MEDIEVAL LITURGICAL MUSIC OF ZAMORA

by

Kathleen E. Nelson, B. Mus. (Hons.), M. Mus.

A dissertation submitted in partial fulf,rlment of the requirements for the

degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Departrnent of Music Studies at
The University of Adelaide

October 1993

i\u¡e,,,ìeo\ Ft'lL+
To my parents
 n1

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page

Abstract vi
P¡eface viü
Acknowledgements x

Abbreviations x1l

Part A: Introductory and Background Material

1. Introduction 2

2. Zamo¡ain the Middle Ages: Aspects of Secula¡ and Church History 24

Part B: Notation Studies

3. Plainchant Notation and Rhythm as Discussed by Spanish Musical Theorists to

the Mid l6th Century 50

4. Noøtion of the Plainchant Sources 94

5. The Plica in the Plainchant Sources t4t

Part C: Repertory Studies

6. Chants for the Ordinary of Mass 164

7. Prosae andResponsory Prosae r92

8. Hymns 210

9. The Prefaces and the Pater Noster fot the Mass 232

10. Polyphony 251

Conclusion 279
 1V

Appendixes

Appendix 1: Source Descriptions 288

Appendix 2: Numerical Table of. Pergaminos Musicales 327

Appendix 3: Transcriptions 333

Chants for the Ordinary of Mass 335

Prosae and Responsory Prosae 346

Hymns 355

Polyphony 37t
Appendix 4: "Unknown Polyphony in a 14th Century MisalVotivo",

Miscellanea Mwicologica: Adelaide Studies in Musicology

L7 (199O): t-r2. 379

Bibliography 39t
 v

TABLE OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Map 1: The Modern Province of Zamora Showing the Location of Population

Centres and Monastic Establishments of Interest to this Study 22

Map 2: The Iberian Peninsula Showing Centre of Interest to this Study 23

Plate 1: Pa¡t of Z 196 (BookA) 108

Plate2: z t84 258

Plate 3: z 184" 259

lPlaæ 4l: Misal votivo, fol. 49 388

lPlate 5l: Misal votivo, fol. 49 389

lPlaæ 6l: Mísal votívo, fol. 53' 390

 v1

ABSTRACT

This dissertation presents a study of manuscript sources of liturgical music either located in

Zanrrcra or clearly connected with that town of western Spain. These sources date from as

early as the 12th century and as late as the end of the 15th or the early 16th century. They

comprise a collection of fragments known as Pergamínos musicales held in the Archivo

Histórico Provincial of Zamoru, a 15th century Ritwl (7amora,, Archivo Catedralicio, cód.

105), and a 14th to 15th century Misal votivo (Madrid, Biblioteca Lâzaro Galdiano, Ms.

662). The sources predominantly contain plainchant with five polyphonic works also

included.

An introductory section includes discussion of the history of medieval Zamora and

the diocese. The second section focuses upon the notation of chant in the sources. Two

principal types of notation are found, Aquitanian notation and square notation. These are

examined in detail and different classes within the two types a¡e established. Aspects of

the Aquitanian notation studied in depth include the quilísma,the staff, and the semicircula¡

virga. Square notation found in the sources is classifTed into three types on the basis of
neumatic forms. The employment of the plica is analysed in depth and is examined for

possible connections with liquescent practice and word accent. Mensurally influenced

forms of chant notation are also identified and discussed. Examination of the writings on

chant notation by Spanish theorists of the 15th and first half of the l6th centuries is

included.

Selected gemes of chant and the five polyphonic works found amongst the sources

are studied. The gemes of chant examined are Ordinary of Mass chants, prosae and

responsory prosae, hymns, and Prefaces and prayers of the Mass. Two polyphonic works

unknown outside the Zamoran sources have been discovered. The five polyphonic works

a¡e related to works in the polyphonic manuscript of Las Huelgas (Hu). Transcriptions of

the polyphonic works, the Ordinary chants, the two types of prosae, and the hymns are

presented. Appendixes list and describe the sou¡ces.

 vll

This work contains no material which has been accepted for the awa¡d of any other degree

or diploma in any university or other tertiary institution and, to the best of my knowtedge

and belief, contains no material previously published or written by another person, except

where due reference has been made in the text.

I give consent to this copy of my thesis when deposited in the University Library being

available for photocopying and loan.

SIGN DArE:.. J.L . A rfuffi,....1.î.?:......

 vlll

PREFACE

This dissertation presents a study of medieval sources of liturgical music connected with

the town of Zamoru in western Spain. Zamora lies beside the River Duero close to the

border of Portugal and to the north of Salamanca. The town is now the capital of the

province of the same name, one of the provinces of Castilla y León. The two main

a¡chives of the town are: 1. the Archivo Histórico Provincial located in the Plaza de
Claudio Moyano, and2. the combined Archivo Histórico Diocesano and Arphivo Catedralicio

of the Cathedral of Zamora. Both of these archives contain sources of central importance

to this study. The monasteries of the town of Zamota and the surrounding region retain

some liturgical manuscripts but amongst these it was only possible to locate one source
likely to predate the mid 16th century. Many earlier sources must have been lost. A small

number of sources known to be connected with Zamora are now found located outside of

the town and one of these in particular is a central source for this study. Some conventions

adopted in this dissertation for the treatment of source materials are described below.

The collection of fragments of linugical manuscripts known as Pergaminos musicales

and held by the Archivo Histórico hovincial of Zamon form a very important part of the

source materials for this study. It is necessary to explain here the system of identification

used in this dissertation when discussing the collection. Numbers were assigned to the

Pergøminos musicales by the a¡chive. In this dissertation, the letter Z (indicatingZamon)

precedes each number, thus Z 35 indtcates Pergamino musical number 35. While most of

the fragments are no more than a single folio, some are bifolios; no modern foliation or

pagination has been added by the a¡chive. In instances where the position of a chant on a

fragment is specified in the discussion, location on recto or verso is identified, and for

those fragments which are bifolios, the nvo folios are designated "a" and "b", the letters

being placed in square brackets. The "a" and "b" identification is intended to indicate the

first and second folios respectively, although for some of the fragments it has not yet been

possible to establish with certainty which folio would have preceded the other in the

original manuscript. In these doubful cases the letters a¡e nevertheless assigned, thus
showing the presence of the bifolio and to distinguish one of its folios from the other. It
 lx

has been possible to make tentative identification of fragments which originally may have

formed part of a single manuscript. Such groupings of fragments a¡e identified with the

labels "Book" and "Group", the two terms being used to indicate respectively a greater and

a lesser degree of simila¡ity amongst the fragments of the groupings. These groupings are

the work of this writer and are not employed by the Archivo Histórico Provincial of

Zarr'tora.

A number of Spanish Eeatises from the 15th and 16th cennries have been studied in

the course of the resea¡ch for this dissertation. In most cases a facsimile edition or an

original book was used for their study. rWhen quoting from facsimiles or originals the

following conventions of transcription have been followed: 1. punctuation and the use of

capitals a¡e modernizú;2. original spelling is retained; and 3. abbreviations are filled out

and only indicated (by squa¡e brackets) when doubdul.

Spanish names of people, places, and books are given modern Spanish spelling.

Terms taken from treatises are, however, given the original spelling of the treatise rather

than the modern Spanish spelling. Thus, for example, the term "compas" is used without

the modem addition of a diacritical sign.

The method of musical transcription employed here in general follows commonly

used principles. It is explained in detail at the beginning of Appendix 3 which contains the

transcriptions of chant and polyphony. Transcription from the liturgical sources of underlaid

text and rubrics retains original spelling and capitals are not added.
 x

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I wish to thank all those people who advised, encouraged, or in some other way assisted me
in the course of the preparation of this dissertation. They are so many that I am unable to
name all.

In particular I owe many thanks to Andrew D. McCredie and David Swale, my

supervisors at The University of Adelaide. I also owe special thanks to José López-Calo,

Emeritus Professor of the University of Santiago de Compostela, whose advice and

encouragement inspired me to go to Zamora and guided my introduction to Spanish liturgical

sources and musical treatises. I wish to thank all those scholars who have kindly given of

their time and advice answering my queries and making suggestions. Amongst these I
especially wish to thank Jane Morlet Hardie of The University of Sydney and Robert J.

Snow of The University of Texas at Austin.

My thanks a¡e also due to the staff of the many libraries and archives in which I have

worked in the course of this research. In par:ticular thanks are due to the staff of the
Archivo Histórico Provincial of.Zarrpra, who helped me greatly and always with patience,

and especially to the director of the a¡chive who assisted me with information on sources

and dating, Florián Ferrero Fen'ero, and to the secretary María Jesús Revuelta Alonso. The

former a¡chivist at the Cathedral of Zamoru, Ramón Fita Revert, gave me invaluable
advice; to him, his assistants, and the Cabildo of the Cathedral, I also owe many thanks. In

addition I wish to acknowledge the assistance of the library of the Fundación Lâzarc

Galdiano of Madrid, the Biblioteca Nacional of Mad¡id, the library of the Real Academia

de la Historia of Madrid, and the Ban Smith Library and the Performing Arts Library of

The University of Adelaide.

Special thanks are due to my husband, Alexander Newman, who spent many hours

printing my photographs of sources, and to those who assisted me in the proof-reading of

this work especially Reba Gohstand and V/. P. Nelson.

I wish to acknowledge the financial assistance of the Australian Postgraduate Research

Awa¡d scheme of the Commonwealth of Australia, The University of Adelaide, and the D.
 xt

R. Stranks Travelling Fellowship scheme. Finally I wish to express my appreciation to

Malcolm Gillies and the Department of Music at The University of Queensland for their

support in the final stages of preparation of this dissertation.

 xll

ABBREVIATIONS

AH Analecta Hymnica Medii Aeví

AHPZa Archivo Histórico hovincial de 7-anora

Apt 17 Apt, Arch. Bas. Sainte-Anne, Ms. 17

Apt 18 Apt, Arch. Bas. Sainte-Anne, Ms. 18

Ba¡c 1 Barcelona, Orfeó Cat¿là, Ms. 1

Besançon 76 Besançon Bibliotheque municipale, Ms. 76

Breviario 7ârnora,, Archivo Catedralicio, cód. 104

Burgos 61/2 Burgos, Archivo de la Catedral,Ms.6112

CAO C orpus Antip ho nalíwn Offi cü

DHEE Diccionario de hístoria eclesidstica de España

Hu Burgos, Monasterio de las Huelgas, s.n.

Huesca Huesca, Archivo de la Catedral; Ms. I [hymnal of Huesca]

Huesca 4 Huesca, Archivo de la Catedral, Ms. 4

Lo23935 London, British Library, Add.23935

Ma 136 Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional, Mss. 136

Ma 289 Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional, Mss. 289

Ma 931 Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional, Mss. 931

Ma 1361 Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional, Ms. M. 1361

Ma 1566 Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional, Mss. 1566

þls!!$!¡ Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional, M. 4404

Ma 19421 Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional, Mss. 19421

Ìula20324 Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional, Mss. 20324

Ma BRAH 18 Madrid, Biblioteca de la Real Academia de la Historia, Aemil., cód. 18

Ma BRAH 51 Madrid, Biblioteca de la Real Academia de la Historia, Aemil., cód. 51

Ma I 1137 Missale mixtwn alme ecclesie toletane, Toledo, 1499. Madrid,

Biblioteca Nacional I Ll37

Ma M 268 IntonariwnToletanwn 1515. Mad¡id, Biblioteca Nacional, M 268

 xlll

Ma R 25990 Breviarùrn secundwn morem et consuetudínemZamoranae ecclesiae,

n.d. Madrid, Biblioæca Nacional, R 25990

Ma V" 19-7 Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional, Mss. V"19-7

Mísal votivo Madrid, Biblioteca Lâzaro Galdiano, Ms. 662

MGG Die Mwik ín Geschichte und Gegenwart

Moissac Rome, Bibl. Apost. Vat., Rossi.205 lhymnal of Moissac]

Mont 73 Montserrat, Biblioteca del Monasterio, Ms. 73

Mont 759 Montserrat, Biblioteca del Monasterio, Ms. 759

Mont 820 Montserrat, Biblioteca del Monasterio, Ms. 820

Mont 1042 Montserrat, Biblioteca del Monasærio, Ms. L042 no.25

Monte Cassino 339Monte Cassino, Archivio della Badia, Ms. 339

Munich 11764 Munich, Staatsbibliothek, cod.lat. 11764

NG The New Grove Díctionary of Music and Musicíans

Pa495 Pa¡is, Bibliothèque nationale, n. a. lat. 495

Pa778 Pa¡is, Bibliothèque nationale,Iat.TTS

Pa 887 Paris, Bibliothèque nationale,lat 887

Pa 903 Pa¡is, Bibliothèque nationale,lat. 903

Pa 1084 Paris, Bibliothèque nationale,lat. 1084

Pa 1139 Paris, Bibliothèque nationale,lat. Ll39

Pa ll77 Paris, Bibliothèque nationale, n. a.lat. tl77

Pa1235 Bibliothèquenationale,n.a.la¡.1235

Pa1339 Paris, Bibliothèque nationale,lat. L339

Pa 1871 Paris, Bibliothèque nationale, n. a. lat. 1871

Pa2L94 Paris,Bibliothèquenationale,n.a.lat.2194

Pa3l26 Paris,Bibliothèquenationale,n.a.lat.3126

Pa3549 Pa¡is, Bibliothèque nationale,lat.3549

Pa37l9 Paris,Bibliothèquenationale,la¡.3719

Pa14452 Paris, Bibliothèque nationale,lat.14452

Pa L5I29 Paris, Bibliothèque nationale, lat. 15129 (olim 812)

PM Paléographíe mwicale
 xiv

RISM Répertoire International des Sources Musicales

Ritual 7Âmora, Archivo Catedralicio, cód. 105

Rome 2048 Rome, Bibl. Vat. Reg. lat.2048

TML T he saurus Music arwn Latí narum

To135.10 Toledo, Biblioæca Capitular, Ms. 35.10

Tol35.1l Toledo, Biblioæca Capitular, Ms. 35.11

Tol44.1 Toledo, Biblioæca Capitular, Ms. 41.1

Tol,M.2 Toledo, Biblioæca Capitular, Ms. 41.2

Tortosa 133 Tortosa, A¡chivo de la Catedral, Ms. 133

Tortosa 135 Tortosa, Archivo de la Catedral, Ms. 135

Vendôme 17E Vendôme, Chapter Library, Ms. 17E

Ver CVII Verona, Biblioteca Capitolare CVII

Vich 106 Vich, Museo episcopal, Ms. 106

wl V/olfenbüttel, Herzog August-Bibliothek, Helmstedt 628

Wo 79 V/olfenbüttel, Herzog August-Bibliothek, Cod. Guelf. 79

Worcester 160 Worcester, Cathedral Chapter Library, F. 160

 I

PART A

INTRODUCTORY AND BACKGROI]ND MATERIALS

 2

1 INTRODUCTION

The primary sources studied in this dissertation are manuscripts containing liturgical music

now located in the town of Zatnora and one now located in Madrid but clearly associated

with Zamora. The sor¡rces repr€sent a wide period of time spanning from probably as early

as the first half of the 12th century to the late l5th century or beginning of the 16th century.

All belong to the Roman rite which was by the 12th century established in the greater part

of the Iberian Peninsula. The great majority of the music contained in the sources is chant,

although five polyphonic works are also found.

With the exception of some brief cataloguing in which liturgical content is stressed,

the sources have not been previously studied. It is therefore one of the objectives of this

dissertation to provide an introduction to these Zamoran sources. A guide to a major

collection of polyphonic sources from the 17th century onwards as well as chant books

dating from the late 16th century onwards held in the Cathedral of. Zamora is already

available in a catalogue prepared by José López-Calo.l

Two principal directions are taken in the study of the source material. The first
focuses on chant notation and the second on selected genres. With regard to the first

direction, the main objectives are:

1. to classify the types of notation in use, identifying sub-groups through a study of

note forms and their usage;

2. to elucidate the meaning and usage of selected signs.

In addition to faciliøting understanding of the Tamotan sources, it is hoped that this study

will make a useful contribution to knowledge of notation as it was used in Spain during the

period, as well as to knowledge of performance practice. A study of chant treatises in

which notational subjects a¡e treated is included in order to provide background material

for the investigation into the notation of the sources. That it is possible from a study of the

Zarnoran sources to draw general conctrusions relevant to notation in Spain or at least in

tJosé
López-Calo, La mtlsica en la catedral de Tnmora. Vot. L Católogo del archivo de Música
(7-anoru Dipuación de Zamora, 1985).
 3

nofth-western Spain appears to be likely as observation of sources of other centres reveals

simila¡ not¿tional types.

With regard to the second direction, the objective is the elucidation of the presence
in the sources of each selected genre as a contribution to knowledge of their repertories in

Spain. The selected genres a¡e chants for the Ordinary of Mass, prosae, responsory prosae,

and hymns, as well as prefaces and the Pater noster for Mass. Usage in Spain of these

genres has yet to receive broad studies. The polyphonic works a¡e treated as a further

genre although, in fact, a variety of liturgical genres is represented amongst them. The

method of study of the chant gemes includes identification of each piece, text compa¡ison

as relevant with Analecta Hymnica or other sources, melody comparison with Spanish or

other sources employing catalogues if available, and identification of special melodic features.

A major difficulty encountered in these studies was the lack of readily available published

Spanish material which could be used for comparison. In addition, the catalogues of
melodies available for some of the geffes a¡e variable in their inclusion of Spanish sources;

the catalogue of hymn melodies prepared by Bruno Stäbtein2 excludes Spanish sources

while ¡vo of the catalogues of Ordinary of Mass chants have an exüemely sparse representation

of Spanish sources. The fragmentary nature of some of the sources makes the identification

of linugical cont€xt difficult or impossible for some of the chants studied and has furthermore

made tent¿tive or impossible the identification of a few chants which otherwise would have

been in the genre studies.

A similar method is employed in the study of the polyphonic works. For these
concordances are identified and compared, and notation is examined. Identification and

comparison is made easier for these works, owing to the ready availability of facsimiles,

transcriptions, and studies of major sources of Spanish medieval polyphony.

'Bruno Stäblein, Hynnen (I). Die miuelalterlichen Hyrmenmelodien des Abendlandes, Monumenta
Monodica Medü Aevi, vol. I (KasseL Bärenreiter, 1956).
 4

SOURCES

These comprise:

1. a selection of about 135 fragments from the collection of Pergaminos musícales

held in the Archivo Histórico Provincial of Zamora (ÃHPZa);

2. Ritual de Sacramentos y Misal Propþo de la lglesia de Zamora,Zamora, Archivo

\
Caædralicio, códice 105;

3. Mísal votivo para uso de Zamora, Madrid, Biblioteca Lízaro Galdiano, ms. 662.

The second and third items, the Ritual and the Misal votivo, are manuscript books,

the first dating from the 15th century, and the second comprising two sections, one from

the 15th century and one from the 14th century.3 (The two books will be refened to
hereafter simply as Ritwl and Mísal votivo.). These sources are described briefly below

and more detaited descriptions are to be found in Appendix 1.

The Ritual contains chants for the \Medding Mass, Mass of the Dead, prefaces, and

the Pater noster. This manuscript was believed lost until recently found by the archivist of
the Cathedral of Zamora, and is thought to be a book described as a l5th-century missal by

José Janini in his catalogue of liturgical manuscripts in Castilla and Navarra.a It was
clearly intended for Zamora as is evidenced by the calenda¡ (fols. l'-6), the penitential
psalms for Zamora (fol. 49), and two Masses for one of the patron saints of Zamora, St.

Ildefonsus (fols. 167'-169), one of which celebrates his Invention. The latter feast

commemorates an event of local significance and is unique to the diocese of Zamora.s

Most of the book, however, gives only texts. Kept at the rea¡ of the manuscript is a booklet

of two bifolios with a further collection of prefaces. Although discovered by the archivist

llhe dating of lhe Ritual is that given by the a¡chive and the dating of the Misut vorivo is that of
José Janini, Manuscritos litúrgicos de las bibliotecas de España.Yol.I Castillay Navarra (Burgos: Aldecoa,
1977), r98.
oJanini,
Manuscritos, 327 .
sJuan
Gil de 7-amonn better known to musicologists as a writer of a music treatise, recorded the
discovery, which occuned on 26 Ìvlay 1260, of the remains of St. Ildefonsus nZamo¡a. See Vicente Béca¡es
Botas, Los patronos de Zamora. Søn lldeþnso y San Atilano (Zarnoru Archivo Histórico Diocesano, 1990),
25. It is this event which the lvfay feast of lldefonsus celebrates. For some more deüails on this event and on
the feasts, see the present writer's article appended at the rear of this disserøtion "Llnknown Polyphony in a
Fourteenth Century Spanish Misal votivd',1-2.
 5

separate from the Ritual within the cathedral archive, it is now kept wittr the latær manuscript

because of its simila¡ size and appearance. It also is likely to date from the 15th century.
The first part of the Misal votivo, dating from the 15th century, contains chants for

prefaces, the Pater noster, and the inviøtory of the Office of the Dead. The second part of

the same book, dating from the 14th century, contains vespers, matins, and lauds of the

Office of the Dead, the Mass of the Dead, and nvo Masses for St. Ildefonsus. Finally,
added at the end and written in late Aquitanian notation as opposed to the square notation

of the earlier parts of the book, is the responsory Libera me domine de morte. Texts for
which music is not required, such as the canon of the Mass, a¡e also included- Identification

of the book with the use of the Church of Zamora may be made from the inclusion of the

two Masses for St. Ildefonsus including that for the invention. While only text incipits are

given for these masses in the Ritual, in the Misal votivo the chants and full texts are given.

The AHPZa Pergaminos musícale,r, the first of the three source items listed above,

require a more full discussion at this point than the two items already discussed. In

addition, the Pergaminos music¿l¿s chosen for study are described in further detail in
Appendix 1. Appendix 2 lists the Pergaminos mwicales in numerical order with summary

information. The choice of those to be studied was made from the full collection on the
criteria of legibility and condition, size (some fragments Írre too small to be profitably

studied unless there is clear indication of a particular value), and interest of content or

notation. The Pergaminos musícales (these are generally referred to in the course of this
work simply as fragments) represent a diverse collection with great variety in notation,
size, content, date, and other aspects. It is amongst these fragments that the ea¡liest and

also the latest sources under study are found. A major problem associated with the fragmentary

nature of the Pergaminos mtuicales is the lack of knowledge of the place of use of the

larger manuscripts from which the fragments were probably taken. The only evidence for

dating and place of copying is that which can be gleaned from features such as script,
notation, and occasionally feast. There is no immediate evidence in any of the fragments to

say that their liturgical content was for the use of the Church of Zanora or of monastic or

other religious establishments within the region of Zarnoru. To establish some fragments

which a¡e indeed representative of the liturgy of Zamoru would probably be possible
 6

through ca¡eful comparison with the ¡vo breviaries of that church; however, with only a

few exceptions such investigations werc not possible within the limiøtions of the present

study. Such compa¡ison would furthermore be complicated by the changes which are
apparent between the two breviaries, one of which dates from the 14th century and the

other from the fi¡st half of the 16th century, and the lack of a full missal for the church;

another difficulty in such work is inherent in the nature of the fragments, as often the

number of chants or other texts available for use in identification or comparison is too

small to be of use. As a result of the difficulties of identifying origin, use, and date of the

fragments, it is important to consider the history of the collection in order to establish

parameters which might offer some guidance as to the origtn of the fragments.

The fragments of the AHPZa Pergaminos musical¿s collection are all manuscript

sources written on parchment. All were previously part of the binding of books held in the
archive and dating from mainly the 16th and 17th centuries. The staff of the a¡chive have

formed the complete Pergamínos musical¿s collection of some 280 fragments by separating

them from the books they served to bind, while noting the catalogue number of the books

from which each fragment was taken, thus preserving important information concerning

their history. A greater number of manuscript fragments in the a¡chive still remain attached

as binding to books and in this dissertation only fragments belonging to the collection
already mentioned will be discussed, leaving many for possible future study.

As the principal historical a¡chive of the province of Zarrrcra, AHPZa has gathered

together material previously housed in towns throughout the province thus providing a

centralized point of collection and prcservation. The manuscript fragments in the collection

under study have been taken from books of protocols pertaining to the closely located

towns of Zamora and Toro, as well as other usually smaller towns, most notably Vezdema¡bán.

(Map I at the end of this chapter shows the location of these centres.) During the 1930s,

legislation in Spain established the gathering of all books of protocols over 100 years old

into a¡chives located in the capiøl cities of each province,u AHPza being one of these.

o
Marfa Jesús Alvarez-CocaGonzâlez, 'I¿ fe pública en España. Registros y notarías", Boletln de
IaANABAD 37, no. 1-2 (1987):31.
 7

The protocol books contain legal documents which the notaries (usually referred
to
as escribanas) of the towns were obliged by law to keep in their offices and to have
available for anyone with a right to view them. When the position of a notary
was transferred
to another man, the documents, and therefore the books of protocols, had to be passed
on to
the new office holder.T The protocol books of the major centres of Toro and
Zamora
would usually have been prepared by notaries resident in those cities; however, smaller
places such as Vezdema¡bán, are thought not usually to have had resident
nota¡ies but
instead would have been visited by notaries from a major centre.s

From before 1503, few examples of such documents as contained in the protocol

books remain in Castilla y León, but in that year, a new law clarified and made
more strict
the obligations of notaries, with the result that the great majority of protocols now
in the
a¡chives date from the early l6th century onwards.e That law, known as the pragmática"

required the binding of the books.ro The normal practice, as is observable in AHpZa,
was
for each notary to make a separate book for each year with the documents in chronological

order. Although the documents contained in the protocol books from this period were
written on paper' the material chosen for covering was parchment. Such parchment was

either taken from liturgical books or was plain, perhaps new. On some books more
than
one piece of manuscript fragment is found, usually the pieces being sewn together.
Large
sheets of parchment were cut down or folded (or both) to fit protocol books. Information
about a book was written on the parchment cover and included the name of the notary,
the
year, and a brief indication of the contents. Such information was sometimes
written over
the original text or musical notation, but in some instances appears to have been
deliberaæly
placed in margins.

Questions relating to the process of binding of the books and the method of acquisition

of the parchment by those persons responsible for the binding need to be considered.
Unfortunately it has not been possible to establish whether the binding of the protocol

TAlvarez-Coc
a Gonzâlez,"I-a fe pública,', 2g-2g.
tverbal
communication from the director of the AHpz4 Florián Ferrero Ferrero.
eAlvarez-Coc
r Gonzâlez,*La fe pútblica,,,29.
toAlvarez-Coc
a GonzáIez, "La fe públic d, ,26.
 8

books would have taken place in the office of the notary or have been done by an outside

worker, perhaps a professional binder. However, owing to costs of transport and the need

to have documents available, it is likely that binding would not have been done at any great

distance from the notary's office. The fact that within a series of protocols of a single
notary there a¡e often found folios which appear to have come from a single manuscript

suppotts the idea that the binding would have taken place within the office of the notary

who had written the document. Might an old book have been purchased from a church and

kept in the office so that whenever a piece of parchment was needed for purposes such as

binding it was readily available? On the other hand, pages apparently from the one book

are to be found binding the work of different notaries. That different nota¡ies apparently

shared sources of manuscript used for binding suggests several explanations. Firstly, it

may have been due to different nota¡ies working within the one office and sharing such

items as binding materials; secondly, the passing of the entire office including binding

materials from one notary to another through means such as inheritance or sale; and thirdly,

it may indicate that the binding of the work of va¡ious notaries was done by a binder

working for some or all of the nota¡ies in a town and using folios from one manuscript on

the books of his various customers. Evidence supporting the second possibility occurring

inZarnora, is found in a document of the AHPZa which records the sale in 1657 of "el

officio de escrivanía pública que usaron y ejercieron los dichos Diego Alvarez y Tomás
Basurto, con todos sus papeles y protocolos y con lo demás que le perteneze".lr The

examination of the lines of succession of the offices of the notaries and of the different

scribes working contemporaneously within the single offices would give more evidence on

which to base the grouping of the manuscript fragments but little study has so fa¡ been

done by historians on this subject. Nevertheless, the knowledge that certain fragments

came from the books of particula¡ notaries has been helpful in confirming the grouping of

fragments based on other criteria. Included in Appendix 1 is the name of the notary

responsible for the protocol book to which each fragment was att¿ched.r2 The likelihood

rrThe
quotation is taken from that cited by Alvarez-CocaGonzález,"Lafepútbhcd',23.
ttOf
course, the use of manuscript fragments in binding was by no means limited laZamora or even
Spain and must have been a widespread practice in Europe during the 16th century and later. An example for
which some detailed information is available is that of the city of Oxford where liturgical manuscripts came
 9

of fragments having previously been part of a single manuscript is reflected in this dissert¿tion

by the use of groupings entitled "Book" and "Gfoup". The terms reflect respectively a

greater and lesser degree of simila¡ity amongst the fragments grouped in this way. The
fragments of each Group or Book a¡e identified in Appendix I and also given there is

further detail on the means of establishing each grouping.

V/ith regard to the place of utilization of the manuscripts for their original liturgical
putposes, it is probable that the manuscripts from which fragments were taken would have

come from chwches or monasteries not too fa¡ from the place of binding. For the fragments

from protocols of Toro, the most likely of the town's churches is perhaps the Colegíata de

Santa Marla la Mayor, the second most important of the churches in the bishopric of
Zalnrrora and the only collegiate church in the region. For those from protocols of Zamora,

one may suggest the Cathedral of that town, the seat of the bishop of Zatnora, a possibility

supported by the remark of one schola¡ who has studied the Cathedral's history, that the

majority of the "libros corales" were sold "casi como material de desecho"r3 (unforhrnately

he gives no indication of when the sales took place). Others of the more wealthy churches

in the town might similarly have had books to dispose of. The most important churches of

the towns require consideration as possible sources for binders because of the likelihood

that they would have had the means to have a collection of liturgical manuscripts and also

to replace old and unused ones. Another possible source of supply must be the nearby

monasteries, some of which were very powerful and important institutions in the Middle

Ages. The giving of books by founding houses to their fïlial establishments may be the
explanation of the arrival of some sources in the region. One small and damaged fragment

in the AHPZa suggests a possible Cistercian connection. It contains linugical polyphony

which, as will be discussed in det¿it later, bea¡s in va¡ious ways a close resemblance to the

polyphonic manuscript (Hu) of the Cistercian convent of Las Huelgas in Burgos. (Burgos

to be used by binden from about 1540 but diminished in use from about 1570. See Rowan Watson,
"Medieval Manuscript Fragments", Archives 13 (1977)z 66. It is also worth noting that some studies of
fragments in the United Kingdom have found that books were not always entirely destroyed by the removal
of folios for use in binding, as for example in the case of ftagments, now in several libraries, which have been
identified as belonging ûo an incomplete manuscript in the National Library of Scotland (Vy'atson, "Medieval
lvlanuscript Fragments", 72). This type of identification has not been possible in the pnesent study.
t3Guadalupe
Ramos de Castro, La Catedral de Zamora (Zamoraz Fundación Ramos de Castro,
1982),530.
 10

and other important population centes a¡e shown in Map 2 at¡he end of ttris chapter.)

A question demanding consideration in the study of any manuscript fragments must

be the reason for the discarding of the manuscripts which caused them to arrive in the

hands of the binder who then took them apart. In discussing fragments used for binding in

l5th-century and earlier medieval England, one writer has said "Only a general rationale

can be discerned behind this process of discarding: the manuscripts evidently fell out of use

as growing uniformity in the later Middle Ages in liturgy and in notation, as changes in

vernacula¡ languages and in literary tastes, made manuscripts of ea¡lier times appear

superfluous."r4 For the fragments of the AHPZa, it is also not possible to give a definite

ans\iler to the question. Perhaps the disca¡ded manuscripts were replaced by printed books

or by updated manuscripts reflecting changed liturgical practices. With regard to those

fragments using Aquitanian notation, perhaps they were replaced by books - either printed

or manuscript - using the more modern squarc notation; perhaps the skill of reading Aquitanian

notation had been lost.rs Records exist documenting the copying of chant books for the

Cathedral of Zarnoruduring the 16th century and for further purchases in the 17th century,r6

suggesting that at that time at least, books may have been disca¡ded and replaced by the

new ones for which acquisition is documenæd.

It has been assumed here that whole books would have been discarded, yet the

possibility exists that isolated folios may have been removed and used for binding even

though the books may have remained in the possession of a church or monastery. In a

study of one of the early chant books of the Roman liturgy to be copied in Spain (one

belonging to the Cathedrat of Calahona and which is believed to have been copied between

1121 and ll2sti), Andrés Araiz suggested that folios missing from the manuscript lilere

ttilaßon, "Medieval Manuscript Fragments", 65.

ttspeaking generally and not with reference to any particular place or use, Huglo suggests two
widely separated points in time, both connected with notational developments, at which chant books would
have been dismantled. The first is "après I'invention de la portée (ca. 1030), qui rendait les liwes neumés
sans utilité pratique" and the second, "après I'invention d'un système d'impression de la notation musicale
qui évitait la copie de la noøtion carrée sur portées imprimées." See Michel Huglo, Les livres de chant
liturgique (Turnhout: Brepols, 1988), 85-86.
th.amos
de Castro, L¿ Catedral de 7tmora,536 n.46.
ttAndrés
A¡aiz, Historia de lø mtlsica religiosa en España(Ba¡celona: Editorial Labor, 1942),31.
 11

the result of their removal for binding purposes after the manuscript had been taken out of

use in the cathedral during the 16th century.r8

The origin of manuscripts is further complicated by the fact that books may have

been brought into the region but never actually employed there. The thoughts put forwa¡d

here on the origin of the manuscripts must in the end be only tentative. Further information

might be gleaned from detailed codicological, palaeographical and linugical studies which

unfortunately are beyond the scope of the present dissertation. It is to be hoped that as the

study of Zarnorun history and sources progresses, as it is certainly doing, the subjects of

manuscript preparation and palaeography will receive more attention perhaps enabling

more definitive statements to be made on the possible local origin of the fragments.

The rema¡ks just made apply also to the issue of dating of the fragments. The scripts

have been examined to identify cha¡acteristics of different periods; however, it was concluded

that while such analysis could offer some clues it could not be precise because of such

problems as local va¡iation, the overall similarity of (especially later) Gothic scripts, and

the possibility of a scribe copying not only the text but features of the handwriting. To be

of real value, such a palaeographic study would have to incorporate the examination of
sources other than those included in this collection in order to permit comparison and the

establishment of regional characteristics, and must be a work requiring great expertise and

lying outside the scope of this dissertation. It has therefore been decided to present in most

cases only rough datings. For some of the fragments dating from after the late 13th
century, in particular, datings were decided in consuløtion with the director of the AHPZa.

Prior to that period, palaeogtaphic features cha¡acteristic of particular times are more
readily identified; the palaeographic featu¡es of the early fragments a¡e described in Appendix

l.te Milla¡es Carlo, in his highly respected study of Spanish scripts, Tratado de paleografla

española, writes of the great difficulty involved in determining features which allow Gothic

scripts from the 13th to the 16th centuries to be identified with particular places and even

with Spain. He proposes:

n
Ataiz, Historia,220.
t'The fo[owing
works provide material for such identification: Agustln Millares Ca¡lo, Tratado de
paleogrgla española,3rd ed", 3 vols. (lvIaftid: Espasa-Calpe, 1983) and S. tla¡rison Thomson,Løtin Booklands
of the Later Middle Ages I100-1500 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1969).
 t2

sólo un exhaustivo estudio de maæriales fechados y localizados y la divulgación

de buenos facsímiles de los mismos podría, con base en el examen de las
abreviaturas y de otras pçuliaridades, dar fecundos resultados en la solución
del problema enunciado.'u

This study does not pretend to be a complete guide to Zamoran sources from before

the 16th century, but rather represents ones which seem to be of most significance and
which are either located in7¿mora or clearly associated with its Church. Other sources (a11

liturgical) include two manuscript books and some fragments held in the library of the
Monastery of Montserrat near Ba¡celona which are thought to be associated with the region

of Zamon: a late 14th- or l5th-century fragmentary and much altered manuscript in the
convent of Cla¡es of Villalobos in the region of.7-amoru; a small collection of fragments

removed from bindings of books held in the cathedral archive of T,a;morz;; and, similarly, a

few fragments held in the Archivo Histórico Nacional in Madrid. All the sources just
named have been examined by this wriær. Further sources may, of course, exist in monasteries

and convents of the region although in several visited by the writer in Zamora no material

likely to date from before the 16th century was found.

LITURGICAL CHANT IN SPAIN

In order to place the study of the Tamoran sources in a broader context, it is useful here to

look briefly at the history of liturgical chant in Spain and some of the major historical
events which were influential upon liturgical practices. It is notable that in some areas
resea¡ch has not yet proceeded sufficiently to allow a clear view of the consequences of

historical events on the chant tadition.

Liturgical chant of the Roman rite is a subject not often frguring with prominence in

the more general histories of music in Spain. In these, not surprisingly given the uniqueness

of the topic, more information is likely to be found on Old-Hispanic (Mozarabic) chant,

and also on polyphony in Spanish sources of the later Middle Ages. Authors whose work

is of particula¡ use for chant studies of the later Middle Ages on the Iberian Peninsula
include Anglès, Corbin, Fernández de la Cuesta, Gümpel, Huglo, lÁpez-Calo, León-Tello,

'Milares Caflo, Tratado de pateogr$la española, l: 86.

 t3

Stevenson, and Suño1.21 Works by these writers and others will be referred to repeatedly in

this and subsequent chapters. However, chant in later medieval Spain does in fact continue

to be a freld in which a great deal of research remains to be done.

The Early Period

Little is known about Christian liturgical chant on the Iberian Peninsula prior to the
late 6th century, the time at which Arianism declined with the conversion of the Visigothic

leaders to Catholicism. In Gallaecia, on the west of the peninsula, then under the rule of a

Suevian king, the First Council of Braga (held in 561) adopted the Roman canon of the

Mass for use throughout the kingdom.z Such an influence is thought not to have extended

to the music used in the liturgy; it would instead have been of Hispanic origin.23 In fact,

on the origin of chant used prior to the late 7th century, José López-Calo has suggested that

it grew from a base of chant introduced by the early Christians, new melodies being

composed in the same style as the original material.ø From such writings as those of

Isidore of Seville (d. 636) and Ildefonsus of Toledo (d. 667) as well as other sources of

information we have considerable knowledge of the rite, and the composers and arrangets

of chant from the later part of the 6th century and from the 7th century. Leander (bishop of

Sevilla), Ildefonsus (bishop of Toledo), and Conancio (bishop of Palencia) amongst others

were all recorded as having composed chants; and during this early period three main

centres of liturgical music can be identified: Sevilla, Toledo, andZaragoza.É The Spanish

church during this time had close connections with that of south-western Gaul owing to the

potitical relationship which had seen the Visigoths ruling southem Gaul until their forced

withdrawal to the region of Septimania during the 6th century. The Gallican and the

2lworks
by these authors are listed in the Bibliography of this dissertation.
This adoption is discussed in José López-Calo, 'Encuadratura del panorama global de la música
en Braga", in IX Centenúrio de Dedicaçao da Sé de Braga. Congresso Internac¡onal Actas, vol. 3 (Braga:
Universidade Católica Portuguesa, 1990), 130-33, and in the same volume, Miguel S. Gros I Pujol, 'I-as
tradiciones litúrgicos medievales en el noroeste de la penfnsula", 104-5.
æI.ópez-Calo.
"Encuadratura", I 33.
ulópez-Calo. "Encuadratura", I 38.

'Higini Anglès, "Hispanic Musical Culhrre from the 6th to the 14th Century", Musical Quarterly
26 (1940):495-98; Ismael Fernández de la Cuesta Historia de la músicø española. L Desde los orlgenes
lasta el "ars nova" ,2nd ed. (lvfadrid: Aliar¡za Editorial, 1988), lW-92.
 t4

Old-Hispanic liturgies were interconnected and an edict of the Fourth Council of Toledo

(this council was ted by Isidore of Seville) from the year 633 makes mention of "a single

order of prayer and chanting for all of Spain and Gaul".26

The riæ practised in Spain before the domination of the Roman riæ has most commonly

been known as the Moza¡abic rite, but is also referred to as Visigothic or Hispanic. The

most appropriate and least historically inaccurate seems to be the term "Old-Hispanic".27

Notated manuscripts of the Old-Hispanic rite possibly dating from as early as the 9th

century unfortunately use unreadable forms of not¿tion which therefore limit the possibility

of comprehension of the music. Interesting studies of this notåtion taking a semiological

approach have recently been published by Herminio González Ba¡rionuevo." Important

musicological studies of the chant of the Old-Hispanic rite have been made especially by

Don M. Randel2e and Ctyde V/aring Brockett.s

Change of Rite: the fth Century to the l2th Century

As a consequence of Charlemagne's efforts to unify liturgical practice throughout his

empire and the establishment of his authority in parts of north-eastern Spain, the Roman

rite began to displace the local one in Cataluña during the 9th century but it was not until

the late 1lth century and the Council of Burgos of 1080 that the Old-Hispanic rite became

officially suppressed in all of Christian Spain with the isolated exception of a small number

of churches in Toledo. Some Otd-Hispanic chants did continue in use, notably the preces.

An attempt to revive the old rite during the 15th century was promulgated by the famous

6Kenneth
Levy, "Old-Hþanic Chant in its European Context", tn España en la Música de Occidente,
ed. Emitio Casares Rodicio, Ismael Fernández de la Cuesta and José López-Calo, vol. 1 (Madrid: Instituto
Nacional de las Artes Escénicas y de la Música, 1987), L2.
oThe
term is used by Kennettr Levy, "Old-Hispanic Chant",3-I4. José López-Calo in La música
medieval en Galicia (La Coruña: Fundación "Pedro Barrie de la Maza Conde Fenosa", 1982), 129 n.9,
notes that the Spanish "hispánica antigua" would be a more appropriate description of tle music commonly
referred to as "mozárabe".
osee
for example 'Dos graffas especiales del "scándicus" en la notación "Mozárabe" del norte de
España', Revista de musicologla 13 (1990): I l-79.
ÐSee
for example Don lvl Randel, Thc Responsorial PsalmTones for the Momrabic Ofice (Princeton:
Princeton University Pr,ess, 1969).
'Clyde Waring Brockett, Antiphons, Responsories and other Chants of the Mozarabic Rite,
Musicological Studies, vol. 15 (New York Institute of Mediaeval Music, 1968). Brockett includes an
informative chapter on historical background, pp.69-90.
 l5

Ca¡dinal Cisneros but it seems that by then the original traditions had become altered as the

books which he published do not correspond closely to the ea¡lier ones.

The process of displacement of the Old-Hispanic rite by the Roman one must have

been difficult and time-consuming. It is a topic of great importance for the history of chant
in Spain with probable implications in relation to other schools of chant. Both Michel
Huglo and Ismael Fernández de la Cuesta have taken up the subject in articles in volume

nine of Revista de Musicologla,3t and José López-Calo has provided an informative

inEoduction to the historical background of the change in chapter two of his study on

medieval music in Galicia.32 This remains however a complex area where much resea¡ch

is still to be done.

Fernández de la Cuesta has pointed to a number of questions which can be raised

with regard to the changeover. For example, with the anival of Cluniac reformers in
monasteries in different parts of Spain during the llth century prior to the Council of
Burgos, did the rite change with the implantation of the new monastic rule or did the

Old-Hispanic rite remain in use? Cuesta suggests that a possible answer to this question is

that the offices when performed in the monasteries may have included a mixture of chants,

some according to the Benedictine usage and others to the Old-Hispanic one, with the Mass

celebrated in the Old-Hispanic style.33 A further issue which he raises is based upon the

dating by Mundó of Old-Hispanic codices from centres other than Toledo which places the

time of copying of these codices coincident with the implantation of the Roman rite rather

than earlier.Y This then suggests that in some places the practice of the old rite may have

continued (and without great opposition) for a longer period of time than is generally

thought. The answer to this question, says Cuesta, lies in detailed studies of the scripts to

determine whether or not the codices did in fact originate in the scriptoria of Castilla and

León from which they are generally thought to come.35

"Michel Huglo, "La pénéhation des manuscrits aquitains en Espagne",Revista de Musicologla 9

(1985): ?19-56: Ismael Fernández de la Cr¡esta "I-a imrpción del canto gregoriano en España", R evista de
M usic olo g la 9 ( 1985): 23948.
l2López-Calo, La música medieval e n Galicia, 25-30.
1\Fernândez
de la Cuesta, "I-a imrpción-, 2,134.
YRemândezde
la Cuesta, "Ia imrpción",245.
3hernández "Ia imrpción",246.
de la Cuesta,
 16

The liturgical scholar, Miguel S. Gros I Pujol, has pointed to two closely connected

problems which make difficult endeavours to establish the origin of liturgical books used at

the time of the change of rite in Castilla-I-eón. The first of these problems is the freedom

which surrounded the copying of liturgical books, and the second is the lack of fixed
titurgies in the churches and monasteries as late as the end of the 12th century.s

The introduction of the new rite was largely the work of the French Cluniac monks

and they would have been assisted by the importation of new books. An example of a

manuscript which was very probably brought to Aragón for the purpose of establishing the

new rite in the latter part of the llth century is the hymnal of Huesca. This llth-century

manuscript which uses Aquitanian notation may have originated in the Benedictine monastery

of Moissac or perhaps Cluny.37 Two important notated sources from this period held in
Toledo (To144.1 and Tol44.2) show connections with south-westem French sources. The

second is thought to have been copied in Toledo but presents a Sanctorale suggesting

south-westem France and has been shown by Hesbert to tr¿nsmit a Cluniac form of liturgy.3s

The dominance of Cluny at the end of the 1lth century and the beginning of the 12th

century in secular churches on the peninsula is demonstrated by the appointment in 1085 of

the a¡chbishop of Toledo following the reconquest of Toledo by Christian forces. He was

the Cluniac Berna¡d de la Sauvetat who had previously been sent to Spain by Abbot Hugh

of Cluny to take up the post of abbot of the monastery of Sahagún. Archbishop Bernard
brought a number of clergy from France who were gradually placed as bishops around the

peninsula. Among these were Berna¡d of Périgord who became bishop of Zanora. For the

study of the transmission of liturgical chant, it is of interest that included among these

French clergy were cantors such as Berna¡d of Agen who became bishop of Sigüenza and

later Santiago de Compostela,3e and Gerald a Cluniac monk from Moissac who was made a

tcros I Pujol, "I¿s Eadiciones", 108-9.

tAntonio Durán Gudiol, Ramón Moragas, and Juan Villa¡eal, eds., Hymnarium Oscense, vol.2
(Zangoza: Institución Fernando el Católico, 1987), 8. Carmen Julia Gutiénez has noted, however, that
wriærs dating upon palaeographic grounds tend to favou a later time c. 1100, while those looking at musical
notation tend to suggest the earlier dating of the llth century; see Gutiérrez, "El Himnario de Huesca: nueva
aproximación", Anuûrio Musi cal,t4 (1989): 3 l.
*Huglo,
"La PénéEati on", 251-52.
tHiginio Anglés, La música de las cantigas de Santa Marla del Rey Aþnso el Sabio, vol.3
(Barcelona: Diputación Prrovincial de Ba¡celona, 1958), 430.
 t7

cantor in Toledo before going to Braga as bishop.& Other Cluniacs appointed as bishops

around the turn of the century included Dalmacio in Santiago de Compostela and Gerald in

Braga.al

Copies of books of the new rite were made with some at first using the local
Visigothic script while the so-called Moza¡abic notation ceased to be used in chant books,

one of its replacements being Aquitanian notation. This development resulted in the

production of manuscripts in which Aquitanian notation and Visigothic handwriting were

combined. In Castilla-León this was largely a phenomenon of the early 12th century when

the locally trained scribes apparently copied books using their own script.a2 Important

extant sources in this transitional style originated in the monastery of San Millán de la

Cogolla. Further mention will be made concerning the combination of Visigothic script
and Aquitanian notation in Chapter 4.

Manuscripts pertaining to the Roman riæ were also ûo be found in Spain and especially

in Cataluña prior to the formal implantation of the rite and as early as the 9th century. In

the region of Cataluña a unique form of neumatic notation developed and was used in

manuscripts of the Roman rite. Solange Corbin described the Catalan notation as "a

mixture of very different trends - Aquitanian, Visigothic and even French".43 It is found in

sources dating from the 10th century to the 12th or 13th century. This notation together

with the other neumatic notations used in Spain was studied in some detail by Dom
Grégoirc Suñol tn Introduction ò la paléographie musicale grégorienne.4

*Archdale A. King, Liturgies of the Primatial Sees (London: Longmans, Green and Co., 1957),
r75.
arPaulino
kadiel, Salustiano Moreta and Esteban Sa¡asa Historia medieval de la España crisliana
(lvladrid: Ediciones Cátedr¿, 1989), 136.
atn
the words of Ismael Fernández de la Cuesta (Historia,226): "L-os primeros testimonios de los
códices musicales escritos por manos castellanas no aparecen hasta principios del siglo XII. Todavía en este
momento los copistas no están acostumbrados a la leFa carolina con que vienen los libros que sirven de
modelo, y siguen escribiendo con la bella y armoniosa caligrafía visigótica"
otsolange
Corbin, "Neumatic Notations, gIV: Westem Europe: Regional Forms of Noüation", NG
13:M.
*Dom Grégoire M. Suñol, Introduction à ta pøléographie musicale grégorienne (Paris: Desclée,
1935). For Catalan nocation, see Suñol, Introduction, 353-82; detailed and more recent study is that of
Josiane lvfas, "La notation catalane" , Revista de musicologla 1l (1988): I 1-30.
 18

Anglès considered that the musical school of the monastery of Ripoll was the most

prominent in the Iberian Peninsula during the 10th and l Lth centuries.as The monastery

had its own scriptorium and an outstanding library with a wide va¡iety of works including

scientific and philosophical ones from va¡ious parts of Europe. From Ripoll comes one of

the two tonaries which Huglo has connected with the Aquitanian tradition of about the 1lth

century.6 A short tonary, it was written on the opening pages of a manuscript of the
Etymologiae of St. Isidore in an llth-century Catalan hand. Among the features that Huglo

gives as showing a connection with the Aquiønian tonaries are the use of the word sonus

instead of tonus, and the employment of the innoit for the second Sunday of Lent, Domine

dílexi decorem, a chant which is specific to sources from the south-west of France.aT The

other tonary discussed by Huglo and connected by him with those of the Aquitanian

tradition, is that from Silos in Castilla which occurs on the margins of the last pages of a

monastic antiphoner.as This tonary was written in an early l2th-century hand at first in

Visigothic script but changing to a cursive minuscule with an unusual notation about which

Huglo says "nous ne sornmes en présence ni de la notation à points superposés classique, ni

de la notation wisigothique. Ces neumes rappelleraient plutôt par ceftains détails les
notations de I'Italie du Nord.'{e

The monastery of San Domingo de Silos, located in Castilla not very distant from

Burgos, had during the 10th and llth centuries an active and important scriptorium. With

the a¡rival there of St. Domingo in 1041 came the influence of Cluny and from the same

century are preserved several manuscripts ransmitting the new liturgy but written with

Mozarabic neumes. Following Hesbert, Huglo notes that two of these manuscripts

demonstrate an order of chants similar to that of a breviary from Avignon, a centre in

ntHigini I
Anglès, El Còdex Musical de Las Huelgas, vol. (Barcelonæ Institut d'Estudis Catalans,
1931), 18.
nol¿icnet Huglo, Les tonaires: inventaire, analyse, comparaison (Paris: Société Française de
Musicologie,lg7l\,160. The manuscript is Ba¡celona, A¡chivo de la Corona de Aragón, Ripoll 74.
ntHuglo,
Les tonaires, !60.
*Huglo, Les
tonaires, 161. The manuscript is l¡ndon, British Library, Add. Ms. 30850.
4Huglo, Les
tonaires, 162.
 t9

which French notation was employed. On the other hand, a L2th-century antiphoner of
Silos is related to Cluniac sourpes.so

Of importance from the 12th century was the newly formed Cistercian order which

after its founding in 1098 soon moved into the peninsula establishing houses there. Solange

Corbin rema¡ked on the large number of manuscripts in Portugal which are likely to be of

Cistercian origin and some of which would have been associated with the monastery of

Lonrão and the famous Alcobaça.sr Cistercian chant manuscripts in Spain have not yet

received extensive study.

Late Middle Ages

The 13th and 14th centuries were a time of crisis for the peninsular church. The

Castilian church suffered financial problems, pressures and control from the monarchy, and

furthermore, levels of dedication, morality and education of the clergy were low. A letter
to the pope told of parish churches not able to support the clergy who were forced as a
result to find other ways of earning income.52 During the 14th century the church was also

vulnerable to attack and financial stress in the time of civil strife caused by fighting
associated with royal minority.53 The problems were located not only in secula¡ churches

but also in monastic establishments, some of which became impoverished. The financial

difficulties of the church continued even during the 15th century. The monasteries suffered
from appointrnents of commendatory abbots who received funds from the monasteries
without living within them or taking up the abbot's tn¡e role.sa Benedictine monasteries in

particular declined, while the Cistercians succeeded in retaining somewhat higher standards

atthough these were not consistent in all houses. (It is thought that the Cistercian monastery

of Alcobaça in late l3th-century Portugal mainained a level of education and a scriptorium

tluglo, "La pénéhation-, 255-56.

5tsolange
Corbin, Essai sur la musique religieuse portuyaise au moyen age (1100-1385) (Paris:
Société D'Édition <Iæs Belles Lethes>>, 1952),24243
t'Pcter Linehan, "The Gravamina of the Castilian Church in t262-3", in Spanish Church and
Society 1150-13n (London: Variorum Reprints, 1983), 731.
tþeter Linehan, "The Spanish Church Revisited: the Episcopal Gravamina of 1279", in Spønish
C hw ch ønd Society I I 5 0- I 300, 140.
$Joseph
F. O'Callaghan ,A Hisøry of Medievat Spain (fthtæ,u Cornell University hess, 1975), 632.
 20

of the highest quality.55) It is to be expected that in this situation a decline would also have

occurred in the level of knowledge and understanding of liturgical chant in association with

a consequent fall in the standard of performance. In the previously active monastic scriptoria

the production of new books diminished,tu and lack of money must have often affected the

ability of churches to pruchase liturgical books.57

In reaction to the decline of the church, reforms began to occur with varying degrees

of success during the 14th century and continued during the 15th century. Unfortunately

little is known about the effect of the reforms on liturgical chant. One may suppose that
some improvement probably took place in standa¡ds of performance and understanding but

that this improvement would probably have occurred unevenly and over a long period of

time. At the ecclesiastical Council of Valladolíd (1322) it was decided that all parish
priests should be provided with catechisms that would give them guidance in matters of

morality and faith. Given the lack of education of some of the clergy, catechisms had to be
produced in Castilian.st In one of these books Pedro de Cuella¡, then bishop of Segovia,

included instn¡ctions on the saying of the Mass and the hours, and also wrote briefly on the

role of the chantre, thus giving an indication of the problems that were arising.

E el chantre peca que non sabe del canto nada, nin del ofiçio e déxase fazer
chantre; e peca reçibiendo los que non convienen en coro e echar los^ginos.
Pecan en quebranta¡ las costumbres e los estableçimientos de la iglesia."'

Also often specifically intended for the clergy were the many treatises on the subject of

plainchant during the later part of the 15th century and continuing during the 16th century.

These can probably be viewed as reflecting the desire forreform and improvement.

s\ilesley D. Jordan, "A Collection of Early Antiphoner Fragments from Portugal (Lisboa, Viseu,
Ponte de Lima, and Guimarães): A Miscellany of Historical and Technical Observations", Gordon Athol
Anderson (1929-1981) in Memoriam, Musicological Studies, vol. 49 (Henryville: Institute of Mediaeval
Studies, I9U\,47.
nJ.Pé¡ez de Urbel, "Monacato", Diccionario de historia eclesióstica de España, vol. 3 (lvfadrid:
Instituto Enrique Fl6rez, 1973), 1506.
tThe
Spanish music theorist Gonzalo Martinez de Bizcargui referred to this phenomenon during ttre
first half of the 16th century. On his comment see page 72 of this dissertation.
ohadiel,
Moreta, and Sarasa, Historia, 568-69.
sJosé-Luis Martln and Antonio Linage Conde, Religión y sociedad medieval. El catecismo de
Pedro de Cuéllar (1325) (Salamanca: Junta de Castilla y I-eón, 1987),251. Martfti and Linage Conde in the
commentary on this passage note that the meaning of the phrase "e echar los ginos" is not known (157 n.
337).
 2I

Stimulus was given to monastic reform in late l4th-century Castilla by the mona¡ch

Juan I. In 1390 he founded the Benedictine monastery San Benito de Valladolid which

became the spearhead of Benedictine reform in Castilla although its influence met with

resistance until the laæ 15th century. The great Benedictine monastery of earlier centuries,

San Domingo de Silos, the scriptorium of which produced some still extant manuscripts of

the Old-Hispanic liturgy, was one of those which had suffered decline. The influence of

the Congregación of San Benito de Valladolid brought about change and renewal, with the

latter's observance being adopted at Silos in 1502. During the 16th century a collection of

choir books including both plainchant and polyphony was built at Silos so that a chronicler,

P. Gaspar Ruiz de Montiano (d. 1639), was able to say that not even the collection of El

Escoriat was larger.tr

The development of printing assisted churches, which previously relied on old and

deteriorated manuscripts or on memory, to obtain new liturgical books. This change began

to take place towards the end of the 15th century and eventually had the further effect of

allowing alterations to be made in the practices bringing them into line with then current

reforms and ideas. The possibilities of the printing press were appreciated so quickly that

during the period 1479-1490 almost half of the dioceses of Spain had printed liturgical

books pertaining to their own liturgical use.6r Various monastic and other orders also had

books printed, a Dominican processional of 1494 being an early example.62 The new

books would not only have given the clerics up-to-date liturgical practices, but to those

who may have had chant manuscripts with single line notation, new books would have
given the oppornrnity to use the modern, very legible squarc notation. The acquisition of

new books would have meant that old ones could be sold for the value of the parchment

contained in them.

The Catholic kings encouraged church reform. During their reign Fray Francisco

Jiménez de Cisneros, confessor to Isabel la Católica and later archbishop of Toledo, was a

@Emesto
ZaragozaPascual, "Los cantorales de la abadía de Silos", Tesoro Sacro Musical 6O, no.2
(t977):47.
otA.
Odriozola, "Liturgia. D. Libros Li[Írgicos Impresos", Diccionario de historiø eclesiústica de
España, vol. 2 (lvladrid: Instituto Enrique Flórez, 1972),1326-27.
@4.
Odriozola, "Liturgia", 1328.
 22

significant figure in the carrying out of reforms in the later pan of the century and also in

encoruaging the printing and wide dissemination of liturgical books. He also directed the

assembling and printing of books for the Moza¡abic community still in Toledo. The

university at Alcalá de Hena¡es was founded in 1508 at the direction of Cisneros with the

aim of better educating the clergy; it became an important centre of theology and permitted

the introduction and diffusion of European humanist ideas.

Le-é n

aCasloÁeàa-

Be.n¿n¿nle o
V¡llalobos a

Tábera 7 viy',oter'^el6
x La. Espina
..ê
s
Vahmo"V' p
ç Pinilh. áe To.o
o*- =
Þ
È
o
2AMORA
foro
F

OlolO 7 Valpo.ro.iso
t+f
Kn

So'lo.rna.nca

Map t The Modern Province of Zar¡orashowing the Location of Population Centres and

Monastic Establishments of Interest to this Study63

tThe map is based on tlrat in NÍatfa Luisa Bueno Domlnguez, El monasterio de Santø Marla de
Moreruela (l143-1300) (7,amora: Caja de Ahonos P¡,ovincial de Tanns¡4_ 1975), 88.
 23

. 5o^1i"5" á. 6^psleln
.L"dn
.ù¿63¿
.Sa'hogúa
.Ty , Bu.3os ,Ríp"ll
Polcnoia . . S; las . l{,."".o.
B-i. i¿ Za,raaozo-
u
Bo..-lonn
, Salo"rot't.o. Se3owia
.C':udal Rod;{o To"foso
. Coimbra

Ie.Jo

isåoo'

Jaén
.5evill".

Map 2: The Iberian Peninsula Showing Centres of Interest to this Study

 24

2 ZAMORA IN THE MIDDLE AGES: ASPECTS OF CHURCH

AND SECULAR HISTORY

SECULAR HISTORY
Following the Roman era, the region of. Zamoru was home to large landowners protecting

themselves with private armies. These armies fell to the barbarian invasions and the

western zone came in the 5th century to be dominated by the Sueves, who in their turn

were defeated by the Visigoths. Churches, archaeological evidence, and place names such

as Toro speak of the Visigothic presence in the region. There is, however, no mention of

Zamora in the church councils of this period.t The 8th century saw the Moslem invasion

of the Visigothic kingdom and until the disintegration of the Cordoban caliphate in the first

half of the 1lth century, the region of Zamom was racked by fighting and instability.
Zamora was for a time part of a deliberately depopulated buffer zone between the Christian

kingdom in the north and the Moslems to the south; no clearly defined frontier existed

between the two groupings.

The late llth century, which witnessed the very major turning point within the

history of the peninsular chu¡ch of the change from the Old-Hispanic rite to the Roman rite,

was also a crucial time of changing fortunes for the Zamorun region. Strategically located

on the River Duero, Zarnora had been a border town in early 1lth-century Castilla-León,

but later during the same century, with the movement of the frontier to the River Tajo, the

town became more of an administrative and service cenfre to its region. It needs to be

remembered that the period of development during which Zamora and other relatively

small population centres such as Burgos and León became true towns only began in the

latter part of the 1lth century and lasted until the middle of the 13th century.2

Repopulation of the region was a high priority throughout the 1lth century with a

notable influx of French migrants a¡ound the turn of the 12th century encouraged by

Raymond of Burgundy. Raymond was the husband of Urraca, daughter of Alfonso VI, and

tE.
Fernández Prieto, 'Zamora, Diócesis de", Diccionario de historia eclesidstica de España, vol. 4
(lr,Iadrid: Instituto Enrique Fl6rez, I97 5), 27 92.
'Iradiel, Moreta, and Sarasa,f/d storia, LI2.
 25

was then administrator of Zarrcra as well as holding the rulership of Galicia. The a¡rival of

French ecclesiastics was prominent inZanl.alra during the first qua¡ter of the 12th century.

French migrants are known to have come from such places as Gascony, Périgord, and

Poitou, and it was not until the early 13th century that the numbers coming to the region

declined.3

Not long after the death of Raymond of Burgundy in 1107, Zamora together with

Salamanca fell into the hands of Count Henry of Pornrgal and his wife Teresa, and it seems

that it was not until 1 ll7 that 7-amora was again united with Castitta-León under Urraca

and her son.o It was during this time that the diocese of.7-amora was restored as had been

other dioceses such as that of Braga. The l2th century saw the constn¡ction of the Cathedral

of Zamora which like the r€storation of the diocese wilt be discussed in more detail later in

this chapter.

In relation to government, Zamora played its role in the cortes, hosting the assembly

in 1427. Economically the town was an imporønt l3th-century cloth manufacturing cenfie,

but in general was based upon agriculture, the church being a prominent landowner. The

textile industry remained important toZartoraand a recent study on the Zarrcraneconomy

in the 16th century has shown its continuance and special place in the society at that time.s

During the early 14th century the region was not free from the social unrest affecting
Castilla-León in general. It was a time of civil wars, epidemics, and economic difficulties,

and that century saw the halting of the population $owth which had been proceeding in

Zamora since the efforts of repopulation. One result of this civil strife was that church

officials felt the need to form brotherhoods for the protection of church property, such as

the one formed in a meeting of ecclesiastics held in 7-anonin 1311.6

3Salustiano
Moreta Velayos, "Repoblación" infumora en la edad media (7-anrora: Caja de7-amora,
1988), 12; Amando Ripresa, "Genesis y evolución urbana delaZanora medieval", Hispania L22 (1972):
528.
aBernard
F. Reilly, The Kingdom of León-Castilla under Queen (Jrracø 1109-1126 (hinceton:
Princeton University Press, 1982), 320-21.
5José
Cados Rueda Fernández, "Introducción al estudio de la econom ía zamoranaa mediados del
siglo XVI: su estructura socio-profesional en 1561" , Studia Historica 2, no.3 (1984): 135.
tUartin and Linage Conde, Relig ión,18.
 26

In addition to the town of 7-amon two further population centres in the region need

to be mentioned here as significant numbers of the manuscript fragments studied in this

dissertation are associated with them. These centres are Toro and Vezdema¡bán.
Vezdema¡bán is a small town situated to the north of Toro; very little information is

available on its history. It is known to have been populated before 1000 A.D. and during

the Middle Ages had established in it seven parish churches,T a number suggesting a

township of some importance. The much more significant centre of Toro is situated about

twenty kilometres to the east of Zamota and shares with the latter a similar history. It is

also built on the banks of the river Duero and was of similar strategic importance in the

period of reconquest. The lovely collegiate church, second only in importance within the

region to the Cathedral of Zamora, stands on a high point at the edge of the town where the

land drops steeply to the river, thus occupying an excellent viewpoint over the plain. The

bishops of Zamora appear to have included Toro in their see at least from 1147 at which

time the title "Episcopus Bernardus in Zamora et in Tauro" was used in a document.s A

synodal meeting is known to have been held in Toro in the 13th century under the di¡ection

of the bishop, Suero Pérez.e As a wealthy town, l3th-century Toro was a keen supporter

of the monarchy against the noble class and on occasion played an influential political role

during that century and later, with various monarchs taking temporary residence in the

town. A number of meetings of the cortes were held there including those of 1371, 1426,
and 1505. The decline of Toro as an important centre coincided with the position it held

against the power of the monarchy from about I52I.

ESTABLISHMENT OF THE EPISCOPACY

Although recent years have seen an important growth in studies of the episcopacy and

diocese of Zamora, in attempting this study here, a problem is still encountered in the lack

of secondary studies directly pertinent to the topic. Such difficulties are not limited to

ïosé Navarro Talegón, Catdlogo monumental de Toro y su atfoz (Zamora: Caja de Ahorros
Provincial de Zamota, 1980), 392.
\avarro Talegón, Catúlogo,lO n.9.
eAntonio
Linage Conde, review of Synodicum hispanum, edited by Antonio Garcla y Garcla,
S c rip to r ium 42 (1988): 239.
 27

Zamora; referring to the l3th-century church in Spain, Peter Linehan lamented in an article

of 1968 the lack of fundamental studies and especially monographs concerning the
episcopacy.ro In particular, the early history of the episcopacy of Zamora is confused.
According to Berna¡d F. Reilly, a schola¡ who has made deailed studies of Spanish medieval

history, the see of Zamorawas not established until 1120 or 1121 when Archbishop Bema¡d

of Toledo appointed Berna¡d of Périgord to the new see of.Zarnora. Of the situation of the

Church of 7-amoru before ll20,Reilly says:

There \ilas no such see in antiquity. Its early medieval status is still open to
dlspute but there is no doubt ttrat it was treaied as a possession of the ôhurch
of Salamanca in the f,rrst decade of the 12th century. Apparently there was a
sufficient nadition, however, to suggest to Ar.,chbishop Bèrnard ihat he could
convincingly erect it into an indepeñdent see.l

On the other hand, St. Atilano is frequently cited as the first bishop of Zamora as for

example is done in the Diccionario de historia eclesidstica de España.\z He held the

position at the beginning of the 10th century. Others a¡e listed for that century, but during

the llth century and until ll2l, Zamora seems to have been without its own bishop.

Similarly the historian Salustiano Moreta Velayos mentions the date of the foundation of
the episcopacy in Zamora as 901, during a period in which the Christians were establishing

sEongholds against the Moslems in the region.r3 It has been suggested that during the 1lth

century, 7-amorabelonged to the see of Astorga.ra

It is not clea¡ how or when the first impact of the decrees of the 1080 Council of
Burgos concerning the change of rite was felt in Zamora, and it may have taken the arrival

of French clergy to enable a more or less thorough implementation. Of great importance,

then, must have been the arrival of Jerónimo bishop of Valencia, who was sent to the

regions of Salamanca and Zamora following the fall to Moslems of Valencia in 1102.
Jerónimo was a Cluniac and a Frenchman from Périgord. He took up the bishopric of

tþeter Linehan, "La

caîera del obispo Abril de Urgel: la Iglesia española en el siglo XIII', in
Spanish C hurc h and Society I I 50-I 300, 143.
tt
Rei$y, Le ón-C a stiI la unde r Que e n (J r rac a, 245.
t'Fernández
Prieto, "7-amola,Diócesis de', 2799.
r3Moreta
Velayos, "Repoblación", I 1.
toMaría
Luisa Bueno Domínguez, Historia de Tnmora: Zamora de los siglos XI-XIil @amora:
Fundación Ramos de Casho, 1988), 20.
 28

Salamanca and incorporated within it was that of Zamora.ts Reilly has suggested that

Jerónimo may in fact have governed his diocese from the more established town of 7-amora

rather than Salamanca which was still very important mititarily with regard to the Moslem

frontier and which would still have had only a small constant population.tu Salamanca lay

in the zone of repopulation south of Zamora which during the late l lth century and the
12th century was given panicular attention by the rulers as part of the effort of reconquest.

Bishop Jerónimo died in llzD, at about the time of the appointment of Berna¡d,l7 another

Cluniac from Périgord, as bishop of Zamora. Bernard, prior to his appointment inZamora,

had held the post of a¡chdeacon in Toledo.tt The important role of Cluny in Zamoraat this

time reflects the general importance of representatives of the Cluniac tradition in the

implantation of the Roman rite on the Iberian Peninsula and also the influence of the

archbishop of Toledo. Also in relation to Cluny, it should be mentioned that the a¡ea not
fa¡ from Zarrcra known now as the Tierra de Campos, including Palencia and Valladolid,

(in the Middle Ages known as the Campi Gothicorum, then forming the border country

between Castilla and læón) became during the llth and 12th centuries according to the

historian C. J. Bishko "the true center of all Cluny's trans-$nenean expansion".le

It may be postulated that the Cluniac bishops Jerónimo and Bernard might have

obtained from France liturgical books of the Roman rite for use in the Church of Zamora,

although there is as yet no unequivocal evidence for such an occrurence. It may also be
expected that in the form of the Roman rite in use in the Church of Zanrcra just as

elsewhere on the peninsula, French and Cluniac customs would be found. An example of

the entry of French features into a peninsular rite has been documented for the rite of Braga

in northern Portugal where it is known that "Within the framework of the Roman rite,
secondary prayers and ceremonies have been taken from various sources, for the most part

ttlradiel,
Moreta, and Sarasa Historia,l34.
t6Bernard
F. Reilly, The Kingdom of León-Castitla under King Alfonso VI, 1065-II0g (Princeton:
Princeton University Prress, I 988), 308, 320-2L.
t'
Fleil[y, Le ó n-C as tiltø unde r Que e n U r r aca, 245 n. 67 .
'"Rell[y, León-Castitla under Queen IJ rraca, 245.
t'Charles
Julian Bishko, "Fernando I and the Origins of the Iæonese-Ca.stilian Alliance with Cluny",
in Studies in Medieval Spanish Frontier History (London: Va¡iorum Reprints, 1980), 15. This article is
imporant for its recognition of the powerfrrl role played by Cluny, together with its detailed discussion of the
periodc. 1020to 1150.
 29

French."2o Detailed studies of the liturgy of Zanoruremain to be undertaken by liturgical

scholars.

How long the Cluniac or Benedictine influences continued in the Church of Zamora

is difficult to ascertain. Bishop Bernard's successor, Stephen, may also have been a

foreigner, his name being characteristic of southern France rather than Castilla-León.2l

Reilly has found that the custom of choosing former members of monastic houses to fill the

office of bishop in many peninsular sees during the late llth and early 12th century had

come to an end by the second quarter of the latter century, at which time bishops were

often chosen from cathedral chapters and furthermore were not ahvays natives of Castilla-

l-e6n.n Problems arose during the 12th century in relation to the suffraganship and the
independence of the see of Zamon With the appointment in 1120 or 1121 of Bishop
Bernard by the archbishop of Toledo, the see of Zamora was a suffragan of Toledo;

however, the bishop of Astorga disputed the right of 7-amon to be an independent see as he

considered it pa¡t of his territory. This difficulty was not without a political component as

Astorga was a suffragan see of Braga in Pornrgal.23 In 1150 Bishop Stephen was appointed

by the archbishop ofToledo as successor to Bernard in Zamora, continuing the allegi¡1çç e¡

Zamora to Toledo; his appointment thus disregarded a papal decree thatZatnora should go

to the see of Astorga following Bernard's death. Peter Linehan shows the continuing
problem in a discussion of disputes over ecclesiastical bounda¡ies and suffraganship, choosing

Zamota as an example:

The evidence submitæd in 1198-9 by the archbishops of Braga and Compostela

for control of the chu¡ch of.Zanrtora aptly illustrated the political dimension of
ecclesiastical divisions. One witness recalled how Fernando II of León had
sought to draw the suffragans of Braga from obedience to their archbishop
because the latter intended to excommunicate him; another remembered
Fernando's pressure on the.bishop of Zanrrora, politically his subject, to defect
from Braga to Compostela^

'King, Liturgies of the Primatial Sees,l9I.

2rBernard
F. Reilly, 'On Getting to Be a Bishop in Leon-Castile: The "Emperor" Alfonso VII and
the Post-Gregorian Church', Studies in Medieval ønd Renaissance History 1 (1978): 40,42.

'Rei[y, "On Getting to Be a Bishop", 67,40f1.

oRleiJf,y,
Le ón-C a s titta unde r Que e n (l r rac a, I 83-84.
*Peær
Linehan, "Religion, Nationalism and National ldentity in Medieval Spain and Portugal", in
Spanish Church and Society I 150-1300,186.
 30

The dispute was finally resolved so that by the beginning of the 13th century Zamora was

within the ecclesiastical province of Santiago de ComposteLa.2s

The 13th century seems to have been something of a golden period for the Church of

Zamota despite the financial presswes put upon the churches of Castilla-León by the

monarchy and other problems. It was favoured by the Spanish ca¡dinal, Gil Torres, a

native of Zamora to whom the pope refened problems of peninsula¡ churches. He appears

to have given preference toZamora over Salamanca, even going against the constitutions

that he himself had established. Following Gil Torres' death in 1254, some Spanish
bishops turned for assistance to Ca¡dinal Stephanus, bishop of Palestrina and a Hungarian,

who followed Gil's example in interesting himself in Zamora.2t Peter Linehan's description

of events favouring Zanorufollows:

En diciembre de 1253 había asegurado la reserva de Ees beneficios vacantes, y

de ello se aptovecha¡on los clérigos de su Zamora natal: en julio de 1254 se
ordenó al deán de Salamanca que proporcionase una canonjíaa Elías, alwnpnus
de 7-amora, a petición del obispo y capítulo de Zamora. En enero de L264las
constituciones del cardenal fueron anuladas expresamente hac uice en favor
del magister scolarum de Zamora - uq pariente del ca¡denal - a quien se
proporcìonó una canonjía en Sal rmanca."'

One of the bishops of Zamora, Suero Pérez, was a royal notary at the court of Alfonso X.

He was a strong bishop who seems to have wielded much influence in the town, holding

office from 1254-86.28 The Cathedrat of Zamora now holds a greater quantity of
documentation produced there during the 13th century than from either the 12th or the two

following centuries.2e This fact must reflect the activity of the 13th century, and in relation

to musical sources, one may ask whether this period particularly may not also have seen the

ãJosé
Sánchez Herrero, Las Diócesis del reino de León. Sigtos XN y XV Q-eón: Centro de Estudios
e Investigación "San Isidoro", 1978),4I.
Teter Linehan, "La, caÍera del obispo Abril de Urgel: la Iglesia española en el siglo XIII", in
Spanish Church and Sociery I150-1300,Iû-62.

'Pe¡er Linehan, "La carrera del obispo Abril de Urgel: la Iglesia española en el siglo XIII", in
Spanish Church and Sociery I 150-1300,157-58.
oon Bishop
Suero see Marciano Sánchez Rodríguez, "I¿ Diócesis deZanoraen la segunda mitad
del siglo XIII", in Primer congreso de historia de hmora, vol. 3 (Zamora: Instituto de Estudios Zamoranos
"Florián de Ocampo", 1991), L47-7L.
'José Carlos de Lera lvfaillo, "[.¿ documentación medieval del Archivo Cated¡al de7-amora: fuentes
para la historia de 7-amora" , in Fuentes y Métodos de la Historia Local. Actas (Z,arnon: Instituto de Estudios
Zamoranos, Diputación de 7,arnor4 199 l), 69.
 31

production of books containing notated chants. Unfortunately no clear evidence for such

production has yet been found.

An inventory dating from the late 13th century contains names of the manuscripts of

the cathedral chapter of Zamora. Among those listed are some which are thought to have

contained chants. These are identified with the terms "Prosa.ria" or "Prosarium" and

"Officia¡ia" or "Officiarium".s Again it is not possible to ascertain whether these were

copied in Zamora. The manuscripts are no longer found in the cathedral, no doubt at least

in part as a result of a fire in the tate l6th century which destroyed the library.3t One
wonders whether some, however, may be represented amongst the fragments studied in this

dissertation.

The Cathedral of Zamora and the Colegìata de Santa María lø Mayor of Toro

These two buildings together with the Old Cathedral of Salamanca sha¡e simila¡
a¡chitectural cha¡acteristics, the most notable being the domes. All were built at about the

same time. The construction of the Cathedral of.Zamora had begun by 1139 and was

completed or largely completed by t174.32 It was built on the site of an ea¡lier church on

the highest point of the town overlooking the plain and above the River Duero. The austere

style of the building has frequently brought about the suggestion that it was influenced by

Cistercian ideals.33 A sculpture of Mary with the child Christ is thought representative of a

style developed in France and seen first in Chartres.s

The dome of the cathedral is the outstanding feature of the building. One writer,

Madrazo, has seen it and those of Toro and Salamanca as Byzantine in style and as a theme

'\4.'Luisa Guadalupe, "El tesoro del cabildo zamorano: aproximación a una biblioteca del siglo
Æn" , Studia Historica l, no.2 (1983): 178-79.
ttClyde
Waring Brockett mentions that a collection of Mozarabic manuscripts may have been lost in
this fue (Brockett, Antiphons ,73). This supposition has not yet been proven; however, according to
Guadalupe, one of the books in the inventory has been identifred as likely to have belonged to the Old-Hispanic
(Mozarabic) liturgy; see Guadalupe, "El tesoro", 169.

"Ramos de CasEo,Zø Catedrøl de Tntnora,?t4.

"The suggestion is found in Navarro Talegón, Catdlogo,gS; and Ricardo Abrontes, "Arquitectura
medieval", inkmora en la edad mediø (Tamor.a Caja de 7.^mor.a,l988), 26.
sAna Isabel Fernández
Salmador, "Escultura medieval", in Tamora en la edad media (Tannon
Caja de 7-amotu 1988), 33.
 32

introduced by the southern French churchmen who came to the region.3s The idea of

Byzantine stylistic origin is supported by the fact that the technique of construction of these

domes has precedents in the domes of Saint Mark's in Venice and the ea¡lier Saint-Sophia

in Constantinople.s Furthermore, in the French region of Périgord, various churches with

domes of the same type are to be foünd, the best known being the church of Saint-Front in

Ërigrnx with five domes.37 The relationship between the church in Éignx and those of

Zamora,, Toro, and Salamanca raises the interesting possibility that the construction of this

particular type of dome may have been another result of the influx into the region of French

chu¡chmen, as well as migrants belonging to other callings and in particular those from

Périgord. Madrazo saw Bishop Jerónimo as the most influential in bringing the style to

Spain and the Cathedral of Zamora and also as the initiator of construction.

Que éste [Jerónimo] quiso perpetuar en Salamancay Zarrrcrael recuerdo de la

arquitectura religiosa de su país natal, y del santo patrono á quien estaba
consagraba la famosa abadía bajo cuyas bóvedas transcurrieron quizá los años
floridos de su juventud" cla¡amente atestiguaban de la Caædral vieja [Salamanca],
donde fué inhumado, y el arrabal de San Frontis que levantó enfrente de
Zamoraen la orilla opuesta de Duero, en cuya iglesia yacen-sepulødas algunas
compatriotas del buen obispo que con él vinieron a Esparia."

Although later writers have not pursued the idea of Jerónimo's influence, nor is the

Byzantine design always spoken of, these ideas do seem worthy of mention in view of the

added association it suggests with southern France. The fact that the church of Saint-Front

in Eriguexis thought to have been built only in about ll203D makes a connection between

Périgord and the Cathedral of Zamora and the Colegiata of Toro stemming from Bishop

Jerónimo dubious; nevertheless, there remains the fact that Bernard, the first appointed

bishop of.7¡mon in the 12th century, was also from the region of Périgord. Berna¡d was

bishop in Zamora from about lt2l until 1147, during which time the construction of the
Cathedral of Zamora was taking place. A further tie with Périgord lies with the saint, St.

Fronto (Front or Frontis), who was especially associated with the town of Périgueux. A

'Þed¡o de Mad¡azo, "La Colegiata de Toro", Boletln de la Real Academia de la Historia2ï (1892):
438.
t$riøricn Rahlves, Cathedrals and Monasteries of Spain (Iondon: Nicholas Kaye,1966),173.
tOliver E. Bodington,R
owrnce Churches of Fraice (London: Grant Richards ,1925),52.
oNda&azo,
"La Colegiata de Toro",439.
'James Snyder,Medieval Art (New York Henry N. Adams, 1989), 307.
 33

subub close to the Cathedral of Zamora (mentioned in the above quotation) was named
after St. Fronto; his feast is found in the Calenda¡ of Zamora on the 25th of October.
Another cited Byzantine feature is found in aspects of the design of the cathedral's sculpture

of Mary, although the scholar who discusses this relates it to the arrival in Zamora of
Byzantine ideas through general contacts with other parts of Europe such as ltaly, France,

or German], rather than to any specific person or place.4

The date and circumstånces of the foundation of the Colegiata de Santa Marla la

Mayor of Toro are uncertain, but it is thought that the construction would have begun after

the middle of the 12th century and finished in the 13th century during the reign of Fernando

III.ar More ornamentation is found in this church than in the Cathedral of 7-amon French
influence in the Gothic style is seen in some of the decoration.a2 Interesting are two

doorways displaying figures playing musical instruments, the earlier of the two having

been completed only about twenty years after the completion of the magnificent Pórtico dc

la Gloria of the Cathedral of Santiago de Compostela and the design of which may have
been founded to some extent on that of the Pórtico de la Gloria.ot The church is known to

have had collegiate status in 13324 and this position may date from an earlier time. It was
a wealthy church and therefore would probably have had a valuable collection of liturgical

books in the late Middle Ages although this has not yet been documented.

Cøntor, Subcantor, and Møgßter Scolaram

Prior to the 16th century little information concerning musical matters can be gleaned

from the records pertaining to the Church of Zamora which this writer has been able to
study.as Documents usually relate to topics such as: gifts to the cathedral wills, tithes,

tamos de Casho, L¿ Catedral de 7trnora,54-55.

ntNavarro
Talegón, Catdlo go,9 l, 13.
n'Navarro
Talegón, Catúlogo, 109.
$I'ôpez-Calo,
La mtlsi ca mediev al e n Galicia, 120.
\avarro Talegón, C atúlo go monwruntal, 91.
*A very useful collection of documents has been published by José-Luis Martfti under the title
Documcntos hmoranos I. Doctnænîos del Archivo Catedralicio del 7a nøra. Primera parte (1182-1261)
(Salamanca: Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca,l9S2). Other secondary sources in which documents,
either in part or in full, are published have also been of assistance and are referred to below. In addition to
these, I have been able to study a small number of original documents in the Archivo Diocesano of.Zamora
 34

sales, and purchases; or agrcements between ecclesiastics, churches, monasteries, or religious

orders. Holders of the offices of cantor, subcantor and magister scolarum are on occasion

named as witnesses, beneficiaries of wills, etc. From this information we know that the

offices did exist and have some of the names of the people who filled them, but little else

can be discovered.

Evidence exists from as early as 1168 of the positionof.magister scolarutn in the

Cathedral of Zamora and the possibility that it existed ea¡lier cannot be precluded. This

office had begun to appear in Spanish cathedrals in the late llth century, the occupant

having responsibility for the cathedral school in which would have been taught the subjects

of the trivium and the quadrivium. It is known that on some occasions during the 12th and

13th centuries, the magister scolarwn had to be brought from outside the peninsula to fill
the position.tr Unfortunately such details on the occupants of the position in Zamora
during this period have not yet been found.

Below a¡e listed the names of holders of the position of cantor or chantre, subcantor

or sochantre, and magister scolarwn which it has so far been possible to find. Although

the lists are incomplete, it is hoped that they may form a useful reference for futu¡e
musicological research concerning the region of Zamora. 'Work currently underway on the

preparation of a catalogue (in the form of a computerized database) of the medieval documents

held in the cathedral archive of Zamora may make available data to fill some of the lacunae

in the information presented here.aT The holdings of the cathedral include not only
documentation pertinent to that church but also to other churches of the region such as the

Colegiata of Toro. It may thus be possible in the future to construct similar lists for that
to\¡rn.

The dates in the lists indicate the date of the document in which each name was

found. Names are given in the form in which they appear in the documents.Æ

and the Archivo Histórico Provincial of.Zanora.

