August - 2014 Odisha Review

Netaji and Gandhi : A Different Look

Dr. Sridhar Charan Sahoo

Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi and Subhas

Chandra Bose had the same objective of liberating
the country from the yoke of British imperialism.
Until the political clash at Tripuri they worked more
or less together under the common platform of
the Indian National Congress for about two
decades. After his escape from the country during
the Second World War, Bose gave up the
Gandhian method of Satyagraha and non-violent
non-cooperation. He secured the help and
assistance of the Axis powers, organized an armed
struggle from outside the country and tried to
overthrow British imperialism from the Indian soil
by force of arms. This mutual divergence in the
means and method of struggle has led many
scholars to delineate Subhas – Gandhi relationship
in more or less dichotomous and incompatible
terms. It has been said that in their pursuit of the truth of the matter is that, in a way, there seems to
objective of freedom “each stuck to his ideas, have been some meaningful and fruitful interaction
refused to make any compromise to between them inspite of all their divergence.
accommodate the views of the other because their
stances were almost always diametrically In our paper, we have tried to search
bonds of unity between Netaji and Gandhi even
opposed.1 Further, it has been said “Bose was a
soldier, Gandhi a statesman, Bose believed in the though both of them differed as regards their
sword, Gandhi in non-violence; Bose believed in means and method of struggle more particularly
during the Second World War when Netaji
ends, Gandhi in the means”2 . This dichotomous
presentation of Bose—Gandhi relationship seems launched an armed struggle against the British in
to suffer from the folly of oversimplification and his quest for India’s freedom.
fails to prove an indepth, deep and total In our quest for unity, we have read
understanding of their complex relationship. The between the lines of Netaji-Gandhi relationship

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during the period from 1939-1942 upto the difficulty involved in a life and death struggle. Our
launching of the Quit India Movement in 1942. paper ventures an explanation and shows that it
was Subhas and his strategy which to some extent
As per our level of understanding of the
radicalized the mind of Gandhi even though he
above - said period of Indian History, we crave
was not in India at the time having left the country
the indulgence of the readers and venture to submit
in his quest for India’s freedom.
our plea that portrayal of Netaji-Gandhi
relationship in dichotomous terms appears to be Netaji—Gandhi Interaction (1939-
unjust. It is being felt by us that inspite of all 1942) – Reading between the lines
divergence, they never acted like parallel lines After the Munich pact in September
without any meeting point. They interacted and 1938, Subhas had no doubt about the inevitability
there seems to have been some meaningful and of an European War and Britain’s involvement in
fruitful interaction between them. it. First and foremost a nationalist, he desired India
to take advantage of Britain’s difficulty when it
Taking into account Gandhiji’s struggle—
would be entangled in the impending war. In fact,
averse mindset in the beginning of the Second
he began an open propaganda throughout India
World War and his lion—like uncompromising to prepare the Indian people for a national struggle
stance during the Quit India Movement, we have which should synchronize with the coming war in
tried to show that it was in a way a victory of Europe3 . This call for a struggle was resented by
Netaji’s strategy. His tone and temper clearly the Gandhietes who were not prepared to be
smacked of a revolutionary élan quite akin to the disturbed in their ministerial and parliamentary
soul and spirit of Netaji. Ideologically they work and who at the time were opposed to any
appeared to come nearer. It marked the climax national struggle. At the Tripuri session of the Indian
of Netaji’s almost life—long and uninterrupted National Congress in March 1939, Bose
attempts to radicalize and revolutionise the proposed that the congress should forthwith serve
congress organisation. The decision of the Quit a six months ultimatum to the British Government
India Movement during the Second World War demanding independence for India failing which
in 1942 was a Virtual gift given by the Mahatma the congress should launch an all out struggle, to
to rebel Subhas. All this we have tried to submit oust the British from India. This proposal was
in course of this paper basing it upon various opposed by the Gandhi wing and by Nehru and
sources. When the Second World War began and was thrown out4 . This was, as it were, a peculiar
Britain got involved in it, Subhas insisted situation when the congress refused to accept the
persistently that ‘England’s difficulty is India’s lead of the president. War broke out in Europe in
opportunity and it is the time opportune to launch September 1939 and Bose’s political foresight in
our struggle for freedom. Gandhiji at the time was having advocated a six month’s ultimatum at the
Tripuri Congress was vindicated.
not prepared to oblige Subhas and immediately
launch any struggle to achieve India’s freedom. It Subhas considered the outbreak of the
was said to be against the tenet of non-violence Second World War as a welcome opportunity to
to create difficulties for one’s enemy when he is struggle for India’s freedom because a blow to
beset by dangers. But Gandhi did it and launched Britain in Europe would undoubtedly weaken her
the historic Quit India Movement during the grasp on India. Other congress leaders had no
Second World War itself when Britain was still in such clear cut vision of the future and Gandhi and

