean centres, does he not really mean with centres which were equally in
touch with Mycenae ? Much has been done in recent years on Keftiu, Caphtor, Anatolian pottery and its
relationships, but the latest work known to Professor Speiser seems to be an article by Professor Albright
published as long ago as 1921.
Finally, the discovery of the importance of these completely unsuspected Hurrians gives special pleasure
t o the reviewer. He has never ceased to plead for more caution than is usual when dealing with anything that
may have come to Egypt out of the north. At present we know vaguely that these great regions were civi-
lized, but of their civilizations we do not see much more than a few dim reflections when peering a t neighbour-
ing lands. I n the discovery of the Hurrians we have been given one more peep a t thevnkn&n north, and
discover it to be just the 'seething pot' that Jeremiah (i, 13-15) saw it to be long afterwards: 'Out of the
north an evil shall break forth upon all the inhabitants of the land. For, lo, I will call all the families of the
kingdoms of the north, saith the Lord.'
G. A. WAIKWRIGHT.

Paintings from the Tomb of Rekh-mi-RE(at Thebes. By NORBMN DE GARISDAVIES,w ith plates in color from
copies by NINADE GARISDAVIESand CHARLESK. WILKIXSON.(Publications of the 3Ietropolitan
Museum of Art. Egyptian Expedition. Edited by Ludlow Bull, Ph.D., Associate Curator of the Depart-
ment of Egyptian Art, Vol. x.) New York, 1935. Folio. xii pp. and 26 Pls. $20.
The latest addition to the RTetropolitan Museum's publications is to some extent a break with tradition.
The familiar folio format is maintained; but the new \~olumchas not the bulk of those in the Tytus Memorial
series, and one looks a t first for a quarto companion, as with the Museum's more recent publications of
Theban tombs. But in fact this book is to stand alone, and emphasizes by the prefix 'Paintings from' its
 NOTICES O F RECENT PUBLICATIONS

independence of the two quartovolumes which are promised under the title The Tomb of Rekh-mi-RBcat Thebes.
Except for a Prefatory Note of three pages, and a brief description opposite each plate, there is no letterpress.
I t is clearly indicated by Mr. Davies that these excerpts from the tomb of RekhmirE are offered to the world
primarily as a collection of Egyptian paintings, a tribute to one of the highest levels of Egyptian drawing.
Of the twenty-six plates the first twenty are in colour; and of the copies from which these were made,
three were painted by Mr. Wilkinson and the remainder by Mrs. Davies. P1. xxi is a key-plan of the tomb,
and indicates the positions of the various scenes; the remainder are key-plates of large areas of the walls,
which enable the details of the colour plates to be seen in their proper context. These line-drawings by Mr.
Davies, however, are by no means merely subsidiary to the painted copies. Not only do they give the outline
(with much detail) of the complete decoration of the tomb (for the sake of clarity no distinction is made here
between restored and existing lines), but they contain information, particularly in the opening words of short
hieroglyphic texts, which anticipates the full publication of the tomb, of whir,h they will form a valuable part.
It is not difficult to see that no other single Theban tomb could have supplied such a variegated series of
pictures of such consistently high quality. The traditional features of tomb decoration required for religious
and magical purposes from the time of the Old Kingdom, with the accretions and developments of subsequent
ages, were fully maintained under the Empire ; but it may well be that 'the principle that these scenes formed
a model for the future life gradually lost much of its force, and [that] the reflection of earthly objects and
scenes became to a large extent biographical or reminiscent'. And whether, as Davies suggests, RekhmirG
n7asdeliberately trying to record for posterity the 'cultural level' of a great age, or not, here was a man who
was justified in depicting his biography in a House of Eternity, one too whose biography might fully 'justify'
him in the Egyptian sense. The Vizier of Tuthmosis I11 might well be expected to leave records in his tomb
of more than personal interest ;and a t a time when the conventional art of Egypt had reached its most mature
phase previous to the invasion of those exotic influences which were to culminate a t Tell el-'Amarnah, it
is not surprising that those records which are pictorial are among the best of Egyptian paintings.
3Ir. Davies's choice of material for the colour-plates was not conditioned by aesthetic considerations only,
since the high standard of the decoration is maintained throughout the tomb. He has therefore given special
prominence to the scenes of the foreign tribute-bearers, for the sake of their great 'ethnological value'--they
occupy - - thirteen of the coloured plates. The dues of Amfin have two plates; the famous brick-making scene
two more ; while the last three deal with more personal aspects of RekhmirE's funerary arrangements. Most
of these pictures are familiar to Egyptologists, whether they have seen the tomb or not; a number of the
original copies are exhibited in the British Xuseum ;but none have been reproduced with anything approach-
ing this perfection before. Both aesthetically and archaeologically this publication will be of more value to
the student than a visit to the tomb itself, with its dark interior and the inaccessible heights of its walls.
The virtual absence of letterpress has reduced archaeological comments to a minimum. Major problems
are raised by the tribute-bearers, and it is not difficult t o read Mr. Davies's mind about some of them. But
those who disagree with him would be unwise t o join issue until he has finished his say in the two volumes to
come. I n his identification of details in the plates he is rarely a t a loss ; but again the temptation to argue is
better resisted. Rather let the reviewer congratulate himself on correctly guessing, ~+ithout reference to the
'crib' opposite, the nature of the curiously flattened round baskets, piled one above the other, in the top
right-hand corner of P1. xiii,and described by SIr.Davies as 'smallfrails containing honey-combs or what not '.
As the list of the Davieses' publications for the Metropolitan Museum grows, their colleagues take the
quality of their work more and more for granted. We have long since used up appropriate superlatives ;but
we can still be grateful to all concerned.
S. R. K. G L A N ~ L L E .

Egypt and Segro Africa: A Study in Divine Kingship. By C. G. SELIGMAN.(The Frazer Lecture for 1933.)
London, Routledge & Sons, Ltd., 1934. 8vo. 82 pp., with 1 map and line drawings. 3s. 6d.
I n this lecture Professor Seligman gives a quantity of information on a subject which has been much
to the fore since Frazer originally expounded it, namely that of the Divine King, the man-god who lives his
life, and finally lays it down, for the good of his people. The theory and practice may be shortly stated as
follows. A certain individual has within him a divinity which gives him power over the elements. H e brings
or withholds the rain which causes the crops to grow, which in turn causes the wealth and health of the people
and their cattle. No man can live for ever, get when the time comes for the Divine King to hand on his
powers to his successor they must be in a t least as vigorous a condition as that in which they were received
 NOTICES OF RECENT PUBLICATIONS

this account, for the preface states that she regarb the book only as ' a starting-point for a more compre-
hensive study of the development of Greek and Roman accounting', and the hope may be expressed that
some more solid arguments will then be advanced. That Miss Grier's view is in the main correct there can
be very little doubt; it is indeed all that one would expect, for until nearly the end of the third century the
ruling class in Egypt still preserved their Greek mentality and outlook. But all the same the point deserves
further study: to take one example, the distributive sign (, standing in Greek for Jv or ~ o i ~ (see w v most
recently Wilcken, U.P.Z., 157,9, note; Miss Grier's translation 'deduction' on p. 69 is wrong), is undoubtedly
derived from the demotic, yet we find it in Greek accounts a t least as early as 270 B.C. (P. Hib. 110, recto).
Of the main subject of her book, however, Miss Grier has given an exhaustive account, drawn from all
the published Zenon papyri (the only omissions I have noted are those in Lille, reprinted in Bilabel, Sammel-
buch, 6800-6803, and the interesting tax-list in Cambridge, ibid., 7222, which might well have been quoted
on p. 42). Not only the accounting method, but the economic and financial problems involved, are fully
treated, though this often introduces a good deal of irrelevant material. There is, too, very little attempt
a t arrangement and classification of the material, the documents being merely divided into 'Money
Accounts' and 'Accounts of Raw Materials', the latter including, rather surprisingly, accounts of grain.
Problems of metrology, chronology, and numismatics, discussion of which might have been expected, are
almost entirely unnoticed. The Glossary of Accounting Terms a t the end is an excellent idea, and the
Bibliography very useful (on the customs-house registers, P. Cair. Zen. 59012, 59015, see Andreades in
Jle'langes Glotz, I, 7 4 8 ) . Two short accounts in the Columbia collection are here published for the first
time; Miss Grier's idea of using single square brackets to represent a lacuna or a deletion is an unfortunate
innovation which it is greatly to be hoped will not be followed by other editors of papyri.
T. C. SKEAT.