*Javier
Fernández Conde, "La renovación de los estudios eclesiásticos", in Historia de la lgtesia en
España, ed. Javier Fernández Conde,vol.2, pt. 2 (lvfadri<l: Biblioteca de Autores Cristianos, 1982), 18G181.
rAdescription of this project is given in Iæra Maillo, "La documenûación medieval".
€The main
source of information for this listing is José-Luis lvlarln, Documentos Zamoranos.
Other sources are Antonio lvlatilla Tascón, Gula-inventario de los archivos de Tamora y su provincia (I,Iadriû
Dirección General de Archivos y Bibliotecas y Diputación Provincial deZamora,1964); José Luis Rodríguez
 35

Cantor of Zamora

1103 Don Ovieio Sanchez

ll97? E. cantor
I2L0 Egee (Egas)
l2l9 Egas
t22l el cantor Gil
L234 G. cantor
l25l Garsias Pelagü (don García Pelâez)
1252 D. Pedro
t255 magister Egidius (Git)
1258 meste Gil
1259 Mestre Gil, chantre de la eglisia de Çamora
1285 Pedro Benítez
1389 Gómez Martínez

Subcantorof Zamora

t200 Stephanus subcantor

l2I9 Stefanus

1250 don Esævan

l25L don Gil

1259 don Gil

M agister s colarum o1 Zantora

1168 magister del scola [no name]

1180 magisterscola de Zanora Albergante

1187 Alberganti,maesEescuela

l2O0 Iohanes capellanus magister scola¡um

de Diego, "Documentación medieval del Archivo Histórico hovincial de7-amotd' Studia Historica l, no.2
(1983): L8I-202; Linehan, "I-a iglesia de León a mediados del siglo XTn", in Spanish Church and Sociery
(1150-ßAq,72;andfutrr Linehan, The SpanishChurch and the Papacy in the Thirteenth Century (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Prress, 191), 295.
 36

1259 P. Benedicti magisterscolarum zamorensis

t268 Petro Benedicti magisro scolarum zamorensi

1357 Juan Pérez de Villaquirán

MONASTERIES

During the llth century the great monastery of Satragún not very distant from León and

north of. Zamon came under the strong influence of Cluny. The monasteries of Zamora

through their close connection with Sahagún and the cathedral of Leónao -uy also have

received some of the Cluniac reforms. Monasticism, however, had been established in the

region of Zamora well prior to this period; for example, the monastery of San Martín de

Casteñeda was established during the Visigothic era.so Also in the region of Zamora, the

monastery of Tába¡a had, during the 10th century, a fine scriptorium which produced

illuminated manuscripts.5r The 12th century saw the rise of the Cistercian monasteries

which were to play an important role in the development of the Zamoran region with regard

to the continuing process of repopulation and to economic factors. The rise of the Cistercians

in l2th-century Castilla-I-eón was assisted by the interest in them of Sancha, the sister of
Alfonso Vtr and also by the gradual decline of Cluny.

For the period of Benedictine domination of the monastic life little is known of the

Zarrctan monasteriess'but more information is available for the Cistercian period which

dates from the mid 12th century. The records of the Middle Ages from the monasteries

near Zamora which have been studied by modern historians rarely include information on

the musical or even the liturgical practices. A writer of a monograph on Cistercians in

Castilla and León says "Pocas cosas se pueden estudia¡, a decir verdad, de la vida interna

de estas comunidades a partir de la documentación diqponible, casi todo de tipo económico."s3

o'Isabel
Alfonso, "El monacato",inTamora en la edadmedia,2l.
5or a listing of early monasteries as well as a map of their locations, see Antonino Gonzâlez
Blanco, "[-a cristianización de Zamola",in Primer Congreso de historia de 7tmora,vol.2 (7-amora; Instituto
de Estudios Zamoranos "Florián de Ocampo" I9n\,291,298.
5tAgustfn
Millares Carlo,Manuscritos visigóticos (lvfadrid: Instituto P. Enrique Flórez, 1963),25,
46.
ttlsabel
Alfonso, "El monacato", 21.
s'Javier
Pérez-Embid Wamba, El Cister en Cøstitta y León: Monacato y dominios rurales (Siglos
ilI-XV) (Salamanca: Junta de Castilla y León, 1986),220.
 37

Perhaps the most outstanding of the Cistercian monasteries in the region of.Zamoru

was Moreruela. Formerly Benedictine, the origin of Moreruela came about when the

community of the monastery of Tába¡a moved to the present site probably in the late 10th

century, the location being not very distant to the north of the town of Zamora.sa In the

mid 12th century with the expansion of the new Cistercian order in Spain, Moreruela
became a Cistercian house, changing its dedication from St. James to the Vfugin Mary thus

becoming known as Santa Ma¡ía de Moreruela. It soon developed into a powerful and

wealthy landowner receiving favour and support from monarchs and the Zatnoran nobles.

The conversion of Moreruela into a Cistercian house may have been promoted by Alfonso

VII in order to gain himself the support or approval of the Cistercian leader, Berna¡d of

Clain¡aux.ss A wealthy monastery during the 13th century, Moreruela had among its

monks those with titles such as cantor andmagister novitorumtt both of which a¡e indicative

of the recognition of the need for leadership and training in the singing of liturgical chant.
It is likely that such a monastery would have had a good supply of liturgical books.57 The
monastery had connections with the Church of Zamora although these were not always

without problems. Interestingly, a chantre of Zarnora,, Don Pedro, donated land to the
monastery in 1252. Moreruela in the 14th and 15th centuries suffered a period of decline,

reviving in the 16th century.

Two other Cistercian monasteries were located near the town of Zamota. These

were the early established San Ma¡tín de Casteñeda and Nuestra Señora del Valparaíso.

Valparaíso was founded to the south of Zamora in the mid 12th century and had the support

of Alfonso VII. It quickly saw not only economic success but became a cultural centre as

well.58 Casteñeda ûo the north-west of Zamora had previously been a Benedictine monastery

but changed to the Cistercian rule in 1245. l-ocated in the region of Valladolid immediately

tBueno
Domínguez, E I monasterio, 32.
ttBueno
Domfnguez, E I monasterio, 4A41.
toBueno
Domínguez, E I monasle rio, 83.
ton the location of the library, see lvfanuel de la Granja Alonso, Estudio histórico, artlstico,
religioso, agrlcola y humano del Real Monasterio de Santa Marla de Moreruela de la Orden Cisterciense
(7-arnoræ Diputación de 7-anrcn, 1990), 7 7, 163.
"norien Ferrero Ferrero , EI imperial motusterio de Nuestra Señora de Valparaiso (Zarnota: Archivo
Histórico Provincial de 7-arnon and Caja de 7.anrora, I 9 86), 3-5.
 38

to the west of Zamota was another important Cistercian monastery, Santa Ma¡ía de la
Espina, which is mentioned here because it had property holdings in Vezdema¡bán, Toro,

and Zamorase (as did the monastery of Moreruela). Monks from Cla¡aval were brought by

Sancha, sister of Alfonso VII to La Espina.60

The Franciscans and Dominicans established a number of houses in the region of

Zamora in the 13th century. The Franciscan house in the town of 7-amora appears to date

from the first half of the century before 1246.61 The scholar and writer on music Juan Gil

de Zamora belonged to the monastery which is thought to have had a good library.62 At

least five houses of Clares were founded in the region during the 13th century, that of Toro

being founded by Berenguela, daughter of Alfonso X.63 The establishment of the Dominicans

in7-amora began early, with the visit to the town of their founder Domingo de Guzmán in

1219, at which time a house was donated to him.s The Real Monasterio de San Ildefonso
was an important Dominican house founded in Toro in 1275 and there in 1405 the future

king Juan II was born.65 Two houses of Dominican nuns founded in the l4th century had

considerable royal patronage in Toro as did the 13th century estabtished house in Zamora.66

The importance which the two mendicant orders must have held in Zamora is reflected in

the number of their saints found in the calenda¡ of the l4th-century Breviario de Zamora as

will be shown later in this chapterjT (fnis manuscript is refened to hereafter as Breviario.)
Other orders were also present in the region as were various military orders.68

sJosé
Luis Rodríguez de Diego, El tumbo del monasterio cisterciense de la Espina (Valladolid:
Universidad de Valladotid,l9S2),131, 153, 164, 183.
*P&ezde
Urbel, "Monacato", 1506.
ótManuel
de Castro, La provinciafranciscana de Santiago. Ocho siglos de historia (Santiago de
Compostelæ Ediciones Monte Casino, 1984), 118.
*Castro,
La provincia, ll8.
*Fernández
Prieto, "T.amor4 Diócesis de-, 27 97 .
eUrsicino
Alvarez Ma¡1ínez, Historia general civit y eclesidstica de la provincia de Zamora (1899;
reprint, lvladrid: Editorial Revista de Derecho Privado, 1965), 182.
*Navarro
Talegón, C atálo go, 27 8.
6On
cu¡rent female monastic houses of the region, see lvfanuel Espías Sánchez, Monasterios de
clausura en Ttmora (7-amoru, Ediciones Monte Casino, 1980).
eBreviario
de Zamora,Zarnota, Archivo Catedralicio, códice 104. This manuscript, as its name
suggests, is not notated.
*For a listing of monastic
houses in the region, together with some details of their history, see
FemândezPrieûo,"7,arîolanDiócesisde",2796-98.
 39

Fires and floods are known to have occurred throughout the centuries affecting the

monasteries as well as the cathedral and have contributed to the loss of manuscripts. Much

material that would undoubtedly have been of value in a study such as the present one must

have been lost during the 1830s when monasteries throughout Spain were secula¡ized and

their wealth and libra¡ies taken over by the state or destroyed. Buildings were eventually

sold or destroyed. Monasteries in the region of. Zamora dismantled in this movement

included Moreruela, San Francisco, San Domingo, San Martín de Casteñeda, and
Valparaíso.6e One is left to conclude that, as with the lost church libraries, some of the

fragments of litrugical books now extant owing to their use as binding material may have

once been part of the libraries of the monastic houses of the region.

JUAN GIL DE ZAMORA

A Franciscan monk, Juan Gil de Zamora is known to musicologists as the writer of the
most important oxtant music tr,eatise from l3th-century Spain. As a native of Zamordo his

inclusion here is essential, although his work does not have any direct bearing on the

sotuces studied in this dissertation. The Ars musica is only one of his treatises, the others

belonging to such disciplines as history, theology, and natural sciences. Among his works

are studies concerned directly with Zamora. In addition he wrote Latin poetry.tt

Very few facts are known about his life and as a result some controversy has a¡isen

over certain issues, notably the date of writing of the Ars musica and the identity of its

dedicatee. Gil dedicated the work to a Iohannes, minister general of the Franciscan order,

without giving a date. The dedicatee had ordered the writing of the work. There lvere two

ministers general with the name Iohannes during the lifetime of Gil. The case for the

o
Nv ar ez lvlartinez, H i s t o ri a, 37 2.
Ttfhe
evidence for this fact was given by Gil himself, see Rafael Mota Murillo, "El Aru musica de
Juan Gil de 7amor:' El ms. W29 del Archivio Capitolare Vaticano", Archivo lbero-Americano 42 (1982):
656.
ttOn
the writings of Gil de Zamorasee CeMreo Femár¡dez Dtro, Colección Bibliogróficø-Biogr$ca
de noticias reþrentes a la provincia de Ttmora (ùfadrid: Imprenta Manuel Tello, 1891), 4L8-20; and lvfanuel
de Castro, "Gil de 7-amora, Juan", Diccionario de historia eclesióslìca de España, vol. 2 (lvladrid: Instiû¡to
Emique Flórez, 1972),1022. Specifically concerning Gil de Zamora's poetry, see lvfarcelino Menéndez
I
Pelayo, Obras completas. Antologla de poetas lîricos castellanos, vol. (Madrid: Consejo Superior de
Investigaciones Científicas, I94), 63.
 40

earlier, John of Parma, has been supported by Robert Stevenson and places the composition

of the treatise prior to 1257, making it an early work of the author.72 The second Iohannes,
Giovanni Mincio de Murrovalle, is the more usual to be seen in the role and has been

accepted by the two recent editors of the Ars musíca. As his minister generalship was

around the turn of the century the Ars musica would therefore be a very late work of Gil

coming well after most of his works were written.T3

One writer puts forward the following as the only cerøin facts concerning Gíl's life:

that his place of birth was the town of Zamorî, that he was living there in 1278 in the

Franciscan monastery, and that he was closely associated with the court of Alfonso X.7a

The date of his birth is placed variously from 1230 to l24l7s and his death after 1318.76

He is believed to have had a period of study in Paris but again the dates a¡e unknown. Also

unknown is the date of his entry into the Franciscan order; Gil identified himself as "frater"

in the opening of the Ars musica.T In the later part of his life, Git is thought to have filled
the important positions of provincial vicar and later (c. 1300) provincial minister of the

Franciscan province of Santiago.Ts

The Ars musica is devoted to the discussion of chant. Having begun with such

themes as the invention, divisions and usefulness of music, Gil moved to practical aspects,

such as solmization, the gamut, intervals, church modes, and instruments. It does not

pretend to be a largely original work, but rather compiles information from earlier writers.

Gil's notice concerning the use of the organ in church however is important and seems to
be original.Te "Et hoc solo musico instrumento utitur Ecclesia in diversis cantibus et

prosis, in sequentiis et in hymnis, propter abusum histrionum, eiectis aliis communiter

T2Robert
Stevenson, "spanish Musical Impact beyond the Pyrenees (1250-1500)", in España en la
Música de Occidente, ed. Emilio Casares Rodicio, Ismael Fernández de la Cuesta, and José López-Calo, vol.
1 (lvfadrid: Instituto Nacional de las Afes Escénicas y de la Música, 1987),1?l-23.
t'Michel Robert-TissoJ,
ed., fohannes Aegidius de hmora. Ars musica, Corpus Scriptorum de
Musica, vol. 20 (American Institute of Musicology, 1974\,8-13; Mota Murillo, ' El Ars musicd',659-62.
toMota
Murillo, "El Ars musica -, 656.
ttstevenson,
"spanish Musical Impact", l2l; Mota Murillo, "El Ars musica -,657 .
toCastro,
"Gil de TarnotuJuan", I}2};MotaMurillo, '.fll Ars musica',65'l .
tMota
Murillo, ' El árs musica - ,677 .
Murillo, *El Ars musica " ,656.
TtMota

'Don M. Randel, "lå teorla musical en la época de Alfonso X el Sabio", in Symposium Alfonso X
el Sabio y la m(tsica (lvfadriú Sociedad Española de Musicologfa, 1987),45.
 4t

instrumentis".so Contemporary theory in relation to polyphony does not have a place in the

treatise. In fact polyphony is not discussed at all, and neither is rhythm. The treatise,
written at the direction of the minister general of the order and - as Gil stated - written in a

simple manner, may well have been inænded for the instn¡ction of members of the Franciscan

order. That no mention of polyphonic practices is made may well be a reflection of such an
intention. Given the tink of Gil with the court of Alfonso X and also his interest in Ma¡ian

worship, it is perhaps surprising that there is no reference in theArs musica to the Cantigas

de Santa Marla. This omission also may be explained by the pulpose of the treatise having

been confined to use within the order. Don M. Randel's interpretation of the Ars musica

supports such an intent for the treatise. He understands Gil's view as having been focused

on music as a path to God, unlike the l3th-century mensural theorists who were principally

concerned with practical problems and the new style of music.sr

Attempts have been made to link Gil's Eeatise with the University of Salamanca

where the new position of maestro en organo was established in 1254. In Music in the
Medieval and Renaissance Universities, Nan Cooke Carpenter tried to connect Juan Git

with that University because of the short distance between Zarrcra and Salamanca, and the
format of the treatise being "definitely of the type generally springing from university

studies".82 Despite such suggestions, the proposal that the treatise was written for use

within the Franciscan order remains more convincing.s3 Furthermore there does not appear

to be definitive evidence that Gil taught in the University of Salamanca.

THE USE OF THE CHURCH OF ZAMORA

As was normal throughout the western church of the Middle Ages, the diocese of. Zamon
had its own characteristic use. This use is identified in ttre statement found in the 14th-century

Brevíario of Zanrcta "ordo brivia¡ü secundum consuetudinem ecclesie zamorensis".e A

æMoA
Murillo, "El Ars musica ", 696.
ttRandel,
"Lateorlzmusical", 4243; Stevenson, "spanish Musical Impact", 120, I24.
t'Nan
Cooke Carpenter, Music in the Medieval and Renaissance Universinøs (Norman: University
of Oklahoma Pr,ess, 1958), 94.
æRandel,
"La leo¡íamusical", 50-5 l.
uBreviario,fol.
1'.
 42

thorough study of the liturgy of Zamora remains to be made and so far only limited

explorations have been ca¡ried out, the most notable being that of Pedro Romano Rocha

within the context of his study of the church of Braga. This latter work will be referred to
in some detail later in this chapter.

In order to establish cha¡acteristic features of a local use various methods may be

employed including studies of the calenda¡, the sanctorale, the litany, and the Office of the

Dead.Es While a full study of this topic is outside of the scope of the present work, it is

possible to give here a survey of the features of the calendar of Zamora. Following this a

summary of the findings of Rocha will be presented.

The church calenda¡ of the early and medieval periods of Christianity was not a fixed

entity. The early church saw the introduction of local martyrs and other saints into the
calenda¡s in a process which continued throughout the Middle Ages. While at first tending

to remain localized, the celebration of some feasts such as that of St. Lawrence of Rome

gradually began to spread while others continued with only a narrow local recognition or

were limited to certain regions. Later, in the face of a great diversity of calenda¡s and

practices, some of the great orders attempted to introduce uniformity into the worship, this

being visible in the l3th-century reforms of the Cistercians, the Dominicans, and the
Franciscans. At the same time there developed a drive for greater homogeneity in the
practices of the churches of a diocese.s6 The Franciscans, in particular, assisted in the

spread of a more homogeneous calendar following their adoption and modification of the

papal court liturgy and the carrying of their books and practices throughout many parts of

Europe.87 It was, however, only with reforms following from the Council of Trent and

with the assistance of the ea¡lier development of printing, that a high degree of uniformity

and regulation of the calenda¡ entered into the Catholic Church, although a number of local

NFor
a recent study and critique of means of identifying a use, see John Plummer, "'IJse" and
"Beyond IJse"', in The Book of Hours in Medieval Art and Life, ed,. Roger S. Wieck (London: Sotheby's
Pr¡blications, 1988).
*Gregory Dix,The
Shape of the Liturgy (Wesfninster: Dacre Press, 1945), 588.
tOn the Franciscan role see Theodor Klauser, A Short History oÍ the Western Liturgy (London:
Oxford University Prress, 1969), 95; and Archdale A,.Yrng,Liturgy of the Roman Church (London: Longmans,
Green and Co., 1957\, 37 . On the Franciscan adoption of the papal court liturgy, see S. J. P. van Dijk,
Sources of the Modern Roman Liturgy, vol. 1 (Iæiden: E. J. Brill, 1963), 4041.
 43

rites able to prove a tradition of at least two hundred years were permitted to continue (two

examples being the riæ of Lyons and ttre rite of Braga).

The Calendar of Zamora

Two examples of the calenda¡ of the Church of 7-anora have been examined. These

a¡e found at the front of the l4th-centwy Breviario and the l5th-century Ritwl held in the

cathedral archive of 7-amoru.88 The two calenda¡s are very simila¡ especially with regard

to the more important feasts, but are not identical. In the following suryey, local feasts are

identified. The more universally celebrated feasts were identified through comparisons
with the Franciscan influenced 1260 papal court calendale and the feasts of the Carolingian
sanctorale as listed by Leroquais.s These more universal feasts will not be detailed in this
discussion but various groupings of those remaining will be explored.

As was the common practice, red ink was used in both the calenda$ to indicate the

most solemn feasts. The less universal feasts ma¡ked in red are: Ildefonsus - 23 January,

Isidore Transitus - 5 April, Ildefonsus Inventio - 26 May, Transfiguration - 6 August,

Dedication of the Church - 15 September (not in red in the Breviario), Eugenius - 15
November, Conception of BVM - 8 December, BVM Festivitas - 18 December. The

three saints in this list - Ildefonsus, Isidore, and Eugenius - were all important figures

during the development of the church in late 6th- and 7th-century Spain following the

conversion from Arianism of the Visigoth rulers. Eugenius and Ildefonsus were both

arthbishops of Toledo and demonsfrate Zamora's connection with the Church of Toledo.

Ildefonsus was of special importance to Zamora as his remains had been brought there

from Toledo; he is a patron saint of Zarnora. The first of the two dates relating to him in

the calenda¡, the 23rd of January, is his principal feast. It was celebrated widely in Spain

and was found in calenda¡s of the Old-Hispanic rite.el The second, however, relates to the

æBreviario,
unnumbered folios; Rir¡¿¿l , fols. 1'-6'.
tS. J. P. van Difthas published this Franciscan influenced calendar which he compiled and which
isrepresentativeof thatof thepapalcourtin 1260. SeevanDifr, Sources,2:363-76.
\ictor Leroquais, Les Bréviaires Manuscrits des Bibtiothèques Publiques de France, vol. I (Paris:
Iæfever, 1934), cxxx-cxxxii.
"Carmen Ga¡cla Rodrfguez, Et culto de los santol en la España romana y visigoda (lvladrid:
Consejo Superior de Investigaciones CientíFrcas, 1966), 344.
 4
rediscovery of his remains inZatnon and is thus a feast of local significance to the town.e2

This feast, which has already been refened to in chapter 1, appears to have been celebrated

only in Zatrtora.e3 The inclusion of the Transfiguration as a red-letter feast is likely to be

due to its significance to the Cathedral of Zamora which was dedicated to that event in the

life of Christq although it is known simply as San Salvador. The two Marian feasts given

in red but not widely celebrated seem to require no further explanation of their distinction

as all other major Marian feasts in the calendar of Zanoraa¡e in red.

Also of local significance a¡e the feasts of St. Atilano (5 October), the first recorded

bishop of 7-amora and a patron of the diocese, and of St. Froilán (3 October) a contemporary

of Atilano's with whom he is believed to have been instrumental in the founding of

monasteries in the region of Zamora.s City ordinances of the mid l6th century list the

feasts which had to be observed in Zamora. These were: all Sundays, all the principal

feasts of the Lord and of the Virgin Mary, the Apostles and the two patrons, St. Ildefonsus

and St. Atilano.s

The calenda¡ shows a good representation of saints of wider peninsular importance

such as Leander of Sevilla (27 February), Victor of Braga (12 April), Torquatus (1 May),
Leocadia (9 December), and Dominic of Silos (20 December). Also noticeable a¡e feasts

of the eastern church not universally celebrated at least by the mid 13th century but which

were contained in Old-Hispanic sanctorales, for example Saints Julian and Basilissa (7

January), and St. Thyrsus (28 January).

A large group of feasts in the calenda¡ of.Tamoracomprises those of French derivation

with saints from all parts of France. Among this latter group are a number of saints who
were very probably introduced by the Cluniacs, including Gerald of Aurillac (13 October),

Majolus (11 May), Consortia Q2 lune), and Philibert (20 August). St. Martin of Tours has

"For more deûail concerning St. Ildefonsus andZantora,see the present writer's article appended at
the rear of fhis dissertation, lff.

"It is not found in any of the calendars examined in the course of this research including those of
Salamanca" Segovia, and Toledo.
*Alva¡ez
Marinez, Histo ria, 17 5.

"Alfonso, "El monacato", 20.

*nqutpo
Jupiter 81-82, "Ordenanzas de la ciudad de7-amora,siglos XV-XYI", Studiø ktnorensis3
(1982): 16.
 45

the distinction of appearing three times in the calendar - his principal feast (11 November)

and its octave, as well as his translation. Of these only that of 11 November was included

in the 1260 papal court calenda¡.e Alfonso III had connections with the church of St.

Ma¡tin of Tours in the see of Tours which may have led to that church being a source of

manuscripts for use on the peninsula following the change of ritees and may have encouraged

the celebration of the feasts of the saint.

Veneration of the Virgin Mary is shown at a high level in the calendar of Zamora.

Seven Ma¡ian feasts a¡e included together with a further three octaves and the feast of

Anne, mother of Mary. The six major feasts (Purification, Annunciation, Assumption,

Nativity, Conception, and the Hispanic Annunciation on December 18) a¡e all red letter
feasts. Our Lady of the Snows is not given the distinction of being a red letter day.

Given the number of important Cistercian monasteries in the region, it is surprising

to find no sign of special acknowledgement of their saints in the calendar of Zamon.

Bernard of Clairvaux Q0 August) is present but his feast was widely celebrated and found

in the l260PapalCourt calenda¡.Ð

The Franciscans had an early presence in T,l;mora and given also their importance in

the development of the liturgy and calenda¡ of the western church in general, it is of

interest to look at the presence of Franciscan feasts in the calenda¡ of Zanrcra. Four major

Franciscan saints are included in the Zarrrcran calendar and these occur on the dates which

they are allotted in the 1260 papal court calendar. These are: St. Francis (0ctober 4), St.

Anthony of Padua (June 13), and St. Cla¡e (August 12) and St. Elisabeth of Hungary
(November 19). The feast of St. Elisabeth of Hungary was not in the original forms of the

two Zamoran calenda¡s and is a later addition to that of the Breviario. Two further
Franciscan feasts in the calenda¡ of Zarnora but not in that of the L260 papal court a¡e St.

Louis, bishop of Toulouse, and St Berna¡dine of Siena. St Louis of Toulouse was Eanslaæd

to Marseilles and then to Valencia, thus giving him a special importance to Spain. St.

Bema¡dine of Siena was a laær addition in both calenda¡s not surprisingly as his canonization

tvan Di¡k, Sources, 37 4.

sKing,
Littrgies of the Primatial Sees,I93
'Van D¡k, Sources,372.
 46

took place in 1450 following his death in 1445.tm He was a propagator of reform in the

order and new Observant houses were often dedicated to him.

Feasts of the Dominican order a¡e well represented with three saints: St. Dominic

(August 5), St. Peter Ma¡tyr of Verona (April 29), and St. Thomas Aquinas (March 7). A
further feast of importance to the Dominicans appears: the Crown of the Lord (May 4). The

calenda¡ of Zamora does not include the translation of St. Dominic. Of the Dominican

feasts in the Zamoran calendar only that of St. Dominic is found in the 1260 papal court

calenda¡.

Dating of the Zatnomn calendars can be made roughly according to the presence and

absence of various feasts. The inclusion of St. Thomas Aquinas in the earlier calendar
indicates that it was copied after 1323, the year of his canonization. The addition of the
feast of St. Berna¡dine of Siena by a later hand to both calendars suggests the possibility

that both were copied before that saint's canonization in 1450.

The Liturgy

As already mentioned a thorough study of the liturgy of the Church of Zamora has

not yet been undertaken. The most useful comments on the topic are those of Pedro

Romano Rocha included in his L'ffice divin au moyen âge dans l'église de Bragatot in

which the Breviario of. T,armora was studied as one of a number of manuscripts compared

with the Bragan breviary. Rocha chose to study the series of responsories from the Sundays

of Advent and from the trídwtn sacrurn. His comparisons (based on text alone) were made

with brevia¡ies of the 12th to the 16th centuries from Moissac, Aquitaine (Tol 44.2),
Zarnora,Toledo, Salamanca, Santiago de Compostela, Orense, Tuy, and Coimbra.

With regard to the responsories of Advent, Rocha concluded that of all those compared,

7-arnora was the closest to Braga and in fact he sees Zamora as following Braga: "ZumoÍa,

qu'on peut réduire à Braga". Toledo was found to be close to Braga (and therefore

tb. Pacetti, "Bernardine of Siena St.", New Catholic Encyclopedia, vol. 2 (New York McGraw-Hill,
1967>,34546.
totPedro
Romano Rocha, L'ffice divin au ûþyen âge dans l'église de Brøga (Pa¡is: Fundaçao
Calouste Gulbenkian, 1980).
 47

Zamora) but closer to Aquitaine.tt With regard to the responsories of the triduum sacrum,

Zamora was again found to be very like Braga, although showing a greater degree of

independence (as was norrnal at least for the series of Good Friday). Rocha notes the

absence of the responsory Caligaveru¿f from Moissac, Braga, and Zamora, a point which

he emphasizes as it was almost universal but not used in sources of Cistercians, Cluniacs,

Braga, Évora, and Zamora.ro3 Another point of coincidence between Moissac, Braga, and

Zarnora in which these centres diverge from the other peninsula¡ sources (except for Tuy)

listed ea¡lier (Ioledo, Salamanca, etc.) and that of Aquitaine, is the placing of the responsory

Velum templi in the second position of the Good Friday series. Rocha observes that this

placing tends to occur elsewhere, mainly in northern and Italian sources.

Rocha's work on the responsories shows that Braga had a close affinity with both

Cluniac and Aquitanian traditions, and that the affinities with the Cluniac tradition are
sometimes not represented by the practices of Moissac but are closer to those of other

houses. Given the simila¡ities he finds between Braga and Zamora it seems reasonable to

accept Rocha's conclusions on this part of the Bragan liturgy as largely applicable to

Zamorz, at least until a more thorough study of the 7-amorun liturgy has been undertaken.

A different picture emerges from Rocha's examination of the lectionary which shows that
in this subject the neighbouring dioceses diverged markedly from the Bragan practice at

least as represented in the Bragan Breviary of Soei¡o.rø From his analyses of other sources

it is clea¡ that in this a¡ea many local va¡iations could occur. Zarcrcra often uses the same

material as other peninsular churches but elsewhere demonsmtes its own idiosyncrasies;tos

there is no marked affinity with Braga as was the case with the responsories.

Comparison of the calendar of the Breviary of Soeirotffi with that of Zanora shows

considerable va¡iation which is not limited to local saints, but rather there a¡e changes in

dates as well as non-Hispanic saints present in one and not the other. An example of the

t'Rocha,
L' ofice divin,438.
roh.ocha,
L'office divin ,430.
roh,ocha,
L' ffice divin, 47G7 l.
roh.ocha,
L'office divin ,447-69.
tottris
calendar is given by Rocha L'office divin ,67-89.
 48

va¡iation occurs with the date of celebration of St. Martial of Limoges, the proper date

being June 30. In some sources, both French and lberian, it is celebrated in early July with

July 7 appearing to be the usual date. The calenda¡ of Braga gives the July 7 celebration
while Tamorahas July 2.
 49

PART B

NOTATION STUDIES
 50

3 PLAINCHANT NOTATION AI\D RHYTHM AS DISCUSSED BY

SPANISH MUSICAL THEORISTS TO THE MID 16TH

CENTURY

This chapter is intended to provide background and reference material for the following

chapters which discuss the notation of plainchant in the Zamoran sources. Comments by

Spanish music theorists concerning the notation of plainchant as well as the rhythmic

interpretation of plainchant will be discussed. Aspects included are note forms, staff, and

vírgulas ("bar-lines') in square notation written on a five-line staff, and details of the late

Aquitanian one-line notation which continued to be used in Spain into the 16th century.

Broader studies of the theoretical works mentioned here and others omitted are to be found

in the important work of Francisco José León Tello.l Discussions of Spanish theorists of
the 16th century and ea¡lier are also found in studies by Mary Duncan, Ismael Fernández

de la Cuesta, Ka¡l-V/erner Gümpel, and Robert Stevenson. These and other authors will be

referred to below.

The present study is very largely limited to discussion of treatises from the 15th

century and the first half of the 16th century. This restriction is largely dict¿ted by nvo

factors. Firstly, very few music teatises of Spanish origin are extant from prior to the 15th

century. Secondly, prior to the late 15th century, treatises dealing with chant very rarely
discuss either notation (other than features such as clefs) or rhythmic interpretation. From

about 1480, no doubt with the assistance of printing developments, the numbers of ext¿nt

teatises increased extraordinarily.2 Anglès however speculated that the current paucity of

ea¡lier works is not representative of the original situation:

the scriptoria of those monasteries that were centers of liturgical music in

Spain must have produced an abundance of üeatises, and it is inconceivable

rFrancisco
José León Tello, Estudios de historia d.e la teorla musical,2nd, ed,. (Madrid: Consejo
Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, 1991). Later treatises were covered by León Tello in La teorla
española de la música en los siglos WII y XVIII (Madrtd: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas,
t974).
lthis abundant music theoretical production $,as commented on by MenéndezyPelayo who is
quoted together with further discussion of the phenomenon in Miguel Alonso, Cuatro tratados de principios
de cønto llano: los de Espinosa, Aguilør, Escobar y el Anónimo, Viejos Libros de Mrúsica J/I\4 (lvfadriú Joyas
Bibliográficas, 1983>, 17 .
 51

that the schools of Ripoll in Cat¿lonia, of San Juan de la Penya in Aragon, of

San Millan de la Cogolla, of Silos and Cardeña in Burgos, of Távara and
Liébana in [æón, and of Toledo - the cultural center of Castile - did not have
more or less scientific manuals of music.3

Since Anglès wrote these words, few discoveries have been made in the field of medieval

music theory in Spain.a The single important Spanish collection of music theory dating

from the period of the peninsular establishment of the Roman rite (1lth century), and until

the 13th centur!, remains Codex 42 of the monastery of Ripoll. This codex contains the

work of a monk of Ripoll, Oliva, as well as an important collection of early music theory

including such works as the Musica Enchiriadis and the Commemoratio brevis.s The
Breviarium de musica by Oliva is largely based on Boethian theory and deals with the

monochord, intervals, tetrachords, and the eight ecclesiastical modes.6

The major music treatise of l3th-century Spain is the Ars music¿ of Juan Gil de

Zarrrcra. As his name suggests, Juan Gil was a native of the town of 7-amora; his work has

already been discussed in Chapter 2. The treatise does not discuss the notation of chant,

other than describing the placement of the various pitches on the staff, nor rhythmic

interpretation of chant.T In 1960 Stevenson surmised a "tradition of theoretical studies" in

Zîmora, older than that of Salamanca, on the basis of Gil's scholarly work. He saw this as

possibly supported by the connection with Zamora of Bartolomé Escobedo 'one of the most

"learned" of Spanish Renaissance composers'.8 Further evidence of such a school has not

yet arisen.

'ttigini Anglès, "Hispanic Musical Culture", 506.

+fhe publication
of the RISM volume devoted to Iberian sources will be very helpful in allowing
the formation of a full view of the currently known, extant theoretical sou¡ces of the peninsula
betails of the contents of the codex a¡e given by Ka¡l-Wemer Gümpel, "Musica cum rhetorica:
À[s Ripoll 42", in Essays on the Music of I. S. Bach and Other Divers Subjects: A Tribute to Gerhard Herz,
ed. R. L. Weaver (Louisville: University of Louisville Press, 1981), 1I744.
óAn
inroduction and hanscription of the Breviarium de musica is found in Kristine T. Utterback,
*Cum multimodi curiositatis": A Musical Treatise from Eleventh-Century Catalonia', Speculum54 (1979):
283-96.
tEditions
of this treatise are named in Chapær 2.
h.obert Stevenson, Spanish Music in the Age of Colwnbus (1960; reprint, The Hague: Martinus
Nijhofl L96/.),48.
 52

From about the second quarter of the l4th-century is an anonymous treatise from

Cataluña, De cantu organico, which deals with mensural notation.e In addition, three
futher short works on mensural notation and counterpoint from the late 14th century are
ro
connected with Cataluña.

MUSIC TREATISES OF SPANISH ORIGIN FROM THE 15TH CENTURY TO

THE MID I.6TH CENTURY
The extant treatises of this period which tneat plainchant a¡e either focused on that topic or

are part of broader studies dealing also with poþhony and mensural notation. The plainchant
studies, both those which are independent and those which form part of more comprehensive

works, are an important source for the understanding of late medieval and renaissance
plainchant interpretation and theory. They cover subjects such as solmization, hexachords,

modes, accidentals, intervals, clefs, note forms, notation on a single line, the qualities of

good singing, and the tasks of the cantor. Much of the material however is based on that

included in ea¡lier chant manuals. Fernández de la Cuesta has pointed out ürat the plainchant

treatises of the 15th century had their origins in the ea¡lier tonaries used as manuals in

major churches.rl Similarly León Tello rema¡ked:

Completamente formados y esEucturados los temas correspondientes que

integraban tradicionalmente los tratados decanto llano, pocas novedades podía
ofrecer un teórico de los siglos XV y XVI.I2

Gümpel has shown a tradition of chant theory in peninsular treatises of the 15th

century through a comparative study of four sources, one of which is the treatise from 1410

by Fernand Estevan. Gümpel proposed an ea¡lier archetypal text for the four treatises, the

subject matter and form of which can to some extent be deduced from the existing sources.

bdition and commentary in Higinio Anglès, "De cantu organico. Tratado de un autor catalán del
siglo XfV",Anuario Musical 13 (1958): 3-24.
loOn
these see lvfarla Carmen Gómez Muntané, "De arte cantus de Johannes Pipudi, sus Regulae
contrapunctus y los apuntes de teoría de un estudiante catalán del siglo XfV", Anuario Musical 3l-32
(1976-77):3749: and lvlarla Carmen Gómez Muntané, "Prehistoria de la enseñanza musical en las universidades
es¡lañolas",De Musica Hispana et Aliìs. Miscelúnea en honor al Prof. Dr.Iosé López-Calo, S.,I., co-ordinated
by Emilio Casa¡es and Ca¡los Villanueva, vol. 1 (Santiago de Compostela: Universidade de Santiago de
Compostela, 1990), 7 7 -89.
Itlsmael Fernández
de la Cuesta l-os tratados de cønto llano de Spañon, Martinez de Bizcargui y
Molina,Viejos Libros de MúsicaGÂ (I/tadriû Joyas Bibliográficas, 1978),U.
"r-îÁn Tello, E studi o s, L97 .
 53

The tradition may date back to the late 14th century.l3 Traces of the proposed archetype

may be found recurring in treatises dating from the late 15th century and continuing into

the 17th century.la Some of these treatises are among those to be discussed below and
include the two chant treatises by Domingo Marcos Durán which will be examined first.

For Gümpel two of the earlier Eeatises, that of Estevan and that known as Anonymous

Seville, "represent a ne\il type of treatise cha¡acterized by an emphasis on fifteenth-century

Spanish Chant practices."rs An important feature of both treatises is their treatment of

musícafîcta and in this a¡ea they are important representatives of Spanish practices.16

In the area of notation and durational interpretation some novelties emerge from
15th- and early 16th-century treatises. For León Tello, the writers of particular interest

with regard to the notation of rhythm in plainchant were Podio (also known as Puig),
Aguilar, Duriín, and Ferrer. He saw the renaissance interest in classical metrics as having

influenced ideas on the rhythm of chant such as those evident in the work of Podio.rT

Not all of the Spanish music treatises of the era included plainchant note forms and
rhythm in their discussions; among theorists who excluded the topics were Fernand Estevan,

whose treatise of 1410 is notable for having been written in Castilian instead of Latin, and

the radical Bartolomé Ramos de Pareja.ts Estevan and others limited their discussion of

notation principally to clefs and accidentals with occasional reference to the staff.

The theorists of most interest for this study are treated separately below. Others are

mentioned in passing, while yet others who are not relevant here a¡e discussed in works by

authors mentioned previously such as those of I-eón Tello. It is unfortunate that the 1504

plainchant teatise by Alonso del Castillo is lost as he had a direct connection with Zamora.

t'Karl-Werner
Gümpel, "Zur Frühgeschichte der vulgärsprachlichen spanischen und katalanischen
Musiktheorie", Gesammelte Aufsätze zur Kulturgeschichte Spøniens Vl (1968): 259-ffi. Some reference to
this hadition is found also in Karl-\Verner Gümpel, "Gregorian Chant and Musica Ficla New Observations
from Spanish Theory of the Renaissance", Recerca Musicològica 6-7 (1986-87): 6.
loGümpel
has listed treatises belonging to the tradition ("Zur Frühgeschichte", 330).
t5Gümpel,
"Gregorian Chant", 12- 13.
toGümpel,
"Gregorian Chant", 6-7, 13.
ttleón Tello, E
studio s, 402.
ttFor
an edition and commentary of Estevan's Eeatise see Fernand Estevan, Reglas de canto plano è
de contrapunto è de canto de organo, ed. M.t Pilar Escudero Ga¡cla (Madrid: Editorial Alpuerto, 1984); and
for a facsimile edition of Ramos de Pareja's teatise, Bartolomeo Ramis de Pareja, Musica Practica (Bologna:
Forni, 1969).
 54

He held the position of chapel master in Zamora and had the degree of doctor from
Salamanca.le

Two groups may be observed among the music theorists who discussed note forms

and the rhythmic interpretation of plainchant. The first group is here termed the "equalist"

school as perhaps its most important member advocates the performance of all notes of

plainchant with equal durational value. The group has in cornmon a concentration on

particular features of plainchant notation as will be seen in the discussion and with the

possible exception of one theorist, the quality of equal duration may have been assumed.

The second group represents a "non-equalist" school which advocated va¡ied duration of

notes and consistently named the signs of mensural notation for use in plainchant. The

theorists to be discussed have been placed in one of these two categories with the exception

of Juan Bermudo who will be discussed last.

l. t'Equalists"

Domingo Marcos Durán

Durán is the ea¡liest of the theorists to warrant substantial discussion in the present

context. His work is important for the understanding of duration in chant as related to
notation and for knowledge of the employment of certain notational features and one-line

notation. Dur¿ín's contribution will be discussed at length here. (During the subsequent
discussion of later theorists, repetitions of material presented by Durán will not be detailed

again.) Robert Stevenson compares Durán's work with that of non-Spanish theorists and

shows some of the remarkable contributions which were made by Durán in Spanish Music

in the Age of Columbus.2o

The th¡ee treatises by Durán a¡e written in Castilian. The ea¡liest and shortest, a

plainchant manual, Lux bella, was printed first in 1492in Sevilla and is thus the fust extant

music treatise to be printed in Spain.2t The second hatf of the work consists of an

teHenri
Collet, "Contribution à l'étude des théoriciens espagnols de la musique au XVf siècle",
L' Année Musicale (1912): 19.

'stevenson, Spanish M usic, 63 -7 3.

"Ca¡los Romero de Iæcea in José Subirá, Los ffes tatados musicales de Domingo Marcos Durán,
Viejos Libros de Música A/C (lvfadrid: Joyas Bibliográficas,l977\,n.
 55

intona¡ium. In addition, Durán published a second plainchant manual entarging on the first

in Salamanca in 1498, Comento sobre Lw bella. This is an important and influential work

giving detailed explanations of many aspects of plainchant. It was described by Iæón Tello

as "una obra fundamental en su género dentro de est¿ época".n His third treatise is the

Súmula de canto de órgano, contrapunto y composición vocal y instrurnental, próctica y

especulativa. Although this last work is principally about polyphonic music, it contains

some useful references to plainchant. It makes an important contribution to theoretical

studies of poþhony and is believed to have been published in about L5O2.2t

Despite the great interest of Durán's work, León Tello sees his knowledge of the

theoretical works he ciæd as poo# and his involvement in theoretical problems as marginal.2s

In fact, for the purposes of the present work, these criticisms represent no difficulties. It is

the simplicity and sincerity of Durán's approach which identifies much of the usefulness of

his work, his treatises probably having been intended primarily as teaching vehicles or
practical handbooks rather than as original theoretical or speculative expositions.

Born in the region of Cáceres in western Spain in about 1460, Durán studied at the

University of Salamanca. His death occurred some time before the fifth of September 1529

in Santiago de Compostela where he held the position of choirmaster in the cathedral.26

The Cotnento andthe Súntula are thought to have been dedicated to Alfonso Itr de Fonseca

who was archbishop of Santiago de Compostela during the period 1506-24.n Little more

is known about Durán's life but this information identifies a strong association with north-

western Spain, in which ateaZarnora is located. It may therefore be hypothesized that the

practices discussed by Durán are applicable to the 7-amoran sources of the era.

It is very clear from the work of Durán that he understood plainchant (canto llano) as

belonging to the category of mensurable music and that he expected it to be performed

according to a compas (measure). The types of mensurable music are enumerated in both

ol*6n Tello, E studios, 425.

oRomero
de Lecea in Subirá,f,o s tres tratados,l23.
*LeOn
T ello, E s t udi o s, 20 5, 230-3 l.
"læOn Tello, E studios, 229.
Trancisco José I-eón Tello, "Durán, Domingo Marcos",NG 5: 738.
tstevenson,
Spanish Music, &.
 56

theComento and¡he Súmula with reference to ea¡lier authorities. In the following quotation

from the Comento, he continues with a list of non-mensurable sounds and explains that
which makes music mensurable or non-mensurable including the concept of the cotnpasl

Ioannes de Mures y el maesEo Durando de Paris con otros peruectos la diuiden

[musica] en mensurable e immensurable. Musica mensurable llamaron al
canto llano, contrapunto y canto de organo que se mensura y canta por numeros
y compasse.s en deuida proporcion. Immensurable llamaron al sonido que
f.az.enlos animales brutos assi como las aues, peces cantantes, serenas marinãs,
perros, cauallos, etc, cuyo sonido es por instinto natural ca¡eciendo de razon y
arte no sabiendo el como nin porque, e por esto le llama¡on immensurable quê
va sin orden y medida y numero ycompas fuera de deuida porporcion.2s

There is in fact no explicit inclusion of a music crcated by humanity which is non-mensurable.

As the compas is integral to Durán's concept of plainchant as mensurable music, the

meaning of the term needs to be examined. Durán offers the reader definitions of the term

compas in both the Comento and the Sútnula. The latter work, although primarily a study

of polyphonic music, gives in a chapter concerning the compas (chapter nineteen) a clear

definition of the term which makes reference to plainchant:

Compas es la ta¡dança que ay de vn punto de canto llano a otro, o de su valor.

O es la tardança que ay de vna cayda del golpe que damos con la mano a otra,
o compas es ygual quantidad de tiempo de cayda a cayda yendo cantando,
fasta en fin del canto."

A similar definition appears in the plainchant treatise, the Comento:

el compas es la ta¡dança que ay de vn punto de canto llano a otro, en manera
que vn tiempo y vn compas y vn punto de canto llano vna mesma cosa
significan, e õomiença el cõmpa quando cae la mano y da el golpe,3o

From these quotations one learns that one nota, Q)unto) in plainchant has the durational

value of one compas, and that the compas may be ma¡ked by the beat of the hand.
Furthermore, the compas has equal du¡ation from one beat of the hand to the next. In both

the Comento andthe Súmula. Durán stresses the importance of the compas making use of a

Latin phrase, in the Súmula reading "el compas est maximus certifîcator vniversalis in tota

'Domingo Marcos Durán, Comento sobre Luxbella,Yiejos Libros de Música 2 (Madrid: Joyas
Bibliográficas,1976), fol. I c7]' (facsimile edition).
æDomingo
Marcos Durán, Súmula de canto de órgano, contrapunto y composición vocal y
instrumental, prúctica y especulativa, Viejos Libros de Música 3 (Madrid: Joyas Bibliográficas, 1976), fol.
la8l" (facsimile edition).
'oDurán, C omento,fol. düii',
 57

musica mensurabili". He continues by likening the compas to a brake (in the sense of

something which restr¿ins or checks motion) and to blood.3r

Samuel Rubio has made an analysis of the different types of compas used in mensural

music and described by Durán, concluding that the meaning of the term compøs as used by

the Spanish theorists was different from that of the tactus of other theorists. The term

tactus was not used by the Spanish theorists.32 The concept of. comp¿s is still deserving of

fuller investigation with regard to the emergence of the term and also its relationship to the

concepts of tactus and plausus. Such investigation would be of interest especially given

the fact that it was in the 1490 treatise of Adam von Fulda that tactw first received detailed

discussion33 and that Durán first mentiond,compas in 1492.

With the concept of the compas, the issue of the durational value of each note of
plainchant has already been introduced. As one compas is equal to the duration of each

note and the compas always has the same duration, then it follows that all notes of chant

must be of equal value. The following quotation from the Comento states the durational

equality of each note in different tenns:

Item porque llamamos llano al canto llano, este vocablo llano quiere dezir
ygual quantidad de tardança de tiempo en cada figura, slcilicet] que no ta¡demos
rnas en vnåunto que en oEo saluo que todos se canten por vna ygual medida
de tiempo.*

While at first sight it seems that Durán unambiguously intended to teach that all
notes receive equal duration, problems nevertheless a¡ise. The first of these is the variety

of terms used to refer to notes. It must be asked whether or not these are synonymous.
This question however was answered by Durán: "ftem punto figura nota, grado/indiuiduo/y

tono simple: son synonomos en significar vna mesma cosa que es qualquier figura de
punto".35 I-ess clea¡ is whether each note of a two or more note neume is covered by these

tenns or whether they only appty to isolated single notes. However, the term punto is

employed in reference to the individual notes of ligated neumes and melismas in the work

"Durán, Súmula,fol. b'.

32Samuel
Rubio, Libro de música próctica de Francisco Tovar,Viejos Libros de Música F (Madrid:
Joyas Bibliográficas, 1978), 93-99.
33Howa¡d
lvlayer Brown, "Tactus',NG 18: 518.

'Durán, C omento,fol. düii.

"Durán, Comento,fol. td6f.
 58

of Durán.5 From this it may be inferred that a punto in a compound neume should have

the same durational value as an isolated punto.

With regard to notation, Durán introduced some notational signs and some rules in
the Lux bella. Accidental and clef signs are illusrated under the name of. claves, claves

speciales referring to accidentals and claves generales referring to clefs. Four of each are

given.37 He spoke of two types of staff, that with five lines and that with one line. The
five-line staff is used in the examples and the tonary. A list of names of note forms is
presented but without descriptions: "tenemos punto quadrado, alphado, semidoblado, o

triangular" .38 Alphas dobles are illustrated in five-line notation. It appears that these may

refer to either the form of aporrect^ ll or to the torculusform tf .3e The reference to

alphas dobles is reminiscent of the mention in the freatise known as Anonymous Seville

(1480) to the "punto doblado que es llamado alpha duplex intensum et remissum tonicum"

during discussion of. conjunta.s.* A simitar reference is found in the treatise, Esta es una

introduccíón muy breve de canto llano, by Cristóbal de Escoba¡ which dates from 1490 or

1491 and is thought to have been printed in Salamanca.ot Escoba¡ refers to "alpha, duplex

intensum, remisum tonicum, o puntos doblados" during a discussion on the use of square

b.a2 Punto doblado and alpha duplex or alpha dobte a¡e therefore all terms which appear

to refer to the same type of sign.a3

sDomingo
Marcos Durán, Ltn bella, Viejos Libros de Música I (Madrid: Joyas Bibliográficas,
1976), fols. [a2Ï and [a 5]'(facsimile edition).
tDurán, Lux
bella,fol. [a3]'.
oDurán,
Lux bella,fol. [a3]'.
'Durán, Lux bella,fol. [a3]'.
*Anonymous
Seville isquoted in Gümpel, "Gregorian Chant", 2l-23. For a recent edition of the
Eeatise which presents only text without musical illusrations, se€ Alan D. llastings, ed.,Text and Concordances
of the Tratado de la música MS. ç.11L23, Biblioteca del Escorial (Madison: The Hispanic Seminary of
Medieval Studies, 1989). Mentions of rhe alplø duplex may be found in this edition on pages 24,33, and 34.
arCados
Romero de læcea in Alonso, Cuatro lratados,Zll.
o'Alonso,
Cuatro tratados, 162.
a3Confi¡mation punto doblado will be found later
of the synonymous meanings of. atpha dobte and.
in this chapter with the discussion of the work of the theorist Gonzalo Marlinez de Bizcargui. Doblado late¡
came to be regularly used for signs in which two notes occur together at the same pitch as in the bisÜopha.
An example of this usage occurs in Pedro Cerone, El Melopeo y Maestro. Tractado de musica theorica y
practica (Bologna: Forni, 1969), 412 (facsimile edition). As a result of these findings, the definition of. pwto
doblado given by José Subirá in his glossary of ærms found in the Eeatises of Durán therefore seems more
appropriate for the later usage. The definition reads: "Nota musical cuyo signo presenta dos notas juntias."
 59

Also in the Lwr bella" brief explanations are given of virgula, plica, and lígadura

under the heading "Reglas para ordena¡ la letra". The first two of these are the most

interesting.

Tenemos virgula, plica, e ligadura. Virgula es linea suelta que diuide las
partes. Plica es linea que depende de vn punto y no toca en otro e acomparia a
la nota. Item punto con dos plicas: vale dos compases sin spresar cantando el
segundo. Lisadura es linea que toca dos puntos y no entra letra saluo en el
pnmero.*

h the Comento sobre Luxbellathe material on notation is amplified. Clefs, accidentals,

and direct (guion) are discussed in the Comento. "Todo canto se rije por claue y guion"

says Durán. He describes the function of the direct as indicating the pitch of the first note

of the next staff.as The form of direct used in the musical examples i, y'f The shapes of

the punto quadrado, the alfado [sic], and the punto semitonado or triangular a¡e described

but a¡e not illustrated in the facsimile edition studied, although spaces were left blank.aT

Punto quadradorefers to the square note r ; alfødo refers to the slanting beam \ which he

said could rise or fall (surprising in the context of chant not¿tion); arrd semitonado appearc

to refer to the lozenge-shaped note 0 , while triangular seems to have been an alternative

form of the semítonado wíth the same meaningas (a shape given in white notation in the
Sfunula fits the description of the Comento ( ).on The meaning of the semídobtado

mentioned inLux bellais not explained and in fact does not appear to occnr in the Comento

at all; however it seems likely that it had the same meaning as semitonado.

On the semitonado, Durán finished "dize semitonado, porque es meytad de vn punto

quadrado."so This ambiguous comment becomes clea¡ when compared with the discussion

on an earlier folio where it is clear that he viewed the lozenge and the triangula¡ form as

being about hatf the shape of a square note. In the same place he continued to explain that

(Subirá, Zos tre s tratados, 58).

*Durán,
Lux bella,fol. [a5]'.
ntDurán,
C omcnto,fol. [d6]".
6See
for example, Durán, Comento,fol. b'.
otDurán,
C omento,fol. [d6]'.
*Durán,
C omento,fol. [d6]'.
oeDurán,
S úmula, fol. aiir".
tDurán,
Cotnento,fol. td6Ï.
 60

the puntos semitonadal were previously sung two in the time of one cornpas, a fact which

he must have seen as producing a profound result because he added: "de ally començaron a

constituir el canto de organo."sr

In connection with the punto semitonado, Durán mentioned the tonicus. This term

appears to refer to a three-note melisma in the pattern of c-d-c or d-c-d in which the notes

are always a whole tone apaft. Durán defined it in the following manner: "Tonicus es

diminutiuo de tono". This statement may refer to the idea of the breaking of a tone into the

three part pattern already named, which Durán may have seen as a form of diminution

analogous to the use of a portion of the full form of a square note to create a lozenge-shaped

note.tt The concept of the tonicus may be connected with that of melodic omamentation
and the note form called tocus refened to by other Spanish theorists and which will be

discussed later in this chapter.

The heading, already seen in Lux bella, "Reglas para ordenar la letra" occurs again in

the Comento. Durán refers back to the opening sentence of the conesponding chapter in

Lux bella by beginning with the words "Tenemos virgula etc." He then elaborates on the

virgula, the plíca, and the ligadura.ss These three items are discussed below.

Virgula. It is clea¡ from Durán's description that this term refers to the vertical lines
or "ba¡-lines" found frequently in many chant manuscripts and which a¡e used principally

to separate words or sections. He comments that virgulas do not touch notes and that they

are used with both the one-line staff and the five-line staff.sa (One-line st¿ff notation will
be discussed below.)

EliØ. From the brief definition ín Lw bella we a¡e able to gather two important
facts about the plica. Firstly, the plica is another type of line which is attached to a note. It

is therefore the stem of a note. Secondly, a note with two plícas should be held for the

duration of two compases. (In order to distinguish this usage of the term plica from that of

its better known usage as a full note form, the term is placed in italics here when used in

ttDurán,
Comento,fol. d'.
ttDurán,
Comento,fol. d", also fol. cü'
ttDurán,
Comcnto,fol. teal".
*Durán,
Comento,fol. te4l".
 61

the Spanish sense of the stem of a note or ligature.) The Come¿fo offers a substantial

amount of further information which is of considerable interest to the interpreter and

student of plainchant. Listed below are the fïrst points Durán makes about the plica.ss

I. Plica, trato, cauda,andvirgula pendens are synonyrnns.

2. The plica may ascend or descend.

3. The plica adorns a note. Durán evidently means that aplica has no other function

or meaning.

4. In the pastplicas were only placed on notes above accented vowels.

en tiempo antiguo no se ponian estas plicas saluo al_punto que estaua sobre la
vocal en que se fazia el acenûo, nas ya no se guarda.'u

The modern reader interested in notation inevitably wishes Durán had explained the last

point further. He appears to be describing the long as opposed to the stemless breve,

saying that the long was only used with accented text syllables. In his previous points,

Durán had only mentioned the plica as being attached to "un punto" leaving doubtful the

issue of the stem of a ligature. On the other hand, Durán talks of the individtal puntos of

ligatures and may well have seen no ambiguity in referring to "un punto" which could be

either part of a ligature or an isolated note.sT It is interesting to observe that he attributes

no special meaning to an isolated note with a single stem as opposed to one without it, and

his discussion certainly leaves open the possibility of both stemmed and stemless isolated

notes.58 V/hen the fourth point is understood as referring to isolated single stemmed notes,

knowledge of mensural not¿tion suggests that Du¡án is speaking of the limitation of the use

of notes of long duration Qongs) to accented syllables in the context of plainchant during a

prior period.

ttDurán,
C omcnto,fol. te/l'.
tDurán,Comento,fol.[e,4]'.
InhisglossaryoftermsusedbyDurán,JoséSubiráincludes'tomposición
antigua" defining it as "Aquella de Boecio y de sus tratadistas contemporáneos." (Subi¡á, Los tres tratados,
53). Durán himself defines "composicion antigua" in this way: "Com¡rosicion antigua es la musica del boecio
y de sus contemporaneos y antecessores" (Comcnþ, foL Þ51). Durán did however make reference to later
theorists including those from the 13th and 14th centuries such as Franco of Cologne and Ma¡chetto da
Padova, and it may be that he was referring in the discussion of lhe plica to such a more recent period.
(Durán gives a list of theorists in the Comento,fol. [eS]"and refers to various ones throughout the feadse).
tDurán,
Comento,fol. [e5]'; Lux bella,fol. ta5I.
$The
intonarium of the Lr¡ bella contans no examples of isolated notes rilith a single stem.
 62

Following the fourth point, Durán begins a ne\4/ item in which he elaborates on the
punto con dos plicas (note with two stems). The punto con dos plicas was introduced also

tn Lux bella wherc its meaning of a note held for the duration of two compases was given.

Although not illustrated, one might expect the phrase punto con dos plicas to refer to the

signs which may be found in sources of the era.se The discussion may be summarized
ltlll
in the following points:

l. Each plicø represents the value of one compas, therefore two plicas represent the

value of two compases. (Each plíca of. the punto con dos plicas is seen as denoting one

point; the note with two stems is therefore like two notes joined together.)

2. The plicas point upwards when the melody is rising and downwards when the
melody is falling. They may point in either direction when the melody is at the unison.

3. A tongue-like (lengucta) sign in the middle of the punto con dos plicas, he seems

to think of as an indicator of the two notes represented by the two plícas. This description

probably refers to the rign which is found in the intonarium of the Ltn bellaand sources
|!l

of the era.to Durán makes no mention of a form of the sign without the tongue.

4. The tefinpunto cargado is then infoduced as a name for the punto con dos plicas.

It may be asked whether this name refers specifically to the sign with the tongue. The use
of the term is explained as follows:

llamanle punto cargado porque tanto ta¡damos en el como en dos puntos que
son dos compases de los quales el segundo no hemos de pronuncia¡ con la
spressiva yendo cantando saluo ;ontarlo en el compas.o'

5. The second half of the above quotation refers back to the point made in the Lux

bella that the two parts of the punto con dos plicas are to be held without separation, with

the added proviso that the compas continues to be counted.

sExamples
occur in the lsth-century Zamoran Ritualand in many of the fragments employing
square notation in the AHPZa collection.
6hor
example, Durán, Lux bella, fol. b', second staff, and fol. biü', fi¡st staff. The protruding short
lines at the top comers of the sign are commonly found in the examples of the treatises discussed in this
chapter. This sign (not always with proEuding shmt lines) is found in some of the Zamoran sources of square
notation including the l5th-century section of the Misal votivo as well as fragments Z 148 and,Z2û.
otDurán,
C omcnto,fol. te,4l'.
 63

The most problematic issue raised in the five points above is the question of the

shape of the punto con dos plicas. The initial impression a modern reader receives from

the description of a note with two stems is of the form however it may have been that
fl,

Du¡án was more accustomed to the form with the tongue

ll -U would have associated the

latter with such a description. We a¡e left with the question: does the plain form without

the tongue have the same significance as that with the tongue? Without further evidence it
wilt be hlpothesized ttrat the two do have the same significance, and therefore the tongueless

form should be viewed as being sung with the duration of two single notes just as the form

with tongue.

Lígadura. This term refers to the joining of one note to another so that puntos
lígados are sung to only one syllable. The information given concerning text placement

and liganues was of importance for a singer's or a scribe's understanding but need not be

described furttrer here.62

Still under the heading of "Reglas para ordenar la letra", Durán finishes by describing
the varied durational values which were formerly given to different figures. The first note

of the alpha took the value of one and a half compas¿s while the second took half a

compas. The square note had the value of one compas and was therefore unchanged in

Durán's time. The former value of lozenge-shaped notes, two per compas, had been

mentioned ea¡lier in the freatise (see above) but is now reiterated. Durán closes the chapter

with his favoured device of introducing a Latin phrase which one assumes is to give more
authority to his text.

Item en las alphas se tenia este modo al cantar, que en el primer punto fazian
compas y medio, e en eI segundo [punto fazian] otro medio lcompas] que eran
dos compasses e a vn punto quadrado dauan vn compas. E dos puntos
semitonados, o -qemibreues passauan en otro compas. Sed iam recessit ab vsu
hec consuetudo63

o'Durán,
Comento,fol. [e4]'- [e5]'.
*Durán,
Comento, fol. [e5]'. The inærpreAdon of this quotation offered here differs from that given
by Mary Duncan who appears to have understood it as referring to curent practice rather than former
pnactice. See Mary Elizabeth Duncan, "A Sixt€enth{entury Mexican Chant Book Pedro Ocharte's Psalterium,
an[t]iphonarium sanctorale cum psalmis & hymnif' @h.D. diss., University of V/ashington, L975),7I-72.
 64

The final topic from Durán's work which needs to be discussed here is one-line

notation. Notational figures belonging to this type of notation a¡e lisæd as well as illustr¿ted

in the Comento. The names of figures reflect the fact that the fundamental shapes of the
one-line notation illustrated a¡e also those of notation on a five-line staff. Found in the

one-line notation are squares, oblique descending beams, and lozenge-like shapes. The

illustrations are not labelled, and the names of the figures are not explained nor are they

accurately identifiable with the illustrations. The names appeff to apply to figures which

are able to either stand alone as complete note forms or as parts of larger neumes. Some

are recognizable and understandable from Durán's use of them elsewhere; these arepuntos

perfectos o quadrados (the square punctunt), puntos semitonados o triangulares (the

lozenge-shaped and triangular notes), andpuntos traçtraua, o ligados (ligatures). The term

alphas dobles probably refers to the signs which resemble the porrectus of square not¿tion.

This seems to be represented in the illusnation by the shape fì\ . A similar sign in the
context of five-line notation with the same name was illusfiated inLux bella.e The phrase

puntos doblados, o detenidos, o cargados sobíentes y decendientes brings to mind the

punto cargado of five-line notation (a note with two ascending or descending stems). On

the other hand, as has already been mentioned, punto doblado is elsewhere found with the

same meaning as alpha doble. Furthermore, a sign in one-line notation like a porrectus

occnrs illustrated with the name punto doblado in a later treatise to be discussed below.

The most obscure of the names is puntos cabeçudos y rabudos. The term punto cabeçudo

occurs also in a later treatise by Gonzalo Ma¡tínez de Bizcargui (discussed below) as a

figure of one-line notation. There it refers to a sign like the virga of Aquitanian notation.
The word rabud"o means a long tail which is characteristic of the sign shown in Durán's

illustration which resembles an epiphon¡rs with its small lozenge and which has the form
I
-rl .ut It is however impossible to determine finally which signs Durán may have
g
associated with these two names.

At the beginning of the list of figures used in one-line notation is the phrase mis y fas
señalados. Is this a reference to a differentiation in note shape for semitones, or did he

asee page
58.
6The
i[ustrations and the names are given in Durán, Comcnto,fol. c'.
 65

mean that mí and fa (and therefore the placing of semitones) are indicated through the use

of sharp and flat signs? The latter possibility seems the most likely. This is because later
in his discussion of mode recognition in one-line notation he said "ftem mis y fas tenemos
por claues", and more explicitly, that F, C and G clefs are used for five-line notation just as

the mis andfas are the clefs of one-line notation.66 The signs for b quadrado and b lb moll
which indicate rni and/ø respectively are called claves speciales.6T The claves speciales

are illustratedin Lux bella and Comento with the usual signs (there are two forms for each):

X b
rb 68

Durán also gave instructions in Lw bella and Comento for the recognition of the

modes of chants when written in one-line notation. These are similar to those found in

other Spanish treatises such as those of Fernand Estevan and Cristóbal de Escoba¡.6e The

fundamental rule is that for authentic modes the line takes the pitch of the third above the

final, and that for plagal modes the line takes the pitch of the final. Durán gave a detailed

discussion of the topic including placement of semitones. He points out that in mode four

the line can be on either F or E but says that F is used "algunas vezes" thus suggesting the

F as being more usual.To

Bartolomé Molina

Molina was a member of the Franciscan order and like Durán was associated with

the west of Spain. His treatise Arte de canto llano llamado Lux videntis was intended for

instruction in the diocese of Lugo.Tr It was prinæd in Valladolid in 1504.72

-Durán, Comento,fol. c" - cii'.

tDurán,
C omento,fol. [b5]'.
*Durán,
Lnx bella, fol. [a3] "; C omento, fol. ta5l".
tEstevan,
fol. 16. For Escobar, see the edition of his treatise in Alonso, Cuatro tratados, 1(É167.
toDurán,
Comento, fols. c'-ciiü'. Gümpel ('Zur Frühgeschichte", 274)has drawn attention to the
point made by Estevan that in mode four the note F is placed on the line "por uso" but E is used "¡)or afte".
For a summary of the theorists' writing on mode recognition in one-line notation see M." Pilar Sauco
Escudero in Serr¿no Velasco eJ al., Estudios sobre los rcórtcos españoles de canto gregoriano de los siglos
W al XWII (lvfad¡id: Sociedad Española de Musicología, 1980), 106-10.
tt
Stevenson, Spani s h M usic, 87-88.

"I,,e6n 1 ello, E studios, 439.

 66

The treatise was written with much attention to minutiae and made good use of

examples to illustrate the instructions. The use of a four-line staff, both in the tonary
included with the treatise and in some examples accompanying the text, differentiates

Molina's treatise from those of Durán.

Like Durán, Molina discussed the plica, the virgula and the ligadura.Tt His approach
was however a different one. In relation to the plica (stem) he did not mention durational

value, instead concentrating on the correct placing of stems on ligatures. His examples

show correct placement on falling and rising binary ligatures and on an alpha.Ta His

placement of stems follows the usual well known practices of square chant notation such as

the use of a descending stem on the far left of aclivis þ Uo, on the far right of upr, {.
(In another example the alternatle pes form is used in which the upper note is set directly

above the lower one.)75

The instn¡ctions for the use of the virgula are more precise than those so fa¡ discussed.

There are two types. The first consists of double lines the full height of the staff and has

ttvo uses, being placed either at the end of a chant, or after the first word or expression at

the beginning of a gradual, an alleluia or an offertory indicating the point of entry of the

choir following the soloist (cantor). The second type of virgula is the single line which

only covers two or three lines of the staff and occurs after each dicion. Molina's meaning

is slightly ambiguous here as the word dicion can mean either a word or a phrase; nevertheless,

the short example shows avirgula after each word, two of which are monosyllables.T6

The definition of the ligadura given by Molina "un ayuntamiento de dos o tres o mas

puntos" is amplified by examples, one of which is a. tristropha and another a clímacus. It is

therefore evident that a ligadura was not only a group of notes attached to one another as

73On
similarities between Lux beltaand Lwvidentis, see also León Tello, Estudios,438-39. The
passage on plica, vlrgula, and.ligødura is quoted in Duncan, "Mexican Chant Book" ,73-74.
TaBartolomé
Molna,Arte de canto llano llamado Ltavidentis,Viejos Libros de Música 9 (Ìvladrid:
Joyas Bibliográficas, L977), fol. [a6]'(facsimile edition). Illustrations and quotations from the treatise are
given in Serrano Velasco etal., Estudios,235-36.
ttMolina,
Lux videntis,fol. [a6]'.
tlvfolina Lw videntis,fol.
[a6]'.
 67

Durán indicated, but also an unattached group; both types being sung to only one syllable.TT

Relevant to the topic of note forms and their names is the observation that Molina used the
78
term triangulares for the lozenges.

Molina introduces a unique term for the note form with two descending stems and a

tongue-like sign which is illustrated in the treatise with the form

|l1. He calls it punto

silabico and states that it has a longer duration than any other note without giving a precise

length. "El punto silabico . . . es mayor in cantidad que ninguno de los otros puntos."Te

The form without tongue but with ascending st€ms is also found in the treatise.so

On the toníco, Molina says: "El tonico es suspensivo que se retiene o engrandesce a

si mesmo e quiø a su compañero aquello que demas tomo para si".tl This description
seems to indicate two notes, the one longer than the other, and recalls the obsolete inærpretation

of the alpha given by Durán which would in modern notation be transcribed as a dotted
crotchet followed by a quaver. Molina gives three illustrations, which perhaps illustrate the

different ligatures in which this interpretation should take place: Ñf\lHF.82 The first

two share the movement of the tonicus or tonico described by Durrin as they appear to fall

by a step and then return to the original tone. Molina's avoidance of clearly determined
durational values for the punto silabico and the tonico is not characteristic of the "equalist"

group of theorists with which he has been grouped here. His subject matter and avoidance

of mensural terms however has caused his classification with the group rather than with the

"non-e4ualists".

'Molina, Lux videntis,fol. [a6]'.

ttMolina,
Lnx vid,entis,fol. [a6]".
tMolina Lux videntis,fol.
[a6]'.
æMohna,
Ltn videntis,fol. Ml'.
ttMolina,
Lux videntis,fol. [a6]'.
tMolina,
Lux videntis,fol. [a6]".
 68

Alonso Spañon

Little is known about the life of Sparlon but Stevenson has proposed that he "enjoyed

some dignity in Cordova cathedral".t3 The Introducción muy útil e breve de canto llano

of Sparlon cannot be dated precisely but is thought to have been printed in 1504 in Sevilla.sa
The treatise illustrates note forms used in plainchant notation with their narnes, but does not

explain their interpretation.ss Sparlon also mentions briefly the direct and the virgula but

adds no new information to that alrcady known from Durán.ffi The note forms are given as

follows:
qwdrado r tonito lo
alplado \ unisonantes lrr
intenso \ tigados t
remiso F duples rl

Five terms in the above list require discussion: these arc intenso, remiso, tonito,

dup les, and unisonantes.

Intenso and remiso are teüns which have not yet been encountered in this chapter.

No explanation was given of the tenns or the meaning of the note forms by Spañon and so

their usage elsewhere must be examined. The terms, intenso andremíso, are derived from

Latin words with the meanings of rising and falling, or tension and relaxation. The Latin

terms, in the sense of ascent and descent, may be found in the Practica musicae of Franchinus

Gaffurius, especially during discussions concerning mut¿tion in Book One and consonance

in counterpoint in Book Three.8? Durári us..d,remiso andintenso in the context of discussions

concerning modes, claves speciales, and semitones.tt In the discussion of claves speciales

(square b and soft b), Durán says that with the square b "hemos de dezir mi, o faz,et el

punto intenso rezio" and that with the round b "hemos de dezir fa, o fazer el punto remisso

tstevenson,
Spanish Music, 85.
*Carlos
Romero de læcea in Fernández de la Cuesta, Los tratados,73.
ttAlfonso
Spañon, Introduccion de canto lløno, Yiejos Libros de Música 7 (Madrid: Joyas
Bibliográfrcas, L976), fol. a" (facsimile edition).
t6spafion,
/ntro duccion,fol. a'.
tsee for example fols. avii'and ddii' in Practica Musice Franchini
Gafori Laudensis (New York:
Broude Bros., 1979); TML files GAFPMT andGAFPM3.
sFor
example, Durán, Conunto,fols. bü and [d8]'.
 69

lasso y muy blando."se In later Spanish treatises, the terms appear with respectto clausulas.

Luis de Villafranca (Breve instucción del Canto llano, 1565) explains that intenso refers to

the rise of a tone or the fall of a semitone and remiso to the rise of a semitone and the fall

of a tone. Two later theorists, Monserrate and Roxas y Montes, as well as the anonymous

author of the Rítual Carmelítano, all refer to th¡ee-note clausulas which always move in the

same rising and falling patterns by either a whole tone or a semitone, such as f-e-f (intensa)
and e-f-e (remísa). In the manner of Villafranca, both Roxas y Montes (Prompttnrío
armónico y conferencias teóricas y prúcticas de Canto llano,1760) and the anonymous

Rítual Carmelitano (1789) used the terms intensa and remisa in reference to classifications

of. clausula.s, with the exception that the falling remisa \ilas not mentioned.e0 However, it
is in the 1555 Declaración by Juan Bermudo that the most helpful information regarding

the intenso and remiso is found. Bermudo gave both discussion and illustration of the

signs. His illustrations are similar to those found in Spañon's Introducción. There we
learn that the intenso signifies the raising of the given pitch by a semitone and the remiso

signifies the lowering of the pitch by a semitone. Given the similarity of the illustrations,

this meaning seems most likely to have been that understood by Spañon.

The tonito has the same form as the third of the illustrations of the tonico in the

treatise by Molina. Given the similarity of the two terms, tonico and tonito, as well as the

coincidence of the illustrated form, one is inclined to hypothesize that the two terms refer

to the same concept. However, with the evidence of Spañon's illustration, it must be asked

whether in fact he might have intended to indicate the lozenge by the termtonito. Such a

supposition is give some support by the fact that Durán had referred to the tonico or tonicus

(he used both these forms of the word) in association with the semítonado or lozenge. The

presence of the stemmed square note to the left of the lozenge in the example in Sparion's

treatise does not necessarily overthrow this argument as it may have been included because

lozenges werc not used in isolation in chant notation.

tDurán,
Comen o,fol. [b5]".
\itlatanca Monserrate, and Roxas y Monæs are discussed and quoted by M."Pilar Sauco Escudero
in Serr¿no Velasco etal., Estudios,l20. For Roxas y Montes see León Tello, La teorla,SOl. For the Ritual
Carmelitano see Gtimpel, "Gregorian Chant", 2I n.40.
 70

The illusnation of the duples is puzzling, as a simila¡ sign appears in the musical

examples of the treatise but with a descending stem on the right side of the second square

note. One must ask whether there was any difference in meaning between the two signs,
and if so, why did he not show the stemmed form in the list of illustrations? Concerning

the duples, Spañon only says that this is the exception to the rule that isolated puntos

always receive the text. By this statement he is likely to refer to the second of the puntos of.

the sign, the fîrst receiving the text syllable as does the beginning of a ligature.er Pedro

Cerone in his El melopeo of 1613 illustr¿tes two types of. dobtado, II and Il, for which

he gives different meanings in the context of plainchant performed with varying durations;

the first form to be performed as if the text syllable was repeated under each note, the

second form apparently without that repetition but the sound held for the duration of two

compases.'2 As the interpretation of the second of Cerone's signs is closer to that of

Spañon's, the hypothesis that there was no difference in the two signs given in the latter's

teatise gains some strength although remaining in question. In addition, one needs to ask
in what way the performance of the duples would differ from that of the unísonantes. As

the unisonantes are not specified in the discussion of text placement, perhaps it should be

assumed he is there illustrating no more than the fact that unison refers to notes repeated at

the same pitch.

Gonzalo Martínez de Bizcargui

Arte de canto llano e contrapunto e canto de órgano con proporcíones e modos by

Bizcargui was published fi¡st in 1508 inZangoza.e3 It presented some controversial ideas,

particularly concerning semitone theory, which caused his name to be spoken of with

derision by contemporaries and later writers.q Nevertheless, the work was very popular

ttSpañon,
Introduccion, fol. a'.
nCerone,
Melopeo,378.
t'The 1511 edition is published in facsimile as Gonzalo lvlartínez de Bizcargui,Arte de canto llano
y contrapunto y canto de órgano con proporciones y modos, Viejos Libros de Música I (lvladrid: Joyas
Bibliográficas,1976).
eln particular, Bizcargui was attacked by the Spanish music theorist Juan de Espinosa in a 1514
publication (Stevenson, Spanish Music,92; Carlos Romero de Lecea in Alonso, Cuatro lratados,l9l). Karol
Berger includes Bizcargui in his study of musica ficta, Musica Ficta: Theories of Accidental Inflections in
 7l
and was reprinted numerous times in Zangoza and Burgos until 1550.es The various

editions have been divided into two $oups by Albert Seay, those of the second group being

substantially enlarged from the earlier versions and fï¡st appearing in 1515.tr Stevenson
has named the Arte de canto llano "¡he most successful plainsong instructor published in

sixæenth-century Spain".e7 In the Cathed¡al of Burgos, Bizcargui held the post of maestro

de capilla and is known to have died shortly after the year 1538.e8 Two bishops of Burgos

were the dedicatees of the üeatise.ee The theorist Guillermo de Podio was frequently cited

by Bizcargui, but in addition, there are some close resemblances to work of Durán in
Bizcargui's treatise.

Bizcargui's brief comments on the figures of plainchant notation written on a fîve-line

staff are familia¡. A striking resemblance to Durán's Lux bella occws in his descriptions of

the virgula, the plica, and to a lesser extent the lígadura. The similarity to Lux bellais so

great that one must surmise that Bizcargui either quoted Durán or that both authors followed

the same as yet unidentified source. On duration of the notes of plainchant, Bizcargui

gives only the dictum "punto con dos plicas vale dos compasses".rm In his separately

printed tonary, thepunto con dos plícas may be found with the simple form f!.tot

Of particular interest are Bizca¡gui's discussions of chant written on a single line.

His contribution on this topic is an unusual and valuable feature of the treatise and goes

beyond the guidelines given for reading one-line notation with regard to mode and semitone

placement which were common in Spanish treatises. Of the other theorists, only Durán

Vocal Poyphony from Marchelto da Padova to Gioseffo 7¿rlino (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
1987).

'1æón Tello, Estudios, 361 .

*Albert Seay, ed., Arte de canto
lløno, by Gonçalo Martinez de Biscargui (Colorado Springs:
Colorado College Music Press, L979),i.
tsteuenson,
Spanish Music, 88.
sFrancisco
José Iæón Tello, "lvla¡tín ez de Bizrargui, Gonzalo", NG ll: 722.
*Seay,
ed.,Arte de canto llano,i.
tbizcargui, Arte
de canto llano,151l, fol. [b6]"; 1528 edition: Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional R 9405,
fol. dä'. The 1528 edition of the Arte de canto llano is refened ûo here as it was available ûo the writer for
close study. A brief examination of the 1515 edition in Oxford @odleian, Tenbury e. 15) suggests that there
are only very minor differences between it and the 1528 edition. This conclusion is supported by Albert
Seay's observations on the editions and revisions (Seay, ed., Arte de canto llano, i).
tolGonzalo
Ma¡lnez de Bizcargui,lntonaciones nuevantcnte corregidas según uso de los modernos
que hoy cøntan y entonan en la lglesia Romana, Viejos Libros de Música 15 (lvfadrid: Joyas Bibliográficas,
1980) fols. aiiü', [a5]', etc.
 72

apPears to have attempted the study of the note forms used in this style of notation but does

not approach the detail and clarity of Bizcargui on this topic. In the 1528 edition of his

treatise, Bizcargui expands his ea¡lier work on the use of one-line notation, saying for

example, that once it has been studied by a singer that person can then easily use five-line

notation but not vice versa. One-line notation was more difficult to lea¡n to read than

five-line notation. Moreover, books using one-line notation continued to be found throughout

Spain, those with five-lines found only "en las yglesias cathedrales y en algunas colegiales,

y por ma¡auilla en algunas parrochiales".r@ The poverty of churches, "specialmente en este

obispado de Burgos", prevented them from replacing old books in one-line notation with

ne\il ones in five-line notation.r03

In both the 1511 and 1528 editions Bizcargui gives instructions for the understanding

of the mode of chants written in one-line notation. Each mode could be identified by the
placing of the final and signs which indicated the lower noæ of semitones and the solmization

sytlable fo.'* These signs will be discussed further below. Escobar (I490t1491) had

previously mentioned puntos fas and the semitone among the means of recognizing the

mode of chants written on the one-line staff.105

In 1528 Bizcargui added two further points of instruction for one-line notation. The
first concerns changing between authentic (maesto) and plagal (discipulo) modes. To do

this a direct was needed because each has its own relationship with the staff line. Bizcargui

gives an example to illusfiate this practice involving two directs.r6 The second point is on

the recognition of eight types of seculorwn for antiphons when written on one-line notation.

For these Bizcargui gives rules concerning melodic motion, fÏnal notes, and note forms. In

the last category he says that the second seculorun may be differentiated from the sixth

because the second has a "punto con rasgo que se dize tono simple".rffi T}¡te tono simple

t@Bizcargui,
Arte de canto llano,1528, fol. düi'.
t6Bizcargui,
Arte de canto llano,1528, fol. düi'. Robert Stevenson has d¡awn attention to Bizcargui's
discussion of notation on a one-line staff and gave a summary in English of the chapter in which the value of
its study and its use in bools all over Spain is described (Stevenson, Spanish Music, 89-90).
rsBizcargui,
Arte de canto llano,l511, fol. ta5l'-ta6f; 1528, fol. [a7]'- [a8]'.
'osAlonso, C uatro lralados, 167 .
rtJizcargui, Arte
de canto llano,1528, fol. düi'. Here the direct has the same effect as a change of
clef in other types of notation.
løBizcargui,
Arte de canto llano,1528, fol. düi".
 73

was illusEated ea¡lier in the üeatise and is shown in Table 1 below. This usage of the note

form correlates with thepunto con dos plicas commonly observed in the seculorurn formulas

of Spanish renaissance manuscripts in five-line notation.

In both the editions studied, the note forms used in notation on one line are presented.

There a¡e however two different classifications, a fact to which Bizcargui himself refers in

the later edition saying that the new method was more readily understood.rOs The 1511

treatise presents three classes - percutiens, percussutn, and mediutn percutiendi - while the

1528 version presents simila¡ groupings of note forms but with two classes according to

whether or not the note forms receive leffa'text' and a further two unclassified signs.r0e

All but one of the note forms are named in both editions, the exception occurring in the
1528 edition as one of the unclassified signs. The names vary only in spelling and in Table

1 below that of 1528 has been used. The note forms are as shown in Table 1.

The first four note forms a¡e all given the term tonoby Bizcargui.ll0 These are signs

which may stand in isolation over a syllable as he indicates through his description of them

as having the letra. It may be proposed that these signs are the equivalents of the earlier

Aquitanian punctun (l), epiphonus (2), clivis or climacus (3), and cephalicus (4).ttt

Signs five to eight are all termed punto. These, it seems from the description, were

signs which occurred only after another note that had already taken the beginning of the

text syllable and therefore in neumes of more than one note or in melismas. Relating these

to the earlier notation presents difficulties but comparison with later forms of Aquitanian

notation gives cla¡ification. The sixth resembles the porrectus praepunctis, and the eighth

may be derived from a clivis form also found as part of a, torcuhts.tt2 Study of late

Aquitanian not¿tion in the Zamotan sources confirms that the sixth sign is a potectus in

the form which it takes when in composition rather than isolated.rr3 This sign, called punto

r6Bizcargui,
Arte de canto llano,1528, fol. d.
t@Bizcargui,
Arte de canto llano,l5l l, fol. [MI; 1528, fol. d.
t"Tono
simple, tono general, and tono compueslo are terms which were also used by Durán. He
employed them in discussions of intervals and modes (Dvân,Lux bella,fol. {.
tttA
comprehensive table of AquiÍrnian neumes ftrom the 1lth+entury Pa 903 is given in Patéographie
musicale,vol.13,Le codex903 de la Bibliothèque Nationale de Paris (XIe siècle): Graduel de Saint-Yrieix
(1925i reprint" Beme: Herbert Lang,l97l),lf-59 (hereafter ciæd as PM l3).

"'PM l3z 154-55.

ttl,aþ forms of Aquitanian notation as they occur in the Zamoran sources are studied in Chapter 4.
 74

doblado, sha¡es its name with the note form used on the five-line staff also known as alpha

duplex or alphn doble (the equivalent of a, porrectus) and which it also resembles in
shape.tta The seventh term, punto subjetado, may in fact refer to the lozenges of the

illustrated sign, a conclusion suggested by the use of the same term in the treatise by

Aguilar to be discussed below. The entire form of the sign is suggestive of a climacus
which is preceded by at least one note below its uppermost pitch and over the same

syllable. It is the topmost lozenge with its tail descending on the left which suggests this
likelihood, as it is simila¡ to the Aquitanian virga often found in the topmost position in

rising Aquitanian neumes. The eighth sign, punto compressa, is like that commonly found

as part of a torcul¿a form in late Aquitanian notation.lrs The ninth sign, punto cabeçudo,

takes the late form of the Aquitanian virga. The tenth is likely to be the equivalent of the

bistropha and is the same as a version of the sign used in contemporary and earlier square

plainchant notation.

