SOME ASPECTS OF THE STATUS OF WOMEN AMONG

THE KONSO OF SOUTHERN ETHIOPIA

A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE SCHOOL OF

GRADUATE STUDIES

ADDIS ABABA UNIVERSITY

IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR

THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS

IN SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY

BY MAMITU YILMA

JUNE, 2002
 DECLARATION

I the undersigned, declare that this thesis is my work and that all sources of
material used for the thesis have been duly acknowledged.

NAME MAMITU YILMA

SIGNATURE __________________
DATE JUNE, 2OO2

This thesis has been submitted for examination with my approval as a

University Advisor.

Name Dr. Tadesse Berisso

Signature ---------------------------

Date ------------------------------

ii
 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

This paper has demanded the support and contribution of different individuals
and institutions to come to realization.

First of all I would like to express my heartfelt thanks and gratitude to my advisor
Dr. Tadesse Berisso, who untiringly gave me advice and guidance which helped
me to take the right track. Had it not been for his effort and continued follow-up,
this paper could have not reached this final stage.

I would like to thank my family who supported me all the way, and my colleagues
who gave me their unreserved support when I badly needed it throughout my
education, field work and the write up of this paper. I am grateful to my brother,
Dr. Gessesse Tadesse, who followed my progress and corrected and edited the
draft.

I would like also to thank my home base Institution, the ARCCH (Authority of
Research and Conservation of Cultural Heritage) for the support it has given me.
I would particularly like to express my heartfelt gratitude to the General Manager,
Ato Jara H/Mariam, for his continuing support and understanding and to all my
colleagues and staff members who in time encouraged and supported me
morally.

The instructors and staff members of the Department of Anthropology also

deserve my thanks as they have given me their continuous support and
assistance. I am indebted to all of them, particularly Dr. Teferi Abate who pushed
me hard not to give up my work during my bereavement upon the death of my
brother. Dr. Hirut Terefe and the able Department secretary, W/ro Enani, deserve
my deepest respect and heartfelt thanks.

iii
I would also like to thank CERTWID for the grant it has offered me and for its
kind assistance. My thanks go to the head, Dr. Emebet Mullugetta, and the
secretary, W/ro Esette.

My heartfelt thanks also go to the staff and head of Farm Africa in Konso for their
help in giving me important documents during my field work in Konso.

My gratitude and heartfelt thanks go also to the Konso people in general and
especially to the residents of Borqudayya and Dokatu towns, who hosted me and
gave me the atmost encouragement during my field work. I am particularly
grateful to my translator and key informants Kusse Guita, Kaddayya Garra,
Orkaido Sagoyya, who spent much of their time with me explaining many things
to me concerning Konso without being tired and bored by my incessant questions
and inquiries. Ato Mulu Guitta and his wife Goyye, who always hosted me by
leaving their home open when ever I needed it for my study purposes. I am also
grateful to Ato Metasebia Bekele, who shares with me much of his rich
experience on Konso and gave me valuable reference materials. Ato Sagoya
Robia-head of Culture Bureau, Ato Mengistte-the administrative officer, Ato
Dinotte Kussiyya and the rest of the staffs of the Culture and Tourism Bureau
who gave me their assistances, deserve my best and heartfelt thanks.

Finally, I would like to thank again all those who directly or indirectly contributed
to the completion of this paper.

iv
 TABLE OF CONTENTS

PAGE

Acknowledgements……………………………………………. iii

List of Maps, tables……………………………………………. viii

List of Plates…………………………………………………... ix
Glossary………………………………………………………… xi

Abstract………………………………………………………… xiiv

Chapter 1 – Introduction……………………………………… 1

1.1. Literature Review…………………………………. 1

1.2. Statement of the Problem…………………………. 8
1.3. Objectives of the Study……………………………. 9
a. General Objective………………………… 9
b. Specific Objectives………………………… 9
1.4. Significance of the Study…………………………… 10
1.5. Research Site Selection…………………………… 10
1.6. Research Methods…………………………………. 11
1.7. Research Experience………………………………. 13
1.8. Limitations of the Study…………………………… 17
Chapter 2- Background to the Study Area………………… 20
2.1. Geographic Location and Population…………….. 20
2.2. Origin of the Konso People………………………. 23
2.3. Konso Social Organization ………………………. 24
2.3.1. Traditional authorities in Konso…………… 31
2.3.1.1. Hela (the warrior group)…………. 31

v
 2.3.1.2. Senkeletta………………………… 33
2.3.1.3. Council of elders………………… 34
2.3.1.4. Apa Timba………………………. 34
2.3.1.5. The retired old men group…………… 35
2.3.1.6. Dawra………………………………… 35
2.4. Administrative Organization………………………….. 36
2.5. Climate and Calendar…………………………………. 39
2.6. Religion…………………………………………………. 40
2.7. Economy………………………………………………… 41
2.8. Education, Health and other facilities………………. 42