Zur Geschichte der Zeit des 6. Ptolemaers. By WALTEROTTO. (Abhandlungen der Bayerischen Akademie der
Wissenschaften, Phil.-hist. Abt., Neue Folge, Heft 11.) Miinchen, Verlag der Bay. Akad. d. Wiss.,
1934. 4to. 147 pp.
Originally designing this study for inclusion in the three stately volumes of illdanges, recently issued by
the Institut franqais d'archkologie orientale, in memory of Gaston and Jean Maspero, Prof. Otto found his
researches taking him far beyond the limits allowed him, and his work in consequence now appears as a
separate publication with a dedication to Prof. Wenger. I n general, it makes a contribution of outstanding
importance to the history not only of Ptolemaic Egypt but of the Hellenistic world during the first half of
the second century B.C. Prof. Otto's competence for the task is everywhere obvious: he has an impressive
range of knowledge and mastery of his materials, a gift for the marshalling of evidence, an acute judgement ;
and if his style of presentation, cumbered with footnotes, which on many pages occupy more space than the
text, tending to rather long and involved sentences and a t times (especially in the notes) complicated
parentheses and sub-parentheses, is a little unaccommodating, it may be said in defence that he is writing
a work of research for scholars, not a popular handbook. His task was certainly not a n easy one. Pew im-
portant periods of history, a t least since the art of historiography became fully established, are so unsatis-
factorily documented as the Hellenistic Age. The evidence is jejune, fragmentary, and often ambiguous;
the writer who would construct a connected history out of this haphazard debris must too often be content
to make bricks without straw. It is necessary to deal plentifully in conjecture, to squeeze every particle of
evidence in order to extract from it the last drop of information, and unfortunately the process has its
dangers: the possible tends insensibly to become the probable, the precariously balanced reconstruction is
treated as a firm basis for further combinations.
Prof. Otto has thus done wisely in setting strict limits to his task. At first sight, the implied title Beitrage
for a volume of nearly 150 generous-sized pages of small print suggests an unnecessary demonstration of
modesty on the part of the author; but here the name is strictly correct. A continuous history of the reign
of Philometor has never been, and in all probability never will be, written; and Otto has therefore focused
his attention on those critical years when events in Egypt gave a decisive turn to the destinies of the
Mediterranean world. I t is the expeditions of Antiochus Epiphanes against Egypt that are throughout the
central theme, to which the remaining chapters, describing in detail the antecedents and consequences
of the struggle, are designedly subsidiary. The opening section, Chronologische Feststellungen, is one of the
most important as well as the most original: in it Otto attempts to fix the dates of birth of the three children
of Ptolemy Epiphanes and his Seleucid queen; by a process not unfairly described as a masterpiece of
 NOTICES OF RECENT PUBLICATIONS

juggling with the assorted scraps of evidence which must perforce content us, he reaches the conclusion,
likely to be generally accepted, that they were a good deal younger than has generally been supposed,
Philometor being born in 183 or possibly 184 B.c., Euergetes a year or so later, and Cleopatra I1 in the last
few months of her father's lifetime, or even posthumously.' I n dealing with the early years of Philometor's
reign Otto's conclusions are not always so happy: his dating of the death of the Queen-Regent Cleopatra I
to between Sept. 178 and Xov. 1'762(pp. 1-2) is an important step forward, but his view that her nickname
among the Alexandrian populace, rj Ztipa, implies a pro-Syrian policy on her part rather than the simple fact
that she was a Seleucid princess, seems quite unjustifiable. Nor is it quite fair to describe as 'gesichert'
(p. 18) his theory that the x p w r o ~ h r o i aof Philometor mentioned in 2 Maccabees was his marriage-feast in
175 or 154 B.C. There is a good deal to be said for it, no doubt, but all the steps in the argument are very
conjectural, and fifty probabilities do not make a certainty. If the festival was the marriage-feast, the name
7Tp0J~0~Xl0~a is very strange, and Otto's explanation, that it was an intentional double entendre on the part of
Antiochus which became current throughout the Near East, verges on the fantastic. Otto's treatment of
Cleopatra 11, furthermore, is unsatisfactory, chiefly because he deliberately decides (p. 135) to ignore the
evidence of the prescripts of legal documents; no arguments are vouchsafed for this ultra-scepticism, and
Otto has apparently overlooked the fact that he himself has used this type of evidence in determining the
date of the death of Cleopatra I! The result of this policy is the astonishing statement that 'the earliest
example of the association of Cleopatra I1 in the dating is in the 21st year of Philometor'. How then does
Otto explain the prescripts of the joint reign, which in both Greek and Demotic documents (P. Tebt. 811,
Year 5 ; B.M. dem. Pap. 10616, cf. Thompson, op. cit., p. 33, no. 12a, Year 6) begin: ' I n the reign of the
Kings Ptolemy and Ptolemy the Brother and Cleopatra the Sister the children of Ptolemy and Cleopatra the
.
Gods Epiphaneis. . .' ? Surely the natural conclusion, already drawn by Strack and Wilcken from P. Par.
63 ( = U.P.Z. 110), is that Cleopatra I1 was officially associated with her brothers on the throne of Egypt, - -

a t least as early as 165; and we may now reconsider Livy's clear statement, given very short shrift by Otto
(p. 60, note 3), that she participated in the dispatch of the embassy of Euergetes to Rome in 169. There
seems no obvious reason why the extraordinary step of raising her to the throne of her brothers should have
been taken after their reconciliation, whereas if Livy is right, and she had been associated with Euergetes
from the beginning of the emergency government in Alexandria, it is perfectly natural that unwillingness to
depose in her a reigning sovereign should have suggested the idea of the triple rkgime which we know for a
fact was in existence a few years later. One further point regarding the joint reign is the common assump-
tion, shared by Otto (pp. 51-2), that Philometor took over the new dating of regnal years which his brother
had initiated while isolated in Alexandria, perhaps as a concession to his brother's adherents. It is, however,
much more likely to have been the initiation of the joint rkgime that was made the occasion for a new start ;
and if this is admitted, we obtain an important date in the chronology of the period, for since year 1 of the
joint reign coincided with year 12 of Philometor, the reconciliation of the brothers must have taken place
before 1 Thoth = 4 Oct. 169, and hence Antiochus must have left Egypt a t least several weeks previously,
somewhat earlier than the time Otto proposes (pp. 41, n. 1, 66) on other grounds.
I n tracing the course of the campaigns of Antiochus, Otto is on more familiar ground, but here also his
mastery of detail, and his gift for characterization or summing-up of a tendency or situation, make his work
a valuable contribution to historical learning. For the status of Antiochus in Egypt (pp. 53-7) he has
happily been able to utilise the new P. Tebt. 698, which decisively vindicates Porphyry's statement that he
was crowned King of Egypt a t Memphis; but, in common with the eclitor and RTlcken, he has failed to
realize the importance of the address of the royal prostugma : 'To the clervichs in the Crocodilopolite nome. .' ..
-4s van Groningen has well observed, this unique designation of the Arsinoite nome indicates that Antiochus
1 Otto, adducing the evidence of the Si6t papyri in a Sachtrag (p. 134),notes that scribes at Lykopolisin Middle
Egypt were still dating by Epiphanes on 30 November 181; he has, however, overlooked Tait, Greek Ostraca, I,
Bodl. no. 96 (Hermonthis), which, if correctly assigned to Epiphanes (and Tait's arguments seem decisive), is dated
20 May 180. This would certainly make it easier to find time for the birth of the three children after 184 or 183.
Otto does not discuss the possibility of two of them, e.g. Euergetes and Cleopatra, being twins; no doubt he tacitly
assumes that even with our unsatisfactory aut'horities such a fact must have come down to us.
2 Sir Herbert Thompson's invaluable list of the eponymous priests (GrZgith Studies, 16-37) shows that at Ptole-
mais, between the fifth and sixth years of Philometor the priest of 'Queen Cleopatra and King Ptolemy her son'
is replaced by the priest of 'King Ptolemy and Cleopatra his mother'. The latest example of the former type is
dated 8 April 176, the earliest of the latter 18 November 176 (both Demotic; for a Greek example of the latter
t,ype, cf. P. Grenf. I, 10, of 10 October li.i), and the reviewers suggest that the death of Cleopatra I may thus be
fixed eren more closely to between these two dates.
 NOTICES OF RECENT PUBLICATIONS

not only had dethroned Philometor, but was trying to obliterate all trace of the Ptolemaic dominion in
EgyptS1 Particularly happy is Otto's elucidation (pp. 7 3 4 ) of the fact that C. Popilius Laenas must have left
Rome several months before Pydna was fought, carrying with him instructions from the Senate, to be carried
out immediately on receiving neus of the Roman victory! The sequel-his amazing interview with Antiochus,
and the fateful circle traced in the sand-is the central point of the book; in it Otto sees the death-knell
of the Hellenistic world whose disintegration before the growing intervention of Rome was henceforward
inevitable. I n his moral judgements, it is true, Otto's feelings as a good Hellenist have to some extent got
the better of his critical faculty; from first to last he sees in every political event in the Near East the sinister
influence of Rome, and his terrible indictment of the Macl~iavellismuswhich guided her foreign policy
(especially p. 38) is one of the most vivid passages of the book. But the fact remains that any form of ethical
judgement on states of the ancient world is a very dangerous proceeding, and in the case of Rome it seems
scarcely fair to expect from her a degree of political morality which it would be hard to find in Europe
to-day. To do Otto justice, however, he has a t least no heroes among the Hellenistic monarchs-dntiochus,
fundamentally unstable, lacking the courage and resolution to carry out his grandiose schemes; Euergetes,
with the methods and morals of an American gangster; and even the saintly Philometor emerging with a
somewhat dubious character, though Otto's argument2for distrusting the traditional estimate of him (p. 94)
seems rery flimsy.
The Cyrene inscription containing the will of Euergetes I1 is discussed a t length and in considerable
detail. The most conflicting views have been expressed concerning this document, and Otto's, which is
very well argued and shows great ingenuity, is by no means the least interesting or plausible; but it is not
certain that it will command universal acceptance. He holds that the inscription is not the will or a part of it,
but is merely founded on the will, preserving but two clauses of the actual document ( r d 8 c 8 ~ i B e r oKTX., and
i i v 8; T L KTX.). The date, 155 B.c., is that of the erection of the stele; the will was made earlier, after 164,
when the joint rule of Philometor and Euergetes ended; and Otto places the negotiations which led up to it
in the year 162-161. Tk n c p i r o i r w v ypdpPa.ra are the documents relating to the transaction, including the
will. To publish the will verbatim would have looked too official; hence extracts only were given to the
world, with the insertion of connecting phrases and with paraphrases. The whole episode was a deliberate
'political indiscretion' and so was probably not committed by the king directly but by the priests of Apollo a t
Cyrene under his inspiration. I t was indeed, Otto holds, a political masterpiece, and like P . Tebt. 5 shows
that Euergetes has been too unfavourably treated in the literary tradition. This last assertion surely goes
beyond the evidence. Several decrees of amnesty have been revealed by the accident of discovery, with
formulae which show a considerable mutual resemblance, and we really cannot say how far Euergetes was
follon~ingprecedent, and, in any case, how far he himself, rather than his advisers, was responsible for the
measures taken.
Otto's whole reconstruction of the situation, attractive as it is, seems just a little far-fetched, and i t
rests in part on his view (p. 104) that j p i v in the clause r $ v 4rXlav ~ a o vl p p a ~ L a vr j v xp6s &hXrjXous j p i v yevopivl)v
means Euergetes and Philometor, not Euergetes and the Romans. The present reviewers feel that the
second interpretation is really much the more probable, nor can they agree with Otto (p. 104, n. 3) in thinking
that < p i v cannot refer to the Romans because in conjunction with €is dXhrjXous it 'wiire eine Doppelung',
or that 'das j p i v wiirde auch zu dem auf die Romer in demselben Satz hinweisenden a h o i s in Widerspruch
stehen, wenn mit ihm die Romer mitgemeint waren'. However, his conception of the document certainly
calls for serious consideration; and it is not the least among the merits of his monograph that by revealing
new points of view it compels a re-examination of many problems in the history of the period.
H. I. BELL.
T. C. SKEAT.