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Nehru apparently had no desire to take advantage chances of success that Britain’s difficulty was
of Britain’s troubles5 . Infact, after his interview India’s opportunity10 ".
with the Viceroy on September 5, 1939 Gandhiji What led Gandhi to retreat from his earlier
told His Excellency that his sympathies were with position? How do we explain this revolution in
England and France “from the purely humanitarian the mind of Gandhi whereby he “withdrew step
standpoint”6 . It is interesting to note that unlike by step from his spontaneous offer of
Subhas, Gandhiji was not thinking in terms of unconditional cooperation with the British
“India’s deliverance” at the time. In his letter to Government in September 1939, till he asked
Hitler dated 23rd July from Abbottabad Gandhiji Britain to Quit India in August 1942” in the most
said “I am not just now thinking of India’s unqualified terms? To an extent, we do feel, that
deliverance. It will come but what will it be worth it is Subhas and his Forward Bloc which
if England and France fall or if they come out contributed towards a change in Gandhiji’s
victorious over Germany ruined and humbled7 .” outlook almost pressurizing him to retreat from
Gandhi therefore was opposed in the beginning his inflexible parameters of non-violence. Possibly,
to any movement during the war and in fact, he Bose’s constant and consistent clamour, appeal
refused to oblige Abul Kalam Azad to launch any and persuasion to the effect that congress should
mass movement as he felt that such a movement utilize the favourable international situation and
will lead to violence8 . That apart, he believed that launch upon a struggle during the war itself became
any movement when Britain was in difficulty will a fruitful ideological interaction. It is significant to
derogate from his doctrine of non-violence “His note that with the outbreak of war, Subhas was
philosophy is based on non-violence. He seeks invited almost surprisingly to help in formulating
to conquer his enemies by self-sacrifice, affection the war policy of the congress. In the said meeting,
and love.......... His belief was that if we should he appealed to the congress to launch upon an
show our capacity for sacrifice and our want of immediate national struggle. Subhas’s aforesaid
animosity towards the British it would in the end view could hardly cut any ice with the congress
convert the heart of the opponent. In fact, it was High Command.
on this supposition, the honesty and good
As late as the Ramgarh session of March
intention of the opponents that he based his refusal 1940, the Indian National Congress remained
to embarrass the British Government during the indecisive as regards its war policy. In fact no
War. To him, it was against the tenet of non- concrete plan could be formulated in the session11 .
violence to create difficulties for one’s opponents However, Bose did not lose heart but tenaciously
when he is beset by dangers9 ". persisted in his efforts to radicalize, revolutionize
However, it is not without significance that and activate the Congress to take to the path of
the Mahatma during the war itself issued an immediate struggle. Presiding over his Anti-
ultimatum to the British and came out “like an compromise conference, in March 1940 Bose
angry lion with his roar of Quit India on August 8, criticized the Congress inaction and gave a call
1942”. N. C. Jog has rightly commented that such for an immediate All India struggle “with no rest
a development could be construed as a belated or break or any side tracking as happened in
vindication of Bose’s stand a veritable triumph 1932”. He constantly harped upon his pet slogan
for him. In fact, did not Bose maintain all along from different platforms that “Britain’s difficulty
that it was only when Britain was involved in a was India’s opportunity” and it was the time
war that we could fight it with the maximum opportune to launch an all out struggle for the