Not yet discussed is the fifth sign, the punto de semítono. The form is an unusual

one with no immediately apparent precedent in earlier Aquitanian notation. Wider comparison
suggests that the sign is in fact part of the quilismd group and it will be discussed in further

detail in Chapter 4. TIre punto de semitono was used to indicate the lower note of a
semitone, a fact which may be deduced from Bizca¡gui's discussion. In the rules for the

eight modes in one-line notation, the positions of thepuntos de semitono are given.lr6 The

punto cabeçudo may have been associated with the indication of the solmization syllable/ø

and may be another name for the nota de fa of which Bizcargui spoke. This however is

unclear.llT

ttaSee
page 58.
ttTorms
of. the torcul¿sare discussed in Chapter 4.
ttbizcargui, Arte
de canto llano,1528, fols. [a7]"-[a8]'.
tttOn
the punto cabeçudo and its role in relation to conjuncta, see Bizcargui, Arte de canto llano,
1511, fol. biiu* and 1528, fol. [c5]. '
 75

Table 1: Note Forms of One-line Notation as Given by Bizcargui

1511 t528
pl,ll,uligns se mete letra

l. tono propío a I
2. tono símple
tl /
3. tono compu¿sto
I II
4. tono general
{ì ô

5.

6.
punto de semitono

punto doblado
ì f
7. punto subjetado

8. punto compressa
þ

9. punto cabeçudo

10. medium oercutíens

'J '1 '1 '1 I

Gaspar de Aguilar

Another treatise on plainchant is the Arte de principios de canto llano by Gaspar de

Aguilar, published c. 1530 and probably in Toledo.ll8 Included in this work is a section on

tttarbs Romero de Lecea in Miguel Alonso, Cuatro tratados,2}3-7.

 76

notation in the tradition of Durán but offering some different information. As will be

shown below there are some notable similarities between the work of Aguilar and Durán,

and it may also be said that Aguilar's prose is clea¡er to understand than Durán's. On the
other hand, it is Franchinus Gaffurius who is acknowledged by Aguilar at the end of his
introductory sentence in the chapter on notation. The acknowledgement is by means of

Gaffurius' first name, his full name having been given in the form of Franquino Gafori
previously in the teatise.rre

Pa¡a meter la letra se requiere tener conoscimiento de siete cosas, conuiene a

saber, de punto simple y ligado, y-^subjetado, y virgula y plica, y de vocal
simple et dicthongada. Fra[n] ino.'-

In particular, Aguilar follows Gaffurius in the employment of three categories of notes for

which he gives explanations and examples. The names of the categories and the illusnations

from Aguilar's treatise a¡e shown below.

l. punto simple ( a square, unligated note) I

2. punto ligado (a note ligated to another with rwo varieties)

i. ligadura rrrto J1 ls

ä. ligadura obtica l\
3. punto subjetada r- (may not be used singly).r2l

Gaffurius' three categories of notes as given in the Practica Musicae (Milan, 1496)
arc simplex, composita, andmedíocris.rn These correspond respectively to the first, second,

and third categories of Aguilar. Aguilar imitates Gaffurius in his descriptions of the note

forms although without 1þs dstail of the earlier writer. For example, concerningthe punto

subjetado, Aguilar says "paresce en algo al oblico . . . y no puede venir vno solo" while

tt'Gaspar
de Aguilar, Arte de principios de canto llano, Viejos Libros de Música 11 (lvfadrid: Joyas
Bibliog;ráficas,1977), fol. b iüi' (facsimile edition).
t2oAguilar,
Arte de princdpros, fol. I b7]'.
tttAguilar,
Arte de princip¡os, fol. [b7].

'22Prøctica Musice Franchini Gøfori, fol. aiii"; TML file GAFPMI. English Eanslation by hwin
Young, The Practica musicae of Franchinus Gafurius (Madison: University of \Misconsin Press, 1969),
18-19.
 77

Gaffurius had similarly stated "in sui simplicitate obliquo corpori certa similitudine
comparatur neque sola describitru".r23

The ligadura oblica is that form which was termed alpha in other treatises. The

punto subietado or lozenge-shaped note was termed semitonado, tríangular, and possibly

tonito in treatises discussed already; Bizcargui also had used the term punto subjetado

evidently with the same meaning although in the context of one-line notation.

Aguilar's discussions of plica andvirgula a¡e like those of Durán rather than Gaffurius.

Gaffurius details correct stem placements for ligatures, but using the term virgula to mean

stem instead of plica.ru For Aguilar, like Durán, the plica signifies a stem attached to a
note; in fact, the definitions of the two writers are almost identical suggesting that Aguilar

may have borrowed his from Durán or that both may have followed an earlier work.

Aguilar also (again like Durán) explains the duration of a note (punto simple) with two

stems as being two compas¿J as well as the rules for positioning the stems upwards or

downwards according to the rise or fall of a melody. Significantly the note with two stems

is illustrated in Aguilar's treatise where it appears in the simple form without a tongue-like

sign ff. Aguilar treated the virgula somewhat differently from Durán but with much the

same meanitrg.t'

By way of comparison with the Spanish writers already examined, the discussion of
plainchant notation by the Italian music theorist, Franchinus Gaffurius, is summarized

below. His highly influ¿ntial treatise Practica musicae was printed first in Milan in 1496.
It is therefore contemporary with the two teatises of Durán. Practica musicae is known to

have had wide ci¡culation beyond Italy. In addition to writing his varous treatises on

music, Gaffurius was music di¡ector at the Ambrosian cathedral in Milan, taught at the

University of Pavia, and composed. Book One of the Practica musica¿ is devoted to
plainchant.126

ræAguilar,
Arte de principios, fol. [Þ7]'. Practica Musice Franchini Gafori, fol. aiiii'; TML file
GAFPMl.
ruPractica
Musice Franchini Gafori,fols. aiü'-aiiü.'; TML file GAFPM1.
t'Aguilar, Arte de principios, fol. þ71'.
t\ oang, P rø c ti c a musicae, xv-xvü.
 78

From Gaffurius we learn that all notes are to be sung with equal duration, so that

each note had the value of one breve.127 He divides the notes of plainchant notation into

three categories as discussed above and describes the forms very clearly as to the manner in

which they were to be written including the placing of stems.r28 He mentions that the

simple square note is sometimes written with a stem on the right "in the manner of a
mensurable long".r2e The fact that he observes its likeness to a mensurable sign yet
emphasizes elsewhere in the chapter that all notes were performed with equal duration, and

given his clea¡ interest in accuracy and clarity of explanation, points to the possibitity that

Gaffurius saw these two ways of writing a single note of plainchant as interchangeable and

not indicating any durational differentiation. Gaffurius is very specific with regard to the

duration of the individual notes of ligatures. All such notes are to receive the same

duration as the normal plainchant note no matter what their form.rs With the termmediocris,

Gaffurius refers to the lozenge-shaped note which he says cannot be written on its own.

Although he calls it a semibreve, he explains that the lozenge-shaped note has the same

duration as other notes of plainchant. Furthermore, he observes that those singers who give

the lozenges a rendering of twice the usual speed act according to their own whims.l3r

In his discussion of ligatures, Gaffurius illusfrates the two forms of the pes
7 al ut
both correct and without offering any differentiation in meaning. Both styles a¡e able to be

used at the end of a ligature and receive the title of "perfection".r32 This is a detail not to be

found in the Spanish treatises. The two styles of. pes ar€ apparcntly interchangeable; again

it seems likely that Gaffurius' inclination to accuracy would have caused him to explain if
indeed the two forms required differing interpretations. Gaffurius accepts the isolated

falling trvo-note obtþe ligature but he does not permit it in a rising form nor its occurrence

at the end of ligatures.r33

rnYoung,
Practica musicae, 12, 19-20.
t8Y
otng, P ra c ti c a music ae, 18-20.
t\ anng, P rac tica musicae, 1 8- 19.
t3Young, Pra
ctica musicae,lg.
t"Young,
Practica musicae, L9-20.
'32Y oung, P rac tica musicae, 19.
t3Toung,
Pra ctica musicae,lg.
 79

Having insisted on the equal duration of the notes of plainchant, the final comment

made by Gaffurius in the chapter on notation relates to mensural performance of chant.

Some people sing certain types of chant with the differentiated durations of longs, breves,

and semibreves: "vt constat in Symbolo cardineo, et nonnullis prosis atque hymnis".

Furthermore, the mensural style of performance is used by the French for ornamentation.ls

A reference to a mensural Credo (Symbolwn was the term for Credo in the Ambrosian
tradition) is later made by Gioseffo Zarlino who calls itCredo Cardínalesco.t3s This Credo

has been equated with the modern Vatican Credo IV.136 The allusion made by Gaffurius to
the French performance style brings to mind the advice of Jerome of Moravia in chapter

twenty-five of his Tractatus de musica on the varied duration of notes used in the singing

of chant and suggests that Jerome's discussion reflecæd a regional practice.l37 A comparable

admission of different types of interpretation (equal duration and varied duration) suitable

for different types of chant does not occur amongst the work of the Spanish music theorists

until the mid 16th century.

2. "Non-equalists"
The treatises in this group all give note forms for use in chant notation otherwise

better known for their place in mensural notation. Two a¡e anonymous and of uncertain

dating.

tv
P rac ti ca music e, fol. aüif ; TML file GAFPM I; Young, P rac tica music ae, 20.
t'Aoung,
Practica musicae,20. Zaflino's rema¡k on this Credo and mensural performance reads:
"in plainson g . . .
a syllable is assigned to each square note, except sometimes for the middle notes of a
ligature, which are performed like minims and also like semiminims, as seen in many chants, especially in the
Credo in unum deum called the Cardinal CYedo." Gioseffo Zafltno,On the Modes, Pørt Four of Le Istittuioni
harmoniche,1558, Eans. Vered Cohen, ed. Claude V. Palisca (New llaven: Yale University Press, 1983), 98.
For some further discussion of Gaffurius' tneatment of the issues of du¡ation in chant and his ideas in relation
to the comments of a few of his contemporaries, see Clement A. Mller, "Gaffurius's Prøctica Musicøe:
Origrn and Contents", M usi ca D i sciplina 22 (1968): 1 I 1- 1 3.
t3%aflino,On
the Modes,ed. Palisca, gS n. 2.
t"Part
of chapter twenty-five of the Tractøtts de musica is translated into English in Carcl lvlacClintock,
Readings in the History of Music in Performance (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1979), 3-7.
 80

Anonymous. Barcetona, Biblioteca de Catalun ya, lvLs. 1327

This anonymous manuscript music Eeatise is written in Catalan. It has been dated

by Gümpel as "vielleicht noch vor Ende des 15. Jahrhunderts" and its provenance is a

Convent of Cla¡es in Valencia.r3s Gümpel has shown that it belongs to the tradition of
treatises based upon a probable archetypal compendium and which includes those of Estevan

and Durán. The note forms named, however, are not a usual part of this tradition.

Five note forms are given, the first three well known from mensural notation: "longua,

breu, semibt€u, vncus et tocus". The performance of the two unusual note forms , the uncus

and the tocus, is described. The description is ambiguous but appears to indicate that each

note form is to be sung with two pitches, the melodic motion rising in one and falling in the

other. The forms of the uncu"s and the tocus are similar to the punto con dos plícas but it is
notable that the note-heads are curved rather than square. The illustrations are written on a

four-line stave and are not labelled. The f,irst three signs can be identified easily as their
forms are well known and a¡e illustrated in the same order as they are named. It then

follows that the uncus and the focr¡s should similarly be illustrated in the order that they

a¡e named. This is not the case as is seen when the two treatises to be discussed next a¡e

examined. The illustration of each is as follows:r3e

llongual I lbreul ' lsemibreuf ü ¡uncusll

l.a ftocus'l

Guillermo de Podio
The second of the treatises belonging to this tradition is that of Guillermo de Podio.

Podio was also known as Despuig or de Puig, but very little information is available about

his life. He lived during the latter half of the 15th century and his major work, the Ars

musicorurn (written in Latin), was printed in Valencia in 1495.140 A shorter undated

t"Gümpel,'Zur
Frühgeschichte", 278.
t
" Gümpel,'Zur Frühgesc hichtl-, 323.
laþrancisco
José León Tello,'?odio [Puig], Guillermo de-,NG L5: I7. For fufher on his biography
see Stevenson, Spanish Musi c, 7 3-7 4.
 81

rnanuscript treatise In enchiridion is thought to have possibly been written for students in

Bologna.rar

Podio was frequently cited in music treatises of the 16th century and continued to

receive mention into the 18th century. Ramos de Pareja, despite his fame outside of Italy

and his radical ideas, had less influence on Spanish music theorists as is attested by the lack

of reference to his work.ra2 It would seem that the Spanish music theorists preferred
Podio's more consetvative approach based in Boethian and Guidonian methods. For example,

unlike Ramos, Podio accepted the old Guidonian system of solmization.la3 Albert Seay has

compared Podio to the more conservative It¿lian theorists such as Franchinus Gaffurius and

Nicolaus Burtius.r# Apparently well versed in humanism, he was concerned with the

importance of taking the text into consideration when writing new liturgical melodies

advising, for example, that the melody rise or falt if such is suggested by the text.ra5

Durán taught that all notes of plainchant should have equal duration. This idea was

however rejected by Podio as is seen in the following quotations referring to plainchant

from Book Five of the Ars musicorum, chapter thirty-six, entitled "De figurarum in cantu
plano pronunciatione et eius nominis causa."

veruntåmen non certo et determinato temporis spacio limiøtim vt in mensurabili

cantu, sicut ex huius nomine aperte colligitur, inde enim hic cantus ideo planus
dictus est.

Qua de re qui equali temporis spacio siue vniformitur predictas pronunciant

figuras contia oninem ratiônem ugrtr videntur.r6

From the first of the above quotations we learn not only that all notes are not to be of equal

duration, as is emphasized in the second, but also that the duration is not fixed. Podio

requires that notes in plainchant be of varying durations and he expected that the notation,

tntstevenson,
Spanish Music, 74. Fot an edition see Ka¡l-Werner Gümpel, "Das Enchiridion de
principiis musice discipline des Guillermus de Podio", Gesammelte Aufsritze zur Kuhurgeschichte Spaniens,
lst ser., 27 (L973)z 359-96.
'n'Podio's influence on Spanish writers as well as the innovations and influence of Ramos are
discussed in Robert Stevenson, "Spanish Musical Impact", 125-35. On Podio's influence and work, also,
Stevenson, Spani s h M usic, 7 3 -82.
laTrancisco
José León Tello, '?odio [Puig], Guillermo de-, L7.
t*Albert
Seay, ed., Guillermus de Podio,Ars musicorumLibriVl etVIil (Colorado Springs: Colorado
College Music hess, 1978), iü.
tteón T ello, E s t udio s, 4?A.
t*Guilermo de Podio, Ars musiconrn, Viejos Libros de Música 4 (lvladrid:
Joyas Bibliográficas,
1976), fol. XXXXVI' (facsimile edition).
 82

which he describes as using note forms such as the long, the breve and the alpha, would be

a guide to this.la7 These note forms however were not to be strictly measured as was the

case in mensural music, flexibility was essential. As León Tello comments, Podio held a

concept of duration in chant "opuesto al isosilabismo".r4s

In a short work written in Spanish on mensural noøtion and which is closely related

to the two last books of the Ars musicorum,Podio makes a brief mention of pausas or rests

in plainchant: "En canto llano, la dicha pausa no es determinada por alguna quantidad de

tiempo".rae This freedom in the duration of a pause reflects Pod.io's teaching of the need to

avoid fixed time values in the performance of plainchant. However, the indication of
pauses in plainchant is a subject not discussed by the theorists examined here. The ea¡liest

mention of pauses indicated in notation which it has been possible to find is that of Luis de

Villafranca in his Breve introducción d¿ Canto llano of 1565. He says thatvirgulas can be

used either to separate sections of a piece or to mark pauses.tso

Podio names eight types of note forms for use in plainchant: "maxima, longa, breuis,

semibreuis, alpha, tocus, vncus et fînis".lsl The fîrst four are the same figures which he

lists for mensural notation in chapær one of Book Seven.rs2 Five are listed in the anonymous

Catalan treatise already discussed. Just as lozenges are not to be written singly according

to other theorists, Podio says that a single semibreve may not occur alone.r53 The fnls is

the same as the mascima but lacks or almost entirely lacks a stem.rsa No illustrations are

given.

Like the punto con dos plícas described in other Spanish music treatises, Podio says

that the tocus and the uncus each have two stems, ascending in the case of the tocus and

descending in the case of the uncus. Podio uses the terms tractus and linea to refer to the

tnÞodio,
.Árs music or um,fol. XXXXV-XXXXVI'.
tteón T ello, E st udio s, 423.
laT{iginio
Anglés, "La notación musical española de la segunda mitåd del siglo XV", Anuario
Musical2 (1947): 170. The article contains a transcription and an inroduction to this short treatise by Podio.
t5buncan,
"Mexican Chant Book", 120.
rstPodio,
r4,rs musicorwn,fol. XXXX\I.
tt?odio,
Ars musicorum,fol. XXXXD('.
ttþodio,
Ars musicorum,fol. XXXXVI'.
tþodio,,4,rs
musicorum, fol. X)O(XV'. León Tello interprets Podio as meaning that the¡lnds has no
stem(Estudios,423).
 83

stems of note forms including the tocus and the uncus: "tocus et vncus propter eorum binos

tractus omni ca¡ent ligatura". He also gives the term plíca as a synonym of ffactus.Lss
From the descriptions it appears that the tocus and the uncus may both have had curved

heads perhaps like those shown in the anonymous Catalan treatise already discussed. The

tocus is described as a Greek pot or shell (grece teste) but also as having the body of a

brevis.rs6 The uncus, however, is a curved brevis, and Podio notes that "vncus enim

curuum significat".lsT The curved shapes differentiate the forms from the punto con dos

plicas but bring to mind the intenso and the remisso named by Bermudo and Spañon. On

the other hand, the very short stems of the latter two note forms distinguish them from the

tocus and the uncus. In the previous discussion of the anonymous Catalan treatise it was
observed that the order of illusnadons and the order of names of note forms suggested that

the uncus had ascending stems and the tocus descending stems; however, in Podio's heatise

it is clea¡ that in fact the reverse is true. The third treatise in this tradition also leaves no

doubt that it was the uncus which had descending stems, and the tocus which had ascending

stems. It will be assumed in this dissertation that this is the correct naming of the two

signs.

The interpretation of the tocus andthe uncus is not made expücit by Podio. However,

it appears that they are to be sung as two (or perhaps three) pitches with the pitch of the

body of the sign sung with full value while the sounds represented by the stems are sung

rapidly. T"he tocus probably moves upwards away from the pitch of the main body of the

note in the direction of its stems, while the uncus moves downwa¡ds also in the stem
direction. CIhe correlation of stem direction and melodic direction is made explicit in the

next treatise to be discussed.) Interestingly the two signs are associated with diphthongs by

Podio.rs8 V/ith the tocus and the uncus, Podio therefore appears to be following in the

nadition of liquescence in both the association with diphthongs and the singing of more
than one pitch for the single sign. He also notes that the tocus andthe uncus Qike the frnis)

ttþodio,
^Ars musicor um,fols. X)O(XV-X)OO(VI'.
ttÞodio,
Ars musicorum,fols. XXXX\Í-XXXXV".
t57Pod.io,
Ars mtßicorum,fol. XXXXY.
ttÞodio, Ars musicorum,
fols. XXXX\/. On rapid execution in the loc¡¿s and the ttnctts, see also
León Tello, ^Es tudios,
423.
 84

are now rarely observed.rse Podio thus shows his knowledge of earlier practices, while

acknowledging the contemporary lack of undersunding.

Anonymous.Arte de melodin sobre canto lano y canto d'orgøno

This anonymous manuscript treatise written in Spanish, like the anonymous Catalan

treatise discussed previously, is held in Ba¡celona.to It dates from the beginning of the

16th century and makes use of some Catalan expressions and makes occasional reference to

Toledo.r6r

Eight note forms are named as the principal ones used in plainchant; they are those

listed in the Ars musicorutn:"l;Nfâxima, longo, breue, semibreue, alfa, tocus, vncus, finalis."162

Each one is illustrated and its function explained. The link between the note forms and

long and short syllables is made clea¡, so we learn that both the mdxima and the longo arc

given to long syllables, while the breve is given to short syllables. TIte semibreve, alfa"

toctts, uncus, andftnalis a¡e discussed in other terms, without mention of association with

syllable types. It is noteworthy that two forms are given for the semibreve, the fîrst the

typically mensural form 11 and the second the lozenge. The term plicais used for the

stems of the tocus and the uncus, and as Podio had done, the body of the note is described

as a brevis or breve and the stem direction is specified. The illustration however does not

show the body of the notes as curved. Once again the stems of the tocus are said to ascend,

while those of the uncus descend. The motion of the voice indicated by the two signs is

described, that for the tocus is as follows: "senyal de repelar la vos aza nba y tornar al

mesmo puncto en lugar de melodía." The motion of the uncus takes the opposite direction,

moving down rather than up. From the descriptions we learn that the signs represent a

tsÞodio,.Ars
musicorum,fol. XXXX\Í; León Tello, Esrudios, 424.
t9larcelona,
Biblioteca de Catalunya,lvls. 1325. For an edition see Karl-Werner Gümpel, "El canto
melódico de Toledo: algunas reflexiones sobre su origen y estilo",Recerca Musicològica 8 (1988): 3845.
totcümpel,
"El canto melódico", 29.
to'Güap"l, "El
canto melódico", 39.
 85

three-note melodic figure in which the first and third pitches are the same. The anonymous

author adds that, in Toledo, the tocus and the uncus a¡e called estrunto.L6s

The description of the tocus as being used instead of. melodlarefers the reader to the
main topic of the treatise. The a¡t of.melodla meant the addition of ornament to plainchant

for the purpose of beautification. The practice has been examined by Gümpel and appears

to have been particularty associated wittr the church of Totedo.lø The treatise classifies

and describes different types of ornament giving their names and melodic examples. As an

orally transmitted art, the ornaments of melodla were not usually notated. The tocus and

the uncus therefore are exceptional note forms in their representation of an ornamental

melodic motion.

The reference to the use of the two signs insæad of. melodla allows a further hlpothesis

to be made as to their performance. From the description already quoted of the performance

of the tocu.s we know that a three-note melodic figure was indicated with the fi¡st and third

notes at the same pitch. As the examples of ornaments move always in conjunct motion, it
may be proposed that the motion of the tocus andthe uncus was also conjunct; an example

of the tocus would therefore be d-e-d and the uncus d-c-d. To this then may be added
Podio's mention of rapid execution. Again the examples of ornamentation in the Arte de

melodia a¡e of assistance. A graph-like representation of an ornament called ondn shows

two examples; in the first the rise in pitch occurs shortly after the beginning and in the
second shortly before the end. As Gümpel has pointed out, the onda "paeÀe ser ejecutado

tanto al principio como al final de la nota."r65 This type of quick motion either at the

beginning or at the end of a note may then have been the interpretation to which Podio was

referring.l66

to'Gümpel,'El
canto melódico", 39.
t*Gämpel,
"El canto melódico", 25-34.
totcümpel, "El
canto melódico", 35.
r%or the sake of comparison, one much later Heatise may be referred to in reference to ïhe tocus
and the uncus. Tlrc Fragmentos músicos (Barcelona, 1739) by Bernardo Comes y Puig names only the rncas
but describes stems which either ascend or descend. For Comes y Puig, the sign indicaæd two pirches which
moved up or down according to the stem direction (Serrano Velasco eJ al., Estudios,2l7.) A simplification
of the ornamental practice may have occuned during the more than ¡vo hundred year period.
 86

In conclusion, the interpretation of the tocus and the uncus is clearly different from
that of the punto con dos plicas of the "equalist" teatises; however, the forms of the signs

a¡e less clearly differentiated. This is because the Arte de melodia presents the tocus and

the unctn without the curved shapes of the other two Eeatises in the "non-equalist" tradition.

The curved shape otherwise differentiates the /ocr¿s and the uncus from the punto con dos

plicas. Among the "equalist" treatises, the punto con dos plicas sometimes occurs with a

small tongue between the stems, a characæristic which may perhaps be seen as distinguishing

it from ¡he tocus and the uncus. However, the punto con dos plicas is not always described

or illustrated with the tongue, and the plain forms

l'llJ
*r indistinguishable from the

illustrations of tocus anduncus in Arte de melodlu

Pedro Ferrer

Intonarío general para todas las iglesias de España by Pedro Ferer was printed in

Zarugoza in 1548. Ferrer, aZaragozan priest, is thought to have been interested in the

reform of liturgical music and may have represented the views of the more educated and

modern churchmen.tut In the Intonario, the use is advocated of note forms such as long,

breve, semibreve, and oblique liganue.r6s

Ferrer speaks only of a note being longer than another and does not give definite

durations, for example, "en los longos con alguna detención más que en los breves".16e The

avoidance of exact durational values resembles Podio's advice. In a comment on the

performance of the prefaces of the Mass, Ferrer says that by differentiating between the

different note forms (long, breve, and semibreve) the accent will be kept.r7o A simila¡ idea

has been seen in the Arte de melodia where note forms a¡e said to have been invented for

use with long and short syllables. With regard to the semibreve, Ferrer limits it to generally
non-syllabic usage but says that it is used independently in certain syllabic chants including

ttl-eón Tello, Estudios, 283-85.

tGFrancisco
José León Tello, "Ferrer, Pedro', NG 6:496;León Tello, Estudios,46l.
toLeón
Tello, Estudios, 462.
ttbuncan, "Mexican
Chant Book", 67.
 87

"la Gloria de nueve liciones y en el Credo romano".rTr

3. Juan Bermudo

The Declaración de ínsffun entos musicales was published in 1555 in Osuna in

southern Spain. It is a wide-ranging, comprehensive treatise covering plainchant and

polyphony as well as including sections on instruments. Bermudo's Arte Tripharía (1550)

summa¡izes much of the material from the Declaración and an ea¡lier treatise (1549)
included most of Book One.172 Bermudo has gained respect for the fact that his work

reflected the current musical practices of his day. In the words of l-eón Tello:

El maestro franciscano es el gran observador de la música de su tiempo, que

expone en sus tratados no las reglas comunes tantas veces repetidas, que
respondían a un afte anterior, sino los procedimientos
-
que advierte en los
compositores de su época.lt3
Composition is the topic of Book Five of theDeclaracíón andit is there that Bermudo

gives a detailed cornmentary on notational aspects of plainchant in the chapter entitled

"Que cosas se requieren para puntar canto llano". The six partes which he says are needed

for plain chant are "regla, claue, punto, plica, virgula, y guion".lTa In Book Two he had
already given a brief exposition on the subject in which he had named the same six signs

but instead of the plica included the signs for b quadrado and b mol. ln the same chapter

he made explicit the fact that all notes have the same durational value with the exception of
the single note with two plicas which has the value of two compases. "Aunque con
diuersas figuras en canto llano sean señalados, todos tienen vn mesmo valor, excepto el que

tiene dos plicas, que vale dos compases."l?S The illustration of the various signs given in

Book Five is in white notation so for example the punto has the form: H. The advice given

by Bermudo on re gla (søff), punto , plica, and virgula is summarized below.

tttf
eón Tello, Estudios, 462.
t?2Samuel
Rubio, Historia de la música española 2. Desde el "ars nova" hasta 1600 (lvladrjrd
y',Jianzz Música, 1983),256. Robert Stevenson, "Bermudo, Juan",NG 2:6LL.
t'
\-ún Tello, E s tudios, 3 80.
t?tray Juan Bermudo, Declaración de instrumentos musicales, ed. Macario Santiago Kastner,
Documenta Musicologic4 vol. l1 (Kasset Bä¡enreiter, 1957), fol. cxxv".
rtsBermudo,
D ec laració n,fol. xxi'.
 88

Regla. Bermudo recommends the use of a five-line staff (cinco reglas), which he
says is now cornmon in Spain although a one-line staff is still employed "en muchas partes
de ytalia, y en algunas de España". He noted that one-line notation was used formerly in

the times of St. Gregory and St. Ambrose.l76

Punto. Bermudo names four types of punto: suclto, ligado, intenso, andremisso.
Punto suclto seems to refer to any isolated single note on which the text syllable is

sounded. In addition, he appears to use the same term to refer to the note at the beginning

of a ligature or melisma which receives the text syllable. Punto lígado seems to refer to
any note of a ligature or melisma following the note which receives the text syllable.rTT

The brief mention of intensos and remissos used by the diligent (curiosos) makes

clear the form of these signs which is confirmed by the illustration: I I. "El punto
intenso, a la parte superior quadrado, y a la inferior estaua en medio circulo: y el punto

remisso, al contra¡io del intenso.trrTs ¡r Book Th¡ee of the tneatise, in a section on mensural

music, Bermudo gives an analysis of the function of the signs in sharpening and flattening

pitch. T},te intenso raises the pitch of a note by a semitone and the remisso lowers the pitch

of a note by a semitone.tte

With regard to ligatures, Bermudo distinguishes two types, mayor and menor. His
description of the correct forms which these must t¿ke illusnates the conscious regularity

with which plainchant notation was approached. The ligadura mayor comprised squarc-
shaped notes or alphados (two notes joined in an oblique form). The use of the alphado
was restricted; it was to be used in three-note ligatures (or at the end of longer ligatures) in

which the fust and last notes were of the same pitch with the alphado placed on two falling

notes, either fTrst and second notes or second and third notes, and was usually only used if
the falling interval was a second. T\e ligadura menor used lozenges, described as 'þuntos

a manera de semibreves", and could only occur when there were more than two notes

rTbermudo,
D ec larøción,fol. cxxv'.
l?TBermudo,
D eclaración,fol. cxxv".
rTtBermudo,
D ec laración, fol. cxxv'-cxxvf .
t?eBermudo,
Declaración, fol. xlix". Clarificæion is given of this section in ttre unpublished hanslation
by Gordon J. Kinney of the Declaractdrg "Exposition of Musical Instuments" (M. I. King Library, University
of Kentucþ, Lexington, 1976\,2M45. Also utintensoand remisso,Robert Stevenson,.Ilan Bermudo (Ílnre
Hague: lvfartinus Nijhotr, 1960), 64.
 89

falling, the first note always in the form of a square. He explains how the ligadura menor

could be used in a longer ligature which rises and then falls, and that in this situation also

there had to be more than two falling notes. The final instruction on the ligadura menor

details the restrictions on placing lozenges at the end of a staff. For example, if only two

falling notes of a ligadura menor could be fitted at the end of a line they were both to be

written as squares.tao ¡t Durán has told us elsewhere that all notes have the same durational

value,l8r it may be assumed that there is no durational difference between the two types of

ligature.

EliîÅ,. The plica could have either of two functions: "vnas vezes por hermosear lo
puntado, y otas vezes por necessidad". In the following quotation Bermudo gives instmctions

on the location of plicas attached to ligatures, all of which as he says have a plica. He

continues with a reference to the punto con dos plícas.

Toda ligadura tiene vna plica. Si abaxa, la terna el punto primero, y si sube, el
vltimo. Quando la ligadura es de puntos quadrados, abaxando terna la plica el
punto primero a la mano yzquierda, y si fuere ligadura menor, terna el dicho
pu¡to primero la-plica a la mano derecha. -Si fuere-ligadura mista, que
primero abaxa, y despues sube, terna la talligadura dos plicas, vTa en _el punto
primero a la mano yzquierda y ofa en el vltimo a la mano derecha. Nunca en
vn punto solo se ponga plica, sino fuere en el que dixe valer dos compases.
Algunos de los cantores modernos (porque este punto de dos plicas no se vsa,
a lo menos no es de todos entendido, pues no le dan su valor) en su lugar
ponen dos puntos, el segundo un poco menor, y con.vna plica a la mano
derecha. En canto llano, todas las plicas son hazia baxo."'

Bermudo had already mentioned the punto con dos plicas earlier in the same chapter.

There he says "Algunas vezes el punto suelto tiene dos plicas hazia baxo, y vale dos

compases en canto llano". This is interesting as it is only thepznto su¿lto which can have
the two plicas; such a note could therefore only occur as an isolated note or - if the

interpreøtion given above of punto suclto is correct - as the first note of a ligature or

melisma.ls3

Bermudo repeatedly says that the punto con dos plican is now rarely kept or understood.

In the lengthy quotation above he describes an altemative form of the sign sometimes used

rsbermudo,
D e claración,fol. cxxv'.
tttsee
pages 56-58.
It2Bermudo,
D ec laración, fol. cxxv'.
tt'Bermudo,
D eclaración, fol. cxxv".
 90

instead of it and consisting of two puntos, the second punto with a stem and smaller than

the first. This is simila¡ to the sign called duples in the treatise by Spañon and doblado in
the early l7th-century treatise by Cerone.t* Ferrer also referred to the stemless form using

the terms doblado and punto detenido.ts5 The illustation of. thepunto con dos plicas takes

the form and it is followed in the example of the treatise by another sign very likely to
n,

be the alternative form l.tt6 There is no mention of the tongue-like sign between the

stems of the punto con dos plicas found in ea¡lier Eeatises, nor is there any illustration of it
in the Declaración. This then adds confirmation to the likelihood that there lilas no

difference between the meaning of. the puntos con dos plicas with and without the tongue.

Virgula. "El officio destas es diuidir las partes." A short line which usually only
occupies two spaces of the staff is placed between one diction and another, no matter how

few syllables each consists of.187 A longer line covering the whole staff is placed at the

ends of chants and at the point of repetition in alleluias. Double virgulas a¡e used by the

diligent to mark the place in a chant where the choir t¿kes over from the soloist.l88

In chapter eighteen of Book One of the Declaración, Bermudo gives advice on the
use of compas in plainchant He explains three different styles of rhythmic practice used in
chant. The section is worth quoting at length:

Tres compases ay en el canto llano. Vno sirue para la psalmodia, oEo para
hymnos particulares, y el tercero para todo lo demas puntado. El compas de
los psalmos no mira hazer todos los puntos yguales, sino va midiendo todas
las sylabas breues y longas, segun las reglas grammaticales. Deforma, que
tanto tiempo gasta en vna sylaba longa, como en dos breues. El que en la
psalmodia vuiere de lleuar compas, no tan solamente ha de ser buen cantor,
sino tambien buen grammatico. Entiendo lo sobredicho de compas ygual en
tiempo, y los puntos desiguales. Vna vez entran en vn compas dos puntos, y
otra vez tres. Ay algunos que lleuando el compas en la psalmodia, tantas
vezes bæ<an la mano, quantas sylabas pronuncian. En todo y por todo se deue
guardar el accento en la psalmodia, especialmente en la mediacion de los
versos, y en la sequencia. Los principiantes esten en esto muy auisados,
porque algunos descuydandose, hazen grandes yerros, quebrantando los

t*See
pages 68 and 70.
ttbuncan, "Mexican
Chant Book", 133.
lE$ermudo,
D eclaración, fol. cxxvi'.
ttThe of
same ambiguity of meaning arises here as was noted with regard to Molina's description
the employmenJof vtrgulas inthatdiction may refer to either a phrase or a word.
lsEBermudo,
D ec laración, fols. cxxv'-cxxvi'.
 9T

accentos. El compas de algunos hymnos es a proporcion de sesquialtera, que

entran tres semibreues en un compas. Los tales hymnos en pocas partes estan
bien puntados, porque tienen todos los puntos quadrados. Los hymnos que se
cantan al compas terna¡io, o de sesquialtera son los siguientes. El del aduiento
que dize Conditor alme, de la resurrection Ad cenam agni, Rex eterne, y
Aurora lucis, del sacramento Pange lingua gloriosi, Sacris solemniis, y otros
semejantes. Otros hymnos se cantan en tiempo de por medio, que ya se dize
vn punto en vn compas, ya dos, ya fres, los quales son Aures ad nostras de
.
quaresma, Pange lingua, . . . Todos los otros hymnos lleuan el compas del
otro canto, el qual en cada vno de los puntos, se gasto un compas. Aunque en
el canto llano aya puntos de figura de semibreues, todos son de ygual valor.
Vnos puntos ay con dos plicas en el canto llano, y apenas les dan su valor que
es doicompasés.tt'

To summa¡ize, plainchant may be classified into three groups. These a¡e:

l. Psalmodia. Note duration va¡ies according to syllable length so that long syllables
receive long notes and short syllables receive short notes. Equal compas is

maintained. Accent must be kept.re0

2. Panicular hymns. These are further subdivided into sesquialterawhichhas three semibreves

in a compas, and por medio which has one, two or three notes per compas.

3. Alt others. Each note has the duration of one cotnpas with the exception of the punto

con dos plicas which has the duration of two compases.te'

Later theorists continued to discuss different styles of rhythmic interpretation and the

correlation with va¡ious tlpes of chant. Pedro Cerone followed Bermudo's thinking reusing

the section quoted above and making additions.ln Pablo Nassarre in his Escucla Musica,

published between 1723 and L724 inZaragoza, speaks of canto llano and canto mixto. By

canto llano he meant the usual interpretation of equal duration as one note per compas.

The term Canto mixto, on the other hand, points to its meaning - a mixture of aspects of

canto llano and of canto dc organo. From the latter, canto mixto takes the employment of

varying durations according to the note forms so that all notes do not have the same

ttbermudo,
Declaración, fol. xvii".
tobuncan
considers that the term psalmody as used in Spanish Eeatises referred to "a type of chant
in which the durational value of the notes was deærmined by the textual accents" and so included chants other
than psalm settings (Duncan, "Mexican Chant Book", &-65). Her view will be referred to again in Chapter
4.
rerÏhis
section of Bermudo's work has also been discussed in Stevenson,Juan Bermudo,3940.
t'terone, Melopeo, 414-15,
 92

duration.re3 The ecclesiastical chants which he says belong to the category of canto mixto

are psalmody, hymns, Glorias, Credos and the solo Epistles, Gospels, Collects, etc. Nassa¡re
says that the hymns of San Pedro and San Pablo as well as a few others belong to the
category o1. canto llano while all the rest are Canto de organo (apparently using the term

here synonymously wîth canto mixto).t%

*****1.

The opposing views of the t\ryo groups of theorists, the "equalists" and the "non-

equalists", are to some extent resolved in the work of Juan Bermudo. He shows that

different rhythmic inærpretations are appropriaæ for different classes of plainchant. However,

the problem remains that while the "equalists" did not provide for the possibility of va¡ied

duration other than that provided by the punto con dos plícas, the "non-equalists" appeared

to expect that all plainchant would be notated in the note forms of mensural notation and be

sung accordingly with varied duration of notes. Two of the "non-equalists" also observed

that duration in chant should not be precisely measured, thus emphasizing the gap between

the two types of interpretation, the one equally measured, and the other only loosely

measured. The views of the non-equalists may have been representative of a reformist

tradition which wished to see the performance of chant maintaining the correct Latin
accent. It may not be coincidental that it was not until the mid 16th century that theorists

began to differentiate between various classes of chant to be performed with or without

va¡ied durations. By that time the reformers' views may have become partially absorbed

into the performance of particular chants which were by then accepted as requiring varying

durations sometimes according to text accent. Further cla¡ification of the situation may be

gained from the work of Cerone although his treatise dates from the beginning of the 17th

century. He spoke of the singing of chant with different durational values as a practice of
"algunos modernos" whereas the singing of equal durational values for all notes "guardara

teþablo
Nassarre, Escuela Música según la prdctica moderna, introduction by Lothar Siemens
(Taragoza: Institución "Fernando el Católico", 1980), 194-95 (facsimile edition).
t\assarre, Escuela Música, 195-96.
 93

la orden de los antiguos". Both methods it seems were correct. His discussion also shows

that notes were not to be strictly measured as occurred in "Canto de Organo".res

The writings of the two groups suggest two clearly different chant schools in Spain

during the late 15th and early 16th centuries. Given the connection of the first three

non-equalist treatises discussed above with Cataluña, one may postulate that the different

styles may have had a regional basis. A regional classification, however, is complicated by

other factors such as the connection which one of the three treatises (Arte de melodia)

appears to have had with the church of Toledo. The solution may lie in the existence of

reformers and traditionalists who were perhaps only partially separable on regional or

diocesan grounds.

t'terone, Melopeo, 412-15, 377

 94

4 NOTATION OF THB PLAINCHANT SOURCES

In this chapter different types of notation used in the Zamoran sources are examined. The

nvo principal types are Aquitanian notation and square notation. Va¡iants of these forms

wilt be discussed, notably the late form of Aquitanian notation, as well as mensurally

influenced notations. Aquitanian notation is given a more detailed wide-ranging discussion

than square notation in this chapter because of the gteater complexity of its diversity, while

one aspect of square notation is given special discussion and analysis presented in Chapter

5. The notation of the polyphonic works will not be discussed here but in Chapær 10.

AQUITANIAN NOTATION
Aquitanian notation is common amongst the fragments of AIJPZa dating from the 12th

century to probably the 15th century. It is also pr€sent in the booklet of the Ritual and at

the end of the Misal votívo.

This style of notation takes its name from the region of its origin, although it came to

spread further afield through the southern part of France with centres such as Cluny, Lyon,

Poitiers and Nevers lying not fa¡ to the north of the limits of its extension. Included in its

sphere were the Cluniac houses of Saint-Martial, Moissac, and Saint-Yrieix. The city of

Périgueux,mentioned in Chapter 2 as the home town of Zamora's first bishop (a Cluniac)

who was appointed following the est¿blishment of the Roman rite, lay well within the zone

of use of Aquitanian notation. (Books from Cluny itself, however, are written in French

neumatic notation.)t From the south of France, Aquitanian notation moved into the

Iberian Peninsula and also to Naples.2

Thanks largely to the part played by Cluniac monks in the establishment of the

Roman rite in Castilla-León and other pafts of the peninsula, books utilizing Aquitanian

notation and brought from southern France came to be used as models for peninsular

tThe
extent of Aquitanian notation is shown on the maps in Solange Corbin "Neumatic notations,
$IV, 5: Westem Europe - Aquitaine", NG 13: 138-39; and Corbin, Essai,239.
tsuñol,
I nffoduc tion, L2L, 229.
 95

scribes copying the books of the Roman rite. Early important sources in Aquitanian
notation were produced in San Millán de la Cogolla (Rioja) and San Juan de la Peña
(Aragón).

The combination of Visigothic script with Aquitanian notation, seen in two of the

AJJPZa fragments (Z 15 andZ202), is unique to Iberian sources and dates from the period

of the general spreading of the Roman rite into the central and western parts of the peninsula.

It occurs in manuscripts (often fragmentary) now located in va¡ious places including Santiago

de Compostela, Braga, Lisboa, and Madrid. In her study of Pornrguese medieval sacred

music, Solange Corbin discusses a few such fragments found in Portugal which pertain to

the Roman rite and date from the llth and 12th centuries.3 While the Visigothic script is

known to have virtually ceased to be used in the scriptorium of the important monastery of

Sahagún in León by about 1125,4 elsewhere it continued to be written - although with

diminishing frequency - during the 12th century, with its replacement by gothic script

becoming general in the second half of that century.s A very important large manuscript

of this type is the Mísal plenario from San Miltán de la Cogolla (Ma BRAH 18) which is
dated to the end of the 1lth century and contains tinugy of the Roman rite.6

Aquitanian notation in Spain was employed not only in its original form but also

came to be modified as was pointed out by Bruno Stäblein.7 Corbin found Aquitanian

notation serving as a model until the 15th century in Portugal,s and the situation was

similar in Spain where manuscripts with Aquitanian notation continued in use into the 16th

century as is evident from the work of music theorist, Gonzalo Ma¡tínez de Bizcargui,

discussed in the previous chapter. In fact, copying of manuscripts in Aquiønian notation

3Corbin,
E s sai, 249 -50, 28I -82.
aBarba¡a
A. Shiloah, "The Scriptorium of San Sahagún: A Period of Transition", in Santiago,
Saint-Denis, and Saint Peter, ed,. Bernard F. Reilly (New York Fordham University Press, 1985), 44.
tJ.
Janini, 'Liturgia Romana", Diccionørio de historia eclesióstica de España, vol. 2 (lvladrid:
Instituto Emique Flórez, 1972),1322. Mllares Carlo mentions that ttre Visigothic script was used in the l2ttr
cenhrry in Asturias, León, Toledo, and Portugal. See AgustÍn Millares Carlo,Tratado de paleograflø españotg
l:179.
bescription and contents listed in lanini, Manuscritos,I50-53.
tBruno
Stäblein, Schriftbild der einstimmigen Musik, Musikgeschichte in Bildern, vol. 3, pt.4
(Iæipzig: VEB Deutscher Verlag für Musik, 1975),34.
torbin, Essai,235.
 96

on a one-line staff is thought to have continued to be more frequent on the peninsula than

copying in square notation on a five-line (or four-line) staff until the 15th century; Corbin

has given c. 1450 as the date when one-line notation began to be less cornmon in Portugal.e

The persistence of Aquitanian notation is confirmed by chant books and numerous fragments

extant in Spanish libraries, including examples found in the Zalnrrc¡an sources under study

here.

The widespread usage of Aquitanian notation through southern France and the Iberian

Peninsula suggests to the researcher the possibility of discovering features which might be

cha¡acteristic of the not¿tion of different localities and times. However, on the comparative

study of types of ea¡lier forms of Aquitanian notation, Huglo has commented:

Les différentiations [sic] de la not¿tion aquitaine d'un manuscrit à un autre

sont assez difficiles à observer puisque les neumes se réduissent [sic] à des
Sfogpemgr1ts de poins. I-es obsen¡ations se réduisent donc à l'étude du quilisma
et du guidon en fin de ligne: mais les différenciations rencontrées dès deux
côtés des Br¡énées sont tès minimes.'u

Accordingly the forms of quilisma and direct in the AH|PZafragments will be discussed in

this chapter.

The presence of one or more coloured staff lines may also be of assist¿nce in the

identification of region and date. The ea¡liest manuscripts of Aquitanian notation to use a

staff utilized the dry-point lines also employed for the text. By the 12th century a coloured

line came to be used quite frequently (having been used only occasionally in the llth
centuryrr), perhaps in response to the system of coloured lines promoted by Guido of

Arezzo. Sources in Aquitanian notation associated with the Iberian Peninsula show a
simila¡ general pattern of line use as may be seen from the following deøils compiled
through a study of Fernández dela Cuesta's catalogue of sources from the Middle Ages

located in Spanish libraries and of sources of Spanish origin now in London and Pa¡is.r2

Amongst the small number of sou¡ces from the 1lth century listed in the catalogue as using

Aquitanian notation, most have a dry-point line and there are none named as having a

Ismael Fernández de la Cuesta, Manuscritos y fuentes musicales en España. Edad media (Madrid:
Editorial Alpuerto, 1980), 11; Corbin, Essai,259.
tol{u
glo, "La pénéEati on", R evi s ta de M usic olo g ía 9 (1985)z 256.
ttDavid 'Western,
Hiley, "Notiation, $Itr, l: plainchant" /VG 13: 350.
ltFemândezde
lia Cuesta, Manuscritos.
 97

coloured line. The majority of those from the 12th century also have a dry-point line, a

smaller group are without line, a still smaller group (all from the north-east of the peninsula)

use a red line, and one has a charcoal line. In the sources of the 13th century, a change is

found with the coloured line outnumbering the dry-point line. Most examples of the
coloured line from that period are red, with a few sources mentioned as having a yellow,

green, blach or cha¡coal line. By the 14th century, the proportion of sources using Aquitanian
notation is much lower and amongst these the dry-point line is still found although

ouütumbred by the red line; for the period, the only other colour named is black but this is

very infrequent. Sources with both a red and a yellow line are found in the north-eastern

part of the peninsula from mainly the 13th century.

Even by the time a line had come into regular use for orientation of neumes in

Aquitanian notation (this had occurred by the middle of the 1lth century), identification of

pitch and mode continued to be complicated by the fact that clefs were not frequently used

and by the varying pitch of the line. As clefs are not found in any of the Zarrcran sources
in Aquitanian notation, the issue of pitch identification needs to be treated in some det¿il

here. The initial guide to pitch determination comes from the placing of the fînat of a chant

in relation to the staff. The third degree of an authentic mode and the finat of a plagal
mode were usually placed on the one-line staff, the main exception to this rule being the

fourth mode for which the second degree might be placed on the line instead of the final.l3

The mode-line relationship for Stäblein was a feature of the "classic stage" of Aquitanian

notation (well exemplified by the early llth-century Pa 903) and is to be found employed

in numerous sources.to To fix the mode and pitch of chants more precisely, it is necessary

to use information such as that identifiable from psalm tone endings (dffirentiae) and
verse tones. Certain note forms (such as the quilisma) usually associated with particular

intervals, a¡e sometimes helpful in establishing pitch. It may also be necessary to make

ttstäblein,
Schriftbitd der einstiranigen Musilc 41, 56. On the significance of the staff line in pa
903, see PM 13: 160-61. An example of a manuscript found to use the E line for the fourth mode is Tol44.2.
See Ronald Thomas Olexy, "The Responsories in the 1lth Century Aquiønian Antiphonal Toledo, Bibl. cap.
44.2", (Ph.D. diss., Catholic University of America 1980), 41. Another exception has been shown by Iæo
Treitler. He found that in the llth- and l2th-century Aquihnian repertory of versus the fourth degree was
placed on the line in the G mode. See Leo Treitleç "The Aquitanian Repertories of Sacred Monody in the
Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries", (Ph.D.diss., hinceton University, 1967),71.
tnståblein,
Sclviftbitd der einstimmigen Musik,4l n.372lists examples of manuscripts.
 98

reference to other sources with a clef or to a tonary in which the mode is indicated. In

sources where the typical mode-line relationship is not present, a further complication may

a¡ise in the changing of the pitch associated with the line within single pieces which may or

may not be ma¡ked by the use of a direct or other sign; an example of such a source in

Aquitanian notation is the hymnal of Moissac (Rome, Bibl. Aposr. Vat., Rossi. 205).ts

The continued use of Aquitanian notation in Spain until the 16th century has alrready

been mentioned briefly. The modifications which appeared in the form of the notation
mean that it is useful to employ the phrase "late Aquitanian notation" to designate the

altered style.r6 From the 13th century onwa¡ds, the naditional style of Aquitanian notation

of earlier centuries was altered in varying degrees more or less significant. To some extent

this type of notation demonstrates a tansitional stage between "classic" Aquitanian notationr?

and square notation, but as it was coexistent with square notation and appears to have taken

over a few of the latter's features it can also be seen as a contact notation. Late Aquitanian

notation was by no means uniform and is found with a number of variants, some of which

will be discussed here.

Little research has been focused on the later modifications of Aquitanian not¿tion
and the comments made by Bruno Stäblein in his Schriftbild der einstímmigen Musik

remain of major significance for this area. The fïrst cha¡acteristic of the changes which he

pointed to was the growing tendency to the use of square note forms observable from as

early as the llth centr¡ry in for example Pa 903.t8 This tendency while still sporadic
during the 12th century became marked in late Aquitanian notation after c. 1200. Stäblein

put forward th¡ee classes into which the va¡ious types of Aquitanian notation from 1200
may be placed. His classification follows:

ttståblein,
Hymnen, 523.
t6ltre
Spanish music theorists who discussed notation on one line never employed the term
"Aquitanian" to describe it. The term is used here, however, because of the continued presence in the
examples studied of the note forms (alttrough modified to varying degrees) of Aquitanian notation.
ttståblein,
Schriftbild der einstimmigen Musik,4l. A fundamental style of the "classic stage" is
illustrated by Stäblein in the "Neumentabelle" opposite p. 33.
tts
tåblein, Sc hriftbi ld de r ei n s ti mmi g en M usik, 6.
 99

(a) almost unchanged with the exception of the squaring of the punctun i

(b) modified Aquitanian notation of two styles, northem and southern;

(c) square notation with Eaces of Aquitanian.re

Class (b) was further elaborated by Stäblein. The northern style he identifred as showing

affinity with the French squarc notation; the southern style he identifred as remaining closer

to the older Aquitanian note forms and was found especially on the Iberian Peninsula.20
The example of the northern style given by Ståiblein does not use lozenges and sometimes

ligates puncta occurring in two-note or larger neumes. TÏre pes is unusual also in its

resemblance to a pair of ligated puncta having a square-shaped upper head instead of the

usual downwa¡ds pointing, lozenge-like upper head of the typical Aquitanian pøs form

which continued to be used in the southern style of the developed notation. The kinship of

this northern style of notation to the Aquitanian is however notable in the use of the
opposed heads of the pes. Tlre northern style of c/ivis illustated by Stäblein parallels that

of the northernp¿s with its two ligated puncta, while the southern style of clivis is simila¡

to the classic Aquitanian form with a lozenge-shaped upper note which has, unusually, a

tail descending at an angle from the left.2r

In late Aquitanian notation the use of a multi-lined staff can sometimes be observed,
a development which may reflect the effect of contact with square notation. Extra lines

may also have been necessary for accurately aligning larger notation less easy to judge by

eye alone. Such lines a¡e often only lightly drawn with one or more inked in red or

yellow.22

Corbin also discussed late Aquitanian notation which she called "notation aquitaine

évoluée" or "notation aquitaine décadente".23 She saw it as differing from the standa¡d

t'Ståblein,
Sc hr iftbild de r ei n stimmi g en M usik, lf.-67 .
'Stäblein, Sc hr iftbild de r ei n s timmi g en M usik, 6.
ttPlates
43a-c and 44 in Stäblein, Schriftbild der einstimmigen Musikillustrate these styles. Further
examples of late Aquitanian notation dating from the l3th or 14th century a¡e found in paléographie musicale,
vol.2, Le répons-graduel Justus ut palma, reproduit en fac-similé d'après plus de detn cents antiphonaires
manuscrils d'origines divérses duDk au){VIIe siècle (1891; reprint, Berne: Herbert Lang,1974), plates
lM-7.
zExamples
are found among the Zamoran sorrrces and will be mentioned later. See also pM 2:
plzte 107 and Stäblein,Schriftbild der einstirmigen Musik,plates 36-38.
oCotbin,
Essai, 218, 250.
 100

Aquitanian notation in a loss of the usual neume groups, and an increase in the size of the

notes which became square shaped.2a In Portuguese manuscripts the lowest note of a

semitone appeÍus occasionally as a lozenge or "virgule".ã

In addition, she described a form which she called "notation portugaise" and which

she viewed as a direct growth from Aquitanian notation that emerged at the end of the 12th

century. Pornrguese notation continued in use into the 15th century. It was a diastematic
notation using one red line, its notes being larger and more angula¡ than those of Aquitanian.

The distinctive cha¡acteristic of this notation was the frequent use of a lozenge as the lower

note of a semitone.26 Amongst the Zamoran sources such a use of the lozenge is not found.

The facsimiles given by Corbin as examples of Portuguese notation show the preponderance

of square-shaped notes and the use of a stemmed squar€ head instead of a lozenge-like head

for the pes, these being char¿cteristics also seen in late Aquitanian not¿tion.27

The forms of Aquitanian and late Aquitanian notation used in the Tamonnfragments

will be studied here in order to highlight features which may serve to assist in future

identification of the provenance of the fragments and also to add to the sparse information

available with regard to the notation as it was used in Spain. Reference will be made to the

discussions of the Spanish music theorists Durán and Bizcargui about one-line notation.

Zamoran Sources

The Zamoran sources of Aquitanian and late Aquitanian notation may be divided

into two classes. Class 1 may be said to use Aquitanian notation simila¡ but not identical to

Stäblein's classic form; it contains AHPZ-a,fragments from the 12th to the mid 13th century.

The class may be further suMivided into two gxoups, the first, la, containing most of the

ea¡liest fragments, all dating from the l2th century. Class 1a is cha¡acterized by the

avoidance of the lozenge-shaped puncfinn a rounded or more or less square point being

used instead. (This feature will be discussed further below.) The second group, lb,

'Co¡bin, Essai,250.
'Cubin, Essai,250-5L Other means of semitone indication in Aquiønian notation will be discussed
later in this chapær.
ã
Corbin, Ess ai,25L.
' Corbin; Essød, plates 7-9.
 101

includes further l2th-century fragments as well as fragments believed to date from the first

half or middle of the 13th centuryi in these the lozenge-shaped punctwn is employed as

well as the more or less square one. Class 2 contains the sources of late Aquitanian
notation, all dating from probably the late 13th, the 14th, and the 15th centuries. Stäblein's

three classes of modified Aquitanian notation a¡e observable within the present class 2

which contains a considerable va¡iety of styles. These sources may also be said to align

with his idea of a southern style in late Aquitanian notation. Corbin's observation of the

loss of the usual Aquiønian neumes groups is not generally applicable to the sor¡rces

studied here and it may be hypothesized that this cha¡acteristic was more dominant in
Portuguese forms. The two classes are illustrated in Table 1 later in this chapter; this table

also gives the sources pertaining to each.

As the two classes have much in common including similar variations found in each,

aspects of both as they occur in the Zamoran sources will be discussed together. These

aspects a¡e those in which major variations occur or which a¡e of inter€st for other reasons

such as their discussion by Spanish music theorists. The aspects include size and general

shape, lozenge use, staff, direct, virga, quilisma,liquescent neumes, torculus andporcectus;

each will be discussed separately below.

Size and general shape. In general it may be said that the size of the neumes
increases from the early to the late sources. The size increase results in the need for a
greater amount of space dedicated to notation and is reflected in the measurements of
distance between staffs given in the source descriptions of Appendix 1. In class 1 (12th

and 13th century) fragments, the distance between staffs ranges from approximately 13 mm

to 22 mm, but in the late Aquitanian sources the corresponding measurements range from

15 mm to 75 mm. In the sources with large notation more space is devoted to notation in

relation to text than in sources with smaller notation. Thus, five text lines a¡e occupied by

each staff in Z 90, and in others each staff takes two or three text lines. In comparison,
smaller notation, found in usually earlier sources takes only one text line, so that alternate

lines may be used for text and music.

 r02

Similarly between early and late sources there is a change in the shapes of the
va¡ious components of Aquitanian neumes. The somewhat rounded and imprecise shapes

of most of the ea¡liest sources are replaced by characteristically square, angular and often
precise shapes in later sources. These more angular shapes give late Aquitanian notation an

appearance resembling that of square plainchant notation. Tlte puncta generally become

square with precise, angular corners, and lozenges also become more carefully formed with

angular, precise shapes. In addition to their use in descending neumes or in descending

pafts of longer neumes, marked lozenge-shaped strokes of different sizes a¡e sometimes

used in late sources as both the upper and lower heads of vírgae (Z 90, Book I, Misal
votivo) or as only the lower head of virgae (2269). The lozenge shapes of virgae are often

set at a different angle from the individual lozenges of the typical clivis or climacus (see

Table 1 for the clívis). A small lozenge is also used in the epiphonus andlike the lozenge

forms of other neumes becomes more precisely formed in late sources. A comparison of

forms shows increasingly angular shapes in both puncturn and vírga. In addition, such a

comparison shows the replacement in some late soruces of the lozenge-shaped upper head

of the virga by a more or less square head. It also shows another feature of some sources

of the late noøtion: the marked contrast between hairline stems and thick note-heads or
other strokes not evident in the smaller, ea¡lier notations. This may be seen in Table 1.

The axis of the notation in the Tamoran sources is for the great majority the usual

one of Aquitanian notation in which ascending series slope to the right and descending

series are placed more or less vertically.æ The two exceptions arc Z 100 and the Misat
votivo; these will be returned to below.

Lozenge. The individual lozenge of Aquiønian notation which represents a single

pitch is regarded as a form of puncnun 2e It may be found in some examples of "classic"

Aquitanian notation such as Pa 903. With only one exception the lozenge is not used in

isolation in the Zamoran sources, but rather forms part of descending groups. The exception

is Z 219 in which lozenge-shaped puncta arc regularly used in isolation together with

uThe
Aquitanian axis is shown in Solange Corbin, "Neumatic nocations, gII: CenEal and westem
Europe",NG 13: 131.
np¡,t lg: l7t.
 103

occasional rhomboidal puncta in isolation. In that source lozenges are found in place of the

usual more or less square puncta in neumes such as the pes and scandicuJ, and also at the

bottom of descending series of pitches such as occur in the c/ív¡s and climacus. There are

also occasional instances in which the difference between a lozenge and a more or less

square punctu'rn is not clearly defined and a punctwn placed at an angle thus resembling a

lozenge may be found in isolation.

The absence of the lozenge from neumes such as the clívis and the climacus is a

feature of the class la fragments. These fragments, most of the l2th-century Zatnoran

sources, do not use the lozenge, simply using instead the ordinary punctwn.3o Another of

the 12th-century fragments, 2268, is ambiguous in its use of lozenge andpunctun as the

two there appear to be interchangeable at times. Amongst the l3th-century Zamoran

sources, the lozenge is used consistently and continues as a component of the notation in

most later sources with the only exceptions being the fragments of Book G (14th or 15th

century). In the sources without the lozenge, the puncta of descending passages are no
different from isolated or rising punct& The use of the lozenge is shown in the illustrations

of the clivísinTable 1.

Staff. The Zamoran sources may be observed to have used a staff in the great
majority of cases. With only very few exceptions, lines ruled in manuscript preparation

which might be used for text or music have been utilized. Such lines were often coloured

for use as a staff. In the few examples where no line is apparent, a dry-point text line may
well have been used for alignment during copying but has become invisible. Diastematy is

in general good, and is weakest in some of the class 1 fragments especially those of class
1a such asZ 15,2202, andZ2L8.
The søff types in sources of Aquitanian notation connected with Spain have already

been discussed. The Zamoran sources show a similar picture to these. The ea¡liest, those

believed to be from the 12th century, mainly use a dry-point line as is the case with the

Spanish sources generally. Two have a yellow line and one a red line while no line is

visible in a further one. The yellow line was not found in the Spanish sources of this

*Ihe sources ateZ l5,Z2\2,Z2l8,and the Book A fuagments.

 r04
century listed by Fernández de la Cuesta, an observation which suggests two alternative

conclusions: firstly, the dating of the two fragments, Z 197 andz 268, on palaeographic

grounds may be too early, and secondly, the use of the yellow line began in sources -

perhaps those in use in western Spain - earlier than has previously appeared to be the case
in Spain. Class la is consistently without a coloured line. The l3th-century Zamoran
sources, as with the general results, mainly use a coloured line; however, the preferred

colour here is yellow rather than red. This variety in line is reflected in class lb with its

12th and 13th-century sources. Class 2 sources mainly use a single red line, but a yellow

staff line is found in the 14th-century Z 219. The dry-point line ceases to be used as the

staff line in the Tamotan sources after the 13th century. The use of a coloured staff line

(red, yellow, or black) is cha¡acteristic of class 2. The preference for a red line in the later

period is also shown in the general Spanish sources. Five late sources take text lines as

further guides for the notation in addition to the coloured line which forms the principal

single line of the staff. In these cases the manner in which the extra text lines are employed

va¡ies: they may be used with or without precision in their guidance of placing notes in

spaces or on lines. There are no cases of two coloured lines in a staff in the Zamoran
soruces. Furthermore, there is no evidence of the colour of the line being related to specific

pitches or modes.

The lack of clef signs in the Zamoran sources has necessitated employment of the

means already outlined in this chapter for determining pitch. This has been successful for
the majority of the sources and their chants, the exceptions mostly being due to poor

legibility. The usual mode-line relationship has been maintained in the great majority of

the sources.3r The only mode which usually shows variation in pitch of line is number

four; in the early Zatnoran sources this is found to be the case. The two fragments with

Visigothic script and Aquitanian notation,Z 15 and2202,both take E as the line pitch of

mode four; all other sources in which it has been possible to determine the pitch take F as

the line pirch in the same mode. Only one other exception to the usual mode-line relationship

is found. This occurs in the section in Aquitanian notation at the back of the Misal votivo

"Mode one - line F, mode two - line D, mode ttrce - line G, mode four - line F, mode five - line A,
mode six - line F, mode seven - line B, mode eight - line G.
 105

where the Office of the Dead responsory Libera me domine de morte occurs. The usual

mode of the chant is one and its occrur€nce earlier in the Misal votivo has the usual final of

D as well as beginning on that noæ.32 The line might therefore be expected to have the
pitch F, but instead it takes the pitch of the final.

The subject of pitch in one-line notation was discussed by various Spanish music

theorists of the 15th and 16th centuries as has already been discussed in the previous

chapter. They, of course, did not use the term Aquitanian notation but simply referred to

the use of one line (e.g. "canto llano de vna regla"33¡. It is especially the work of Bizcargui

that identifies this one-line notation as Aquianian because of his inclusion of clear illusrations

very like its well known forms. The standa¡d mode-line relationship found in the Zarrrcran

sources is identical with that taught by the theorists. With regard to the va¡iable line pitch

of mode four, the theorists acknowledge the two possibilities, E and F. Estevan and Durán

both recognized F as the more usual line pitch for mode four.Y

In the hymn Eterna xpisti found inZ 3, an example appears to occur of a change in

the pitch of a one-line staff without any indication by means of direct, letters, or other

method. In this case the line changes from the initial F to G and back to F. A very similar

change occrrs in the Moissac hymnal within the same melody.3s

Direct. A greater variety of forms was used for the direct than for the note shapes of
Aquitanian notation. Study of published facsimile examples and manuscripts available to

this writer suggests that the forms of direct in Aquitanian sources may be largely grouped

into two broad types. In both t¡res, the direct has a more or less straight line usually
tilted to the left. Attached to this line is a head which in the first type is on the right of the

line, e.g. / , ^din the second type on the left, e.g. / . fln"head occurs in varying
positions on the line or stem and is used to indicate the pitch. The first type with dextral

head is found principally in French sources: e.g. Pa 903 and Pa778.36 The second type

t'The
Liber Usualis with Introduction and Rubrics in English (Toumai: Desclée, 1963),1798-L799;
\ilalter Howard Frerc,Antiphonale Sarisburiense, vol. I (1901-2; reprinL Farnborough: Gregg Press, 1966),
99; Misal votivo fol.3l' .
33Bizcargui,
1528, fol. d.
tsee page
65, n. 70.
3sÏhis
example is ñ¡rttrer discussed in Chapter 8.
5A facsimile example of the first manuscript is found in PM 2, plate 97 and of the second in
 106

with sinistral head is found principally in sources of the Iberian peninsula: e.g. Ma BRAH

51, and Toledo, Biblioteca Capitular Ms. 39.12.37 There is evidence to suggest that the

sinistral head came to be preferred more widely in the 13th and 14th centuries3s and may

have been in response to the practice of using a direct with sinistral head in square notation.

Both the possible regional and chronological associations of the types of direct need,

however, to be furttrer investigated.

The different forms of direct in the Zamoran sources are illustrated in Table 1.

There is a clea¡ predominance of the sinistral head, thus lending support to the suggestion

of Iberian preference for this class of direct. The most frequently found direct is the simple

one in which the sinistral head is placed at the top of the stem. It is found in fragments
from the 12th century to the 15th century and is associated particutarly with notation
classes lb and 2. An unusual direct is that found in Group H; in these fragments an

Aquiønian epiphonus is utilized. In Book I a sign with the form of a plica is employed as

di¡ect. The di¡ect is completely absent from only a small number of sources including the

euly Z 202. In a few other sources, especially earlier ones, the direct occurs irregularly.

The absence or irregular use of the direct is mainly found in notation class la fragments

Bizcargui discussed and illustrated the change of line pitch within a single chant by

means of the direct. Only one example of the practice has been found amongst the
Zarnoran sources examined in detail, this being inZ 68 (Book C) where a direct is given to

indicate a change of pitch in the middle of the staff line. There the mode one Kyrie

Clemens rector initialty takes the expected F as the pitch of the line, this being changed to

B by a direct. The return to the opening line pitch is not marked by a direct or any other
sign but may be established by reference to other sources.3e

Virga. Amongst the Zamoran sources the virga usually forms a pa¡t of neumes such

as the pes and the torculus, occurring where two or more notes ascend over a single

Stilblein, Sc lriftbild der einstivuni gen Musik, plate 36.

tA facsimile example of the Toledo manuscript is found ìn PM 2,plale I03.
ssee
for exarnple PM 2, plates 104 and 105.
3eln
fact, the line is almost invisible and the pitch placement is therefore not certain. The Kyrie is
discussed again in Chapter 6.
 t07

syllable, the top note being written as avirga. It is not used in isolation. Such use of the

virga is typical of later forms of Aquitanian notation in general.{

The typical Aquitanian virga, with its two heads at top and bottom, is employed in

most of the Zamoran sources. Amongst the 12th-and 13th-century fragments in which the

notation is generally small and employing less square forms, the virgae tend to vary in the

placing of the lower head. In general, it is placed to the right of the base of the stem, at

other times occurring centrally or to the left. (See Table 1.) There appears to be no

significance in this va¡iation. Amongst the 13th-century fragments with more square forms

as well as the Later Zamoran sources, there is a tendency to reduce the size of the lower

head so that it sometimes disappears altogether. Moreover, in the later sources, greater

consistency is found in the placement of the lower head at the right of the stem base. In

some fragments the lower head in places disappears altogether while being clearly formed

in other examples of the same fragments. Z 100 is an example of this practice.ar Ma¡ked

diminution of the lower head is however by no means universal in the later sources as may

be seen, for example, in Book I.

Of the two special forms of vírga which have been identified in Aquitanian notation,

the semicircular virga and the horned virga,a2 only the first occurs amongst the Zamoran

sources. The semicircular virga is present in the l2th-century fragments of Book A in

addition to the standa¡d virga. It has the form r . (The sign is visible in Plate 1 in the top

left line of music above the second syllable of the word "impleuit".) Like the standard
vírga it does not occur in isolation and is found at the topmost point of rising passages at

the end of neumes with two or more notes. The semicircular virga is used in a similar

manner in Pa 903 but there is not limited to being the final note of neumes.a' Its use as the

highest note of a scandicus has been said to be very ra¡e and it does occur in such a

position in the Book A fragments.* In Pa 903 the semicircuLar virga was used to indicate

*A virga could be used in isolation over a syllable with a higher pitch in the earlier Aquitanian
notation; it is sometimes used in this manner in Pa 903 (PM 13:. 166).
otThere
is no reason to assume changing notators o be the cause of this variance.
azlhe
two forms are discussed in detail in PM L3: 166-70; they are discussed briefly by Corbin in
"Neumatic noûations, $IV, 5: Western Europe - Aquitaine", NG 13:. l4l.
*pM 13: rs7,16r..
*PM 13: 16f'.
 108

the upper note of a semitone and thus would occur, for example, in a pes in which the
interval spanned is a minor second. On the other hand, in Pa 903 the horned virga was
found to be used with the interval of a major second and always took the top note of that

interval. In that manuscript, the horned virga was only used for the pitches e natural and b

natural, as well as very occasionally for a.as

'rl,þryrV2*¡*rW
4,r.
r!?tll',¡,:/-
\l ßflÚ
tll..tg ,¡lûlt¡¡ _ ¿¡4,, Jotg¡
'z nl .
tIì ttt-ù¡íf_qra
../2.
r'. ' s¡c î* ¿bÍ-ç{': e .te &-¡¡út-
u* ta
fu¡6a¡rr-r-
I ft_r-+ * .i, .r l-,.,.. l.''"','.1- .,
ùÈr".¿
¿1.4: '7
W.
*b-æ .t
ll-'^t ¡'

':'rf++

w funó lohløøm ¡fuil¿î

reÁø hñú
6fr lnæâe

Plate 1: Part of Z 196 (Book A)

otPM
13: 169-70, 173-74.
 109

Although pitch is sometimes difficult or impossible to determine in Book A,

identification has been possible for sufficient numbers of chants to say tentatively that the

semicircular virga in these fragments is used only for b natural and e natural. (The means

by which the pitch has been established is discussed above.) This then suggests that the

usage in these sources was not that of the semicircular virga in Pa 903 but rather that of the

horned virga. In Book A the semicircular virga always forms the upper note of a major
second, but its use always as the final note of a neume differentiates it from the horned
virga of Pa 903. In Book A, this vírga is used principally as the second element of
examples of the pes, and secondly as the third element of examples of the scandicus.

Ouilisma. T\e quilisma occurs in both early and lateT,atnoran sources of Aquiønian

notation. This is of particular interest as it was not used in contemporary square notation.
It is a sign which never occurs in isolation. It is always followed by avirga and is usually

preceded by a lower note so as to form aquilisma goup.46 In the Zamotan sources the

quilisma is always part of such a group and the quílísma itself is never found at the
beginning of a new syllable.

Two principal types of the quilisma group have been identified in the sources and a

variety of styles of each type is also observable. The first type is represented by the form

! It is cha¡acterized by the straight or almost suaight line which may be drawn from
the left side of the head of the upper virga along the right side of the quilism¿ to the right of

the low puncturn. The body of the quilisma itself is therefore entirely to the left of that line.

The low punctwn is placed below the quilisma. The top of the quilisma is usually lower

than the head of the virga and rnay have a fine line descending from its lower left corner.

The second type of. quilisma group is exemplified by the form .f In this type a line
drawn between the left of the upper virga head and the low punctu.nt would cut through the

body of the quilism¿. The head of thevírga is usually attached towards the left side of the

quílisma although there a¡e some late sorrces in which it is attached at the far right. The

punctum is placed to the side of the lower part of the quilismarather than below as is the

lhe "quilismatic group" as well as derivation from a grammatical sign are discussed by Eugène
Cardine, Gregorian Semiology, trans. Robert M. Fowels (Solesmes, L982), L99. On the quilisnu as a virga
*ePM 13:175.
 110

case in the first type. Table 1 shows the two types of. quilisma group and the variety in the

forms may be observed there. The distinction between the two types is indefinite only

rarely. Within the large majority of sources the same type is used consistently. The first
type is found in most early sources while the second type is predominant in later sources.

While the quilismø itself has a curved form in most of the sources, some from the late 13th
or 14th century and later show a square or rhomboidal form amongst both types I and 2.

That of the l2th-century Z 2L8 is particularly unusual in the placing of the virga head

considerably above the curve of the quilísma. Also notable in the same source is the

hook-like appearance of the quilísma.

The fi¡st type of quilisma group occurs in all notation class la fragments as well as

in some class lb and class 2 sources including l4th-century sources. The second type
occurs in the l2th-century fragments of class lb as well as later class lb and class 2 sources

but is found principally in the later sources in large notation.

The association of the quilismd group with the interval of a minor third in which a

semitone occurs between the quilisma and the virga above is well known in Aquitanian

notation.aT As fa¡ as it has been possible to ascertain this rule is followed strictty in all the

Zamotan sources and there are no instances of a quilismd group covering an interval
greater than a third. T\e quilísmø is almost entirely present as the central note of the

melodic patterns a-b-c or d-e-f. Some exceptions have been identified which take the

pattern g-a-b-flat in fragments from the 12th to 14th centuries. These a¡e in Z 197,2 59,2
53, and Z 2I9 and a¡e found in a single mode one chant, three mode five chants, and two

mode six chants. The b-flats of the fi¡st three fragments a¡e indicated in other sources.ot

B-flats have been found shown in other sources of two of the three chants with this
quílisma in Z 219.8 These chants a¡e in modes 5 and 6. A fourth chant has several

instances of the g-a-b-flat quilístna which is followed by the descending notes a-g as part of

n'PM
13:176. Cardine , Gregorian Semiology,Zffi.
*Mode
one responsory , Peccata meø, in Pøtêographie musicale, vol. 12, Antiplønaire monastique
XIIIe siècle codex F. 160 de la bibliothèque de la cathédrale de Worcester (1922: reprint, Berne: Herbert
Lang, l97l), 62; Mode five gradual, Domine dominus noster, in Graduale Sarisburiense,l50; mode five
responsory, Vidisti domine, in \Vorcester Iæ (PM 12:275).
aeGraduale
Sarisbtriense 3I5,33l:Worcester Iffi (PM 12: 173,184-85).
 111

a longer melisma. This is the responsory Libera me domine. de morte from the end of the
l4th-century section of the Misal votivo. It has not been possible to find verse tones which

match those of the Zamomn source, but the chant does use b-flats in other sourcesto and is

usually in mode one as has already been mentioned above.

The theorists Durán and Bizca¡gui who both discussed pitch and one-line notation

also identified the placing of semitones in such notation. In the case of Durán, the location

of the solmization syllable mi or of semitones (i.e. the lower note of semitones) and the
solmization syllable/a was discussed. It has already been proposed that he thought of

these as signalled in the notation by accidental signs.sl Only one instance of the use of an

accidental in the fragments has been observed. It occurs inZ226 and indicates the use of

b-flat in the hynrn Magne dies. Bizcargui, on the other hand, referred to the location of the

puntos dc semitono, by which he meant mi, a¡d also to the location of notas de fas. From

his illustrations of the signs of one-line notation, we know the form of the punto de

semitono,sz and from comparison with the Zamoran sources it is apparent that the lower

curve of Bizcargui's punto de semitono in fact represents the quilisma and its upper curve

represents the top note of aquilisma foup. The significance of the punto de semitono as

mi is in accordance with the finding of the pitch of the quilism¿ in the Zamotan sources

which could also be said to represent mi, the lower note of a semitone. Bizcargui's
reference to the location of notas de fas cannot be associated with another note form and so

it may be hypothesized that these were represented by the upper curve of the punto de

semitono (i.e. tre top note of the quilísma group). Whether or not the figure named as the

punto cabeçudo by Bizcargui is also associated with /a as was considered in Chapter 3

remains unclea¡.

The illustrations of the punto de semitono in the two versions of Bizcargui's tneatise

studied in Chapter 3 a¡e not identical, that of 1511 having the closer resemblance to the

forms of the quilisma group of the Zamoran sources. Both forms belong to type 2. A

n
Antip honale S ari sbur ien se, 584; Li b e r U s uatiJ, I 798.
stSee
page 65.
52see
page 75.
 1,12

figure illustrated but unidentified by Durán is like the type I quílisrna and may be seen

below in Table 2.

In their discussions of pitch and the one-line staff, both Durán and Bizca¡gui mention

the possible use of b-flat in mode five, and Durán also mentions its possible use in mode

two.53 It is apparent, however, that b-flat could also be used with other modes; perhaps the

specification of mode f,rve as possibly using b-flat by both theorists is indicative of that

being the mode in which they knew it to be most commonly employed. This hypothesis

receives some confirmation from the observation that in the Zamoran sources mode five

chants most commonly use the g-a-b-flatquilisma group.

Liquescent neumes. Liquescent neumes a¡e found throughout the range of the 7-anoran

sources in Aquitanian notation. The signs maintain their usual frequent association with

potentially liquescent syllables throughout the sources with only one exception.s4 That

exception is the booklet at the rear of the Ritual; there, the cephalícr¡s is used principally in

association with accent.ss

The two liquescent signs occurring most frequently are the epiphonus and the
cephalicus. These are shown in Table 1. They are principally used in isolation. More

rarely, a probably liquescent indicator is added to the finalvírga of apes, to a punctwn, to a,

strophic sign, and to other neumes.56 Examples of these a¡e found in Z 239 .n , Z 59 ,ct ,

Book C r, and Book D I . In some sources, a cephalicus or epiphonøs is found as part

of a neume of two or more notes.

The ascending stem slanting to the right is characteristic of the epiphonus of Aquitanian

notation.sT Variation is observable in Tabte I in the shape and the angle at which the lower

head of the epiphonus is set. The ea¡lier sources prefer a lozenge shape for this head from

which the stem may form a continuation upwards from the lower right side. V/hile the
same style is also preferred in the later sources, a few replace the lozenge-shaped head with
a more or less square or rhomboidal head placed parallel to the staff (Group F, Book G, and

t'Durán,
Comento,fols. cü'-cüi'; Bizcargui, 1528, fol. a[8]'.
rThe
method of determining potentiat liquescence of æxt syllables is discussed in Chapter 5.
ttThis
use of the cephaficus will be treated in detail in Chapter 5.
tA wide variety of liquescent neumes used in Pa 903 are set ovt n PM 13: 158-59.
tlt may be seen in the forms of the epiplnnrs in Pa 903 and PM 2,plates 84, 85, 86, 88, etc.
 113

Group H) and 2226. The same sources which prefer the last type of epiphonus also prefer

avirga in which the upper head is more or less square and placed parallel to the staff.

The form of the cephalicus is more va¡iable than that of the.epiphonus as may be

seen in Table 1. In most it takes a form of the typical cephalícus with its curved form 4 ;

this is also found in Pa 903. The small head at the base of the virga-like sinistral stem may

be placed towards the right or the left. Later sources show a preference for this head to be
set clearly at the left of the stem. In some sources the left stem is replaced by a lozenge,

such as occurs in the Misal votivo and Z 202, the neume as a result having an appearance

quite unlike that of the typical cephalicus illustrated above. That such signs are indeed

cephalici is confirmed by comparison with other sources in which a known cephalicus

form is sometimes found in corresponding positions.ss Furthermore, these sources contain

no other form suggestive of the cephalicrs but do contain the epiphonus.

None of the Spanish theorists identified a particular performance method with

liquescent signs in their discussions of one-line notation nor is there any reason given to

speculate that for them such signs held a special significance of any sort Both the epiphonus
and cephalícus are illustrated by Bizcargui although without these names. Durán presents

the epiphonus as well as a sign simila¡ to the ceplnlicus of some late Aquitanian sources

which adopts the form ìì .t

Torculus and Porrectus. Amongst the early Tamoran sources, the torculus takes the

usual two or three-part Aquitanian forms which are found in Pa 903.60 The three-part form

consists of a punctum plus a virga and finally another punctun, while in the two-part form

the virga and the final punctwn are joined. The nvo-part form is preferred for isolated
positions; the two-part form is shown in Table l. In the later Zamoran sources greater
va¡iation is found in the torculus forms. The lower head of the central virga is less

osources
used for comparison with the Misal votivo: Worcester tû (PM L2: 438\: Patéographie
musicale, vol. 9, Antiphonaire monastique XIIe siècle codex 601 de la Bibliothèque capitulaire de Lucques
(1906; reprint, Berne: Herbert Lang, L974),497; Antiphonale Sarisburiense,583. Sou¡ces used for Z 2022
Ma BRAH 18 fol. 73; Graduale Triplex(Solesmes: Desclée,1979),89 and 273; and Graduale Sarisburiense,
26-n.
sBizcargui,
1528, fol. d; Durán, Comento,fol. c'.
*PM
13: 155. (Form 7a in PM 13 has an exaggeratedly cuned central shape; the facsimile of the
manuscript shows this to be in fact more pointed at the peak, as is the case in most of the Zamoran early
sources.)
 rt4
frequently used in the two-part form of the later sources than it was in the ea¡lier sources; it
instead may have a simple stem as is shown in Table 1. In some later sources the lower

head of the virga is retained thus maintaining the characteristic ea¡lier notational style. The
lower head may be on either the left or the right side of the stem in the later sources, a

surprising observation as in the same sources this head when part of rising neumes such as

the pes is placed on the right side of the stem. The form of the central part of the torculus

of Z 21,8 and Book G is distinguished by its rounded shape from the r ¡r'C more pointed
peak of the usual torculus. Another form presents the three notes of the neume joined so as

to form an accent-neume and is found in Book E, Group F, and 2219. This last form may
be very like that of square notation.6r

T\e porrectus of Aquitanian notation may sometimes be differentiated according to

whether it is used in isolation or in composition.62 This is also the case in the Zamoran
sources. The isolated porrectus consists of three discrete elements, usually a lozenge

followed by a punctum and a virga '.t In composition, although the ponecflrs just

described continues to be employed, in most soruces an alternative form is present as well.

This latter form appears to derive from the second and third notes of the two-part torculus

with an added virga at the end and joins the three pirches, forming a one-piece accent-neume.63

The form is shown in Table 1, see for example Book C and Z 219. It is not used in

isolation. Sources from the late 13th century or the l4th century and later which have the

two-part torculus without lower virga head also drop the lower head at the beginning of the

one-piece porrectus if ttrat form is used. Those sources in which the one-piece torculus is
present also do not utilize the low initial virga head on the porrecfr¿s with the exception of

22L9. In other late sources, however, the low initial head is retained. (Some sources use

the porrecn¿s both with and without the low head.) The one-piece Aquitanian porrectus
has a ma¡ked resemblance to the porrectus of square notation with its oblique beam

otAn
exceptional pes also occu¡s Group F but only occurs once. It is shown in the table. The two
notes afe joined together as if to form the fi¡st two notes ol a torculus, resulting in a form also found in square
notation.
tThe
two forms are shown in PM 13:154-55.
6Ïlre parts of this neume are identified as a clir¿s followed by avirga ìn PM 13: 175.
 115

representing the two falling notes; however, in square notation the final head may be on the

left instead of the right and the initial head is absent.

The one-piece porredus is found only very infrequently in the early 7-amoran sources

and is particularly rare in the l2th-century fragments where the porrecfus of discrete points

is preferred. The later sources may use both forms of. porrectus or, more rarely, may avoid

the one-pie ce porre ctus altogether.

*:ß**rl.*

Reference has already been made in this chapter to the discussions of the theorists,

Durán and Bizcargui, about one-line notation. Some further comments on this topic remain

to be made as paft of the conclusion of the discussion of Aquitanian notation in the

Zamoran soufces.

Amongst the Zamoran collection the neumes most like Durán's illustrations in the

Comento are those of the l4th-century Misal votivo and the l4thllsth-century Z L00. In
Table 2 some of the neumes are compared. The punctun of the Comento often has short

stems ascending and/or descending from the corners; Durán's illustrations a¡e inconsistent

in this fean¡re. Short stems may be observed descending frompuncta of the Misal votivo,while

in Z 100 fine short stems ascend anüor descend ftom puncra Another unusual feature of

the two sources and Durán's illustrations is the manner of writing neumes with series of

rising notes. The notes of the ascending series with the exception of the topmost are placed

more or less vertically one above the other, unlike the other Zamoran sources studied in

which the standa¡d Aquitanian neumatic slope is used placing the rising notes at a more or

less 45" angle to the staff. As with other sources descending series are placed almost

vertically. The virga at the topmost point is placed to the right of the vertically rising series

but that of the Comento takes a non-standa¡d form in comparison with later Zamonn
sources: unlike those of the Mísal votivo andZ 100 a lower head is placed to the left of the

stem. Durán'suseof theleftlowerheadinthevirga componentof thetwo-part torculusis

less unusual and is seen also in the Misal votivo. The one-piece por"rectus of. the Comento

also has the left placed lower head.