The Vocalization of the Egyptian Syllabic Orthography. By WILLIANFOXWELL ALBRIGHT.(American Oriental

Series, Vol. 5.) Kew Haven, Conn., American Oriental Society, 1934. 8vo. vii+67 pp. $1.25.
The problem of the Egyptian syllabic orthography is one that has occupied many minds, and evoked
many theories. I n this admirable monograph Professor Albright gives a detailed statement of his own

1 Aegyptus, 14, 120. Presumably P. Tebt. 698 dates from 168, when Antiochus had finally thrown off the mask,
and when we hear from P. Tebt. 781 of ravages by his soldiers in the Fayyum.
I'iz., that the praise of Polybius reads hire an echo of the propaganda of the pro-Philometorparty at Rome,
and is therefore suspect.
 NOTICES O F RECENT PUBLICATIONS

independence of the two quartovolumes which are promised under the title The Tomb of Rekh-mi-RBcat Thebes.
Except for a Prefatory Note of three pages, and a brief description opposite each plate, there is no letterpress.
I t is clearly indicated by Mr. Davies that these excerpts from the tomb of RekhmirE are offered to the world
primarily as a collection of Egyptian paintings, a tribute to one of the highest levels of Egyptian drawing.
Of the twenty-six plates the first twenty are in colour; and of the copies from which these were made,
three were painted by Mr. Wilkinson and the remainder by Mrs. Davies. P1. xxi is a key-plan of the tomb,
and indicates the positions of the various scenes; the remainder are key-plates of large areas of the walls,
which enable the details of the colour plates to be seen in their proper context. These line-drawings by Mr.
Davies, however, are by no means merely subsidiary to the painted copies. Not only do they give the outline
(with much detail) of the complete decoration of the tomb (for the sake of clarity no distinction is made here
between restored and existing lines), but they contain information, particularly in the opening words of short
hieroglyphic texts, which anticipates the full publication of the tomb, of whir,h they will form a valuable part.
It is not difficult to see that no other single Theban tomb could have supplied such a variegated series of
pictures of such consistently high quality. The traditional features of tomb decoration required for religious
and magical purposes from the time of the Old Kingdom, with the accretions and developments of subsequent
ages, were fully maintained under the Empire ; but it may well be that 'the principle that these scenes formed
a model for the future life gradually lost much of its force, and [that] the reflection of earthly objects and
scenes became to a large extent biographical or reminiscent'. And whether, as Davies suggests, RekhmirG
was deliberately trying to record for posterity the 'cultural level' of a great age, or not, here was a man who
was justified in depicting his biography in a House of Eternity, one too whose biography might fully 'justify'
him in the Egyptian sense. The Vizier of Tuthmosis I11 might well be expected to leave records in his tomb
of more than personal interest ;and a t a time when the conventional art of Egypt had reached its most mature
phase previous to the invasion of those exotic influences which were to culminate a t Tell el-'Amarnah, it
is not surprising that those records which are pictorial are among the best of Egyptian paintings.
3Ir. Davies's choice of material for the colour-plates was not conditioned by aesthetic considerations only,
since the high standard of the decoration is maintained throughout the tomb. He has therefore given special
prominence to the scenes of the foreign tribute-bearers, for the sake of their great 'ethnological value'--they
occupy - - thirteen of the coloured plates. The dues of Amfin have two plates; the famous brick-making scene
two more ; while the last three deal with more personal aspects of RekhmirE's funerary arrangements. Most
of these pictures are familiar to Egyptologists, whether they have seen the tomb or not; a number of the
original copies are exhibited in the British Xuseum ;but none have been reproduced with anything approach-
ing this perfection before. Both aesthetically and archaeologically this publication will be of more value to
the student than a visit to the tomb itself, with its dark interior and the inaccessible heights of its walls.
The virtual absence of letterpress has reduced archaeological comments to a minimum. Major problems
are raised by the tribute-bearers, and it is not difficult t o read Mr. Davies's mind about some of them. But
those who disagree with him would be unwise t o join issue until he has finished his say in the two volumes to
come. I n his identification of details in the plates he is rarely a t a loss ; but again the temptation to argue is
better resisted. Rather let the reviewer congratulate himself on correctly guessing, ~+ithout reference to the
'crib' opposite, the nature of the curiously flattened round baskets, piled one above the other, in the top
right-hand corner of P1. xiii,and described by SIr.Davies as 'smallfrails containing honey-combs or what not '.
As the list of the Davieses' publications for the Metropolitan Museum grows, their colleagues take the
quality of their work more and more for granted. We have long since used up appropriate superlatives ;but
we can still be grateful to all concerned.
S. R. K. G L A N ~ L L E .

Egypt and Segro Africa: A Study in Divine Kingship. By C. G. SELIGMAN.(The Frazer Lecture for 1933.)
London, Routledge & Sons, Ltd., 1934. 8vo. 82 pp., with 1 map and line drawings. 3s. 6d.
I n this lecture Professor Seligman gives a quantity of information on a subject which has been much
to the fore since Frazer originally expounded it, namely that of the Divine King, the man-god who lives his
life, and finally lays it down, for the good of his people. The theory and practice may be shortly stated as
follows. A certain individual has within him a divinity which gives him power over the elements. H e brings
or withholds the rain which causes the crops to grow, which in turn causes the wealth and health of the people
and their cattle. No man can live for ever, get when the time comes for the Divine King to hand on his
powers to his successor they must be in a t least as vigorous a condition as that in which they were received
 NOTICES O F RECENT PUBLICATIONS