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achievement of India’s freedom. Jawaharlal like You thrive when there is a fight, you are terribly
Gandhi was not in favour of mass struggle during emotional, but I have to think of several factors. I
the war and did not approve of the idea of am an oldman now and must not do anything in
exploiting “Britain’s perilous position." His heart haste. I have the greatest admiration for you.
went to the Allies and he yearned to help them12 . Regarding your love for the country and
What really concerned him most was the determination to achieve its freedom, you are
dangerous omens of fascist victories from the second to none. Your sincerity is transparent. Your
larger stand-point of human freedom and he cried spirit of self-sacrifice and suffering cannot be
out in anguish. “The world is tragic to those who surpassed by anybody. But I would like these
are sensitive, heart-burning to those who feel”. qualities to be used at a more opportune
Undeterred by either Gandhiji or Nehru’s attitude movement”.
Subhas and his Forward Bloc ventured upon to “On this Subhas said that, that was the
launch an anti-British and anti-war campaign on most opportune moment and that it was
the 6th April 1940. In his presidential address at impossible to think of any other situation in which
the second session of the All India Forward Bloc India would be better placed to start the struggle”.
held at Nagpur on June 18, 1940 Sri Bose gave Gandhiji said: “Why do you think that we cannot
the rallying cry of “All power to the Indian people”. get better opportunities later on? I am sure we
He sought to galvanize the masses into action and will have many such opportunities. Whether
pointed out that it was high time for the Indian England wins or loses this war, she will be so
people to make an immediate demand for the weakened by it that she will not have the strength
transference of power to them through a to shoulder the responsibilities of administering
provisional national Government13 . the country after the war and with some slight
He did not bother about either the effort on our part she will have no alternative but
potentialities of fascist threats to freedom or the to recognize India’s independence. Both
philosophical subtleties of Gandhian non-violence. politically and morally, I feel that we should not
Acting as a cold blooded realist and ardent be hasty in launching movement at the present
nationalist, he said, “India must in this grave crisis juncture. My conscience tells me to wait for better
think of herself first” 14 . times”.
After the Forward Bloc conference at On this Subhas said; “Bapu, if you give a
Nagpur Subhas met Gandhi at Sevagram in June call, the nation will respond to it”. Gandhiji said;
1940. In the meeting which turned out to be their “Even if the nation is ready at a moment like this,
last, Subhas made his final attempt to persuade I must not do anything that is inopportune”.
Gandhi to launch some immediate mass Subhas said; “If you think that this moment is
movement. A touch of emotion and sincerity inopportune, I want your blessings on me for
characterizes their talks. Fortunately, a full record starting such a movement”. Said Gandhiji; “you
of the talk is available from the reminiscences of do not need my blessings. How can I bless a
Nathalal D. Parikh, a close associate and personal movement which I consider inopportune and
friend of Subhas, who was present on the which I feel is morally unjustifiable now. You have
occasion. After listening to Subhas at great length got the qualities of a great leader and if your
Mahatmaji said “Subhas, I have always loved you. conscience tells you that this is the best time for
You are keen on launching some mass movement. striking out, go ahead, and do your best. If you