 116

Bizcargui's illusF¿ted forms of one-line notation have been shown in Chapter 3. His

neumes are neatly shaped, using square puncta and more precisely formed lozenges than

those of Durán. He does not use short lines ascending and descending from corners of

puncta as did Durán. Nearly vertical placing of the notes of descending forms is found

when these consist of lozenges and puncta at the base, however in Bizcargui's two examples

of music written on one line, descending passages are also notated as series of square

puncta which descend at an angle rather than vertically. None of the Zamoran sources

have notation resembling the series of attached puncta given by Bizcargui in these two

examples.a The forms as given in his illustrations of individual neumes are, however, like

those of the late Aquitanian forms in most of the Zamoran sources, with the most unusual

being the ponectus (in his words punto doblado) with its pronounced curved form and his

mediwn percutiens which is so like the bisEopha of square notation. A form simila¡ to

Bizcargui's mediumpercutíens occurs inZ64 (Group H).

The most distinctive of the notation classes identified above is class la. The following

features may be named as belonging to it type I quilisma, no lozenges, irregular application

of direct, and preference for the potectus of. discrete points. One of the exceptional

fragments of the Zarnoran collection and of class la is Z 218. It differs from the other
fragments in its class in the use of larger and longer punctc, the rounded curves of the

torculus and cephalicus; and an overall appearance of elongation which results partly from

the use of fine lines. Z 218 bea¡s some resemblance to a lãth-century source from
Alcobaça in Portugal.65 Noøbly different in the Alcobaça source, however, is the use of a

red staff line and occasional lozenges. Another exceptional fragment, Z 2I9, is placed in

class 2. It differs from the common style of the class in a number of ways including its use

of lozenge-shapeÅ,puncta tn isolation, a yellow staff, and a one-piece torculus. Characteristics

generally found in late Aquitanian notation of the collection, some of which are also
features of the ea¡lier styles, may be summarized in the following list:

1. notes are larger in size than in earlier notation;

2. square or rhomboidal, angular, precise shapes;

øBizcargui,
1528, fol. diü"-diiii'.
*Corbin, Essai, plare
3.
 rt7
3. use of lozenges in descending parts of neumes but not in isolation;

4. one red staff line;

5. absence of clef but usual Aquitanian association of mode and line;

6. use of direct with sinistral head placed at or near top of stem;

7. occasional loss of lower head of virga;

8. placing of lower head on left side of left "stem" of. cephalicus ;

9. employment of quilísma (quilisma group covering the interval of a minor

third);

10. one-piece forms of. torculw andporrecfus simila¡ to those of square

notation.

In order to be able to establish conclusive evidence for the identification of local,

regional or other styles of copying, more studies will be needed on Aquiønian notation,

especialty in sources for which provenance and dating is known.66 In addition, the fragmentary

nature of the Zamotan sources means that observations such as the finding of the absence

of a particular type of neume cannot be taken as sufficient evidence for its total avoidance

by a particular scribe or its exclusion from the original, lost manuscripts. The study
presented here is therefore viewed as offering preliminary material for other studies of the

Zamoran sources as well as some comparative material for future resea¡ch into the use of

Aquitanian notation on the Iberian Peninsula. A wider study would take into account other

signs not discussed here, such as the oriscus and aposffophø. The oriscus in fact is used

very rarely and only in early T,amoran sourcos. A particularly significant feature which is

worthy of further investigation is the semicircula¡ virga found in Book A. Further resea¡ch

on this sign would include study of sources in which it is used, located both in and out of

Spain. The usage of the sign may assist in location of a place or a region of origin for the

fragments as well as providing another aspect for use in dating. It is particularly of interest

as both the form and the meaning of the sign are distinctive.

*Uarfa
Carmen Gómez has commented on the use of Aquitanian notation in Catalan manuscripts.
Alterations, such as increasingly lozenge or squar€ forms, are noticeable among these between early and late
sources, but as Gómez notes the small number of sources prevents the establishment of conclusions. "Quelques
remarques sur le répertoire polyphonique antérieur à I'Ars novaplovenrnt de I'ancien royaume d'Aragon"
Cahiers de Civilisation Médiévale 31 (1988): 102-3.
 118

Table t Selected Neumes and the Direct of Aquitanian and Late Aquitanian Not¿tion in

Zamoran Sources

KCy: 1 -pes;2- clivís;3-porrectus;4-torculür;5 - quilisma group l;6-quilísmagrcup

2; 7 - epiphonusi 8 - cephalicus; 9 - di¡ect.

(Real sizes are not shown although reflected. The sources are arranged according to the

dates which have been assigned to each source and a¡e shown in Appendix 1.)

r23456789
Class la

zl5 î '. '.1 .n y .

2202f:''!.4.Y/7

BookA ,t ! t .,rN .,t I r' 1 I

z2Lg.?B-.t.t{!41

Class 1b

ztTl ,l T,FIL !1þ)

zt97 .f I
a !¿ .4 Í 4 /

2239 ¡ t
a tf .L f I 1 1

2268 ¡f
I at,
.a zt ,{L .f /

258 ,t a
a tîtr ,0. .f J I

259 I ú
a Ia !t' tl .4 a I 4t
z t23 t
a 0
a |, .lL f
a ! 4 I
 It9
Table I continued

t23 4 5 6 789

BookB '. I ¡l .4 f ¿l 41

29rft.,l ,if ! ô t

BookC .t t tr t( .û î ! , I

Class 2

Book D a I t :f ¡¡ .,td! f I ¡l I

Book E .l I ¡t N ,[ô f / .1 1

GroupF .f ¿l t tt Àf .ÈÂ { .f ! ¡| I
/t 4
2226 rtttt ,È! .l' J
a 1
I

z20t ,l I Ìç ,À c { 1
ft'

z2te et I lt ¡f 4 ,
,f / 0

Book G rl' : .l .¡t ,1 Id I

Group H ,l I !t f'ù .f ! ô I
rl¡ a ) rþ .f
z t49 a
f I lr I

z26s .f t .l
a T

zn2 'l I ¿¡f .û t'd

I ') 1
 t20

Table l continued

1 23 4 5 6 7 89

Book I rf g Ilt,r ,ù.I J ! 1fi

290
,f I I0 ñf r{b rI
a
I
zroo r! t Il Þ' ,ù ìf J
,l
I
Misal votivo
,! I I!
I
.d! J
I ,l û 1

Booklet (Ritual) îì
I

Table 2: Comparison of Neumes from the Comento,Z 100, and the Mísal votivo

Key: I -puncfinn;2-torculus;3 - porrectus:4-quilisma group 1;5 - ascending series

(with descending series in the Comento).

t2 3 4

DvránrComento ,{ .ù ,fS
l|
I it
rl
z 100 I rù þf t' I
I
r!
Mísal votivo a .ll Id a
a
 tzt
SQUARE NOTATTON
Square notation is found in many of the AHPZa fragments, the ea¡liest being the single

fragment which contains polyphony, and extending through to fragments dating from the

late 15th or early l6th century. The Ritual and the Mísal votivo also use square notation.

Not¿tion styles with ma¡ked mensural influence as well as fully mensural notation are also

found amongst the sources and will be discussed later in this chapter. The term "square

notation" is used here to refer to the standa¡d forms of chant notation with very little or no

influence from mensural notation. The teÍns "semi-mensural" and "pseudo-mensural",67 as

well as the phrase "mensurally influenced notation" identify chant notations which show
distinct non-standard va¡iations to square notation, those variations having the appearance

and sometimes the significance of cha¡acteristically mensural signs.

Square notation came to prominence during the 13th century. The dissemination of

the new notation must have been assisted by the Franciscans' adoption of it during the mid

13th century. Both the Franciscans and Dominicans wished for clearer, more easily readable

manuscripts and accordingly set out rules to achieve this end.68 They required the use of

square notation written on a staff of four lines, which could be either red or black according

to the more detailed Franciscan rules, and the text was to be written clearly and separated

sufficiently so that the notes would not be squeezed together. The rules also required that

text and notes together with ligatures and pausas or virgulae pausarum be preserved with

care and not changed. Additionally prescribed in the Dominican rules was the use of the

di¡ect oÍ custos, yet another feature able to contribute to greater efficiency in the use of a

manuscript. Given the interest of these two orders in this type of notation, one may ask

whether they may have been associated with the production of some of the Zamotan

sources which use square notation, especially those of the 14th century.6e A notable

flI am grateful to Dr. Hendrik van der'Werf for suggesting the use of the term 'þseudo-mensural ".
6See
the statutes quoted by Michel Huglo in "Règlement du XIIf siècle pour la transcription des
livres notés", Festschrift Bruno Stdblein zum 70. Geburtstag (Kassel: Bärenreiter, t967), LVl-25, as well as
substantial discussion of them in the same aficle. These rules are also discussed in S. J. P. van Dijk, "An
Advertisement Sheet of an Early Fou¡teenth-Century Writing Master at Oxford", Scriptorium 10 (1956):
47-64; and S. J. P. van Dijk and J. Hazelden Walker, The Origins of the Modern Roman Liturgy (Iondon:
Da¡tmann, Longman & Todd, 19û),329-32.
@l3th-century
manuscripts in Spain known to have been associated with other orders are also
wriüen in square notation, for example, those of the Cistercian monastery of Las Huelgas.
 r22

similarity of notational style exists between the l4th-century Zamo¡an Book 1 and the
1Sth-century Antíphonariurn, Montserrat, Biblioteca del Monasterio, Ms. 759. The
provenance of the latter source may be the Dominican monastery, Sant¿ Ma¡ía de los

Caballeros, in Toro.70 The fragments of Book 1, like many of the AHPZafragments, were

bound to protocol books of Toro.

The four-line st¿ff was the st¿nda¡d for chant written in square notation.Tl This rule

did not, however, apply to Spain where the fîveJine staff seems to have been most frequen!

with other parts of Western Europe generally preferring four lines.72

Zamoran Sources

Square notation found in the Zanoran sources may be divided into three classes

based principally on the form of pes in use. These classes may be named class 3, class 4,

and class 5 in order to distinguish them from the Aquiønian notation classes. The pes of

class 3 ir I , and that of class + is rfl. Chss 5 uses both forms of pes.

Dating of most of the sources is problematic; however, use of the approximate

datings which have been made shows that the classes a¡e associated with different periods

of time. Sources of class 3 notation include the ea¡liest ones using square notation from the

mid to late l3th century and the 14th century, as well as some from the 15th century. The

14th-century section of the Misal votivo, the Ritual, the large fragment group identified as

Book L, and a small number of other fragments all fall into this class.73 Class 4 includes

sources of the 15th century up to the late 15th or early 16th century. It contains a gxeater

toAlexandre
Olivar, Catòleg dels manuscrits de la biblioteca del Monestir de Montserrøt, Scripta et
Documenta, vol. 25 (Monestir de Montserrat, 1977),55-56.
ttAll the examples in squarenoüation in the following two facsimile sor¡rces employ the fourline
staff: PM 2, plates 5G79, and Jacques Hourlier, Lø notation musicale des chants liturgiques /arlns (Cenomani:
Solesmes, 1960), plates 26-29.
Æarly printed books produced in Spain show frequent employment of the four-line staff. Out of
eleven dating from 1485 to 1500 described by Stevenson, only two use a five-line staff (Stevenson, Spanish
Music, l02-ll). Could this variation from common Spanish manuscript practice have been associated with
the fact that many printers working in Spain were of German origin and thus may have infroduced a practice
familiar to them instead of the usual Spanish one?
?3Ïhis
section of the Misal votivo very occasionally uses a stemless form of obliquepes. Owing to
the differentiation from the usual obliquepes form, it hæ been decided that the class 3 classification is the
most appropriate.
 t23

numbr of the fragments than class 3 and includes the other large fragment group, Book 8,
as well as the l5th-century section of the Mísal votivo. Class 5 sources date from the late
14th or 15th centuries and comprise a smaller number than the other two classes. The

notation class of each source studied is identified in Appendix 1.

The cha¡acteristics of the three classes of square notation are given below. (The

English equivalent of the Spanish virgula, "virgule", is used here and in the remainder of

the dissertation for the vertical lines or "bar-lines" of the manuscripts. Simila¡ly the term

'þlica" is used to mean the square note with two stems referred to in the previous chapter
as punto con dos plicas rather than with the Spanish meaning of a stem.)

Class 3

1. verticalpes form I
2. varying types of porrectus of which the two main ones ar"
N
*d ¡l

3. scandicusforms are principa[y

J ""d!t]
4. the punctunt is either plain r or has a short stem T4
5. virgules are used for separating either phrases, words, syllables or melisma

sections.

Class 4

1. obliquepes form rfl

2. ponectus tu* fl
3. scandicus form
{
4. plain puncturn r or with short stems I
?aSuch
short stems appear to have no significance with regard to interpreation. This is also the case
with the stems of class 4 ptncta.
 t24

5. virgules a¡e used principally to separate each word of a chant although

monosyllables a¡e sometimes not separated from the following word.

Class 5

In this class the characteristics listed for classes 3 and 4 a¡e mixed. Each of

the sources contains both forms of thepes; each may contain the porrectus oL

both classes, the scandícus of class 4 and one or both forms of class 3, either

of the punctwn forms of class 3, and the virgule use of class 3 or 4.

The five-line staff is commonly used in all the Zamo¡an square notation sources with

the only exceptions being Book I (class 3) and Z 203 (class 5), both of which have a
four-line staff. There are no exceptions in the class 4 sources. The five-line staff, as

opposed to the four-line staff, was clearly regarded as the norrn by theorists; it was mentioned

by Durán, Bizcargui, and Bermudo. The direct is used in all the sources of square notation,

the most common form in the three classes being /.tt *r, form is employed frequently

in the illustrations of treatises such as those by Durán, Sparion, and Bermudo.

The employment of the oblique pes form is matched in class 4 notation by the use of

the oblique scandicus and the ponectus in which the final head is placed in an oblique

relation to the central note. Similarly the verticalpes is matched in class 3 notation by the

scandicus in which two of the three notes are placed vertically, and at times by the use of

the porrectus in which the final note is placed vertically above the central one.

The frequent references by the Spanish theorists to the slanting beam known as

alpha or alphado (also spelt with / instead of ph) seem to indicate their interest in this

neume component well known for its appearance intheporrectus. TIte theorists' comments,

however, ¿ue not wholly reflected in the sources. One such comment is Durán's instruction

that the alpha may either descend or ascend, but rising beams are extremely rare in the

?h.esearch
into the use of the direct in English San¡m sources is of interest although the Zamoran
sources cannot be dated with the precision of the English ones: "the general adoption of the custos in the
San¡m manuscripts must be dated to the third or fourth quarter of the fourteenth century"; see Dianne Lynne
Droste, "The Musical Notation and Transmission of the Music of the Sarum Use, L225-1500" @h.D. diss.,
University of Toronto, 1983), 80. The presence of the direct is therefore a useful indicator of date in Sarum
manuscripts (Droste, "The Musical Noüation", 14L42).
 t25

sources. In fact, Durán's acceptance of the rising alpha was unusual; Bermudo specified

the employment of the beam only for descending notes, whilst others of the Spanish

theorists illustrated only the falling alpha. Other limit¿tions named by Bermudo, and

which have been discussed in Chapter 3, are not observable in the sources. The alpha is
found used throughout the three classes of notation without variation in manner of
employment. The cha¡acteristics of its employment are: firstly, it may be used in ligatures

of th¡ee or more notes; secondly, the two descending notes which it represents are either a

second or a thfud apa¡t; thirdly, the note preceding or following the alpha wittrin the

ligature is not always of the same pitch as the fi¡st note of the beam; and fourthly, as

already noted, the alphø, with very few exceptions, descends.

The plica is used in all classes but with a variety of forms. In some of the sources of

classes 3 and 5 there is a tendency to set the heads of plicas at a slant, as is shown at

number 1 in Example I below. Exclusive to a single fragment of class 5,2I0, is the form

given as number 2. Number 3 gives the most cornmon form of plica with the simple square
shape; it is found in all three classes. Number 4 is also found in the three classes but

principally in class 4; it is the form described by Durán as having a tongue-like sign

between the stems. Among the Zamo¡an sources, the last type of plica appears only in

some from 15th- or early 16th-century sowces. It has not been found by this writer in any

non-Spanish sources, this fact suggesting the hypothesis that it could be a feature of Spanish

square notation.T6

Examole 1

ol
I I 2.1 311 4l|I

Forms 1, 3, and 4 all occur with ascending stems instead of descending stems. Number I

usually takes the form I when inverted. Ascending or descending stems appear to have
ttt is not found, for example, in any of the examples of square notation in PM 2, plates 50-79, or
Hourlier, La notation musicale, plates 26-29.
 126

been very largely determined by the direction of melodic movement so that if the note

following the plica is higher the stems ascend, but if the next note is lower the stems

descend.

Repercussive neumes a¡e also found in a variety of forms. Most of these are given in

Example 2.

Example 2

1.r I 2'tì 3' ll 4...

The form given as number I is the most common and is found in all classes but is
especially cha¡acteristic of class 4. Number 2 represents the form employed in the class 3

fragments of Book 1 and occasionally in the class 3 (14th-century) section of the Misal

votivo. Both form numbers 3 and 4 are ra¡e. As a connection between the plica and the
first of the forms was indicated by Bermudo, the latter is discussed further in Chapter 5.

For purposes of discussion, form number I will be referred to as a "double" and form
number 2 as a "plica double".

A particularly interesting usage of the double is found in a hymn,Iesus ab ore,in

fragments Z206 andZ207. In these probably late l5th-century or early 16th-century

fragments, performance according to the dictum of one note per compas would result in

each double having a total duration of two compases; Bermudo's cornment of the double

being used in place of the plicaTT confirms this durational interpretation. In lesus ab ore

the double is used so regularly that the sign is able to take the role of establishing meter and

the notation may be viewed as a simple form of measured notation. (A transcription of

Iesus ab ore is given at the rear of this dissertation.)

TÏte íntenso and the remisso, a pur of signs mentioned by various theorists and

discussed in Chapter 3, have proved impossible to identify. Their function of sharpening

and flattening seems to be taken instead by the use of accidentals, although these were not

tsee pages 89-90.

 r27

employed regularly in many sources. The triangular form of semibreve is another sign

mentioned by the theorists which is not found amongst the Zamoran sources.

The differentiation in usage of virgules between classes 3 and 4 is worthy of comment.

The usage of class 4 is founded on the simple approach of separation of neumes belonging

to individual words. The exceptions are monosyllables which may be grouped with another

word, and melismatically set words in some sources for which virgules mark individual

syllables. A perhaps more sophisticated basis for virgule placement appears to have been

operative for some class 3 sources, in which grcater discretion was apparently employed.

The meaning of class 3 virgules seems to be associated with phrasing in such sources.

Placing of virgules within melismas as well as within melismatically set words occurs

especially in Book 1 fragments (class 3 notation). The breaking of melismas is particularly

intriguing and deserves wider investigation than is possible in the present study. The

placement of virgules within words in an early Dominican manuscript is also remarked

upon briefly in the dissertation by Hal1er.78 On the subject of function of virgules or in his

term "bars" he makes the interesting comment: "It is the present author's contention that

their principal use may be to allow the eye to focus on easily recognizable note groupings

in order to facilitate reading of the chant or the correction of other manuscripts" and later
adds "the bars certainly do not seem to have had rhythmic value."7e Sample comparisons

of Book 1 chants very simila¡ to those in non-Zamoran sources show that the placing of
ba¡s is not duplicate4 an observation which is given more significance by Haller's reference

to work carried out by Bonhomme in comparing recrurences of the same chants within the

Dominican manuscript. Bonhomme showed that even in such situations virgule placement

was not duplicated.m

The simple use of virgules to ma¡k the neumes for each word (with the occasional

exception of monosyllables) is also found in late Aquitanian (class 2) noøtion of the

Zamotan sources, although amongst those there a¡e also some which either do not use

ttRobert
B. Haller, "Early Dominican lvlass Chants: A Wirress to Thirteeenth-Century Chant Style"
(Ph.D. diss., Catholic University of America, 1986),45.
teHa[er,
"Eatly Dominican Ma.ss Chant",45.
tHaller,
"Eady Dominican lvfass Chant",45.
 t28

virgules or use them irregularly. The earlier Aquitanian sources, those of class 1, employ

virgules infrequently and their function is apparently to clarify the alignment of notation

and text. Amongst the class 1 sources, frequent use is limited to a single responsory in Z

218 in which the scribe clearly met considerable difficulty in fitting melismatic passages

over the text.sr

The virgules just discussed a¡e those used singly. In the Zamoran squarc notation

sources, double or triple vertical lines are also found marking the ending of chants and

frequently preceding psalm incipits. Very rare, however, is their employment to separate

solo and chorus sections.

Mont 759, referred to above as being simila¡ in notational style to Book 1, makes use

of the class 3 manner of notation. As in Book 1, virgules are placed within melismas
although comparison of chants shows that positioning may vary. The melodies also show

some variations between the two sources as do the chants and chant order employed. Other

notational simila¡ities include the four-line staff, the form of the direct, and the regular use

of accidentals. The probably late 14th- or early l5th-century antiphoner belonging to the
Convento de Santa Cla¡a in Villalobos in the region of Zamoru (founded 138682) also

shows some notable similarities to Book 1. These are principally in the a¡eas of notational

style which is that of class 3, as well as script and initial style. Virgules are used to

separate words or phrases but not to break melismas as is a feature of Book 1 and Mont

759. The Villalobos antiphoner, however, uses a five-line staff. Comparison of chants
with Book 1 shows that, amongst those examined, while melodies are in general simila¡
they are by no means identical, and neither is the order of chants nor all the chants
employed the same. The study of the antiphoners of Montserrat and Villalobos suggest that

an identifiable school of manuscript copying may have been located in or may have supplied

the region of 7-amora, resulting in some homogeneity of noøtional style but responding to

ttA simila¡
observation is made about "vertical lines" in Aquitanian versaria by James Grier who
examined their occurrence in both monophony and polyphony. "These lines were added to give clearer visual
information about the alignment of text and music, either to scribes who might copy from these manuscripts
or to performers." (James Grier, "Scribal Practices in the Aquitanian Versaria of the Twelfth Century:
Towa¡ds a Typology of Error and Variant", f ournal of the American Musicological Society 45 (1992): 381.
62Espfas
Sánchez, Monasterios de clausura en Ttmora, I}L.
 129

different liturgical needs. This is a topic which cannot be pursued further here but is one

which might be worthy of further investigation along paleographical and codicological

lines.

The choice of pes form as the principal criterion for the est¿blishment of the three

classes of not¿tion discussed in this section was made because this is the most prominent

and regular difference observable amongst the sources. The two forms were not discussed

by the Spanish 15th- and 16th-century theorists although they were given by the Italian

Gaffurius.s3 Nevertheless from the illusnations of the treatises, the obliqure pes form seems

undoubtedly to have been the prefened form of the Spanish writers, although the vertical

form does appear very occasionally in examples. Their preference confirms the observation

that the verticalpøs tended to be replaced by the oblique one during the later period. There

is no reason to believe that the two forms may have indicated differing performance
methods. Further resea¡ch into a broader range of Spanish square notation sources as well

as sources from outside of Spain would be of interest to examine further the usage of the

two forms of pes and to compare the results of the findings from the 7-amoran sources.

MENSURAL NOTATION
The association of liturgical chant and mensural notation can be observed occasionally

from the l3th century onwards. While the complete notating of chants in mensural signs

was rare, more cornmon was the influence of mensural notation observable in the employment

of various signs usually characteristic of the mensural system. Such signs, however, seem

not always to have brought with them any mensural significance.*

Mensural or menstually influenced notation came to be employed increasingly during

the latter part of the Middle Ages as was stated by Stäblein: "Bereits Ende des 13. Jahrhunderts

beginnen unter dem Einfluß der mehrstimmigen Musik mensurale Elemente in die
Quadratschrift einzudringen, was bis zum Ende des Mittelalters bei Neukompositionen fast

ESee
page 78.
*Søblein found that
stemmed notes placed at ends of words sometimes were not meaningful. He
gave two Catalonian manuscripts held in Lérida as examples. See Stäblein, Schrifibild der einstimmigen
Musik,69 n.696.
 130

die Regel wird."8s David Hiley has commented that mensurally notated chants "are almost

exclusively chants with texts in regular accentual verse'tr and Stlibtein noted the appearance

of mensural elements in the notation of such gemes as hymns, sequences, and chants of the

Ordinary.sT Of the Ordinary chants, it was especiatly newly composed ones (predominantly

Credo settings) that received mensural Eeatment.ss

The mensural notation of hymns in Spanish sources of the 14th and 15th centuries

has been commented upon by various writers including Stäblein and Anglès.8e An earty

15th-century mensural hymnal is currently being studied by M. Bemadó of Barcelona. His

study promises to be of importance in regard to both the use of mensural notation in

Spanish chant sources of the period and the repertory of hymns employed.eo

The convent of Las Huelgas houses two manuscripts of interest for their use of

mensural notation. The first is the well known largely polyphonic codex Hu which includes

some mensurally notated monophonic chants which have been Eanscribed by Anglès and

Anderson.et The second manuscript, number 8 of the Huelgas collection, is a l4th-century

Cistercian antiphoner using square notation in which long notes are distinguished from

short notes by the addition of stems and a¡e employed for long syllables.e2

Early examples of printed liturgical books from Spain are sometimes found to show

mensural elements in the notation. Concerning these sources Stevenson has observed that

"where diamond-shaped notes (not in descending series), single squüe notes with two

tt
Stäblein, Schriftbitd der einstimmigen Musik, L76.
bavid Hiley, "Chant", in Performance Practice. Music beþre 1600, ed. Howa¡d Mayer Brown
and Stanley Sadie, 37-54 (London: Macmillan, 1989), 48. On pages 48 to 49, Hiley presents a useful, brief
coverage of mensural chant notation and also of chant performance following the Council of Trent.
tståblein,
Sc hriftbi ld de r eins tinni gen M usik, 69.
ostäblein,
Schriftbild der einstimmigen Musiþ 69, 176. Other mentions of mensural noüation of
the Credo are found in Franz Tack,Gregorian Chant (Cologne: Amo Volk Gerlag, 1960), 19 (facsimile, 50);
and Hiley, "Chant", 49. Reference to the comments of Gaffurius and Zadino with regard to the mensural
Credo has already been made on page 79.
tståblein, Schriþild der einstimmigen Musik,69; Higinio Anglés, "Early Spanish Music Culture
and Cardinal Cisneros's Hymnal of 1515", rn Aspects of Medieval and Renøissance Music, ed. Jan LaRue
(lnndon: Oxford University Press, 1967), 8-16.
ÐM.
Bernardó, "Sobr€ el origen y la procedencia de la tradición himnódica hispánica a fines de la
Edad Media", paper delivered at the 15th Congress of the International Musicological Society, lvladricl, 1992.
otAnglès,
Huetgax Gordon A. Anderson, The Las Huelgas Manuscripf, Corpus Mensurabilis Musicae
79, 2 vols. (Neuhausen-Stuttgarf American Instituæ of Musicology,I9S2).
oFe¡mÁndez
de lia Cuesta, M anuscri tos, 107 .
 131

stems, and single squares with right-hand descenders combine to make rhythmic patterns -

as in the Toledo books - measured chant rather than plainsong in free rhythm must have
been sung."e3 An example of an incunable employing mensurally influenced notation is

the 1499 Missale Toletanutn of Cisneros.x Mensural notation for hymns is employed in

another of the Cisneros books, the early l6th-century Intonariwn Toletanwn es Overall, it
may be observed that mensural notation of chant became increasingly cornmon during the

16th cennrry in Spanish sources.e'

Zamoran Sources

Different styles of mensurally influenced notation are found amongst these sources.

Although it is not always possible to establish with certainty the significance of the mensural

signs in the Zamotan sources, three types of notation seem to emerge. These may be

named pseudo-mensural, semi-mensu¡al, and mensu¡al; each will be discussed below with

some examples given.

In fact, the use of mensurally influenced chant notations amongst the Zamoran
sources is very ra¡e and is found in only seven AHPZa fragments and the Misalvotivo.

The fragments, which date from the 15th century or early 16th century, are all those of

Group 2 (285,2105, andZ 145); two from Book 5a(Z 167 andZ L74); one from Book 6

(Z l5D; as well as Z 11.5. While all the chants of Group 2 and Z ll5 use mensurally

influenced notation, Books 5a and 6, as well as the Misal votivo,juxtapose chants in square

notation with chants in varying degrees of mensurally influenced notation.

"stevenson, Spanish Music, 103.

*Stevenson,
Spanish Music, 108.

"IrIa M 268. For discussion of this source, see Anglés,'Early Spanish Music Culture", 8-16.
sspanish practices
were also reflected in books produced in Mexico during the second half of ttre
lóth century. The notation of one of these, printed in Mexico in 1584, is studied in depth by Duncan.
Mensural notation wa.s used in that book for a large propolion of hymns and some Office of the Dead chants
while square notation was the standa¡d employed for the soufce. See Duncan, "Mexican Chant Book", 14;
for the study of the mensurally notated hymns see Chapter 9 of her work.
 t32
Pseudo-mensural notation

Pseudo-mensural notation refers to that in which mensural signs are present but seem

to be without their durational significance. Such seemingly mensural signs occur occasionally

throughout the l4th-century section of the Misal votívo, becoming more frequent in a few

chants such as Conditor þrie omníwn, f.ol. 46. Two instances of apparently mensural

notation in this chant are discussed immediately below.

Signs with the appearance of longs are employed over the syllable "ley" in the word

"eleyson" on three occasions in which the melody falls by a step to the finat syllable, both

syllables receiving only a single note. The significance of these single-stemmed notes is

made increasingly puzzling by the signs employed in the same position and with the same

melodic motion in other instances of the word: a plain punctum without stem occurs once,

and a double also occurs once. (Two further instances of "eleyson" have an ascending step

to the final syllable. One of these has a single-stemmed note on the final, while both have

unstemmed notes on the penultimate syllables.) Another 14th-century Spanish square

notation source studied employs plica doubles on the syllable "ley" of "eleyson" in the

same work.et Given that the syllable is one on which liquescent treatment was appropriate,
could the single-stemmed isolated notes in this chant of the Mísal votivo have been intended

to represent plicas? The apparent long might therefore be sung with two notes; however,

this question must remain unanswered at the present time. The opening of Conditor þrie
omníwn is given with the nanscriptions at the rear of this dissertation. The syllable "ley" in

this segment of the chant is that notated with a plainpuncturn.

Also having the appearance of a sign suited to mensural notation in Conditor þríe

omníurn i, ltJ. (Its placement may be seen in the transcription of the opening of the

chant.) Such a sign in a mensural context would probably be interpreted as indicating a

plicated ligature to be sung with an additional rising note at the end of the three fatling

notes. However, in chant notation a final plica would not usually be indicated in this
manner. Comparison with other sources of the chant show that an added rising note at this

' Ma L36l,fors. 182"- l8T.

 r33

point is not to be found. The evidence of Hu is curious as it uses the very simila¡ ,ign !,
in the corresponding cantus position of a two-voice setting of the chant.es This observation

raises the difficult question of whether the chant of the Misal votívo might have been
copied from a mensural manuscript connected with Hu or a tr¿dition to which Hu belonged.

The fragments of Group 2 all seem to show pseudo-mensural notation. The two

features of these fragments suggestive of mensural influence a¡e the use of apparently cun

opposita proprietate ligatures and of single-stemmed notes. The fact that the rising stem at

the beginning of ligatures cha¡acteristic of cu.tn opposita proprietate is used only when the

following note of the ligature is higher than the first, suggests that the usual mensural
interpretation may not be valid. Ligatures in which the second note is lower than the first

never use an opening ascending stem in these fragments. The rising stem as an indicator of

the semibreve interpreøtion expected fromcwn opposítaproprietate liganres and as indicated

by one of the anonymous Spanish theoristsee therefore seems placed in doubt. Such
ligatures in which the pitch of the second note is higher than the first occur occasionally in

the Misal votivo and for these also there is no reason to suspect a durational significance.r0o

The second of the possibly mensural features in the Group 2 fragments is the employment

of single-stemmed notes which appear to be longs. The irregularity of their occurrence

suggests that they a¡e without durational significance. Nevertheless, it must be admitted
that another viewpoint might prefer to give these a lengthened duration and therefore see

the notation as semi-mensural (this style of notation is discussed below). The issue of the

significance of such signs arises again in Chapter 10 in association with notation of polyphony

in the Misal votivo.

Semi-mensural notation

In semi-mensural notation, mensural signs are mixed with standard, non-mensural

signs. Amongst the Zamoran sources this type of notation is found in three fragments: two

ffiFacsimile:
Anglès,fluel gøs z,fol. Ì .
ssee page 84.
t.|mFor
example, fols. 2l' ,28' , and 30'.
 t34

from Book 5a (Z 167 and Z 174) andZ 115. The mensural signs of these sources appear to

require mensural interpretation, while the remaining signs evidently should be treated as

they would in non-mensural square chant notation. The mensural approach is especially

noticeable in words of two or more syllables set syllabically; longs and breves, or sometimes

breves and semibreves, may be observed in such words, often, but by no means always,

reflecting syllable accent. Non-mensural signs are represented by the regular ligature

forms characteristic of square notation. Apart from the few exceptions outlined below, the

ligature forms of mensural notation a¡e absent.

The two fragments of Book 5a already mentioned contain part of the chants of the

Lamentations for use in Holy V/eek. These are given in semi-mensural notation, while a

responsory also found inZ 174 is in square notation without mensural influence. The third

fragment of Book 5a, Z 175, contains part of the antiphons and responsories of Good

Friday matins and is in square notation again without mensural influence. The differentiation

in these fragments of the treatment of genres is noteworthy. The tendency to employ

mensurally influenced notation for certain genres such as the Credo is already well known,

but the case of the Lamentations represents a practice which appears to have been little

documented and is certainly worthy of further investigation.r0r

The mensural features of the notation of Z 167 andZ t75 a¡e:

1. the employment of semibreves, breves, and longs in isolation;

2. the occasional ligature with an opening upward left-hand stem occurring either at

the beginning or within a melisma;

3. the occasional employment of a lozenge in a rising position within ligatures.

Z ll5, also classified here as semi-mensural, makes use of longs and breves for

syllabically set words, although the great majority are longs. In this fragment, such
differentiation in duration reflects word accent to at least some degree. An example is
found in the setting of the word "opera" in which the first and third syllables are given

longs while the second receives a breve.

totSamuel
Rubio reported "reminiscencias de mensuralismo" in some genres of chant including the
Lamentations found in late l6th-century manuscripts of the Escorial. Samuel Rubio, "Las melodias de los
<<libros corales> del Escorial", La Ciudad de Dios 182 (1969): 351.
 135

The segment of the prosa, Pete swnme, found inZ 115, is included with the prosa

transcriptions at the rea¡ of this dissertation. The transcription is given in modern measured

notation in order to show the durational variety which, although thüÊh not great, seems to

be indicated. A difficulty for transcription is presented by the employment of the bina¡ia

I]r, while
the more cornmon double rll is not found. It has been assumed here that the

former sign has the same meaning as the latter and so it is transcribed with the duration of

twice that of the prevailing note value, the long. (Bermudo's instruction on the meaning of

the double was that it was the same as the plica and therefore should take the value of two

compases.) This bina¡ia is found on accented syllables, a positioning appropriate to its

proposed duration. Furthermore, it occurs on the stressed and penultimate syllable of all

but one of the five versicles of the prosa found in the fragment. Also problematic in the

same chant are the two instances of a, pes. As the sign cannot be understood as giving a

particular durational direction, the two occrurences of the sign have been inærpreted differently

in accordance with melodic and accentual factors.

Study of these sor[ces of pseudo-mensural and semi-mensural notation leads to the

conclusion that it is not possible to formulate general rules for the interpretation of such

notations. Instead, each source must be assessed individually. If a notation is judged to be

semi-mensural, performance must be based upon the interpreter's judgment guided more or

less loosely by the notation.

The following guidelines may be of assistance as starting points for interpretation of

semi-mensural chant notation in Spanish sources of the 15th century and first half of the

16th century. In making these suggestions, it is recognized that much further investigation

remains to be carried out on this topic and that these guidelines can only be tentative. They

are derived both from the theoretical writings discussed in the previous chapter and from

study of the Tamo¡an sorrces.

1. longs, breves, and semibreves in isolation should usually be respected and

followed. However, if these move against the word accent it may perhaps be
justifiable to disregard their potential durational significance.

2. Each note of a ligature may normally be sung as a breve (or as a long if that is the
prevailing note value) with the following exceptions:
 136

(a) an ascending stem at the beginning of a ligature is likely to signify a cuÌn

opposita pr oprietate interpretation;

(b) a rising lozenge suggests the duration of a semibreve, or one or two

downward stems suggest a long;

(c) especially in earlier sources, alphas with descending sinistral stems might be

sung with longer duration on the first note than on the second;

(d) in a situation in which the word accent would be altered in such a way as to

be out of keeping with text treatment generally in a work, a differing

interpretation might be preferable.

3. Plicas may have two possible interpretations. One is that belonging to the tocus

and the uncus which means the singing of npo (or possibly three) notes, rising or

descending according to stem direction, the other interpretation is that of the note of

double duration. In a context where varying degrees of duration is already indicaæd

by means of signs such as the breve and the long, the former interpretation of the

plica seems more appropriate.

The concept of semi-mensural notation presenæd above is simila¡ to that of "psalmodic

notation" presented by Mary Duncan in her dissertation.lo2 Duncan's ideas are based upon

the discussion of notation by late l5th-century and 16th-century Spanish theorists and

especially Bermudo who spoke of psalmodi¿. She concludes that psalmodia rcferr:ú, to "a

type of chant in which the durational value of the notes was determined by the textual

accents"ro3 and seems to include any genre of chant treated in this way. In her view,
psalmodic notation makes use of some signs of mensural notation together with their usual

meaning (long, breve, and isolated semibreve), while each note of a binary ligature she sees

"interpreted as consisting of two equal breves".rø The plica as a note indicating double

duration (refened to by Duncan as thepunto cargado) is seen as a sign belonging primarily

to psalmodic notation. In the opinion of the present writer however, the plica Qtunto

tÛlhis
is discussed by Duncan, "Mexican Chant Book", particularly &-74.
ttDuncan, "Mexican
Chant Book", 64.
ttDuncan,
"Mexican Chant Book",'17. Othet ligatures were rarely employed in this type of notation
(Duncan, "Mexican Chant Book", 67).
 r37

cargado ot punto con dos plicas) is better viewed as integral to non-mensural square

not¿tion of Spanish chant sources of at least the 15th century and early 16th century.

Mensural notation

Z LsI from Book 6 is the only fragment which emerges unequivocally as presenting
a chant not¿ted in fully mensural notation. It contains part of a Credo, the Credo being the
item of the Mass Ordinary most frequently notated mensurally. The other fragment of

Book 6,2 L53, contains sections of npo Glorias, both of which are written non-mensurally

in square notation. The consistent use of mensural notation in the Credo may reflect the
syllabic nature of the chant as opposed to the more melismatic nature of the Lamentation

melodies of the Book 5a fragments. The features of the notation are:

1. breves and semibreves in isolation;

2. twoforms of two-note ligature ( bl ura ), Oo* of which might be interprered

\
as indicating semibreves in the light of theorists' instructions.tot No other ligatures

are found.

A transcription following the mensural indication of the notation is given at the rea¡ of this

dissertation together with the franscriptions of Mass Ordinary chants.

The final chant which needs to be discussed in this section is the Sanctus on folio 50"

of the Mísal votivo. The first impression on finding this chant in a manuscript written
predominantly in regular square notation and with some pseudo-mensural elements, is that

it is undoubtedly in mensural notation. This impression is created initially by the frequent

use of apparent longs or single-stemmed notes which in this source are extraordinary

because the unstemmed puncta is the usual form of isolated note. Other apparently mensural

features are: a cuÌn opposita proprietate ligatwe, rising (but not isolated) semibreves, and

the separation of notes which a¡e normally ligated in chant notation. In fact, the notation

might well be described as Franconian-like. Transcription according to Franconian principles

ro5A
ligatur,e like the fi¡st shown represents semibreves in the Anonymous Arte de melodia sobre
canlo lano y canto d'organo (see page 84 above). Podio in his teaching on mensural notation ofpolyphony
says that the second of the ligatures, arr alfa, indicates two semibreves (Ars musicorum, fol. LIII).
 138

is, however, unsatisfactory and is complicated by the erasures which have been made to the

original notation in various parts of the chant. It is not possible to determine readily
whether the erasures \ilers made during the original copying or afterwards. Altered ligatures

are left in an ambiguous state with regard to any intended mensural significance, as is

found over the first syllable of the second setting of the word "Sanctus" where the left hand

descending stem of a bina¡ia remains although the second note has been erased
f . In

studying this notation, one wonders whether this chant was copied from a mensural version

or even the mensurally notated cantus of a polyphonic setting of the chant.r06 A similar

question has already a¡isen with regard to Conditor þrie omniutn which, moreover, occurs

in the same Mass as the Sanctus. In copying the notation of the proposed exemplar the
notator of the Misal votivo may have made changes which have resulted in difficulties for

the modern reader. Problematic use of a single rising stem on the right of single notes and

ligatures leads to the suspicion of a decorative rather a signifîcant function. Although a

menstual franscription of the Sanctus might be justifred, in view of the difficulties discussed,

it has been decided to present only a non-mensural version with the transcriptions at the

rea¡ of this dissertation.

An important issue for performance which remains unanswered is that emerging

from the previous chapter, that of precise measurement of duration. From the findings

made there, two possible approaches to the interpretation of semi-mensural and mensural

chant notation must be posited. In the case of semi-mensural notation, either of these

approaches could be used in conjunction with the guidelines given ea¡lier. The first
approach is that expressed by two of the "non-equalist" theorists @odio and Ferrer). This

approach takes the position that notes of different duration are not strictly measured and

therefore do not employ strict proportions of time value. The second approach is similar to

that of the "equalist" theorists and was expressed by Bermudo. In this case, strictly

measured notes of different duration would be employed, so for example, a breve would

have half the time value of a long. These two approaches may have had some regional

t* The melody is known in two-voice settings in Wl and Pa 15129. These are ranscribed by tvlax
Lütolf, Die mehrstitrunigen Ordinarium Missae-Sötze vom ausgehenden 11. bis zur Wende des 13. zum 14.
.Iahrhundert, vol. 2 (Bern: Kommissionsverlag Paul Haup! 1970),96-98,1394f..
 139

association given the fact that the "non-equalist" theorists were connected with north-eastern

parts of Spain, while the "equalist" theorists mainly have connections with western or

central Spain, and in the case of Bermudo with southern Spain. On this geographical basis,

it is proposed here that the srictly measured interpretation be preferred for the semi-mensural

and mensural chants of the Zamo¡an sources.

The interpretation of the plica in semi-mensural not¿tion was discussed above. In

mensural notation it may again be suggested that as signs for representing long duration a¡e

available, the plica should be understood as representing two (or possibly three) notes. In

other words, it takes the role of the tocus and the uncus discussed by "non-equalist"

theorists. The difficulty with this proposal is that such an interpretation was not broadly

discussed by theorists even though aplica-shaped sign was mentioned with some frequency.

Podio's rema¡k that the toctts and the uncus were ra¡ely observed suggests that such a

meaning may have been unknown to many musicians by at least the late 15th century.ro7 It

cannot, therefore, be definitely proposed that the plica in the context of mensural or semi-

mensural notation in the Zatnoran sources should take either of the two interpretations.

The issue must be left to an interpreter's discretion and the particular evidence of each

source.

In conclusion, it needs to be said that this brief examination of the mensurally

influenced not¿tions of the Zamoran sources leaves many unsolved problems. Some if not
many of the conventions known to singers of chant in Spain during the late Middle Ages

have been lost. Such conventions might have made clear problems such as the interpretation

of ligatures in semi-mensural and mensural notation. The question can also be raised as to

whether a mensural performance may have been commonly used for chants belonging to

the genres in which mensural notation is most frequently found (such as the Credo) even

when the notation is not mensural. Another problem encountered in the study of mensurally

notated chant in Spain is the variety of methods which were employed. It is interesting to

speculate that different cenües might have had characteristic procedures. Future resea¡ch

ttsee page
83-84.
 140

may clarify this possibility perhaps producing some more substantial evidence of different
ro8
local performing practices.

l9Ìobert
Stevenson has already remarked on the latter ideæ 'w'ere it possible to give an interpretation
of the semimensural notation on which all scholars would agree, the comparison of local variants could be
pushed much further." Spanish Muslc,ll2.
 r41,

5 THE PLICA IN THE PLAINCHANT SOURCES

The presence and manner of employment of the note form commonly known as a plica in

plainchant sources using square notation in the Zamoran collection as well as the discussion

of the sign in the Spanish musical Eeatises of the late 15th and the 16th centuries occasion

the need here for a discussion of its interpretation and usage. The note form is one which

continues to present modern musicology with problems of interpretation not only for its

usage in plainchant, but also in polyphony and non-liturgical monody. This chapter
emphasizes the meanings of the term and the sign, as well as the criteria which may have

determined the usage of the sign in the sources of Zamora.r

The plica developed from liquescent signs of ea¡lier neumatic notations, the epiphanus

and the cephalicus. In plainchant sources using square notation it generally came to take

the forms:
fl lJ. ffr".e might be more rounded in shape, especially in ea¡lier sources, and

show varying stem lengths.

The name is a descriptive one referring to the folded shape of the sign, "plica" being

a Latin word meaning "fold". The term "plica" appears to have been first used by musical

theorists during the 13th century. The earliest known usage of the tenn occurs in the work

of Johannes de Garlandia,2 c. 1240,3 where it was used in the context of mensural

notation. The first appearance of the term in relation to plainchant seems to be that in the
Tractatus d¿ musica by Jerome of Moravia, which dates from the second half of the l3th

century.a The term may in fact have been taken over to plainchant terminology from the

tA very useful introduction to the plica is found in the article by David Hiley, "Plica", NG 15:
12-13. An important, ea¡lier study but one focused upon the usage of the plica in polyphonic sou¡ces and
secular monodic sources is that by Higini Anglès, "Die Bedeutung der Plika in der mittelalterlichen Musik",
rn Festschrift Karl Gustav Fellerer zum 60. Geburtstag, ed. Heimich Hüschen (Regensburg: Bosse, 1962),
28-39. Another important, yet earlier discussion of the plica in poþhony is that by llans Tischler, "Ligatures,
Plicae and Vertical Bars in hemensural Notation", Revue belge de musicologie ll (I957)z 83-92.
2David
Hiley, "The Plica and Liquescence", Gordon Arhot Anderson (1929-1981) in Memoriam,
Musicological Studies, vol.49 (Henryville: krstiute of Medieval Music, 1984): 380.
3Gordon
A. Anderson,'Tohannes de Gadandia", NGgz 662.

tt tras been dated to between L272 and 1304 by Huglo in Les Tonaires,335. Various datings of
the treatise are discussed by Robert B. Haller. See llaller, "Early Dominican Ma.ss Chant", 10ó.
 r42

mensufal usage.5

Among l3th-century music treatises, the term plica referred to types of notes which

were distinguished in notation by particular usages of note stems indicating the division of

one note into two. As in the treatise of Johannes de Garlandia, the term plica could be used

in association with another note name, for example, plíca longa. Ga¡landia's definition of

the plíca longa reads " A plíca longa is that <note) which has two strokes, namely, the one

on the right side longer than that on the left; there are two kinds one ascending and the

other descending".6 The modification indicated by the use of the term plica was represented

in the notation by the addition of one or two stems of particular lengths. The term was also

used in reference to the final note of a ligature where a stem could be used to give that final

note the same meaning as an isolaæd plica, that is division into two sounds. Ga¡landia thus

began the discussion of such ligatures with the words "For each figure with a plica. . . ."7

The St. Emmera¡nanonymous De musica mensurata also saw the plica as identified by the

presence of a stem or two stems: "The representation or form of a plica occurs sometimes

by means of one line, sometimes by means of two, and especially in single figures." In this

excerpt the anonymous writer used the wotdtractwn to refer to the stem or line representing

the plica.8 Tractus and cauda were in general the preferred terms for the stems of note

forms. The word plica for these writers did not signify a stem but the whole concept
through which stems were added in such a way as to indicate a special interpretation

involving the division of the note into two sounds. Its use by Spanish theorists of the late

15th and 16th centuries to signify a stem attached to a single note or a ligature has been

discussed in Chapter 3. No concept of a further meaning such as division into t\ilo or

liquescence was included in the meaning of the term for these writers. The term plica is

used here, as is generally done in modern English language usage, to refer to the note form

fuichael Bernhard, "Das musikalische Fachschrifttum im lateinischen Mttelalter", in Rezeption

des antiken Fachs ím Mittelalt¿r,Geschichte der Musiktheorie, vol. 3 (DarmstadÍ Wissenschaftliche
Buchgesellschaft, 1990), 84.
hanslation ftom Gordon A. Anderson, '"The Notation of the Bamberg and L,as Huelgas Manuscripts",
Musica Disciplina 32 (1978): 20-2I.
tAnderson,
"Notation", 22.
Translation from Jeremy Yudkin, De Musica Mensurata. The Anonymous of St. Emmeram
(Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1990), 92-93.
 t43

consisting of a more or less square punctum with two descending stems or with two
(occasionally only one) ascending stems.

Two important aspects of the plica as it was used in the 13th and 14th centuries were

its division into two pitches and its likely liquescent mode of performance. The division

into two sounds together with measured interpretation of the sign was discussed repeatedly

in the l3th-century treatises concerned with mensural notation.e Liquescence was referred

to less frequently in connection with the plica and remains an area of uncertainty for the
modern interpreter.to David Hiley's work on the topic has begun to unravel the questions

of liquescence and the plica. In his a¡ticle f.or The New Grove Dictionary of Music and
Musicians, Hiley began with a definition of the term: "The name used in the 13th and 14th

centuries for liquescent neumes".lr He found that "The plica retained its basic function of

indicating liquescence in all plainchant manuscripts, in most manuscripts containing non-

mensu¡al secular monophony and in most manuscripts containing polyphony until the 14th

century."l2 In his later article, "The Plica and Liquescence", Hiley explored the connection

between the plica and liquescence in l3th-century polyphony in further detail. In doing so

he examined two l3th-century chant manuscripts in square notation and presented figures

which show that in these the plica is mainly used in those situations usually expected to
take liquescence, for example, wher€ the consonant r is followed by another consonant.l3

The performance of the plica in chant notation as two notes is generally accepted.

The validity of this interprctation was demonsnaæd for the plica-like cephalicus ardepiphonus

in the square notation of the Sanrm rite books (1225 to 1500) by Diane Lynne Droste. She

was able to make a comparative investigation of the sources, examining va¡iations in the

Tor Gadandia's comments in D¿ mensurabili musica, see Anderson, "Notation-,20-23. The

interpretation of the plica was clarified by the work of Magister Lambertus, c. 1275 (Anderson, "Notation",
33). Two fr¡rther heatises covering ttris topic are those by Franco of Cologne and Anonymous IV.
rhwo references from medieval theoriss a¡e those of f,rrstly, Magister Lambertus who in his
treatise concerning mensural music gave a description of the voice production used in the performance of the
plica which may reflect liquescent Íeatment" see Willi Apel, The Notation of Polyphonic Music 900-1600,
5th ed. (Cambridge, Mass.: The Medieval Academy of America, 1961), 226-27; and secondly, Jerome of
Moravia who associated the'þlica longa vel brevis" with the liquescent concept in relation to chant, see E. de
Coussemaker, Scriptorum de musicø Medü Aevi, vol. 1 (1864-76; reprint, Hildesheim: Georg Olms, 1963),
87.
ttHiley, *Plict',12.
t'Hiley, *Plict',12.
r3Hiley,
"The Plica and Liquescencn",3':,9-91
 IM
notation of the same chants found in different sources. Through study of liquescent neumes

which were replaced by non-liquescent neumes in corresponding positions of other sources,

Droste came to the conclusion that:

the ordinary plica or cephalicus is the liquescent equivalent of the flexa, and that
it should be sung as two in the place
of two ordinary notes, th an essential
melody note, rather than .r4

T\e epipho,nilJ was found similarly to be related to the pes.rs

The late l5th-century and early 16th-century Spanish theorists who wrote on plainchant

demonstrate varying interpretations of the plica. Two groups may be identified amongst

these theorists, the grouping being almost identical to that already established in Chapter 3.

The fi¡st group includes the ea¡liest Spanish music theorist known to have written on the

plica (which he described as "punto con dos plicas"), Domingo Marcos Durr{n; no other

appears to have mentioned it previously even in studies of polyphonic notation.r6 Also in

the first gloup are others of the "equalists" - Molina, Bizcargui, and Aguilar - and in this

context Bermudo must be included. The second group includes most of the "non-equalist"

works discussed in Chapter 3: the work of Podio and the two anonymous fieatises. Although

the treatises of these two groups have already been considered in Chapter 3, thei¡ ideas on

the plica need to be summa¡ized as part of the discussion below.

For these theorists, the term plica was a general one denoting a line or stem attached

to a single note or a ligature and was distinguished from the vlrgulawhich was an unattached

line. Durán gave alternative names for the plica - trato, caudo, andvirgula pendens - the
first two of which are well known from non-Spanish mensural treatises. Such stems or
plícas we¡e seen as adorning notational figrues by being attached to ligatures in the traditionat

positions required by square plainchant notation. Durán's cornment that notes with stems

were used only on accented syllables in former times but are no longer observed is unique

and puzzling.tT Some Spanish sources dating from the time Durán was writing do make

raDroste,
'"The Musical Notation", 280.
lsDroste,'"The
Musical Notation", 28 1.
tthe term - in the sense of a stem only - had been mentioned earlier (for example Anonymous
Seville of 1480, see llastings, eÅ. , Text and Concordances, fol.4T etc.) but fhe well known sign had not.
ttDurán,
C omento,fol. te4l'.
 t45

use of single stemmed notes on accented syllables, especially in recitative style chants such
as those for the prefaces. This may be seen, for example, in the prefaces of the Missale
mixtun alme ecclesie toletane, 1499.18

It is clear that by the time during which these theorists were writing, a shift had taken
place in the meaning of the word plica which thus, unequivocally, came to denote a note

stem rather than the formerly denoted note form. The same meaning was also used in the
context of mensural notation of polyphony by theorists of the two groups who wrote on that

topic. Bermudo not only used the word plica to refer to the stems of note forms and
ligatures in mensural notation but also explained how the plica (i.e. stem) affected durational

significance.te Other terms were also used to denote the stem in the mensural contexfi for

example, Bizcargui preferred trato or rasgo.n Among contemporary non-Spania¡ds,

Tinctoris referred to the stem of single notes and ligatures in mensural notation with the

term cauda and he appears to have reserved the term tractus for the lines which represent

pauses.tt

Like Durán, the three writers Aguilar, Bizcargui, and Bermudo all described a sign

used in plainchant notation formed from a single punctunt with two stems attached, one on

either side. Rather than calling this sign a plica, they referred to it as a "punto con dos

plicas". The same writers all gave instructions on the interpretation of the punto con dos

plicas found in plainchant notation. It was to be sung as one pitch and held for the duration

of two single notes or two compases: one single note Qtunto) having the value of one

compús.22 For the modern reader the question inevitably arises of the relation of the note

form discussed by these theorists to the plica found in earlier sources of chant and poþhony.

In particular, it may be asked whether its use was connected with liquescent practices in
thei¡ understanding. In answer to this question, it may be observed firstly that from the

discussions of theplícd as stem and of the punto con dos plícas, it may be inferred that the

ttltfa
I 1137, fols. 121"ff. This book is discussed by Stevenson ,Spanish Music,lOT-8.
teBermudo,
fol. xxü and fols. xlviü'-xlix'.
æBizcargui,
1511, fol. c'.
"SæTractatus de notis eî pausis,in Coussemaker,scriptorumde Musica Medii Aevi 4:4245.
zfhe fifth member of this group of theorists, Molina,
did not specify the duration precisely, saying
simply that it should be longer than that of any other note. See Molina, fol. [a6]'.
 r46

plica was no longer associated with a liquescent style of performance; and secondly that in

fact no criteria are given by these theorists for determining the placement of the punto con

dos plicas within chants. Durán's reference to the association in former times of stemmed

notes with accented syllables may have had some application to the punto con dos plicas

although the reference precedes discussion of the latter sign. That it did have application is

suggested by the use of the punto con dos plicas in the Zamonn Rítwl. The possible

association of this sign and accent wilt be discussed further later in this chapter. The

performance of the sign as two pitches advocated by l3th-century mensural theorists is

never alluded to by these Spanish writers. From their descriptions one concludes that the

sign represented a single pitch only, that pitch having the value of two compases.

These theorists' understanding of the note with two stems as signifying a note with

the duration twice that of a single punctuÌn finds a parallel in an English work. In The
Booke of Common Praier Noted by John Merbecke and dating from 1550, the sign was

called a. strene note.23 He used it as part of his system of measured notation for tinugical

music, either composed or adapted by himself, and contained in the book. Merbecke

defined the strene note as a breve, whereas he defined the plain puncttun without stems as a

semy breve.u A stren¿ therefore had the duration twice that of a. punctum. In addition to
Merbecke's use of the strene, it is found in English sources of polyphonic vocal music
which date from the late l5th century and the early 16th century.2s Margaret Bent has

referred to measured notation in which strenes, breves, and ligatures are employed as

"strene notation".2u An interesting difference is to be found between the English strene

and the Spanish punto con dos plicas: while both the ascending and descending stem forms

are regarded by the first group of Spanish theorists as single notes of double duration, the
English ascending stem form seems not to have been a note of double duration but one

oAnother
reference to the note is found in a l4th-century Mddle English text written by a monk.
He refers to "a streinanr with two long üails" but it is not clear whether the sign was used in chant or
poþhony. See Francis Lee Utley, "The Choristers' I-åment",Speculum L6 (1946): 195-202.

'Judith Blezz,atd,"Merbecke, John", tVG 12: 169.

ãl*4argaret
Bent, 'New and Little-known Fragments of English Medieval Polyphony", lournal of
the American Musicologicøl Society 21 (1968): 150-51.
SenL "New and LiÍle-known Fragments", 149.
 t47

representing two rising notes.27

The second view of the meaning of the note with two stems in the work of Spanish

chant theorists has been seen in three treatises of the "non-equalists". Here, in the context

of chant notated in signs of mensural notation, the note with two stems takes on a different

meaning and new names. Two terrns are used to refer to the note form. These are tocus

arrd uncus, the fTrst being used when the stems ascend from the note-head, and the second
when they descend. Plica was one of several words used by Podio to mean a note stem.28

The same meaning is again found in the Anonymous Arte de melodia sobre canto lano y

canto d' organo where it is used in reference to the stems of the tocus and the uncus.2e

As has been described in Chapter 3, Podio gives the most detailed discussion of the

tocus and the uncus. From him we learn that they were to be performed as two rising notes

(tocus) or two falling notes (uncus), the second note being short; that they were associated

with diphthongs; and that they were no longer well understood. The description of the
tocus and the uncus in the Anonymous Catalan treatise, Barcelona, Bibtioteca de Catalunya,

Ms. 1327, seems to indicate the method of performance described by Podio, but that in the

Anonymous Arte de melodia sobre canto lano y canto d'organo seems to indicate a th¡ee

note perfornance, the voice rising and then falling to the first pitch in the tocus and vice

versa for the uncus. Neither of the anonymous treatises mention diphthongs. Podio's

comment that the signs were rarely observed suggests an explanation for the fact that

neither the terms nor the changing pitch interpretation were given widely in the Spanish

treatises. A further explanation may lie in the existence of a second tradition of chant

singing proposed in Chapter 3 and identified as "non-equalist". This tradition, cha¡acterized

by unequal duration of notes, may have included the moving pitch interpretations of the
toctts and the uncus. Such an interpretation of signs with the form of plicas would be in

accord with their traditional significance in mensural notation.

Returning to the question of criteria for the employment of notes with two stems, it

oI am indebted to Dr.
John Caldwell of Oxford University for communicating this information on
the English note forms to me.
oPodio,
Ars musicorum,fols. XXXXVV.
æGümpel,
"El canto melod.ico", 39.
 148

may be observed that two possibilities have been found. Both are connecæd with former or

by then rarely observed practices. The first is the association of stemmed notes with
accented syllables mentioned by Durán, problematic for its indirect relation with the single

note with two stems; the second is the association of notes with two stems with diphthongs

mentioned by Podio and suggestive of liquescence. In some cases the reason for use of the

plica may be simply that it continued to be copied from earlier manuscripts in which
liquescence had been intended by the sign but with little or no understanding of that
original significance.

In the following section a study of the usage of the note form in the Zamonn sorrces
will be presented, with an analysis of its use on accented syllables and positions of potential

liquescence including diphthongs. Only the use of the isolated plica witl be discussed, as

opposed to the plica placed at ligature ends. (It might be argued that the supposition of

association of liquescence and the plica on the grounds of Podio's comments is applicable

only to the notation of chant in mensural signs, nevertheless, this limitation has not been

adopted here in view of the known liquescent association of the plica in ea¡lier chant
sources written in square notation.) In accordance with English language usage the note
form will be referred to simply as a plica despite the inaccuracy of the usage with regard to

the Spanish theorists.

ZAMORAN SOURCES
For the first part of this section, the principal focus is the tones for the prefaces and the
Pater noster in the Ritual. These were chosen for special study because of their surprisingly

frequent and unusual usage of the plica. By way of comparison, the l5th-century portion

of the Misal votivo is used as it also includes preface and Pater noster tones. These tones

are not found in any other of the Zamoran sources. Included here also are two settings of

the invitatory psalm as one of these occnrs in the l5th-century portion of the Misal votivo.

The second pa¡t of the section includes chants belonging to the more freely composed
classes such as responsories, antiphons, and introits, as well as including the more elaborate

tones. The sources for the second part embrace the legible fragments or legible portions of

fragments using square notation from the AHPZa collection included for study in this
 t49

dissertation, as well as the Misal votivo andRitual. Psalm, canticle and other incipits have

been excluded as well as abbreviated repeated sections. Chants writæn in mensural notation

are not included. Polyphonic works a¡e also not included.

l. Liturgical Recitative
Ritual
The main body of the Rítwl contains fourteen prefaces. In the loose booklet kept at

the back of the Rítwl arc afurther five prefaces (not all complete), written in late Aquitanian
notation. The latter group will be discussed at the end of this section.

The tones of the prefaces and the prayers of the main body of the Ritual exhibit the

usual structure of reciting notes and va¡ious inflections. Their structure and melodies are

discussed in detail in Chapter 9. Pa¡ticula¡ly interesting is the use of the plica on the
principal reciting note (F) of the preface and the festive Pater noster tones. Not only is the

plica used quite frequently but analysis shows that it mainly falls on accented syltables of

the Latin texts. The analysis is shown in Table 1.r Introductory sections to the tones a¡e

not included. Reference to accented syllables in this and the following tables refers to

accented syllables found in words of two or more syllables.

Table 1: Plicas on the Principal Reciting Note of Prefaces and Festive Pater Noster Tones

in the Ritual

Total number of plicas 146

Number of plicas on monosyllabic words 16

Percentage of plicas on accented syllables or monosyllabic words 95.2Vo

Percentage of plicas in two or more syllable words on accented syllables 94.6Vo

Percentage of plicas on positions of potential liquescence3r 39.7Vo

\o fîgures are given for the use of the plica throughout the preface and Pater noster tones, as
opposed to the F reciting note passages. This is because the usage of the sign for durational melodic
balancing adds a factor which would confuse the picture presenæd by the tables.
3lPositions
of poæntial liquescence have been identifred in this study by application of the principles
delineated by Mocquereau. The figure therefore represents the number of plicas associated with consonantal
and vowel combinations found by Mocquereau to be associated with liquescent neumes. See PM 2:38-57;
summa¡ized in Eugène Cardine, Gregorian Semiology, hans. Robert M. Fowels (Solesmes, 1982),215-16. It
was decided for the purposes of this study to use the theory of liquescence established by Mocquereau rather
 150

The great frequency of the plica on accented syllables and monosyllabic words

suggests that the presence of the accent was the determining factor in the placing of the

sign. If the interpreøtion of the plica taught by Durán and other theorists as signifying a

note of double duration is applied to the interpretation of these chants, the result is a

lengthening of many of the accented syllables sung to the reciting note. The very few cases

(7 out of 130) in which the plica is placed on an unaccented syllable of a word of two or

more syllables may result from factors such as scribal etror, differing accent placing, the

desi¡e to stress a secondary accent, or response to a following inflection.32 No other means

of indicating stress or lengthening are employed in the F reciting note passages of these
tones.

Analysis of the use of the plica in other parts of the spme tones produces a varied

picture. In the mediations and endings of the ferial forms, accented syllables receive all of

the occasionally occurring plicas. These mainly fall on the final accented syllables of texts

set to the ferial tone ending formula. In fact, a plica is always used in this position in these

tones; this is true also for the ferial Pater noster tone.

In the endings of the festive preface and Pater noster tones, the principle of concurrent

plica and accent no longer operates, while in the mediations of festive tones, plicas are

never used. The mediation and ending formulas of the festive tones make much use of

two-note neumes which give lengthening to accented and unaccented syllables. A plica is

invariably employed in the festive ending formula on the syllable which immediately
precedes the final accented syllable. This usage suggests that the plica indicaæs lengthening

of the syllable in order to provide balance for the two-note neumes which come before and

after it. If Durán's instn¡ctions a¡e followed in performance each note of a t\ilo-note neume

would receive the same duration, that of one compús, which is also the duration of a

stemlesspr¿ncturn. An instance of the festive ending formula is shown in Example 1. (In

than that of Freistedt largely as a result of Ca¡dine's support of the former. Leo Treitler discusses the
differences between the two theories in "Reading and Singing: On the Genesis of Occidental Music-Writing",
Early Music History 4 (1984): 164-68.
3zftre plica
is used on the first syllable of "Eterna" in two ferial versions of the preface with a
similar treatment also occu¡ring in the booklef The resulting lengttrening of an unaccented syllable may have
been in response to the following inflection. Differing accentuation of a Latin word is suggested by the
placing of the accent on the third syllable of "sempiterneque" instead of on the usual penultimate syllable.
 151

all the following examples, the transcriptions give no rhythmic indicaúon but the plica is
indicaæd by a hollow note-head which tends to suggest to a modern reader a note of longer

duration than the surrounding black note-heads.)

Example 1: Ending Formula (from common preface, festive tone, Ritual, fol. 75')

+ t-
I cf 54.- [,¿ - ß'- ro

The secondary reciting note E is employed less and without the frequent unbroken

repetition of the pitch that cha¡acterizes the principal reciting note F. It is frequently used
in conjunction with ornamental melodic movement, sometimes with three-note neumes in
festive forms of the tones. Similarly to the plica of Example 1, in these sections plicas

falling on E or on an ornamenting note often appea¡ to have been chosen in response to

needs other than the textually based one of stressing accented syllables. The proportion of

E reciting notes with plicas falling on either accented syllables or monosyllables is only

slightly larger than that falling on unaccented syllables, a situation very unlike that of the F

reciting note. If interpreted as a note of double duration the plica of these sections may be

seen to fill a melodic need providing balance to the two-note and three-note neumes

occurring on single syllables. Plicas on the E reciting note sometimes appear to form

secondary accents, the resulting lengthening having the effect of balancing the use of
two-note neumes in following ending formulas. An example occurs in the Christmas
preface where a plica on the reciting note E falls on the fi¡st syllable of a closing phrase

"claritatis infulsit". The phrase continues so as to conclude with the ending formula. This

is shown in Example 2. As can be seen the principal accent of "cla¡itatis" falls on the
penultimate syllable at which point the first two-note neume of the formula begins. The

second plica in the example is an inva¡iable part of the festive ending formula.
 r52

Example 2 : (from Christmas preface, Ri tua l, fols. 9 L' -92)

++
cla- rt- {- {is i^- +,11 ' stl

The ferial Pater noster tone has been mentioned only in passing so far. This is
because it uses a different fundamental tone from the festive and ferial prefaces as well as

the festive Pater noster which in fact are all va¡iations on a second fundamental tone.' The

tones are discussed in detail in Chapter 9. The usage of the plica, however, follows that

already seen. It occurs only on accented syllables of words of two or more syllables except

for one monosyllabic word. Most occurrences are in the endings where the plica is employed

on the last accented syllable.

The introductions of the prefaces and the Pater noster tones as well as the closures

of the latter show a preference for placing the plica on accented syllables or else as part of

formulas. The usage in the Pax domini is similar.

With regard to the question of association of the plica and liquescence, liquescence

appears not to have been the criterion for the usage of the sign, those criteria already
discussed being more likely, i.e., the stressing of accent, and durational balancing of melodic

movement. This conclusion is drawn primarily because of the grcater frequency of association

of accent with the plica than with potential liquescence resulting from certain consonant
and vowel combinations. It is d¡awn secondarily because of the constant formulaic occuÍence

of the plica in identical positions in endings and in other positions requiring lengthening.

A sample study of the Ritwl preface texts was made which counted the number of
accented syllables in words of two or more syllables and of monosyllabic words which

show possible liquescence as a result of particula¡ letter combinations. This study was

made without reference to the musical sening and its notation. The finding was that4ï.4%o

of the 223 words show potential liquescence on the accented syllable or are monosyllabic

words, the formation or following context of which shows potential liquescence. The

number of plicas in such potentially liquescent positions is only a little lower (39.77o) and
 153

so suggests that the number of plicas falling in positions of potential liquescence may be a

result of the cha¡acter of the language. A more complete study of liquescence might

indicate more reliably the usual frequency of such situations in Latin chant texts. In

conclusion, it seems that the usage of the plica in the tones of the Ritwl is based not upon
liquescence but upon requirements of accent and durational melodic balance. For both

types of usage, the application of the meaning of double duration of the plica is appropriate

and produces satisfactory results.

Booklet

Instead of the usual form of the plica, the booklet uses a late Aquitanian cephalicus.tt

It is employed in a manner very similar to the plica in the Ritual prefaces. Ceplnlíci arc
found in the F reciting note passages, where only three instances out of thirty are not on

accented syllables. (Ihere are no occwrences on monosyllabic words in the reciting note

passages.) As may be seen in Table 2, the percentage on positions of potential liquescence

is low. Aside from the reciting note passages, the cephalicus continues to be used mainly
on accented notes, with the number occurring on potential liquescent positions continuing

to be low. In particular, it forms an invariable part of the ending formula of the booklet in

the same way as the plica was seen in the ending formula of the ferial prefaces.s The

cephalicus in this source has clearly altered its cha¡acter from liquescence to association

with accent. It therefore was probably performed in the same way as the plica of the
Ritunl, very probably as a note of doubled duration in relation to the suroundinE puncta.

Table 2: Cephalici in F Reciting Note Passages of the Booklet

Total number of cephalicí 30

Number of cephalici on monosyllabic words 0

Percentage of cephalici in two or more syllable words on accented syllables 907o

Percentage of ceplnlíci on positions of potential liquescence 30Vo

33There
is also one occurrence of a plica in the suandard form of square head and two descending
stems.
ttrigures
for use of lhe cephaticus apal from the F reciting note are not given in Table 2 in order to
facilitate comparison with Table l.
 154

Misal votivo (lSth-century section) and 2246

Different practices must to some extent have determined the choice of placement of

plicas in the l5th-century section of the Misal votivo. Here, unlike the Ritual, the plica is

not employed on the reciting notes of the preface and Pater noster tones. Neither does it

appear in the mediations and endings as it had done in the Ritunl tones. In the Misal votivo

tones, there a¡e only five instances of plicas and they are only found in introductory
dialogues and concluding sections. All five plicas fall on either accented positions in
words of t'wo or more syllables at phrase closes or on monosyllabic words at the opening of

phrases. Three are in positions of potential liquescence. This preference for placing the

plica in accented positions is continued in the inviøtory psalm of the l5th-century portion

of the source. The coincidence of plicas and potential liquescence is low in the invitatory

tone. The figures for plica use in the tones of the preface, the Pater noster and the
invitatory psalm are presented in Table 3. From these it can be seen that the preference for

use of the plica on accented syllables or on monosyllabic words is unequivocal and is found

in addition inZ246. Z 246 (15th century) contains the sole other example in the Zamoran

sources of the inviøtory psalm with plicas employed. \\e Misal votivo has another invitatory

psalm setting in the l4th-century portion of the source. That setting, however, does not

make use of plicas.

Table 3: Plicas in Liturgical Recitative in the l5th-century Section of the Misal votivo and

2246
Mísal votivo 2246
Total number of plicas 21 4

Number of plicas on monosyllabic words 2 2

Percentage of plicas on accented syllables or monosyllabic words I00Vo I00Vo

Percentage of plicas in two or more syllable words on accented syllables l00%o I007o

Percentage of plicas on positions of potential liçescence 52.47o 50.07o

 155

In the Misal votivo invitatory psalm, the accented syllables with the plica are mainly

those in medial closures. There the use of the plica is influenced by word structure. Plicas

are only used in the closures when the final word is a paroxytone and only occur on the

accented syllables. It is never employed with the few proparoxytones. Two types of
medial closure are found and in the fi¡st of these every instance of a final paroxytone

ca¡ries a plica. Replacement of the plica in final paroxytones of the second medial closure

by a torculas confi¡ms the likelihood that the plica indicated lengthening. This is because

the torcuhts, when sung with each of its notes receiving a duration the same as a single

puncfitm, has the effect of lengthening the accented syllable as does the plica with the

duration of two puncta. All of the second type of medial closures ending in paroxytones

have lengthening on the final accented syllable by means of either a plica or a. torculus.

The proparoxytones do not employ lengthening on the final accented syllables. In an

exceptional case, lengthening by means of a torculus is found on the penultimate syllable of

one proparoxytone ending . Example 3 gives the standa¡d paroxytone and proparoxytone

forms of the two types of medial closure.

Examole 3: (Misal votivo, fols. 11'-13)

Type one medial closure

Po.o*7Ionu Prlparoxylo"e

Type two medial closure

potoxþne -ilh ptuca. Porcxytone w;tL torculus Propo.ro*,y'o^e

Returning to the question of liquescence with regard to the Misal votivo, it is notable

that all three plicas in thc invitatory tone which fall outside of the closures occur on
 156

positions of potential liquescence.3s The invitatory antiphon employs much the same

melodic material as the tone with which it is coupled. The use of plicas in the antiphon is

simila¡ to that of the tone, but has not been included in the figures of Table 3. One plica is

found at a phrase end with the first type of medial closure, and, as in the tone, the plica is

on the accented syllable of a paroxytone. On the other hand, another plica occurs in the

expect€d melodic position in the second type of medial closure but is not associated with an

accented syllable. This suggests that the psalm melody was adapted to the antiphon rather

than the other way round. The third and last plica of the antiphon occurs on a potentially

liquescent position and accented syllable outside of the melodic closure formulas.

2. Freely Composed Chants and Elaborate Tones

The following section focuses upon the plica as used in all chants other than those

already discussed but not including incipits. Polyphonic settings are not included. The

sources embrace all those in the studied collection of AHPZa fragments written in square

chant notation, apart from that fully studied in the preceding section, 2246. Also included
are chants from the Ritwl and the Misal votivo. The booklet does not need to be examined

again as it has already been fully covered The chants notated in the mensural, semi-mensural,

and pseudo-mensural notations discussed in Chapter 4 a¡e not included.

Tables 4 and 5 give the results of the analysis of plica usage in these chants. Table 4

includes only l4th-century sources: the l4th-century portion of the Mísal votivo and the

goup of sixteen fragments identified as Book 1. (With the exception of the polyphony

conøining Z 184, none of the fragments in square notation has been dated to the 13th

century.) Table 5 gives results for Books 4, 6,'1, 8, 9, and 1.0, as well as the isolated
fragments Z LDt, Z 104, Z 148, Z t54, Z 203, Z 234, and Z 260. T\e fragments of Table 5

a¡e believed to date mainly from the 15th century, although some may have originated

during the late 14th century or the early 16th century.36

"These plicas fall on the first syllables of "magnus", "autem", and "dominus".
lnere are fu¡ther fragmens in square notation from the 15th to early 16th centuries which do not
employ the plica and which therefore have not been included here.
 r57

Table 4: Plicas in Sources of the l4th Century

Book 1 Misal votivo

Total number of plicas 53 26

Number of plicas on monosyllabic words tZ 9

Percentage of plicas on accented syllables or monosyllabic words 73.6Vo 69.27o

Percentage of plicas in two or more syllable words on accented syllables 65.9Vo 52.9Vo

Percentage of plicas on positions of potential liquescence 94.3Vo 92.37o

Table 5: Plicas in Sources of the Late 14th to Early 16th Centuries

Fragments Rinnl
Total number of plicas 70 t6
Number of plicas on monosyllabic words 15 2

Percentage of plicas on accented syllables or monosyllabic words 80.0Vo 87.5Vo

Percentage of plicas in two or more syllable words on accented syllables 74.5Vo 85.77o

Percentage of plicas on positions of potential liquescence 74.37o 3I.37o

From these two tables it emerges that a change occurred over the period embraced.

The figures of Table 4 suggest that liquescence was a factor behind the use of the plica in

the two 14th-century soruces, with accented syllables and monosyllabic words being clearly

secondary. Table 5 shows the rise of accented syllables and monosyllabic words, with a

drop in potential liquescence which is especially marked in the Rítual. A reinterpretation

of the material represented in Tables 4 and 5 according to the notation classes identified in

Chapter 4 shows no differentiation along such lines. Table 4 includes only class 3 sources

while Table 5 includes sources of each class with the majority belonging to class 4. The

high proportion of association of the plica with potential liquescence shown in Table 4 is

not continued in the class 3 sources of Table 5.

The higher proportion of plicas in positions of potential liquescence shown in Table

5 for the fragments as compared with the Ritual might be explained by a high degree of

retention in the fragments of liquescence indicating signs occurring in the manuscripts from

which they were copied. Whether or not it was understood by the compilers or users of the
 158

sources, liquescence could therefore have served indirectly as a factor determining

employment of the plica although playing a less important role than in ea¡lier sources.

(That the actual practice of liquescence was widespread by the 15th century seems unlikely

given the scarcity of theoretical reference.) Brief study shows plicas in chants of Zamoran

sou¡ces which correspond to liquescent neumes in the same chants occurring in the gradual

of Saint-Yrieix (Pa 903), the antiphoner'Worcester 160,37 and in the Graduale Triplex.

These examples do in fact suggest that the nadition of copying of liquescent neumes as

plicas was continued in some Zamoran sources from the 14th to early 16th centuries. The

Rituat seems to have been an exception.3s In the Rítunl, the plica occurs on potentially

liquescent positions no more frequently than might probably be expected given the level of

frequency of such positions occurring by nature of the language.3e

The double is employed quite extensively in the fragments of the late 14th to early

16th centuries and in the Ritud.Ao We know from Bermudo that this sign was used instead

of the plica and with the same meaning of double duration, the plica by his time having
fallen into disuse.ar In order to compare the usage of the double and the plica, study has

been made of the sources used for Table 5, together with some additional fragments in

which the plica does not occur.o' The Rifin\ like some of the fragments, makes use of
both signs. (There are also fragments used for Table 5 in which the double does not occur.)

The results given in Table 6 show the same pattern as that of Table 5, with isolated doubles

being used mainly on accented syllables and monosyllabic words, and a smaller number

appearing in positions of potential liquescence. Once again, there is no distinction to be

nPu 13 andPr 12.

sA thorough study of this issue has not been made here. This is due to the difficulties of obtaining
sufficient and suitable comparative maærials which would be necessary for a systematic investigation.
eThe plica
use of the Ritualdemonstrates a coincidence with potentially liquescent positions close
to the percentzge (38Vo) found in a sample study. This number was arrived at by counting all liquescent and
non-liquescent syllables in the notated chants of the office /n Nativitate Domini as given n the Antiphonale
Monasticum @aris: Desclée, 1963), 236-37. The total of syllables counted was 927. The sample study of
liquescent formations in the prefaces limited to accented syllables and monosyllabic words already referred
to, found a higher proportion, i.e.48Vo,
e'Double" and'þlica double'a¡e defined in Chapter 4,page l?ß.
ttsee pages
89-90.
a2Fragments
used for Table 6: Groups 3 and 3a, Books 4, 5,6,8, and 10, as well as Z 35,2 ILL,Z
165,2168, andZ260.
 159

made along the lines of notation class, both class 3 and and class 4 being represented.

Doubles are not used in the tones of the Ritwl or Misal votivo.

Table 6: Doubles in Fragments of the Late 14th to Early 16th Centuries and the Ritual

Total number of doubles 62

Number of doubles on monosyllabic words 8

Percentage of doubles on accented syllables or monosyllabicwords 75.87o

Percentage of doubles in two or more syllable words on accented syllables 72.27o

Percentage of doubles on positions of potential liquescence 48.4Vo

The two l4th-century sources, Book 1 and the second portion of the Mísal votivo,

sometimes use the plica double. As in Table 6, these signs, as well as the doubles of the

Misal votivo, a¡e often found with accented syllables or monosyllabic words. They are

found with less frequency in positions of potential liquescence.

:lr {r ,|ill. * *

The results of the study of the plica in Zamoran sources may be summarized as

follows:

1. Three criteria for plica usage have emerged: accentuation, durational

balancing, and liquescence.

2. The principle criærion of l4th-century plica usage is liquescence. It is less

important in the later sources.

3. The criteria of accentuation and durational balancing are of importance in

the later sources, and especially prominent in the Ritual.

The fïrst and third criteria named in point 1 are those which emerged from study of

the theorists' work. Moreover, the first and second criteria may be seen as connected with
the interpretation of the plica as a note of double duration as taught by the "equalists" and

Juan Bermudo, while the third relates to the teaching of Guillermus de Podio, of the

"non-equalists". The views of the "non-equalists" on the plica, however, are not directly
relevant to the notation considered in this chapter as they discussed the plica in the context

of chant notation employing mensural signs.

 160

The apparent change over time in importance of criæria seems to have been paralleled

by, and perhaps closely associated with, change in the meaning of the plica in the context

of square chant notation from perfonnance as two (or perhaps three) notes to performance

as one long note. As a note of double duration and as such the only sign to indicate a

non-standa¡d duration in square chant notation in Spain during at least the 15th century and

the first half of the 16th century, the plica may have been found to fulfil a perhaps newly

perceived need for indication of lengthening of certain notes according to word accent.

Musicians may have acted in response to the need expressed by the influential

grammarian, Antonio de Nebrija, 'who, in late l5th-century Spain, promoted the correct

pronunciation of Latin.a3 Nebrija spoke of the lengthening of long syllables so as to give

them twice the duration of short syllables. Referring to Latin syllables, Nebrija in his

G r amatic a C as te I lana said:.

Tiene . . . la silaba longura de tiempo por que unas son cortas i otras luengas . . .
i llaman silabas cofias i breves alas que gastan un tiempo en su pronunciacion,
luengas alas que gastan dos tiempos: como diziendo corporq la primera silaba es
luenga, lqg {os siguientes breves, assi gre tanto tiempo se gasta en pronunciar la
primera silaba como las dos siguientes.*

Bermudo's wording, when speaking about haH a century later on the topic of maintaining

the accent, reminds the reader of that of Nebrija in the quotation above:

va midiendo todas las sylabas breues y longas, segun las reglas grammaticales.
Deforma, que t¿nto tiemþo gasta en vná syh-ba long-a, como eñ doJbreues.ot

The confusion which may seem to arise here between Latin quantity and accent finds

resolution in recent resea¡ch by Don Harrán. Harrán has observed that music theorists

when speaking of long and short syllables usually "appear to refer, obliquely, to the musical

results of setting accented and unaccented syllables in postclassical Latin: long notes or

several notes on accented syllables, short notes on unaccented ones.'tr This may well

a3Antonio ftiz
de Nebrija, Gratnatica Castellana, ed. Pascual Galindo Romeo and Luis Muñoz,
(lvfadrid: Silvero Aquine, 1946), xxix. Nebrija taught at the University of Salamanca and was a contemporary
of Durán.
eNebrija,
Gramatic a C astellana, 37 .
osBermudo,
Declaración, fol. xvii". A longer quotation of which this is a part is given in Chapær 3.
6Don
Harrán , Word-Tone Relations in Musical Thought, Musicological Studies and Documents 40,
(Neuhausen-stuttgaf: American Institute of Musicology, 1986), 116. Ilarrán includes a study of the ltalian
theorist, Blasius Rossetti, who dealt with the issues of Latin pronunciation, accent, and music inhß Libellus
de rudimcntibus musicae of.1529.
 161

have been the case with Bermudo and the practice of lengthening accented syllables is

certainly the one observed in the tones of the Ritual.

The Ritwl gives a demonstration of the plica employed in the 15th century to

indicate the lengthening of accented notes in recitative passages of preface and Pater noster

tones. It is therefore an early example of an attempt to maintain text accent, a practice

which came to be more import¿nt in such chants during the following century. The
cephølicus of the late Aquiønian notation of the booklet, takes the lengthening role of the

plica, and in doing so presents a further and very interesting example of alteration in the

meaning of a sign, that alteration being from its well known one of üquescence to lengthening.