by him. This they could not be if they came from a worn-out, decrepit old man. Hence he must deliver
them up while still in his prime. Worse still, were he to die without proper precautions having been taken
for their transmission to a suitable guardian, the divinity he enshrines would naturally escape into the Un-
known along with him. Hence, a t a suitable time, which varies in different places, he lays down his life-
originally gladly, as indeed he often still does-that the virtue of these powers may be preserved to his
people. This is done by his committing suicide or being killed with due precautions, when his powers are
ceremonially transferred to a suitable young and vigorous successor. I n due time logic has often shown that
a substitute would do as well as the actual king, or that the powers of the king being magical they could be
magically rejuvenated. From this a number of practices arise; not of course only in Africa but all the world
over, for this theory of kingship is world-wide.
Incarnate gods of this nature prove still to be flourishing in many parts of Africa, not only among the
Shilluk of the White Nile and their neighbours the Dinka and Nuer, but also in West Africa. Seligman asks
whether this cannot be traced back to the sed-festival of Ancient Egypt. No doubt some of the features are
to be found there, but as we know it a t present the festival seems to be a complicated affair. The reviewer
had intended to include some remarks on this question, but soon found that any such attempt would lead far
beyond the scope of the present review. He hopes shortly to return to the subject, however.
I n recent years many inquirers have pointed to cases of apparent influence from ancient Egypt in Negro
Africa, and the Frazer Lecture is a continuation of two of the author's previous publications on this subject.
The question of course is whether such things are the remains of a very old Hamitic culture, of which Egypt
merely presents the earliest and best-known picture and Kegro Africa the latest, or whether they are
specifically Egyptian in origin. As might be expected, the answer is something of both. It is interesting that
sun-worship, which looms so large in our present idea of Egyptian religion, is as good as absent in modern
Africa.
The question arises of routes by which the Egyptian influence would have extended itself. They prove
to be four: up the White Nile; along the North African coast past Tunis to West Africa; up the Blue Nile
and along the foothills of Abyssinia to the Great Lakes ;through Darffir and Wadai along the southern edge
of the Sahara. Seligman does not suppose that the last was in any way a main route of influence, though
his reason is rather hard to see. He himself shows that it is practicable even to-day, and conditions are hardly
likely to have been worse in antiquity. He also shows that sites with apparent affinities to the Meroitic
civilization of the third and fourth centuries B.C. have been found far out to the south-west of Meroe, hence
in the direction of this last route.
Professor Seligman naturally, and without doubt correctly, takes i t that in Pharaonic times expeditions
into or through the desert had to be made without camels. Although it makes no difference to the undoubted
correctness of his postulate, we may record here that i t is a mistake to suppose that camels had never been
seen in ancient Egypt. Strangely enough as many as eight figures of them, sometimes with loads on their
backs, areknown over the period running from the Second Predynastic Age to the fifth centuryB.C., see Scharff
Das corgeschichtliche Gruberfeld von Abusir el-Meleq, p. 40, no. 209; and as Seligman himself notes, Miss
Caton-Thompson has reported a rope of camel-hair of Old Kingdom date. The beast of burden of ancient
Egypt waa of course the donkey, and journeys were limited by his powers of endurance. As to this Seligman
has collected a good deal of evidence. and it may be worth while to supplement it with my own experience,
although it adds nothing new. One winter in the early 'twenties I spent six weeks in the Oases with camels,
and for the journey back from Dakhlah was joined by some native merchants a t Tenidah. It is ninety miles
without water from there to Khargah, and we left about 10 one morning, arriving before 5 p.m. two
days later. The merchants' donkeys were well watered before starting, and were only given each a large
pudding-basin of water half-way across. After the donkeys, the camels had what was left. A petroleum-tin
of water had been hidden for this purpose on the outward journey. I do not remember that there were any
of the big white donkeys with us, but I do remember the little brown ones. One had eaten the local clover,
nrhich gave it colic so badly that it had to be left to its fate with a pan of water by its side, for there is no
waiting in the desert. A caravan going in the opposite direction was told they might have it if they found it
still alive. Its illness had nothing to do with hardship in the desert. I suppose that if I thought about it a t
all, I put d o m the absence of white donkeys to the poverty of the merchants, but it may be that the little
brown ones are hardier. Similarly I remember numbers of the latter, all very small and wretched, living in
the Oases, but do not remember large white ones, though after this lapse of time I cannot say positively that
I saw no single one there. I was told by the merchants that a donkey can go two days without water, but
dies on the third. A camel can go four or five, but has to be trained to it before leaving the fields. I t was
 NOTICES OF RECENT PUBLICATIONS

astonishing how little water the Bedawy camel-drivers needed; they only had one quite small goatskin with
them, and, being utterly careless, spilt an immense proportion even of that. The camel-drivers of course are
accustomed to walk the whole way, and I and my two town-dwelling Egyptians walked most of the way,
taking a 'rest' from time to time on the more lightly loaded of our two camels. With only a short rest in
the shade a t midday, we trarelled for thirteen hours on each of the first two days. The natives, however,
would have gone on longer, but by that time I had had enough. Our party suffered no sort of inconvenience
beyond some fatigue to myself and the loss to the merchant. One of the camels carried a litter on which lay
a man too ill to move or speak. He was stricken with what the natives called a fever, and died the day after
reaching Khargah. The camels come out from Egypt for the autumn and winter, but get very poor and have
to return by March to recuperate. They get maggots up their noses by the end of the time.
Hence, if they had the need, the ancients could have done a good deal of desert travel with their donkeys.
I n fact they clearly went up to the Oases, for Senusret I sent Ikudidi to Abydos on some affairs of the Oasis-
dwellers ; see Breasted, Ancient Records, I, § 527. I n the Eleventh Dynasty Henu had gone down the Wady
HammLmiit to the Red Sea with donkeys, op. cit., $5 429, 430. I am told there is a spring of water a t the
highest part of the road. I n the same dynasty another official boasts, 'My soldiers descended [from the desert]
..
without loss ; .not an ass died', op. cit., 3 448. Large caravans of donkeys went on the southern expeditions
of the Sixth Dynasty. Herkhuf had three hundred, and Sebni had one hundred, op. cit., §§ 336, 366.
.
On p. 44 we find that in West Africa a play is performed in which the birth of ' a boy . . lord of the
earth' is prophesied, and the new king appears from under the skirts of a priest who plays the part of his
mother. Emphasis is laid on the fact that the new arrival is already mature. I t seems apposite to record
here another of my own experiences, for I have seen the same play enacted by the villagers of Upper Egypt.
I do not remember any prophecy or remarks on the physical condition of the child, and I failed to gather
that the play had any significance. I admit I did not inquire, but took it to be merely the burlesque that it
certainly was, rejoicing in coarseness as such things do. The performers are all men and boys of course, and are
prorided by local talent. An inspector arrives, and after finding fault with everything demands a companion
from the Omdah. After endless excuses, indignation, threats, discussions, and all sorts of dreadful situations,
one is eventually found and brought in. The two cohabit, and a child gets born. For convenience' sake a
boy takes the part rather than a full-sized man, and he is dragged out from the skirts of the performer with
a n infinity of weeping and wailing. Of course it is the by-play, back-chat, topical allusions, and knock-about
business, that keep the audience in roars of laughter for the whole evening. The plot is well known to the
rillage and the characters are a l w a p the same. There are two things which make me suspect that this play
may be a survival of some sort. They are the latitude which allows liberties to be taken with superiors, and
the presence of a comic figure whose only function is to pop out and frighten people. He was explained to
me as merely an 'afrit, and that he certainly was, in the colloquial sense of the word. His body and each of
his arms and legs are covered with black clothes lent by the audience, who help to dress him with great
enjoyment. The clothes are bandaged on to him with white turbans, so that he makes an apparently naked
black figure with diagonal white stripes across him. He leaps about in the semi-darkness in a terrifying
way, and, if I remember rightly, does not speak.
I n conclusion it is only necessary to say that the book under review is as suggestive as is all Professor
Seligman's work. I t is mainly a handy collection of a greac mass of material bearing on a religion that is
to be found throughout the world. The beliefs surrounding the Nikado in Japan form one manifestation
of it, and in our own land another was probably the 'touching for the King's evil' which was demanded of
Charles I1 after his restoration. I n fact these ideas are probably fundamental to most religious thought.
They certainly underlie it, for not only are they so widespread, but they constitute the oldest religion of
which we have any evidence, having their roots deep in the Palaeolithic Age.
G. A. JTAINWRIGHT.

Accounting in the Zenon Papyri. By ELIZABETH GRIER. X e n Pork, Columbia Tniversity Press, and
Oxford Univrrsity Press, Humphrey Milford, 1934. xiii+77 pp. 15s.
Miss Grier has chosen a fascinating subject for study; her main conclusion, that 'the system of accounting
in the Ptolemaic state of the third century was certainly not an Egyptian institution, nor was it partly
Greek with Egyptian elements. The actual system and phraseology were distinctly Greek' is of considerable
cultural and historic importance, and it is therefore the more regrettable that the arguments for this thesis
are practically confined to two pages (56-7) of generalities. It is perhaps unfair to criticize the author on
 NOTICES OF RECENT PUBLICATIONS

astonishing how little water the Bedawy camel-drivers needed; they only had one quite small goatskin with
them, and, being utterly careless, spilt an immense proportion even of that. The camel-drivers of course are
accustomed to walk the whole way, and I and my two town-dwelling Egyptians walked most of the way,
taking a 'rest' from time to time on the more lightly loaded of our two camels. With only a short rest in
the shade a t midday, we trarelled for thirteen hours on each of the first two days. The natives, however,
would have gone on longer, but by that time I had had enough. Our party suffered no sort of inconvenience
beyond some fatigue to myself and the loss to the merchant. One of the camels carried a litter on which lay
a man too ill to move or speak. He was stricken with what the natives called a fever, and died the day after
reaching Khargah. The camels come out from Egypt for the autumn and winter, but get very poor and have
to return by March to recuperate. They get maggots up their noses by the end of the time.
Hence, if they had the need, the ancients could have done a good deal of desert travel with their donkeys.
I n fact they clearly went up to the Oases, for Senusret I sent Ikudidi to Abydos on some affairs of the Oasis-
dwellers ; see Breasted, Ancient Records, I, § 527. I n the Eleventh Dynasty Henu had gone down the Wady
HammLmiit to the Red Sea with donkeys, op. cit., $5 429, 430. I am told there is a spring of water a t the
highest part of the road. I n the same dynasty another official boasts, 'My soldiers descended [from the desert]
..
without loss ; .not an ass died', op. cit., 3 448. Large caravans of donkeys went on the southern expeditions
of the Sixth Dynasty. Herkhuf had three hundred, and Sebni had one hundred, op. cit., §§ 336, 366.
.
On p. 44 we find that in West Africa a play is performed in which the birth of ' a boy . . lord of the
earth' is prophesied, and the new king appears from under the skirts of a priest who plays the part of his
mother. Emphasis is laid on the fact that the new arrival is already mature. I t seems apposite to record
here another of my own experiences, for I have seen the same play enacted by the villagers of Upper Egypt.
I do not remember any prophecy or remarks on the physical condition of the child, and I failed to gather
that the play had any significance. I admit I did not inquire, but took it to be merely the burlesque that it
certainly was, rejoicing in coarseness as such things do. The performers are all men and boys of course, and are
prorided by local talent. An inspector arrives, and after finding fault with everything demands a companion
from the Omdah. After endless excuses, indignation, threats, discussions, and all sorts of dreadful situations,
one is eventually found and brought in. The two cohabit, and a child gets born. For convenience' sake a
boy takes the part rather than a full-sized man, and he is dragged out from the skirts of the performer with
a n infinity of weeping and wailing. Of course it is the by-play, back-chat, topical allusions, and knock-about
business, that keep the audience in roars of laughter for the whole evening. The plot is well known to the
rillage and the characters are a l w a p the same. There are two things which make me suspect that this play
may be a survival of some sort. They are the latitude which allows liberties to be taken with superiors, and
the presence of a comic figure whose only function is to pop out and frighten people. He was explained to
me as merely an 'afrit, and that he certainly was, in the colloquial sense of the word. His body and each of
his arms and legs are covered with black clothes lent by the audience, who help to dress him with great
enjoyment. The clothes are bandaged on to him with white turbans, so that he makes an apparently naked
black figure with diagonal white stripes across him. He leaps about in the semi-darkness in a terrifying
way, and, if I remember rightly, does not speak.
I n conclusion it is only necessary to say that the book under review is as suggestive as is all Professor
Seligman's work. I t is mainly a handy collection of a greac mass of material bearing on a religion that is
to be found throughout the world. The beliefs surrounding the Nikado in Japan form one manifestation
of it, and in our own land another was probably the 'touching for the King's evil' which was demanded of
Charles I1 after his restoration. I n fact these ideas are probably fundamental to most religious thought.
They certainly underlie it, for not only are they so widespread, but they constitute the oldest religion of
which we have any evidence, having their roots deep in the Palaeolithic Age.
G. A. JTAINWRIGHT.