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August - 2014 Odisha Review

come out successful I will be the first to effect that India should be no party to an
congratulate...... I would like to tell you again that imperialist war and should resist the
India will get better opportunities in future and employment of India’s money, men and
will be in a better position to give a fight to English resources. To an American Journalist who
than it is now” 15 . asked Gandhiji why he could not wait for
Indian freedom till the end of the war, he
It is significant to note that after the
replied calmly but significantly “Go and ask
bugle to wage an uncompromising struggle
Subhas. Such a passion for freedom animates
was sounded by the Anti-compromise
us all today”19 . When Gandhiji launched the
Conference of Ramgarh in March 1940 there Quit India movement, Subhas had left India
appeared an element of dynamism and in his quest for India’s freedom. By launching
mobility in the National Congress. A the movement during the war itself when
Satyagraha pledge was devised and members Britain was in the midst of a life and death
of all executive committees of all Congress struggle, Gandhiji seems to have conceded to
Organizations were obliged to take this pledge the aggressive, realistic and radical stand of
on the pain of disciplinary action. Over and Subhas and his forward Bloc. It was “his
above, leaders camps were organized in biggest gift to the rebel Netaji which
several places with their participation in drill immensely strengthened his position and
and parade16 . One would feel that Gandhi enabled him to speak and act for the cause of
could not possibly ignore the “wild India’s freedom in the international sphere”
acclamation and frenzied enthusiasm” with 20
.
which the resolution on national struggle was
passed at the Anti compromise conference on Abul Kalam Azad in his book “India
20th March 194017 . We would like to relate the Wins Freedom” points out that Gandhiji’s
Satyagraha pledges and leaders camps coming admiration for Bose coloured his viewpoint
after Ramgarh as the outcome of a definite about the war situation and was somewhat
change in Gandhiji’s attitude which was responsible for the failure of the Cripps
Mission, He observes: “Gandhiji did not express
different from the one at the beginning of the
his opinion about the outcome of the war in
war when he almost fought shy of any idea of
clearest terms but in discussions with him I felt
struggle. There was a rumour that “a restricted
that he was becoming more and more doubtful
from Satyagraha” may be started in the near
about an Allied Victory. I also saw that Subhas
future 18 .
Bose’s escape to Germany had made a great
It came out true when Gandhiji started impression on Gandhiji. He had not formerly
the individual Satyagraha movement later. approved many of Bose’s actions but now I found
This individual limited Satyagraha seems to a change in his outlook. Many of his remarks
have been some concession to Subhas and the convinced me that he admired the courage and
radicals though of course it was no mass resourcefulness which Subhas Bose had displayed
movement. That apart, if the Indian National in making his escape from India. His admiration
Congress did not extend unconditional help for Subhas unconsciously coloured his view about
to Great Britain during the war it was primarily the whole war situation. This admiration was also
due to Subhas’s constant reminder of the one of the factors which clouded the discussion
congress policy decided at Haripura to the during the Cripps Mission to India. There was a

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Odisha Review August- 2014

news flash that Subhas Bose had died in an air- The minute of the meeting quoted Nehru
crash. This created a sensation in India and saying: “It is Gandhiji’s feeling that Japan and
Gandhiji among others was deeply moved. Germany will win. The approach in the draft
resolution is different from mine23 .” Gandhiji’s lack
He sent a message of condolence to
of faith in British Victory against the Axis powers
Subhas Bose’s mother in which he spoke in
is also evident from his talk with Louis Fischer on
glowing terms about her son and his services to 4th June 194224 . It is interesting to note that
India. Later on, it turned out that the report was Jawaharlal thought differently from Gandhi and
false. Cripps however complained to me that he “hoped that Britain would win25 .”
had not expected a man like Gandhiji to speak in
such glowing terms about Subhas Bose21 .” Why was Gandhiji becoming more and
more doubtful about Allied Victory? Why was he
Sri Azad who was a close confidant of “more than convinced” that Britain cannot win this
Gandhiji and an active participant in the congress war. It calls for a deep probe into the factors and
drama of those memorable days saw that forces which shaped and moulded his mind but
Gandhiji’s mind “was now moving from the then partially at least the Subhas phenomenon
extreme of complete inactivity to that of organized might have interacted upon Gandhiji’s mind to
mass effort. The process had perhaps began determine his attitude as regards the outcome of
earlier but it became clear after Cripps left 22 .” the war.
Abul Kalam Azad has underlined four Bose’s escape made great impression on
important things which are important to note with Gandhiji’s mind and he admired his courage and
regard to Subhas – Gandhi relationship. Firstly, resourcefulness. Why was Gandhi admiring the
Subhas Bose’s escape impressed Gandhiji greatly rebel who had openly sided with Axis powers?
and after that some change was marked in the Was it because he had some inward guilt
outlook of Gandhi towards Bose. Secondly, consciousness to have not given a fair deal to
Subhas during the Tripuri Crisis?
Gandhiji’s admiration for Subhas coloured his
view about the war situation and he was becoming The Cripps proposals held out the
more and more doubtful about Allied victory. promises of dominion status after the war.
Thirdly, Gandhiji’s admiration towards Bose was Gandhi’s attitude towards this British offer was
one of the factors which clouded the discussions absolutely stiff and uncompromising. He said to
during the Cripps mission. Fourthly, Gandhiji’s Cripps: “Why did you come if this is what you
mind was moving from extreme of complete have to offer? If this is your entire proposal to
inactivity to that of organized mass effort. India I would advise you to take the next plane
home26 .” Bose was outside the country during
Subhas after his escape from the country the Cripps plan negotiations. But it is interesting
proclaimed time and again that the Axis powers to note that Bose was quite well-informed on the
will win the war. Gandhiji was also becoming more matter and exposed the inadequacies of the
and more doubtful about allied victory vis-à-vis Cripps proposals to his Countrymen at home. In
the Axis powers. This is borne out by the minutes a broadcast from Azad Hind Radio, Germany on
of a meeting of the Congress working committee March 25, 1942 Sri Bose said: “I have considered
seized by the British when the Allahabad office of very carefully the offer of the British Government
the A.I.C.C. was raided on May 28, 1942. to India and the radio speech of Sri Stafford