Before concluding, results of a brief study of the notation of the prefaces of the

Missale mixtu¡n alme ecclesíe toletane of 1499 may be remarked upon.ot In these prefaces,

the plica of the ZarnonnRítunl is replaced by a long, both on accented syllables of reciting

note passages and in endings. The Missale mixtwn is one of the chant books which was

prepared under the direction of Ca¡dinal Cisneros and is notated in mensural signs. Longs,

breves, alphas, plicas, and three-note neumes with a rising stem on the left are used. That

the long occurs in positions filled by the plica in the Ritual serves to confirm the function

of the plica as a note signifying long duration. (No other Spanish noted missals from
before the 16th century looked at in the course of this investigation make regular use of

plicas or longs on the reciting notes of preface or Pater noster tones.tt¡ The plica in the

prefaces of the 1499 Missale mixun appears, at least at times, to signify two notes. This is

identifiable in the mediations of the festive preface tones which in many other sources

consist of three t\ilo-note neumes. In the Míssale mi.xtwn, one of these, a clivis, is regUlarly

replaced by a plica with two descending stems.ae This meaning of the plica is in keeping

with the interpretation taught by the Spanish "non-equalist" theorists. The possibility of
the plica as an abbreviation of the clívis andperhaps also the pes is an important one which

ntltda
I 1137, fols. lz'" fr.
*These
include Ma 931 (14th or l5ttr century); Santiago de Compostela, A¡chivo de la Catedral,
frag. 9 (14th or 15th century\; Missal de Santa Eulalia de lø seu de Barcelon¿, Barcelona, Archivo de la
Catedral, cod. I 16 (15th century): and Missale Giennense, printed in Sevilla 1499'
nhor
example, fol. 122. Robert Stevenson, however, mentions the meaning of the "punctum with
two stems" in the Missal e mixtumas being double duration (xn, Spanish Muslc, 108).
 r62

appears to have been the case at times in square chant notation of sources outside of
Spain.so However, the Zamoran sources studied here show no reason to believe that

amongst them, the ptica was ever intended primarity as an abbreviation replacing a c/iv¡'s or

pes.sr

In conclusion, the meaning of the plica appears to have varied according to the type

of notation in which it was employed in Spain during the 15th and first half of the 16th

centuries: in unmeasured notation the plica indicated a single long note, and in measured

notation it indicated rwo (or even three) notes of different pitch. Modern performance

could therefore follow this pattern. In the 14th century the continuing association of the

plica with liquescence suggests that a liquescent meaning of the plica may still have been

known and the sign performed accordingly. Modern performance of such sources might

therefore give two notes to the plica, the second note perhaps with the diminished sound

quality which seems to be appropriate for the singing of liquescence. It is to be hoped that

fi¡rther resea¡ch will eventually shed more light on this difficult aspect of chant performance

and notational practice.52

t am graæful to John Stinson of La Trobe University, Melbourne, for informing me that he has
found the plica actinga.s an abbreviation of the clivis in Italian l4th-century chant manuscripts.
stSamuel
Rubio noted that chant books of the Escorial from the second half of the 16th century
@uently used a plica in the place of a cliv¡'s found in modem editions. See Samuel Rubio, "[.as melodias de
loa <libros corales>> del Escorial" , La Ciudad de Dios 182 (196Ð:349.
t'A fufher refinement of the type of study canied out in this chapær could explore implications of
Dom Eugène Cardine's division of augmentative and diminutive liquescence for the plica and its possible
meanings in sources such as those studied in this chapter (Cardine, Gregorian Semiology,217'20). Such
investigation would require extensive comparative studies with earlier soufces.
 t63

PART C

REPERTORY STIJDIES
 t64

6 CHANTS FOR THE ORDINARY OF MASS

Examples of each of the five principal chants of the Ordinary of Mass a¡e found in the

sources under study. Among these a¡e troped Kyrie chants and a fragment of the troped

Gloria, Gloria. Spiritus et alme. The former group of tropes will be discussed in this

chapter, but the latter work, a three-voice setting, will be discussed as part of Chapter 10 on

polyphony. In addition one example of a troped lte missa ¿st is also found amongst the

sonrces. As it is paired with a two-voice troped setting of the Deo gratias, the nopeÅ lte

missa esr will also be discussed in Chapter 10 rather than in the present chapter.

The studies of the Ordinary chants by Margareta Melnicki, Detlev Bosse, Peter Josef

Thannabaur, and Martin Schildbach have facilitated the identification of the melodies

discussed in this chapter.t As part of their studies all four authors produced catalogues of

the melodies which form an indispensable tool for the study of these chants. Those

melodies which were able to be identified a¡e referred to here by the numbering of these

catalogues, with the author's name (or its abbreviation) preceding the number. The

disadvantage of the four catalogues is that Spanish sources are not strongly represented.

This deficiency is most noticeable in those of Melnicki and Bosse (for example, only 2 out

of the 493 sources used by Melnicki a¡e from Spain2). In order to supplement the

Ordinary catalogues, that of Fernández de la Cuesta was used for the two troped Kyries,

and some Spanish and French manuscripts were consulted. The recent catalogue compiled

by David Hiley of English, northern French, and Sicilian Ordinary chants is referred to as

well during the discussion.3 As there is no catalogue devoted to Credo melodies yet

rMargareta
Melnicki, Das einstimmige Kyrie des lateinischen Mittelalters, Forschungsbeiträge zur
Musikrpissenschaft, vol. 1 (Regensburg: Gustav Bosse Verlag, 1955); Detlev Bosse, Untersuchung einstitrmiger
mittelalterlicher Melodien zum "Gloria in excelsis deo" ,FotschungsbeiEäge zur Musikwissenschaft, vol. 2
@egensburg: Gustav Bosse Verlag, 1955); Peter Josef Thannabaur, Das einstitwnige Sanctus der römischen
Messe in der handschriftlichen Überlieferung des 11. bis 16. Iahrhunderts, Erlanger Arbeiten zur
Musikwissenschaft, vol. I (Munich: Walter Ricke, 1962); Martin Schildbach, "Das einstimmige Agnus Dei
und seine handschriftliche Überlieferung vom 10. bis zum 16. Jahrhundert" (Ph.D.diss. Friedrich-Alexander-
Universität, Erlangen-Nürnberg, 1967).
tMelnicki, rie, !38.
Ky
3David
Hiley, "Ordinary of Mass Chants in English, North French and Sicilian Manuscripts",
fournal of the Ptainsong and Medieval Music Society 9 (1986) (complete two part volume).
 165

available, these were compared with those in the modern Vatican books and the index of

Bryden and Hughes.a

At the beginning of each of the sections in this chapter pertaining to the five items of

the Ordinary is a table listing each chant to be discussed, giving the source in which it is

found in the collection, melody identification, dating of the source, notation, and in the case

of tropes, the number from Chevalier's Repertoríwn Hymnologicwn. The column labelled
"Context" indicates context within the liturgical year, but this is only given for a few of the

works, as most of the sources a¡e without such indication.

A catalogue of the openings of each chant is given at the rea¡ of this dissertation in

the section devoted to transcriptions. These openings are sometimes longer than is usual in

a catalogue of incipits in order to show more of the material described in the discussion

presented in this chapter than would otherwise be possible. For those chants for which the

opening is missing in the fragments, the catalogue entry begins with the first remaining and

legible note. A few of the most interesting chants are transcribed in full immediately

following the catalogue.

CHANTS OF THE KYRIE

Table 1: Chants of the Kyrie in the Sources of Zamoru

Source Melody Dating Notation

1. 268Íal' Mel. 102 l3thc. Aquitanian

(Vat. ad lib. f)

2. Misal votivo, fol. 36" 14th c. Square Requiem

3. Misalvotivo,fol.46 Mel.70 14th c. Square St. trdefonsus 3737

(Vat. ad lib. V) January

nJohn
R. Bryden and David G. Hughes, An Index of Gregorian Chant (Canftidge, Mass.: Ila¡vard
University hess, 1969).
 t66
l. Z 68la,l': Clemens rector eterne
On fragmentz 68 of Book C is found the annoøtion "Incipiunt kyrri" suggesting the

beginning of a group of Kyries or perhaps even of a kyriale. The chant immediately

following this rubric is the texted Kyne Clemens rector, Melnicki 102. Itfrequently occurs

in this position or as the second chant in Kyrie collections of Aquitanian origin.s As is

usual with Aquitanian sources, Clemens rector is not associated in Z 68 with any particular

feast.6 It has been found with varying usages, as may be seen for example in sources from

Nevers where it occurs in the feast of St. Stephen Protomartyr following Christmas day,

and in two sources from Apt where it is found in the feast of Ascension in one and Easter

Sunday in another.T Chevalier cites Christmas Day as the feast to which Clemens rector

pertains.s

Clemens rector belongs to the class of the "syllabically texted Latin Kyrie" which, as

David A. Bjork has demonstrated, can be seen as distinct from the so-called Kyrie Eope.e

The two forms are distinguished by their use of melody: the Kyrie trope adds a different

melody in addition to text while the texted Kyrie simply adds text to the melody of the

Kyrie resulting in a largely syllabic setting. In Z 68 the chant begins with the verse
"Clemens rector eterne pastor inmense eleyson" which is followed by the Ordinary text

"Kyrie leyson" (sic) using the same melody. This procedure continues until the end of the

fragment, each single acclamation of the Ordinary being preceded by a Latin verse to its

melody. The fragment thus conforms to that which is thought to be the usual practice of
the texted Kytie.to

tJohn
Boe, ed., Beneventanum Troporum Corpus II. Ordinary Chants and Tropes for the Mass
fromsouthern ltaly,A.D. Im)-I2s},RecentResearches in the Music of the Middle Ages andEarly Renaissance
vol. 19 (Madison: A-R Editions, 1989), 25-26.
6Gunilla
Björkvall, ed., Corpus Troporum V, Les deux topaires d'Apt, mss. 17 el /8 (Stockholm:
Almquist & Wiksell, 1986), 229 n. 5.
tNancy van Deusen Music at Nevers Cøthedral, Musicological Studies 30, vol. 1 (Henryville:
,
Institute of Mediaeval Music, 1980), 11; Björkvall, ed.,CorpusTroporwnV,2lS-19.
tulysse Repertorium Hymnologicum. Catalogue des chants, hynmes, proses, séquences,
Chevalier,
tropes en usage dans l'église latine depuis les origines jusqu'à nos jours, vol. I (Iouvain; I892-192L),2U.
eDavid
A. Bjork, "The Kyrie Trope", Iournal of the American Musicological Society 33 (1980): 3.
loBjork,'"The Kyrie Trope",
3.
 r67

This Kyrie occurs in many widespread sources, those of French provenance being

especially numerous.ll It was thought by Blume possibly to have originated at St. Martial

of Limoges and in a more recent study Bjork has simila¡ly proposed origin in Aquitaine.r2

It belonged to the early repertory of Aquitanian Kyrie melodies and is known from the 10th

century.l3 A southern French source Ma 136 from Toulouse will be used for the comparative

study given below. (It was not included by Melnicki in her survey.) Ma 136 is dated

variously to the 14th centuryra and to the first half of the 13th century,rs the latter a dating

which seerns very credible given the appearance of the notation.

Two Spanish sources of. Clemens rector other than Z 68 have been identifiedl6 and

will be used for comparison. These a¡e the fine Ma BRAH 51 of llth-century San Millán

de la Cogolla, and Ma 1361 which is thought to be of l4th-century Catalonian origin.rT

As Clemens rector is not given in its entirety inZ 68 due to the continuation having

been on another now lost folio, its study is necessa¡ily limited. The fragment ends with the

first word of the second verse of the text added to the Christe. Despiæ this limitation some

interesting features may be observed. The nope text of Z 68 conøins one significant

variant from the form given n AH which is of particular interest as it is not found in any of

the va¡iants listed by Blume from sources dating from the 10th to the 14th centuries.ls It

occurs at the opening of the phrase which in the usual form begins "Aether stellifer noster",

but which inZ 68 reads "sother salvator noster". Could this be a local or regional variant?

ttAH 47
57; Melnicki, Kyrie,105; Hiley, "Ordinary of Mass",69. Its presence in Beneventan
sources summary of the
history 19: xxix,24-26-
English -70.
t'AH 47 58; David A. Bjork, "Early Repertories of the Kyrie eleisort', Kirchenmusilcnlisches
fahrbuch 63 (1979):25.
l3Bjork,
"Early Repertories", 24.
tnHiginio Anglés and José Subirá, Catdlogo Musical de la Biblioteca Nacional de Madrid, vol. I
(Barcelona: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientiffca^s, 1946), 94-95.
ttAnscari "EIproser-fioper Montserrat 73",Liturgia 3 (1966): 107.
Mundó,
tosome
assistance in identification was gained from FernándezdelaCuesta,Manuscritos,325.
ttAngles
and Subira, Catdtogo,99.
ttAH 47 56-58.
 168

In fact, this text variant also occurs in Ma BRAH 51 suggesting that this might be a
regional va¡iant. Unfortunately the probably Catalonian Ma 1361 and the southern French

Ma 136, do not give the full trope texts.

The melody, a variant of Melnicki 102 (Vatican ad lib. I),te is a very attractive one.

Comparison of the melody of. Z 68 with the incipit given by Melnicki shows the Zamoran

version to have one significant variant which it also has in comparison with the Melnicki
102 melodies given in David Hiley's catalogue.2o Instead of rising by conjunct motion
from the opening note to the fourth above it,Z 68 rises only to the third. See Example 1.

Ma BRAH 51, Ma 1361, and Ma 136 also rise only to the third, suggesting that this may

have been cha¡acteristic of a particular tradition of the melody, one perhaps favoured in

Spaitr." The finding of further examples of this melody in Spanish sources would be of
interest in order to discover whether this version is more widespread, and whether it may
tn¡ly be seen as representing another tradition to those of Melnicki and Hiley. The form of

the chant n Z 68 for the fi¡st set of Kyries is aba which is as given by Melnicki for the
melody (the repeats of each section caused by the singing of the added text are not included

in this sunmary of the form). A fuIl ranscription of the chant fromZ 68 is found at the

rea¡ of this dissertation.

Example 1

z69

Cle_ hren3 r.o- tor

Itlef n;cki

Ky- rL- 2

ttMelnicki,
Kyrie, 105; Graduak Trtplea 785.
'Hiley, "Ordinary of lvfass", 69-70.
2tMa
1361, fol. 179'; Ùfa 136, roL76.
 t69

The notation in Aquitanian neumes without a clef has been transcribed here with D

as the final, this being consistent with the mode in other sources as found by Melnicki22

and with that of Ma 1361. Although the staff-line is sca¡cely visible for this chant, it seems

to take the third degree above the final at the opening; this is the standard line pitch for
mode one in Aquitanian notation. The pitch of the line then changes in the middle of the

second stave and at the beginning of the verse which opens "Nostrus nec ne". Here the line

placement is difficult to determine but it is probably B given the indication of the direct.

The following trope verse sees the return of F as the pitch of the line but is without a direct.

In both Ma BRAH 51 and Ma 136 the notation is also Aquitanian and without clefs. The
changes of pitch placement just described occur also in these other sources but without

directs. Ma 136 does however give the mode in a rubric together with the first word of the

added text "Clemens p[rim]i toni".23 A further change of pitch placement occurs in Z 68
for the opening of the last verse in the fragment and for which only the word "Trine" is
found in the source. Once again ttre pitch of the line is probably B.

2. Misal votivo, fol. 36"

This melody occurs in the Requiem Mass of the Misal votivo but it has not been
possible to identify it in the catalogues of Melnicki or Hiley, nor has it been found in any of

the Spanish manuscript sources studied during the course of this research including Ma

1361 and Mont 73.u The chant displays the following carefully structured form: aba cbt c

a'b'd. This may be seen as a va¡iant of one of the cornmon Kyrie forms identified by

Melnicki in which the relationship of the three sections of the whole may be summa¡ized as

ABA.25 The rising fourth G-a-c is prominent throughout the whole, occurring at the

beginning of each repeat of ø. The settings of "eleyson" in a and c a¡e similar, moving

within the same fourth as the opening of a; again the same rise G-a-c is incorporated

'Melnicki, Kyrie,36.
oMal36,fol.75'.
zlt
would be paficularly interesting to sea¡ch for this melody in the Palencia manuscript which
contains the the Sanctus and Agnus Dei from the Requiem Ìvfass of the Misal votivo and which is included in
the catalogues of Thannabaur and Schildbach. The manuscript will be referred to in more detail later in this
chapter.

'Melnicki, Kyrie,64.
 t70

atthough altered, with more emphasis placed on the a at the beginning of the syllable "ley".

Modally ambiguous, the whole closes on E, with section closures on b and G, G being the

opening pitch of phrases a and c; the overall ambitus is the octave D-d. The opening rising

fourth suggests a G mode as the majority of melodies in Melnicki's catalogue with this

opening a¡e in that mode. Comparison of the closing notes and mode with Melnicki's

study stresses the unusual qualities of this Kytie.'u

3. Misøl votivo, fol. 46: Conditor þric omniam

The melody for this Kyrie is Melnicki 70 (Vatican ad lib. V), one, which while not

commonly occurring, is found in widespread sources and using various added texts.27

Only the first verse of the Eope text is given in the Mísal votivo and this is the same as that

in AH.28 Bjork sees Melnicki 70 as possibly of Aquitanian origin, but unlike Melnicki 102

possibly of a "second generation" and with a much smaller frequency of occurrence.2e The

ea¡liest source of the melody is the 10th or llth century'o Pa 887 from southern France.

V/ith the text Conditor þrie omniurn, the melody seems to have occurred mainly in English

sources." The only sources of Spanish provenance named for the text by Fernández de la

Cuesta a¡e Ma 1361 and Hu.32 In both cases Melnicki 70 is used but that in Hu is a

two-voice setting.33 The melody is also employed in Huesca 4 from San Juan de la Peña,s

but not in the Spanish source Ma BRAH 51 nor the southern French Ma 136 named for

Clemens rector.

tMelnicki, Kyrie, 3448.

'Melnicki, Kyrie,l}Oi Hiley, "Ordinary of lvfass", 67.

oAH 47 77-78.

'B¡ork, "Early Repertories", 27 and A.

þorkvall, ed., Corpus Troporum v, 422.
ttMelnicki, Kyrie, 100; Hiley, "Ordinary of Mass", 67. The text is listed in AH as occurring
especially in English sources, with a small representation in French sources (AH 47:. 77'78).
3zFernández
de la Cuesta, Manustitos,325,352. Chevalier includes no Spanish sources for this
text (R ep e r t o rium Hynnolo gi c um l: 2?A, 5 : 99).
ttMa l36l,fol. 182'-183'; Hu facsimile: Anglès, Huel gas 2, fol. 1"-2".
sBjork, "Early repertories", 36.
 T7T

Comparison of the version in the Misal votivo with the incipits of Melnicki and

Hiley, and the complete melodies of Vatican ad lib. V3s and Ma 1361, shows many
va¡iants but no patterns of va¡iation. The ambitus is interesting as that of the Misal votivo

is a tenth from D to f, the same as the Vatican melody, but Ma 1361 makes use of one tone

higher, D-g. Hu, which contains the only known Spanish polyphonic sening of the melody,

also rises to the G. The form and the mode (seven) in the Misal votívo correspond to those

features as described by Melnicki.36

CHANTS OF THE GLORIA

Table2 Chants of the Gloria in the Sources of Zarnoru

Source Melody Dating Notation Context

1. 268îb1' Bo. 51 (Vat. XI) 13th c. Aquitanian

2. Z68lbl Bo. 11 (Vat. XIV) 13th c. Aquiønian

3. Z 68tbÏ- 267' Bo. 43 (Vat. XV) 13th c. Aquitanian

4. 267' Bo. 20 (Vat.IÐ 13th c. Aquitanian

5. Misal votivo, ff . 46"-47' Bo. 20 (Vat. IÐ 14th c. square St. Ildefonsus,

January

6. Misalvotivo,fol.T Bo. 56 (Vat. IV) 15tt/16th c. squrire

7. 2153', Bo. 43 (Vat. XV)? 15tt/16th c. square

8. Zr53 Bo. 38 (Vat. VItr) 15th c. square in honore

angelorurn

L. Z 68[b]'
This fragment has alrcady been discussed as it contains the Kyrie Clemens rector. Z

68, and the following Z 67 which also contains melodies for the Gloria, both belong to

Book C. The opening of this Gloria has been lost, thus making identification tentative. It

does however appear to be Bosse 51 (Vatican XI), a melody found in numerous widespread

Graduale Triplex, 7 ll-12.

35

sMelnicki, Kyrie, 67, 41.

 t72
sources and known from the early Gloria containing manuscripts of the late 10th and 1lth

centuries.3T The loss of the opening phrases means that confusion with the closely related

Bosse 2 is possible as the latter differs from Bosse 51 principatly in the opening two
phrases.3s The more widespread use of the melody beginning with the phrases of Bosse 51

and the use of that opening in two Spanish manuscripts suggests that the melody of Z 68

may be classified as number 51. Bosse found melody 51 principally in sources of French

and It¿lian provenance, while Hiley's listing shows it also in a large number of English
sources. The absence of any Spanish sorrces in the list given by Bosse must be due to his

inclusion of only one Spanish manuscript in his study. The three Spanish sources of the

rnelody which have, however, been found in addition toZ68 will be cited in the discussion

below.

Z 68 differs significantly from Vatican XI and although the loss of the first third of
the chant makes comparison uncertain, the repetitive form of the melody which sees the

reiteration of the opening phrase throughout allows the opening of the Z 68 version to be

assumed and thus it can be proposed to differ from the opening incipits given by Bosse and

Hiley.3e The repeated opening phrase which inZ 68 is EGGF-E or EGF-E is in Bosse 51

DG-FE. Another recurring difference is a cadential patærn making use of the subtonium in

268,Æ,-A-D, while that in the Vatican version is FE-D-D. In addition to these differences,

it may be said that in general the Zamoran melody is somewhat more orn¿rmented than the

Vatican version. Comparison of Z 68 with the versions of the melody in Mont 73 (thought

to be from l2th-century Urgell) and Ma 1361 shows that the three peninsular sources

sha¡e these differences from the Vatican edition. All three use the E opening and the
subtonium cadence.ar Another Spanish source, Ma BRAH 51, also sha¡es these features,

although with the addition of repeated notes in the cadence.ot Bosse identifies differences

tBosse,
Gloria,28 (dating), 87-88 (sornces); Hiley, "Ordinary of lvfass",88.
sTLe
similarity between the two melodies is discussed by John Boe who uses the description Bosse
5 l=2, B enev e nt dnum T r o p o r um C o r p us //, vol. 22: 37 .
eGraduale Triplex,749-50: Bosse, Gloria,99, Hiley, "Ordinary of Mass", 88.
oMundó, "El proser-fioper Montserr¿t'1-3-, 105, 130'3 1.
atMont73,
fols. 16-l-T;Ivfa 1361, fol. 185.
o'lvla
BRAH, fols. ?Ao" -24 l' .
 t73

of the ambitus in the melody in French, German, and Iølian sources.o3 That of French
sources, C-a, is the one used in Z 68 as fa¡ as can be said in view of the fragmentffy nature

of the example.

The melody is transcribed with the final of D, the usual one for the melody.* The

placing of the final on the line suggests a plagal mode which is in accord with the modal

classification given by the Graduale Triplexas

2. Z 68lbl
This melody is Bosse 11 (Vatican XfÐ. It is complete in the fragment except for a

small segment lost as a result of damage to one corner. Like Bosse 51 it occurs in

numerous and widespread sources from as early as the 10th or llth centuriesÍ Again

Bosse gives no sources in Spain but three in addition to Z 68 have been located.

Bosse 11 follows immediately inZ 68 after the Gloria described above. The same

sequence of melodies occurs in Ma 1361 and Ma BRAH 51, although the chants show
some va¡iation. (Ma BRAH 51 gives tropes with both melodies.) Bosse 11 also occurs in

Mont 73. Comparisons between Z 68 and the Spanish sources as well as the Vatican

version and the incipits of the two catalogues, show that the version of Z 68 differs from

all, but is closest to the Spanish sources.ot One feature of Z 68 which is found in only two

of these other versions, Ma 1361 and Ma BRAH 51, is the reuse later in the melody of the
repeated c which initially occurs on the first syllable of the opening word "Gloria". The

repeated c rocurs inZ 68 at the beginning of three further phrases which all begin cc-a-G or

cc-aa-G. In both Ma 1361 and Ma BRAH 51 it is used in two phrases in addition to the

opening. The setting of the "Amen" in Mont 73 and Ma BRAH 51 is the same as thatinZ

68, while that of Ma 1361 has been changed from its original copying but may well
previously have been identical.

n'Bosse,
Gloria,33.
*Bosse,
Gloria,33.
as
G raduale Trip te x, 7 49.
*Bosse,
Gloria,87-88, Hiley, "Ordinary of Mass",83-84
otMa
1361, fols. 185'-18ó'; Mont 73, fols. 14'-15'; Ma BRAH 51, fols. ù11'-24t; Graduale Triplex,
757-58; Bosse, Gloria,87; Hiley, "Ordinary of lvIass", 83.
 174

Both Ma 1361 and Mont 73 use the word "Quia" instead of "Quoniam" at the
beginning of the verse which usually reads "Quoniam tu solus sanctus".48 This is not the

case in Z 68. An error appears to have been made, however, in the same verse during the

writing of the text of Z 68 as the word "sanctus" is repeated; notation does not seem to
have been written above the repeated word although the poor condition of the fragment

makes it impossible to be certain of this.

The transcription begins on c as is usual with this melody in the third mode. The line

therefore takes the pitch G, suitable to the authentic form of the E mode which generally

takes the third degree as the pitch of the line.

3.268[b]"-267'.
This melody is Bosse 43 (Vatican XV). It begins on the same folio as the Gloria just

discussed and a small segment is missing due to the lost corner. The last phrase is also

missing as a result of damage possibly caused by water. Bosse 43 is another Gloria melody

found in early sources and of widespread and frequent occurrence.ae Again it is contained

in Ma 1361 where it follows immediately from Bosse 11 continuing the sequence of

Glorias alrcady rema¡ked upon. It is not used in Mont 73 nor in Ma BRAH 51.

T:he Z 68 version follows the usual psalmodic, very simple style of the melody. It
maintains the usual ambitus of a fifth and the cadential pattern of a falling thfud. A stophic

neume occurs on the penultimate syllable of most of the verse closures and is a feature of

the version not found in Vatican XV nor in the incipits of Bosse or Hiley.so The version of

Ma 1361 is a simpler one but also frequently uses abístropha on the penultimate syllable
of closures.

The transcription uses E as the final as is normal for the melody,sr the line taking the

second degree F. The placement on the line of the second degree is characteristic of the

*This change is thought possibly to be due to the derivation of Bosse 11 from a melody set to a
Greek text as discovered by Michel Huglo. See Boe, BeneventønumTroporwn Corpus II,vol.22:42.
noB
osse, G I o r i a, 22; lltley, "Ordinary of lvlass", 87.
nGraduale
Triplex,760-62; Bosse, Gloria,96; Hiley, "Ordinary of lvlass", 87.
ttBosse,
Gloria,32.
 L75

fourth mode as has been discussed in Chapter 4.

4.267'-
Following directly from the Gloria just discussed, the beginning of this melody is

illegible as a result of damage to the fragment. It nevertheless may be identified as a

version of Vatican III, which was given the melody number 20by Bosse. Bosse's information

shows melody 20 occurring very much less frequentþ than the Gloria melodies already

discussed and only in sources of France (one of those from southern France) and England.s2

The sources of melody 21, with which Bosse equates 20, we also not numerous but are

more widespread; English sources ar€ outstanding in Hiley's catalogue.s3 Early sources of

Bosse 2l arc dated from the 10th to 11th centuries.s

The equating of melody 20 with his number 2l by Bosse causes some confusion, and

the comment made by John Boe that 20 should have been labelled as a variant of 21 is

apposite.ss The present example has been labelled as Bosse 20 rather than 21 because the

remaining notes of the opening match that of 20 more closely. The only other Spanish

source which has so far been found is the Zzmora¡ Misal votivo (see the next Gloria

discussed in this section).

Unlike the Vatican III version, that of Z 67 has quite lengthy melismas added to the
four acclamations which end with the word "te"; the first cannot be seen clearly but may be

surmised as a result of space allocated to "te" and some very faint remains of the notation.

Among other va¡iations from the Vatican version is the ending on the second above the

final on the last syllable of "Dei patris" immediately preceding the closing "Amen". In
Vatican trI this closure ends with the final G.s6 Bosse found the closure on the final at this

point to be the usual practice in Gloria melodies.sT The transcription also takes G as the

ttBosse, of 21, but the

Gloria,2l. (The sources of 20 were named by Bosse together with those
table on p. 21 gives geographic distribution.)
t'Bosse,
Gloria,2l,X)-9L; Hiley, "Ordinary of lvfass", 85.
tBosse,
Gloria,27.
tt
Bæ, B enev e nt anum T r op o rum C o rp us I I, v ol. 22: 8.
n
G r aduale Tri p I e x, 7 19 -20.
tBosse,Gloria,37. Two out of three southern Italian examples given by Boe (Beneventanum
Troporum Corpus II , vol. 23-A:3 1) show the same variation with 'þatris" ending on a and "Amen" on G.
 176

final, that representing the most common mode of the melody; the final is placed upon the

line.

5. Misal votivo, fols.46"-47"

This is another example of Bosse 20 (Vatican III) but now found in a l4th-century

sorrce and fully legible. Overall it is very like the version in the l3th-century 267, shanng

the differences in comparison to Vatican Itr already described. Again Bosse 20 has been
chosen as opposed to 21 because the opening phrases of the Misal votivo version are mo¡e

like those of Bosse 20.

The versions of the Misal votivo andZ 67 use similar melodic phrases at the opening

of the verses beginning with the word "Domine". These phrases a¡e different from that of

Vatican Itr and also from southern Italian examples.sE Further resea¡ch would be of

interest to see whether these similar phrases are localized to Spanish sources. Example 2

shows the versions of the phrase found in the Zanoran sources and the Graduale Tríplex.

Similarly, the melismas added to the four acclamations might be resea¡ched further. These

a¡e reminiscent of the trope added to this Gloria melody in southern Italian sources. The

added melismas of both 7-amonn versions are very simila¡, the greatest difference being

the use of a longer one at the end of the fourth acclamation in the Misal votivo. Example 3

shows the fourth acclamation of both Zamoran sources.

Example 2
267

Do- lvti' FQ de- (.{,

Misal votivo , lo|.47'

Po' ^¿' ¿-e- tlt

^c
G;l".tlqc:Le 7r.o

0"- ,t;- ne J.¿- c.s

sFor southern ltalian examples, see Boe,B¿neventanurnTroporwnCorpus II,vol.23-3422Ù22.

 t77

Example 3

267

Çlo-r¿- Ç¡- cø,- r.,¡i ¿e

Misal voLl'vo, fioL. 47"

C.lo- .¡ - l¡ - ca,- ,*,.¡ te

6. Mìsøl votivo,lol.2'
Only the incipit of this Gloria is given; it is found together with an incipit for a

Credo prior to the full statement of the common prefaces for festive and ferial use. It

occnrs at the beginning of the Misal votivo in the l5th-century section which precedes the

earlier part in which the next Gloria to be discussed is located.

The incipit matches that of Bosse 56 (Vatican IV). This was a much used Gloria and

is found in numerous and widespread manuscripts including early sources of the Gloria

dating back as fa¡ as the 10th and 1lth centuries.se The Spanish manuscripts Mont 73 and

Ma 1361 include the melody. The example in the Misal votivo uses the customary pitch
and begins on C.

7.2153'.
Only the end of this Gloria is contained on the fragment and as a result the melody

identification cannot be made with certainty. It does however appear to be Vatican XV

(Bosse 43) in a version more like that of Z 68-2 67 than that of the Vatican. The bistropla

eBosse,
Gloria,22,2ß,10û'1; Hiley, "Ordinary of lvfass", 89.
 178

which is used on the penultimate syllable of closures in the other Zamoran source is

replaced here by the plica which in a late sorrce such as this should probably be interpreted

as a single pitch with double duration. The final is E, as is believed to be that of the

previously discussed version.

8. Zt53
The second Gloria on this fragment following immediately after the fi¡st is a version

of Bosse 38 (Vatican VItr). The opening is preceded by the rubric "in honore angelorum".

The melody is a late one, the ea¡liest of the eight sources listed by Bosse being from the

15th century, with all but one (a French source) being ltalian.60 Bosse 38 is not included in

Hiley's catalogue of manuscripts from England, northern France, and Sicily, thus emphasizing

its limited distribution.

The opening "Gloria in excelsis deo" is not the same as that given by Bosse or the

still different one of the Vatican version;6r however, like the openings of these other two
versions, that of Z L53 is melodically related to later sections of the chant. The melodic

material of this Gloria is in fact restricted with much repetition throughout. The F mode of

Z 153 corresponds to the usual one for the melody as does the ambitus F-f.62 This mode

was found by Bosse to be mainly used in Italian Gloria melodies63 and its use may

therefore be suggestive of Italian origin as may also be surmised from the predominance of

Italian sources. On the other hand, new melodies using the F mode increased in number
generally after 1100 and it therefore can be seen as a cha¡acteristic of later medieval

composition.s

The clef apperirs to have been placed one line too high on the sixth and seventh staffs

of the recto of the fragment (these cafry the chant from "terra pax" to "Laudamus te"). The

discrepancy is made clear by the placing of the direct at the end of the previous st¿ff as

tBosse,
Gloria,28,95.
o'Bosse,
Gloria, 95; Gradrule Triplex, 7 38.
o'Bosse,
Gloria,32.
tBosse,
Gloria,33.
ut<anneinz
Schlager, "Regionalradition und Modalität in der liturgischen Monodie des Miüelalters",
S tudia M usic olo gica 27 (1985): l2l.
 t79

well as through the divergence from the usual melody of the section which would otherwise

be followed exactly. The loss of the top staff on the verso makes it impossible to see where

the scribe rectified the apparent error, but it may be seen from the fust remaining st¿ff that

the clef has been positioned differently and the melody now reads at the usual pitch. The

error has been corrected in the transcription.

CHANTS OF THE CREDO

Table 3: Chants of the Credo in the Sources of Zamora

Source Melody Dating Notation Context

1. Mísal votivo, fol. T 15th c. squafe

2. Zl5l Vatican IV? l5ttr/16th c. mensural

l. Misøl votivo, fol.2'

The opening incipit of a Credo is given in this source with only the first verse "Credo

in unum deum". It is not one of the six Vatican melodies for the Credo6 and is in fact that

of the immediately preceding Gloria incipit. The Gloria incipit is that of Bosse 56 (Vatican

IV) and small changes make the melodic phrase suitable to the shorter opening verse of the

Credo. As the incipit matches the beginning of a Credo given in the 1734 revised edition

of the 1598 neatise by Francisco Montanos,Arte de Canto Llano con entonøciones comunes

de coro y altar, further investigation of late chant sources might reveal more information

on the employment of this melody for the Credo.66

2. Ztsl
Although only fragmentary sections remain inZ l5t, sufficient similarities may be

seen between this Credo and the Vatican Credo IV to suggest that this may be a version of

the latter melody.67 A complete transcription of the Credo ftomZ 151 is given at the rear

6
G raduale Trip le x, 7 69 -84.
6Joseph 173Ð,n.
de Torres, Arte de Canto Llano (lvladrid,
a
Graduale Triplex, 77 6-7 9.
 180

of this dissertation. Boxed segments in the transcription mark those parts which are
identical in pitch to the Vatican Credo IV. Those ma¡ked with broken line boxes are

without clef but have identical intervallic movement to the Vatican melody.

The notation of this Credo is mensural. As was mentioned in Chapter 4, Credo

melodies, especially newly composed ones, appea¡ to have been notated mensurally more

frequently during the late Middle Ages than other chants. The Vatican Credo IV must have

been regularly interpreted and notated in a mensural manner. It was mentioned in this

context by Zarlino and Gaffurius (as has been noted in Chapter 3) and is known in mensural

notation in early printed sources.tt A sea¡ch for its appearance in further Spanish sources

would be of interest and might provide fruidul comparative material for a larger study of

this widespread melody.

CHANTS OF THE SANCTUS

T¿blql: Chants of the Sanctus in the Sources of Zamora

Source Melody Dating Notation Context

l. Misal votivo, fol. 41 XV)

1\.223 (Vat. 14th c. square Requiem

2. Misalvotivo, fol. 50" Th. 116 (Vat. VIQ 14th c. square St. Ildefonsus,

January

3. Misal votivo, fol. 4' Th. 116 (Vat. VIÐ? 15th c. square

4.2245[al Th.49 (Vat.IV) l5ttr/16th c. square

s.z24sÍbl 1\.32 (Vat. XVtr) 15tty'16th c. square

l. Mísal votivo, fol. 41

This melody occurs in the Requiem Mass found in the l4th-century section of the

Misal votivo. It is a version of Thannabav 223 (Vatican XV), a melody which occurs in

very many, widespread sources dating from as early as the l1th century.6e Thannabaur

6See
for example that reproduced in Francis Tack, Gregorian Chant,50. That version differs bottl
in melodic detail and notation from the Credo of Z 151.
@Thannabaur,
Sanctus,205-8; Hiley, "Ordinary of lvfass", 109.
 181

lists four non-monastic Spanish sources including Ma 1361 and one from Braga. Two
monastic sources a¡e listed as belonging to Spanish houses while a further three now

located in Spain or Portugal are also named.70 One of the Spanish monastic sources is

Cistercian (Poblet, Biblioteca del Monasterio, s.n.) and is from San Andrés de Arroyo in

Palencia, to the north-east of Zamon on the route to Burgos.71 This source, written in
square notation, and dating from the 13th or 14th and 15th centuries,T2 also contains two of

the Agnus Dei melodies in the Misal votivo. Although Thannabaur does not mention

whether this melody occurs in the Requiem Mass in the Palencia manuscript, an Agnus Dei

occurring on the following folio is identified by Schildbach's catalogue as intended for the

Requiem Mass.73 It is therefore likety that the Sanctus was part of a Requiem Mass in this

source also.

The opening two repetitions of the word "Sanctus" are fully syllabic unlike those of

the versions in the catalogues.Ta Other variants in the Zamoran version recognized on

comparison with Vatican XV include a five-note melisma on the second syllable of "excelsis"

in both its occurrences, as well as differing closures.Ts All the closures in the version of

the Misal votivo, with one exception, use a subtonium to final movement. In the single

exception at the end of the verse "Pleni sunt celi", the second degree is added as the

penultimate pitch so that the closure falls by a second to the final. Comparison with Ma

1361 also reveals a number of differences with the Zamoran version.T6 There, for example,

plicas are found in the opening two acclamations and the consistent closure pattern is not

found. The D mode of the Misat votivo is the usual one for the melody.??

Thhannabaur,
S anc tus, 207 .
ttThannabaur,
S anc tus, 229.
Tzlhannabaur,
S anc tus, 229.
T3schildbach,
"Agnus Dei", I4.
tosy[abic
setting of the word "Sanctus" is unusual throughout the corpus of Sanctus melodies. On
this subject see Thannabaw, Sanctus,53-54.
75
Graduale Triptex, 7 40.
t5[a 1361, fol.t9d.
sÏlannabaur, 205.
S an c tus,
 r82
2. Mísal votívo, fol.50"
Another Sanctus occurring in the l4th-century section of the Misal votivo, this melody

is a version of Thannabaur 116 (Vatican Vm). The notation is an interesting feature of this

Sanctus as it displays apparently mensural characteristics which have already been discussed

in Chapter 4.

Thannabaur 116 occurs in widespread sources, although not as frequently as

Thannabaur 223, with the ea¡liest dating from the 12th century.78 Seven non-monastic

Spanish sor¡rces are listed; Ma 1361 does not contain the melody. The present version uses

a final of c, a fifth higher than that of its standard form. This variant is known in other
sources,tn but not in any of the Spanish sources listed by Thannabaur. This chant is

transcribed in full at the rea¡ of this dissertation.

A b-flat is placed at the beginning of each staff which is surprising given that it
lowers the subtonal degree to a whole-tone below the final while the standard version of the

melody has a semitone rise to the final. In the standard form with the F final, b-flat
accidentals are employed in the melody to lower the fourth degtee. However, the removal

through erasure of all usage of the subtonium until the penultimate syllable, largely negates

the effect of the b-flat in the Misal votivo.

Erasures may clearly be seen to have been made to the original notation in various

parts of the chant, some of them affecting the use of b-flat as has just been mentioned. The

overall effect of the erasures is to make the melody more like the standard version as

represented by the melodies given by Thannabaur and the modern Vatican books.m The

erased notes were taken from short melismas of generally more than two notes, some

representing passing notes, others a larger ornamenting of the melody. If, in fact, the
erased notes represent an earlier version which was later brought more into line with the

standard version of a well known melody, then the proposed ea¡lier version would present

ttThannabaur,
Sanctus,165-66; Hiley, "Ordinary of lvfass", 103.
teHiley F.
gives the melody opening on c rather than on See Hiley, "Ordinary of lvfass", 103.
æ
G raduale Triptex, 7 40.
 183

an interesting divergence from the Eadition." Example 4 shows the opening acclamations

with the erased notes placed in boxes. The erased notes are not shown in the transcription

at the rea¡ of this dissertation.

The form of the melody is the usual one for Thannabaur 116. Melodic material is

reused throughout, most notably that of the third setting of the word "Sanctus" and the

opening c-e-g of the next phrase (although without the plica added to the e of the first

appearance of the motive). Also similar to the standa¡d melody are the closures which
occur at the end of each of the five main phrases, all falling to the frnal by a tone with the

exception of one which closes on the fifth degree.

Example 4

Sonc- t.rs. Sqr.c - L, s Sot,c -

Li

I Lns.

3. Misal votivo, fol. 4'

No more than an incipit is found here in the l5th-century section of the Misal votivo.

Only the fi¡st word ('Sanctus") is given, and, as a result, it is not possible to identify the

melody with certainty. Thannabaur gives several melodies with this opening but none

begin on a nor have transpositions beginning on a. Furthennore, none have the minor third

movement of the first three notes of the Mísal votivo incipit. If in fact this is a va¡iant of
one of Thannabaur's listing, it is most likely to be of Thannabaur L16,82 the melody which

has just been discussed as occurring on folio 50' of the Misal votivo. This would then be

ttThe
presence of mensurally influenced not¿tion suggested ttrat comparison with polyphonic settings
might be useful with regard to the notation and the erar¡ures. Accordingly, the venions of this Sanctus in Wl
and Pa 15129 werc examined. This comparison, however, did not prove helpful. Transcriptions of these two
polyphonic works are in Lütolf, Di e mehrstinmigen 2: 9G98, I394O.
*nrar¡naOaur
, Sattctus,165; Hiley, "Orrdinary of lvfass", 103.
 184

another variant of Thannabaur 116 beginning on a instead of the usual F or the less

cofnmon c.

4. 2245Íal
The fragment contains only that part of the melody from "tera gloria" to "Benedicta

qui venit" and the closing "ldo]mini osanna in excelsis". From these remaining sections,

the melody appears to be a version of Vatican IV (Thannabaur 49). This is another very

widely used melody which occurs in numerous sources dating from as early as the llth-
century; Thannabaur lists twelve non-monastic Spanish sources and one from Braga, some

with multiple occurrences of toped versions of the melody.83 The Spanish sources include

Ma 1361 and Ma BRAH 51, both with ropes to the melody. A number of variants occur
between the versions in Z 245,Ma 1361, Ma BRAH 51 and the Graduale Triplex.u The

most not¿ble occurs in the setting of "excelsis" at the end of the first "Osanna" which in Z

245 ís quite unlike that of the other three sources, however, part of this segment is repeated

at the beginning of the next occurrence of the word "Osanna" where the same notes are

also used in other sources. The complex va¡iations occurring between the sources compared

reveals no pattern. The G mode used in 2245 is the usual one for the melody.

s. z24slbl
Like the previous Sanctus only the closing parts of this example remain in the
fragment, in this case beginning from the first "Osanna". The melody, nevertheless, may

be identified as Thannabaur 32 (Vatican XV[), another Sanctus to have had wide usage

and which is found in numerous sources, the ea¡liest dating from the llth century.ss It
occurs in twelve non-monastic Spanish sources named by Thannabaur as well as one from

Braga; all but one of these sources also contains Thannabaur 49. Amongst the Spanish
manuscripts are Ma 1361 and Ma BRAH 51, both of which carry tropes for the melody.

æThannabaur,
Sanctus,13540; Hiley, "Ordinary of lvfass", 99.
*N,fa
1361, fols. 192"-193'; lvfa BRAH 51, fol. ?t44i Graduak Trtptex,72T.
t5Thannabaur,
Sanctns,122-25: Hiley, "Ordinary of Mass", 97.
 185

The presence of the two melodies in so many Spanish sources suggests that they may be

viewed as having had a regular place in a peninsular repertory of Sanctus melodies.

The F mode used in 2245 is the usual one for the melody. An error appears to have

been made in the placement of the clef for the section of the first "Osanna in excelsis"

contained in the fragment. As the use of the same melodic material in both settings of

"Osanna in excelsis" is a feature of this Sanctus, it seems that the clef placement should be

corrected so as to maintain their identity. This correction has been made in the transcription.

Comparison of the melody inZ 245, Ma 1361, Ma BRAH 51, and the Graduale Triplex

reveals many small va¡iations with no consistent pattern.s6 Two of the more prominent

points of variation occur in the closures. The first of these is the setting of the word

"excelsis" which, on the two occasions it occr¡rs inZ245, uses two three-note melismas on

its fîrst two syllables, but in the other sources one of these is replaced by a two-note
melisma. The second occurs at the end of "in nomine domini" for which 2245, Ma 1361,

and Ma BRAH 51 all use a rising second, but in the Vatican version a falling second is

employed.

CHANTS OF THE AGNUS DEI

Table 5: Chants of the Agnus Dei in the Sources of Zamora

Source Melody Dating Notation Context

1. Misal votivo, fol. 41" Sch. 209 (Vat. XV) 14th c. square Requiem

2. Misal votivo, ff. 50"-51' Sch. 115 14th c. square St.Ildefonsus

January

3. 2245Íal" Sch. 136 (Vat.IV) 15tV16th c. square

4. z24sÍbl' Sch.226 (Vat. tr) 15ttr/16th c. square

t5¿a
136t, fols. l9l'-19/; tvfa BRAH 51, fol. ?t43': Graduale Triplex,765-6.
 186

L. Misal votivo, fol. 4L"

This Agnus Dei, used here for the Requiem Mass, is based upon Schildbach 209

(Vatican XV). The melody is found widely and in many sources as can be seen from the

listings given by Schildbach and also by Hiley.87 It occurs in sources from as early as the

1lth century. Schitdbach names seven non-monastic sources of Spain or Portugal, plus
additional monastic sources. The use of this melody for the Requiem Mass is not unique to

the Misal votivoi Schildbach cites two l4th-century English sources and a Cistercian source

from Spain as using Schitdbach 209 in this context. The Spanish source (Poblet, Biblioteca

del Monasterio, s.n.) is of particula¡ interest as it is the manuscript from Palencia which

contains the Sanctus for the Requiem Mass of the Misal votivo.88

The usual Agnus Dei text is replaced here by that for the Requiem Mass, with "dona

nobis pacem" replaced by "dona eis requiem". The final word "sempiternam" of the text of

the third Agnus Dei acclamation as given in the Vatican version is not used.se Even

without "sempiternam" this text includes an exEa syllable in comparison to the usual one,

necessitating the adjustment of the melody normally found with the st¿nda¡d text.

Some significant variations between Vatican XV and that of the Zamoran source
may be observed.e0 Firstly, while the fust part of the tripartite chant is very close to that of

Vatican XV, the Misal votívo rcpeats this section in the second instead of the third part of

the chant. (The repeat of A is not written out in full in the source.) The form of the Misal

votivo chant is as a result 4,4.8 while that of Vatican XV is ABA. Secondly, the B melody

of the Mísat votivo is not the same as that of the Vatican chant although an emphasis on a,

the fifth above the final is noticeable in both. Thirdly, the cadences at the end of each of

the three parts in the Misal votivo rise to the final from the subtonium unlike those of

Vatican XV, although the overall cadential movement is otherwise similar, FD-C-D or
FED-C-D in the Misal votivo, and FD-D in Vatican XV. Both versions are in the fi¡st

mode. The extra subtonium in the Misal votivo may represent an addition made to

eschildbach, "Agnus Det-,L424; Hiley, "Ordinary of Mass", 119.

sschildbach, "Agnus Dei-, 184.
nLiber Usualis,l8l5.
n
G radual e Trip le x, 7 62.
 187

accommodate the exta syllable of the final word of the Requiem text, the melisma on the

third last syllables of ,4 and B matching the melismas on the penultimate syllables of A and

B of Vatican XV. The melody from the Misal votivo is transcribed in full at the rea¡ of this

dissertation.

A version of Schildbach melody 209 is included in Ma 1361 (a source included by

Schildbach in his study).et The chant in Ma 1361 and that in the Misal votivo share the

same form (AAB), ambitus (C-b), and section closing pitch (D). These versions are very
simila¡ throughout. However, Ma 1361 does not use the subtonium in cadences and is not

named as being for use in the Requiem Mass. Example 5 shows the opening and close of

section A as it is given in the Misal votivo, Ma 1361, and the Graduale Triplex. Variation

may be observed on the first syllable of "feccata" and at the close.

Example 5

Mrsal ,otino

+ + +
A- 1"sLe- qui [ol I'r p<c- .q- ta rt- ï r-eh
Ma t36l

{-
A- grø à" g,^i lol L;s Vo a.- tn no- .br¡

Qrud*¿(e, lex

A- g,.u de- yi lol ü's pc- "<.- ta nO- bis.

Section ^B
in Ma 1361, so similar to section B in the Mísal votivo, is also employed in

the two preceding Agnus Dei chants of Ma 1361 for their closing sections. It also seems
likely that the Palencia manuscript also has the.B section in third position.e2 It is therefore
tikety that the chant in the source from Palencia is very similar to those of the Misal votivo

and Ma 1361, the third sections of which might also be said to correspond to Vatican

"N{a 1361, fol. 196'.

%Ihis
assumption is made on the basis of Schildbach's remark on the correspondence between the
third part of Schildbach 209 in the Palencia manuscript and Agnus Dei Vatican XVItr (Schildbach, "Agnus
Dei",l44).
 188

XVm. Given the results of these comparisons, it may be asked whether future study of the

Agnus Dei melodies in Spanish manuscripts might uncover a special tradition of construction

involving the section B melody discussed here, and a greater frequency than is common of

the form AÁB which Schildbach found to be infrequently used.e3

2. Misøl votivo, fols. 50'-51'

This melody is unusual in its use of a sweeping rise to an octave above the opening F

on the first syllable. This rise is repeated later, both within the first acclamation and after.

Such a movement is characteristic of the late style of chant composition and similar to

some Kyrie melodies.% Although not identical, the melody corresponds to Schildbach

115, variant 1, for which only one source is cited by Schildbach, that from Palencia also

found as a concordance of the Agnus Dei for the Requiem Mass.es Like its variant,
Schildbach 115 has only one occwlence, this being in a l4th-century graduat of Rouen.e6

The ambitus given by Schildbach for melody 115, variant 1, is the same as that used

in the Misalvotivo, as are the closing notes of each part, the mode (three), and the form
1pE¡t¡. The b-flat of the Misal votivo is evidently not used in the Palencia source. The
melody of each acclamation may, be suMivided into two, the second being a va¡iation of

the first without the distinctive octave rise of the latter. The incipits from the two sour€es

are given in Example 6. It may be observed that the incipit of the Palencia manuscript is

more melismatic than the Mls al votivo but follows the same outlines, in places corresponding

exactly.

e3schildbach, "Agnus
Dei-, 34.
*Apd, Gre gorian C hant, 407 -8.
esschildbach,
"Agnus Dei', I11.
trschildbach, "Agnus Dei", 111. Hiley gives the same source for the melody, Hiley, "Ordinary of
lvfass", 115.
 189

Example 6
Misal ,oti'ro

A- q^qr Je- 1,ni bL- lit

Poblel,6¡bf¡o*ec¡ d.el fiolo"fe"io , s,n. (Po.l.n.in1

A- Í" /.- y^t to[- t*

3. Z245lal'
This melody, of which only a part of the fi¡st acclarnation remains, is identifiable as

Schitdbach 136 (Vatican IV). This melody was widespread and occurs in many sources

especially from Germany and France, but also from England, Italy, and Spain; the earliest

dates from the 1lth century. Schildbach names nine non-monastic Spanish sources, one of

which is Ma L36l.n

F is regarded as the main final, although a transposition to a G final is also frequently

found. In Spanish sources the G final is more common.et The G final seems the most
probable for 2245. Ma 1361 uses the G final for Schildbach 136, but like the incipit given

in Schildbach's catalogue, it displays differences in comparison to Z 245.ee The incipit of

Ma 1361 is in fact almost identical with that given in Schildbach's catalogue.

4. Z24slbl'
Like the previous chant, only a part of the fust acclamation remains, and from this

the first syllable is lost. The melody cannot be identified with confidence but may be a
variant of Schildbach 226 (Vatican II). Schildbach 226 is another very commonly found

and widespread Agnus Dei melody first known in 1lth-century sources. Six non-monastic

Spanish sources a¡e listed in Schildbach's catalogue, including Ma 1361.tm Schildbach

tschildbach, "Aglus Dei", 117-19; Hiley, "Ordinary of lvfass", LL6'17.

sschildbach, "Agnus Dei", I18-19.
eltfa 1361, fol. 19d; Schildbach, "Agnus Dei",99.
t*schildbach, "Agnus Del', 117-19; Hiley, "Ordinary of Mass", 11617 .
 190

gives the usual final as D with two transpositions to finals of G and a. The melody of Z
245 does not conespond exactly with any of the incipits in the catalogues or with Ma 1361,

furthermore, it appears to take F as the final, unlike any of those listed.

****)F:1.

The majority of the Ordinary of Mass melodies of the Zamotan sources have been

shown here to occur in widespread sources from outside of Spain, many occurring as early

as the 1lth century. They are only infrequently unknown, rare, or of likely late composition;

in fact, only one is completely unknown. Many a¡e found in other Spanish sorrces. It has

been possible in a number of cases to identify notable variants in the melodies from the
versions given in the Ordinary catalogues and the modern Vatican books, and, for some,

comparison with Spanish sources has suggested that there may be evidence of a peninsular

Eadition to be found in such variants. The limited sources available for detailed comparison,

however, have made it impossible to establish here whether or not such melodic variants

are in fact of a regional character. Furthermore, if a regional tradition is involved, it is not

yet possible to establish its extent. The Zamoran version of the Kyrie Clemens rector has

been found to be similar to that in a southern French sorrce as well as Spanish sources, this

example suggesting not solely a peninsula¡ tradition, but one involving both the Iberian

peninsula and southern France. Although the repertory found in the present survey of

Zamoran sources suggests that many of the melodies employed were those in wide use,

there can be little doubt that a large study of Ordinary chants in Iberian sources, initially

involving their identification and cataloguing, would be of interest, especially in view of

the regional melodic va¡iants which might then be identified.

The most marked pointer to a regional tradition which has been found amongst the

Ordinary chants is that associated with the Cistercian manuscript from Palencia. Two
Agnus Dei melodies and one Sanctus melody found in the Misal votivo a¡e also found in

the Palencia manuscript. The connections between the melodies of the two sources need

not be repeated here, but it may be added that further comparison of the two manuscripts

would be of interest and might cast some light onto the associations of 7-amora with other

traditions.
 191

Pairs and cycles of Ordinary chants have not yet been rema¡ked upon. These are

observable in two of the sources, Z 245 and the Misal votivo. In the Book C fragments (Z

67 and 268) andZ 153, on the other hand, the Gloria chants are presented in groups; in

fact, Book C seems to have contained a kyriale in which the Kyrie melodies were followed

by the Gloria melodies. In the late fragment,Z2Lí, two Sanctus and Agnus Dei pairs are

found. These pairings are known elsewhere. The first is that of Vatican Mass IV, a cycle

known in medieval sources from as early as the 13th centuqy'ot and which, by the early l4th

century, was in use in Pa¡is for "Easter and Pentecost and on all annual and duplex feasts

whatsoever."ro2 The second pair, Thannabaur 32 and Schildbach 226, was used in Paris

also by the early 14th century as part of nvo mass cycles, one for the second day of certain

octaves and for semiduplex feasts, the other for Saturday Marian celebrations.ro3

Two cycles of Ordinary chants are found in the l4th-century section of the Misal

votivo. The first is that found in the Requiem Mass; the Sanctus and Agnus Dei melodies

are those of the Vatican Mass XV, a cycle which apart from its Kyrie is known, for
example, in a l3th-century source.t* The Sanctus and Agnus Dei from Vatican Mass XV

were employed in three mass cycles in Parisian usage.tt The second Mísal votivo cycle is

that for the Mass of St. Ildefonsus. The four melodies have not yet been found occurring as

a cycle elsewhere.

Only two troped chants were found, both examples of the Kyrie. This is initially

surprising given the frequency with which troped Ordinary chants occur in other Spanish

sources such as Ma BRAH 51; however, their lack may be a reflection particularly of the

occru¡ence of Sancn¡s and Agnus Dei melodies only in later sources. A former continuation

of the Book C kyriale may have contained such tropes.

totAp"l,
Gre gorian C lant, 420.
ttC*ig \ilright, Music and Ceremony at Notre Dame at Paris,500-1550 (Cambridge: Cambridge
Univerrsity Press, 1982), 83.
to\Írlrrght, M and emony, 84, 87.
usic C er
t*Ap"l, Gre gorian C lant, 420.
tolMright,Mzsdc and Ceretnony, 85-86, 88.
 r92

7 PROSAE AND RESPONSORY PROSAE

Prosae (or sequences) and responsory prosae are studied in this chapter although the two

represent different applications of the troping principle. The two genres are discussed

separately beginning with the former. The termprosa is preferred here instead of sequence

as the former is the term which occurs in the va¡ious AHPZa fragments and also in the

Misalvotivo.L

PROSAE

The Spanish repertory of prosae has not yet been comprehensively examined although

beginnings have been made, notably by Anglès in his study of Hu.2 Further studies are

warranted and for these one such as that Lance'W. Brunner made of the Italian repertort'

would provide a helpful foundation. Of use would be classificatton of prosøe according to

region of sources, period of origin, and liturgical placing, as well as identification of any

particularly Spanish traits of compositional style or Eansmission. The forthcoming catalogue

of sequences by Nancy van Deusen will undoubtedly be of great assistance; her 1982

article in the f ournal of the Plainsong and Medieval Musíc Society has already begun to

tackle the question of Spanish stylistic traiß.4 Fernández de la Cuesta's catalogue of Latin

monody and polyphony gives resea¡chers a valuable guide to the textual content of the

soruces in the repertory.s

Six prosae have been identifîed in the AHPZa collection and are listed in Table 1

below. The table gives the text incipit , Zamoran source, dating and notation of the source,

the melody name if available, and Chevalier's numbering of the text from Repertoriwn

tSee
for example, Misal votivo, fol. 49'. Richa¡d Crocker rema¡ks: "German scholars tend to use
Sequenz as a categorical term, the French, Prose: in English, mostly from habit, \ile use 'sequence'." See
Richa¡d Crocker, "Medieval Chant" in The Early Middle Ages to 1300, ed. Richa¡d L. Crocker and David
Hiley (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1990), 257.
'Uigini Anglès, Huelgas, vol. 1.
I-ance W. Brunner, "The Sequences of Verona, Biblioteca Capitolare CVII and the Itålian Sequence
Tradition" (Ph.D. diss., University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, L977).
î.[ancy van Deusen, "Style, Nationality and the Sequence in the Middle Ages", Journal of the
Plainsong and Mediaeval Music Sociery 5 (1982): 4649.
lernández de la Cuesta, Manuscritos.
 193

Hymnologicum. The lastpros¿ in the list is for two voices and will not be discussed in this

chapter but instead in Chapter 10 with other poþhonic works.

Table t: Prosae in the Sources of Zamora

Incipit Source Melody Date Notation Chevalier

1. Nato canunt 26T Multífarie 13th c. Aquitanian 11890

2. lAdest precelsaf Z 5I Adcst una 13th c. Aquitanian [42314361

22s3)

3. Celeste organuln 252 13th c. Aquitanian 3413

4. Gaudc roma z20T 14th c. square 6928

5. Petre surnme Z llslb'l' Concordia 15th c. semi-mensural 14871

6. Conlaudemus Misal votivo, 14th c. square

omnes pie fol.49

The first three prosa¿ of the list above are found in fragments Z 67 andZ 52. Both

these fragments belong to the group labelled in this dissertation Book C. Of the two
fragments Z 67 would probabty have precededZ 52. Z 67 may have occured in a former

book at the point at which a section of Gloria (and perhaps also Kyrie) chants ended and a

section of prosae began. On the recto of the fragment is the end of a Gloria while on the

verso is the prosa. The use of a large initial for the opening word of the prosa of Z 67

suggests the beginning of a, prosa section.6

l. Nafo canunt (Z 67")

This is a first epoch prosa which had extensive usage and continued to be sung over

a long period of time, eventually appearing in printed books. Nato canunt is a Christmas

prosa and is given in Z 67 with the rubric "De gallicantu. prosa in nathale domini".
Christmas Day was the usual placement for the work, atthough the mass was va¡iable.7

6rhe
initial takes up the space of ¡vo staves and has a flourish extending through a third. On the
other hand, the initial of Z 52 takes up only one staff.
'AH 7z 49; Chevalier, RepertoriumHymnologicumL: \29. In a Spanish source discussed below,
Mont 73, N¿ to canunt was used for the fifth day of Chrisrnas.
 194

The text is listed in AH as occurring in numerous and widespread French sources,

and also in English, Germanic, Italian, and two Spanish sources. Amplification of the
listing has been given by David Hiley especially with regard to English sources.s The
prosa is well represented in southern French sources; ariongst those from the library of St.

Martial it is found in thirteen of the sixteen listed in AH vol. 7l The ea¡liest source found
f.or Nato canunt is Pa 1240 from 923-934.10 It occurs there in a supplement "apparently

added by the originat hand during the composition of the manuscript".rr

The Spanish sources given in AH are a \2th-century proser-troper in Huesca and the

13th-century To135.10.12 In addition to these two,Nato canunt is found in the l2th-century

Catalonian proser Mont 73 from Urgell.r3 Chevalier names books from Spain of the late

15th and first half of 16th centuries which contain Nato canunt. These are a missal of

Zaragozaof 1485, and various 16th-century missals from Sevilla.ta

The comparison of the text in the Zatnonn fragment with that given in AH vol. 53

reveals a number of va¡iants. Two of the three manuscripts with which the most va¡iants

are shared a¡e from southern France; they are Pa778 from Na¡bonne and Pa 1871 from

Moissac. In general variants are shared mainly with French sources (most a¡e southern
French from the 10th or 1lth centuries) and secondly with British sources.lt One va¡iant,

the use of the word "De" at the beginning of the second half of the second versicle pair "De

nocte precelsa", is without concordance in AH. Unforn¡nately the two Spanish sources

were not included among the sources for which text va¡iants were listed in AH. Comparison
with Mont 73 (not included ín AIÐ shows that version to sha¡e a number of the variants of

tAH
7z 52; AH 54: 3-5; David Hiley, "The Liturgical Music of Norman Sicily: a Study CenEed on
Manuscripts 288,289,I942t and, Vitrina 204 of the Biblioteca Nacional, N4adrid" (Ph.D. diss., University of
London, 1981),545.
nAH
7: so.
r\tre dating is taken from John A. Emersor¡, "Sources",NG I7:612.
ttRichard l{artial in the 10th Century",
L. Crocker, "The Repertory of hoses at Saint de Limoges
fournal of the American Musicological Society ll
(1958): 156.
t'AH 53:4243.
tTor an important study of Mont 73 (although with only brief reference to music) see Mundó, "El
proser-troper Montserrat 73"; for dating and place of origin see 105, 13G31.
raChevalier,
Repertorium Hymnoto gicum 2z 129; 5z 263-&.

'sAH 53: 4143. Provenance and dating is taken from sources additional toAH, namely Bjorkvall,
ed. Corpus Troporum V, 421-23; Le Graduel Romøin. II Les Sources (Solesmes: 1957); and Alejandro
Enrique Planchart, "St lvfartial", NG L6:396.
 195

Z 67 in a way similar to Pa 1871 and Pa 778, but again without the unique word change at

the beginning of the second half of the second versicle pair.

The melody of Nato canunt is that known as Multifari¿. The melody of Nato canunt

in the Zarrrcra¡ fragment was compared with versions of the same proJ¿ in Ma 289, Pa

1139, Pa1235, and Mont 73.16 The results of the comparison are inconclusive. It was

found that variants exist between Z 67 and all four other versions. Disregarding the

frequent use of liquescent signs in Z 67, that version seems to have most in common with

Pa 1139 and Mont 73. On the other hand, the source from Nevers, Pa 1235, and the

Norman-Sicilian, Ma 289, make more use of liquescent signs than Pa 1139 and Mont 73.

The frequency of liquescent signs in Z 67 is very much grcater than in the other sources of

the prosa studied. The use of the epiphonus at the beginning of most of the versicles in Z

67 is rema¡kable. This is important as it is a feature not shared by any of the other sources

of this chant which have been examined.rT The majority of the two types of liquescent
signs employed, the epiphonus andthe ceplølicus, ate used in conjunction with potentially

liquescent letter combinations in the text

The transcription takes the usual pitch of this work which has a final of G. The line
takes the pitch of the fìnal until the fifth versicle pair where the pitch of the line apparently

changes so as to place the final a third below the line and b on the line. There is no clea¡
indicator of this change which takes place at the beginning of a new st¿ff; however, a now

illegible direct may have indicated the alteration. The pitch may be deduced from the
placement of the last note at the end of the versicles and the pitch in other sources. A very

simila¡ change of line pitch occurs in Mont 73 nea¡ the beginning of the same versicle pair.

It is clearly marked by a direct. The similar locations of the change of line pitch suggest
nvo possibly associated explanations. Firstly, the change may have been found necessary

by the notators of both manuscripts at that point owing to the rise of the predominant pitch;

in fact the melody moves up to an octave above the final, the previous highest note having

been a fifth above the final. The second explanation is that Mont 73 andZ 67 were copied

t7vla289,
fol. 37'-38; Pa 1139, fol. 80; Mont 73, fol.2l'-2Ì; and for the melody of Pa 1235, the
transcription by Nancy van Deusen was employed,Music at Nevers Cathedral2:2i7-28.
ttln
addition to ttþse listed above is the version of.lvtal942l, fol. 37'-3$.
 196

from related manuscripts in which a tradition of changing the line pitch in this versicle had

been transmitted.

A text incipit for the prosa,Nato canunf, is found in a fragment belonging to Group

F,Z2I7. That fragment is from an office book, the prosa preceding the magnificat

antiphon Hodie xpistw natus ¿Jt, the service being second vespers for Christmas Day.

2. lAdest precelsø'l Ø 52\

T\e prosa is incomplete in the fragment with only the last sections being contained

on the recto of Z 52; it has however been possible to identify the work from these later

sections. ïVith va¡ious openings, Adcst precelsais included ín AH vol. 7 and AH vol. 53.18

In Pa 495 from Gerona, the words "summa atque" are inserted between "Adest" and

"precelsa".le The incipit used here, Adest precelsa,is therefore uncertain. TÏte prosa is for

use on Christmas Day or its octave,2o and in some sources the mass is specified as "missa

majori".2r This is another first epoch prosa.

In AH vol. 7 the prosa is listed as occurring in nine sources all of which a¡e southern

French. The earliest of these manuscripts dates from the late 10th century. Further
sou¡ces, of which four out of the total five are Spanish, a¡e named i¡ AH vol. 53. These a¡e

Pa 495, Vich 106, Huesca 4 from San Juan de la Peña, and Tol 35.10. The fifth and

non-Spanish source is Pa 1871 from Moissac and therefore another of southern French

provenance. Although not mentioned in AH, Adest una (an alternative opening of Adest

precelsa) is also found in the two tropers Apt 17 and Apt 18 which date from the l1th to

early 12th centuries, and which originate from Apt or the surrounding region.22 The spread

of the prosa is therefore limiæd to the southern half of France and Spain.

No conclusive information a¡ises from comparison of the text with the versions of

the prosa tn AH vol. 7 and AH vol. 53. A number of variants exist in common with
various manuscripts but no pattern emerges from these. It is unfortunate that va¡iants of

t"AH
7:35-6; AH 532 35-37 .
ttAH
s3:36.
^ AH 53: 37; Chevalier, Re p e r to ri um Hymnolo gic um lz 26'27 .
"AH 'l:35; Chevalier,Repertoriwn Hyrnologicwt 5: 13,
'B¡rkvall, ed. Corpus Troporwn % 58 and 65.
 t97

two of the Spanish sources named l;l.AH vol. 53 were not able to be given by the editors of

the volume.

The melody as found in the fragment is the last part of that titled "Adest una" by

Hughes.23 Comparison of the version of Z 52 with that given for the prosa in Pa 4952a

shows significant differences which fall into two classes. The first class is associated with

the differences between the texts of the two sources. The versicles of Pa 495 are in most

cases longer than those of Z 52: a larger number of notes is employed to set the larger

number of syllables. The second class of difference is found in the frequent use of

liquescent neumes (especially the ceplnlicns) and bistroplae. The custom of opening

versicles with a liquescent sign is found in the rwo halves of one of the pairs. The majority

of the liquescent neumes a¡e found in potentially liquescent text positions. The transcription

takes the pitch as given in Pa 495 and also by Hughes. The final is therefore G and occurs

on the line.

3. Cel¿ste organum (Z 52)

T}lris prosa begins at the bottom of the recto of Z 52, immediately following the end

of Adest precelsa As has already been indicated above, it is likely that the two fragments
Z 67 andZ 52 werc taken from the proser of a manuscript book in which Z 52 would have

followed Z 67. It would seem, therefore, that the first three works of that proser would

have been the three prosae found in the two fragments and that a lost folio would have

occured between Z 67 andz 52. That lost folio would have contained the end of Nato

cannnt as well as the beginning and large part of Adcst precelsa. As all three are Ch¡istmas

prosae, it may further be hypothesized that they were to be used in the first, second, and

third Masses of Christmas Day respectively. The particular mass is not specifred onZ 52
with the rubric for Celeste organwn saying only "Alia prosa in natale domini".

Celeste organwnis found in mainly French and English sources.25 It is included in

æAnselm
Hughes, Anglo-French Sequelae (Nashdom Abbey: The Plainsong and Mediaeval Music
Society, 1934\,22.
%Pa495,fols.
62'-63".
ÉAH
7: 52; AIr 54: 3-5. Hiley, "The Liturgical Music", 545; David Hiley, "Rouen, Bibliothèque
Municipale, MS 249 (4.280) and the Early Paris Repertory of Ordinary of lvlass Chants and Sequences",
 198

southern French sources from the late 1lth century. Two manuscripts listed ínAH vol. 54

are located in Spain; these are from the 12th and 12th or 13th centuries and are located in
Huesca and Toledo (Iol 35.10).25 Celeste orgarutrn is also included in the l2th-century

proser Mont 73.27 Chevalier cites a late l5th-century and three 16th-century missals from

Spain that include the prosa. The first is from Zarugoza (1485) and the others from Sevilla

(c. 1500, L534,1537).2ß A1l the Spanish sources named here as sources of Cekste organurn

a¡e also sources of. Nato conunt. The sources of Huesca and Toledo also contain versions

of Adest precelsa.

Unlike Z 52, AH vol. 7 gives the f,ust Mass of Christmas Day as the liturgical placing

of Celeste organw?e; in Mont 73 it has the assignment "in gallicantu".3o On the other
hand and as seems to have been closer to the situation in Z 52, in northern French and

English sources studied by Hiley, Celeste organurn is cited for the second and third Masses

of Christmas Day and occasionally for use in the octave.3r

Notable word va¡iants occur in the 7ar¡oran fragment in comparison with the text

given in AH.32 Study of the Z 52 ¡ext in comparison with the information given in AH

provides no indication of other sources sharing simila¡ va¡iants. Comparison with the texts

of two further sources, Mont 73 andPa3126,33 reveals no new information with regard to
text variants, only showing once again the notable number of differences inZ 52.

Study of the melody of Celeste organwn inZ 52 shows a similar picture to study of

the text. Again there are notable features not found in the sources with which it was

compared and it is not possible to point to a particula¡ likeness to any source or sources.

The sources used for comparison were Mont 73, Pa 1139,?A and Pa 3126. The frequent

Music and Letters 7O (1989): 475.

tAH y:4.
'This is the only reference given for the prosaby Fernández de la Cuesta, Manuscritos,323.
tChevalier, R epertorium Hymnolo gicum 5z 90.
oAIr T: sL.
\ttont 73,fol.17'.
3rHiley,
"The Liturgical Music", 545.
t'AH g;3-s.
33Mont
73, fol. 17; Pa 3126, fol. 8.
YPall39,fol. 151.
 r99

employment of liquescent signs contributes a prominent feature to the melody and one not

found in those other versions examined. Also remarkable is the use of the bistropha,

although it occurs less frequently than the liquescent signs. Examples of both the cephalicus

and the epiphonus make up the twenty-six liquescent signs employed in the prosa and all

except one are employed in positions where are to be found the usual combinations of

letters which are understood to be associated with the practice of liquescence. Moreover,

the technique of employing liquescent signs on the first syllable of venes is to be observed

but again not in such positions in the other sources studied. It must be of particular interest

thatthe threeprosaeof 267 andZ52sharc anunusuallyfrequentuse of liquescentneumes

and bistrophae, as well as the notable occurrence of liquescent signs on opening syllables.

These are features that further resea¡ch might reveal to be of importance as part of a

particular regional or other style.

The pitch of the transcription takes that of the source Pa3126 in which a clef is used

on a five-line staff. This means that the line on the recto of Z 52 is read as F, the second

degree above the final E. There is no visible line on the verso, a fact which caused

difficulties with transcription. This problem together with the poor condition of the verso
meant that to make the transcription some reference to the three sources used for text and

melody comparison had to be made.'s In addition, ca¡eful judgements based on the pitch

of the closing note of each versicle were made to determine pitch. The transcription is thus

somewhat conjectural, although care has been taken to provide the best possible reading.

4. Gøude torna (7,203.)

Z 203 appears to contain parts of tvto prosae. The beginning of that found on the

recto side of the fragment is lost and efforts to identify the work from the remaining text

and melody have proved fruitless. The couplet structure of aprosa is however visible. The

rubric "Prosa. cathedre sci. petri" introduces the prosaon the verso, the well known Gaudc

roma. Feasts of St. Peter the Apostle are the normal usage of this text.5 The fragment

3Þa
1139 and Mont 73 also presented some problems as these sources (especially Pa 1139) are not
compleæly dia.stematic.
nAH
55:313; Chevalier , Repertoriwn Hynrclogictun Iz 495.
 200

contains only the fi¡st two versicle pairs and the beginning of the third.

Gaude roma is a late prosa (from the 12th century) believed to be of Pa¡isian
origin.37 The sources given in AH range from the 12th to the 15th century and are mainly

French, a number being from the Parisian Abbey of St. Victor. The prosa is also found in

the Aquitanian sources, Pa 778 from l2th-century Narbonne and Pa 1139 from Limoges.3s

No Spanish sources are cited i¡ AH but Chevalier names a 1485 missal of Zangoza.3e The

absence of the prosa from ea¡lier Spanish sorrces is highlighted by the fact that there is no

entry for it in Fernández de la Cuesta's catalogue.

Only one text va¡iant is found inZ203 in comparison with that of ^4i1: the word "Et"

is replaced by "[Jt" in the Zamoran source at the beginning of the fifth versicle. The
variant is not recorded in AH.

Various melodies a¡e known for Gaude roma.* One of the melodies is that used for

the importantprosa of the Parisian repertory, Salve rnater salvatoris.at Heinrich Husmann

has pointed to a connection betweenthe Salve mater salvabrts melody and those employed

for va¡ious prosae including Prunis dattun, Roma petro and Gaude syon et letare, but
unfortunately he gives only incipits in his article.a2 Fassler discusses a melody for Prunis

danm with the same incipit as given by Husmann from the l3th-century source of the
Parisian Abbey of St. Victor Pa LM52. Apa¡t from small variations, this latter melody is

that employed for Gaude roma inZ203 as fa¡ as may be judged from the small part of the

prosafound inZ2O3. Fassler shows that the melody is related to that of Laudes crucis.as

She calls this melody "uniquely Victorine".€

tFor reference to Gaude roma,lts melody, and its place in the Parisian repertories, see Heinrich
Husmann, "Notne-Dame und Saint-Victof',Acta Musicologica36 Qg6/) especially 119,195-96,2L5'17;and
Margot Fassler, "Who Was Adam of St. Victor? The Evidence of the Sequence Manuscripts", fournal of the
Atnerican Musicological Society 37 (1984): 246, 253.
oAH
ss:3t4-ts.
sChevalier,
R epertorium Hynnologicum 5: 166.
tHusmann, "Nohe-Dame
und Saint-Vi ctot", 196207 .
arFor prosaire de la Sainte-Chapell¿, Monumenta Musicae
this prosaseeRené-Jean Hesbert, eÃ., Le
Sacrae 1 (lvfacon: hotat Frères , 1952),93-94. Hesbert gives most of the first verge oL Gaude rona onp.80.
n'Husmann,
"Nohe-Dame und Saint-Vi ctot", 21éll .
nTassler,
"lVho Was Adarn", 259-û.
4Fassler,
"Who Was
^dÀnf',252.
 20r

The va¡iants between the melodies of Pa 14/,52 andZ 203 occur mainly in the use of

two and three-note melismas. Both sources make use of these but in different places and

patterns as is shown in Example 1. Both use G as the final. (Z 2O3 uses square notation

with a clef and so the pitch of the fînal is unequivocal.) The fragment of Gaude rorna
shows the beginning of the double versicle structure well known in prosae - AA BB; the

Prunis datwt setting also uses this form. Line ends within the versicles occur at the same

points in the melody in both prosae, the two texts using rhyme at the end of each line.

Another difference apart from the use of the melismas already mentioned is found as a

result of an irregular line length in Z 203. This occu¡s in the second versicle of the first

pair where the middle line has only seven syllables instead of the eight syllables of the

middle line in the other versicles of Gaudc roma andtn Prunis datw¡t.

Example 1: Versicles 1 and 3 of Gaude roma (2203) and Prunis danm (Pa 14452)45

z
^ot

Çolr.-de to- t'-, ce- ¡,^t m,¡'r.J, p.i- rnls p.- stot jn se' <n,n''J, /a"-de- hrr ,¿i.-êo- ri - c
E

PLt++r7

Prtr-nis à-{q- aà--,^i- rz- *,.r. Lar.- r<- a-- t*,-, v¿- re- b<t^( Lq'^- ¿.:' E,ts l¡ur""-I¿'u^
^e.-
z zo3

fe- Lor sq- .rtt {qx e- tÁe -r.S I,s, loetri- rc soL ¿^-.o' rv y"- Lrw,,. n i.¡- ¡ti - Cc- e_

?a.14*1L

A.- <(- J.- tus no. lî€ - f- ,i, 5"d.

¡vt-sa
- +w r¿- s<¡{la- T^ tu- b;t d,'+o t u- bu,

With regard to notation, Z 203 is an atypical fragment among the Tamotan sources

studied here. This is because of its use of a four-line staff and consistently stemmed

aslhe
rurscription from Pr 14452 is that by Fassler, "Who Was Adam", 259.
 202

puncta, two cha¡acteristics suggestive of a non-Spanish origin. This feature together with

Margot Fassler's observations and the absence of. the prosa from medieval Spanish sources

suggests that in a future study it would be of interest to investigate the melodies of Gaud¿
roma in French sources of the late 13th to 15th centuries (such as the Franciscan Pa

ß39)46 in order to trace the usage of the melody found there and its appearance with the

textGaude roma. Such a study might tlrow some light on the probable origrn of 2203.

5. Petre summe (Z 115tbl)

This is a first epoch prosa and the only prosø by Notker of St. Gall to have been

identified in the collection.aT The prosa is found on the verso of the second half of the

bifolio which makes up this fragment; only five versicles are present. The rubric "prosa
apostolorum petri et pauli" found in the fragment indicates the usual liturgical assignment

to the feast of St. Peter and St. Paul.a8 The beginnings of versicles a¡e marked by the letter

v. The fragment is the latest in the Tamoran collection to contain a.prosa and dates from

the 15th century. The notation is also unusual and shows the influence of mensural
notation as has been discussed in Chapter 4.

Petre suÌnme was one of the prosae of the East Frankish repertory and is found in

numerous sources of eastern origin, those given in AH dating from the 10ttr to the early

16th century . AH also shows it occurring in a few more western and also Italian sources.oe

Anotherprosa, Laude iucunda, was generally used in France, England and Spain instead of

Petre sutnme.to The presence of Petre summe in Spanish sources has not previously been

recorded apart from its occurrence in the Norman-Sicilian source held in Madrid, Ma

lg42l.sl

6fhe entry of prosae into Franciscan practices under the influence of the Victorine tradition is
discussed in S. J. P. van Dijk and J. Ilazelden \üalker, Origins,395-96.
otOn
Notker, Petre suvune. and related texts, see Richa¡d L. Crocker, The Early Medieval Sequence
(Berkeley: University of California Press, 1977), 7 5-93.
*ru s3:336.
oeAH
53:337-38. No Spanish sources are cited in Chevalier, Repertoritan Hymnologicrun.
nm 53:339.
ttFemández
de la Cuesta, Manuscritos,336.
 203

A number of differences exist between the text of Petre surnme as given in AH and in

Z tls. The major difference lies in the absence fromZ 115 of the versicle which normally

forms the second half of the second versicle pair. This va¡iant is not recorded in A^F/ and

neither are three further va¡iants which consist of single words. Two of the latter va¡iants

result in changes of syllable numbers. The first of these produces an irregular couplet as a

result of the addition of the word "omnium" to the third versicle. Three variants which are

recorded in AH a¡e of interest as they a¡e found mainly in north Italian sources. Although

the north Italian sources date from the llth and 12th cennries,52 the similarities between

their texts and that of Z 115 suggest an Italian connection for the Zamoran source.

The melody, Concordiø (also frequently known as Epiphaniam), ls the usual one

associated with the text.53 Comparison of the melody inZ 115 with that given by Crocket'a

for Petre summe suggests that it has remained largely the same through the long period of

time. Two further sources used for comparison, Ma 19421and Ver CVII, confirm this
observation, although in these versions there are notable differences particularly in the first

two versicles.s5 The main variations in Z ll5 are the use of bístrophae ( l]r ) and plicas not

found in the other sources, occasional pitch changes notably in the cadential approach of

the first and second versicles, and the exEa word of versicle three. The last va¡iation

requfued additional pirches, those added simply forming a sequential pattern with the previous

notes of the versicle.

Bistrophae are used in both lllaI942I andZ 115 on the penultimate syllable of

versicles. Only one versicle is without a bistropha in this position in Z 115, while the

corresponding versicles of Ma 19421use it consistently. The plicas of Z 115 find no

correspondence in liquescent and two-note neumes of the other sources. They are without

t'AH s3:339.
53Anselm
Hughes included Concordia under the tttle Chorus in his study Anglo-French Sequelae,
29-30. Although having much in common with the melodies oÍ. Petre swrrme seen by this writer, the version
he gave is significantly different, and is closer to the melodies for the prosa,Epiphaniam, as found in French
sources including Pa 1139 and Pa 1177. Bruno Stäblein discussed Concordia and the texts associated with it
in "Die Sequenzmelodie <<Concordia> und ihr geschichtlicher Hintergrund", Festschrift Hans Engel zum
siebzigsten Geburtstag,ed. Horst Heussner (Kassek Bärenreiter, l%4'),3&-92.
s
Ctæker, E ar ly M edi ev al Se quenc e, 9 l.
ttlvla lg4zl,fols. 65'-66'. A ranscription from Ver CVII is found in Brunner, Sequences of Verona
2:38.
 204

exception associated lvith potentially liquescent syllables. In the transcription, which is

presented in modern measured notation, plicas are transcribed as two pitches but without

definite durational indication. The two pitch interpretation of the plica seems in keeping

with their use on potentially liquescent syllables and the interpretation of the bístropha as a

note of double duration simila¡ to Bermudo's double.s6 The duration of the two notes of

the plica is left open as this aspect seems best left to the performer's judgement until

further evidence is found for this aspect of interpretation.

The cadential approaches of the frst two versicles show a definite va¡iation in the

fragment from the melodies of the two other sources. Instead of descent by step to the final

through the last five syllables in Z ll5, both the other sources use falling intervals of a

third or a fourth between two of the syllables and repetition of pitches before ariving at the

samefinal asZl15. Thefinalof GasemployedinZtLS istheusualoneforthemelody.

******
The first three prosae to be discussed were all found to occur in other Spanish

manuscripts dating from as early as the 12th century, as well as in southern French sources.

It may therefore be postulated that these were part of an early repertory of prosae used on
the Iberian Peninsula probably nansmitted from southern French centres such as Moissac

and Limoges. The Zamoran sources suggest a wider spread for the three prosae than

previously known. The other two prosae, however, appear to have a different history.

Petre sutnme appears to have been a late introduction to the Spanish repertory, the only

other Spanish source so fa¡ found to include it dating from the late 15th century. The later

prosa, Gaude roma, has not yet been identified in any other Spanish source and the

fragment is one which suggests a non-Spanish origin. The two-voice prosa to be discussed

in Chapter 10 has only Spanish musical concordances and a unique text.

When viewed as a whole neither textual nor melodic comparisons appear to produce

any significant information which might relate the works to any line of transmission more

particular than that already observed. Nevertheless, the finding of the unusual recurrent use

of liquescent neumes and bístophae in the fragments notated in Aquitanian notation as

slhe inærpretation of the bistropha inZ ll5 and other aspects of the notation of the source are
discussed in Chapter4, pages 134-35.
 205

well as the probably corresponding plicas and bistrophae of Z ll5 is of great interest. This

may well represent a stylistic feature which may have particular regional or other type of

affiliation. The liquescent neumes, if sung as two notes moving in step (as certainly seems

appropriate for most if not all of them), often fill in steps of a third in the melodies. Their
use is reminiscent of one of the "features char¿cteristic of 'Spanish' melodic style" identified

by van Deusen from her studies of Spanish sequence sources.tt The feature referred to is

the employment of short melismas moving in steps.st The use of liquescent neumes at the

beginning of versicles in the first three prosae deserves to be mentioned again, as it is

another stylistic feature which may prove of interest in identification of a particular regional

or other type of style. This feature will be found again during the next chapter on hymns in

the T.amotan sources. Plicas and bistroplae are not a feature of the possibly non-Spanish

fragment,2203.