Accounting in the Zenon Papyri. By ELIZABETH GRIER. X e n Pork, Columbia Tniversity Press, and
Oxford Univrrsity Press, Humphrey Milford, 1934. xiii+77 pp. 15s.
Miss Grier has chosen a fascinating subject for study; her main conclusion, that 'the system of accounting
in the Ptolemaic state of the third century was certainly not an Egyptian institution, nor was it partly
Greek with Egyptian elements. The actual system and phraseology were distinctly Greek' is of considerable
cultural and historic importance, and it is therefore the more regrettable that the arguments for this thesis
are practically confined to two pages (56-7) of generalities. It is perhaps unfair to criticize the author on
 NOTICES OF RECENT PUBLICATIONS

this account, for the preface states that she regarb the book only as ' a starting-point for a more compre-
hensive study of the development of Greek and Roman accounting', and the hope may be expressed that
some more solid arguments will then be advanced. That Miss Grier's view is in the main correct there can
be very little doubt; it is indeed all that one would expect, for until nearly the end of the third century the
ruling class in Egypt still preserved their Greek mentality and outlook. But all the same the point deserves
further study: to take one example, the distributive sign (, standing in Greek for Jv or ~ o i ~ (see w v most
recently Wilcken, U.P.Z., 157,9, note; Miss Grier's translation 'deduction' on p. 69 is wrong), is undoubtedly
derived from the demotic, yet we find it in Greek accounts a t least as early as 270 B.C. (P. Hib. 110, recto).
Of the main subject of her book, however, Miss Grier has given an exhaustive account, drawn from all
the published Zenon papyri (the only omissions I have noted are those in Lille, reprinted in Bilabel, Sammel-
buch, 6800-6803, and the interesting tax-list in Cambridge, ibid., 7222, which might well have been quoted
on p. 42). Not only the accounting method, but the economic and financial problems involved, are fully
treated, though this often introduces a good deal of irrelevant material. There is, too, very little attempt
a t arrangement and classification of the material, the documents being merely divided into 'Money
Accounts' and 'Accounts of Raw Materials', the latter including, rather surprisingly, accounts of grain.
Problems of metrology, chronology, and numismatics, discussion of which might have been expected, are
almost entirely unnoticed. The Glossary of Accounting Terms a t the end is an excellent idea, and the
Bibliography very useful (on the customs-house registers, P. Cair. Zen. 59012, 59015, see Andreades in
Jle'langes Glotz, I, 7 4 8 ) . Two short accounts in the Columbia collection are here published for the first
time; Miss Grier's idea of using single square brackets to represent a lacuna or a deletion is an unfortunate
innovation which it is greatly to be hoped will not be followed by other editors of papyri.
T. C. SKEAT.

Zur Geschichte der Zeit des 6. Ptolemaers. By WALTEROTTO. (Abhandlungen der Bayerischen Akademie der
Wissenschaften, Phil.-hist. Abt., Neue Folge, Heft 11.) Miinchen, Verlag der Bay. Akad. d. Wiss.,
1934. 4to. 147 pp.
Originally designing this study for inclusion in the three stately volumes of illdanges, recently issued by
the Institut franqais d'archkologie orientale, in memory of Gaston and Jean Maspero, Prof. Otto found his
researches taking him far beyond the limits allowed him, and his work in consequence now appears as a
separate publication with a dedication to Prof. Wenger. I n general, it makes a contribution of outstanding
importance to the history not only of Ptolemaic Egypt but of the Hellenistic world during the first half of
the second century B.C. Prof. Otto's competence for the task is everywhere obvious: he has an impressive
range of knowledge and mastery of his materials, a gift for the marshalling of evidence, an acute judgement ;
and if his style of presentation, cumbered with footnotes, which on many pages occupy more space than the
text, tending to rather long and involved sentences and a t times (especially in the notes) complicated
parentheses and sub-parentheses, is a little unaccommodating, it may be said in defence that he is writing
a work of research for scholars, not a popular handbook. His task was certainly not a n easy one. Pew im-
portant periods of history, a t least since the art of historiography became fully established, are so unsatis-
factorily documented as the Hellenistic Age. The evidence is jejune, fragmentary, and often ambiguous;
the writer who would construct a connected history out of this haphazard debris must too often be content
to make bricks without straw. It is necessary to deal plentifully in conjecture, to squeeze every particle of
evidence in order to extract from it the last drop of information, and unfortunately the process has its
dangers: the possible tends insensibly to become the probable, the precariously balanced reconstruction is
treated as a firm basis for further combinations.
Prof. Otto has thus done wisely in setting strict limits to his task. At first sight, the implied title Beitrage
for a volume of nearly 150 generous-sized pages of small print suggests an unnecessary demonstration of
modesty on the part of the author; but here the name is strictly correct. A continuous history of the reign
of Philometor has never been, and in all probability never will be, written; and Otto has therefore focused
his attention on those critical years when events in Egypt gave a decisive turn to the destinies of the
Mediterranean world. I t is the expeditions of Antiochus Epiphanes against Egypt that are throughout the
central theme, to which the remaining chapters, describing in detail the antecedents and consequences
of the struggle, are designedly subsidiary. The opening section, Chronologische Feststellungen, is one of the
most important as well as the most original: in it Otto attempts to fix the dates of birth of the three children
of Ptolemy Epiphanes and his Seleucid queen; by a process not unfairly described as a masterpiece of
 NOTICES OF RECENT PUBLICATIONS

not only had dethroned Philometor, but was trying to obliterate all trace of the Ptolemaic dominion in
EgyptS1 Particularly happy is Otto's elucidation (pp. 7 3 4 ) of the fact that C. Popilius Laenas must have left
Rome several months before Pydna was fought, carrying with him instructions from the Senate, to be carried
out immediately on receiving neus of the Roman victory! The sequel-his amazing interview with Antiochus,
and the fateful circle traced in the sand-is the central point of the book; in it Otto sees the death-knell
of the Hellenistic world whose disintegration before the growing intervention of Rome was henceforward
inevitable. I n his moral judgements, it is true, Otto's feelings as a good Hellenist have to some extent got
the better of his critical faculty; from first to last he sees in every political event in the Near East the sinister
influence of Rome, and his terrible indictment of the Macl~iavellismuswhich guided her foreign policy
(especially p. 38) is one of the most vivid passages of the book. But the fact remains that any form of ethical
judgement on states of the ancient world is a very dangerous proceeding, and in the case of Rome it seems
scarcely fair to expect from her a degree of political morality which it would be hard to find in Europe
to-day. To do Otto justice, however, he has a t least no heroes among the Hellenistic monarchs-dntiochus,
fundamentally unstable, lacking the courage and resolution to carry out his grandiose schemes; Euergetes,
with the methods and morals of an American gangster; and even the saintly Philometor emerging with a
somewhat dubious character, though Otto's argument2for distrusting the traditional estimate of him (p. 94)
seems rery flimsy.
The Cyrene inscription containing the will of Euergetes I1 is discussed a t length and in considerable
detail. The most conflicting views have been expressed concerning this document, and Otto's, which is
very well argued and shows great ingenuity, is by no means the least interesting or plausible; but it is not
certain that it will command universal acceptance. He holds that the inscription is not the will or a part of it,
but is merely founded on the will, preserving but two clauses of the actual document ( r d 8 c 8 ~ i B e r oKTX., and
i i v 8; T L KTX.). The date, 155 B.c., is that of the erection of the stele; the will was made earlier, after 164,
when the joint rule of Philometor and Euergetes ended; and Otto places the negotiations which led up to it
in the year 162-161. Tk n c p i r o i r w v ypdpPa.ra are the documents relating to the transaction, including the
will. To publish the will verbatim would have looked too official; hence extracts only were given to the
world, with the insertion of connecting phrases and with paraphrases. The whole episode was a deliberate
'political indiscretion' and so was probably not committed by the king directly but by the priests of Apollo a t
Cyrene under his inspiration. I t was indeed, Otto holds, a political masterpiece, and like P . Tebt. 5 shows
that Euergetes has been too unfavourably treated in the literary tradition. This last assertion surely goes
beyond the evidence. Several decrees of amnesty have been revealed by the accident of discovery, with
formulae which show a considerable mutual resemblance, and we really cannot say how far Euergetes was
follon~ingprecedent, and, in any case, how far he himself, rather than his advisers, was responsible for the
measures taken.
Otto's whole reconstruction of the situation, attractive as it is, seems just a little far-fetched, and i t
rests in part on his view (p. 104) that j p i v in the clause r $ v 4rXlav ~ a o vl p p a ~ L a vr j v xp6s &hXrjXous j p i v yevopivl)v
means Euergetes and Philometor, not Euergetes and the Romans. The present reviewers feel that the
second interpretation is really much the more probable, nor can they agree with Otto (p. 104, n. 3) in thinking
that < p i v cannot refer to the Romans because in conjunction with €is dXhrjXous it 'wiire eine Doppelung',
or that 'das j p i v wiirde auch zu dem auf die Romer in demselben Satz hinweisenden a h o i s in Widerspruch
stehen, wenn mit ihm die Romer mitgemeint waren'. However, his conception of the document certainly
calls for serious consideration; and it is not the least among the merits of his monograph that by revealing
new points of view it compels a re-examination of many problems in the history of the period.
H. I. BELL.
T. C. SKEAT.