Chapter 3 – Women in Konso and Gender Division of Labor 44

3.1. Women in Konso……………………………………...... 44
3.1.1. Farmer, Etenta Women………………………. 44
3. 1.2. Craftsmen, Hauda women……………………. 45
3.1.3. The Poqaltetta…………………………………. 45
3.2. Gender division of labor ……………..………………… 46

3.2.1. Farming ………………………………………. 46

3.2.2. Craft work ……………………………………. 51

3.2.3. Market ……………………………………….. 58
3.2.4. Decision Making Activities/Community Work 60
3.2.5. Household Chores…………………………… 64

Chapter 4 – Women’s Reproductive Role………………….. 67

4.1. Marriage………………………………………………. 67
4.1.1. Types of Marriage…………………………… 67

vi
 4.1.2. Bride-wealth…………………………………. 69
4.1.3. Residence……………………………………. 78
4.1.4. Divorce………………………………………. 80
4.2. Childbirth and child rearing………………………… 80

4.2.1. Pregnancy and food taboo…………………. 81

4.2.2. Childbirth…………………………………… 82
4.2.3. Initiation Ceremony………………………… 88
4.2.4. Child rearing……………………………….. 93
4.3. Death and Mourning………………………………… 97
4.3.1. Poqalla………………………………………. 98
4.3.2. Children, Young and Adult Men…………… 100
4.3.3. Female / Women……………………………... 103
4.3.4. Old Men and Women ………………………. 104
4.4 Inheritance……………………………………………… 108

Chapter 5- Summary and Conclusion………………………… 111

-Bibliography………………………………………… 123

vii
List of Tables

Table 1 – Totem’s of the Konso clans 26

Table 2 – Names of Konso months, Ethiopian and Gregorian

Equivalents 40

Table 3 – Gender Division of Marketable Items 60

viii
List of Plates Pages

Plate 1.1. The mummified body of Aferta in Turo 15

Plate 1.2. The Aferta with his guardians 15

Plate 1.3. The newly reconstructed public place /mora/ 18

Plate 3.1. Konso woman carrying animal fodder 48

Plate 3.2. konso woman carrying grain 48

Plate 3.3. Potter woman burning pots in Fasha 54

Plate 3.4. potter woman after burning pots in Fasha 54

Plate 3.5. A girl selling blood at the Gewada market 58

Plate 3.6. A woman selling meat at Gewada market 58

Plate 4.1. Elders bringing bride-wealth in Debanna 71

Plate 4.2. The brides and grooms sitting on the skin mat for
the butter ceremony 71

Plate 4.3. Poqalla Woldedawit kayote standing at his residence

at Gamolle 90

Plate 4.4. Poqaltetta wearing Kora and Turandaga, a skin cloth

worn by a woman at maternity /sogeda/ ceremony
and a leg ornament herodda 90

Plate 4.5. Konso men singing heroic songs at the mourning

/shleitta/ Ceremony at Dokatu 106

Plate 4.6. Konso men and women at the /shleitta/ ceremony

at Dokatu 106

ix
 List of maps Pages

Map 1: Location of Konso in Ethiopia 21

Map 2: Konso Special Woreda 37

Map 3: Konso Special Woreda and Peasant Associations 38

x
 GLOSSARY
Terms
Aba/apa - father
Abuya - mother’s brother
Afan - dialect/speech
Aferta - the clan/ spiritual leader in Turo town.
Agelgelot - an amharic word means service
cooperative
Ahade/ahadene - good morning
Amhara - an ethnic group found in the Northern part
of Ethiopia
Araida - clay pot for brewing chakka
Areke - home made alcoholic drink

Argaida - a certain type of leaf that is used for the

coming out of maternity ceremony
Arhata Ila - beginning of great rains
Assham - hello
Assuma - sister’s son
Belg - small rainy season (from mid February-
April)
Birr - Ethiopian paper money (currency)
Birzz - a non-fermented honey drink
Boha hauda - craftsmen association
Bulluko - a wrapping cloth made of cotton
Chakka - a home made alcoholic beverage
Chebotta - non-alcoholic porridge like drink