Before proceeding to the next section a remark may be made concerning mode. All
but one of the prosae which have been studied were found to have a G final, the exception

being Celeste orgarutrn.se The situation is different in the following responsory prosae as

both are understood as having a c final.

RESPONSORY PROSAE

Two prosa¿ to responsories have been identified in the Zamoran sources, both in AHPTÃ

fragments. Although they represent a different genre of trope to the works already discussed

in this chapter, it has been decided to include examination of these prosae here because of

the interest of the two items.* Th"y are identified in the table below. The l4th-century

unnotedBr¿víario of the Church of.7-amoraincludes occasional r€sponsory prosae; however,

the ¡ryo found in the fragments are not found in the Breviario.

ttvan Deusen, "Styb; Nationality", 46.

ovan Deusen, "Style, Nationality", 4649.
eCrocker found D and G as the most common finals of sequences (Crocker, Early Medieval
Sequence,25),
Ósignificant
studies of the respon wry prosae are those of Thomas Fonest Kelly and Helma Hoftnann-
Brandt. See Kelly's "Responsory Tropes" (Ph.D. diss., Harvard University, L973), and "New Music from
Old: The Stnrcturing of Responsory Prosas", fournal of the American Musicological Sociery 30 (L977):
36-90. The work of Hofmann-Brandt is Die Tropen zu den Responsorien des Officiu¡ns, 2 vols. (Kassel:
Bä¡enreiter, 1973). Hofmann-Brandt includes specific reference to Spanish sources (see for example vol. 1,
32-3s).
 206

Table 2: Responsory Prosae

Text incioit Source Date Notation Chevalier

l. Inviolata maria intacta z 123" 13th c. Aquitanian 9096

2. Velut in 2224 l3tty'l4th c. Aquiunian 2T143

l. Inviolata ma¡ia intactø (Z 123\

Prosa is the rubric given in the fragment for this chant. It occurs in the context of

matins, probably for thc Purification of the BVM. Tllre prosa lies on the verso side of the

fragment. The section of chant at the top of the verso and immediately precedtng Inviolata

maria intacta begins "fortissime rex sanctorum qui" and must be the continuation of the

barely tegible verse Gloria virtus et gratia which begins on the recto. That verse is
preceded by another verse Gabrielem archangelwn and the largely obscured responsory,

Gaude maria virgo. The responsory is thus followed by two verses and a prosa. The

melodies for the responsory and the first verse are, as fa¡ as can be determined as a result of

the bad condition of the recto, the standard ones.6r Immediately following the prosa inZ
123 are a further three responsories and then the lauds antiphons. T\e prosa is given in

complete form in this fragment.

Sources of the prosa, Inviolata maria intacta, have been listed by Hofmann-Brandt

and Chevaüet'2 and include two polyphonic settings. With the exception of one, all ea¡lier

sources as listed by Hofmann-Brandt a¡e from southern France and include some of those

from the environs of Limoges. The exception is from Huesca in Cataluña and is the 12th-

or l3th-century Huesca 9.63 No other Spanish sources have been found. Comparison of

otSee
for example.4ntiphonate Monasticu¡n(Pa¡is: Desclée, 1963), 1195-1196.
@Hofmann-Bnndt, Die Tropen 1: 140; 2: 71. Chevalier, Repertorium Hymnologicum 1: 545; 5:
2M. Thrc texts of the prosa in Pa 1084 and Wo 79 are given and discussed in Olof Marcusson, ed,, Corpus
Troporwn II: Prosules de la messe I: Tropes de l'alleluia (Stockholm: Almquist & V/iksell, 1976),121-26;
and Eva Odelman, ed., Corpus TroporumVl : Prosules de la messe 2: Les prosules limousines de Wolfenbüttel
(Stockholm: Almquist & V/iksell, 1986), 9, 85-86. Thomas Forrest Kelly in "Responsory Tropes" gives a list
of thify sources all of which containprosae to the responsory Gøude maria virgo. Three different incipits
are given for the prosae of that responsory, Inviolata integra, Inviolata inlacta, and Inviolata nos tua,
Inviolata nuria is not included ('Responsory Tropes", 265-6\. Inviolata ruria is also not found in áIl nor
in Femández de la Cuesta" Manuscritos.
@Hofmann-B
¡mdt, Di e Tr op e n 2: I7 2.
 207

the text of the prosa with versions in some earlier manuscriptss shows that the Zamoran

fragment has two unique features aÍiongst this group of sources. These divergences are the

addition of "et" in versicle five and the use of "pre clara" instead of "beat¿" in versicle

seven.

The beginning of the melody f.or Inviolata maría intacta inZ L23 is like the openings

of the prosa in other sources including Pa 1139 and Pa 3719.6s This similarity, however,

does not continue throughout. The second, third, and fourth versicle pairs as found, for

example, in Pa 1139 and Pa 3719 are ma¡kedly different from the corresponding ones of Z

123. Moreover, couplet form is not clearly present throughout the Z 123 setting. Whereas

Hofmann-Brandt gave the form of melody as AA BB CD CD E,f.ot Z 123 the form might
be better described as AAI BC DE FF G (each occurrence of a letter represents one

versicle). SegmentsA, F, and G of Zl23 arc all closely related and linked to the responsory

Gaude maria. A similar relationship is found in the melody in other sources and may be

expressed in the form as laid out by Hofmann-Brandt as existing between segments A, C,

D, and E. Returning to Z 123, sufficient similarity is observable between the central

segments of the melody (versicles three to six) and the outer ones to allow the suggestion

that the complete melody derives from the material of the responsory used in the opening

and closing versicles of theprosa. TIte melismatic ending of the Z I23 prosa appears to be

identical to the legible parts of the Z 123 responsory ending with the text "inviolata
permansisti". The closures at versicle ends in Z I23 ale mainly on the third degree, e, with

the exception of the fourth versicle on d and the last on the final, c. This is at variance with
Pa 1139 and Pa 3719 where internal closures are found on the final and third degree as well

as on the second degree in Pa It39. Versions of.Inviolata maria intacta are known with

either the final of c or of F. For the transcription c has been chosen as the final, the same

pitch as found in the monophonic source in Aquitanian notation, Pa 1139, for which a clef

epa
Ll39,fot.l42;Pa3549 (facsimile given by Hofmann-Brandt, Die Tropen I: 142); Pa 3719, see
Sarah Fuller "Aquitanian Polyphony of the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries", vol. 3 @h.D. diss., University
of Catifornia, Berkeley, 1969>,175-79; Pa 1084 and $/o 79 (see fmtnoæ 62 above).
6The
melodies of the last two sources are closely connected with melodies for Inviolata integrøand
Inviolata intacta found in sources such as I4a 156ó, Mont 759, and Antiphonale Sarisburiense. The cantus
ftom Fuller's transcription of the two-voice Inviolata maria intacta inPa 3719 has been utilized for the
comparison. See Fuller, "Aquiüanian Poþhony" 3z 175-79.
 208

is employed.tr This pitch also allows for the interpretation of quilisma groups in the
responsory and verses as d-e-f rather than the less common g-a-b[flat]. The final is placed

on the line.

2. Velutin (222a)
This prosø follows the responsory Benigno favore and the verse Hinc fugantur.

Benigno favore is, in this context, probably the last responsory of the second nocturn of the

office (the following rubric appears to be for the third nocturn but is partially obscured and
therefore uncertain). Theprosa is complete inZ224, beginning on the recto and continuing

on the verso.

The only concordances of the prosa which it has been possible to locate are in

central-northern French sources from Angers and Vendôme.6? In atl these sources (dating

from the 12th, 13th, and 16th centuries) Velut in occurs with the responsory Benigno favore

and is part of the office for St. Katherine. No sourrce located in Spain has been recorded in

Ferná¡rdez de la Cuesta nor has any further sorrce been found by this writer.

Comparison of the text of Velut in as it appears in Z 224 with that of the mid
13th-century Vendôme source, Vendôme 17E, shows some small differences including at

least one word change.ut Unfornrnately, the poor condition of 2224 precludes certainty on

at least one other point of text comparison.

The melodic settings in both sources are syllabic, with that of 2224 using occasional

liquescent neumes not employed in Vendôme 17E.6e The not always precise diastematy of

Z2z4leads to some ambiguity in pitch. Nevertheless, it is clea¡ that each versicle pair has

its own melodic material, and within each pair variations appear to be limited to the use of

liquescence. The melody of Vendôme 17E is related to that of Z 224 but with some

notable differences. lnZ224 and Vendôme 17E the same melody is used for the first two

Þa 1139, fol.I42.
dChevalier,
Repertorium Hymnologicum 2: 709; Kelly, "Responsory Tropes", 308-9; Hofmann-
Brandt"DieTropen2: l4l. The textis notrecorded unAH.
*The
text and melody is given in Kelly, "Responsory Tropes",449.
tlt has not boen possible to see the manuscript of Vendome 17E but the comparison makes use of
Kelly's transcription in which neumes are fanscribed diplomatically.
 209

versicles. However, the remainder of the prosa is divided differently in Z 224 with two

short versicle pairs used instead of the single undivided versicles of Vendôme 17E. Two

couplets are therefore formed inZ224 whereas the couplet structure in Vendôme 17E does

not extend past the first two versicles. The form of Z 224 could be described as AA BB CC

andthatof Vendôme l7Eas AAB C. Themelodyof thelastcoupletof 2224is thesame

as that at the end of Vendôme 17E. Another similarity is found in the structure of closures.

The closures of Z 224 coinciding with the vowel a rtthe end of each versicle a¡e on F, all

but one moving E-F-F. The same closing figure E-F-F is also preferred in Vendôme 17E.

A notable difference between the two versions is the use of motives in Vendôme l7E
incorporating a skip of a third and a fourth such as F-G-b[flat]-F. In Z 224 the third is

replaced by a second and the following skip down therefore becomes a third.

Vendôme 17E takes c as the final, the melody beginning on the fifth degree g. The
same pitch has been taken for the transcription of. Z 224; the not¿tion of the fragment does

not use a clef and places the final on the line. Such a reading of the pitch of the line

produces a standard meaning (d-e-Ð for the quilisma groups of. Benigno favore and its

verse.

{.tk**:l€rk

In conclusion, it is interesting to note the significant melodic differences of the

Zar'rtorart examples from the French ones with which they were compared. In particular, it

is rema¡kable that Inviolata maria should diverge from the more or less sundard form of

what must have been a well known melody. The version of.Inviolata maria intacta found

inZ 123 is unusual both in its melody and text with no other sources having been found to

show the same not¿ble differences from the usual form of the work. Further resea¡ch into

Invíolata maria intacta would therefore be of interest in order to investigate whether or not

these divergences are indeed unique or whether they are also found in other perhaps

Spanish sources. As a whole, the area of responsory prosae in Spanish sources awaits

attention.
 2t0

8 HYMNS

This study of the hymns found in the Zantoran sources can only be regarded as a beginning

due to the complexity and breadth of the field. Studies of medieval hymns have mainly

concentrated on the texts, with Bruno Stäblein's very distinguished work being the most

detailed examination of the melodies.r With regard to Spanish sources containing notated

hymns, two important studies of the hymnal of Huesca (Hymnarium Oscense) have been

published, one with an edition of text and music, and the other by Gutiérrez with only brief

references to the melodies.2 Thorough comparative studies of the melodies of Huesca

remain to be pubtished. Also to have received attention, although limited, is the hymnal of

Cisneros.3 A useful list of Spanish sources in major libraries which include hymns is
given by Gutiérrez, but unforn¡arcly she does not identify those with musical noøtion. In

her 1989 article she mentions that she is in the process of cataloguing hymns contained in

uncaralogued fragments in Spanish libraries. When this latter work is published it will
provide very useful comparative material for the repertory under study in this dissert¿tion.

Onty a small number of hymns with musical notation are found in the sources of

Zamora. All occur in the collection of fragments of AHPZa. Table 1 lists the hymns
together with their fragment number.a The fragments represented range from among the

earliest (Z I99, mid to late 12th century) to the latest (Z 206, c. 1500), and most use
Aquitanian (sometimes late Aquitanian) notation. As far as possible the hymn melodies

have been identified in Bruno St?iblein's study Hymnen,s some remaining unmatched with

that work and other sources. The matches are indicated in Table 1 with the number

assigned to each melody by Stäblein and the added prefix "ST". The table also indicates
ttre type of notation used and the number of the text in Chevalier's Repertoriwn Hymnologicum.

tstäblein,
Hymnen.

'Ouøn Gudiol, Moragas, Yillareal,HynnariumOscens¿; Gutiérrez, "El Himnario de Huesca".

'Higinio Anglés, "Early Spanish Musical Culture".
the identification of recto and verso has been omitted for some of these fragments as it is
uncertain.
the identification was assisted by Bryden and Hughes,,{ n Index of Gregorian Chant.
 2tl
Table 1

Incipit Source Melodv Date Noøtion

l. A solis orru Z2I7Íal' ST71 13tt/14th c. Aquitanian

2. Conditor alme siderutn Z rr9Íal' ST19 15tt/16th c. squæe

3. Eterna xpisti muneral z3' sTl15 13th c. Aquiønian

apostolorurn

4. Exultet celwn laudibus z t22 ST231 15th/16ttr c. square 5832

5. Huius obtentu Z Lt4lal" srl51/ 14th c. square 8L62

sT266

6. Iam xpiste sol iusticíe. Z t97lal" ST148 L2th c. Aquitanian 9205

7. Iesus ab ore 2206" -207', 15tt/16th square 9724

8. Inmense celi conditor ztTtÍbl' ST145 12th c. Aquitanian 8453

9. Laudis ergo preconiwn ZI' sT71 13th c. Aquitanian

10. Magne dies leticie 2226Íal" ST188 1 3ttr/14th c. Aquitanian t0942

tl. O gloriosø domina 2239 ST16 I2thc. Aquitanian 13042

12. O lux beata Zt99Íal' l2th c. Aquitanian 13150

13. Pange língua gloriosil 2272 sT56 14ttr/1 5th c. Aquitanian 14r'¡67

corporis

14. Sacris sollempníis 2272 14ttl1 5th c. Aquitanian 177t3

15. Te lucis ante termirupn ZL20lal' ST19 l5tVl6th c. square 20138

16. Ternis ter horis zrgTfbl' l2thc. Aquiønian 20356

17. Xpiste quí lnx zteTÍbl' l2th c. Aquitanian 2934

Comparative studies have been made by this writer of the melodies and texts of these

hymns in order to investigate any connections between the Zarnotan sources and those of

other regions. The principal material employed for melodic comparison was Stäblein's

Hymnen and for textual analysis the relevant volumes of Analecta Hymnica, These

publications were chosen for their availability and for their wide coverage of a diverse

range of sources. One major drawback in the use of this material is the poor representation

of Spanish sources which are entirely absent fromHymnen, andin AH, Spanish sources are
 2t2

in general less well represented than those of other regions, with only a small number of
sou¡ces up to the 12th century provided as well as the limited but useful volume 16 with its

inclusion of hymns of Spanish origin from later medieval sources. The results of this

comparative study have proved largely inconclusive probably due to rwo principal factors:

firstly, the wide time span covered by the fragments, and secondly the great diversity and

va¡iation which is constantly found to be cha¡acteristic of medieval chant and its usage
from one time to another or one place to another. Nevertheless interesting data have
emerged, particularly in relation to the widespread or otherwise use of melodies and texts,

and to possible connections with certain traditions. One apparently unknown text is found

in the sources and five melodies were not identified in Hymnen These findings will be

discussed in more detail below, and comments based on the comparative studies are given

for each hyrnn.

One Iberian source with notation available to the writer for use in comparison of

melodies was a Cistercian Temporale probably of Las Huelgas, c. 1225.6 However only

four of the texts from the Zamoran collection a¡e found in the hymnal at the end of the
manuscript. They are A solis ortu cardine, Conditor alme siderurn,Te lucis ante terminun,

andXpiste qui htx.1 None of these use the same melodies as the sources under study here.

Table 2 gives the results of comparison of text incipits of the Zatnora¡ hymns with

sources of the Old-Hispanic rite (O-H), and the following manuscripts of the Roman liturgy

all associated with the Cluniac rite and dating from the late llth century to around 1100:

the Antiphoner of Silos, London, British Library, Add. 30850 (S); the hymnal of Huesca,

Huesca, Archivo de Ia Catedral, Ms. 1 (H); and the hymnal of Moissac, Rome, Bibl. Apost.

Vat., Rossi.205 (M).8 The Huesca hymnal is thought to have been taken from France to

Spain soon after its copying for a Benedictine monastery.o It is not possible to localize it

bating and provenance were given to the writer by V/esley D. Jordan. I am grateful ûo Dr. Jordan
for allowing me to study his copy of this manuscript. The manuscript is believed to have been copied in Ias
Huelgas and øken to Porh¡gal where it is now located in A¡ouca Arquivo do Mosteiro de Santa lvfaria, s'n.
tArouca Arquivo do Mosteiro de Santa Maria, s.n., fols. 197",198",2W.

The sources usedin the preparation of this list are: for O-H, AH 27 and, AH 5l; for S, Ismael
Fernández de la Cuesta, ed., Antiphonale Silense, British Library Mss. Add. 30.850, (Madrid: Sociedad
Española de Musicología, 1985), XX)ü[; for H, Gutiérrez, "El Himnario de Huesca", 49-5O: fot M, AII 2,
AH 5L and Gutiérrez, "El Himnario de Huesca",49-50.
br¡r¿n Gudiol, Mma gas, Y illarcal, H ynnari nm O s c e n s e 2: 7 -8.
 213

as having been destined for a particular place, but the monastery of San Juan de la Peña is

thought to be the most likely candidate.ro ny t130 it was in the cathedtat of Huesca. Both

Huesca and Moissac use Aquitanian notation. The last column indicates whether further

Spanish sonrces other than Old-Hispanic sources are cited by Chevalier in Repertoriwn

Hymnologicurn,details of which are found in the study of each hymn or in footnotes below.

Most of these sources are from the late 15th and 16th centuries and include a Mozarabic

source of this period. From the list of hymns in Table 2have been removed those known,

or very likely, to have been composed too late for inclusion in the ea¡lier manuscripts used.

These are lesus ab ore, Laudis ergo preconium, Magne dies letície, Pange lingua
gloriosilcorporis, and S¿cris sollempnüs. Also not included is Huius obtentu which only

came into use as an independent hymn in late sources, as is discussed below. Chevalier

cites Spanish sources for those in this group with the exceptions of Laudis ergo preconiwn

andMagne dies leticíe. Presence of a hymn in the sources is indicated by a plus sign in the

table, while a hyphen indicates absence.

From Table 2 seven of the eleven hymns are seen to be included in all three specified

manuscripts of the Roman rite, with three of the remainder included in at least one of the

same three sources. Iam xpiste sol iusticie is a late 12th- or early l3th-century addition to

the Huesca hymnal which would have been made after its arrival in Spain before 1130.11

Gutiérrez suggests that O gloriosa domita,the hymn included in none of the early manuscripts

of the table, would probably have been in the lost conclusion of Huesca.l2 Although
further resea¡ch is needed to give conclusive comment on this repertory of earlier hymns, it
can be suggested that the Tamorancollection largely reflects the tradition of the Roman rite

as it was transmitted from France in the late years of the llth century and the early 12th
century by the Ctuniac monks. There is less in common with the hymns of the Old-Hispanic

riæ.

toGutiérrez,
"El Himnario de Huesca",32.
ttGutiérrez,
"El Himnario de Huesca", 3I-32.
ttcutiérrez, "El Himnario de Huesca", 33.
 2t4

Table2
Hvmn incioit O-HSHMChevalier
A solis ortu + + + + +

Condítor alme siderwn + + + +

Eterna xpisti + + + + +

Exultet celwn laudibus + + + +

Iam xpiste sol íusticie + + + +

Inmense celi conditor + + + +

O gloriosa damina _13 +

O htx beata trinitas + + + + +

Te lucis ante terrninum + +

Ternis ter horis + +

Xpiste qui lw + + +

l. A solis ortu cørdine (Z2l7lal\

The text of this hymn is the widely used 5th-century one by Sedulius, the first seven

strophes of which were used in the Christmas celebration whilst the following four beginning

Hostis herodes were used at Epiphany.'o Z 217 presents only the first seven strophes and

these a¡e for use in the context of Christmas Day at lauds.

Unfornrnately the partial itlegibility of the fragment makes it impossible to present a

sure transcription of this hynrn in both melody and text. It is however possible to see that

the melody bea¡s some resemblance to the widespread ST53 often employed for the text.rs

The rising fifth of the opening, although occurring with a skip of a third in the Z 217

melody and by step in ST 53, produces an immediate impression of similarity. Another

feature of both is the beginning of the melody on the note one step lower than the final.

Further investigation reveals that the melody used in Z 217 is in fact ST71, one which is

not lisred by Stäblein for this text. The opening of ST71 is like that of ST53, as is the use

tt) gloriosa¡emina ß found in the Silos manuscript.

tnA.
S. Walpole, Early Latin Hyrus (1922;reprint, Hildesheim: Georg Olms, 1966), 150.
ttståblein,
Hymnen, 516.
 2t5

of a repeat of the first line for the fourth. ST71 also begins with the tone one step below
the final. The form of STTI is either ABCA or ABCAI , that of ZZLT being the latter, while

that of ST53 is ABBIAl.

Of the versions of ST71 given by Stäblein, the closest to that of.Za,mon seem to be

those of Moissac and the 12th- to l3th-century Cistercian hymnal of Heiligenkreuz.t6 The

connection with Moissac is made sEonger by the closeness of the texts, Moissac being the

nrost like the text of Z 217 among the sources of. AH.t1 Also like Z 2I7 but with evidently

more variation than Moissac a¡e two further French sources from Fleury and Troyes.

On the basis of the similarities behveen the ST71 and the melody of Z2l7,the
transcription takes the opening pitch of ST71 which is constant in all versions of the

melody tn Hymnen A single quilísma group employed in the notation of the melody has,

therefore, one of the two most common pirch placements of the group reading a-b-c.

2. Conditoralme siderum (ZllgÍal\

Z II9 is one of the later dated fragments and is most probably from the late 15th or

early 16th century. This must cast some doubt over the discussion below as the sources for

comparison a¡e all ea¡lier. The information is however given as it remains of some interest

and possible use in commencing further studies. The text is a widespread and frequently

occurring one for use in Advent at vespers.ls The placement of the hymn in Z 119 is

probably that of the first Sunday of Advent at vespers.

The melody is STl, one of eleven given by Stäblein for the text. It is not a generally

spread melody but one found in France, Germany, and ltaly.te Of the three versions in
Hymnen that of Nevenæ is closest to that of Zamora. Two Italian sources have a range of

toståblein,
Hyrnen, 63, 43.
t'AH
2: 36-37; AH 27: 117-1r8; AH 50;58-60. Chevalier cites as sor¡rces of the text, breviaries of
Burgos (12th century), Tarragona (1483-84), Plasencia (1503), and Valladolid (1598) (Chevalier, Repertorium
Hymnologicwn l: 3 and 5: 2) .
t"AH of Tarragona (1483-84)
5I1.46. Chevalier,Repertorium Hymnologicwn 5:16, cites a breviary
as containing the hymn.
t'Ståblein,
Hymnen, 529.

'Stäblein, Hymnen,70.
 216

a seventh for the melody whereas those of Zamora and Nevers have an oct¿ve. Other
differences a¡e also present.

With regard to the text comparison with AI1, only three variants were noted.2l The

first of these is the absence of a strophe from the Zamoran version, one which occu¡s in
many sources between the fourth and fifth strophes of Z ll9. Blume notes that this extra

strophe has been erased in the Moissac hymnal and was not included in two Cistercian

brevia¡ies from Germanic regions of the 14th and 15th centuries.22 A second variant is

interesting as it is tisted for only one of the over twenty sources for which variants are

given by Blume, that being an llth-century source described as from Rheinau or possibly

St. Gall.23 Both these va¡iants, and a thi¡d more cornmon one, are also found in the

Cistercian Temporale probabty from Las Huelgas.u It would be interesting to make

further studies of early and late sources of this hymn in Spain in order to further examine

the text variants identified.s It should also be noted that despite the simila¡ity in texts, the
melody given for the hynrn in the Temporale is not the same; however, to the last statement

needs to be appended the information that in that source the melody is given in black
measured notation and has been added to the manuscript at a late date, perhaps in the 15th

century, probably replacing an earlier form of the melody.

3. Eternø xpisti muneru I apostoloram (Z 3')

This quite commonly found hyrnn text is based upon the martyrs' hymn with the

same opening line of probably the 5th century.26 It was adapted to become a hymn for

celebrations of the apostles and is known from the 10th century;z1 the adaptation was made

"AH stz4647.
"AH 5L:47.
oAn st:47.

'Arouca, Arquivo do Mosteiro de Sant¿ lvfaria, s.n., fols. 198"-199.

ãChevalier, Repertorium Hymnologicum l: 2?t4 and 5: 98-99, cites breviaries of Burgos (12th
century), "Hispanicum" (lll2thcentury), Tarragona (1483), and Valladolid (1598).
'John Julian, A Dictionary of Hynuology, 2nd ed. (1907; reprint, New York: Dover Publications,
1957),2t1.

'Walpole, Early Latin Hymns,lOS.

 2r7

by the substitution of the word "apostolorum" for "mafiynrm". In Z 3 the hymn is given
for use at matins in the feasts of Apostles.

Among the versions included in AH, that for the apostles is only given as occurring

in the Moissac hymnal.æ The two instances in which the word "apostolorum" replaces
"mart¡mrm" in Moissac both cause alteration in syllable number, producing irregularities in

the standa¡d pattern of eight syllables per line. This problem is not evident in Z 3 as a
result of the omission of the word "et" in strophe one, line two and the substitution of the

four syllable "istorum" for the five syllable "apostolorum" in strophe five, line two.2e

Many melodies are given by Stäblein for the text. ST115, with which the present one

has been identified, occurs in widespread sources.30 The versions of the melody in Hymnen

and that of Tamora a¡e all very similiar, with the $eatest similarity ¡o Z 3 occurring in the

three French versions (two from the Moissac hymnal, one from Nevers) and that from

Worcester.3I

The fragment is one of those using Aquitanian notation, and, as is normal in the

collection, no clef is employed. The usual pitch of the melody with a final of E was

therefore adopted, the line taking F (that being the usual pitch of the line for the fourth

mode). Afær transcribing the melody of Z3 and comparing the result with the melodies of

Hymnen, a lowering of the pitch by a second was observed from the beginning of the word

"munera" until the middle of the last line. It seems appropriate to assume that a change has

occurred in the relationship of pitch and staff-line which has not been indicated by the

scribe. This is most interesting in light of Stäb1ein's observation that a similar change
occurs in the first line of ST115 set to the saÍie text in the Moissac hymnal. There, a
staff-line with the pitch of F is used in the fi¡st line, but in following lines changes to the

pirch of G.32 In the nanscription, asterisks ma¡k the points at which the pirchline relationship

appears to have changed inZ3. Only two music lines were needed for the copying of the

oAH 5: 16 cites alate lsth-century

50: 19 andAH2:74-75. Chevalier,ReperroriumHyïnologicum
Spanish breviary conøining the text from Tarragona (1483-84) together with other non-Spanish sources.

''Vy'atpote, Earty Løtin Hymns,105, gives instead of "istorum", the word"ipsorum".

'stäblein, Hymnen, 529.
"Ståblein, Hyruen, 60, 63, 101, 195.
"stäblein, Hymnen, 5?ß.
 218

hyrrur in the fragment, and, as the points of probable change of line pitch do not occur at

their endings, the direct placed at the end of the first line is of no assistance in identifying

the change of pitch. An alternative approach to the melody of Z 3 would be to see it as

representing a variant from the usual form of ST115. In this variant the range of the

melody would be D to b as opposed to the usual range of D to c. Such an interpretation,

however, does not affect the interest inherent in the similarity of the two sources, Z 3 and

the Moissac hymnal, with regard to this feature. This further simila¡ity with Moissac

suggests that further resea¡ch into the origins and use of Z 3 might profitably be undertaken

to investigate whether a closer connection existed between the liturgical practices of the

monastery and those represented in the fragment.

4. Exultet celum budibus (Z 122)

Another late fragmeît, Z 122 consists of a folio from which the lower quarter has

been cut off and a section of another folio sewn onto the lower edge. As a result the text of

the hymn is lost from the middle of the word "gloria" in the third line, although part of the

last line of the melody can be seen as the cut was made more or less along the second line

of the staff. In the transcription the usual text of the fourth line of the srophe is added in

brackets, with spaces left for the lost notes. The melody resembles ST231, one of those

which Stäblein lists for the widely used text Exultet celwn laudibus. This melody he

describes as a variant of the mor€ commonly used and widespread ST114, the "root-melody"

(Stammelodie) of the text Exultet celwn laudibw.33 ST114 is found with the text in, for

example, the hymnal of Moissac.Y His single example of ST231 is from an early l2ttrcentury

French source originating in Laon, Laon, Bibl. pubt. 263,fol.16E.35

The brevity of the text in the fragment makes comparison with AH not useful. The

opening glven here is identical to that ín AH and no va¡iants are given there for this part of

t'stäblein, Hymnen, 556, 57 4.

*Ståblein,
Hymnen, 59-60 (transcription).

"stäblein, Hynnen, 1/,y'.45.

 2r9

the hymn.36 The liturgical context of the hyrrur in Z 122 is probably the usual one, that

being the feasts of Apostles at vespers.3t

5. Huius obtenta (Z ÍaÍal\

Only the incipit of this hymn is given in Z lI4. It matches the beginnings of the

widespread ST151 and the unique 5T266 (5T266 is written a fifth higher than ST151 and

the Zamoran example¡.38 While that of Z Il4 is very simila¡ to the openings of these two
melodies in Hymnen it is not identical to any. With regard to the texts, none of Stäblein's

examples of these melodies use the text Huítu obtentu, but both are listed for the text

Vírginis proles which is the beginning of a hymn in which a strophe beginning Huius

obtentu is found.

Virginis proles was a very widely used hymn for feasts of virgins. The strophe

beginning Huius obtentu is the last of four in the version given in AH.3e Blume notes that

the fourth srophe together with the doxology were used in 15th- and 16th-century breviaries

as an independent hymn for Holy Women who were neither virgins nor martyrs.4 This

finding is in keeping with its apparent use for the feast of Mary Magdalene who is viewed

as neither virgin nor martyr. The linrgical context of the hyn¡r n Z 114 is probably the
feast of Mary Magdalene, matins.

6. Iøm xpiste sol (Z 197[a])

The melody in the Zamoran fragment is ST148, of which there are only two examples

inHymnen It was widely used but not known to Stäblein in Engtish sources.ot The text is
also a widely used one and may date from as early as the 6th century.a2 The liturgical

nAH 125-26. Chevalier, RepertoriumHymnologicum5:145, cites an 1lth-century hymnal of

5l:
Silos containing the hymn.
'Att s\: 125.
*Stäblein,
Hymnen,529 (for STl5l) and 558 (for 5T26ó).
tAH 5I: 137. Chevalier, Repertorium Hymnologicum 5z 189, cites the text occurring in a 1484
breviary ofTarragona.
*¿ø5r: r38.
ntståblein,
Hymnen, 529.
n'Walpole,
Earty Latin Hymns, 326.
 220

context of the hymn inZ 197 appears to be lauds on the first Sunday of Lent, either lauds

or matins on that day being usual placements.a3

The melody and text inZ 197 arc not fully legible and as a result transcription and

comparison are difficult. Nevertheless, as the fragment is an early one in the collection,

probably from the second half of the 12th century, comparison with the sources for the text

and melody in AH and Hymnen, which a¡e all from the 12th century or earlier, is of

particular interest. Of two versions given by Sttiblein, the melody appears to be closer to

the French version from Nevers, as the other, ffom Verona, uses more frequent short

melismas than were probably found in the Zarrrcran source.* On the other hand, while the

text va¡iants show an inclination towa¡ds greater convergence with French sources in
general than with sources of other regions, the variants in common with the Veronese

source are more numerous than those with any other single source.ot Blume in A.F/ and

Ståibtein both used the same source from Verona - Verona, Bibl. Capitol. CIX (102). The

pitch of the transcription is that of the melody in Hymnen for which the final is G. The

staff-line t¿kes the G.

7. Iesus ab ore (Z2M'-207')

This is the only hynrn in the collection to be unique to Spanish sources with regard to

both text and melody. The text is included in AH vol. 16 which is devoted to Spanish

medieval hymns.tr It is noted there as occurring in nro brevia¡ies of Zamora (firstly, a

l5th-century manuscript, perhaps the Breviario now in the Cathedral of Tarr:ora, and secondly

a printed sor¡rce from the 16th century which is probably that in the Biblioteca Nacional of

Madrid - R 25990), two of Plasencia (1503 and 1555), one each of Santiago de Compostela

(1497), Sevilla (L52L), Jaén (1528), Ciudad Rodrigo (1555), and a military order (the last

printed in Læón in 1532). As may be seen, all date from the 15th or 16th centuries and all

olila5ole, Early Latin Hymns,326; Chevalie¡Repertoriwn Hymnologicum lz 552.

*Ståblein,
Hym.nen, 89, 380.
*AH 5L;59-60. Chevalier, Repertorium Hyrnologicum l: 552, cites the text occurring in breviaries
of Tarragona (1484) and Valladolid (1598), although without specifiying between variants in the second line.
*AHL62283. Chevalie4RepertoriumHymnologicumL:587and5:218(Chevalierliststhetextbut
cites no fufher sources).
 22t

are from western and south-western to south-central Spain. The liturgical context of the

hymn as specified in the fragment andAH is vespers in the feast of Continentiwn.

The text shows one va¡iant from that given in AH vol. 16. This is the lack of the

word'Tam" from the fourth line of the thi¡d strophe. Dreves notes this word as missing

from the Breviary of Plasencia printed in Venice in 1503Í This coincidence suggests a

connection between the Plasencia breviary and the Zarrcran manuscript fragment which

may date from the 15th or early 16th century and it might therefore be illuminating to

compare the two sources further.

It has not been possible to identify the melody in Hymnen It is a simple melody,
with a clear tonal centre of G and each line of verse ending with the falling second a to G.

Like many hymns, it makes use of repetition, in this case using an only slightly altered
repeat of the first line for the fourth line of the text, and with the second and third lines

opening in the same manner. The climu occurs as is usual in the third line, where the

melody rises to its highest point and finishes with a closing short melisma on the last

syllable of the line, features found in several other melodies in this collection as well as

being known in other sources.* The notation of this late fragment is interesting in its

transmission of a measured interpretation of the melody.oe This results in a continual flow

of triple meter, which, with the exception of the end of the third line, is in the ratio of 1:2.
(See the transcription at the rea¡ of this dissertation in which is seen alternation between

single and repeated notes.) The iambic movement of the music does not closely reflect the

syllable accent of the text, however the consistently proparoxytone line endings are always

set so that the stressed syllable of the last word is placed on a long note. Such constant

rhythmic movement is reminiscent of an example given by Stäblein from a l3th-century

French manuscript in which the same constant rhythmic flow is maintained but resulting

from the use of two notes per syllable alternating with one note per syllable. In this
example also, the lengthening of syllables does not always coincide with syltable accent.so

teu r6zzïi.
4On
melodic style in hymns and the hndings of Ståblein, see the article by Ruth Steiner, "Hymn,
$II Monophonic I-atin",NG 8: 83841.
aeThe
notation has been discussed in Chapter 4.
tBruno Stäblein, "H¡mnus, B. Derlateinische Hymnus" MGG 6:999,example 5.
 222

8. Inmense celi condítor (Z lTl.fbl')

With the exception of one note the music of this hyrnn is entirely legible, on the other
hand, the text is difficult to read. The melody, ST145, was a widespread one for use with

this texlsr Stäblein's examples include English, French (not Moissac),Italian, and Germanic

region sources. Very close to that of Z l7t is the melody from the l4th-century manuscript

of the Klosterneuberg house of Regular Canonesses.s2 Although the Klosterneuberg melody

uses one two-note melisma, the Zamoran version is syllabic throughout. No staff is visible

in Z l7l nor is any other help available in the source for determining the opening pitch.
Stäblein's examples all have the same final (D) and that pitch has therefore been employed

for the transcription.

Few variants are listed for the section of text included inZ I7I, the single one in the

Zarnoran version not being listed in AH.s3 The text had widespread usage. The usual

liturgical context is Monday, vespers;* inZ I7l the placement is undoubtedty for vespers

and is probably for use on Monday.

9. Løadis ergo preconium (Z l')

This text does not occur in Repertoriwn Hymnologicurn of Chevaliet, AH, nor in

Ståiblein's list of texts in Hymnen. The use of rhyme throughout suggests composition

during the later centuries of the Middle Ages, as the technique was a late development.ss

The last two syllables of each line are rhymed. Three other chants surrounding the hymn

show that it is part of a rhymed offìce for lauds on the feast of St. Thomas of Canterbury,

bishop and martyr (see Appendix 1, Book B). Unfortunately only a short section of the

office is contained in the fragment. An examination of the St. Thomas office in the
Brevíario of Zamora showed that most of it had been cut out so that it is impossible to

know whether this hymn was included.

ttståblein,
Hymnen, 541.
ttstäblein,
äy nue n, 213.
ttAH
5I:35-36. No Spanish sources are given by Chevalier.
uAIt srz3s.
tÞaire¿ rhyming lines, although not necessarily applied throughout a
IX)em, are observable by the
early 1lth century. See E. A. Curtius,European Literature and the Latin Middle Ages (London: Routledge &
KeganPaul, 1979),389.
 223

Only the first half of the melody is given, but it is recognizable as ST71, that used in

the Zamoran collection for A solis ortu. The melody of Z I is very like the versions given
inHymnenfrom Moissac, Heiligenkreuz, and Gaeta in Italy, athough it is a somewhat more

ornamented form.s6 It is interesting to find that in the two appearances of ST71 in7-amora,

there is one three-note melisma not found in any of the versions of Hymnen, and one

quilisma which is noted as occurring in only one of Stäblein's nine versions. Unusual

amongst the Zamoran collection of hymns is the use in Z L of two liquescent neumes and a

quilisma in a very short section of melody. The rising liquescent on the opening syllable is

a feature of three of the hymn melodies in the Zamonn fragments and is not found in any

of the versions of the same melodies in Hymnen. The features in common with the two

Zar¡otan usages of this melody and the opening liquescent, possibly characteristic of hyrnn

nrelodies in the region, suggest that further study of examples of Sfil from western Spain

would be fruiÉul.

This widely used melody is found in medieval sources with finals of either G or D.57

Z I hasno clef indication and has been Eanscribed assuming F as the pitch of the line,

resulting in the version on D as is used for Moissac and Heiligenkreuz. This is the same

pitch as that used for A solis ortu and offers a suitable placement to the quilísma group

which therefore reads a-b-c.

10. Møgne dics lotici¿ (2226Íal")

This is one of the later hymns in the collection. The melody, ST188 is described by

Stäblein as the "root melody'' of the mid l3th-century hymns composed for the canonisation

of St. Peter the Martyr.s8 The usual usage of the hynrn is in vespers as is the case withz
226.se

Only one appearance of the hynrn occurs in Hymnen, this being taken from the
Dominican Archetype of c.1255.60 The versions from the latter source and 2226 a¡e alike

tstäblein, Hymaen, &, 43, 4æ.

tståblein, Hymnen, 52L, 529.
ostablein
Hyorn en, 553.
*Atr 52:283.
h.ome, Santa Sabina, BibliotecadelCuria generaliziadei Dominican4 XlV,lit 1; Stäblein,Hymnen,
 224

with only minor changes. A text va¡iant revealed by AH is found in the same manuscript
of c. 1255 as that from which Stäblein's version of the melody was taken, as well as three

further sorrces from the 14th and 15th centuries.ut The pitch used for the transcription is

that given by Stäblein and allows the flat sign indicated in the fragment to fall on b. The

line is read as F.

ll.. O gloriosadomina (2239\

This hymn is given with music and text in Z 239, while in Z L23 the text is given

alone thus allowing textual comparison to be made within the fragment collection. Both

sources use Aquitanian notation and are amongst the fragments dating from the second half

of the 12th century and the 13th century. The texts in both appear to be identical, although

some doubt must be given to the reading of Z 239 as it is very badly preserved. In AI1 the

text is given only as the last three strophes of the widely used Marian hymn text by
Fortunatus Qtæm terra, pontus, aethera,62 but O gloriosa domínais recorded independently

by Chevalier.63 It is possible that the ea¡lier strophes of. Quem terra wotld have occurred

in the original sources from which the two fragments were taken in preceding parts of the
same feasts in which the text O gloriosa was included. The usual linrgical contexts of

Quem terra are the feasts of Purification or Annunciation of the Virgin Mary,ø white O
gloriosa domina is also used in feasts of the Virgin Mary with Chevalier specifying the

office principally as lauds (also matins, vespers and compline).65 In bothZ239 andZ I23,

O gloriosa dominais for use at lauds, probably in the feast of the Purification of the Virgin

Mary.

122-23 (melody), 552-53 and 697 (source).

u'AH
52: 283-84. Chevalier (Repertorium HyrnologicumL: 66, 5: 247) has no ciøtions for this
hymn in Spanish sounces.
uAn 5087.
GChevalier,
Repertoriwn Hymnologicum l:
t97. Spanish sources a¡e a breviary of Lérida (1451),
Tarragona (1484), and Pla.sencia (1503) (Chevalier, Repertoriutn Hynnologicwn 5: 198).
*AH so:86,88.
õChevalier, l: 197.
R epertorium Hymnologicum
 225

V/ith regard to text variants, the most important in the context of Qucm teta, pontus,

aethera in AH, concerns the word "domina" from the line "O gloriosa domina". In AH

"domina" is replaced by "femina", without "domina" being recorded as a variant.

The melody, 5T16, is that commonly associated withQucm terra, ponttts, aethera in

sources other than Milanese ones and had widespread usage.* The Zamoran version of

5T16 uses a final melisma at the end of the third line, a feature it shares with most of the

examples in Hymnen The version to which 2239 appears to be the most similar is that of
the Cistercian hymnal of Heiligenkreuz, although the latter does not use the just mentioned

melisma.6T The melody uses a repetition of the second line for the fourth, a feature which

in the Zatnonn source is more markedly disguised by omamentation in the repeat than in

most of the Hymnen versions.

Stäblein's examples in Hymnen show the melody with three finals - G, D (or d) and a

- thus presenting a problem for transcription; however a quilisma occutnng on the second

degree above the line offers some restriction in the choice of line pitch. As the final is
placed on the staff (indicating a plagal mode) and as the three-note quilismø group is more

likely to begin on D or a rather than G, the choice may be limited initially to the first two.

Of these, D has been chosen for the transcription as the other, a, is less frequent in
Stäblein's examples.

12. O luxbeata (Zl99lal")

Z 199 is one of the l2th-century Book A fragments. The hymn is distinguished from
the surrounding chants by the use of red ink which has fortunately remained legible. Part

of the first strophe cannot be read afær the opening three words but most of the following
strophes are legible. Comparison with the version of the hyrnn in AH vol. 51 shows only

one va¡iant in the first two strophes.6s This va¡iant is not listed as occurring in any other

sources. The third strophe (doxology) is very difficult to read but can be seen to be

different from that in the Moissac hymnal but like that of the Verona hymnal and two

-Stäblein, Hymnen, 507, 529

tståblein,
Hymnen,39.
oAH
srz 38-39.
 226

manuscripts possibly both from St Gall.6e While the usual usage of this hyrnn places it on

Sanuday at vespers,To it has not been possible to identify the context of its presence in Z

199 other than to say that it may be the first Sunday after Epiphany.

Stäbtein comments that this text is only rarely not associated with the melody ST22,7L

and it is therefore interesting to find that the melody in Z 199 cannot be identified in

Hymnen. Neither does the Zarnoran melody have the highly repetitive form cha¡acteristic

of ST22 in which the opening melodic line is repeated in the third and fourth lines; Z I99
uses only a partial repeat of the first line in the fourth. A short melisma on the first syllable

is rffinbærf of the opening rising liquescents of other hymns in the Zarctoran collection. In

this case the neume consists of two puncta on the same pitch followed by avírga one step

above.

The notation used in this fragment is Aquiønian, and two problems are encountered

in transcription which result in some inevit¿ble uncertainties. These a¡e the identication of

the pitch of the dry-point line without clef and the inconsistency of neume spacing with

regard to the line. The mode can been taken as plagal as the final is placed on the line, with

the music seeming to extend a fourth above and below the line. A semicircular virga is

employed at one point and seems to be placed a second below the line. As it has ea¡lier
been proposed that this sign is only used for b natural or E natural preceded by a major

second, the pitch of the line may tentatively be limited to either c or F.72 Aquilisma group

occurring above the line is problematic as its placement relative to the staff is unclear;

nevertheless, it seems best understood as beginning a second above the line, a reading in

keeping with either of the proposed line pitches. Although the use of c as the pitch of the

line has not yet been mled out, F has been employed for the transcription.

oAH 5l:39. A Spanish source, the Mozarabic breviary of 1502, is cited by Chevalier, Repertorium
Hymnologicwn 5:280.
'o AH 5l: 38; Julian, A Dictionary of Hymnolo gy, 842.
tt
Ståblein, Hymnen, 509.
72For
discussion of pitch and the semici¡cular ylrga of Book A see Chapter 4, page 109 .
 227

13. Pønge linguø gloriosi I corporis misteriam (2272)

The melody used here is 5T56, but it is not given in its entirety. According to

Stliblein this generally widespread melodyt' was one of the most used for the famity of

texts beginning with the words "Pange lingua".Ta Of Stäbtein's five versions from diverse
'Worcester
regions the closest to the Zamoran one are those from and Einsiedeln. None

however use the opening liquescent neume found inZ272 which causes the chant to begin

from the tone below the final. The st¿ff-line has been read as F for the transcription which

is in accord with the E as final. E is a common opening note as well as final for the
melody,ts this version therefore being unusual in its choice of opening pitch. Also unusual

in the 2272 melody a¡e the repeated notes (bistrophae) of the third syllable of the first line,

a feature not found in any of the Hymnen versions.

Only the first strophe of the text is given in the fragment and as it is in very poor

condition much cannot be read. This is unforh¡nate as the legible parts suggest that it is not

identical with the sønda¡d text as given in AH.76 The usual liturgicat context for the hynrn

is vespers on the feast of Corpus Ch¡isti.z This appears to be the case for its occurrence in

2272.

14. Søcris sollcmpnäs iuncta (Z 272)

This melody has not been identified in Stäbtein's collection. Like that of Pange

tíngua in the same fragment, it is not given in its entirety, no music being given for the

fourth line. The melody has a short melisma at tho opening which is repeated when the

music of the first line is reused for the third.

t'ståblein,
Hymnen, 529.
toståblein,
Hymnen, 516.
ttsee
for example Stitblein, I/ynn e n, 33, 90, 28G87 .

'oAH 50: 586-87. Chevalier, Reperbrtwn Hyrnologicum 2: 287 and 5: 30I-2, cites the text as
contained in the follo$,ing Spanish breviaries: Tarragona (1484) and Valladolid (1598).
'¡n so s86.
 228

The first strophe of the text, which is by St. Thomas Aquinas, is given in the

fragment without va¡iant from that in AH apart from the spelling of the second word which

is usually "sollemniis".Ts The three abbreviations ma¡ked are not indicated in the fragment

but have been presumed to be such in accord with the standa¡d text. The liturgical context

may be the usual one of matins on the feast of Corpus Christi,?e or on the other hand it may

be the octave of the same feast.

The pitch of the line is difficult to establish; the only pointers found in the Aquitanian

notation of the fragment being one quilismd group based on the line and the probable final

also occurring on the line. D and a a¡e the most cornmon base notes for quilismd groups

and as D is more frequently used as a final it has been chosen as the pitch of the line.

15. Te lucis ønte terminam (Z t2Ûlal')

The melody used in Z 120 is ST19, the same as is employed for Condítor alme
sidcrunt in Z It9. In fact, the two fragments appear likely to have been taken from the

same late l5th-century or early l6th-century manuscript and are placed in Group 3a. It is

surprising that ST19 is not included among the forty-nine melodies given by Stäblein for

Te lucis ante terminwn. On the other hand, in the Antiphonale Monastícum STl9 is found

with this text for use during compline in Advent,m as also appears to be the context of the

Zamoran example. The widely used text occurs in the fragment in full and is without any

variants in comparison with AH.8l

16. Ternß ter horis (Z 197þf)

This text was in widespread use. The hour of none on Sundays during Lent is the

usual context;82 however, inZ 197 the hour is unclea¡ and may be either sext or none. One
Spanish source from the 12th century is included amongst the sources named in AÉl but

"AH 50:587-88. Chevalier, Repertoritnt Hyrnologicum L: 492, cites the Spanish breviaries from
Tarragona (1484), and Valladolid (1598) as containing the texl

"AH so: s97.

n
Antip ho nale M o nas ti c um, I83.
t'AH 5l:4243; Chevalier, Repertorium Hynnologicum2: &647 and 5: 383-84, cites two 9tV10th-
century manuscripts of Toledo as containing the texts.
oAH sl:6.
 229

unfortunately variants for it are not listed there. A number of variants occur, however,

between the text of Z L97 and that given inAH, the va¡iants of the Zamoran text showing

convergence with those of Italy and southern France, rather than other regions.tt

No match was found with Hymnen,btt it can be observed that the melodies given by

Stäblein for this text sha¡e with that of Z 197 the use of repeated notes of the same pitch at

the beginning of the melody. Stäblein's melodies continue in a simple style tending to

repetition throughout and maintenance of a narrow range. The transcription of. Ternis ter

horis from Z 197 shows a range of a seventh, while the five melodies given in Hymnen
have a range of a third, fourth or a fifth.

Although this l2th-century fragment is written in Aquitanian notation, the pitch of

the melody is not difficult to identify. This is because the final is placed one step below the

staff-line, a placement which is characteristic of only one mode, the fourth. The line may

therefore be read as F.

17. Xpiste qui lax (Z lg7lbl)

The text is a widely used one, the usual context of which is compline during Lent.M

This liturgical placement seems to be maintained in the fragment. Comparison with AIl
shows that this version makes use of a very frequent variant which Blume believed to be an

alteration from the original version. Interestingly, two Old-Hispanic sources of the 10th

and l1th centuries have yet another version in the same position (strophe one, line three).

A further two variants are also common to many of the sources for which va¡iants are

listed.85

Despite the poor legiblility of the fragment and the resultant uncertainties and gaps in

the transcription, the melody of the fragment can be regarded as different from the single

melody (ST9) which Ståiblein found for this widely used hymn dating from the 6th century.86

nAH 5l:6-67, Chevalier, RepertoriumHynnologicum l:661, gives the Spanish breviaries of

Burgos (12th century), "Hispanicum" (lltly'l2th century), Valladolid (1598) text'
as conüaining the
*AH st:2l.
ttAH 5l:21-23. Chevalier, Rep ertorium Hynnologicum l: t73, cites the Spanish breviary, Palencia
(l545ll$6),as containing the texl
*s Hy mne n, 506.
tåblein,
 230

Amongst the va¡ious differences between the melodies, a formal one stands out; ST9 uses

the same or only slightly varied music for the first and last lines, a feature not found in the

melody of Z 197. The Z 197 melody appears to be through-composed. (Poor legibility

makes it impossible to study the form of this melody accurately). Given the fact that

Ståiblein knew of only one melody forXpiste qui htx, it would be of great interest to look
for further settings of the text in Spanish sources to find whether that of Z 197 is repeated

elsewhere. No help is gained for the determination of the pitch from the notation, and so

for the purposes of initial transcription only, the staffline has been read as D.
*,1.,1É*{.*

From the comparisons with Hymnen and AII some pointers have emerged to connections

between Zanl'oran sources and the c. 1000 hymnal of the Cluniac monastery of Moissac and

to some Cistercian traditions. These connections cannot be seen as applying generally to

the whole Tamoran hynur collection but rather should be viewed as relevant to individual

sources and hymns.

Of the five melodies which have not been identified in Hymnen, it is interesting to
observe that three are in early sources, while one other is from a late source and is

connected with a text unknown outside Spanish sources. The presence of three unknown

melodies in early sources raises the question as to whether there may have been a greater

variety of hymn melodies in use in Spain during the early period represented in the collection

(12th and 13th centuries). Furthermore, could a melodic tradition have been ca¡ried over

from the Old-Hispanic rite? That five out of a total of only sixteen melodies, almost
one-third, should be unknownto Hymrcndoes suggest the likelihood of a regional radition.

Also to be noted in the context of a regional or local tradition is the combination of a text

with a melody other than those with which it is usually associated. Issues such as those

raised in this paragraph would have to be tested in a larger and more detailed investigation,

unfofunately beyond the scope of the present study.

A further item concerning the unidentified melodies may be added as a result of brief
examination of the melodies of the Huesca hymnal; this is the fact that the unidentified
 231

melody for O lux beata occurs in a va¡ied form in Huesca with a different hymn text.87

The text O lux beata also occurs in the manuscript and may also take the same melody.88

Two of the other hyrnn texts of the Zamoran collection with unidentified melodies occur in

the Huesca hymnal but different melodies are employed there. In summary, and øking

other hymns into account, the Huesca soruce appears to have no more, and perhaps less, in

common with the Zanrcrancollection than the hymnal of Moissac.

The opening rising liquescent neumes found in three of the hymns need to be rema¡ked

upon. These a¡e reminiscent of the similar phenomenon found in the prosae discussed in

Chapær 7. The hymns in which they are found are Pange lingua gloriosi I corporis, Laudis

ergo preconiwn and Magne díes leticie. Such opening liquescents ale not found for the

same melodies in Hymnen. The three note figure of ST71 as found in both A solis ortu and

Laudis ergo preconiwn is also of interest and brings to mind van Deusen's obseryation on

short melismas moving by steps which has already been referred O in Chapter 7. From the

observations of the two instances of ST71 occurring in two different sources of the Zanorun

collection, it is possible to hope that this melody would present a particularly interesting

further case study if more examples of it were found in Spanish sources, one which might

provide information relevant to a local or regional melodic style.

A final comment may be made with regard to modaliy. The D mode is found to be
the most commonly used in the hymns of the Zatnoran collection and Ståiblein shows this to

be the most common mode for hymns in French and Cistercian sources.te Given the strong

likelihood of nansmission of French and Cistercian repeÍories into western Spain, such a

parallel finding is not surprising.

oDurán
Gudiol, Moragas, Villareal,f/ymnarium Oscense 2: I07.
æFacsimile
in Durán Gudiol, Moragas, Villareal, Hymnarium Oscense 1: viii". (This photograph is
difficult to read.)
tståblein, "Hymnus", 10(D.
 232

9 THE PREFACES AND THE PATER NOSTER FOR THE MASS

As is the case with the genres discussed in the previous three chapters, little investigation

has been made in Spanish sources of the prefaces or prayers such as the Pater noster. Fol

the study of the tones used for the prefaces and the Pater noster, Bruno Stäblein's work is

once again outstanding and includes reference to Spanish sources of the Pater noster.l

The only 7-amonn sources relevant to this chapter a¡e the Mísal votivo, theRitual, and the

loose booklet of the Ritual. Neither prefaces nor the Pater noster a¡e found in any of

fragments of the AHPZa. The inclusion of a study of these tones in this dissertation is

motivated in part by the interesting usage of the plica found in their notation within the

Rítnol. This has already been referred to in detail in Chapter 5 and so will only be

mentioned in passing in the present chapter.

PREFACES

The preface is that part of Mass which introduces the Sanctus and begins with the words

"Vere dignum". Although the opening words a¡e invariable, it may be classified as part of

the Proper of the Mass as it has a variety of texts and melodies, the number of which in use

has varied over the centuries. That known as the "Common Preface" is found in the Líber

Usualis as part of the Mass Ordinary, while special texts for various feasts are given in the

Liber Usualis under the title of "Proper Prefaces".2 In the Zamoran sources under study,
prefaces are found in the Ritwl of.Zarrrcra. the loose booklet at the back of the Ritual, and

the Misal votivo. The various prefaces a¡e listed together with their folio numbers in
Appendix 1 of this dissertation. From the texts of the prefaces which form the entire

contents of the booklet, it is clea¡ that part of the booklet has been lost, only two bifolios

remaining from what must have been at least three bifotios. In the Misal votivo, the
prefaces occur in the first part which dates from the 15th century; the Ritual and the

tBruno
Stäblein, "Präfation", MGG L0 (KasseL Bärenreiter, 1949-86), 1535-1537; Stäblein, "Pater
noster", MGG l0: 943-50.

'Liber (Jsualis,34, 8-10.

 233

booklet are also dated to the 15th century. Tones for the prefaces to be used in both festive

and ferial celebrations are given in these sources.

Alsofoundinthe Ritual andtheMrsalvotivo aresettingsof theintroductorydialogue

which precedes the preface. It begins "Per omnia secula seculorum. Amen" and concludes

"Dignum et iustum est". This dialogue is sometimes included under the title of preface as

for example in the Liber (Jsualis.t The musical settings of the dialogue will be referred to
only briefly.

The prefaces represent a topic which in general has not been extensively studied, the

two most useful studies known to the writer being those of Wagner and Stäblein, that of
'Wagner being the most comprehensive.a In addition a brief analysis of the structure of the

preface tone by Crocker is of interest.s It has not been possible to find any studies of the

prefaces in Spanish sources.

Order of the Prefaces

The different prefaces to be used during the year were commonly placed together in

missals and usually in association with the text for the canon of the Mass. The Ritwl of
Zamora follows this pattern and presents a group of thirteen prefaces in this part of the

manuscript. (Reference to the Ritwl is always to the main body of the book rather than to

the loose booklet which will be specified when discussed.) The first two prefaces use the

common text, the first being the more solemn with the rubric "prephatio cum suo cantu in

omnibus festivis", while the second is for ferial use "Cantus iste dicitur ferialis". After

these is the text for the canon of the Mass, as well as the tones for the Pater noster and the

Pax domíni sit. This ordering is not an unvarying one. Following the completion of the

Mass text are the prefaces for special feasts beginning with that for Christmas. In several

non-Spanish manuscripts observed by the writer, including the c. 1260 to l4th-century

Dominican Lo23935,a l5th-century missal of Rouen, and a l5th-century missal of Besançon

tLiber
Usualis,34.
Þeter V/agner, Einführung in die gregorianischen Melodien, vol. 3 (1921; reprint, Hildesheim:
Georg Olms, 1962),69-80; Bruno Stäblein, "Ptäfation".
h.icnarc crocker,A History of Musical sryr¿ (New York McGraw-Hill, 1966), 8-9.
 234

(Besançon 76), the prefaces for the special feasts precede the common ones.u Ma 931, a

Spanish manuscript of the 14th or 15th century, begins with the common prefaces, those

for special feasts following. Ma 931 contains twelve out of the thirteen prefaces found in
the Ritual, although there is some variation in the order of the proper prefaces; furthermore,

in Ma 931 the canon of the Mass and the Pater noster are placed after the proper prefaces,

unlike the Ritwl. One further proper preface is included in the Ritunl in addition to the
Foup of thirteen: it occurs as part of the Wedding Mass.

A full comparison of the prefaces intheRitua/ and in the booklet inserted at the back

of the manuscript is made impossible by the incomplete nature of the latter group; however,

those present in the booklet give the same order as that in the Ritual although no prefaces

are found between those for Epiphany and Resurrection.

The Misal votivo contains only the two common prefaces which are located at the

beginning of the manuscript with the festive one as usual placed first. Interestingly, the

incipit of the Sanctus is given and notated immediately before the text of the canon of the

Mass which begins with the words "Te igitur clementissime". As in the Ritu.al, the tones

for the Pater noster and Pax domini sít are also given.

The Tones

Two tones (festive and ferial) a¡e used in the Zamoran sources for the prefaces.
These are used not only for the cornmon texts but also for the proper texts. Among the

group of thirteen prefaces found in the RitwlT only two use the ferial tone: the common

ferial preface and the preface for Quadragesima. The remainder all use the festive tone, as

does the preface for the Wedding Mass.8 The employment of the ferial tone for Quadragesima

is not an unusual practice.

Similarly to the va¡ious classes of psalm tones, a number of structural components

may be identified in preface tones in general. These components are the reciting note, and

ut-o fols. 131"-14Ï. (Folio

Z3g3S, fols. 496497'; Rouen, Bibliothèque municipale ms. 260 y.1,
numbers for Besançon 76 were not available to this writer.)
7
Ritual, fols. 74'- 101".
"Ritual,fol.25.
 23s

formulas for intonation, mediation, and ending. They are altered in order to fit the different

texts by means of addition and deletion of notes, while maintaining the fundamental structue

of the tones (the intonation is not always used). Also as is general with psalm tones, they

follow a bipartite structrre of two elements which may be identifred in preface tones by the

occrurence of the mediation and ending formulas as well as through the changing reciting

note.e The mediation and ending formulas provide the closures for the two elements, the

first characteristically rising to its closing pitch, and the second falling to its closing pitch.r0

The ferial and festive preface tones of the Zamoran sources follow the pattern just

described. The festive tone is less syllabic than the ferial version resulting in a more
ornamented effect. Examples I and 2 show the two elements of the festive and ferial tones

respectively as found throughout the Rítwl. The sections ma¡ked element 1 and element 2

in both examples represent the most usual form of each with brackets to indicate notes not

used in all repetitions of an element. The mediation and ending formulas a¡e ma¡ked.
Important variants a¡e shown as La and 2a. When the text segment beginning with the

words "Et ideo" is included in the prefaces (it is not part of the common preface) the setting

of the two opening words forms part of the intonation in the first element. This is included

in la of Example 1. "Et ideo" is not found in the Quadragesima preface and as that and the

coûrmon preface a¡e the only ones with the ferial tone in the Ritwl no setting for the phrase

is given in Example 2. A further form of the second element of the festive tone (2a of
Example 1) is found as well as the principal form of element 2 in the prefaces for Wedding,

Trinity, Ma¡ian, and Resurrection Masses, with an abbreviated version of the same in the

Ascension preface. T'he scandicus at the beginning of element 2 of the festive tone can be

regarded as an ornamentation of the reciting note, which in 2a is spread over three syllables.

Element 2 is also found without ornamentation and sometimes without the reciting note as

well, thus commencing with the ending formula. In the ferial tone also, element 2 is found

shortened and commencing at the ending formula. An abbreviated form of element 1 is

used on one occasion in the ferial tone for the Quadragesima preface; it is shown in la of

'On the two elements of the preface tones see Wagner, Einfithrung,especially 7L-72.
t\his pattern of closu¡es may be observed in the examples given by Wagner (Einführung 3: 7 L-78)
and Stäblein ('Präfation", 1535-1536). The latter writer also comments upon the phenomenon ('Präfation",
1s36).
 236

Example 2. In this variant the first not€ of the mediation formula is omitted, and it is in

fact the only occasion on which the first note (bracketed in Example 2, element 1) of the

formula is not used. The reciting note in both festive and ferial tones of element 1 is F and

that of element 2 is E. (Earlier preface tones generally made use of c and b as reciting

notes.tt) As wilt become clear later in this chapter, in general the Zamoran tones Íue very

like those of other sources from diverse places and much of the above description would in

fact apply to many other examPles.

Key to Examples in this Chapter

H = A pitch which may or may not be repeated. It is

either the reciting note or the principal pitch of the intonation.

() = Note or notes which are not always present'

A = Placing of the final accenæd syllable within formulas.

a = Plica.

Example l: Festive tone,Ritu.al

Elc-enl I Elenlrr+ Z
Mcdiotio¡ Á^di¡

+
-(')
lo- 2a.

+ ++
I

tt
Wagner, E inführ un g, 7 0.
 237

Example 2: Ferial tone, Ritual

Ele,r*nt I e'rlt^e:& ?
Enl:

+
lc

Very minor differences only a¡e found between the tones for the cornmon preface of

the Rituat and the Misal votivo. (Only the common preface is conøined in the latter

manuscripl) The differences in the festive tone found ntheMisal votivo are one occrurence

of the mediation formula with only two two-note neumes instead of the three cha¡acteristic

of the Rítu.al, the repetition of one note (perhaps an error), and the omission of all plicas.

Similarly in the ferial tone of the Mísal votivo all plicas a¡e omitted and one mediation is

altered.

Wagner gives festive and ferial tones for the Resurre¡tion preface from a l4th-century

Franciscan missal (Rome 2048) which are very similar to the two tones as used for the

d.ifferent preface texts in the Zamoran sources and of other sources with which it has been

possible to make comparison. The explanation for the similarity between the preface tones

of these sources very probably lies in the point made by Wagner with regard to the tones

from Rome 2048. His view was that these versions were disseminated over time through

the churches using the Roman linugy with only slight alterations.r2

Three of the sources mentioned in relation to the order of the prefaces contain very

simila¡ tones to the Zarnorwt ones; these a¡e Lo 23935, Besançon 76, and Ma 931. It may

be observed that of these sources, that with the festive tone for the common preface most

simila¡ to the Zatnoran sources is the only Spanish one of the BrouP, Ma 931. Example 3

shows the two elements from the festive tones for the cornmon preface of each of the three

sources and those of the Ritunl. Abbreviated forms of the second element consisting

t t\Vagner,
Eínfíihr un g, 7 4.
 238

Iargety of the ending formula are not included except for one case from Besançon 76 in

which the formula is altered. The elements of Ma 931 may be observed to be very like the

Zamoran ones with the major difference being in the absence of plicas. The only other

divergences a¡e both found in the fîrst sentence beginning "Vere dignum". The first of

these divergences is the replacement of the fi¡st nvo-note neume of the mediation with the

single note E, as also occurs in the Mísal votivo. The second is an additional repetition of

the reciting note of element 2, evidently as a result of the word "equum" being assigned

three syllables. A notable va¡iant is observable in Lo 23935 in the non-employment of the

scandicus ornamenting the reciting note in element 2. This scandicus is found in the other
sources shown in Example 3 and in Rome 2048. Besançon 76 is remarkable for the

Example 3: Festive tone - cornmon preface

FLen err{ I El¡'non{ 2.

Rit"o.{

Mo Î)f

Ç+

Lo Z3ljf

.O

ßesangon 76

ßcsart5o6 l(

}esaqcon 7ê
 239

employment of a gleater variation within elements but maintains a surprisingly rigid use of

the intonation tone D of the first element which in that source always occurs in each

appearance of that element and is never repeated as it is in the Ritual and Ma 931. Among

the common prefaces of the non-Spanish sources, all but two phrases a¡e formed from

equivalent atthough internally varying elements, the text divisions occurring at the same

points.

T\e Ritwl makes invariable use of three two-note neumes in the mediation throughout

all prefaces employing the festive tone, a feature the rigidity of which is unusual with
regard to the other three sources discussed in the last paragraph. Ma 931 and Besançon 76

use either two or three nvo-note neumes in the mediation, the first of the group of three

being the variable one. In Ma 931 the first two-note neume is at times replaced by a single

note E, and in Besançon 76 the same occurs or it is replaced by the reciting note F. Lo
23935 consistently uses only two two-note neumes in its mediations, the note preceding

them being either F or E. Comparison of the preface for the Nativity of Christ as presented

in the same group of sources reveals that in all three non-Zamoran sources, the alternative

mediation in which the fîrst two-note neume is replaced by the single note E, occurs in each

in the same positions with regard to text. In the Ritual the mediation always has three
two-note neumes. It is not apparent what factors would have determined the choice of

placement of the different mediations in the non-Zamoran sources and an explanation for

their absence from the Ritwl is also not evident. Could it be that the clergy of Zamora or

the compilers of the Ritwl (or another tradition to which they subscribed) favoured an

approach to the prefaces dominated by uniformity thus preferring not to use the different

alærnative mediation formula? On the other hand, the tradition of variation of the mediation

in the festive tone may have been unknown to the compilers of the Rituøl, a possibility
which seems unlikely in view of other features which the tones of the Rítual share with

other sources.

Indication of a possible regional pattern in mediation types is gained from the

examination of the prefaces in a further five sources from va¡ious parts of Spain as both

forms of mediation are prcsent within each source. The earliest of these sources dates from

the 14th or 15th centuries and is located in Santiago de Compostela. The remainder all date
 240

from the 15th century, two being printed sources of 1499. The Santiago de Compostela

source shows a marked preference for the three binaria mediation with only one or possibly

two instances of the two binaria mediation occurring arnongst five prefaces. The mediations

of the Christmas preface in the same source may consist entirely of three binaria mediations;

the one possible exception is located at a damaged part of the manuscript and cannot be

substantiated.r3 Another of the sources shows the consistent employment of three two-note

neumes in the mediations of the Christmas preface but has a greater proportion of two

two-note neume mediations in other prefaces.ra The tenøtive conclusion can be drawn

that the preference for the three binaria mediation seen in the Zamoran Ritual may be part

of a regional preference reflected also in the Santiago de Compostela source. This conclusion

must, however, be tested further before it can be asserted with confidence.

Extension of the earlier comparisons of theRir¿øl with non-Spanish sources and Ma

931 to take in both elements of all the festive preface tones shows that Ma 931 continues to

have the most in cornmon with the Ritwl. The variations which nevertheless exist between

the two sources can be further illustrated from the preface for the feast of the Holy Cross.rs

There, one phrase has a more extended use of the D in the intonation of element I in Ma
931 than in the Ritual, and in one instance of element 2 the familiar scandicus is replaced

in Ma 931 by a single note in a simpler version of the same element. Again in Ma 931, the

mediation formula with two two-note neumes is employed. Only the first appearance of

element 1 (beginning "Eterne deus") makes use of the three two-note neumes, the form of

mediation used in all examples of that element in the Ritual. (The same prefaces in Lo

23935 and Besançon 76 also employ the two two-note neume mediation in the same places

as Ma 931.)

From the findings of the comparisons one may surmise that the festive preface tones

of the T.armoran manuscripts exemplify a regional or local version of the common model as

identified by Wagner. However, to establish whether or not this is true would require a

t'santiago
de Composæla, A¡chivo de la Catedral, frag. 9, fol. 1'.
tnHuesca,
Archivo de la Cated¡al, cod. 20 (3). The other th¡ee sources looked at are from Jaén,
Toledo, and Barcelona
lsfuitual,fols.
93"-94'; Ma 931, fol. 183'.
 241

broad comparison using a large number of sources from inside and outside Spain representative

of different monastic and secula¡ tr¿ditions. In this dissertation comparison is of necessity

very limited and the results must thercfore be tentative.

The ferial tones of the same group of non-Zamoran sources show a rema¡kable

similarity of element structure to those of Zamora. Occasional differences may be found in

placing of elements with regard to text. All a¡e cha¡acterized by continual syllabic motion.

Most interesting and most varied among the prefaces in the Zamoran sources to use the

ferial tone arc those of the booklet found with the Rítltal.

One point of variation in the ferial settings of the cornmon preface found among the

Zamoran sources and those used for comparison may be remarked upon. The t'wo Zamoran

sources, the Ritwl and the Misal votivo, as well as Ma 931 have in common the treatrnent

of ¡ro sentences in a manner unlike the non-Spanish Lo 23935 (the common preface with

the ferial tone is not found in the booklet nor in Besançon 76). Lo 23935 maintains the

reciting note where the other sources introduce the mediation formula. As the same choice

and placing of elements occurs for these sentences in the festive versions of the Zamonn

sources and Ma 931, it might be proposed that this is a characteristic of Spanish usage.
This view, however, is complicated by the observation that the Santiago de Compostela

source mentioned earlier treats the first of the sentences in the ferial tone in the same
manner as Lo 23935. Considerable further comparison would be needed to clarify this
point of va¡iation amongst preface tones. Example 4a gives the ferial setting of the fint of
these sentences in the two Zamoran sources and Ma 931. Example 4b gives the corresponding

setting of Lo 23935.

Example 4a: Ritual,fol.77\, Misal votivo, fol. 3'; Ma 931 fol. 171"

+
l,hs libi,.. .t ,^- 6¿- g¡a g'"-ti- "s a- 3e- re
 242

Example 4b z[-o 23935, fol. 497'

Noo lib¿,., et ,r- bù- 7re 3rc'ai- os a-- je-re-

The booklet contains prefaces for the feasts of Christmas, Epiphany, Resurrection,

the Virgin Mary, and the Apostles, with only the first and last being complete due to the

loss of one or more bifolios. The use of versions of the ferial tone combined with proper

texts and the appearance of the term "simplex" in the rubrics suggests that these may have

been intended for use during the octaves of the feasts specified.t6 As the notation of the

booklet is late Aquiønian written on a one-line staff, without a clef or other indication of

pitch, it has been assumed that the pitch is that of the preface tones in the other Zarnoran

sogrces and Ma 931. The pitch of the line is therefore read as D. Three different approaches

to the ornamentation of the reciting note in the second element a¡e found, none of which

occur in the ferial preface tones of the Ritwl. Comparison of the preface for the Resurrection

given by Wagner from Rome 2048 with that of the booklet shows that in both versions an

identical variation of element 2 is found with the same text phrase. Different, however, is

the choice of element for the opening phrase.rT (The same element is used in the Resurrection

preface of both the Ritual and the booklet in this position.) Further research into non-Spanish

and Spanish sources is needed to reveal the frequency and manner of employment of

variations in the second element of ferial preface tones.

Comparison of the preface texts of the Zamoran sources with Ma 931 and Lo 23935

reveals variants with all in such a way that no conclusive result may be drawn and thus no

fr¡rther tight can be thrown on the comparisons alrready made with regard to the tones. The

cornmon preface text of the Ritwt and the Misal votivo is identical with that of Ma 931 and

Lo 23935. Two significant points of variation among the proper texts involve a noun
(Epiphany preface) and a final sentence (Mary). In the first of these, the Ritual and booklet

tt:or this suggestion I am indebted to the liturgical scholar, Father Kieran Adams, of the Dominican
Fathers in Pr,oqpect, South Australia.
ttulagner, g, 4 :l 5.
Einfíihrun 7
 243

sha¡e one version while Ma 931 and Lo 23935 share another version. In the second,

different pairs share versions: the Ritwl and Lo 23935, Ma 931 and the booklet. It is
impossible to conclude that either the Ritual or the booklet is in a closer relationship with

any one or other of the sources.

During the preceding discussion of the tones reference has been made to the employment

of plicas. The Rittnl is outst¿nding in the use of this note form, fimtly with respect to the
greater frequency of its occurrence in comparison to the other sources studied and secondly

in the pronounced concrurence of the note form with accented syllables especially in those

sections outside the formulas and in association with the reciting note F. The use of plicas
in the Ritual has already been discussed in detail in Chapter 5. If the performance of these

signs as notes of double duration as proposed there is applied to the Ritual prefaces, the

resulting musical accentuation will coincide with the normal Latin word accent of words

sung to the reciting note. The booklet is notable for concurrence of cephalicí with accented

syllables and, as was also discussed in Chapter 5, the cephalici of this source should

probably be sung as notes of double duration. The placing of cephalíci and plicas on the

reciting notes in the booklet and the Ritual often occurs on the same words. The durational

differentiation observed in these prefaces is in keeping with the advice of two 16th-century

Spanish theorists referred to in Chapter 3, Ferrer and Bermudo. Ferrer advocated the

preservation of word accent in the prefaces and Bermudo advocated the same for psalmody.

Respect for word accent is not limited to reciting note passages but is also evident in

the formulas. All the formulas are tonic and therefore are placed according to the final

accented syllable of a phrase. Thus, when the final word is a proparoxytone, the closure of

the formula becomes dactylic through the repetition of the last pitch. In Examples 1 and 2

the placing of the final accents in the formulas is marked with the letter "A". The use of

tonic closures in the prefaces appears to be cha¡acteristic of the genre generally in both

festive and ferial tones.rs Another means by which accent is stressed in the Ritwl is

ttThis may
be observed in all the sources mentioned in this chapter, and in the ferial and solemn
tones given by Stäblein, "Präfation", 1535-1536.
 2M

observable in the use of the intonation of element 1. The intonation always moves from D

to F in such a way that the second note of the interval of the third always falls on either an

accented syllable of a word with more than one syllable or on a single syllable word.

Brief mention of the musical settings of the dialogue which immediately precedes

the preface should be made before proceeding to the next section. The preface tone is not

used for the dialogue although some material is generally found in both, as may be observed

for example in V/agner's example from Rome 2048.te Immediately noticeable is the

scandicus which occurs in element 2 of the festive preface tone in that and other sources.

Comparison of the festive versions of the dialogues of the common text in the Zamoran

sources reveals a marked diffe¡ence in the settings of the words "Gratias agamus domino".2o

The setting of the Misal votivo brings the mediation formula with three two-note neumes

cha¡acteristic of the preface tone into the dialogue for the first two of these words instead

of the partial form of the ending formula which occrus in the Ritual. As this is immediately

followed by element2 of the preface tone including the ornamenting scandicus (not found

at the same place in the Rítua[), the link with the preface is made very strong. That such a

ma¡ked difference should occur between the two Zamoran sources is all the more notable

for the fact that other divergences a¡e minor throughout the dialogue and the preface and

mostly concern the absence of plicas from the Misal votivo. The version of the Ritual

appears to be the more usual as it resembles more closely that in Ma 931, l-o 23935, and

Besançon 76.

PATER NOSTER

The tones of the Pater noster for inclusion in the Mass following the canon a¡e found, like

the settings of the prefaces, i¡ the Ritwl and the first part of the Misal votivo, both from the

15th century. (The booklet contains only prefaces.) The text of the prayer in both sorrces

is the standard one, the Pater noster belonging to the Ordinary of Mass.

t\ilagner, Einführ g, 7 4.
un
n
Ritual, fol. 7 4; Misal votivo, fol. 2'.
 245

Studies of the musical settings of the Pater noster are greatly assisted by the work of

Wagner and Stäblein and especially that of the latter presented in MGG.2\ Stäblein was

able to group tones and identify developments and different versions; furthermore, some of

the sources which he used are Spanish. In addition to the principal tones, he pointed to two

special ones, one of which he identified as a Spanish-French tone.22 The following discussion

of the Pater noster tones in the 7-amoran sources takes its starting point from Stäblein.

The Tones

Two tones for the Pater noster are given in both the Rítual and the Misal votivo, one

for festive use and the other for ferial use." Differences between the two sources are
small. Tlte Pater noster is preceded by an introduction "Per omnia secula . . .", the setting
of which varies from that of the Pater noster itself until the part beginning "et divina
institutione" in the ferial tone and "Preceptis saluta¡ibus" in the festive. As with the
prefaces, the main part of the Pater noster is set to tones which divide into two elements,

the first closing with a mediation formula and the second with an ending formula. The

final section of the festive tone from "Et ne nos inducas" deviates from the preceding
pattern, as does the final section of the ferial tone although the alteration begins earlier with

"debitoribus nostris". Such a structure is not unusual f.or Pater noster tones.2a Example 5

gives the festive tone from the Rítual. Brackets ma¡k those notes not used in all repetitions

of each element. One further abbreviation of element 2 which begins with the ending
formula is not included. Example 6 gives the two elements of the ferial tone from the

Rítual as they occur at the beginning of the prayer set to the text: "Pater noster qui es in

celis sanctificetur nomen tuum". One variation of the second element ma¡ked "2a" is given

in order to show the alteration of the ending formula to accommodate a proparoxytone at

"'Wagner, Einfíihrung,58-69; Stäblein, "Pater noster".

'Stäblein, "Pater noster", 950.
a
Rit ual, fols. 85"-88' ; Mi sal vo tivo, fols. 7'-8'.
'Johannes de Grocheo in De musicø referred to the structure of. Jhe Pater noster, identifying the
beginning of a second section at "Panem nosEum" and the ending of the same section at "Et ne nos". See
Johannes de Grocheo, Concerning Music (De Musica). trans. Albert Seay, (Colorado Springs: Colorado
College Music hess, L974'),42. The Zamoran versions may be viewed in the same way.
 246

the closure. Although the mediation and the reciting note pitches are not altered, there is in

fact a rema¡kable degree of va¡iation in the occturences of each element in the ferial tone.

Example 5: Pater noster festive tone,Ritual, fols. 86"-87'

Elc-er.f I Eæ;wrenf 2

+.+

Example 6i Pater noster ferial tone,Rítual, fols. 87"-88"

Elene"{ I Elcmenl 2,

+ +
2o-

The concurrence in the Ritual prefaces of the plica with accented syllables outside

the mediation and ending formulas is observable in the Pater noster festive tone of the

Rinnh the sign is not employed on the reciting notes of the ferial tone. The response to a
final proparoxytone (Example 6,2a) as opposed to a paroxytone in the closure of the ferial

ending formula is surprising in its deletion of the repeated E. As occurs in both tones of the
prefaces, the closure of the ending formula of the festive tone simply adds a second D at

the end without removing another note from the formula. While the mediation formula of

the festive tone is also adapted in the latter manner to a final proparoxytone, all mediations

in the ferial version close with paroxytones as a result of the differing element distribution.

Although the ferial settings in the two Zamoran sources are not identical, they are

both versions of the tone for festive use found in the ea¡liest Roman linugical sources such
 247

as the 1lth-century sacramentary, Monte Cassino 339, cited by Wagner and Sttiblein.2s

This tone came to be used widely not only for solemn occasions but in a simplified form

for ferial use. It was spread by the Franciscans and Dominicans and became part of the
standard usage of the Roman rite.26 It will be referred to in the following discussion as

tone A.27 Not surprisingly many small variants occur between the versions of the tone.

The major difference berween the examples of tone A given by Wagner and Ståiblein and

that of the Zamoran sources is the pitch which is a fifth lower in the latter sources and uses

the reciting notes of E and D instead of b and a. The division into elements L and 2 takes
place at the same points in the Zamoran and non-Zamoran examples with only one exception.

The mediation and ending formulas of the two elements follow the usual patterns of tone A

as given by Wagner and Stäblein (small variations a¡e found among their examples).

Intonations and ornamentations of the reciting notes vary also in all these sources. The

concluding sections are similarly variable although conforming to an overall pattern. There

is no local cha¡acteristic observable in the two 7-amorun versions of the ferial tone.

The festive Pater noster of the Zamoran sources uses the tone employed for the

festive prefaces of the same sources. This tone will be referred to here as tone B. The

ferial and festive preface tones are in fact both versions of tone B. Ståiblein noted the use of

this tone for the Pater noster, although without relating it to the prefaces. This is the tone

referred to in the introduction to this section as being described by Stitblein as Spanish-

French.28 He found it used for ferial masses in two Spanish sources, Tol 35.11 and Ma
931, as opposed to the festive usage of.Zarnon In his musical example 9, Ståiblein gives

versions of the tone (tone B) from Tol 35.11 and Ma V" I9-7.2e The first of Stäblein's

examples is almost identical with the version of tone B for the ferial preface given in

Example 2 above, while the second is close to the version for the festive preface seen in

Examples 1 and 3 above. As may be expected, tone B when used in the festive Pater

'Wagner, Einführung,62; Stäblein, "Pater noster",94546, musical example 2 (upper group of

four).
tstäblein, "Pater noster", ll
94647:Ruth Steiner, "Lord's hayer", NG 229.
'The terms "tone A" and later "tone B" are introduced by the writer to identify the two (related)
families of tones and have no fu¡ther significance.
oståblein, *Pater
noster", 949.

'Stäblein, "P atÊr noster", 949.

 248

noster in the two Zamoran sources makes use of the cha¡acteristic three two-note neumes

in the mediation as found in the corresponding prefaces of the same sources. Only one

difference exists between the Zamoran festive Pater noster as found in the Rituûl and that

in the Misal votivo. This difference occrus in one instance of the ending formula in which
the first two-note neume (a clívis) is replaced by a three-note neume (a climacus) in the

Misal votivo.3o Unlike the preface settings, no ornamentation of the reciting note is
employed in the second element.

Two major differences between tones A and B for the Pater noster of the Tamoran

sources are: firstly, the reciting notes of F and E in tone B and E and D in tone A; and
secondly, the choice of element in two sections (for example, "Adveniat . . . tuum" uses

element 1 in the tone A setting and element2 in the tone B setting).3l It is notable that the

ending formulas of both tones are constructed on the same basis despite the different

reciting notes; the festive ending is an ornamented rendering of the ferial. The ending

formulas of both tones therefore belong to the same tradition. As in the ferial preface tone

of the Zarnotan sources, the final accented syllable of the text of element 2 in the ferial
Pater noster is always set to the note E. In the Rítu^al, again as occurs in the ferial preface
of the source, this note is inva¡iably given a ptca and is therefore a note of long duration.

The two non-Spanish sources used for comparison with the prefaces reveal a picture

of greaær divergence from the 7-amoran souÍces when the Pater noster settings are compared

than was the case with the prefaces. I.o23935 presents Pater noster tone A for both ferial

and festive versions with the reciting notes of E and D.32 Besançon 76 includes only one

setting, which is in the festive style of tone A but uses F and D reciting notes. The third

source used for comparison with the prefaces, the Spanish Ma 931, was included by

Stäblein in his study and has already been referred to briefly. It makes use of the same

tones as do the Zamoran sources but reverses their application. The ferial tone of Zanr.ota

(tone A) appears in the festive context in Ma 931 with a more ornamented ending formula;

nMisal
votivo,fol. 7'.
"These differences conespond to those between the Spanish-French setting and the usual Eadition
cited by Stäblein, '?ater noster", 949.
t'r-a 23g3s,fol. 498.
 249

the first element is the same in both sources. The festive tone of 7-amora (tone B) uses

more ornamentation in the form of two-note neumes in its ferial context of Ma 93L33 A

further complication emerges from a study of a 1572 printed Missale romanum of Jaén

Cathedral which, although modelled on the missal of Pius V, introduces Spanish variants.s

Initthere a¡efourversionsof the Paternoster,3s Thefirstof these,themostsolemn,and

the fourth, the ferial setting, use tone B in ornamented and simple forms respectively. The

mediation formulas of the first use both the form with three two-note neumes, and that in

which the first two-note neume is replaced by the single note E. For use in the feasts in

between these two extremes are the second and third versions, both of which use tone A,

the second with an ending employing two-note neumes and the third with a syllabic ending

formula. Brief examination of a further three Spanish sources of the 15th century from
Huesca, Barcelona, and Toledo shows different employment of the two tones in each. One,

that of Toledo dating from 1499, is similar to the Jaén missal just discussed in employing

tone B for the most solemn tone and for the ferial tone. The other two sources employ tone

A for the festive or solemn tone.