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August - 2014 Odisha Review

Cripps in that connection. Sri Stafford’s proposals Gandhiji seemed to have developed a soft
contain nothing that is fundamentally new. The corner for Subhas which was testified by Abul
essence is dominion status within the empire which Kalam Azad29 . In a way, there is a perceptible
will be realized only when the war is over. But vibration of the same spirit in his conversation with
according to the terms of the offer, the speech of Louis Fischer.
Sri Stafford Cripps and comments of English Louis Fischer expressed his sense of
papers it is quite clear that the real intention of the shock before Gandhiji for the latter’s telegram of
British Government is to split India into a number condolences for Bose’s reported death and his
of states, just as Ireland was split up at the end of regret for the demise of a man who went to Fascist
the last war. I am doubtful whether India will even Germany and collaborated with it. Gandhiji,
look at such an offer”. Did Gandhi listen to Bose’s however, defended Bose as “a patriot of patriots”.
broadcasts from outside the country? Was he is “He may be misguided, I think he is misguided, I
any way, influenced by him? The similarity of have often opposed Bose. Twice I kept him from
outlook between Subhas and Gandhi in this regard becoming president of Congress. Finally, he did
is quite significant. become president, although my views often
differed from his. But suppose he had gone to
The tone and temper of Gandhiji’s mind
Russia or to America to ask aid for India. Would
is further evident from the following. “I am not
that have made it better? Yes, of course” said
interested in future promises. I am not interested
Louis Fischer, “It does make a difference to whom
in independence after the war. I want you go”. “I do not want help from anybody to
independence now. That will help England win make India free Gandhiji declared. “I want India
the war27 .” This stiff and uncompromising attitude to help herself30 .”
towards British imperialism became almost a
Gandhi was not prepared to pay any
recurring tend in Gandhi’s attitude till the launching
attention to Fischer’s apprehension that Subhas
of the Quit-India Movement.
with his “youth and propensity for dramatic action”
There was a clear mark of erosion of faith might succumb to the lure of fascism and make
in the goodness of British imperialism and he more India free but fascist, whereby India would be
and more, became stiff, unbending and worse off than under British rule. On the other
uncompromising. In March 1940, Gandhiji had hand, he does not hesitate to condemn British rule
stated compromise is in my very being28 .” The on the same score of Fascist proclivities found in
position that he had now reached was materially British rule. “There are powerful elements of
different. Abul Kalam Azad rightly observed that fascism in British Rule”. Gandhiji exclaimed and
there was a shift from “the extreme of inactivity in India these are the elements which we see and
to that of organized effort” – or as it were – a feel everyday. If the British wish to document their
shift from stagnation to mobility. No more did he right to win the war and make the world better
seem averse to the idea of a struggle as was they must purify themselves by surrendering
power in India31 .”
marked in his attitude in the beginning of the war.
It fact, his mind was now evolving towards an Gandhi not only defended Bose but in a
uncompromising struggle. The tone and temper way represented his revolutionary impatience for
was virtually revolutionary quite akin to the soul Swaraj and also the action-oriented motivation
and spirit of Subhas. which was so characteristic of Subhas, “I have