xi
Chimra - a necklace made from blue beads
Chiraro - pieces of fire sticks
Chiriwanna - a necklace made of beads
Dawras - counselors/mediators
Debbo - organized farm working groups
Dina - the town’s waste depositing place
Dinga diruma - sacred stone
Etenta - farmers
Faraida - an age category for the junior group
Frodda - a bead necklace worn by a bride
Fuldo - the head of the craftsmen association
Gada - the Oromo age-grade system
Gra’azmatch - a worrier title of the amhara, literally
means “left leader”
Haha - sacred swearing place at the mora
Haleko - cabbage like plant (shelagaidda)
Harda - water well/ponds
Hasha bunitta - coffee leaves
Hauda - craftsmen
Hauda kollaya - tanners
Hauda ohawa - weavers
Hauda okotta - potters
Hauda olotta - butchers
Hauda tuma - blacksmith
Hella - the warrior group
Herodda - ornament made of shell of an

xii
 Ostrich egg mixed with blue beads, worn
on legs
Hirba - one sector of the warrior group
Holla - drink made from coffee leaves
Iqub - traditional money saving
associations
Iwwa - women’s colorful cotton skirt
Kabata - stone terraced farm
Kaffa - clan
Kalkusa - one sector of the warrior group
Kalla - one of the prominent clan/spiritual
leader in Konso
Kanta - sub-villages
Kara - a special ceremony during the
transfer of power to the succeeding
generation
Karmoha - lion
Kegasha - a roof top decoration made of pot
Kola - low land /amharic word/

Kora - triangle shaped skin cloth worn by

women
during maternity initiation ceremony
Kawata - stone walled towns
Kurkufa - type of food prepared from shelgaida,
meat and maize dough
Lehha - a hair style for married women which is
divided in to six parts

xiii
Ludutta - a special meal prepared for children
Magana - a kind of hut the men in konso rest in, also
called pafta
Manna - a hut in which a women in maternity stays
Manyera - incest
Massa - indemnity money
Meher - August to mid October
Mora - gathering place for Konso men
Mugla/mulga - five iron bracelets worn by clan leader
Nabba - a charcoal like material mixed with butter,
the woman in maternity smeared on her
forehead and breasts to cast of an evil eye
Negaida - greeting, equivalent to how are you?
Orotitta - the inside part of the upper roof top of a
hut
Pafta - a kind of hut in the men gathering place
which is served as the men sleeping quarter
Parga - paid work group/parties
Pilla - knife
Poqalla - konso ritual, clan or spiritual leader
Poqaltetta - the wife of the clan leader
Quarta - first born son from the first wife
Quennazmatch - an amharic warrior title literally means
“right leader”
Robba - rain
Robba hagayya - haggaya rain (from mid Feb-April)
Robba kadanna - annual rainy season (August-mid October)

xiv
Sara - advisors/messengers of the clan leader
Sarra - horn honker of the craftsmen
Senkelletta - coordinator for the responsible warrior
grade
Shamma - cotton costume
Shelgaida - cabbage like plant, which is a staple food
in
Konso
Shleitta - a mourning dance held for grandparents
who have grand sons
Sogeda - the coming out of maternity ceremony
Sohaita - a string like part of false banana
Tanda - porridge drink that is offered to the women
that gave birth
Tarra edoda - type of gourd used of measuring grain
Teff - indigenous cereal in Ethiopia from which
Enjera, Ethiopian staple food is made
Timba - drum
Toma - wooden bowl
Toma aka - grand father’s bowl
Toma apa - father’s bowl.
Treita - women’s carrying bag made from leather
Tuma - a silver bracelet worn by clan leaders
Turandaga - a skin skirt worn by women in the
maternity initiation ceremony
Ulahita - dried juniper tree erected by the age grade
group to signify the transition of power to the next generation

xv
Waka - a wooden sculpture erected on the grave of
heroes
Woibetta - piece of stick from a certain type of wood.
Woinadega - mid attitude.

xvi
 GLOSSARY
Terms
Aba/apa - father
Abuya - mother’s brother
Afan - dialect/speech
Aferta - the clan/ spiritual leader in Turo town.
Agelgelot - an amharic word means service
cooperative
Ahade/ahadene - good morning
Amhara - an ethnic group found in the Northern part
of Ethiopia
Araida - clay pot for brewing chakka
Areke - home made alcoholic drink

Argaida - a certain type of leaf that is used for the

coming out of maternity ceremony
Arhata Ila - beginning of great rains
Assham - hello
Assuma - sister’s son
Belg - small rainy season (from mid February-
April)
Birr - Ethiopian paper money (currency)
Birzz - a non-fermented honey drink
Boha hauda - craftsmen association
Bulluko - a wrapping cloth made of cotton
Chakka - a home made alcoholic beverage