{.{.***{.
In this chapter it has been possible to identify a number of topics which might
profitably be investigated du¡ing further resea¡ch into preface and Pater noster tones.

These include such feah¡res as the employment of notes indicating long duration on accented

syllables of reciting note passages, mediation formulas in festive preface tones, and the

so-called "Spanish-French" tone of the Pater noster and its relation to preface tones.

The findings of this chapter show that the Zamoran preface and Pater noster tones in

general follow well known traditions. Certain aspects, however, have been found to be

unþe in the Ritual and suggest the possibility of a local tradition. The two unique aspects

of the preface and Pater noster tones of the Ritual are: firstly, the use of plicas with regard

"lvla 931, fols. 186'-187.

tI am indebted ûo Dr. Robert J. Snow for his discussions with me concerning this source.
ttJaén,
Catedral, Missale rorunum (1572),pp. 310-15.
 250

to their frequency and association with accented syllables; and secondly, the uniformity of

the mediation formula in festive tones. Another feature which may be indicative of a local

or regional tradition is the ordering of the texts of the prefaces.

The use of the "Spanish-French" tone (tone B) for the Pater noster also needs further

investigation to clarify the contexts of its usage, and its pairing with the traditional tone A.

Further resea¡ch in Spanish and French sources of the 15th and l6th century would probably

produce a fascinating and complex picture of the Pater noster tones which might assist in

understanding connections between different centres and traditions.

 251

10 POLYPHONY

Although the medieval Zanorun sources contain very little polyphony, that which does

occur is of considerable interest not only musically but for the evidence it gives of the

existence of a more widespread polyphonic performance tradition in Spain than is usually

considered. Outside of Catalonia, the location of the major Spanish sources of polyphony

in a few important centres tends to suggest the view that polyphony was concentrated in
these places, notably Santiago de Compostela, Toledo, and Las Huelgas (Burgos).t While

not controverting this view, the polyphonic material to be discussed here, at least some of

which is undoubtedly closely connected with the region of 7-amoru. suggests that although

probably not comprising a major cenhe of polyphonic performance, the region should be

seen as another place in which polyphony was known and practised during the Middle
Ages. The significance of the region during the Middle Ages makes such a supposition not
surprising and raises the likelihood of its presence in other centres such as León. As the

materials of Spanish a¡chives a¡e increasingly studied, it is to be expected that polyphonic

sources will continue to be discovered in more diverse places.

Three sources related to the region of Zarrrcra, all from the 13th and 14th centuries,

contain polyphony. The first two sources have been recently found to contain polyphony

by the present writer and thus are new additions to the corpus of polyphonic sources from

Spain. The three sources are Z 184, the Misal votivo, and Mont 1042 no. 25. The third

source consists of a bifolio from which a large section has been cut and is included in the

catalogue of the manuscripts of the library of the monastery of Montserrat, as well as

Fernández de la Cuesta's catalogue of medieval sources in Spain.2 Mont 1042 no. 25 is

thought to have come from a poþhonic proser of the 13th or 14th century. The connection

rThe problem
of whether these places may legitimately be called "centres" of polyphonic music is
discussed by Max Lütolf, "Fünf Punkte zur Meh¡stimmigkeit in Spanien vor 132011330", in Synposium
Aþnso X el Sabio y la música (Madrid: Sociedad Española de Musicología, L987),62-63. Medieval
polyphony in Spain has been studied by a number of other authors including Gordon A. Anderson, Higini
Anglès, María Carmen Gómez Muntané, and José López-Calo. Work by most of these writers is refened to
in this chapær. In particular, the manuscript Hu has received considerable attention, although a number of
issues remain to be studied with regard to it.
2Alexandre
Olivar, Els manuscrits litúrgics de ta Biblioteca de Montserrat, Scripta et Documenta,
vol. 18 (Monestir de Montser¡at, L969),124-5; Fernández de la Cuesta Manuscritos,146.
 252

of the source to the region of Zamora derives from its use as folio reinforcing material in a

l5th-century Dominican antiphoner Mont 759. The presence of a document attached to the

inside cover of the manuscript suggests that the antiphoner may have belonged to a Dominican

convent in Toro to which the document relates (the convent is described as Santa Ma¡ía de

los Caballeros).3 The square notation of Mont 1042 no.25 shows traces of Aquitanian

style especially in the use of a diamond for the upper note of a clivis  an¿ is written on

red five-line staffs in score notation. Unfortunately the mutilation caused to the fragment

largely by the removal of the large section already referred to, makes more detailed study

very difficult and none of the works have yet been identified. Its overall appearance bears

no relation to any of the other Zamoran sources seen by this writer. This source will not be
discussed funher here.

The polyphony of Z L84 and the Mísal votivo will be discussed in detail below and

transcriptions given. Plates showing the nvo sides of Z 184 a¡e included later in this
chapter. Transcription of parts of the verso of Z t84 was possible only with the aid of
special lighting. Plates of the polyphony of the Misal votivo a¡e found in the appended
article. The works are all for use in the Mass, and it is notable that all are in discant style as

opposed to the melismatic organum cha¡acteristic of the sources related to the Notre Dame

school known in Castilla. Each work is listed in Table 1 below.

Table 1: Polyphony in the Sources of Zamora

Incipit Source Date

1. Gloria. Spíritus et alme Z t8{ 13th c.

2. Benedicta. Virgo dei genitrix Z I84 13th c.

3. Alleluya. [Qu¿ est ista tamformosa] Z 184" 13th c.

4. pie
Conlaudemus omnes Misal votivo, fol. 49 14th c.

5. Deo nos agentes Mísal votívo, fol. 53' 14th c.

"'Crònica del Santuari", Analecta Montserratensia 2 (1918): 406; Olivar, Els manuscrits, 55.
Mont 759 has been discussed in Chapær 4 of this dissertation.
 253

ztu
This fragment is of particular significance as a previously unknown source of liturgical

polyphony related to the very important polyphonic manuscript of Las l{uelgas (Hu) from

c. 1300.4 The fragment contains sections of three works all of which are represented in
the first part of Hu although not in identical versions. The three fragmentary works are in

order of appearance the foped Gloria, Gloria. Spiritus et alme, the gradual and verse

Benedicta. Vírgo deí genitrix, and an alleluia, the verse of which is missing. Despite the

fact that none of the works are complete, this fragment makes available some interesting

new information relevant to the study of medieval polyphony in Spain, and suggests a few

new possibilities in the development of a more complete view of the tradition which is
principally represented by Hu.

The fragment is likely to date from the mid 13th century or later but is probably

ea¡lier than the Las Huelgas manuscript.s V/here it was copied is impossible to know,

although tJre likenesses to Hu suggest some place connected with that monastery. Its use as

part of the binding material of a protocol book from Toro brings the supposition that it may

have come from a manuscript used in that town, perhaps in the Colegiata de Santa Ma¡ía.

The fragment has been cut from a single folio which must have been about 380 mm

high if not greater.d The large size is surprising in view of the smaller Hu and the usually

small size of polyphonic manuscripts of the period such as those of the Notre Dame

school.T The polyphony is set out in score notation on red five-line staffs and written in

apparently Franconian-like mensu¡al notation similar to that of Hu. On the recto side a¡e
seven red five-line staffs, while the verso has six. It is likely that the uncut folio would
have contained nine staffs on the recto and eight on the verso, the lost staffs having been

above those remaining. The variance berween the staff numbers of the two sides seems to

be explained by the requirement of an extra single staff for a section of monophonic chant

aDating
by Luther Dittmer cited in Ernest H. Sanders, "Sources, MS, $V. Early motet", NG 17:
656.
Tor advice on the dating of Z 184, I am grateful to Ftorián Ferrero Ferrero, director of AHPZa, and
Dr. rMesley D. Jordan.
tsurttrer description of the fragment is given in Appendix 1.
tThe
height of Hu is 26 cm (Fernán dez dela Cuesta, Mansucritos,106\.
 254

on the recto, while on the verso all staffs are required for two-voice polyphony. The recto

staffs must have been divided into nryo systems of three staffs and one system of nvo staffs

with the ninth staff on the bottom of the page for monophony. The monophonic chant was

also placed on the staffs employed for the short pollphonic trope segments. The diagram

below shows the layout of the text on the recto side of the fragment with the trope segments

beginning with large initials and the gradual commencing with "Enedicta" from which the

large initial "8" has been lost. The vertical lines represent long red lines found on the
fragment separating polyphony from monophony.

sanctificans. rrunus.

olus

ritu

anam coronans, A

et

que sine tac

[ma] ter salva

The first two works (the Gloria trope and the gradual and verse) use well known

texts and are for Marian usage; both a¡e found in sou¡ces outside Spain in monophonic and

polyphonic settings. They occur consecutively and in the same order as monophonic

settings in some chant sources from eastern Spain: Ba¡c I (fols. 1'-2); Madrid, Biblioteca

Nacional M. 4/;04 (fols. 58'-62); Gerona, Museo Diocesano Ms. 4 (fols. 168-70); and

Mont 820 (fols. 88"-90'). The datings of these sources range from c. 1300 (Ba¡c 1) to
probably the 16th century (Mont 820).t The gradual and the verse a¡e found in Marian

Masses of the Rituol of Zanorae but the troped Gloria is not.

hernández de la Cuesta, Manuscritos, 77, 96, and 143. For Ba¡c I see Gilbert Reaney, ed.,
Manuscripls of Potyplønic Music. Ilth - EørIy 14th Century, RISM BIVI (Munich-Duisburg: G. Henle
Verlag, 1966.),2U1-9, and fo¡ Mont 820 see Olivar,Els tnanuscrirs, 39-90.
Tcexample,fol. llf.
 255

Gloria. Spírítus et alme andBenedicta. Virgo dei genitrix also occur consecutively in

Hu, this being the only polyphonic source known until the finding of Z 184 in which they

are placed together. The alleluia may be tentatively identified as Alleluya. Qu¿ est ista tam

formosa which is unknown outside Spain. In that country it is found only in one chant
source again from eastern Spain, Tortosa 135,10 and one potyphonic source, Hu. In Hu this
alleluia is separated from the Benedicta. Virgo dei genitrix by one work, another alleluia.

The simila¡ity of the ordering of the works between Z t84 and Hu immediately suggests a

connection between the two sources. The polyphonic concordances of the three works are

listed in Table 2.

Table 2: Polyphonic Concordances

l. Gloria. Spiritus et alme

Three voices: Hu, fols. 4v-5v11

Three voices: Burgos, Archivo de la Cated¡al, Ms. 6U2r2

Two voices: Ma 20324,fo1. ccxxii.c'l3

2. Benedicta.Virgo dei genitrix

Two voices: Hu, fols. 5'-6'14

Two-voice motet Virgo virginutn: Hu, fols. 109"-110"s

3. Alleluya. Que est ísta tamformosa

Two voices: Hu, fol. 7d6

rTftdheinz
Schlager, Atleluia-Metodien II ab 1100, Monumenta Monodica Medii Aevi, vol.8
(Kassel: Bärenreiter, 1987\, 409, 7 55.
rlFacsimile:
Anglès, Huelgas 2: (-l
. Transcriptions: Anglès, f/n elgas 3: lL-12; Anderson,lfuelgøs
l: lG11; Ltitolf, Die nufustirvnigen2:85-86
l2Facsimiles:
Anglès, Huelgas l:89; Lütolf, Die MehrstimmigenL:plate4. Transcriptions: Lütolf,
Die Mehrstimmigen 2:69-70; Andrés Ataiz, Historia,4648.
t'Transcription:
Lätalf, Mehrstimmigen 2: 77 .
ltacsimile: Anglès, Huelgas 2, fols. f-6'. Transcriptions: Anglès, Huelgas 3z 13-14; Anderson,
Huelgas L:4748.
rïacsimile: Anglès,Huetg¿s 2, fols. 109'-1ld. Transcriptions: Anglès,Ilue lgas 3:2ll-12;Anderson,
Huelgas2:59.
ttsacsimile:
Anglès, Huelgas 2,fol.T. Transcriptions: Anglès, Huelgas 3: 16; Anderson, Huelgas
L:52.
 256

The practice, seen for example in Notre Dame polyphony, of setting those sections

of a chant normally sung by a soloist in polyphony and retaining the monophonic chant for

those normally given to the chorus is reflected inZ L84, at least as fa¡ as can be seen given

the fragmentary nature of the source. Thus, of the gradual, only the first word of the

respond, Benedícta, is set polyphonically with the immediately following text and the

remainder of what can be seen of the section being monophonic, while all that remains in

the fragment of the verse is polyphonic.lT Similarly, the polyphonic opening of the alleluia

is in keeping with the responsorial practices which gave the opening to the soloist.tE The

inclusion in the fragment of the chant melodies sung between the polyphonic sections of

the texts is a feature little sha¡ed with Hu. There, in the three pieces under consideration,

the monophonic settings are given only for the beginning of the Gloria text and its ending

from "Ihesu xpiste". The appearance of parts of the chants in the Zarrrcran fragment may

be of assistance in determining monophonic interpolations for performance of the Hu

works. It is noøble that the chant version given by Gordon A. Anderson with his transcription

of the gradual and verse a¡e different from those found inZ 184.

The notation is simila¡ to that of the older sections of Hu and like the notation of that

soruce appears to be mensural. It is able to be interpreted according to Franconian rules

with only occasional deviations, a few of which might be resolvable from context if more

of the fragment were extant. Table 3 shows ligatures occurring at points in the two sources

which are melodically the same. These show sometimes different, sometimes the same

ligatures being used. The number 3 ligatures of the table occur in these forms in their

respective sources on three occasions suggesting a real difference in scribal technique.

Other ligatures also occur inZ 1.84 that are not listed for it in Table 3.

ttThis
then follows fhe practice which had been introduced by at least the 12th century of beginning
the respond of the gradual with the soloist and then changing to the chorus, the soloist then taking over in the
verse. (Apel, Gre gorian C hant, 196-97 .)
ttAp"l, gorian Chant, 197.
Gre
 257

Table 3

zr84 Hu

,l
1 'l
T T

2. f'] f and 1r u"u {l

'l oo 1\
3. I

4. ltl N

5. \ \

6 ì \

7
\ \

It may be kept in mind that despite the mensural appearance of the notation, a

mensural reading of the source may not have been originally expected. Until a new method

is found, however, perhaps as a result of more discoveries, the Franconian influenced

transcription seems to remain a useful solution to the problem. Difficulties for the modern

transcriber may arise from a medieval attitude to notation described by V/ulf A¡lt as

"pragmatic" and "empirical"re which may have allowed a notator considerable latitude in

the use of signs. The same idea is useful also as a possible explanation for the presence of

a variety of ligatures which seem to have the same meaning,æ a practice found in this
fragment and to a grcat extent in Hu.

t\ilulf Arlt, "À propos de notations pragmatiques: le cas du codex Las Huelgas", Revista de
Musicologla 13 (1Ð0): 401-19.
'Arlt, "À propos",41l, gives examples of such.
 258

ì;=r;. .,,.:-;
*
.!
È
*
I ]r. J

I) n¡fir¿lr¡ lillltti".
4
I
I

I
t

rir
'- l-L r

llC rtir
- .rr

Plate 2: Zl84'
 259

Plate 3: Z 184'
 260

l. Gloria. Spirítus et alme

This evidently popular trope is known in many sources from all over Europe and has

been the subject of a monograph by Bernhold Schmid.2l The ea¡liest known example of a

monophonic setting of the work is one from Jumièges in northern France, c. 1100, while

the first known polyphonic setting also comes from northern France and dates from the late

12th cennrry.22 In Spain the monophonic version is found in several l3th-century manuscripts,

two from eastern Spain, Tortosa 135 and Barc 1, and one from Silos,Pa2L94.23 The two

ea¡liest polyphonic settings from Spain a¡e in two l3th-century sources both of which are

shown in the list of concordances given ea¡lier: Madrid 20324 and Burgos 6112. Some

later manuscripts with the monophonic version have been mentioned previously.

Occurring on the recto side of the fragment, only small sections of the work remain.

At the top of the fragment is what is probably the lowest voice of a three-voice setting of
the phrase "Mariam sanctificans". Below it is the complete three-voice setting of the final

phrase of the trope, "Ma¡iam coronans". Also visible are short bits of the Gloria text
interspersed between the pollphonic trope phrases, as well as paft of the initial M which

must have begun a polyphonic setting of the phrase "Mariam gubernans", part of the usual

trope text at this point. From these fragments of the work, one may surmise that a

three-voice setting of the well known trope text was performed in alternation with the

monophonic Gloria as was practised elsewhere although not always notated.2a The setting

of the trope which can be seen is almost identical to that of Hu. Among the three voices,

the only melodic differences lie in the occurrence of plicated notes. Not¿ble variation is

found in the ligature forms which a¡e often, however, simply different ways of expressing

the same durational pattern. An ambiguity which arises in a mensural interpretation of Z

184 is resolved through comparison with Hu; the final ligature rtl i" tft" top voice over the

frnal syllable of coronans would normally be interpreted as breve-long. This appears

wrong in relation to the ligatures of the lower voices which require interpretation with a

ttschmid,
Gloria-Tropus.
'Schmid, Gloria-Tropus, L3-14, 29
'Schmid, Gloria-Tropus, 15.
'Schmid, Gloria-Tropus, 29.
 261

duration of two longs. Comparison reveals that the Hu version has two longs notated in

this position.

A theory concerning the relationship of the three polyphonic settings given above as

concordances of theZ 184 example of Gloría. Spiritus et alme has been proposed by Max

Lütolf. He suggested that a now lost two-voice composition may have provided the basis

for both the extant two-voice version in Madrid and the th¡ee-voice version in Aquiønian

notation in the a¡chive of Burgos cathed¡al, with the latter work possibly acting as the

model for Hu.ã Bernhold Schmid has proposed on the other hand that an unwritten

nadition of polyphonic singing forms the background of the three concordances. Closest to

that unwritten form would be the two-voice Madrid setting, while the third voices of
Burgos and Las Huelgas require written transmission.% The Zamora fragment adds a

further example to this group of concordances, one which must be placed together with that

of Hu due to the close similarity of the two settings.

2. BenedictaVirgo dei genitrix

This chant received va¡ious polyphonic settings outside of Spain.27 Of these, those

which this writer has been able to examine are not simila¡ to the settings of Hu andZ 184.

The two concordances in Spain a¡e those listed previously and both are found in Hu, one of

the two being a motet Vírgo virginwn based on the verse of the gradual. Only sections of

Benedicta.Virgo dei genitix remain inZ I84; these include the opening "Benedicta", pâÍt

of the following gradual chant in monophony, two fragments of the polyphonic section of

the verse, and fragments of the monophonic verse ending. The loss of the opening large

initial.B presents no difficulties as the text and melody are readily identifiable without it.

Unlike the Gloria. Spíritus et alme, this work uses only two voices as do the
concordances in Hu. Further similarities between the gradual and verse in the two sources

include: firstly, the application of polyphony to the same sections as fa¡ as can be judged

ãLütof, Die me hr stirmige n, 2L9 -20, 309.

tschmid, Gloria-Tropus, l2O-2L, 127 .

'Anderson, Huelgas 1: xxx. Reaney, RJSM BIVI and Gilbert Reaney, ed-, Manuscrtpß of Polyphonic
Music (c. 1320-1400),RISM Blv'z(Munich-Duisburg: G. Henle Verlag ,1969>.
 262

from the fragmentary natue of Z 184; secondly, voice ranges and the avoidance of voice-

crossing, the tenor inZ L84 remaining consistently below the added voice or occasionally

meeting it at the unison (voice-crossing occurs now and then in Hu); and thirdly, the
prevalence of longs in the notation of the tenor and the therefore possible fifth mode

interpretation. Greater divergence exists between the upper voices of Hu and the Zamoran

version than is found in the Gloria tope section alrcady discussed. The opening "Benedicta"

inZ 184 maintains note-against-note counterpoint almost entirely in contrary motion, while

the duplum of Hu uses fwo or more notes for every single note of the tenor. The movement

of the duplum becomes more like that of Hu in the verse fragments. With regard to the
tenor, minor variations occur between the versions of the melody of "Benedicta" while a

greater degree of variation may be observed over that which remains of the Z 184 setting of

the word "orbis". Some of the differences in both voices however may be explained by the
fact that examination of the facsimile edition of Hu shows that alterations have been made

to the original copying of parts of the verse.

The motet Virgo virginum reveals further information with regard to the variants

between the verse settings in Hu andZ 184. The two-voice motet makes use of both voices

of the gradual verse and follows the two-voice chant setting in Hu closely through much of

the work. There are however some marked differences especially in the duplum. Comparison

of the Hu motet and the two fragments of the verse legible inZ I84 reveal a closer degree

of simila¡ity than exists between these sections of the motet and the verse in Hu. Although

it is not entirely possible to reconstruct the erased sections from the faint remnants of the
ea¡lier notation, it appears that they may have been closer to the corresponding parts of Z

184 and the motet than the present version. This observation leads to the hypothesis that

the simila¡ versions of the verse in the newly discovered source and the motet a¡e earlier

than that of the Hu verse. This is supported by the earlier dating of Z 184 in relation to Hu.

Example 1 shows most of the second fragment of the verse fromZ 184 together with

the corresponding sections of the motet and the Hu verse. At the beginning marked "A" is

a section of the tenor which varies in each version and which has been found to be variable

in other sowces of the chant consulted. Alterations are visible in the facsimile at this point

in the verse of Hu. The duplum sections "B" are those in which the Hu verse differs
 263

significantly from Z 184 and the motel Again in the first of these, alterations a¡e visible in

the Hu verse. The transcriptions from Hu follow Anderson2s except for the omission of

rests and ba¡-lines and the replacement of the fust tenor note of the motet with the pitch

shown in the facsimile (D)." The motet text has been omitted for the sake of clarity.

Example I

zl89.

1vì
Fl¿ r*otEt -A ^

.J

Hr^, verse
A --t- J

L -A J in t,¡- d.

se J..^-

'ì

s¿ ,Jatt -

Study of the motet is also of use in the interpreøtion of the ligatures oî. Z 184. The
notation of the motet duplum is clea¡, often alternating longs and breves, and thus is able to

'Anderson, Huelgas l:48 and2:59.

'Anderson notes this alte¡ation in his commentary Huelgas 2: xxxvüi.
 264

confirm the mensural interpretation of the ligatures of Z 184. In addition the motet assists
confirmation of the transcription of the nearly illegible segments which were transcribed

initially without reference to Hu or any other source prior to identification of the work.

The loss of all clefs belonging to the pollphonic segfnents of this work has necessitaæd

that thei¡ probable placement in both voices be ascertained from the concordances or

evidence internal to Z 184. The pitch of the tenor chosen for the transcription is that used

in Hu and commonly employed for the melody in chant sources including Ba¡c 1 and
Graduale Triplex.n The duplum pitch for the two fragments of the verse may easily be

taken from the same voice in the motet and the verse of Hu. That for the opening
"Benedicta" which is quite different from Hu, has been decided with the assistance of other

factors. On the basis of medieval consonance usage and common pitch relationships of
voices, the two most likely opening pitches for the duplum at this point are F at the unison

with the tenor and c at the fifth above the tenor. Of these, that beginning on c has been
chosen because it produces a style of counterpoint more like that of the two verse fragments.3r

The use of F would result in features not found in the two later sections: voice-crossing,

separation of the voices never g¡eater than a fourth, and a voice range of a sixth from C to

a. The range of the duplum in the two later sections is a seventh from g to f and that of the
tenor a sixth from C to a. Also probably undesirable as a result of an opening on F would

be some prominent fourths.

3. Alleluyø.lQue est istø tøm formosaf

The third work in the fragment is cut off even before the end of its first word

"Alleluya", the final syllable thus being lost.32 It has however been possible to give it a

tentative identification as the Alleluya. Que est ísta tam formosø which occrus in Hu.

Several features suggest this hypothesis: fustly, the tenor melodies of the 7-amonn fragment

and the Hu alleluia which vary in pitch only as the result of the use of plicas (these plicas

mBarc
l, fol. /: Graduale Triplex,407-8.
3rI
am grateful to the audience and chairperson Dr. Marie Louise Göllner who listened to my paper
on Z184 at the XIV Conference of the Musicological Society of Ausnalia (1991) and for comments on the
choice of c as opening pitch.
31he
spellin E"y{'of the final syllable is taken from Hu.
 265

a¡e discussed further below); secondly, the ordering of the works in relation to that of Hu

although another alleluia is placed between this one and the Benedicta. Virgo dei genitrix;

and thirdly, while very simila¡ melodic incipits of the alleluia are sha¡ed by trilo others,

Alleluia. Per te dei genitrix and Alleluía. Benedictus es domine, current indexes give no

indication of these texts in Spanish sources, whereas the Alleluya. Que est ista tamformosa

occurs only in Spanish sources." Both Anderson and Anglès found the polyphonic setting

in Hu to be a unicum.Y

The melodic movement of the duplum is simila¡ but not identical to Hu. It commences

on the d one octave above the tenor whereas that of Hu begins on the ftfth. Z 184 retains a

higher range in the duplum without voice-crossing throughout the section,3s while in Hu

the voices share an almost identical range, the tenor for much of the time moving above the

duplum. The noøtion of the two sources is divergent" that of Hu when inærpreæd mensurally

producing a quicker moving section than that of Z 184. With regard to the tenor, in the
latter source two of the ligatures of Hu are broken into single notes and binariae. The plica

on the first note of the tenor in Hu is not seen nZ I84, however its presence there may not

be precluded due to the poor tegibility of the source at this point. The final tenor ligature

I ir Z
l84is one of those in which the right-hand stem may or may not be interpreted as

a plica. In the franscription the stem is treated as a plica in accordance with the final

duplum ligature which ends with an unequivocal plica. The penultimate ligature of the

alleluia in Hu finishes with the same two tenor notes as the problematic Z lS4ligature. It

also has a similarly ambiguous final stem; the duplum however offers no rcason for inærpreting

"Melodies of the Alleluias, Per te dei genitri¡ and Benedictus es domine are given in Karlheinz
Schlager, Alleluia-Melodien I øb 1100, Monumenta Monodica Medü Aevi, vol. 7 (KasseL Bärenreiter, 1968),
51, 380, 583. For the source and melody of. Alleluia. Que est ista tamformosø, Schlager, Alleluia-Melodien II
ab 1100,409,755. Fernández de la Cuesta Manuscritos was also consulted
tAnderson,
Huelgas 1: xxx; Angles, Huelgøsl:xxiv.

"The differing voice ranges and lack of voice-crossing in the two two-voice works of Z L84 is
reminiscent of Fuller's observations with regard ûo 1lth- and l2th-centry Aquitanian two-voice settings of
liturgical chants. She found that in such works in which a voice of lower range takes the liturgical melody,
voice-crossing is rarely evident. See Fuller, "Aquitanian Polyphony", 272-74.
 266

that stem as a plica. Neither Anglès nor Anderson did so in their Hu editions.36

MISALVOTTVO PARA USO DE ZAMORA (MTSALVOTM)

Although the source is included in a catalogue by Janini, the two two-voice works contained

in the Mísal votivo have evidently not previously been recognizd. as polyphonic, the first

publication to mention them being this wriær's anicle appended ûo the end of this dissertation.

The two works a¡e found in the Masses for St. Ildefonsus which lie in the l4th-century

section of the manuscript. The fi¡st work, the prosa Conlaudemus omnes pie, occurs in the

Mass for the saint's main feast which takes place in January and the second, a troped

setting of the Deo gratias, occurs at the end of the Mass for his Invention in May, the latter

feast being of local significance to Zarnota. The two feasts are found in the calenda¡ of

Zamora.Y Both works a¡e related to pieces elsewhere associated with Marian celebrations

as will be mentioned during the discussion below. That a Marian connection should be

found for music used in the feasts of St. Ildefonsus is initially surprising but an explanation

can be proposed in the commitment of Ildefonsus to the Virgin Mary which is known

through his writings and through miracle stories.

The two works may be seen as belonging to a tradition parallel to that in Italian

sources of the 14th to early 16th centuries known as cantus planus binatim although in its

strict sense the latter term refers only to music using a liturgical tenor.38 While many of

the It¿lian sources a¡e linked with a particular religious order, the following description of

those which are not seerns apt with regard to that of the Misal votivo:

a considerable number of sources, particularly of the ea¡lier period, a¡e also

linked to the musical usage of the secular clergy active in the cathedrals of small
towns. Manuscripts which reveal this provenance are mostly graduals or
antiphonaries, or in any case official books for use during the divine service, into
which the two-voice intonations are consequently inseræd in their correÆt liffigical
order.3e

tAnderson
discussed this type of ambiguous ligature in'Notation',61. He additionally gave there
the guidelines employed for their resolution in the preparation of his Hu edition.
tThe feasts of St. Ildefonsus are discussed in Chapærs I and2, as well as pages 1-2 of the writer's
article appended at the rear of this dissertation.
sThe subject receives imporønt discussion and the sources are listed in F. Alberto Gallo, "The
Practice of Cantus Planus Binatim in Italy from the Beginning of the 14th Century to the Beginning of the
16th Century", in Le poliþnie primitive in Friuli e in Europa (Rome: Edizioni Torre d'Orfeo, 1989), 13-30.
On cantus planus binatim in the strict sense, see Margaret Bent, "The Definition of Simple Polyphony. Some
 267

The occurrence of such works in the Italian sources is very infrequent in comparison to the

presence of monophonic chant and is usually intended for special feasts.{ The same

appears to be true for Spanish sources.

Unlike the homogeneous style of notation inZ I84, the two polyphonic works in the
Misal votivo employ different methods, the first appearing to be non-mensural (although

with some pseudo-mensural elements) and the second semi-mensural. In addition, the
second work appears to have been added, perhaps as an afterthought, after completion of

the copying of the Ildefonsus Masses. The layout of the staffs is different and one must ask

whether the two works were notated by different scribes.al

4. Conlaudemas omnes pie

No textual concordances have been found for this two-voice prosa which is not
found in AH or in Chevalier's Repertoriwn Hymnologícwn. Neither it nor the second
two-voice piece in the Misal votivo a¡e mentioned in the text of the Masses for St Ildefonsus

in the Ritual of the Cathedral of Zamora. As for musical concordances, theprosa Promereris

surnme laudis found in Hu, Ba¡c 1, and Tortosa 133 may be named.a2 The latter work is

for use in Ma¡ian feasts as is made clear by the rubric on folio 19'of Ba¡c 1. The form of

the text of Conlaudemus is discussed on page four of the a¡ticle appended to the end of this

dissertation. Promererís and Conlaulcmw both use pairs of versicles set to the same

music. As in Hu the music for each versicle pair in the Misal votivo is written out only
once with the texts written one below the other. Barc 1, on the other hand, rewrites the

music for each versicle and minor changes may be found in the settings.

An example of simple polyphony with non-mensural notation, the two voices of

Conlaudemns sha¡e a very simila¡ range both covering an eleventh, the lower voice being

polþnie primitive in Friuli e in Europa (Rome: Edizioni Torre d'Orfeo, 1989), 37-38.
Questions", in Le
'Ga[o, Cantus Planus Binatim,23.
oïcurt von Fischer, "The Sacred Polyphony of the Italian Trecento", Proceedings of the Royøl
Musical Association 100 (19734): 145.
ntFor
more on the layout of the workrs, see appended article, p. 4.
a2Hu
facsimile: Anglès, Huelgas 2, fol. 33l- hanscriptions: Anglès, fiu elgas 3:70, Anderson , Huelgas
1: 84-85. Barc 1, fol. 19; transcription: Ìvfa¡ía Carmen Gómez Muntané, "EI Ars Antiqua en Cataluña",
Revista de Musicologfa 2 Q979):233-34. Tortosa 133, fol. 1'. No facsimile or transcription of the Tortosa
133 example is available but it "is identical with Hr 50" (RISM BIV¡, 258); it is, however, noüated in
 268

one tone lower. Voice-crossing is used frequently and contrary motion predominates.

Perfect fifths, unisons, and octaves are the most commonly used intervals at the beginning

of syllables. A description of the differences between Promerens in Hu and Conlaudemus

has been given in the appended article. In summary, it may be said that Conlaud¿mus
transposes the voice parts of Hu and Ba¡c 1 in most of the second and all of the fourth
versicle pairs. The tenor rather than the duplum of. Conlaudemr¡s is closer to that of the

corresponding voice of Promereris in the transposed sections. The versions of Hu and

Ba¡c 1 arc very alike (the greatest difference being in the notation) and share more similarities

together than with Conlaudemus. In addition to the changes of the second and fourth

versicle pairs, the third va¡ies markedly in the duplum of. Conlaudemtrs. The closing third

on g at the end of the second versicle pair is out of character with the work as a whole; the

three other versicle pairs end with unison or a fifth on g. In Promereris, intermediate and

fînal cadences close with the intervals of unison, fifth, or octave only. Also unusual in the

second versicle pair is the opening fû¡rtb an interval not usually given such a prominent

position; however, an example does occur among the proses of Hu at the beginning of the

third versicle pair of. Salve sancta christi parens. This has been changed by Anderson in

his transcription to a thi¡d, which interval is again used at the beginning of the next versicle

pair instead of the not¿ted unison.a3 The endings of the two prosae show an interesting

variation as that of Conlauden¿¡s has b€en conEacted from thatof Promereris.a

Although durational differentiation is suggested by the appearance of isolated notes

with and without a single descending stem and the occasional sign not frequently found in

square notation of chant, the notation cannot be interpreted as mensural. As has been

discussed in Chapter 4, such signs are occasionally found in the monophonic chant of the

manuscript but there appear to have no durational significance. In Conlaudenas isolated

notes with stems are always accompanied by a single note without a stem in the other

voice, a phenomenon simila¡ to that occurring in the next polyphonic work to be discussed.

There seems no reason to regard such stemmed notes as anything other than a scribal

Aquitanian notation.
n3Facsimile:
Angles, Huelgas 2, fols. 35"-36'. Anderson, /ft el gas L: 88-89.
esee
appended article, p. 5.
 269

idiosyncrasy, perhaps in imit¿tion of mensural notation and having no significance with

regard to performance.

The transcription proposed here takes an isosyllabic approach as its foundation. The

choice of this method was influenced by the fact that the radition of syllable-counting

verse appears to have been associated with an approximate equality of duration for each

syllable.as To this basis is added a ternary meter and a rendering of bina¡iae according to

the first mode. Non-isochronous, modal interpretation following poetic meter as used for

polyphonic prosae by Bryan Gillingham was rejected, largely because in Conlaudemus

syllabic note-groups would fall frequently on the unaccented and therefore shortened text

syllabtes.tr The proposed transcription is simila¡ to that of. Promereris in Anderson's

edition of Hu, apart from the change to the first mode and without the use of semiquaver

pairs. The transcription of. Promereris from Barc 1 by María Carmen Gómez Muntané is

rhythmically very like that given here, also avoiding semiquaver pairs and employing the

fi¡st mode as opposed to the second. Such an interpretation is very similar to the method

followed by Max Lütolf in his transcriptions of non-mensurally notated Mass Ordinary

movements from Barc 1Í

5. Deo nos agentes

This two-voice work, a trope of the Deo gratias, appears to be a unicum; it is not

mentioned n RISM, nor in Fernández de la Cuesta's catalogue of medieval Spanish sources,

nor is it included in AH or Chevalier's Repertoriwn Hymnologícum. A few polyphonic

settings of the Deo gratias (but not with this trope) are known, although no other example

appears to have been recorded as extant in Spain. Closely related settings of other texts
including one in Hu will however be discussed below.

ntJohn
Stevens, Words and Music in the Middle Ages (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
1986),421.
5.y- Gillingham, "Atavism and Innovation in a I¿te Medieval Proser", Studies in Music from the
Universiry of Western Ontario 10 (1985): 79-103. Ap,l, Notation,265-66, discusses the problems with this
type of modal interpretation with regard to conductus.
ntsee
for example Sanctus. Sospitati dedit mundum and Sanctus. Ad honorem virginis, Lütolf, Di¿
næhrstimmigen 1, plates 16-19 (facsimiles) and 2z 125-30 (transcriptions).
 n0
Deo nos agentes is preceded in the Misal votivo by a monophonic troped lte missa

¿sf, the incipit of which is lte vos dewn. The melody of lte vos dewn reappears as the tenor

tn Deo nos agentes. The text" Ite vos deurn, is not lisæd in AIl t Repertoriwn Hymnologicurn .

A connection with Ma¡ian celebrations is brought to the lte and Deo gratias tropes by the

rubric "De sancta maria" given for the sole known concordance of lte vos deu¡n. The

source of the concordance is a manuscript of Spanish provenance, Ma 931, which is dated

to the 14th or 15th century and is from the convent of Velés.4 In that manuscript,Ite vos

dewn occurs towards the end of the kyriale and precedes the Benedicamus topeVerbwn

patris hodie.ae

The melody of lte vos deum and of the tenor in Deo nos agentes is that of the

Vatican Kyrie II, number 48 in the catalogue of Melnicki.50 The use of a Kyrie melody for

the lte míssa ¿st appears to have been a regular practice.st Another Spanish source to show

this practice is Ma 1361 (also a l4th-century manuscripÐ which employs Melnicki 18 for

one of eleven occwrences of the lte missa est.s2

Melnicki gives eleven different Kyrie trope texts for the melody.s3 The best known

of the texts is Kyrie fons bonitatis. The catalogues of Melnicki and Hiley show the use of
the melody to have been very widespread, occurring in sources of France, England, Germany,

Austria, and Italy as well as various monastic ones, with the earliest belonging to late

lOth-century England.sa The absence of Spain from this list is due to the very slight

reprcsentation of sources from that country in Melnicki's catalogue, only two being listed

ß14th
century, Fernández de la Cuesta Manuscritos, 100; 15th century, Anglés and Subirá, Católogo,
117. Both books give the same provenance; unfortunately, nothing further can be gleaned concerning the use
of lvfa 931 from the catalogues consulted.
neMag3l,fol. 188'.
$Melnicki,
Kyrie,91.
ttMelnicki includes discussion of this usage of Kyrie melodies, Melnicki, Kyrie,73-74. It also
receives mention in Apel, Gregorian Chant,420-2I. More recently Anne Walters Robertson has shown the
employment of Kyrie melodies for the Benedicamus domino, and in particular that of the Kyrie, Clemens
rector, for both Benedicamus domino and lte missa ¿Jf, see Anne li/alters Robertson, "Benedicamus Domino:
the Unwritten Tradition",,Iaurnal of the Amertcan Musicological Society 4I (1988): 40.
t'l,ra !36l,fol. 197'.
t'Melnicki,
Kyrie,95-96.
tMelnicki, Kyrie, 15,2L; Hiley, "Ordinary of and for information on the earliest source,
lvlass" ,62,
4.
 271

among 493 manuscripts.s5 It is in fact found in Spanish manuscripts, for example, Ma

136L, fol. 18?. A ¡wo-voice setting of the melody to the text Kirie fons bonitatís is found
in Hu, fols. ?-3". Melnicki cites another thirteen polyphonic settings in sources of ttre 14th

to 16th centuries all from outside Spain.s6 The only differences between the incipit given
by Melnicki and the melody of lte vos deum in the Misal votivo are the result of plicas.

Comparison with Melnicki 48 of Ma 1361 and Ma 931 shows that plicas also produce the

only differences present apart from the sening of the last two syllables. The penultimate

syllable of the Misal votivo melody has a four-note melisma while the last syllable receives

two notes, both being longer settings than the corresponding syllables in the two other

Spanish versions studied and the Vatican version.sT In changing from its monophonic

usage to employment as the tenor of the polyphonic setting, Melnicki 48 is unaltered but

for the use of plicas and doubles, and stems on isolated notes.

Deo nos agentes is in discant style and may be described as simple polyphony.s8
The two voices move within the same ambitus with the tenor in the upper position for

much of the time. Both contrary and parallel movement are used with the voices never

being more than a fifth apart. The many fifths a¡e noticeable at the beginning of syllables

and in parallel motion. As comparison the polyphonic Kirie fons bonitatis of Hu may be

examined. Also for two voices, it sha¡es the features just described as belonging to Deo

nos agentes, although in Hu the fifths a¡e less common and at one point an interval of an

octave occurs. The placing of short melismas and other simple omamentation often coincides.

Given these similarities and the fact that in places the added voice of Hu is similar or
identical to that of the Mísal votivo, it appears that these are likely to be two versions of a

single tradition of two-voice performance of the tenor melody; however, the two works

have different endings. Reminiscent of the relationship between the endings of Conlaudemw

omnes pie and Promereris surnme laudis (but reversed) are the last six notes of the added

voice in both the Hu Kirie and Deo nos agentes. These notes are identical in both works

ttMelnicki, Kyn
e,138.
sMelnicki,
Kyrie, 77 -78.
n
Graduale Triplex, 7 15.
sOn
simple poþhony see Bent,'"The Definition".
 272

but are spread over three and four syllables respectively; this is shown in Example 2.se

The wo endings reflect the use of only three syllables in setting the word "eleyson" in Hu,

with the Misal votivo work retaining the number of syllables found in other versions of the

Kyrie trope which use the four syllable interpretation of the word "eleyson".

Examole 2

MtsaL voLiw, Èo not

a. ll I

a
J
I
ô
ll l l lì r
).

te¡ L. oé
3rr- el( ,ltt -

Hn, KL fo,rs bo'.itotu

- cQ.- 1.,-.t e- l,y- to¡

Another two-voice setting of Kyrie fons bonitatisvery like Deo nos agentes is that of

the l5th-century Munich tI764. This version uses largely the same pattern of movement

benpeen fifths and unisons as does the Misal votivo but is less ornamented. It also is

restricted to the frfth as the widest interval occurring between ttre ¡ro voices.o
The transcription offered here may not be viewed as definitive because of problems

arising from the notation. Two features appear at first sight to indicate a mensural notation;

these a¡e, firstly, the apparent use of longs and brcves, and secondly, cwn opposita proprietate

ligatures. The identification of longs and breves based on the use of stems is problematic

as the stems appear to have been used without consistency. This may be seen for example

sThe
transcription of the Hu work follows that of Anderson, Huelgas L:8.
transcription in Johannes Wolf, "Eine neue Quelle zur mehrstimmigen kirchlichen Pra:ris des 14.
bis 15. Jatrhurderts", Festschrift PeterWagner zum60. Geburtstag,ed. Karl ttreinmann (I-eiØgz Breitkopf &
I{ärtel" 1926),229.
 273

over the word "inmensas", where three single notes with stems descending to the right

occur in the duplum and three single notes without stems occur in the tenor. The use of

vertical lines in the manuscript to mark the beginning and the end of "inmensas" indicates

that the three notes in each voice belong to this one word. This inconsistency in the use of

stems suggests that the unstemmed notes which elsewhere in the piece might be understood

as breves should not always be transcribed in this manner. In conclusion, the presence or
absence of stems cannot be seen as always significant. Having accepted this hypothesis,

the transcription of the work becomes simpler, as may be illustrated by the following
instance from the beginning of the work, involving the second apparently mensural feature,

the cwn opposita proprietate ligature. The four notes of the duplum placed above the

second syllable of "Deo", if interpreted according to Franconian rules produce L SSB

tl but as the tenor ligature is BL I , th, voices a¡e found not to match with regard to
\,
duration. The situation is not clarified by inclusion of the following and preceding notes,

but if the apparent long is read as a breve, the problem recedes. Despite the seeming

inconsistency with the finding in regard to stemmed and unstemmed notes, no reason has

been found to suggest that the cum opposíta propríetateligatwes are not used in a mensural

fashion. They therefore have been interpreted in the usual manner and transcribed with
semibreve pairs. Va¡ious forms occur in the manuscript, some written as one ligature for a

single syllable, for exampl.I *a , while others are broken into two forms although
\

still for only one syllable lr

I

An isosyllabic interpretation has been taken as the basis of the nanscription. It has

been chosen as appropriate given the problems already described, and because of the

syllabic style of composition in which the tenor uses mainly single notes per syllable and

the added voice uses from one to four notes per syllable with the majority being single
 274

notes. The isosyllabic basis est¿blishes constraints for the interpretation of the problematic

notation, while not being inconsistent with the apparent durational significance of many of

the signs. Neverttreless, it needs to be remembered that unusual signs suggestive of mensural

notation occurring occasionally throughout the l4th-century section of the Mísal votivo

indicate the need to question the apparent mensuralism of Deo nos agentes.6t The greater

frequency of possibly mensural signs and the appearance of forms not seen elsewhere in

the manuscript encourages the interpretation proposed here.

****t(*

The interpretation of the notation of Z 184 and the Mísal votivo remains open to
question. That of the former certainly appears mensural, but is not without ambiguities

especially with regard to conjuncturae and alteration, while that of the latter source raises

different problems as have been discussed. A pseudo-mensural concept in which the

"decorative surface'r2 of mensural notation has been adopted without its durational

significance seems to be applicable in differing degrees in the two works of the Misal

votivo; it applies especially to the stemmed isolated notes which are in meaning no different

from unstemmed ones. For the ranscripnon of Deo nos agentes, the apparent curn opposita

proprietate ligatures have been accepted as mensurally significant and the notation of the

work has as a result been described as semi-mensural; however, the possibility that they are

decorative and without such mensural meaning is suggested by the fact that this type of

ligature is found elsewhere with questionable durational meaning (for example, in the

manuscripts of the Cantigas de Santa Marlaít and in the chant notation of the Mísal votivo

itselÐ. Further study of cu¡n opposita proprietate ligatures in Spanish and other sources
may be of use in resolving this problem.

The transcriptions given here are made provisionally as starting points in the study of

these two previously unknown sources. Definite answers continue to be unavailable at the

otsee
the discussion on pseudo-mensural notation in Chapær 4.
62leo
Treitler,"Cantus planus binatim in Italy and the Question of Oral and Written Tradition in
General", inLe poliþnie primitive in Friuli e in Europa @ome: Edizioni Torre d'ffeo, 1989), 154.
6Hendrik
van der'Werf discusses the problem of the notation of the cantigas and the use of cum
opposita proprietate ligatures in "Accentuation and Duration in the Music of. the Cantigas de Santa Maria",
tn Studies on the Cantigas de Santa Maria: Art, Music and Poetry, ed. Israel I.Kafz and John E. Keller
(lvladison, \ilisconsin: The Hispanic Seminary of Medieval Studies, 1987),222-34.
 275

present time to such problems of notation, and the area still awaits further musicological

enquiry. The generally accepted modally-based paradigm for the transcription of discant
such as is found in the first part of Hu and in Z I84 may need to be revised. This revision
might apply particularly to sources in which the notation diverges notably from mensural

forms and which can be described as semi-mensural or pseudo-mensural. Differing

transcription methods which could be employed as alternatives need to receive further

consideration and evaluation. Two possibilities already favoured by some musicologists

and which give increased responsibility to performers are the use of firstly, rhythmically

undifferentiated note-heads, and secondly, diplomatic transcription. Transcription with

rhythm derived from text accent is a further possibility as is the use of an isochronic

inærpreøtion applied to syllables. Further explorations of the possible mensural significations

of semi-mensural and pseudo-mensural notations may be fruidul and may perhaps be made

in the contexts of text accent and broad comparative studies. Robert J. Snow's suggestion

that the Aquitanian school of polyphony may be interpreted in the light of Vollaert's
findings on duration in chant notation is an inieresting one which could be developed
further.ø

The l4th-century treatises concerned with polyphonic practices from Spain provide

no assistance with the particular problems of notation of the Zamoran works as they

elaborate only on mensural notation in its well known and largely more advanced forms.65

They serve to highlight, rather, the old-fashioned notation of the two works from the

l4th-century section of the Misal votivo. The l3th-century music treatise of Juan Gil de

7amoru does not treat polyphony or notation. Also with regard to aspects of part-writing,

the l4th-century teatises of Spanish provenance offer little relevant information.

Contrary motion is prominent in all works, although Deo nos agentes and to a lesser

extantBenedícta.Virgo dei genitrix noticeably use parallel motion as well. Such employment

of contrary motion is in accord with the emphasis in organum treatises from as early as c.

dRobert
J. Snow, personal communication, and "The History of Medieval Music: Are All Ou¡
Premises Correct?", publication pending.
6For
studies and transcriptions of these treatises see Higinio Anglès "De cantu organico" and tvlarla
del Carmen Gómez, "De arte cantus".
 276

1100 and the l2th century such as the De Musica by Johannes Afflighemensis.66 On the

other hand, parallel perfect consonsances such as the parallel fifths of Deo nos agentes are

a feature which came to be forbidden by discant teatises.6T The usually higher pitch of the

tenor in comparison to the added voice in Deo nos agentes and Gloria. Spiritus et alme

reflects the practices evident in earlier organum treatises and the underlying view that the

voice carrying the chant melody was the most important one. In general, among the works

in the Zamoran sources octaves, fifths, and unisons are the preferred intervals between the

voices on strong beats and at beginnings or ends of phrases. Fourths, like thirds, tend to be

limited to use in voice-leading movement to a fifth or a unison. Such use of intervals

reflects the sEand of l3th-century theoretical æaching which saw the fourth as less consonant

than the unison, fifth, and octave,68 a radical departure from early organum which had

preferred separation of the voices by a fourth. Conlaudemus omnes pie makes more free

use of the intervals of fourth, third, and sixth, even to the extent of using the first two at the
beginning and end of a versicle; the octave, unison and f,rfth nevertheless still predominate

in strong positions. Johannes de Garlandia's work describes the association of consonance

and strong beat, which had also been referred to in the ea¡lier Discantus positio vulgaris.6e

All the Zarrrctan works reflect the general predilection for discant which emerged during
the 13th century and which resulted in the dropping of the florid organum cha¡acteristic of

the 12th century.7o A clearer perspective on the contrapuntal techniques of the works

9or an English Eanslation see Warren Babb and Claude V. Palisca, Hucbald, Guido, and John on
Music: Three Medieval Treatises (New llaven: Yale University Press, 1978), 159-61. For another discussion
of Johannes Afflighemensis' treatise and a translation of a section on contrary motion, see Sa¡ah Fuller,
"Early Polyphony", in The Early Middle Ages to 1300, ediæd by Richard L. Crocker and David Hiley
(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1990), 523-24.
tThis occurs for example in the l4th-century Berkeley heatise, University of California Music
Library, MS.744 (olim Phillipps 4450). See Oliver B. Ellsworth,The Berkeley Manuscripl (Lincoln:
University of Nebraska Press, 1984), 115. As is observed by Fuller, in Aquitanian polyphony of the l lth and
l2th centuries, limited parallel movement of perfect consonances may be observed with some regularity
although it may be obscured by ornamental motion (Fuller, "Aquitanian Polyphony", 306-7).
oThe Discantus positio vulgaris
exemplifies this teaching. For an English translation, see Janet
Knapp, "Two Thifeenth Century Treatises on Modal Rhythm and the Discant", Journal of Music Theory 6
(1962\z 203. Johannes de Ga¡landia and Franco of Cologne, on the other hand, placed the fourth together
with the fifth as an intermediate consonance, less consonant than the unison and octave, more consonant than
the thirds.
osarah
Fuller, "Theoretical Foundations of Early Organum Theory",Acf a Musicologic¿ 53 (1981):
80.
ToDiscant
had already been distinguished from organum in the l2th-century treatise known as the
Schneider anonymous, London, British Library, Egerton 2888 @uller, "Early Polyphony", 526).
 277

discussed here might be gained from closer comparison with those of Hu. A large study of
contrapuntal techniques in the liturgical discant works in Hu along the lines of Sa¡ah

Fuller's study of Aquitanian polyphonyTl would very probably provide valuable material
against which the Zamoran works could be fruidully compared.

Despite the apparently retrospective cha¡acteristics of voice-leading discussed in the

previous paragraph, the works should perhaps not be viewed as old-fashioned or as remnants

of an ea¡lier practice. Instead, they may well be representative of a tradition of polyphonic

performance living at the time in which the manuscripts were written and which incorporated

varying styles, some already in use over a long period of time. This tradition may well

have included improvisaûory practices and little actual notation of music.

All the worlis examined in this chapter show connections with the poþhonic repertories

of other parts of Spain and especially that of the monastery of Las Huelgas near Burgos.72

As other fragmentary sources from eastern Spain have been demonstrated to be related to

Las Huelgas,t' its naditions can be seen to have been widespread, although it can be asked

whether or not the monastery formed a tn¡e centre of diffusion. The five polyphonic works

in the Zamotan sources suggest that the tradition employed slightly varied tenor melodies
and some constant texts, but that the poþhonic senings were not fixed, and might substantially

change from time to time and place to place, an observation probably in keeping with oral

transmission. Anderson thought that in a wider European context "polyphony for the Mass

Ordinary was composed for local use, and although there is an obvious contåct of styles

evident between some of the sources, there are differences too, and each community must

have seen to its own local needs."74 This idea explains to some extent the variation found

in Spanish works. If more sources of polyphony from the Middle Ages are found in the

ttFuller,
"Aquitanian Polyphony", particularly 259-309.
t'eorypnony
appears ûo have been sung in Cistercian monasteries in the early 13th century. For a
summary of the research on this area and the likelihood of the Iafage Anonymous treatise being of Cistercian
origin with its chapters on organum and discant, see Sarah Fuller, "An Anonymous Treatise dictus de Sancto
Martiale" , Musica Disciplina 3l (1977): 5-30.
tTor example Barc l, Tortosa 133, and a recently discovered fragment from Vallbona. On the
latter see Maricarmen Gómez "Deux nouveaux fragments polyphoniques antérieurs à I'Ars nova dans un
manuscrit du monastère de Santa María de Vallbona", n Aspects de la Musique Liturgique au Moyen Age
@aris: Créaphis, I99I), 177 -90.
tnGordon
A. Anderson in his review of Lütolf, Die Mehrstimmigen in Musical Quarterly 57 (197I):
ffi.
 278

region of Zamoru, it will be interesting to search for local cha¡acteristics in repertory

choice, compositional style, and notational techniques, in addition to allowing the further

broadening of the modern view of Spanish Eaditions of polyphony in general.

 2t9

CONCLUSION

The first impression gained from viewing the Zartoran sources, and especially from the

Pergaminos musicales, is of the great diversity of their appearance. The difference in

notation styles and in sizes (both of notation, script, and parchment) is outstånding. Close

examination confirms the initial impressions and a full appreciation of the notational variety

becomes a very large and fascinating task. Study of the notation of the sources leads to the

conclusion that substantially more knowledge awaits discovery in relation to the manner of

*witittg the va¡ious neume forms and the direct, as well as preference of staff type, throughout

the Middle Ages on the Iberian Peninsula and the different parts of Europe in which the

same general types of notation were used.

The wide period of time represented in the sources is one of the factors responsible

for the not¿tional diversity and provides the investigator with the oppornrnity for interesting

comparative studies. Other reasons for the diversity ¿ue more difficult to establish beyond

general hypotheses. Many questions can be proposed concerning the reasons for the

concurrent use of square notation and Aquitanian notation, and the concurrent use of

different classes of each of these two, to name only two of the problematic issues. Do the

answers lie, for example, in the training of notators, the movement of manuscripts or
people (or both) from one place to another, personal preference, "house styles" of scriptoria,

or a lack of concern for uniformity?

The diversity in notation styles has necessitated the identification of ways in which

the notation might be classified and the subsequent grouping of sources into different

classes of notation, together with the establishment of features of each class. It is hoped
that this classification may be of assistance in further resea¡ch into both Aquiønian and

squarc chant notations.

One of the interesting features to emerge from the notation study is the presence of

variation from the forms of the notations used in other regions. For example, it is noteworthy

that despite the proximity of 7-arnora to Portugal, the Pornrguese style of Aquitanian notation

identified by Solange Corbin, in which the lozenge is employed to indicate semitones, has

not emerged in any of the Zartoran sources. Also, the semicircutar virga with its usage as
 280

the top note of a major second is of particula¡ interest because of the variation of this usage

from that found elsewhere.

In the a¡ea of late Aquitanian notation, the apparent change in the meaning of the
cephalicus from a liquescent sign to a note of double duration, is a surprising and possibly

significant discovery which it is hoped may be further examined from the point of view of

other late medieval sources of Aquiønian notation on the peninsula. In fact, Aquitanian

notation as it was used from the late 13th cennuy through to the late 15th or early 16th
centuries is a topic which in general remains in need of much further investigation.

Square notation sources have shown change in the form of the pes and other note

forms, as well as the Spanish preference for the five-line staff. The variation in the
meaning of the plica is a topic with important ramifications for performance. Although it is

not possible to make general rules from the findings of this study, the suggestion has been

made here that the l4th-century chant sources shouldreceive a liquescent style of performance

of the plica while in 15th- to early 16th-century sources the plica should be performed as a

note of double duration. The l5th-century Ritwl of.7-amoru presents important evidence

for the performance of the plica as a long note, through the rema¡kable association of text

¿rccent and plica. In late chant sources written in the signs of mensural notation, the plica
should receive two or even three notes as has been discussed.

Sources of both polyphony and chant have been found to demonstrate the use of

mensurally influenced notations in which mensural signs may be with or without du¡ational

significance and which a¡e mixed with the classic signs of chant notation to which no

durational significance seems to be attached. While certain mensural note forms have

occurred repeatedly in semi-mensu¡al or pseudo-mensural contexts in sources of chant and

other types of music in and out of Spain, a full understanding of their usage has not yet

been achieved. This topic seems to be one that is of particular importance for Spanish

sources in which such notation appears to have been relatively frequent and was employed

for a va¡iety of music. The music of the Cantigas de Santa María, for example, may come

to be further illuminated by gfeater understanding of semi-mensural and pseudo-mensural

notations.
 281

It is hoped that future investigation along lines such as those employed here, making

use of the same or similar classifications, will be pursued into sources of Aquiønian and

square notation from other regions and va¡ious monastic orders ranging through the earlier

to later Middle Ages. This writer believes that as a result of further research, patterns will

emerge enabling the establishment of more identifiable notational features associated with

particular times, places, and traditions than has previously been possible in both Aquitanian

and square chant notations. These features are likely to show local and regional forms or

perhaps features associated with particula¡ monastic traditions, and in addition, changes

over time would be more accurately recognized.

The difficulty of identification for the fragments of place of origin and intended

liturgical employment, as well as date of copying the sources, has presented difficulties and

limited the conclusions which could be reached in this dissertation. Thus, it is largely only

information gleaned from the Rítual and the Mísal votivo which may be viewed with

certainty as belonging to Zamora. A second major difficulty encountered was the paucity

of studies of Spanish chant sources of the Middle Ages. This lack has restricted comparison

in both the areas of notation and repertory but because of the considerable opportunity for
study of notation within the range of Zamoran sources, the lack of other studies presented a

lesser problem in this area than for repertory comparison. Forn¡nately, it has been possible

to compensate for this lack to some extent by the employment of catalogues of chants from

a wide range of European manuscripts as well as published material such as that of

Paléographíe Mwicale and Analecta Hymnica. It is, nevertheless, to be hoped that catalogues

of chants similar to those available for other regions will be produced for Iberian sources,
and the present study is seen as offering a contibution to the fulfilment of this need.

In order to present substantial conclusions upon the repertories of the genres studied
it would have been necessary to have had amongst the Zamoran sources complete (or

reasonably complete) graduals, antiphoners, kyriales, or prosers. Nevertheless, the results

of the search for texts and melodies in other sources and the subsequent comparisons have
provided some useful results. These must contribute to future studies of Ordinary of Mass

chants, prosae,responsory prosae, hymns, prefaces andPater noster, and especially to the

building of a broad view of their repertories as they existed on the Iberian Peninsula.
 282

Perhaps the most interesting discovery in this area is the identification of five hymn melodies

unknown to Bruno Stäblein's study, Hymnen, and also of one unknown hynrn text. A study

of hymns in lberian sources would seem on the snength of this result to be a particularly
interesting one which may bring to light an interesting repertory of local melodies and

texts. The early history of such a repefory may show connections with Old-Hispanic
liturgical traditions and with particular monasteries (perhaps Cluniac) in southern France,

while the late history is likely to represent new, locally composed hymns of which lesus ab

ore, found in a late 7.amo¡an fragment, may well be an example. The findings concerning

the usage of the two Pater noster tones, although both known elsewhere, ffiây also prove to

be signiñcant and to be indicative of local or regional usage. On the other hand, amongst

the four Ordinary of Mass chants for which catalogues a¡e available (Kyrie, Gloria, Sanctus,

and Agnus Dei), only one Kyrie melody was unidentifiable, whilst all prosae melodies

were found in sources from outside the peninsula as were the melodies of the prefaces and

Pater noster.

Va¡iants in text and melody found in comparison with sources from inside and

outside of the peninsula have been noted and in some cases apperir to be of particular

interest. The findings of frequent use of liquescent neumes and bistrophae in prosae and

opening liquescence in hymns are noteworthy features worthy of further investigation;

these may represent a local or regional melodic style charactÊtLzþdby a liking for liquescence

and simple ornamentation. Another type of melodic variant is that exemplified in the fnst

phrase of the Kyrie Clemens rector. This variant has already been found to be sha¡ed with

two other Spanish sources and one southern French source. Again, one may postulate a

regional tradition expressed in the Zamoran melody, the example suggesting the

interconnectedness between southern French and Iberian sources which in this and other

sn¡dies has appeared on a number of occasions. Furthermore, from the example of Clemens

rector, arises the question of melodic types preferred in a region. Could the opening

step-wise rise of a third (F to a) cornmon to the Zarcrctan and other sources instead of the

opening step-wise ascent of a fourth (F to b-flat) found elsewhere represent a larger

phenomenon of melodic preference? Such a postulation would have to be carefully tested

with a wide representation of sources and melodies available for comparison.

 283

Although not a principal focus of this study, efforts have been made throughout to

identify connections between Zamoran sorrces and the practices of various traditions.
Despite the fact that the øsk is fraught with difficulty and to be conclusive it is a very large

task, some pointers have been found. Firstly, the role of the Cluniac monks from southem

France was great in the l2th-century establishment of the episcopacy in7-amora and some

evidence has been found suggesting their imprint upon the liturgical practice of the diocese.

The results of the work of Pedro Romano Rocha on liturgical comparison and the likeness

of chants in a few of the fragments (especially l3th-century ones) to those in Cluniac

sources, combined with Cluny's important 1lth- and l2th-century presence in the region

(not limited to the episcopacy) indicate that the extent of the Cluniac influence on chant in

the Zamoran sources would be a topic well worth pursuing in depth. Secondly, and more

generally, the transmission of chant and Aquitanian notation from southern France remains

a topic needing further attention; throughout the present study, a connection between southern

or south-western French sources has a¡isen repeatedly. While associations with Cluny and

southern France are likely to be particularly prevalent in the early sources with their traces

continuing through late medieval practices, later sources might be expected to reflect the

practices of the Cistercian, Dominican, and Franciscan orders as these came to be prominent

in the region. A Cistercian presence may be suggested by the polyphonic source Z 184
wittr its three works which are found in Hu, a source belonging to the Cistercian convent of

Las Huelgas, while a Dominican presence is suggested at least by the office for St. Peter

Martyr in the fragment Z 226. The wealth and importance of Cistercian and Dominican
monasteries in the region of. Zamon makes the representation of their presence likety
amongst the sources.

Surprising and indicative of a potentially important direction of future study is the

finding of a Catalan connection for some texts found in sources of Zarrrcta. This has been

enabled by the broad-ranging comparative studies of Spanish sources made by Jane Morlet

Ha¡die in which groups of chants for Holy ril/eek have been isolated from sources of

different regions. One of these gtoups comprises the Kyries tenebrarum, part of which a¡e

found in Z 269. Comparison of the two verses found in Z 269 with Morlet Ha¡die's

findings shows that the material is likely to have been part of the office for Maundy
 284

Thursday. Morlet Ha¡die was able to show that these two verses were characteristic of a

number of Catalonian chant sources from Ba¡celona and Vich dating from the 14th to 16th

centuries, with the only non-Catalonian source to use the two verses being from mid

16th-century Santiago de Compostela; sources from other centres including Gerona and

Toledo do not use the two verses.r Morlet Hardie concluded that a Caølonian tradition of

Kyries tenebrarwn appears to have existed in which the texts differed substantially from

those usually employed outside of Spain and also in other parts of Spain.2 Furthermore,

study of the l4th-century Brevíario of Zamon shows that the same two verses are given

there for Maundy Thursday.3 The Zamoran practice may therefore be added to the pattern

demonstrated by Morlet Hardie, the texts in use in Zamora belonging to the tradition
connected with sources of Cataluña and Santiago de Compostela. Comparison of another

fragment, Z 218, with Morlet Hardie's findings on Lamentation texts and associated
responsories and their verses in Spanish sources shows again a connection with Catalonian

practice.a Future studies of chant in Zamoran sources with a concentration on the earliest

sources might be undertaken to attempt the finding of other connections with Catalan

practices. Such a study would meet with the usual difficulty of lack of studies from other

parts of Spain; nevertheless, the historical connection with Cluny and Catalan clergy in the

nearby area known as the Campi Gothicorum brings to this topic an intriguing potential.

Some evidence for Zamoran links with the traditions of Braga and Santiago de

Compostela is also available. For Braga, evidence is at the present stage of resea¡ch

limited to the findings of Rocha. For Santiago de Compostela there is the evidence of the

Kyries tenebrarwn verses, the two for Maundy Thursday already mentioned being found in

Catalonian sources and one from Santiago de Compostela. The third verse for Maundy

Thursday and those for the following two days given in the Breviarios are, with the

exception of one small change, the same as those found in the Santiago de Compostela

rJane
Morlet llardie, "Kyries tenebra¡um in Sixteenth-Century Spain",Nass arre 4 (1988): 174-75.
'Mølet Ha¡die, "Kyries tenebrarum", 173-74,
tBreviario,fol.
99.
þersonal communication from Dr. Jane Morlet tlardie.
hoh. 99-103'. The same nine verses a¡e also to be found in the mid 16th-century Zamonn
breviary, I4a R 25990, fols. 169- 175".
 285

source.6 This then suggests a close link between Santiago de Compostela and Zamora.

Zartora was, of course, part of the ecclesiastical province of Santiago de Compostela by

the beginning of the 13th century; could similarities in the practices of 7-amora and Santiago

de Compostela be partially explained by this fact? Furthermore, at about the same time

that Zamora had Cluniac bishops, Cluniacs were also present in this capacity in both

Santiago de Compostela and Braga, and their presence may offer another source of the

similarities between the practices of Zamora and these other two centres.

The picture of connections with other naditions which emerges is thus a complex

one. From the studies of Ordinary of Mass chants, prosae, hymns, as well as preface and

Pater noster chants in the Zamoran sources, no clea¡ pattern of relation other than a

repeated association with Spanish or French, usually southern French, sources is found,

whilst the study of the polyphonic works shows connections with other Spanish regions.

The notation studies reveal commonly found Spanish practices but in general the notation

employed is very much a part of the wider tradition of usage of both Aquitanian and square

notations. Thc results of this study suggest that for resea¡ch into Spanish medieval liturgical

sources, southern French practices should be taken increasingly into consideration.

The view of relations with the Zamoran practices as represented in the material

studied here must in some cases be tempered by the fact that the AEIPZa sources are

without clear evidence of provenance and thus cannot be said with certainty to have been
originally used or copied in the region of Zamoru. As has been discussed, however, it
seems likely that the manuscripts employed in binding would have formerþ been in liturgical

use not very distant from the binder's place of work and therefore probably in a church or

monastery of the region of Zamon Comparison of the feasts represented in the fragments
with the calenda¡ of the Church of Zamora shows two that are not included in the latter.

These are the Visitation and Continentiwn; the first, however, is added to the end of the

BreviarioT and the second has been found in the mid 16th-century breviary of Zamora
held in Madrid.E The local feasts of Zanora, such as the Invention of St. Ildefonsus do

lr,torlet Hardie, "Kyries tenebran¡m", 1?5.

tJanini,
M anuscritos, 327 . B reviario, fol. 466' .
ïvla R ?5990, fols. 263' -2ü .
 286

not appear amongst the fragments. Unfortunately, a full comparison of the liturgical

content of the fragments with the Breviario and the Ritual, in order to determine their

coincidence with the liturgy of the Church of 7alr.;roru, could not lie within the scope of this

dissertation.

The name of the l3th-century scholar Juan Gil de Tamora is one known to students

of medieval music and may draw the medievalists attention to the town after which he is
named. His musical treatise while valuable in other ways, does not assist in the study of

the Zamoran sources studied here; however, it is interesting to speculate on a possible role
which he may have played in bringing repertory and advanced musical techniques into the

region. He appears to have been a well equipped scholar who moved in influential circles

and had a period of study in Paris. Could he, following his experience in Pa¡is or at the

court of Alfonso X, have encouraged the singing of polyphonic liturgical music in the

churches of 7-amora? There is no evidence that this was the case but the idea presents an

interesting answer to the question of how a manuscript probably dating from the second

half of the 13th century or beginning of the 14th century and containing polyphonic works

also in Hu, a manuscript of the wealthy Burgos monastery of Las Huelgas, came to be in

Toro in the region of Zamora. Some evidence for Gil's involvement in the Church of

7-amora in addition to his monastery in the town may exist in the list chantes of the

cathedral. It seems that a man by the name of Gil held this post in the mid 13th century.

Might this have been the same person as the schola¡ and writer of the Ars musica? Future

resea¡ch may be able to answer this question.

The fact that five polyphonic works were discovered amongst the Zamoran sources

is interesting in itself as their discovery immediately suggests that more unknown sources

of medieval polyphony may exist in the smaller Spanish cenües. Furthermore, their existence

in Zamoran sources gives evidence of a more widely practised polyphonic tradition in

Spain than it has previously been possible to demonsrate. Many questions a¡ise from these

works which further research may answer. These concern issues such as the importance of

oral Eansmission of polyphonic works, the variation found between the Zamoran examples

and their concordances in other Spanish sources, the places where the works were performed,

and the frequency and liturgical contexts of employment of polyphony in the region of
 287

Zamora The fact that all the works are related to others with or without the same text in

Spanish sources has inriguing implications concerning the nature of the polyphonic tradition

in medieval Spain. One may postulate a nadition of discant singing in two or three parts

spread across at least the northern half of the peninsula from Cataluña to western Castilla-Iæón

during the second hatf of the 13th century and the 14th century, perhaps existing as an oral

tradition but one which was occasionally recorded in notation. A noteworthy feature of

both the Zamoran sources with polyphony is their practicality. The earlier, Z I84, is
exceptional for a source of linrgical polyphony in that it included the monophonic chant to

be interspersed with the polyphonically set sections of the works and also in its unusually

large size which suggests its employment by more than one person at a time. The two

works of the Mísal votivo are given together with the full masses in which they are sung so

that their liturgical contexts are clea¡. V/hile efforts exerted by the writer in Zamora have

faited to produce any further examples of medieval polyphony, the possibility continues to

exist that mor€ may come to light there and in others of the smaller Spanish centres. This

is yet another a¡ea of Spanish medieval music which is still to be illuminated by future

research and which holds some exciting possibilities for discovery and knowledge.
 288

APPENDIX 1 : SOURCE DESCRIPTIONS

The Pergaminos musicales of the AIJPZa a¡e treated first, followed by the Ritual and the

Misal votivo. Explanatory notes are given below for each of the categories employed in the

descriptions. The descriptions of the Pergamínos musicales reflect their nature as fragments

and their employment as binding material. To take one example, this means that prior to

their being cut down to a size suitable for binding, foliation may have been used more

frequently than is now evident. Question ma¡ks indicate uncertainty in a description which

may be due to problems such as poor legibility or reduced size of a fragment.

In the process of studying the fragments, it was found possible to sort many into the

Books and Groups identified here. Under the name Book are fragments which are so alike

in copying style and other factors as to suggest their likely provenance from a single

manuscript. A Group contains fragments which while similar, are not sufficiently alike to

warrant the name Book. On the other hand, Groups may in fact have been part of one

manuscript and simply represent some variable such as changing scribes. The classification

into Books and Groups is that of this writer and is not employed by the AHPZa. Fragments

which are not placed into Books or Groups are named individually using the numbers

assigned to them by the archive. Most of the factors upon which the groupings have been

made are shown in the descriptions; it has not been possible to give others which include,

for example, further notational details. Books and Groups with Aquitanian notation are

identified by letters, while those in square and mensurally influenced notations are identified

by numbers.

Explanatory Notes

Fragments: Each fragment with notation in a Book or Group is named.

Dating: Broad datings are given. None of the sources show a date of copying.

Notaries: These are the names of the nota¡ies responsible for the protocol books on which

the Pergaminos musícales were used as binding. (In order to avoid inconsistency

acute accents ¿¡re not used in these names; some records in the a¡chive employ them,

while others do not, undoubtedly a reflection of changing practices in usage of

 289

accents.)

Page size: Width is given first, followed by height. This is usually that of the largest folio

in a Book or Group. (The full measurements of bifolios are not given.)

Page layout First is given the number of columns per page. Secondly is given the number

of staffs per column, but if a source contains no full column of staffs (i.e. alt columns

of the source contain text not set to music) the number of lines in a column is given;

such lines are those usually ruled during manuscript preparation and upon which

were placed text or notation by the scribes. Thirdly, for Aquitanian not¿tion sources,

is given the distance between staffs. This is not identified for square notation and

mensurally influenced notation sources, instead for these the height of staffs is given

as part of the description of the staff. Lastly and mainly for the earliest sources,

"above top line" scribal practice is identified when visible, this term referring to the

placement of the fïrst line of writing above the topmost ruled line.

Foliation: Placing of foliation described if present. Foliation is only very rarely found in
all fragments of a group or book.

Script: All use gothic script unless otherwise specified. Details of the scripts are included
only for the fragments of classes la and lb, as these date from the 12th and 13th

centuries. For that period, the developments in gothic script may be more readily

identified chronologically than is generally possible for later periods of its use.l

The descriptions largely apply to scripts of texts such as lessons which are not

underlaid to notation. This is because the underlay style is sometimes quite different

from the main text style and may diverge from formal gothic techniques.

Initials: These are described hiera¡chically when relevant" beginning with the most important.

Variation in size is not identified if the same type of initials a¡e used for readings and

chants.

Notation: The class numbers established in Chapter 4 a¡e used here.

Slaff: The number and colour of staff lines are given, as well as the height of four and five
red line staffs .

'On details of the changing features of early gothic script as used in Spain, see Milla¡es Carlo,
Tratado de paleogroflø española 1: 184-91.
 290

Virgules: Indication of the usage of single virgules is given. In those fragments where
virgules principally separate words, it is usual that not all monosyllabic words receive

a virgule. This practice has not been identified as it is cornmon and may be taken as

implied when virgules a¡e described as separating words.

Linugical placement: First identified here is use in Office or Mass. Details of day and

hour are given as fa¡ as practical. It has not been possible to identify the liturgical

placement for all fragments or all parts of fragments; therefore, for some, the description

of liturgical placement is only partial or is stated as "unidentifîed".2 The often

problematic identification means that entries under this heading for the fragments

should generally be viewed as a guide which may be confirmed or altered in future

as a result of further information. On the other hand, some feasts are indicated by

rubrics and these a¡e underlined (hours are not underlined even when indicated by

rubrics). Feasts which have no not¿ted chants are only named exceptionally.
Additional comments: Further information which is judged to be of particular interest or

importance.

p ERGAM INO S M U SICALBS, ZAMORA, ARCHTVO HISTÓRrCO PROVTNCTAL

1. Aquitanian Notation
Book A

Fraements : Z 196, Z 199, Z 200.

Dating: 2nd half 12th century.
Notary: Antonio de Sotomayor, Toro.

Pase size: 275 mmx 400 mm.

Page layouü 2 columns, 38 or 39lines, 16-18 mm between staffs, above top line.

Foliation: none.

Script: late ca¡olingian/early gothic style with rounded forms; uncial d at word ends and

occasonally within, upright d more cornmon within and used initially; ligature r

2ldentification
has been made with the assistance of a variety of sources including: PM 9, PM 12,
PM 13, Antiphonale Sarisburiense,Graduale Sarisburiense,SCRIBE database, CAO I,AH, and Bryden and
Hughes.
 29r

sometimes used after o, not after b orp; upright s at word ends, rare use of looped s

at word ends especially in abbreviations (for example ds); no fusion of bows; ampersand

and tironian et, ampersand also used as part of words; final m sometimes written

with the first and second minims in the form of an o and the third minim curved in

towards the o-shape.

Initials: 1. black with red decoration; 2. plain red or black.

Notation: class la.

Sld[: 1 dry-point line.

Virgules: a few strokes apparent which may be virgules.

Liturgical placement: Office. After Epiphany Sunday? - matins, feria 4 - vespers, feria 5 -

matins (Z L96). Octave of Epiphany - lauds; Sunday? after Epiphany; after Epiphany

feria 5 - matins, lauds, vespers; after Epiphany feria 6 - matins (Z 199). Christmas

octave - matins, lauds; Epiphany - Epiphany and octave - sext, none, matins (2200).

Additional comments: Red ink is occasionally used for notation in Book A but its significance

is not evidenl Another unusual feature is the decoration given to the rubric abbreviations

a for antiphon and v for verse. The decoration is most noticeable on the a and

consists of as many as eleven dots or dashes placed in an almost vertical line above

the letter (see Plate 1 on page 108). Coutd this ornamentation have been ca¡ried over

from the traditions of abbreviation used in manuscripts of the Old-Hispanic rite? A

horizonøl dash with or without a dot above it was the most common sign of abbneviation

in the Visigothic script and could indicate a variety of abbreviations.' Similar signs

a¡e found above the letter ¿ indicating antiphon inZ 15 which uses Visigothic script

and in the Antiphonal of Leóna also written in Visigothic script but with Mozarabic

neumes. Another source to use simila¡ ornamentation above ø is a fragment in

Santiago de Compostela (Archivo de la Catedral, frag. 3). It has Visigothic script

and Aquiønian notation, and it is believed not to have originated in Santiago de

'Millares Catlo,Tratado de paleografta española L:89.

l,ouis Brou, and José Vives, eds., Antiþnario visigótico mozdrabe de la Catedral de León,
Monumenta Hispania Sacra, Serie Litúrgica 5 (Barcelona Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Ciéntificas,
1959), fol. 127' (mdother folios).
 292

5
Compostela.

Book B

Frasments:. Zl.Z3.
Dating: 13th century (1st half?).
Notar.v: Francisco Gonzalez de Valderas, Toro.

Paee size: 510 mm x 370 mm.

Page layout: 2 columns, 40lines, 20 mm benveen st¿ffs, above top line.

Foliation: none.

Script: upright d preferred, uncial d at word ends; ligature r after o, p, aîd b; looped s at
word ends; little fusion of bows; tironian ef.

Initials: 1. one large decorated initial in yellow and blue with animal-like heads; 2.

ornately flourished in varying sizes with four colours - blue, orange, green, purple; 3.

plain black.

Notation: class lb.

Staff: 1 yellow line.

Virg¡les: none.
Liturgical placement: Office. St. Thomas of Canterbury - vespers, lauds (Z I); St. James

apostle (Z L - text only). Apostle, vespers and matins (23).

Additional comments: Z I appears to contain the closing portion of a rhymed office for St.

Thomas of Canterbury. Of the five chants, three a¡e found in volume L7 of AH as

part of a rhymed office in the saint's honour uniquely in Spanish sources.' Only

two sources are named, both from the 1540s: a breviary of Calahorra and another of

an Hieronymite monastery.T As St. Thomas was canonized in 1L73, the probably

l3th-century Z 1 reflects the rapid spread of his commemoration throughout Europe.s

The first four chants belong to lauds but the final one is a Magnificat antiphon. The

fuanuel C. Díaz y Díaz, Códices visigóticos en la monarqula leonesa (Iæón: Centro de Estudios e
Investigación "San Isidoro", 1983), 46 and.plale 63.
oAH
r: r79-Br.
'AH l: l8t; AII 16: 12 and 16, for more complete references to the sources.
tDavid
Hugh Farmer,The O{ord Dictionary o/Søøts(Oxford: Clarendon Prcss,1979),377.
 293

incipits of the texts are given below; the hymn and the Magnifrcat antiphon a¡e those

not found in AH.

[Antiphon] - (Laudemus Dominum quod doctrina)

Antiphon - Condignus thomas (ca)ntuarie recipitur

Hymn - Laudis ergo preconium

[Antiphon] - Honorabilis Angliae (closing Lauds antiphon)

Magnificat Antiphon - O beata thoma martir

Book C

Fragments : Z 52, Z 53, Z 57, Z 67, Z 68.

Dating: 1st half/mid l3th century.

Notary: Francisco de Benavides, Toro.

Page size: 220 mmx 300 mm.

Page layout 1 column, 12 staffs, 19-22 mm between staffs, above top line.

Foliation: none.

Script: uprightd more frequent than uncial d, upright d used initially and internally, uncial
d used finally and internally; liganue r after o, p, and b, looped s used finally, used

singly with an abbreviation mark; little fusion of bows; tironian ¿r.

Initials: 1. red flourished with blue, blue flourished with rcd;2. as the previous but smaller,

also black flourished with black; 3. plain black or red.

Notation: class lb.

Staff: 1 yellow line in all but Z 52. The staff line appears to have been drawn over

alternate dry-point lines, although in some places the yellow line has faded so that it
is barely visible, and in one chant (Clernens rector ornnium) the yellow line appears

never to have been inserted. Z 52 makes use only of alternating dry-point lines for

the staff.

Virzules: few.
Liturgical placement: Mass. Christmas Day (Z 52,2 67). 9th Sunday? after Pentecost (Z

53). 2nd Sunday of l-ent, 2nd week of Lent feia2,3rd Sunday of Lent, 3rd week of
I-entfena2 (257). Mass of the Dead?; Kyrie, Gloria (268). Gloria (267).
 294

Additional comments: Z 68 andZ 67 arc consecutive folios with the final chant of Z 68

completed at the top of the recto of Z 67. Six additional fragments to those listed
above (Z 49, Z 50, Z 5I, Z 55, Z 56, Z 66) should be placed with Book C. The six
contain no music, although inZ 55 andZ 56, space has been left for the insertion of

notation of chants for the celebration of the Dedication of the Church.

Book I)
Fragments : Z 99, Z L07, Z l9l, Z I94.
Dating: late 13tty'14th century.

Notaries: Baltasa¡ de Mansilla, Vezdema¡bán; Manuel Simon, Vezdemarbán.

Pase size: 355 mm x 496 mm.

Page layout 2 columns,20 staffs, 15-20 mm between staff, above top line?.

Foliation: none.

Initials: 1. red flourished with blue, blue flourished with red;2. sepia and red with jagged

and barred decoration; 3. sepia or red decoraæd or plain.

Notation: class 2.

Staff: 1 red line.

Virsules: few.

Liturgical placement: Office. St. Saturninus - matins, lauds (Z 107,2194). St. Andrew -

vespers, matins,lauds (2194,299,2191). St. Nicholas - vespers, matins (ZI9l).

Additional comments: Staff line appears freely drawn and is rarely straight.

Book E

Frasments : Z 222, Z 224, Z 225.

Dating: late 13tV14th century.

Notary: Alonso de Salamanca,, 7Âmota.

Pase size: 320 mm x 445 mm.

Page layouu 2 columns, 16 staffs,20 mm between staffs.

Foliation: none.
Initials: 1. red flourished with blue, blue flourished with redr;2. sepia with jaggeddecoration.
 295

Notation: class 2.

Staff: 1 red line.

Virgules: separating words or phrases.

Liturgical placement: Office. Trinity - matins, lauds; Sunday in Pentecost - matins (Z

222). St. Katherine - matins (2224,2225).

Group F

Fragments : Z 217, Z 228, Z 229, Z 230, Z 233.

Dating: late 13ttr/14th century.

Nota¡ies: Alonso de Salamanca,Tamora: Diego de Medina,T-amora; Juan Tabuyo,Zanrora.

Paee size: 388 mm x 570 mm.

Page layout 2 columns, 20 staffs, 20-24 mm berween staffs.
Foliation: none.

Initials: 1. red flourished with blue, blue flourished with red;2. sepia with red filler; 3.

plain alternating red and blue.

Notation: class 2.

Staff: 1 red line.

Virgules: separating words, occasionally phrases.

Liturgical placement: Office. Christmas Day - matins, lauds, vespers (2217). Christmas?

(2230). 3rd Sunday in Lent - matins (2229). Passion Sunday? - matins (2228).

Historia of Judith (2233}

Additional comments: Z 233 has a varying notation from the remainder of the group

suggestive of a different perhaps later notator whose style was closer to squarc
notation.

Book G

Frasments:. 225.226.
Dating: 14tV15th century.
Notary: Alonso Meleno, Toro.
Pase size: 24O mmx 365 mm.
 296

Page layouc 2 columns, 16 staffs, 17-19 mm between staffs.

Foliation: none.

Initials: 1. red flourished with red; 2. rcÅ, and sepia.

Notation: class 2.

Staff: I red line.

Virzules: few.

Liturgical placement: Office. Sunday in Septuagesima - matins,lauds.

Group H
Fragments; Z64,2204.

Dating: 14tt¡l15th century.

Noøries: Francisco de Benavides, Toro; Francisco Garcia de l-eón?, Toro.

Pase size: 270 mmx 409 mm.

Page layout 2 columns,24lines (variable), 32-33 mm between staffs.