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become impatient. I cannot wait any longer. I may When further asked whether the peasants
not be able to convince the Congress. Men who were to seize the land “With Violence” Gandhiji
have held office in congress may not rise to the significantly said, “There may be violence but then
occasion (Gandhiji looked pointedly to Nehru again the landlords may cooperate”. “There may
when he said this) I will go ahead nevertheless be fifteen days chaos” Gandhiji speculated, but
and address myself directly to the people. “I think we could bring that under control33 .” By
the by, Gandhiji’s attitude towards confiscation
Therefore, it is “Gandhiji continued” that of land of the landlords needs special notice as it
I come to brass tacks and say that the British will marks him out as a socialist much more
understand not while we are reasoning with them revolutionary than is ordinarily known. Questioned
and showing them the great justice and feasibility by Fischer, whether it must be confiscation
of our proposal but when we begin to act. That is without compensation, Gandhiji concurred with
British history, they are impressed by action and the said view point and declared, “of course” “It
it is action that we must take now32 .” The above would be financially impossible for anybody to
conversation of June 7, 1942 between Louis compensate the landlords34 .”
Fischer and Gandhiji brings out in bolder relief
Gandhiji’s mind quite oriented and motivated Again on to Gandhiji’s attitude towards
non-violence, in case your impending civil
towards a struggle against British imperialism. He
was now prepared to go against Nehru and disobedience movement “Fischer asked,
develops a violent phase, as it has sometimes in
against the whole Congress and directly appeal
the past years, would you call it off? In my present
to people to start an immediate struggle for the
mood” Gandhiji replied “it would be incorrect to
achievement of Swaraj. He was impatient and he
say that no circumstances might arise in which I
was not prepared to wait any longer and see India
would call off the movement; in the past, however,
reeling under British rule. No spirit of
I have been too cautious. That was necessary for
Compromise now. He has lost faith in the British
my own training and for the training of my
goodness and nothing but action is the need of collaborators. But I would not behave as I have
the hour. in the past35 .” Gandhiji is “essentially a man of
Gandhiji’s attitude towards non-violence compromise” but as he said on June 9, 1942 it is
seems to have undergone some change in his latest the unbending future in him that was upper – most
and new mood. He no longer seemed to put the and there is no half-way house between
same stress on the ethical absoluteness and withdrawal and non-withdrawal.
inflexibility of the yesteryears. This would be What followed after the June 8 and June
evident from his conversation with Fischer on 8th 9 conversation with Fischer seemed to further
and 9th June of 1942 and of course his later stance confirm “that there was nothing intrinsically
that ultimately culminated with the historic decision virtuous in non-violence and that it presented no
of August 8, 1942, the Quit India movement. absolute faith or belief36 .” There seems no doubt
Fischer asked Gandhiji to apprise him about the that Gandhiji’s mind in his latest mood did not or
nature and character of the “impending Civil possibly could not fully conform to a rigid and
Disobedience Movement. “In the villages” Gandhi doctrinal adherence to the doctrine of non-
explained the peasant will stop paying taxes. They violence. In fact “Gandhiji, for all his rock – like
will make salt despite official prohibition – their adherence to certain principles, has shown a great
next step will be to seize the land”. capacity to adapt himself to others and to changing