The Vocalization of the Egyptian Syllabic Orthography. By WILLIANFOXWELL ALBRIGHT.(American Oriental

Series, Vol. 5.) Kew Haven, Conn., American Oriental Society, 1934. 8vo. vii+67 pp. $1.25.
The problem of the Egyptian syllabic orthography is one that has occupied many minds, and evoked
many theories. I n this admirable monograph Professor Albright gives a detailed statement of his own

1 Aegyptus, 14, 120. Presumably P. Tebt. 698 dates from 168, when Antiochus had finally thrown off the mask,
and when we hear from P. Tebt. 781 of ravages by his soldiers in the Fayyum.
I'iz., that the praise of Polybius reads hire an echo of the propaganda of the pro-Philometorparty at Rome,
and is therefore suspect.
 NOTICES O F RECENT PUBLICATIONS

researches in this important field. Though even he would not claim that the last word has been said, his
results mark a definite advance on previous work, and certainly inspire a high degree of confidence in their
probability.
This work falls into three main parts. I n the first, after a survey of the theories of previous scholars
and an outline of his own methods of investigation, Professor Albright gives a brief history of syllabic
writing in Egypt, and concludes 'that the syllabic orthography was invented before the middle of the Twelfth
Dynasty'; he suggests that it may have been invented in the Egyptian Foreign Office in the twentieth
century B.C. The supposed syllabic writings of the Old Kingdom are nearly all consonantal, so too are those
of the ~ c h t u n g s t e ~ t After e . ~ the Twelfth Dynasty syllabic writings increase, though it is noteworthy that the
names of foreign places and gods such as Byblos (Kpn), Kadesh (Kds'), and Baial (Bcr), names which
must have been known before the invention of the syllabic orthography, continue to be spelt in the
old consonantal form. The syllabic orthography was a t its best in the reign of -4menophis 111and in the
'Amarnah Period, but continued to be remarkably accurate for long after that time, and only became corrupt
after the reign of Ramesses 111. Next follows some discussion of the date of the shift in the quality of
Egyptian vowels, and the laws of vocalic change in Egyptian. The section concludes with paragraphs
dealing with new material for Canaanite phonology and morphology, Aegean names and words, and Egyptian
hypocoristica.
The second section is entitled 'The System of Syllabic Orthography'. Professor Albright considers that
most of the syllabic groups are certainly or probably independent words, usually nouns or pronouns, which
contain 'only one vowel, followed generally by the weak laryngal3, less frequently by ' ( i )or to'. Only very
occasionally did the syllabic orthography employ groups containing two strong consonants. The greater
part of this section is devoted to a detailed examination of these groups and their probable origin and
pronunciation.
Finally, the last half of the book is occupied by an autographed text in which selected Egyptian words,
mitten in the syllabic orthography, are studied in twenty-two main groups. The presentation is on the
whole admirable, though the smallness and indistinctness of the hieroglyphs is occasionally a little trying,
and only one slight error was noticed-on p. 42, VII. B. 4, the correct reference is to C. 1, not to C. 4.
A close study of this material reveals how much has yet to be done before it can be claimed that the
problem of syllabic writing has been solved once and for all. At the present moment we are in a position
to deduce the rocalization of a word if we can identify its foreign equivalent; in other words, we rely on
'cribs'. This is permissible as a beginning, but i t is a challenge to renewed efforts from all who are interested
in this aspect of the Egyptian language. Professor Albright's autographed material is about a third only of
that already published by Burchardt, and I have failed to discover in his lists a single u-ord which has not
its foreign equivalent. This is a most satisfactory state of affairs, as far as it goes, but what are we to do about
the other 800 words ? ,he we to confess that we cannot suggest their probable vocalization ? For instance,
we find that the group C C represents pci, pi, or p6, and that & may represent nu,mi, or mu, but how are
we to know which of these values is the correct one in a word whose foreign equix-alent is not known ? There
seems to be an urgent need for a further codification of our material. We need an analysis of all these groups
to determine how much their values depend on the nature of the groups that precede or follow them, and
how much on their own positions, initial, medial, or final. Our own language, for instance, has such rules,
and there seems no obrious reason why they should be absent from Egyptian. At least, this is a part of the
problem which does not seem to have been followed up and which urgently needs more attention, even though
the final result may be a negative one.
Finally, one complaint: the value of the autographed portion has been decreased very considerably by the
failure to reduplicate words. The majority of the words which are dealt with in the text are composed of
three groups a t least, but few of them are listed more than once. Thus, if it is necessary to study any par-
ticular group, only a portion of the material is to be found in the appropriate section of the text, and for the
full details one is compelled to search through the whole of the autographed section. The book urould have
gained immeasurably if all the material referring to any one group had been gathered together in the study
of that particular group, instead of being scattered through the body of the work. A particularly glaring
instance of this omission occurs in the case of the group L, (X. D). The values of the group are said to be:
' ( a ) r , ( i ) r , ( z L ) ~ ,(w)l, etc.', yet no single instance of either ( i ) r or (u)l (the latter is admittedly rare) is to be

1 K. Sethe, Die A'chtung feindlicher Fursten, Volker und Dinge auf altcigyptischen Tongefassscherben des mittleren
Reiches. Berlin, 1926.
Mrn
 NOTICES OF RECENT PUBLICATIONS

found on pp. 50, 51. I n fact no instance of (a)l seems to be given in any part of the lists. The value (i)r
occurs several times: e.g. 111.A. 1 ; B. 1.5.8. 9; IV. 14; V. C. 1 ; VII. A. 10. 14; B. 4, etc. One hopes that
it will be possible to remedy this defect in the future. H. \V. FAIRMAN.