Foliation: none.
Initials: 1. red, plain or with red flourishing; 2. sepia and red with jagged decoration, sepia

with jagged decoration, plain red.

Notation: class 2.

Staff: 1 red line.

Virgules: irregular, tending to separate words when melismatic, otherwise tending to
separate phrases.

Liturgical placement: Mass. St. Katherine. Conception BVM (Z 64). Unidentified (Z

204).

Book I
Fragments: 2215.2216.

Dating: 15th century.

Notary: Fernando de Cabañas, Zamora.

Page sizes: 220 nun x 510 mm (cut vertically).

Page layout 1 column, 8 sta.ffs,46 mm between staffs.

 297

Foliation: none.
Initials: red with flourished with blue, blue flourished with red.
Notation: class 2.

Slaff: 1 red line. It appears that the red line was drawn between two faintly drawn text

lines and the latter used as guides allowing one note per space, the larger spaces

above and below these taking more notes.

Virzules: seoaratine words.

Littugical placement: Mass. Lent (2216). Quinquagesima (Z 215, Z 2L6).

z9
Dating: 13th century (1st half?).

Notary: Francisco Gonzalez de Valderas, Toro.

Page size: 305 mm x 380 mm.

Page layouü 2 columns,20 staffs, 14 mm berween staffs, above top line?.

Foliation: none.

Script: upright d and uncial d; ligature r after o and ä; looped r at word ends; no fusion of
bows; tironian ef.

Initials: 1. one large uncoloured initial with interweaving vine-like pattern; 2. blue with
flourished with red, red flourished with sepia; 3. plain sepia.

Notation: class lb.

S!df: 1 dry-point line.

Virsules: few.

Liturgical placement: Office. St. Sebastian - matins, lauds, vespers; St. Agnes - vespers,

matins.

z15
Dating: lst half 12th century.
Not¿ry: Francisco de Andujar, Toro.
Paee size: 163 mm x 280 mm.

Page layouü 1 column, 36lines, 13 mm betrveen staffs, above top line.

 298

Foliation: none.

Script: Visigothic. Certain aspects suggest a transitional style showing Carolingian influence,

as for example in the use of the abbreviation of pro consisting of a p with an o placed

above.e

Initials: 1. plain red with black outline; 2. plain red:

Notation: class la.

SEÉf: 1 dry-point line.

Vireules: none.

Liturgical placement: Office. Saturday after Epiphany - lauds, vespers.

Additional comments: Contains antiphon series for these two hours; these are the same as

found in the Breviarío of Zamora (fol. 50") but not identical to lists given in CAO.

The lists are very similar to those of a fragment located in Guimarães (Arquivo

Alfredo Pimenta) in Pornrgal. The source, which is numbered Bl2-4-9, is very

likely to be later thanZ 15; it employs Aquiønian notation and gothic script.ro

258
Dating: 13th century (1st half?).
Notary: Francisco de Benavides, Toro.

Page size: 188 mm x 218 mm.

Page layout 1 column, 30 lines, 13-15 mm between staff lines, above top line?.

Foliation: none.

Scriot: uncial d and upright d used initially and internally, uncial d used finally; ligature r
after o úd p; looped s used finally; partial fusion of bows; ampersand and tironian

et.

Initials: 1. red flourished with blue, blue flourished with rcd; 2. black flourished with
black; 3. ptain black.

qfhe
formation of abbreviations by the placing of a letter above another was only used in the
Eansitional Visigothic script, see Millares Culo,Tratado de paleografla española 1: 89. The combination of
Visigothic script and Aquitanian notation was discussed in Chapters 1 and 4.
toDiscussion
of the fragment and listing of its contents in Wesley D. Jordan, "A Collection of Early
Antiphoner Fragments", 42640.
 299

Notation: class lb.

Staff: 1 prev line

Virgules: few.

Liturgical placement: Office. Trinity Sunday - matins.

Additional comments: The st¿ff line appears to have been added after the notation as

spaces can be seen in many places on either side of the notes. The colour may have

faded from a light sepia or a yellow. (As both rubrics and lines between the words of

the underlaid text remain vividly red, it is unlikely that the grey line was originatly
red.)

259
Dating: 13th century (lst half?).
Notary: Francisco de Benavides, Toro.

Page size: 305 wide x220 mm high Qower portion of folio only remains).
Page layou[ 2 columns, 16lines, 18-21 mm berween staffs.

Foliation: none.

Script: upright d more frequent than uncial d ligature r after o, not after b; looped s at
word ends; little fusion of bows; no abbreviation of ¿L

Initials: 1. one pictorial initiat with a seated figure (St. Agatha?) in sepia, blue-green, and
yellow; 2. green flourished with red, red flou¡ished with red; 3. plain black.

Notation: class lb.

Staff: 1 dry-point line.

Virsules: none?

Litureical placement: Office. St. Aeatha - matins

zm
Dating: 15th century.
Notary: Gaspar Hemandez Vaca, Toro.
Page size: 370 mmx 435 mm.

Page layouü 1 column, 5 staffs,75 mm between staffs.

 300

Foliation: none.
Initials: red flourished with blue, blue flourished with red.
Notation: class 2.

Staff: 1 red line. Also uses fine sepia-coloured lines drawn perhaps for text, two above

and nryo below the red line; the lines are used as for square notation.

Vireules: none

Liturgical placement: Office. Unidentiñed - matins, lauds.

z 100

Datine: l5th centurv.

Notary: Antonio Gomez, Toro.
Pase size: 380 mm x 480 mm.

Page layout 2 columns, T st¿ffs, 50 mm between staffs.

Foliation: none.

Initials: 1. red flourished with blue, blue flourished with rcÃ; 2. sepia and red with jagged

and barred decoration.

Notation: class 2.

Staff: I red line. Va¡iable use of text lines benveen staffs so that either one or two notes is

observable in the spaces between lines.

Virgules: separating words?

Liturgical placement: Office. St Saturninus - matins?

z t23
Dating: 13th century (lst half.r).
Notary: Antonio Catalan, Toro.
Paee size: 362mmx 510 mm.
Page layout 2 columns,20 staffs,20 mm between staffs, above top line?.
Foliation: verso, top centre.

Script: upright d preferred; ligature r after o andp; looped s at word ends; facing bows not

fused; tironian ef.

 301

Initials: 1. red or blue flourished and coloured with blue, red, purple, and green; 2. plain
red or black.

Notation: class Lb.

S!d[: 1 yellow line, more or less drawn over alternate text lines.

Vireules: verv few.

Liturgical placement: Office. Purification BVM - matins,lauds.

z 149

Dating: 14ttl15th century.

Notary: Tirso Hemandez, Vezdemarbán.
Page size: 275 mmx4O7 mm (double folio).

Page layour 2 columns,9 staffs, 32mm between staffs.

Foliation: recto. toD centre.

Initials: 1. red flourished with blue, blue flourished with red;2. sepia with jagged decoration

and red highlighting.

Notation: class 2.

S@[l: 1 red line drawn between tlvo text lines. The latter two lines a¡e used as guides, one

note per space between the text and red lines with the larger spaces above and below

these lines taking two notes.

Vireules: seoaratins words.

Liturgical placement: Mass. 2nd week of Lent, ferias 2,3 and4.

Additional comments: bifolio with consecutive foliation.

z l7l
Dating: 2nd half 12th century.

Notary: Alonso Martin, Pinilla de Toro.

Page size: 320 mm x 300 mm (top cut off).

Page layout 2 columns, 25 lines, 18 mm between søffs.

Foliation: none.

Script: upright d preferred, uncial d at word ends only; ligature r after o, not after p;
 302

upright s at word ends occasionally, usually looped s; facing bows not fused; no

ampersand or tironian ¿r.

Initials: 1. simple blue, red or sepia (one colour only); 2. plain sepia.

Notation: class lb.

Sldf: none visible, may have used alternate dry-point text line as a guide.

Vireules: none.

Litureical olacement: Office. Fena2 - sext, vesDers.

z lyt
Dating: 2nd half l2th century.
Notary: Pedro de Hoyos, Toro.
Paee size: 361 mm x 510 mm.
Page layout 2 columns,40lines, 18 mm benpeen staffs, above top line.

Foliation: none.

Script: uncial d at word ends, upright d preferred; ligature r used inconsistently after o, not

used afterp or b; looped and uprights at word ends, also s descending below line (ç)
used finally; facing bows not fused; tironian ¿r.

Initials: 1. blue or red flourished and coloured with blue, red, and gleen; 2.blackflourished

with black;2.rcd and blue; black with yellow or gold filler; plain red or black.

Notation: class lb.

Staf[: I yellow line.

Virsules: none.

Liturgical placement: Office. Quadragesima?, Sunday and ferial? - lauds, sext, none,

vespers, compline; feria 3 - matins.

Additional comments: Another fragment, Z 198, appears to have been taken from the same

manuscript. It contains no music.

z 201

Dating: 14th century.

Notary: Pedro de Hoyos, Toro.

 303

Page size: 270 mmx 395 mm.

Page layout 2 columns, 14 or 15 staffs, 20 mm between staffs.

Foliation: none.

Initials: 1. blue with flourished red, red flourished with sepia, sepia with red lines; 2. sepia.

Notation: class 2.

StafÎ: 1 red line.

Vireules: seoaratins words.

Liturgical placement: Office. 2nd week? of Advent - lauds, vespers; 3rd Sunday of

Advent - matins, lauds.

z 202
Dating: lst half 12th century.
Notary: Francisco Gonzalezde Valderas, Toro.

Paee size: 164 mm x 265 mm.

Page layoug 1 column, 25 lines, 17 mm benreen staffs, above top line.

Foliation: none.

Script: Visigothic; transitional features as in Z 15.

Initials: 1. simple rcd:2. plain sepia.

Notation: class la.

Staff: 1 dry-point line.

Virgules: few.
Liturgical placement: Mass. Sunday of Sexagesima.

Additional comments: The chants (gradual verse, tract, and offertory) found in the fragment

a¡e the usual ones for this mass.

2218
Dating: 2nd halfÂate 12th century.

Notary: Diego de Medina,TÂmora,.

Size: 158 rrun x 320 mm.

Page layout 2 columns, 35 lines, 18-19mm between staffs, above top line.
 304

Foliation: none.

Script: upright d used initially and medially more frequently than uncial d, uncial d used
finally; ligature r after o; looped s at word ends; little fusion of bows; tironian ¿1.

Initials: 1. blue flourished with red; 2. red flourished with red, sepia flourished with sepia;

3. ptain black or red.

Notation: class 1a.

Staff: one dry-point? line.

Vir8ules: few, most numerous in melismatic chants.

Liturgical placement: Office. Maundy Thursday - matins,lauds; Good Friday - matins.

Additional comments: On one side of the fragment the end of a word can be seen in the

left margin, this may be a gloss or a correction and seems unlikely to be a third
column. A verse given here for Good Friday is one cha¡acteristic of Catalan sources;lr

it is also found in the Breviario of 7-amora.rz

z2t9
Datins: 14th centurv.

Notary: Antonio de Salamanca, Zannota.

Paee size: 310 mm x 480 mm.

Page layout: 1 column, 13 staffs, 25-27 mm between staffs, above top line?.

Foliation: none.
Initials: 1. blue flourished with red, red flourished with rcd;2. plain black.

Notation: class 2.

Staff: 1 yellow line.

Virgules: iregular, perhaps to clarify word and neume relationship.

Liturgical placement: Office. Historie of Job and Ezechiel.

ttPersonal
communication from Dr. Jane Morlet Hardie.
tzBrwiario, fol. 10d.
 305

2226
Dating: Late l3thll4th century.

Notary: Pedro Trebino, T,a;mora.

Page size: 310 mm x 456 mm.

Page layoug 2 columns, 15 staffs,2l mm benveen staffs.

Initials: 1. red flourished with blue, blue flourished with rcd; 2. sepia with red decoration.

Foliation: none.

Notation: class 2.

Sldn: 1 red line.

Virsules: seoaratine most words.
Liturgical placement: Office. St Peter Martyr - vespers; St. Anne - lauds.

2239
Dating: 2nd half l2th century.

Notary: Alonso de Salamanca, Tamora.

Paee size: 315 mm x 465 mm.

Page layoug 2 columns, 39 or 40lines, 17 mm between staffs, above top line.

Foliation: none.

Script: uncial d usually at word ends only, upright d preferred; ligature r after o, not after
b; upright or looped s at word ends; ¿ with cedilla; facing bows not fused; ampersand

and occasionally tironian sign for er.

Initials: 1. red flourished with blue, blue flourished with rcd:2. plain red, blue, or sepia.

Notation: class lb.

Staff: 1 red line.

Virzules: none.
Linrgical placement: Office. Purification - lauds; Annunciation - matins,lauds.
Additional comments: This comprises three pieces sewn together, one piece being only

about half a folio which has been cut vertically so that only one column remains.
 306

z 268
Dating: 12th century (2nd half?).
Notary: Diego de Medina,T-arnora.

Page size: 135 mm x244mm.

Page layout I column?,24lines, 16 mm berween staffs, above top line?.

Foliation: none.

Script: both upright and uncial d, uncial d preferred; ligature r after o; both upright and
looped s at word ends; facing bows not fused; tironian et.

Initials: 1. simple reÅ:2. sepiaorred.

Notation: class lb.

Staff: 1 vellow line.

Vireules: few.

Liturgical placement: Mass. Trinity.

z 269
Dating: l4ttrll5th century.
Notary: Agustin de Torres, Benavente.

Page size: 205 mm x 283 mm.

Page layout I column, 5 staffs, 49 mm benveen staffs.

Foliation: none.

Initials: 1. blue with red flourish; 2. sepia with yellow filler.

Not¿tion: class 2.

Staff: 1 red line.

Virsules: few.
Liturgical placement: Office. Maundy Thursday - lauds (tenebrae).
Additional comments: Part of the Kyríes tenebrarwn are found here. Two verses are those

found in the Breviario of. Zamora. These are cha¡acteristic of the practices of
Catalonia and Santiago de Compostela.l3

I3Jane
Morlet Hardie, "Kyries tenebrarum", 173-75.
 307

2272
Dating: 14thl15th century.
Notary: Francisco de Valdenabano, Zarrrcra.

Page size: 215 mm x 310 mm.

Page layout 2 columns, 16 staffs, 17 mm benreen staffs.

Foliation: none.

Initials: 1. red flourished with b1ue, blue flourished with red;2. sepia.

Notation: class 2.

Staff: 1 red line.

Virgules: iregular, usually separating one or two words.

Liturgical placement: Office. Corpus Christi - matins, vespers.

2. Square and Mensurally Influenced Notations

Book I
Fragments : Z 62, Z 63, Z lt0, Z Il2, Z lI3, Z ll4, Z lI7, Z ll8, Z I24, Z 125, Z 137, Z
l4L, Z 155, 2 156, 2 157, 2 169.

Dating: l4th century.

Notaries: Francisco de Benavides, Toro; Sancho de Ba¡reda, Toro; Juan de Villalobos,
Toro; Jeronimo de Montalegre, Toro; Cristobal Martin, Toro; Hernando Arias de

Yedra, Toro; Francisco Garcia de I-æon, Toro; Ba¡tolome Sanchez de Arcilla, Toro.

Paee size: 300 mm x 440 mm.

Pase lavout I column, T staffs.

Foliation: verso, top left corner.

Initials: 1. red flourished with blue, blue flourished with red:2. black with jagged and
ba¡red decoration.

Notation: class 3.

Staff: 4 red lines, 21 mm high.

Virgules: separating phrases especially in syllabic chants; in melismatic chants, separating

phrases or words, breaking melismas.

Liturgical placement: Office. 2nd Sunday of Advent - matins, lauds (Z lrc). 4th week of
 308

Advent feria 5, ferias before Christmas - vespers O antiphons (Z 155). 4th week of

Advent feria 5 - lauds (Z I4l). Christmas Eve - matins, compline (Z l4l, Z 125).
Christmas Day - matins,lauds (Z 125,2169). Circumcision - matins,lauds, vespers

(Z 62, Z 63, Z 124). Epiphan]¡ (and octave) - compline, matins (Z 63). After
Epiphany fena 2 - matins (Z 137). 3rd Sunday and 4th Sunday after Epiphany -

lauds and vespers (Z t57). Easter - matins (Z 156). St. Mary Magdalene - vespers,

matins (Z lL4). St. Lawrence - lauds; St. Hiopolytus - matins (Z LI2). Assumption
- matins; St. Ba¡tttolomew - matins (Z ll8). St. Augustine - vespers, matins (Z ll3,
z rr7).
Additional comments: The similarity of all these fragments makes it very likely that all

were t¿ken from a single manuscript book. Some of the fragments evidently have

been taken from consecutive or closely placed parts of the original book as has been

revealedbyastudyof thechantsandthefoliation. Therelationship of ZI4IandZ

155 is shown below. Missing folios to fit between these two fragments are also
indicated. (The numbers underlined a¡e those found on the fragments.)

lxxxlxix v.l v.li y.lii y.liü y.liiii ú Éi

Group 2

Frasments : Z 85, Z 105, Z 145.

Datins: l5th centurv.
Nota¡ies: Cristobal Gomez, Toro; Jeronimo de Montalegre, Toro; Antonio Cat¿lan, Toro.

Paee size: 420 mm x 580 mm.

Paee lavouc 1 column, T staffs.

Foliation: recto. toD centre.

Initials: 1,. one pictorial initial with a human figure (St. Lawrence?) in colours including

red, purple, green, and yellow:2. rcd flourished with blue, blue flourished with red;

3. decorated black with yellow filler.

 309

Notation: oseudo-mensural.

Sldf: 5 red lines, 42-4 mm high.

Virgules: separating words, separating syllables in melismatic passages.

Liturgical placement: Office. Nativity BVM - vespers, matins (Z lO5). St. Lawrence -

matins (Z 145). Unidentified (Z 85).

Group 3

Dating: late l5ttr/early 16th century.

Fragments : Z I58, 2 159, 160, 2 16l, Z 166, 2 167 [3], 2 L7 3.

Nota¡ies: Bernardo de Montoya, Vezdemarbán; Domingo de Coca, Vezdemarbán.
Page size: 346 mm x 500 mm (some are approximately half a folio).
Paee lavout 1 column, 8 staffs.

Foliation: recto. too rieht corner.

Initials: 1. red flourished with blue, blue flourished with red;2. decorative black.

Notation: class 4.

Staff: 5 red lines, 30 mm high.

Virsules: seoa¡atine words.
Liturgical placement: Office. St. Paul (or Conversion of Paul) (Z I59, Z 160, Z L73).

Ocøve of St. Peter and St. Paul - vespers; Visitation BVM - vespers (Z 173). St.

Peter - vespers? (Z l67t3l). All Saints - vespers (Z 166). Unidentified (Z 158, Z

161).

Additional comments: consecutive folios lxxü and lxxüi.

Group 3a

Frasments: Z lI9,Z 120,2122,2l3L,Z I32.

Dating: late l5th/early 16th century.

Nota¡ies: Pedro de Campelo, Toro; Juan de Villalobos, Toro.

Page size: 370 mm x 520 mm (some are approximately half a folio).
Paee lavout 1 column, 8 staffs.

Foliation: recto, top right corner.

 310

Initials: 1. red flourished with blue, blue flourished with rcd;2. decorative black.

Notation: class 4.

Staff: 5 red lines, 30 and 34 mm high.

Virsules: seoaratine words.

Liturgical placement: Office. lst Sunday of Advent - vespers; 3rd Sunday of Advent -

vespers (Z ll9). Advent - compline, 2nd vespers; 2nd Sunday of Advent - vespers

(Z 120). Apostles - vespers (Z L22). Pentecost fena 4? - lauds? (Z l3L). Corpus

Christi - vespers? (Z 132).

Book 4

Fragments : Z 162, Z t63, Z 164, Z 17 6, Z 17 7, Z 189, Z 190, Z 192.

Dating: late 15th/early 16th century.

Notaries: Bernardo de Montoya, Vezdema¡bán; Domingo de Coca, Vezdema¡bán; Felipe

Ramos, Vezdemarbán; Manuel Simon, Vezdemarbán.

Page size: 390 mm x 580 mm (some approximately half folios).

Paee lavout 1 column, 8 staffs.

Foliation: recto. too rieht corîer.

Initials: 1. red flourished with blue, blue flourished with red:2. decorative black.

Notation: class 4.

Staff: 5 red lines, 35 mm high.

Virgules: separating words.

Linugical placement: Mass. Easter Day (Z 192). Octave of Easter, 2nd Sunday after
Easter (Z 162). 2nd Sunday and 3rd Sunday after Easter (Z 164). 3rd Sunday and

4th Sunday afær Easter (Z 163). After Pentecost (Z 176-177 ,Z 189-190).

Additional comments: Z t89-L90 are two pieces of one folio cut horizontally. Z 176-177

are similarly two pieces of one folio. Two consecutive folios a¡e: x.üi and x.üü.

Book 5

Fragments : Z 185, Z 186, Z 187, Z I88, Z I93.

Dating: late l5tVearly 16th century.
 311

Nota¡ies: Felipe Ramos, Vezdema¡bán; Bernardo de Montoya, Vezdemarbán; Manuel

Simon, Vezdema¡bán.

Page size: 350 mm x 495 mm (some approximately half folios).

Page layout 1 column, 6 staffs.

Foliation: verso, top right corner.

Initials: 1. plain red or blue; 2. decorative black.

Notation: class 4.

S@tf: 5 red lines,40 mm high.

Virgules: separating words.

Liturgical placement: Mass. 3rd Sunday in Advent (Z 193). 3rd week of Lent (Z 185).

lst week of Lent feria 4, 2nd week of Lent (Z 186-Z 188).

Book 5a

Fragments : Z L67II-21, Z 17 4, Z 17 5.
Dating: late l5th/early 16th century

Notaries: Bernardo de Montoya, Vezdemarbán; Domingo de Coca, Vezdemarbán.

Page size: 375 mm x 525 mm (two half folios).

Paqe lavoug L column, 6 staffs.

Foliation: none.

Initials: 1. plain reÅ;2. decorative red and decorative black.

Notation: semi-mensval (Z 167 Íl-21, Z 17 4); class 4 (Z 17 4, Z L7 5).

Sld[: 5 red lines,40 mm high.

Virgules: separating words.

Liturgical placemens Office. Good Friday - matins (Z I74, Z 175). Holy Saturday -
matins (2167Íl-21).

Additional comments: Z t67lL-21 is one folio which has been cut in half. Some underlaid

text rilritten in red instead of the usual black.

 312

Book 6

Frasments: Zl5l.Zl53.
Dating: l5th/early 16th century.

Notary: Cristobal Gonzalez, Vezdemarbán.

Pase size: 305 mm x 448 mm.

Pase lavout I column, T st¿ffs.

Foliation: none.
Initials: 1. red flourished with blue; 2. decorative black.

Notation: mensural (Z ßl); class 4 (Z 153).

Staff: 5 red lines, 34 mm high.

Virsules: seoaratins words.

Liturgical placement: Mass. Gloria (Z 153). Credo (Z 15Ð.

Additional comments:. Z I5l is cut into nvo parts.

Book 7

Frasments: 279.2129.

Datins: 15th centurv.

Notaries: Juan de Villalobos, Toro; Antonio de Castro, Toro.

Page size: 255 mm x 388 mm.

Page layouü 1 column, 30lines?.

Foliation: none.

Initials: 1. red flourished with blue, blue flourished with red; 2. sepia with ba¡red and

jagged decoration and yellow frller.

Notation: class 4.

Sld!: 5 red lines, 17 mm high.

Virgules: separating words.

Liturgical placement: Office. After Epiphany fena2? (279). After Epiphany Sunday? -

lauds (Z 129).
 313

Book I
Fragments : Z 92, Z 93, Z 95, Z 97, Z 98, Z 106, Z 108, Z 195.
Datine: 15th centurv.

Notaries: Baltasar de Mansilla, Vezdema¡bán; Manuel Simon, Vezdemarbán.

Page size: 390 mm x 527 mm.

Page layouü 2 columns, 10 staffs.

Foliation: none.

Initials: 1. red flourished with blue, blue fourished with red (some with yellow filler); 2.

black with jagged decoration, green and yellow fillers.

Notation: class 4.

Staff: 5 red lines,22 mm high.

Virgules: separating words; separating syllables or neumes in melismatic chants or sections.
Liturgical placement: Office. Assumption BVM - matins (Z 97). Assumption BVM? -
matins, vespers (293,292,295). Commemoration of St. Paul - lauds (Z 108). St.

Paul - matins (Z I95). St. Lawrence - lauds (298). St. Lawrence, St. Tiburtius St.

Hiooolvtus - vesDers Z106.

Additional comments: Blank staffs occnr in some fragments with text written below.

Book 9

Fraements : Z 209, Z 2lO, Z 2ll, Z 2I2.

Dating: 15th century.

Notaries: Antonio Montesinos, Zamora; Fernando de Cabañas,Zarrpra; Diego de l-edesma,

Zamora.

Paee size: 365 mm x 510 mm.

Paee lavout: 1 column, T staffs.

Foliation: none.

Initials: 1. red flourished with blue, blue flourished with red; 2. sepia with jagged decoration.

Notation: class 3.

S¡¿[[: 5 red lines, 32 mm high.

Virgules: infrequent, separating phrases.
 314

Liturgical placement: Office. Mary Magdalene? - lauds (Z zLl). St. James (Z 2L2).

Unidentified (Z 209, Z 210).

Book l0
Fragments : Z 205, Z 206, Z 207, Z 208.
Dating: l5th/early 16th century.

Notary: Alonso Orejon, Zanora.

Paee size: 345 mm x 480 mm.

Page layour I column, 8 staffs.

Foliation: none.

Initials: 1. red flourished with blue, blue flourished with rtd; 2. decorative black with
yellow touches.

Notation: class 4.

Staff: 5 red lines, 28-3L mm high.

Virgules: separating words.

Liturgical placement: Office. Sunday after Epiphany - vesperc (Z 205). Continentium -

vespers (2206,2207). Confessor - vespers (2208).

Additional comments: 2206 andZ207 are consecutive folios.

zt0
Dating: Late l4ffl5th century.

Notary: Juan de Toro, Toro.

Page size: 278 mm x240 mm (lower part of folio is cut off).

Paee lavoug 1 column, 5 staffs.

Foliation: none.

Initials: 1. red flourished with blue, blue flourished with rcd;'2. sepia with red decoration.

Notation: class 5.

Sldf: 5 red lines, 27 mm high.

Virgules: separating words, breaking melismas.

Litureical olacement: Office and Mass. St. Steohen.
 315

235
Dating: 14tff15th century.
Notary: Jeronimo Lopez, Toro.
Page size: 300 mm x 415 mm.

Page layout 1 column, 7 staffs.

Foliation: recto. too rieht corner.

Initials: 1. red flourished with blue, blue flourished with red:2. sepia.

Notation: class 3.

Sldf: 5 red lines, 32 mm high.

Virgules: separating words, breaking melismas.

Lifireicat placement: Office. Aoostles? - matins.

283-ZU
Dating: l5th/early 16th century.

Notary: Cristobal Gomez, Toro.

Page size: 360 mm x 460 mm (measurement for the nvo pieces placed together).

Paee lavout I column, 6 staffs.

Foliation: verso?, top right corner.

Initials: blue flourished with red.

Notation: class 4.

Staff: 5 red lines,40 mm high.

Vireules: seoa¡ating words.

Liturgical placement: Office. PurifTcation BVM - vespers (283,284).

Additional comments: The two fragments are the two halves of a single folio which have

been cut apart.

 316

z l0t
Dating: 15th century.

Notary: Antonio Gomez, Toro

Page size: 330 mm x 480 mm.

Page layout 1 column, T staffs.

Foliation: none.

Initials: 1. thick red flourished with blue, thick blue flourished with rcd; 2. sepia with
yellow decoration.

Noøtion: class 5.

Staff: 5 red lines,28 mm high.

Vireules: seoa¡atins most words.

Linugical placement: Office. I-enl

z 104

Dating: 15th century.

Notary: Antonio Gomez, Toro.

Pase size: 355 mm x 505 mm.

Pase lavouü 1 column, 8 staffs.

Foliation: recto. toD centre.

Initials: 1. red flourished with blue; 2. sepia with yellow decoration.

Noøtion: class 5.

Staff: 5 red lines, 28-3I mm high.

Virgules: separating words, breaking melismas.

Liturgical placement: Mass. I-ent.

7, lll
Datine: 15th centurv.

Notary: Sancho de Barreda, Toro

Paee size: 280 mm x 393 mm.

Paee lavout I column, 9 staffs.

 317

Foliation: none.
Initials: 1. red flourished with blue, blue flourished with reÀ; 2. black with jagged and

barred decoration.

Notation: class 4.

Staff: 5 red lines,20 mm high.

Vireules: seoaratins words.

Liturgical placement: Mass and Office. Nativity BVM - vespers.

z tts
Datins: 15th centurv.
Notary: Sancho de Ba¡reda, Toro.

Page size: 390 mm x 530 mm.

Paee lavout I column,9 staffs.
Foliation: none.
Initials: 1. red flourished with blue, blue flourished with red; 2. decorated black with

yellow inner colouring.

Not¿tion: semi-mensural.

Sld[: 5 red lines,3t-34 mm high.

Virgules: separating words, breaking long melismas.
Liturgical placement: Mass. Ember Saturday of l-ent SS. Peær and Paul.

z 116

Datine: 15th centurv.

Notary: Sancho de Barreda, Toro.
Paee size: 360 mm x 450 mm.
Paee lavout: 1 column, 7 staffs.

Foliation: recto. toD centne.

Initials: 1. blue flourished with red lines; 2. sepia/black with ba¡red and jagged decoration.

Notation: class 5.

Staff: 5 red lines, 30 mm high.

 318

Virgules: separating words or phrases.

Limrgical placement: Office. Sr Lucy - vespers.

z 148

Datins: 15th centurv.

Notary: Jeronimo de Montalegre, Toro.

Page size: 255 mm x 300 mm (top half of top staff cut off).

Page layout 1 column,6 staffs?.

Foliation: none.

Initials: 1. blue flourished with red; 2. black with simpte decoration.

Notation: class 3.

Slaff: 5 red lines,26 mm high.

Vireules: seoaratine ohrases.

Liturgical placement: Office. St Vincent - matins.

z 154

Datine: 15th centurv.

Nota¡y: Cristobal Comejo, Toro.
Page size: 340 mm x 440 mm.

Page layout I column,7 staffs.

Foliation: none.

Initials: 1. red flourished with blue, blue flourished with rcd;2. black with yellow filler.

Notation: class 3.

Stafl 5 red lines, 31 mm high.

Virzules: seoaratins ohrases.

Litureical olacement: Office? BVM.

z 165

Dating: late l5th/early 16th century.

Notarl': Berna¡do de Montoya, Vezdema¡bán.
 3t9
Page size: 320 mm x 510 mm.
Paee lavouf I column, 8 staffs.

Foliation: none.

Initials: 1. plain rcÃ;2. decorative black.

Notation: class 4.

S!df: 5 red lines, 31 mm high.

Virgules: separating words (omitted occasionally).

Littugical placement: Office. Holy saturday? - vespers.

7,169

Datine: 15th centurv.

Notary: Bartolome Sanchez de Arcilla, Toro.

Pase size: 360 mm x 485 mm.

Paee lavout I column, 8 staffs.

Foliation: none.

Initials: 1. red flourished with blue, blue flourished with red, yellow filler; 2. black with
jagged decoration and yellow filler.

Notation: class 4.

Sldï: 5 red lines, 30 mm high.

Virgules: separating words, breaking melismas.

Liturgical placement: Mass. Martyr?

ztu
Dating: mid l3ttr/beginning of 14th century.

Notary: Berna¡do Sanchez, Toro.

Page size: 122 (bottom) -142 (top) mm x 298 mm (top and sides cut off)
Paee lavoug I column, 6-7 staffs.
Foliation: none.

Initials: tall blue flourished with red, tall red unflourished.

Notation: Franconian-like mensural (polyphony); class 3 (monophony).
 320

Slaff: 5 red lines.

Virgules: separating words or phrases.

Litureical olacement: Mass. BVM.

Additional commens: contains 3 polyphonic works.

2203
Dating: late 14th century.

Notary: Alonso Orejon, Zamora.

Page size: 294mmx 450 mm.

Paee lavout I column,9 staffs.

Foliation: verso, top centre.

Initials: 1. red flourished with blue; 2. black with barred and jagged decoration, yellow

filler.
Notation: class 5.

Staff: 4 red lines, 21 mm high.

Virgules: separating phrases (very short lines).

Linueical olacement: Mass. Cathedra of St Peter.

z 234
Dating: 14tttl15th century.
Not¿ry: Alonso de Salamanc a, 7,amotr.

Paee size: 173 mm x 230 mm.

Paee lavout 1 column, l0 staffs.

Foliation: none.
Initials: 1. red flourished with blue; 2. blue flourished with red, red flourished with blue

(smaller and simpler than 1).

Notation: class 3.

Staf!: 5 red lines,22-24 mm high.

Virgules: variable; separating words, phrases, or breaking melismas.

Linusical olacement: Office. Aoostles - matins.
 32r

z 240
Datins: 14th centurv.
Notary: Juan Montero de Cabañas, Zamora.

Pase size: 285 mm x 440 mm.

Page layout 1 column, T staffs.

Foliation: recto? top centre.

Initials: 1. red flourished with blue, blue flourished with red;2. sepia with red lining.

Notation: class 3.

Slaff: 5 red lines, 32 mm high.

Virsules: seoaratins ohrases.

Liturgical placement: Mass. Ember Sanrday in September.

z 243
Dating: late 14th to 15th century.
Notary: Francisco Vivas, Tamora.

Page size: 301 mm x 116 mm (top and bottom parts of folio cut off).

Page layout 2 columns,4 staffs.

Foliation: none.
Initials: sepia with simple decoration.

Notation: class 3.

S-EÉf: 5 red lines, 22 mmhigh.

Virgules: separating words.

Litursical olacement: Mass? - unidentified.

z 245

Dating: late l5th/early l6th century.

Notary: Antonio Montesinos, Zamora.

Pase size: 394 mm x 510 mm.

Paee lavout 1 column,5 staffs.

Foliation: none.
 322

Initials: 1. plain rcd;2. decorative black.

Notation: class 4.

Staff: 5 red lines, 466 mm high.

Virgules: separating words or phrases.

Liturgical placement: Mass - Sanctus, Agnus Dei.

z 246
Dating: 15th century.

Notary: Alonso de Ca¡rion, 7-amora.

Page size: 334 mm x 402 mm.

Paee lavout 1 column, T staffs.

Foliation: none.

Initials: green, yellow, and sepia with jagged and floral-like decoration.

Notation: class 3.

Staff: 5 red lines, 33 mm high.

Virgules: separating phrases.

Liturgical placement: Office. I-ent? - matins.

z 260
Datine: 15th centurv.
Nou¡y: Antonio Rodriguez de Aranjo, Zarrnra.
Pase size: 228 mm x 330 mm.

Page lavouc L column, T staffs.

Foliation: none.

Initials: 1. red flourished with blue; 2. black with yellow filler.

Notation: class 4.

Slaff: 5 red lines,25 mm high.

Virgules: separating most words.
Litursical olacement: Office. Christmas Dav.
Additional comments: Contains "Verbum patris hodie".
 323

RITUAL DE SACRAMENTOS Y MISAL PROPIO DE LA IGLESIA DE ZAMORA,

zAMoRA, ARcHrvo cATEDRALrcro, cóucn tos
Dating: 15th century.ra
Page Size: 160 mm x220 mm.

Page layout: 1 column, 6 staffs until fol. 74 from which there a¡e 5 staffs (this change

occurs to$,ards the middle of a single gathering which comprises fols. 71L78).

Foliation: modern foliation only.

Initials: 1. red flourished with blue, blue flourished with rcÅ;2. sepia with jagged, barred,

and occasionaly floral-like decoration.

Notation: class 3.

Staff: five red lines, 18 mm until fol. 74 and22mmfor remainder.

Virgules: separating words or phrases; separating syllables in melismatic sections.

Liturgical placement: Mass. Notated contents are as follows. Wedding Mass (fols.

22" -29 , includes preface). In agenda morturlrum (fols. 51"-58). Festive common
preface (fols. 74'-76). Ferial common preface (fols. 76'-78). Festle Pater noster
(fols. 85187'). Ferial Pater noster (fols. 87-88). Pax domini sit (fol. 89) Christmas

preface (fols. 91"-92). Epiphany preface (fols 92"-93). Ouad¡agesima preface (fol.

93). Holy Cross preface (93"-94). Resurrection preface (fols. 94195'). Ascension
preface (fol. 95). Pentecost preface (fols. 95"-96'). Hol]¡ Trinity preface (fols.
97'-98"). Assumptionpreface (fol 98). heface for Nativity. Conception. Purification.

and Annunciation of the BVM (fols. 98"-100). Apostles preface (fols 100'-101").

Additional comments: 234 folios. Bound in leather covered wood. Begins with the

calenda¡. The chants for the V/edding Mass a¡e those commonly used for Holy
Trinity.

tnDating given
by the archive. It is also the dating of a missal mentioned as lost by Janini; see
Janini, Manuscritos,327. The former archivist of the Cathed¡al of Zamora, Don Ramón Fita Revert, kindly
informed me of his discovery of. tIrc Ritual in a cupboard, and of his certainty that it is the one previously
thought lost and refeÍed to by Janini.
 324

Booklet
This probably l5th-century booklet is kept (unattached) at the rear of the Ritwl because of

its likeness to the latter book. (It was found separate from the Rífinl in the a¡chives of the

Cathedral of Zamora.) The booklet consists of two bifolios but must originally have had at

least one more as is indicated by two chants, one lacking completion and the other lacking

beginning. The foliation is a continuation of that of the Ritual. Comparison with theRitual

shows the following differences: the folios are a few millimetres wider and higher; initials

show the samo two general t)?es but are different in details of design style; five staffs are

employed but they are red one-line staffs approximately 30 mm apart; notation is class 2

Aquitanian. The contents a.re entirely notated and are "simplex" prefaces for the following:

Christmas (fol. 235); Epiphany (fol. 236); Resurrection (fol. 236', incomplete); Apostles

(foL 237', incomplete); and one for all feasts of the BVM (fols. 237'-238).

MISAL VOTM PARA USO DE ZAMORA, MADRID, BIBLIOTECA LÁZARO

GALDTANO, MS. 662

Folios 2'-14'

Dating: 15th century's (before 1450?)16

Size: 224 mm x 302.

Page layout 1 column,6 staffs.

Foliation: modern foliation only.

Initials: 1. red flourished with blue, blue flourished with red, decorative black with yellow

filler; 2. rcd flourished with blue, blue flourished with red (smaller than 1), black with
yellow filler.

Notation: class 4.

Sld!: 5 red lines, 21 mm high.

Virgules: separating most words.

Linugical placement: Mass and Office. Notated contents are as follows. Gloria and Credo

ttThe
datings of the sections of this source are those of Janini, Manuscritos. 198-99.
tÎn Chapter 2 it was suggested that the absence of St. Bernardine of Siena from the calendar might
indicate a date of copying prior to 1450.
 325

incipits (fol. 2). Festive common preface (fols. 2'-3). Ferial common preface (fot. 3'-4').

Sanctus incipit (fot. 4). Festive Pater noster (fol. 7). Felial. Pater neçter (fol.7'-8|,. Pax
domíní sir (fol. 9¡. Office Pro defunctis (fols. 10v-13', inviratory only).

Folios 15'-53"

Datins: 14th centurv.

Size: 224 riln x 302 mm.

Page layouü L column, T staffs.

Foliation: originat foliation on recto, lower right corner. The modern foliation continuous

with that of the previous section is referred to in this dissertation for convenience.

Initials: 1. red flourished with blue, blue flourished with rcd;2. red flourished with blue,

blue flourished with red (smaller than 1).

Notation: class 3 (monophony); non-mensural (with pseudo-mensural elements) and semi-

mensural (polyphony).

Sdf: 5 red lines,20-21mm high, with the exception of fol. 53' on which the staff height

is 14 mm.

Virgules: separating phrases or occasionally words; breaking melismas in melismatic

sections.

Liturgical placement: Office and Mass. Offrce In agenda mortuarum - vespers, matins,

lauds (fols. 15'-35"). Mass of the Dead (fols. 36"-41'). Mass for St. Ildefonsus, 2 January

(fols. 46'-51'). Mass for Invention of St. Ildefonsus, 26 May (fols. 51"-53').

Folios 53"-55"

These folios appear to have been left blank on completion of the copying of the previous

section, although they may have been ruled at the same time as those preceding fol. 53';

fols. 53 and 54 are part of the final gathering which begins with fol. 45. Differences are

found in comparison with the first two sections of the book. The notation is late Aquitanian

(class 2), written on one red line, with single lightly ruled text lines on both sides of the red

line used as guides. There are between 6 and 8 staffs per page. Initials a¡e in red and sepia,

the secondary initials having jagged and ba:red decoration. The single chant is for the
 326

Office of the Dead and is Libera me domine de rnorte with 12 verses.

Additional comments: 2 polyphonic works a¡e found in the l4th-century section (fols. 49

and 53). The book is bound attactively in leather covered wood with Mudejar decoration;

the binding daæs from the 15th century.r7

" I anni, M anusc rito s, 198.

 327

APPEI\DV?: NUMERICAL TABLE OF PERGAMINOS MUSICALES

Here theP¿rgarninos musicales a¡e listed in fully numerical order according to the numbering

of each, rather than according to book or group and broad notation type as is done in
Appendix 1. The contents of each column of the table are as follows: in the first column

the identifying number of each is given but without the prefix "2"; in the second, glouping
into book or group as relevant; in the third, liturgical context of notated chants; in the
fourth, use in office or mass; in the fifth, broad notation type; and in the sixth, the place of

origin of the protocol book onto which the fragment was bound.

Kev

Column 4: O -- office; M = mass.

Column 5: A = Aquitanian notation; S = squa¡e notation; M = mensurally influenced

not¿tion.

Number Grouping Content Context Notation Protocol

1 B St. Thomas of Canterbury o A Toro

3 B Apostles o A Toro

9 St. Sebastian, St. Agnes o A Toro

10 St. Stephen o,M S Toro

15 after Epiphany o A Toro

25 G Septuagesima o A Toro

26 G Septuagesima o A Toro

35 Apostles? o S Toro

52 c Christmas Day M A Toro

53 C after Pentecost M A Toro

57 c I-ent M A Toro

58 Trinity Sunday o A Toro

59 St. Agatha o A Toro

62 1 Circumcision o s Toro

63 1 Circumcision, Epiphany o s Toro

 328

64 H St. Katherine, M A Toro

Conception BVM

67 c Christmas Day, Ordinary M A Toro

68 c the Dead?, Ordinary M A Toro

79 7 after Epiphany O s Toro

83 Purification BVM O S Toro

84 Purif,rcation BVM O S Toro

85 2 ?o M Toro

90 ?o A Toro

92 8 Assumption BVM? O s Vezdemarbán

93 8 Assumption BVM? O S Vezdema¡bá¡r

95 8 Assumption BVM? O s Vezdemarbán

97 8 Assumption BVM O S Vezdemarbán

98 I St. Lawrence O s Vezdema¡bán

99 D St. Andrew O A Vezdema¡bán

100 St. Saturninus O A Toro

101 I-ent O S Toro

r04 I-ent M S Toro

105 2 Nativity Bvlvf O M Toro

106 8 St. Lawrence, St. Tiburtius, O S Vezdema¡bán

St. Hippolytus

L07 D St. San¡rninus O A Vezdemarbán

108 8 St. Paul O S Vezdemarbán

110 1 Advent O S Toro

111 Nativity BVM M o S Toro

LL2 1 St. Lawrence, O S Toro

St. Hippolytus

113 I St. Augustine O S Toro

tt4 1 St. Mary Magdalene O s Toro

115 Lent, SS. Peter and Paul M M Toro

 329

116 St. Lucy O Toro

It7 1 St. Augustine O Toro

118 1 Assumption, St. Bartolomew O Toro

119 3a Advent O Toro

120 3a Advent O Toro

r22 3a Apostles O Toro

t23 Purification BVM O Toro

124 I Circumcision O Toro

r25 1 Christmas Eve, Christmas Day O Toro

r29 7 after Epiphany? O Toro

131 3a Pentecost? O Toro

132 3a Corpus Christi O Toro

r37 1 after Epiphany O Toro

r4t 1 Advent, Christmas Eve O Toro

t45 2 St. Lawrence O Toro

148 St. Vincent O Toro

t49 I-ent M Vezdemarbán

151 6 Mass Ordinary M Vezdemarbán

153 6 Mass Ordinary M Vezdemarbán

r54 BVM O? Toro

155 1 Advent O Toro

156 1 Easter O Toro

t57 1 after Epiphany O Toro

158 3 ?o? Vezdema¡bán

r59 3 St. Paul O Vezdemarbán

160 3 St. Paul O Vezdema¡bán

161 3 ?o Vezdemarbán

162 4 Easter M Vezdema¡bán

163 4 Easter M Vezdemarbán

t64 4 Easter M Vezdema¡bán

 330

165 Holy Sattuday? O S Vezdemarbán

166 3 ?o S Vezdema¡bán

167ll-21 5a Holy Saturday O M Vezdemarbiín

167131 3 St. Peær O S Vezdema¡bán

168 Martyr? M S Toro

169 1 Christmas Day O s Toro

t7t Feia2 O A Pinilla de Toro

r73 3 Oct. of SS. Peter & Paul, O S Vezdemarbán

Visitation

t74 5a Good Friday O M,S Vezdema¡bán

t75 5a Good Friday O S Vezdema¡bán

t76 4 after Pentecost M S Vezdemarbán

r77 4 after Pentecost M S Vezdema¡bán

184 BVM M M Toro

185 5 Lent M s Vezdemarbán

186 5 I-ent M S Vezdemarbán

t87 5 I-ent M S Vezdemarbán

188 5 lænt M S Vezdema¡bán

189 4 after Pentecost M S Vezdema¡bán

190 4 afterPentecost M s Vezdemarbán

t9l D St. Andrew, St. Nicholas O A Vezdema¡bán

r92 4 Easter Day M S Vezdema¡bán

193 5 Advent M s Vezdema¡bán

194 D St. Saturninus, St. Andrew O A Vezdemarbán

195 8 St. Paul O S Vezdema¡biín

196 A after Epiphany O A Toro

t97 Quadragesima? O A Toro

r99 A after Epiphany O A Toro

200 A Christmas Octave, Epiphany O A Toro

201 Advent O A Toro

 33r

202 Sexagesima M Toro

203 Cathedra of St. Peter M Zamora

204 H ?M Toro

205 10 after Epiphany O Zamon

206 10 Continentium O Zamota

207 10 Continentium O Zarrcra

208 10 Confessor O Zamom

209 9 ?o Zarnota

2to 9 ?o Zarnora

2tr 9 Mary Magdalene? O Zamora

2t2 9 St. James O Zamora

215 I Quinquagesima M Zamota

216 I I-ent, Quinquagesima M Zarctora

2L7 F Day
Christmas O Zartora

218 Holy Week O Zamora

2r9 Historie of Job and Ezechiel O Zamoru

222 E Trinity,Pentecost O Zamota

224 E St. Katherine O Zamorz

225 E St. Katherine O Zamora

226 St. Peær Martyr, St. Anne O Zatnota

228 F Passion Sunday? O Zamoru

229 F Lent O Zarrr.ora

230 F Christmas? O Zamota

233 F Historia of Judith O Zamota

234 Apostles O Zamota

239 Purification, Annunciation O Zamota

2N Ember Saturday - September M Zamora

243 ?M? Zatnon

245 Mass Ordinary M Zamora

246 I-ent? O Zzmota

 332

260 Christmas Day o S Zamota

268 Trinity M A Zamota

269 Holy Week o A Benavente

272 Corpus Christi o A Zarnora

 333

APPENDD( 3 : TRANSCRIPTIONS

Two major problems encountered during the transcription of the melodies are firstly, the

occasional illegibility or partial illegibility of the fragments, and secondly, the difficulty of

establishing the pitch of Aquitanian notation written on a single staff-line without clef. The

second of these problems has been discussed in Chapter 4. Those points at which poor

legibility makes it impossible to read the notation or the text, or makes the reading doubdul,

are ma¡ked in the transcriptions. Round brackets enclosing notes indicate that the enclosed

notes a¡e doubÉul; round brackets enclosing text indicate that such text has been supplied

from another source, usually AH. A short single slanted line / crossing part of the staff

indicates that it has been impossible to read the notes of the Zamoran source at that point

and that they may not be supplied from elsewhere within the same source. Two or more
//
long slanted lines / / crossing through full søffs indicate larger portions of a chant
//
missing due to a fragment having been cut or otherwise damaged. Square brackets indicate

expanded text abbreviations but are only shown if some doubt exists as to whether or not

the correct interpretation has been made.

The music has been transcribed in tail-less notes, with the exception of nvo chants in

mensural or semi-mensural notation and the polyphonic pieces which are presented in

modern measured notation. T\e epiphonus and the cephølícus of Aquiønian notation, and

the plica of square notation likely to indicate liquescence, are notated as two notes joined

by a crossed curved tie For those chants written in square notation in which the
^
plica is used and is likely to indicate a note of double duration, the plica has been nanscribed

as a hollow note-head o . Plicas in the polyphonic transcriptions are transcribed in the

conventional manner with nro tied pitches, the stem of the second being crossed. Neumes

transcribed in tail-less notes and comprising more than one pitch in both Aquitanian and

square notation are signalled by curved ties. (It was decided to use curved ties rather than

square ligature brackets for all neumes, without distinguishing between those with discrete

elements and those which are ligated, for the sake of simplicity and clarity given the

employment of both Aquitanian and square notation amongst the sources and the frequency

of neumes with discrete elements in the former notation.) In transcriptions in modern

 334

measured notation the conventional square liganre brackes are employed to indicate ligatures

and conjuncturae a¡e indicated by curved ties. Virgules found in the chants have not been

indicated. On the other hand, virgules are shown in the transcriptions of polyphonic pieces:

those of Z I84 reproduce the length of the virgule in the fragment and its position on the

staff, while those of the Misal votivo are reproduced in standa¡dized lengths as it seems

certain that specific length is without significance in this source. Editorial accidentals in

general have not been added as this aspect has not been studied in detail in this dissertation.

B-flats have, however, been added to the Gloria. Spiritus et alme as these are found in the

close concordance in Hu and one has been added to the hyrnn O lw beata as it is suggested

by the presence of. aquilisma.

Occasional neumes have been indicated above the staffs in the transcriptions. These

neumes fall mainly into two categories: 1. those which it has not been possible to study in

this dissertation and the interpretation of which is uncertain; and 2. those which have been

considered here but remain problematic or are of intercst. The semicircular virga is shown

in the single chant of the transcriptions in which it occurs. All instances of the quilisma arc

ma¡ked by the letter 0 above the note. (This method of signalling the presence of a

quilisma has been chosen because of the large variety of forms of the quílisma group which

occur in the sourcesJ

The spelling of the sources is retained without normalization, however, all original

punctuation has not been retained. The full texts given for hymns in the sources are
included with their melodies. Few of the fragments, however, present enti¡e hymns as most

a¡e missing strophes due to the size of the fragments or because only part of a hymn was

included in the copying of a mansucript. Hymn melodies in the sources a¡e with few

exceptions given for no more than the fi¡st strophe, a few not even including the entire first

strophe. In Conlaudcmus omnes pie the music for each pair of versicles is only written out

once; this method has been followed in the transcription.

The order of the transcriptions follows that of the chapters of Pa¡t C. (Preface and

Pater noster chants are not fanscribed.) The catalogue of openings of the Ordinary of

Mass chants is ptaced first, followed by the few Ordinary chants which are transcribed in

full.
 335

CHANTS FOR THE ORDINARY OF MASS

1. CATALOGUE

Chants of the Kyrie

l. Z 68Íal'z Clemens rector eterne

¡i

+
CIe n rsre.-fo. e - le. - ,- Fa. - ft l-y - 5o.^

2. Misal votivo, fol. 36'

K,¡-ri - e- l.Y - :o" / Ky- ri - e.- l.y - 5014

3. Misal votivo, fol.46: Conditor þrie omnium

6¡Li - tor kv-

I
ri - e onr- ni - r¡¡r ,l- ,nqr cre-q- - {u - ro. - rur1 e. le7- sor
 336

Chants of the Gloria

1. Z 68[b]'

+ +
àe - q-J pa- (er o'"- - ni - po ' -
Ie,u. Do ¡^r - nR.

+
Do- si- ¡e Je - 4s a-- gn* J.e-i çi - li- ,¿s
P4
Jrri:

2. Z 68Íbl

aa ¡l

Glo - ri - a ia ex-*l - sr5 l" o El' ín ter - ra flho-

3. z68[b]',-267'.

(fo-ri- o- i,r e¡- cel-si¡ Le- o {et-to p*

f+ lll ho- ^.i- ni- 6,¡¡ bo- n" ,<o- tu,n-la- k

4.267'-

8
(-^i- 9i' hß h' ne ¿¡.e- l¡¡¡¡- (o. - l¡s ne- ne - l.¿ - C(- ,ttr¡J te
0

A-do- f4- ¡aa4S

 337

5. Misal votivo, fols. 46"-47"

C,lo - at- * in ex -ce( - ¡is le o É( i,t ler - rd.

r^

6. Misal vot¡vo, fol. 2'

Qlo - ri- c- in .x - c"( -s is &e ê

7.2153'.

ni- a(s. Lr so-lss o,(-f;s- si- r,^,¡s ie- sq .lr.i-sh .urnsonto s¡c- ri- t, ¿^

8. Zt53

GI" - ri - a. i¡ e.,< - c¿(- sis 4" - o F+ tlt Ier-ro rqx Áa--i -¡i - bus h-
 338

Chants of the Credo

L. Misøl votivo,foL2'

Cre.- do in 1¿ - ^u¡r,r 4e - 4li^

2. 7,151

ol J".te-.o* i- ¿e- rq,. va^-

to-ri- a t4- 4¿- cL
 339

Chants of the Sanctus

l. Misøl votivo, fol. 41

+ + +.+
q¡ tnb- bn-
"th. PL¿-^i s*t -
So"J,rs. So*'l¿s. -ir..t..s d.o- ',*i-,,,¡¡ 4e- .e (i

2. Misal votivo, fol. 50"

Sa,nc - Étrs' 5"T tqs' 5*' - tus. Do-

3. Misøl votivo, fol. 4'

Sott. - t^s.
6

4. Z245lal

1..-7ø 1Lo-
rt- o ttr- a. o- sa,n-nq- cn

e.¡( ..1 - srs . 8z- ve- ¡it

".-(Á;<-t* Vt)
s. z24slbl

(0-) ta^- ne (rr aJ( - ceL - t 15.

&-nE - {ic.- éas 1,ri ve.- "i{ in ^o - nti- ne Jo- ,ta - :t(
 34r

Chants of the Agnus Dei

l. Misal votivo, fol. 41"

+
A- lc - L yí tol- tis f.- .o.- to- ,1!(lt - l¡ Jo- nn
3"us

2. Misal votivo, fols.50'-51'

8
A- 3* ¿Ê- L +oL - [¡s

3.2245Íal"

- - Lt' f*-
A g^,s 4e- L
na (tot ^ - (Ð

4. Zz4slbl',

(A)- T"0 ¿e- ?üt +"1-(L¿s)

1""-
 342

2. FTJLL TRANSCRIPTIONS

Kyrie no. 1. z Z 68lal": Clemens rector eterne

.t !l

+
Cle- ,rt,s re.c- 4or e. - ter- ñc p4- {er i"- r e^- Je ?- {-Y - 5â,1

-+
Ky- ,'r- a - f"Y- 5O'.r

++
I'lo- slra¡ ne. hc . o- ¿€,,r c.x- att-
?
á¿ bo- n.- L¿-
'.*
{e lo-*.i- re

+ ++ + + +
Ky- t'L - e- l.Y - so^

+
I 5o - tl,- sJ- ,ro,- lo, n, - str flô - ¡Éri b"- ..,
1
h(l e.- loY 5 0¡4

n-g
ry-
0

îG- þ* {*-o,- so.ú- å.- otl o- 3;- e 5c,n^ - r' ?e- 3e

e
l"Y gr
0 a

xe¿- ste -

4-
t"lf sô^
 343

Kyrie no. 1. continued

l. ++a'(+
Tri- ng

Credo no.2. I ZlSl

,=) a= .lt

ol Jc^-te- ru¡Á ¿- {q- n¡¡{ ven- gLo- ri- a a.rl -

t

l.;- ¿ô, - ¡Q ,¿(, - ¿¡.a¡ et rit

I
r----!
ì-
î et rn ¡t- tq¡,^ 6a^¿- Ê.r* fo- *t- ru*r ('.Ì:l_".Ll.o-.o-
I

---
E - <4- Lu¡. 0n Lo- <,t- es[ Pe. pto- pL. - úc-t
J".blrr-ft
-- - -
il il
a ? a
f
I 7
I
a I a )l¡ I
I
I
À

c.-{lno - ( c<\I^ et 4- po - st"- [i- co¡r ec- c(e - sr- q,h^ Can- f¿-

le- or V- hur
 344

Sanctus no. 2. z Misal votivo, fol. 50"

So,nc- fqs. Se,,.Írs. Sorc - lus.

8

-1-

Do- fl1¡ - ns de- r¡s se.b -

bo.- o{h,

B
Pfe'ni s¿lat ce- li ef ler- tz. 1lo-ri -
,.+

o- t.¡- e o- Son.rrt in ex- cel - stt

I

te-n" - Li< - lus

1u,
.i..e-- njt in ftO'

mi - ne ào- r¡i - ¡i . Os- san- ño. IÃ ex - <el

sts -
 345

Agnus Dei no. l. : Misøl votivo, fol. 41"

+
A- gnrt /e - 7u, toL- Li.s pe.- .o- L tlar^r - ¿¿ do- ,na

+ + +
¿1 ús re- Aa^L
v, - <tlac- ea

A- 1 ,^>

-j
A ¿"- 1yi toL' Lis p..- "a- b. ,'Â( ¿t Do- nn e-- '\5
9r,r¡¡s ^-

+ +
re- 1*i e!^
 346

PROSAE AND RESPONSORY PROSAE

Prosøc

l. Nofo canunt (267\

/Yo.- *o ca-- nuq¡, o^ - ni - < Jo- u¿- ao pa - o ^3 - tnL - r¿¡

S¿¿-{a. - ba - tim ¡nc,tr- ^o.-fc. p<r s*rLnlen-do or - 3o.-

ni - ca-

He" {¿-us so- <,no'- +4 tn nuano-rrt sualXzu-ài- a- ,Âr '4a /'e',\h)"- ¿¿'14

Þ ^o"te pru.el - se ¿^- to- n, -ú eÈ y'o-ri- a Lt^ UO - <e o^-g"- U-.o

p .t .n q. a 7a- slo-rè - t45 [<-ud-

Ful,' ^o¿- te
so- mq,-,ti- nne-d.d- na

Dnn, fo-,eaÍsn-o- p.Lo-rì¡- s4 - b¿-þ¿ /,¿-un pree¿-pi- uatmo-ni-áa

Nn- t¿s a(- ¡va o¡.tr - g¿-nþ) nui ex-åa.t aa - (e se-.,¡- ta.

Ert Lrl - ,t^c.n - 5a_ ¿rL cs- Lo gLo-rt-a- pú et Ln ler- rq

 347

Nato canunt (Z 67") continued

5i. u L¿ eo-ller;u-, al- tir.si- r,ro ir,r,- å¿ -t^t ,f ta¡rt¿ ca.-¡o-rc tre-,rutal-
".-3o

to-po-L n -chi-no. ¡o-,.etet ¡ero¡ñ- ni- o. ln¿i" Ji-e g(o-ri-o. ..o-ce .(o.-ru' ,cd,-

f,i-to.

H,^- na-na conaleTc.rÊ -tt&' /:e- 4^ nc-f¡,,¡ri^ terq¡. oon Îm.ta søf i-- la-É- o
.+- al,

h- ¡fir .rqdet-t¿s-5¿-ñu. tsr in fe¡.-r. ,.'.d- li-ta n,.n le-ée^- tu <,,,,- ni- a ,.o.-ti F"e,a

a7- d¿ -a

5a- (,r¡ yui ,n^{i- àit ou- ni -a

 348

2. lAdest precelsøl (Z 52\

hcc co^t"o. s^tis yl"buu-t,

Ta.-te r,a- per- b^ l,^- de- a. ïtp F,r'-1tus çea-tra xpi-sluni- .o {¿^- ¡^i- 1,q.

I1o-no ,^a- ê*J s5l¿ i^ e- a o- Ln /-¡- .¿4 scriplu- 'a sd< à- a¿ - t;-.a

Pq-<i¡ in - <J¿ - ta no- bis lz1 u{. o, - ..í- n yrc suul po- ¿t "( su- 4 prc-.i:(d)

{s'- ',a- Xui naxi l; - gnc- (u. ho- li- e- terto'

Vu-.n [^-.o.. - na 5a- tus el ,.i<-Éo - ri - a- ¿L - (¡ sil "{ gLo-cí-o oÀ - ni -¿ f-

se<-/. a- - u-er - ní {q-- t.i-^ar^ coa- l.t ^-5enj La- - nr^- o'h

Pe. - p<s i^-{ro-¡i - za-ri san.-tungt^< at in a..- l. s..-a nos lp- se /¿ -Qr- tq

UL na-t¿ - uL- tos e. - i.t*s ìq - ea,--,^a- 4i /i - l, - qt ser.n- prr no.rht .t ne- ta-
þþAr

P*- co-..^^ fro-t?* ra d,e.-con- te-

^,rs
n*n. ^e^-læ- p^- ra
.ll

Ittc-t"- àt¡n<ø¡- ¡ri- n¡ fdlo- tcs ip- si *o- æ eLa- î.B¿ ¿L

 349

3. Celestc orgønum (Z 52)

Ce- (e- sl" O1 - go- ñ'¡Fi ho- Li - a so- n,¡- it ln |.e-r - rtJ

A¿, p{' 4 ¡ûø.-na- lr^rr"^o. ..^1

^oA
g<u-y'¡e,.t e^A o.LFero.

+
ji - Inl é(- ra (u, o,n-
V¡ - pa-s(o - ru,n .^e'( 4( - à¿- 3e- lr - ,o-

+
co^- to- h{ ;,- ek- fo .n - ¡..,i -na ele' l.o Pre-¿e "l 3lo - ri- a-

+
A¿. *pi-lua..- {.- ,n^l p-o- pr;-a ^o- h: .o'- n,.^{ e^ 3b- ri- a

'+ +
f'{qc c.{^nc- 1o ' rt¡¡r s!¡q{ Âec d,o - nc ni- d ,he}15 e5{ êo- f'qþ- bo' n.

+ +
No., s,r,^{ o6 - so - la- te ¿^- {r^ l¡Ç{e- re - k s¿cl p.o-lø - la

6 A(- fe.-{rs /.- s"-rnnt,¿i-úi- < ot Jra nO - 6is ¡o< es{ ¡t- to. gui- c bo-

nui erf gro'misst

 3s0

Celeste organwn (Z 52) continued

Ir^- 3.^- l,'t, su- pe-rir [zr-re-o- "b !.o. A*i - á,e^lo.ns esf i*r.<- +ú scd â¡-

+-
cen- fe. ¡i{ 4i - *i- s¿

+
Gqr.- d< ho- ,to (u Fr - po.tl äìs J*- li - o.

(c,^- &. .^- ro (Le'- - 6¿ fq. -

+to 5O- c-( - q

+ +
lJu¡^-¿r - -.1 rqt or - {urr e. - {he- rq. /<- .rs V. in - 4"¡ - úi - o

+
L"- be- n*l l*- "es gre- 1,.r< /..- ¡<i- na 6e,fi^-le- err w- Ve Frz- ¿{i - a.

(r)

Ar- lþ ia- <ef j- - pÌa.-se- Vi ret<

Vøi.in-
E

rDiastematy in this incompleæ ve$icle is not pr€cise and the reading f¡om "Arto" is therefore
unceftain.
 351

4. Gøude rotna (2203\

(".-d,e ro- mt).o.-p^{ uu"l, / 7ri- '',.as 7".- sio, (i" s")- <a-Jt/ (ol.-/e -L,n u¡.

to- ri- c

To- tus or- hs h7- 1".- re- Á/"+ ,^ir- tt^5 ,^.r- áor uo- vlf er, p- Iri ¡1q - lnþ- rl- d,

Pe- tru> 5a- <ri {o, <- I}^,O- r l5

/ l* f,".-Iri - ne snl Jn- .o- risf pe- {r,¿r ¡,en¡

iu- sti - ai

Pe- Irns S'.r.r{ so{ -,.a - Lo - ris / l¡S- nu-{r¡¡6- 1.,'s et o- ,lo- risf t\- Í\trß e.-

re^g câ. - at- e

lhl' V^iL

lthe last note is indicated by a direcL

 352

5. Pet¡e summe (Z 115tbl)

_+_
Pe - tre sL{¡^- rre. xpi - sti po-- jø et fln*- te. 3e.n- ¿( - urvt Jo<- tu

cle- si- q.<

"p¿- st¡ h.- lri - h-
Ê¿- rt rJ ¡l mi{ro.- to*,.

No.. J,o - ,¡i - yrr:r e¡¡¡- 6i - u¡r F.- t* ce.- Lo- ru^La- bi cl¿- r¡es ú- no ¿Ê- &+

Ar- t"¡- y'- *^ hen- iq.- ,r^ih x?t- sfr'rrat.-*it 5rr- u't4 vas-gue lec- Ê,¡,r

H
l,\''-rz plan- tc pe- dis pe- Lrc ,pi- stts .on - cttl- c4- re lu- e l"'

I ¿¡+ cl¡^- ri - +^ - ¿¿
 353

Responsory Prosae

l. Inviolata ma¡ia intacta (Z t23\

ð
In- ,.i - o - Lo - tq ¡,ra- ri - a. .n- 4r.- to. pe" - ^a -".erns a( - ,y\ 4,

0-n" me- ru- i- sli Po.- to-

'e se-.u-Li æi-to.

+\

Spe(i -o- su,ltpnç--L- is ko-,u.i-nru(or- t^q

+

Ir",nbt- d.t .,^. - tn p- lo-ru^ ¡ni- rc tu¡-tna.

5o- .r". e* i^- ter ¿o- re - q.s ..r^ - 3e

- (i - .c.5

Vir-1o q- sc"tli- #. b"- '," - d¿c- tq-

0 ,o es o'f - ,ø pt-a- (ec-ta

Xuo^7ror[o-

T^- ,-or-rn1-la no.-Ier e+ gro--rè - lo

Q,n pøI porlu,n rrir-ga in-r¡i - o- (o.-tu.

fe-

sɡ
 354

2. Velutin (2224)

tte- t,^f in .o'- lq.- rú- ti - ldt fu- ¡e,s fi;nc do- nq. r¿i - ni - Qi - a-
^o

L-.or-rupti-o- ne ¡le'.d.- dc y+eur-qt* el mo.-tit in ,^^- å..

Q,r¡r b.-
"-- te .o- lo re-gn* o^ - ,a(- 4

C,r- J,^s sa- -t e.- grir rri- to- fc- ne- ra

â.c-dE-.o-'e 'e- {, (-ç{ i" St"- '-J-

A.

C.^-i..ts tr*b. lo."1o,t .^o--n.t ya-c'i- a

 355

HYMNS

l. A solis ortu cørdine (Z2llÍal\

.l e

,l'tL - qy

xp(i -s!þ co. - hq.- ¡u¡Àe pri"ci - pen | '^a.-ta- r'no.-

.i- a |¿rSr -
^e.

2. Beatus auctor seculi 5. Enixa est puerpera

seruile corpus induit quem gabriel predixerat
ut carne carnem liberans quem matris aluo gestiens
ne perderet quos condidit. clausus iohannes senseral

3. Caste parentis uiscera 6.(Feno iacere permliÐ

celestis intrat gratia presepe non abom¡it
uenter puelle baiulat paruoque lacte pastus est
secreta que non nouefat. per quem nec ales esurit.

4. Domus pudici pectoris 7. Gaudet chorus celestium

templum repente fit deo et angeli canunt deo
intacta nesciens uirum palamque fit pastoribus
uerbo concepit filium. pastor creator omnium.

8. Gloria tibi domine.

 356

2. Condltor ølme sidcrum (Z llgÍal\

+
Coná-i - a-(- nrp si - d-e- r,rrn^l e - L¿r - rro- Lqx -.¿- Lerl - t¿ - cr¡h

clnri¡te ,e- Ol4 - ,,t¿- (lu'ìl ex- q.(t- d¿ pra-<es su?- eL(tt't .

2. Qui condolen(s in)teritu 5. Te deprecamur agie

(mortis pe)rire seculum venture iudex seculi
(salvasti mundum lan)guidum conserua nos in tempore
dona(ns reis remedium.) hostis a telo perñdi.

3. Vergente mundi ves(pere 6. Laus honor virtus gloria

uti sponsus) de thala(m)o deo patri et filio
eglessus (honestissi)ma sancto simul
virginis matris clausula.

4. Cuius forti potentie

genu flectuntur omnia
celestia terrestria
nutu fatentur suHita.
 357

3. Eternø xpisti munera I øpostoloram (23')

l$

E- ter '.o- xpisb ,n[- nC - râ' 4.- po- s{o-lo - ruuSLo - - rL- 4

It

(.,^- d.es.o.-¡e^-É,ej de- 5. -t<s L¿ - ti¡ cc.^c,- - rrrtrt rne^ - t a- b,*s,

2. Ecclesiarumpri(nci)pes 4. (I)n his pat[er]na gloria

belli triumphales duces in his uoluntas spliritu]s
celestis (a)ule milites exultat in his fÏlius
(et) uera mundi lumina. celum repletur gaudüs.

3. Deuota sanctorum fides 5. Te nunc redemptor q[uaesumu]s

inuicta spes credenti(um) ut rstorum consoficra
perfecø (xpisti) ca¡iøs iungas prccantes seruulos
mundi triumph(at) (prin)cipem in sempiterna seculorum. Amen.
 358

4. Exultet celam budibas Ø n2)

+ +
Ex-,¡t-tet ce - t.¡r {o-, 1.i- bus | ,.-tu{-{.( t"r- ra. gau - Lc- ds

n- po-tåo-G- r(F{S({-¿- | sa - ..r'r c4- narct- ye(-(en-ni - o)

"-

5. Huius obtentu (Z flaÍal\

+
ll,..- - r¡¡¡ ob - ter. - t.r.
 359

6. Iam xpiste sol (Z 197tal)

8 IarxpL-tte toL iu-shL-c¿- e I r,ncn-tis /e - (l.is-^"9t"- "ê - bre)

qi-r - Iu' tqr . t fotx te - 4.- .* | ter - .is(Lí- qu .t^t re - po- -e)

2. Da,tempus accepta(bile) 4. Dies uenit dies tua

(et) penitens cor tribue in qua (reflo)re(nt) omnia
co(nver)tat ut be(nigni)tas letemur in hac ut tue
quos longa suffert pietas. per hanc reducti gratie.

3. Qu[iddamque] pen(it)entie 5. Te ren¡m uni(uersitas)

d¿ fer(re) licet grandium Clemens adoret trinitas
(ma)iori tuo munere et nos noui þer ve)niam
quo demptio (sit) cr(imi)num. nouum canamus (can)ticum.

6. P(resø) beata trinitas.

 360

7. Iesas ab ore (Z 2M"-207'\

fe-sus o'b o- re ø,,'t- ni-.^rq | ,øl-lau- â"-(ur Ê¡-Le- U-u,^

,¡"i (e ' <it n^s. - te.. {" - lnl -he

I cons*or,- {c". ir. .e-*a. - ".i - ¡e .

2. Honorauit mi¡aculis 4. Presta pater ingenite

eam nam a periculis iesu cum sancto neunate
multis saluauit dominus vt eius sanctis meritis
huius beate pretibus. celi fnramur gaudüs. Amen

3. Hac or€mus suppliciter

vt nos iubet salubriter
ne damnemur cum impiis
in ad ventu iudicis.
 361

8. Inmense celi conditor (Z Lll.lbl'\

In- m.nto ce.- f'; "o,,di - tor | (yi) n;x-ta n"- "o^-(l,.nå<- .e'rl)

(o - 7)ne({("-e,,- to. áì - u¡ - l"*)l .e - l.¡"r d.e- J.;- ç li- ^i-+e(^)

2. Firmans locum cel(est)ibus

simulque terre
[no continuation]
 362

9. Laudís ergo preconiam (Z l'\

ù a

+
[q.¡ - 4.s e. - go pr" - <o-nt- UJrr et tolJqt..cy, {¿ -de - L; l¡l,n

ll. continuedl 5. In regis nathalicio

angelonrm cantacio
narn miles per m[arti]rium pastorum ad miracio
sequ[utus] est regem pium. summa fuit deuocio.

2. Ille natus de uirgine 6. In milite mirabile

hic renatus in sanguine quod nempe est credibile
in ihesu namque nomine per multos est probabile
est translafi¡s in lumine. sacra¡rientum uisibile.

3. Post stephanum enseruit 7. Per angelos ostenditur

prothomartir qui floruit ter clericis incipitur
sed festum propter statuit iussus fuit letabinu
quod ualde nobis placuit. sic requies dimitatur.

4. Quintadie officium 8. Gloria tibi domine

post d[e]i nathalicium qui cuius superno mu[nere]
celebrat plebs fidelium sancti thome per m[er]ita
quod est bonum inicium. cuncta fulgent per secula. Amen

tfhis noæ is indicated by a direct

 363

10. Magne dies leticie (Z 226lal')

.+
Ma - j". J.¿ - e-s le- f; - <i - e. | ""-åir il- Iqt, - i+ .¡ - (i - f,¡s

1F
pc - *tw c/ tL^ro - n"n glo-ri - ,r^o.r - I¡r fra-qe- nit i"-.li - {*s

2. Puer in fide claruit 4. Vita mors signa uaria

parentum carens nebula celum frequenti lumine
deo s[er]ui¡e studuit dant petro testimonia
sub paupertatis regula de sanctitatis (culmine.)

3. Carnem aflixit iugiter 5. Q[uaesumu]s auctor o[mniu]m

in labore multiplici in hoc paschali gaudio
uiam sequens humiliær per ipsius suffragium
patris sui dominici. cfes
 364

ll. O gloriosadomína (2239)

+ 1r +
o H"- rt-
"- so) áo - nt-tt(l
I u^- .o I - so. st^-pra sy - /e - .a

+ + +
1t, {e cre- o.- .il (p-) - ui - àe I lc.lranr Sa- cro- lo L - Þe re

o't {

2. Qvod eua tristis abstulit

tu reddis almo germine
(intre)nt ut astra flebiles
celi fenestr¿ facta es.

3. Tv regis ala ianua

et porta lucis fulgida
uitam datam per uirginem
gen(tes) redempte plaudite.
 365

12. O luxbeata (Zl99ltl"'l

ð
0 l*be- <-ta (k;-"i-*- I e* princì-po-lis)q- ni-las

ior sol ¡q-.s - lFll 3

ne- (r5 f.^"de lq - y'aer' côr - J,; - å4¡;

7e
^æ\-ne

2. Te mane laudum (carmine)

te deprecemur uesperi
nostra supplex gloria
þer) cuncta laudet secula.

3', Deo patri (sit) gloria

 366

13. Pønge linguø gloriosi I corports mi$ertum (2272)

Pon - 3e lin - 5uc g(o-ri-

o- S( <or - po- rit (,ui -
"fe-
ri)-u,*r.

sonSrri-nis-7,ee pre-ti- o - su,- /nrj,-,.^-Li

[1. continued]

effudit gentium.

+Ihis
section of æxt is not legible
 367

14. Sacris sollcmpnäs íuncta (Z 212\

e
5a- - cr'psol - len¡ni-is tu^- <+a -4

+ +T +T+
.f e,< pr" qr- l; - ¡s so - ngJfpreeo- ni - q.

Ç7:
re- .e - dc$Jt u,e- te - rrr no-.^o. s{nlt

[1. continued]

ornnla
corda uoces et oPera.
 368

15. Te lucis ante terminum (Z l2ùlal')

+
Te ln- ¿is o.¡-te te.r - r.i-n,rr^ 4fe - n- tor j
| fQ.- ,.c^wr fo - S. -ûrrS

+
t s- li- t¿ .le-^e^ - { i- o. I si' ¡"e-s,^l ol. .u - slo - li (Lrl^.

2. Procul recedant sornnia

et (noctium) phantasmata
hostemque nos(tr)um comprime
ne (po)lluantur corpo(ra.)

3. Presta pater omnipotens

per iesum christum dominum
qui tecum perpetuum
fegnat cum sancto spi(ri)n¡. Amen.
 369

16. Ternß ter horis (Z lg7lbf)

Te.r-ais ter ho- ris i e- rus I r^- .t. (ft - Le - t) po^'Li tur
^r¡-

nqß lrri- ai - +"- (+È llO- hr - ,t€ | ^"- ("n) 7re- <-a- *{.,r)

Pq- 4ro -nis e^ .o,r.- (e5-si-o

2. Patronis en confessio
xpisti me(ret)ur gr¿lti] a
laus nostra uel deuocio
(merenu) ind(u)lg(entia¡n).

3. Mors per crucem nu(nc) interüt.

et post tenebras lux redüt
oûor deiscat criminum
splendor nitescat (men)tium.

4. Gloria tibi trinitas.

 370

L7. Xpìste quilux (2197Íbl)

t xPi si'Ê
lui
l.rx e5
F) 4¿ e5
^oe-
(" {"- È- brus ote- te-
3is

.+
l, - ¿i¡ ' 1ru" (l^! -e"
..u-{' .þ I l"- ,.nen å.- ^ - {a^
Pr -
e(- "a+'s)

Pre. - 4-^*)

2. Prec(amur sancte) domine 5. De(fen)sor noster aspice

defende nos (in hac) noct(e in(sidi) antem repri(me)
sit nobis in) te requies gub(er)na tuos famulos
qui(etam) noct(em tribue.) (quos sa)nguine me(r)catus es.

3. Ne grauis sonus (im¡at) 6. Mem(ento) nostri domine

nec hostis nos subripiat in graui isto corpore
ne ca(ro illi) conse(ntiat) qui (es) defensor an(ime)
nos tibi reos statuat. adesto nobis domine.

4. Oculi som(num) capia(nt) 7. P(resta pate{omnipotens

cor ad te semper vi(gile)t per ihesum xpistum dominum
dextera tua p(ro)tegat qui (tecum in perpetuum
famulos (qui) te rliligunt. regnat) cum sancto spiritu.
 371
POLYPHONY

l. Gloria. Spiritus et ølme (Z l8/-')

À,1o. - Ft- o.vr sqyrc- t¿- f¡ - ca.nt.

¡ri- ¡*5. Mþti"r.;

b
n

I ]¡ I I t. l¡ lr lt

J
n )a +' ) r¡-1 t-t
I f I

Mo.- r(- at^ co- ro- nonJ

fhe.sq (n.)'t- t^ A- (, *)
 372
2. Benedictø- Vírgo deí genitrix (Z l.84)

,-7
(b)"- na- ¿)< - ta..

E
et raQ.- -
^C-
14- - b¿ - !¡¡
114
tL'
^?
tac.

+ +
(*")- ter r^t - l¡'q,-
E

(to) -

(1en)'t'ix Wït Lo-

 373
Benedicta. Virgo deí genitrix (Z 184 ) continued

(t*)

(Ò- b.s r^ tu

CL se da.r - ¡it

llt -

(^"- n o.)
 374
3. Allcluyu [Que est istø tam formosaf (Z l8Ø-")

t-l

Al- [e - l¿- tr)

 375
4. Conlaudemus omnes pie (Misal votivo, fol. 49)

\¡l,
f a ? t ) a ) ) a I
I It a, I

l
I -

\¡,/ a. a. I I

Con lo,,r- d"- /at^t Oi^-

^q5 l\' a i(- (e-
?"st tn- ¡¡a¡r - f,rS ert :c na- flt ñC- lof

rJ,,, I t) ___JI
J
t
n

a I t. F

(on- 5qil rñ h^. d'¿ - ¿ ,ñ4^' ¿þ Cor - de

t-t
1." -
^liu.¡} d,r[- c( o- re
r' Lri ol- gue

(t/ I t,
J
I

9.4- li- o.
f¿- (i - o.

a a tf
^ I a ) a a ) lr I )-
v I ___J I a ) a,
j
8

n r-t
Y I I
I I I-t I ) I
). a. ) a a )-

larr ¿{.- Lc- å^ 5t¡,, îLo' ?aL- ¿+

1,'^' F'A
Pr¿- ¿ì- ø.- ¿it trd ni- ta- fepr i,l - (c. -
t-r t-l
t Í a. ) I

ñr t-41 t-t t-l

¿ I I t
È-7
oti. ¿ôyl - lo J"- ¿r¡ - dË .^4, - rq P^r' tq^
fon- s(^t l^- to. tclrl d.¿- rìG - tua
^l-
 376
Conlaudcmus omnes pie (Misalvotivo, fot. 49) continued

l¡rr - 9r- nr5

ho - ni- ni5

II I I

t-l
l r I 7
tl^t I I

Ui.r- oo trl(l- ter Le< in- ta<-- +r r,rot^

F"l
G- l"- 5ti (^lf -
3" so- l;- o tcr -
t-t

fo'' f.* r¡,a o- o- (4- +a. (a( - te de- d.¡t

nt P.- fri¡ fi- Lr- a de- l,¿t t- ¡to
t,
T ) a. f

n f-ì
I I il

,tri - l,¡tA.
Pt2
P.l ti-

ßa-
3.t de- q|t i(- lc- lon- 5{5 *f ¿¡¿+
Ihc- 9t bo- d¿- 3na- rc ,rt P"s
^a ^ot
 377
Conlaudemus omnes pie (Misalvotivo, fol. 49) continued

r-t t-t

t"r m^- årjs 5Po^- 51Lt ño- bi¡ ol¡x- (-

Ps-
?ot' 5t'(- m[u:] p.r - Pa-
{r.o- - rc (¿É f4 g4*'

(.¡- CL

¿¿- q A t e^.
 378
5. Deo nos øgentes (Misalvotivorfol.53')

T- te rÂ05 d"- ,t-. Lø*-d-at'-L.g L,^r-b. b" l¿' dn-- l¿- qttt
lïlro

eI nto.- rt- e ^o5

cþ- wc,to[.n tes ,'tar. mt- 5(L .tt
\
f
à I
r a.
I I
)
l¿.
/a -
'l-
J. J

I
n
f I
a. .1. lt4t
7 aa¿).

Du- o 4-
3"^-
4O- 4ro¡ rtl - tl^eYì -

a -t
-a ) a
t ñ
7- )a-
J

J
n
l-
I
I I I

tdt tri ,rl- Jo.'

Xro'
cL' a-s
t t-ì
¿t5 ma,-

^I
t çt a. I

!
J
I
n
H
I I I I I lì I
)- )a ) I t' I

fttt S
lrn- ËeS
t
e)( - r- ,rt- 45.
Nelson, K. E. (1990). Unknown Polyphony in a 14th Century Spanish Misal Votivo.
Miscellanea Musicologica : Adelaide Sudies in Musicology, 17, 1-12.

NOTE:

This publication is included in the print copy

of the thesis held in the University of Adelaide Library.
 391

BIBLIOGRAPHY

1. Manuscript Sources
Arouca, Arquivo do Mosteiro de sanø Ma¡ia, s.n. [13th century antiphoner]

Ba¡çelona, Arrchivo de la Catedral, Ms. 116.

Ba.rrcelona, ffeó Català, Ms. l.

Besançon, Bibliotheque municipale, Ms. 76.

Burgos, Archivo de la Catedral,Ms.6U2.

Gerona, Museo Diocesano, Ms.4.

Huesca, A¡chivo de la Catedral, cód. 20 (3).

London, British Library, Add. 23935.

Madrid, Archivo Histórico Nacional, Códices, Carpeta t455.

Madrid, Biblioteca de la Real Academia de la Historia, Aemil., cód. 18.

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Madrid, Biblioteca Lâza¡o Galdiano, Ms. 662.

Mad¡id, Biblioteca Nacional, M. m4.

Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional, Ms. M. 1361.

Mad¡id, Biblioteca Nacional, Mss. 136.

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Mad¡id, Biblioteca Nacional, Mss. 289.

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Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional, Mss. V'19-7.

Montserrat, Biblioteca del Monasterio, Ms. 73.

Montserrat, Biblioteca del Monasterio, Ms. 759.

Montserrat, Biblioteca del Monasterio, Ms. 820.

Montserrat, Biblioteca del Monasterio, Ms. 1042no.25.

Paris, Bibliothèque nationale, lat. 1139.

 392

Pa¡is, Bibliothèque nationale, tr. â. Iat.495.

Pa¡is, Bibliothèque nationale, n. â. Iat.II77.

Paris, Bibliothèque nationale, tr. â. Iat.3126.

Rouen, Bibliothèque municipale, Ms. 260 y.l.

Santiago de Compostela, Archivo de la Catedral, frag. 9.

Villalobos, Convento de Santa Clara, s.n. [14tV15th century antiphoner].

7-amora, Archivo Catedralicio, cód. 104.

7-atrrora, Archivo Catedralicio, cód. 105.

Zamora, Archivo Histórico Provincial, P ergamínos musicales.

2. Other Sources: Primary and Secondary

Abrontes, Rica¡do. "Arquitectura medieval". In Zamora en lø edad rnedia,26-31. Zamora:

Caja de Zannora,1988.

Aguilar, Gaspar de. Ane de principios d¿ canto llano. Viejos Libros de Música 11. Madrid:

Joyas Bibliográfi cas, L97 7 . Facsimile edition.

Alfonso, Isabel. "El monacato". In Zamora en la edad media, 20-25. Zamora: Caja de

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