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August - 2014 Odisha Review

circumstances, to take into consideration the all this is open rebellion41 . The Quit India
strength and weakness of those others especially resolution was passed on 8 th August 1942 by the
of the mass of the people, and how far they were Congress working committee in Bombay,
capable of acting up to the truth as he saw it 37 .” Gandhiji’s stance was revolutionary and
Jawaharlal Nehru underlined this change uncompromising. He “suggested no compromise
in Gandhiji. He observed: “In late months, leading and his tone was inflexible”. “We shall get our
upto August 1942, Gandhiji’s nationalism and freedom by fighting and it cannot fall from the
intense desire for freedom made him even agree skies”. So was said by Gandhiji. He gave the
to congress participation in the war if India could slogan Do or Die for his campaign42 . He was even
function as a free country. For him this was a prepared “to fight to the finish even if he stood
remarkable and astonishing change, involving alone against the whole world43 . His last message
suffering of the mind and pain of the spirit. In the was “we get our freedom or we die”.
conflict between that principle of non-violence Subhas had escaped from India on
which has become his very life-blood and meaning January 17, 1941 in his quest for freedom and
of existence and India’s freedom, which was a was not there in the country when Gandhiji
dominating and consuming passion for him, the launched the Quit India movement. But he was
scales inclined towards the latter. That did not elated over the launching of the Quit India
mean, of course, that he weakened in his faith in Movement and considered 1942 as “the year of
non-violence. But it did mean that he was Grace”. He, moreover, announced over the Azad
prepared to agree to the congress not applying it Hind Radio in Germany a programme of action
in this war. The practical statesman looks called “Non-violent Guerrilla warfare” to be
precedence over the uncompromising prophet38 .” followed by the freedom fighters in the country.
Prof. H. H. Das and P.S.N. Patro have rightly The object of the Non-violent Guerrilla warfare
observed that Gandhiji’s interpretation of the in his view was two-fold “Firstly to destroy war
Wardha resolution of 11th July 1942 as “An open production in India and secondly to paralyze the
rebellion” was a clear indication of his ideological British administration in the Country”. Keeping
proximity to Bose as far as the limited objective these objects in view Bose called upon every
of driving out British from India was concerned39 . section of the society to participate in the historic
A stage came when Gandhi like Subhas struggle. He asked the people to stop paying all
thought of freedom as of over-riding taxes, workers in industries to launch a stay in
consideration. This inevitably resulted in some of strike and carry out sabotage to impede
flexibility in his attitude towards non-violence. It production. The students were called upon to
is evident from what he said on 8th July 1942. “I organize secret guerrilla bands for carrying on
do not want rioting as a direct result, but if inspite sabotage in different parts of the country. Women
of precautions rioting does take place it cannot and girl students were required to act as secret
be helped40 . On 14th July 1942 Gandhiji told a messengers and provide shelter for the men who
group of journalists that there was absolutely no fight. The Government officials were also
room for compromise and negotiation unless the appealed by Subhas to give all available
British recognized India’s independence. “There information to fighters outside and to hamper
is no room left for negotiation. Either they production working inefficiently. For the general
recognize India’s independence or they do not. public he also chalked out a programme of action.
There is no question of one more chance. After They were asked to take up boycott of British

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Goods, publish secret bulletins and set up secret that any movement when Britain was in difficulty
radio stations. The other items recommended to will derogate from his doctrine of non-violence.
be put into operation were setting fire to In fact on September 6, 1939, three days after
Government offices and factories working for war the commencement of the Second World War,
purpose, interrupting railway, bus and tram Gandhi had issued a press statement that inspite
services so as to hamper the transport of soldiers of the differences between India and Britain on
or of war material and lastly destroying police Indian Independence, India should cooperate with
stations, railway stations and jails44 . There is no Britain in her hour of danger. However, Congress
doubt that Bose’s concept of non-violent guerilla under Gandhiji’s leadership passed the famous
warfare influenced the nature and course of the Quit India resolution three years later on August
Quit India Movement to a considerable extent. It 8, 1942 when Britain was still in the midst of a life
ran counter to the Gandhian strategy of truth, non- and death struggle. As we saw, Gandhi ultimately
violence clean and open fight. A. Appadorai has took an absolutely uncompromising stand against
rightly pointed out that Bose’s non-violent British imperialism. His tone and temper clearly
Guerrilla warfare was “indeed a contradiction in
smacked of a revolutionary élan quite akin to the
terms” and Bose’s interpretation of non-violence
soul and spirit of Netaji. In a way, it was a
only revealed how differently the same concept
vindication of Netaji’s revolutionary and realistic
could be interpreted by leaders and thinkers to
strategy of fight against the British Raj. So, it is
the confusion of the ordinary man who is asked
aptly said that the Quit India Movement brought
to accept it 45 . However, in the absence of any
official programme of action by the Indian National Gandhi and Bose ideologically nearer to each
Congress, Netaji’s strategy of non-violent guerrilla other and marked the climax of Bose’s attempts
warfare “was the only guideline for the mass to radicalize the Congress Organization49 .
movement of 194246 .” References:
In March 1939 at the Tripuri session of 1. B. K. Ahluwalia and Shashi Ahluwalia, Netaji &
the Congress Subhas had proposed that the Gandhi, (Preface) Indian Academic Publishers,
Indian National Congress should immediately send New Delhi, 1982. P.viii.
an ultimatum to the British Government 2. Ibid.
demanding independence within six months and 3. Netaji Collected Works, Vol.II; The Indian
should simultaneously prepare for a national Struggle (1920-1942), Netaji Research Bureau,
struggle. This proposal for an ultimatum was Calcutta, 1981, pp.370-371.
opposed by Gandhi and Nehru and was thrown 4. Ibid, p.371
out. Subhas had maintained all along that it was 5. Michael Edwards, The Last Years of British India,
only when Britain was involved in war that we Cassell London, 1963, pp.67-68.
could fight it with the maximum chances of success 6. Indian Annual Register, Vol.II, N. N. Mitra, (ed.)
and that Britain’s difficulty was India’s The Annual Register Office, p.379.
opportunity47 . When Britain got entangled in war 7. Ibid.
with Germany, Subhas implored Gandhi and the 8. Abul Kalam Azad, India Wins Freedom, Orient
Indian National Congress to launch upon some Longmans, 1959, p.72.
mass struggle for freedom. To Subhas, this was 9. B. K. Keshar, “Subhas Babu and the 1942
“India’s golden opportunity” to fight and win Struggle”. Netaji : His Life and Work (ed.) Sri
Swaraj48 . Gandhiji, on the other hand, considered Ram Sharma, Agra, 1948, p.206.