So far as I can see, looking a t the problem here discussed from the Semitic side, Professor Albright's
results may be accepted if his premises are granted. I t must, however, be borne in mind that his 'Canaanite'
forms are pure abstractions; they may, perhaps they do, frequently represent the truth, but there are aho
cases where this is probably not so. For example, on what grounds does he postulate (111. A. 2) a Canaanite
'abidti >abitti when both the forms in the Tell el-'AmZrna Letters and the Hebrew forms of this verb suggest
that it took a rather than i (for what reason ?), which accordingly favours a Canaanite 'abadti >'abutti ? He
seems indeed to use his Canaanite form as evidence for an Egyptian a-bi-ti and then to use this as evidence
of his postulated Canaanite form. I n other words, here (and perhaps elsewhere) he is in danger of arguing
in a circle. So again Professor Albright postulates a Canaanite Yadir'el as the original form of the Hebrew
YiSrE'U and uses this to support his vocalization of the Egyptian Ya-si-r-i-ra; but, one may ask, how
certain is the Canaanite Ydir'el ? How, too, does he know that the origin of the Hebrew SQ9p4is a Canaanite
Sarpat(a); the Accadian Sariptu suggests a participial form meaning 'dyeing (town)', a n d ~ c c a d i a northo-
graphy is a far safer guide than that of the Hebrew text, which represents mainly a very much later tradition.
I n fact, he appears to choose whichever pronunciation, that of the Assyrian inscriptions or that of the
Massoretic text, suits his case a t the moment; and arbitrary selection is risky as a guiding principle. The
truth is that very little is known of the original Canaanite or proto-Hebrew (or whatever it is called) pro-
nunciation, and in almost every case allowance must be made for the vagaries of Accadian orthography as
well as for the effect of a thousand years of change on Hebrew pronunciation. Consequently everything is a
matter a t the best of inference, a t the worst of conjecture, and the strength of any single case of Egyptian
vocalization as based on such evidence varies with the certainty of the 'Canaanite' form on which it is based.
G. R. DRIVER.
An Unpublished Fragment of the Fourth Gospel in the John Rylands Library. Edited by C. H. ROBERTS.
Manchester, The Manchester University Press, 1935. 34 pp., 1 pl. 2s. 6d.
De minimis non curat lex is a sound legal maxim, but it is by no means of universal application. A very
minute particle of fact may a t times have a value as evidence quite out of proportion to its size. So it is with
the papyrus fragment edited by Mr. Roberts. It measures but 8 . 9 6~ cm. (by a misprint on p. 11 the dimen-
sions of the fragment are confused with those of the text, which is given a greater breadth than the papyrus)
and contains on each side only about a third of no more than seven lines; yet i t must rank as, in some
respects, one of the most important among recent discoveries of Christian papyri. To begin with, it is
undoubtedly the earliest fragment of the New Testament ever found; there seems no reason to question the
editor's dating, first half of the second century. Of course the dating of any manuscript on purely palaeo-
graphical grounds is never more than approximate, and perhaps 'not later than about the middle of the
second century' would be a safer conclusion than the editor's; but a t least one can say that if, by some
wholly improbable chance, evidence should ever be found by which an exact date could be determined for
the codex from which this fragment comes, one would be less surprised by a date before than by a date after
A.D. 150.
I n itself this claim to be the earliest fragment of the Kew Testament is a matter rather of sentimental
interest than of serious importance; but it has indirectly a scientific significance which is very considerable
in more than one respect. Historically i t is of value because it tends to throw back the date a t which Chris-
tianity began to penetrate Egypt proper. Till about a dozen years ago definitely Christian fragments of
earlier date than the third century had not yet been discovered there, and it was permissible to think-many
of us did think-that in the second century Christianity had not yet travelled beyond Alexandria; a t all
events had not yet passed above the Delta. Yet here we hare a fragment of St. John certainly discovered
in the 'Upper Country ', very likely, as the editor suggests, a t Oxyrhynchus, and dating apparently from the
first half of the second century. Of course one swallow does not make a summer; it might be argued that this
codex of St. John was written a t Alexandria, that, treasured by some pious owner, it was long preserved, and
that only after many years did it reach its final home beyond the Delta. That is possible of a single papyrus,
but i t becomes less likely with each discovery of an early Christian fragment; and taken along with the
British Museum Gospel fragments and one or two early Septuagint papyri which, though they might con-
ceivably be of Jewish origin, are a t least as likely to be Christian, the new find does reinforce the growing
 NOTICES OF RECENT PUBLICATIONS

conviction that Christians, of some degree of education and wealth (this and the 3Iuseum fragments are
clearly the work of practised scribes, not of semi-literate amateurs), were already to be found in Xiddle
Egypt by about A.D. 150.
Again, the new fragment, small as it is, furnishes valuable evidence on the vexed question of the date of
St. John's Gospel, which some would put as late as A.D. 135. It is no doubt possible to retain both that
date and t'he Ephesian origin if we suppose that some enthusiastic disciple, receiving the Gospel on its very
publication, migrated soon afterwards not merely to ,4lexandria but into Middle or Upper Egypt and there
caused copies to be circulated; but in dealing with obscure points of scholarship we must operate rather
with what I may call an average degree of probability than with the abstractly possible; and there can be
no question that the discovery in Egypt of so early a fragment is a powerful reinforcement for the theory of
an earlier as against a later date for the Gospel.
I n two other respects the find is important for Biblical criticism: it shows that theFourth Gospel, a t first
regarded by many of the orthodox with some suspicion, was circulating outside its place of origin unexpectedly
early, and it is very reassuring as to the state of the text. Only in one point, and that a not very important
one, does the papyrus show a novel reading; in another place i t agrees with B and other early authorities
against K, A, and other manuscripts. I n fact this fragment, from a codex written within half a century of
the composition of the Gospel, presents us with the familiar text of our later authorities. It is, of course,
small enough base for textual theories, but ex pede Herculem: it does a t least, along with the other evidence
which is accumulating, create a presumption that the text established by the best recent scholarship is in
the main sound.
A corollaq, conjectural and hazardous enough, may be added. I n the editio princeps of the &Iuseum
Gospel fragments (Fragments of an Unknown Gospel, pp. 38 ff.) and in the recent pamphlet (The New Gospel
Fragments, pp. 16 ff .) the relationship between those fragments and St. John, usually regarded as the Ephesian
Gospel, was assumed to be an argument against the idea that the unknown Gospel could have been originally
composed in Egypt. The discovery of the new fragment and the possibility that both this and the Museum
fragments come from O x j ~ h j ~ ~ c make
h u s some modi6cation of that view necessary. Of course, even if an
0x&hynchite were established for both, that fact would not prove a connexion between them;
but i t would a t least make possible the view that the new Gospel was composed in Egypt, even a t Oxyrhyn-
chus, and that its author made direct use of John.
The Johannine fragment was bought for the Rylands Library, along with other papyri of a quite mis-
cellaneous character, by the late Prof. Grenfell in 1920. I t s nature was recognized in the summer of 1935
by Mr. Roberts, who is editing the third volume of the Rylands papyri. He is to be congratulated not only
on the good fortune which brought him this trouuaille and his perspicacity in identifying i t but also on the
-
skill and "judgement with which he has edited it. The little booklet, excellentlv- printed,
- reflects credit on all
concerned in its production, and is likely to have a u-ide and ready sale.
H. I. BELL.

Dizionario dei nomi geograjci e topograJici dell' Egitto greco-romano. By -IRISTIDE

CALDERIXI. Vo1. I ,
fasc. 1, A-AAIKAPNA22EYZ: Cairo, Societh Reale di Geografia d'Egitto, 1935. xii+216 pp.
When the late Prof. Grenfell was struck down by his last illness he had in hand, besides other under-
takings, a comprehensive geography of Graeco-Roman Egypt, a scheme which he had been contemplating
for many years ;but though a good deal of preparatory work had been done towards it the materials collected
were not yet in such a state that they could be satisfactorily handled by any one else ; and it seemed that the
execution of this much needed project must be postponed indefinitely. It was therefore a matter for general
rejoicing when Prof. Calderini announced (at first in the Compte rendu du Congr6s intern. de Gkogr., Cairo,
1928, v, 23-9; later in Aegyptus, 11, 1930-1, pp. 10-12, and Papyri und Altertumswissenschaftd1unchener
Beitr. z. Papyrusforsch. u. ant. Rechtsgesch. 19-, pp. 400-5) that he was engaged on a similar undertaking.
The present fascicule marks the beginning of the actual publication ;and it may be said a t once that the work
which Prof. Calderini is doing puts every papyrologist and every student of the history and geography of
ancient Egypt in his debt. It may be-it can hardly not be-that errors and omissions will be detected in
this and following parts (a list of Aggiui~tee correzioni on pp. ix-xii notes, besides some new evidence pub-
lished while the part was in the press, a few points overlooked in compilation) ; but every page gives proof
of the author's untiring industry and the thoroughness with which he has explored his sources, while the
arrangement of the material is admirably clear and concise.
 NOTICES O F RECENT PUBLICATIONS

I n a provisional avvertenza, pending a more elaborate introduction to be published when vol. I is com-
pleted, the author explains his method and scope; and i t will be sufficient here to record what these are.
The dictionary is to include (1) all Greek and Latin geographical and topographical names (whether in
Egypt or elsewhere) found by Calderini in the Greek and Latin texts coming from Egypt, that is chiefly
papyri, ostraca, and inscriptions ; (2) all the geographical and topographical names referring to Egypt found
by him in Greek and Latin authors and texts from outside Egypt down to A.D. 1000. I t will be seen that he
has combined two rather different schemes. From a logical point of view the union is not easy to defend.
A geography of Graeco-Roman Egypt is one thing; a collection of all the geographical names preserved in
papyri and other texts found in Egypt is another. Calderini's scheme, it may be objected, is a t once too
narrow and too broad: his work is not a complete geography of Egypt even during the period covered, for it
uses only the Greek and Latin evidence, and it incorporates a mass of material which, useful enough as a
separate study (witness F. Heichelheim's Die auswartige Bevalkerung im Ptole~nLierreich),is irrelevant here.
To include the evidence of hieroglyphic, demotic, Coptic, and Arabic texts, so far as it bears on the Graeco-
Roman period, would, however, have entailed enlisting the services of experts in those languages and might
well have prevented the execution of the task altogether; and as for the second point, it is a little churlish
to complain that too much is given us.
The avvertenza explains the method according to which the information given under each entry is
arranged. The number of sections naturally varies with the importance of the place and the consequent
abundance of material. The full scheme is as follows: First come the references in chronological order,
authors, if such there are who mention the place, coming first; then are given the various forms of the name ;
then notes on the name whenever 'the difference is not a graphical variant but a substantial diversity'; then
its etymology; then epithets applied t o the place by the sources; then its nature (city, village, kc.); then
its position; then its identification, if known; then its history; then such points of local topography as
edifices, quarries, kc.; then its products; then the known officials, followed by such references to trades,
professions, kc., as occur in the sources; then data relating to the population; then various other informa-
tion; and lastly a bibliography. I n the case of the larger articles a more elaborate and subdivided treatment
is required. The longest article in the present fascicule-indeed probably in the whole work-is that on
Alexandria; and in this, for which the editor has been able to draw on the rich stores of information collected
by Lumbroso, some of the sections, for example those on history and topography, are really substantial
articles in themselves. This great mass of material is excellently digested and arranged, in a way to facilitate
reference. Indeed, the editor deserves warm congratulations on the fascicule as a whole, and all scholars will
wish him success in the completion of his immense task.
H. I. BELL.
 NOTICES OF RECENT PUBLICATIONS

found on pp. 50, 51. I n fact no instance of (a)l seems to be given in any part of the lists. The value (i)r
occurs several times: e.g. 111.A. 1 ; B. 1.5.8. 9; IV. 14; V. C. 1 ; VII. A. 10. 14; B. 4, etc. One hopes that
it will be possible to remedy this defect in the future. H. \V. FAIRMAN.

So far as I can see, looking a t the problem here discussed from the Semitic side, Professor Albright's
results may be accepted if his premises are granted. I t must, however, be borne in mind that his 'Canaanite'
forms are pure abstractions; they may, perhaps they do, frequently represent the truth, but there are aho
cases where this is probably not so. For example, on what grounds does he postulate (111. A. 2) a Canaanite
'abidti >abitti when both the forms in the Tell el-'AmZrna Letters and the Hebrew forms of this verb suggest
that it took a rather than i (for what reason ?), which accordingly favours a Canaanite 'abadti >'abutti ? He
seems indeed to use his Canaanite form as evidence for an Egyptian a-bi-ti and then to use this as evidence
of his postulated Canaanite form. I n other words, here (and perhaps elsewhere) he is in danger of arguing
in a circle. So again Professor Albright postulates a Canaanite Yadir'el as the original form of the Hebrew
YiSrE'U and uses this to support his vocalization of the Egyptian Ya-si-r-i-ra; but, one may ask, how
certain is the Canaanite Ydir'el ? How, too, does he know that the origin of the Hebrew SQ9p4is a Canaanite
Sarpat(a); the Accadian Sariptu suggests a participial form meaning 'dyeing (town)', a n d ~ c c a d i a northo-
graphy is a far safer guide than that of the Hebrew text, which represents mainly a very much later tradition.
I n fact, he appears to choose whichever pronunciation, that of the Assyrian inscriptions or that of the
Massoretic text, suits his case a t the moment; and arbitrary selection is risky as a guiding principle. The
truth is that very little is known of the original Canaanite or proto-Hebrew (or whatever it is called) pro-
nunciation, and in almost every case allowance must be made for the vagaries of Accadian orthography as
well as for the effect of a thousand years of change on Hebrew pronunciation. Consequently everything is a
matter a t the best of inference, a t the worst of conjecture, and the strength of any single case of Egyptian
vocalization as based on such evidence varies with the certainty of the 'Canaanite' form on which it is based.
G. R. DRIVER.
An Unpublished Fragment of the Fourth Gospel in the John Rylands Library. Edited by C. H. ROBERTS.
Manchester, The Manchester University Press, 1935. 34 pp., 1 pl. 2s. 6d.
De minimis non curat lex is a sound legal maxim, but it is by no means of universal application. A very
minute particle of fact may a t times have a value as evidence quite out of proportion to its size. So it is with
the papyrus fragment edited by Mr. Roberts. It measures but 8 . 9 6~ cm. (by a misprint on p. 11 the dimen-
sions of the fragment are confused with those of the text, which is given a greater breadth than the papyrus)
and contains on each side only about a third of no more than seven lines; yet i t must rank as, in some
respects, one of the most important among recent discoveries of Christian papyri. To begin with, it is
undoubtedly the earliest fragment of the New Testament ever found; there seems no reason to question the
editor's dating, first half of the second century. Of course the dating of any manuscript on purely palaeo-
graphical grounds is never more than approximate, and perhaps 'not later than about the middle of the
second century' would be a safer conclusion than the editor's; but a t least one can say that if, by some
wholly improbable chance, evidence should ever be found by which an exact date could be determined for
the codex from which this fragment comes, one would be less surprised by a date before than by a date after
A.D. 150.
I n itself this claim to be the earliest fragment of the Kew Testament is a matter rather of sentimental
interest than of serious importance; but it has indirectly a scientific significance which is very considerable
in more than one respect. Historically i t is of value because it tends to throw back the date a t which Chris-
tianity began to penetrate Egypt proper. Till about a dozen years ago definitely Christian fragments of
earlier date than the third century had not yet been discovered there, and it was permissible to think-many
of us did think-that in the second century Christianity had not yet travelled beyond Alexandria; a t all
events had not yet passed above the Delta. Yet here we hare a fragment of St. John certainly discovered
in the 'Upper Country ', very likely, as the editor suggests, a t Oxyrhynchus, and dating apparently from the
first half of the second century. Of course one swallow does not make a summer; it might be argued that this
codex of St. John was written a t Alexandria, that, treasured by some pious owner, it was long preserved, and
that only after many years did it reach its final home beyond the Delta. That is possible of a single papyrus,
but i t becomes less likely with each discovery of an early Christian fragment; and taken along with the
British Museum Gospel fragments and one or two early Septuagint papyri which, though they might con-
ceivably be of Jewish origin, are a t least as likely to be Christian, the new find does reinforce the growing
 NOTICES OF RECENT PUBLICATIONS

conviction that Christians, of some degree of education and wealth (this and the 3Iuseum fragments are
clearly the work of practised scribes, not of semi-literate amateurs), were already to be found in Xiddle
Egypt by about A.D. 150.
Again, the new fragment, small as it is, furnishes valuable evidence on the vexed question of the date of
St. John's Gospel, which some would put as late as A.D. 135. It is no doubt possible to retain both that
date and t'he Ephesian origin if we suppose that some enthusiastic disciple, receiving the Gospel on its very
publication, migrated soon afterwards not merely to ,4lexandria but into Middle or Upper Egypt and there
caused copies to be circulated; but in dealing with obscure points of scholarship we must operate rather
with what I may call an average degree of probability than with the abstractly possible; and there can be
no question that the discovery in Egypt of so early a fragment is a powerful reinforcement for the theory of
an earlier as against a later date for the Gospel.
I n two other respects the find is important for Biblical criticism: it shows that theFourth Gospel, a t first
regarded by many of the orthodox with some suspicion, was circulating outside its place of origin unexpectedly
early, and it is very reassuring as to the state of the text. Only in one point, and that a not very important
one, does the papyrus show a novel reading; in another place i t agrees with B and other early authorities
against K, A, and other manuscripts. I n fact this fragment, from a codex written within half a century of
the composition of the Gospel, presents us with the familiar text of our later authorities. It is, of course,
small enough base for textual theories, but ex pede Herculem: it does a t least, along with the other evidence
which is accumulating, create a presumption that the text established by the best recent scholarship is in
the main sound.
A corollaq, conjectural and hazardous enough, may be added. I n the editio princeps of the &Iuseum
Gospel fragments (Fragments of an Unknown Gospel, pp. 38 ff.) and in the recent pamphlet (The New Gospel
Fragments, pp. 16 ff .) the relationship between those fragments and St. John, usually regarded as the Ephesian
Gospel, was assumed to be an argument against the idea that the unknown Gospel could have been originally
composed in Egypt. The discovery of the new fragment and the possibility that both this and the Museum
fragments come from O x j ~ h j ~ ~ c make
h u s some modi6cation of that view necessary. Of course, even if an
0x&hynchite were established for both, that fact would not prove a connexion between them;
but i t would a t least make possible the view that the new Gospel was composed in Egypt, even a t Oxyrhyn-
chus, and that its author made direct use of John.
The Johannine fragment was bought for the Rylands Library, along with other papyri of a quite mis-
cellaneous character, by the late Prof. Grenfell in 1920. I t s nature was recognized in the summer of 1935
by Mr. Roberts, who is editing the third volume of the Rylands papyri. He is to be congratulated not only
on the good fortune which brought him this trouuaille and his perspicacity in identifying i t but also on the
-
skill and "judgement with which he has edited it. The little booklet, excellentlv- printed,
- reflects credit on all
concerned in its production, and is likely to have a u-ide and ready sale.
H. I. BELL.

Dizionario dei nomi geograjci e topograJici dell' Egitto greco-romano. By -IRISTIDE

CALDERIXI. Vo1. I ,
fasc. 1, A-AAIKAPNA22EYZ: Cairo, Societh Reale di Geografia d'Egitto, 1935. xii+216 pp.
When the late Prof. Grenfell was struck down by his last illness he had in hand, besides other under-
takings, a comprehensive geography of Graeco-Roman Egypt, a scheme which he had been contemplating
for many years ;but though a good deal of preparatory work had been done towards it the materials collected
were not yet in such a state that they could be satisfactorily handled by any one else ; and it seemed that the
execution of this much needed project must be postponed indefinitely. It was therefore a matter for general
rejoicing when Prof. Calderini announced (at first in the Compte rendu du Congr6s intern. de Gkogr., Cairo,
1928, v, 23-9; later in Aegyptus, 11, 1930-1, pp. 10-12, and Papyri und Altertumswissenschaftd1unchener
Beitr. z. Papyrusforsch. u. ant. Rechtsgesch. 19-, pp. 400-5) that he was engaged on a similar undertaking.
The present fascicule marks the beginning of the actual publication ;and it may be said a t once that the work
which Prof. Calderini is doing puts every papyrologist and every student of the history and geography of
ancient Egypt in his debt. It may be-it can hardly not be-that errors and omissions will be detected in
this and following parts (a list of Aggiui~tee correzioni on pp. ix-xii notes, besides some new evidence pub-
lished while the part was in the press, a few points overlooked in compilation) ; but every page gives proof
of the author's untiring industry and the thoroughness with which he has explored his sources, while the
arrangement of the material is admirably clear and concise.
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