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10. N. G. Jog. In Freedom’s Quest. Orient Longmans, 29. B. K. Ahluwalia & Shashi Ahluwalia, op.cit., p.9.
New Delhi, 1969, p.303. 30. Louis Fischer, op.cit., pp.57-58.
11. Rafiq Zakaria, A Many Splendored Life : A Study 31. Ibid, pp.58-59.
of Nehru, Times of India Publication, 1960, p.39.
32. Ibid, p.78.
12. Ibid.
33. Ibid, p.91.
13. Subhas Chandra Bose, Cross Roads, The Works
34. Ibid.
of Subhas Chandra Bose (1938-1946), Netaji
Research Bureau, Calcutta, 1981, pp.340. 35. Ibid, p.101.
14. Ibid. 36. Frank Moraes, Witness to An Era, Vikas, New
Delhi, 1976, p.85.
15. Nathlal D. Parikh, “Reminiscences A Nation’s
Homage” Life and Work of Netaji Subhas 37. Jawaharlal Nehru. The Discovery of India, Oxford
Chandra Bose , (ed.) P. D. Saggi, Overseas University Press, 1988, p.445.
Publishing House, Bombay, p.45. 38. Ibid, p.447
16. Subhas Chandra Bose, Cross Roads, o p . 39. H. H. Das & P.S.N. Patro, Indian Political
cit.,p.306. Tradition, Sterling, New Delhi, 1998,p.239.
17. Ibid, p.298. 40. Frank Moraes, op.cit., p.106.
18. Ibid, p.307. 41. Ibid.
19. Hari Vishnu Kamath, “The Forward Movement 42. Ibid, p.107.
within the Indian National Congress”, Netaji, His 43. Netaji Collected Works, Vol.II, op.cit.,p.393.
Life and Works (ed.) Sri Ram Sharma op.cit., p.10.
44. Selected Speeches of Subhas Chandra Bose,
20. Samar Guha, “Netaji and the Mahatma”. The Publications Division, Govt. of India, 1983, pp.
Sunday Statesman, 26.01.1986. 145-147.
21. Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, op.cit., p.41 45. Appadorai, Indian Political thinking in the
22. Ibid. twentieth century from Naoroji to Nehru , Oxford
23. Minoo Masani, A Political Memoir – “An University Press, 1979, p.54.
Eyewitness Account of our struggle for freedom”, 46. H. H. Das & P. S. N. Patro, op.cit., p.240.
Arnold Heinemann paperback edition, 1981. 47. B. K. Ahluwalia & Sashi Ahluwalia, op.cit.,p.9.
Pp.176-177.
48. Netaji Collected Works, Vol.II, op.cit., p.578.
24. Louis Fischer, A Week with Gandhi, George Allen
49. Harihar Das, Subhas Chandra Bose and the
& Unwin Ltd., London 1943, p.15: “I am more
Indian National Movement, Sterling Publishers
than ever convinced that Britain cannot win this
Pvt. Ltd., New Delhi, 1983, p.319.
war unless she leaves India”.
25. Michael Edwards, The Last Years of British India,
op.cit., p.69.
26. Louis Fischer, A Week with Gandhi, op.cit., p.15.
27. Ibid, p.34. Dr. Sridhar Charan Sahoo, Retd. Principal,Ravenshaw
28. Michael Edwards, op.cit., p.69. (Jr.) College, Cuttack.

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