xvii
Chebotta - non-alcoholic porridge like drink
Chimra - a necklace made from blue beads
Chiraro - pieces of fire sticks
Chiriwanna - a necklace made of beads
Dawras - counselors/mediators
Debbo - organized farm working groups
Dina - the town’s waste depositing place
Dinga diruma - sacred stone
Etenta - farmers
Faraida - an age category for the junior group
Frodda - a bead necklace worn by a bride
Fuldo - the head of the craftsmen association
Gada - the Oromo age-grade system
Gra’azmatch - a worrier title of the amhara, literally
means “left leader”
Haha - sacred swearing place at the mora
Haleko - cabbage like plant (shelagaidda)
Harda - water well/ponds
Hasha bunitta - coffee leaves
Hauda - craftsmen
Hauda kollaya - tanners
Hauda ohawa - weavers
Hauda okotta - potters
Hauda olotta - butchers
Hauda tuma - blacksmith
Hella - the warrior group
Herodda - ornament made of shell of an

xviii
 Ostrich egg mixed with blue beads, worn
on legs
Hirba - one sector of the warrior group
Holla - drink made from coffee leaves
Iqub - traditional money saving
associations
Iwwa - women’s colorful cotton skirt
Kabata - stone terraced farm
Kaffa - clan
Kalkusa - one sector of the warrior group
Kalla - one of the prominent clan/spiritual
leader in Konso
Kanta - sub-villages
Kara - a special ceremony during the
transfer of power to the succeeding
generation
Karmoha - lion
Kegasha - a roof top decoration made of pot
Kola - low land /amharic word/

Kora - triangle shaped skin cloth worn by

women
during maternity initiation ceremony
Kawata - stone walled towns
Kurkufa - type of food prepared from shelgaida,
meat and maize dough
Lehha - a hair style for married women which is
divided in to six parts

xix
Ludutta - a special meal prepared for children
Magana - a kind of hut the men in konso rest in, also
called pafta
Manna - a hut in which a women in maternity stays
Manyera - incest
Massa - indemnity money
Meher - August to mid October
Mora - gathering place for Konso men
Mugla/mulga - five iron bracelets worn by clan leader
Nabba - a charcoal like material mixed with butter,
the woman in maternity smeared on her
forehead and breasts to cast of an evil eye
Negaida - greeting, equivalent to how are you?
Orotitta - the inside part of the upper roof top of a
hut
Pafta - a kind of hut in the men gathering place
which is served as the men sleeping quarter
Parga - paid work group/parties
Pilla - knife
Poqalla - konso ritual, clan or spiritual leader
Poqaltetta - the wife of the clan leader
Quarta - first born son from the first wife
Quennazmatch - an amharic warrior title literally means
“right leader”
Robba - rain
Robba hagayya - haggaya rain (from mid Feb-April)
Robba kadanna - annual rainy season (August-mid October)

xx
Sara - advisors/messengers of the clan leader
Sarra - horn honker of the craftsmen
Senkelletta - coordinator for the responsible warrior
grade
Shamma - cotton costume
Shelgaida - cabbage like plant, which is a staple food
in
Konso
Shleitta - a mourning dance held for grandparents
who have grand sons
Sogeda - the coming out of maternity ceremony
Sohaita - a string like part of false banana
Tanda - porridge drink that is offered to the women
that gave birth
Tarra edoda - type of gourd used of measuring grain
Teff - indigenous cereal in Ethiopia from which
Enjera, Ethiopian staple food is made
Timba - drum
Toma - wooden bowl
Toma aka - grand father’s bowl
Toma apa - father’s bowl.
Treita - women’s carrying bag made from leather
Tuma - a silver bracelet worn by clan leaders
Turandaga - a skin skirt worn by women in the
maternity initiation ceremony
Ulahita - dried juniper tree erected by the age grade
group to signify the transition of power to the next generation

xxi
Waka - a wooden sculpture erected on the grave of
heroes
Woibetta - piece of stick from a certain type of wood.
Woinadega - mid attitude.

List of maps Pages

Map 1: Location of Konso in Ethiopia 21

Map 2: Konso Special Woreda 37

Map 3: Konso Special Woreda and Peasant Associations

38

List of Tables

Table 1 – Totem’s of the Konso clans 26

Table 2 – Names of Konso months, Ethiopian and Gregorian

Equivalents 40

Table 3 – Gender Division of Marketable Items 60

xxii
List of Plates Pages

Plate 1.1. The mummified body of Aferta in Turo 15

Plate 1.2. The Aferta with his guardians 15

Plate 1.3. The newly reconstructed public place /mora/ 18

Plate 3.1. Konso woman carrying animal fodder 48

Plate 3.2. konso woman carrying grain 48

Plate 3.3. Potter woman burning pots in Fasha 54

Plate 3.4. potter woman after burning pots in Fasha 54

Plate 3.5. A girl selling blood at the Gewada market 58

Plate 3.6. A woman selling meat at Gewada market 58

Plate 4.1. Elders bringing bride-wealth in Debanna 71

Plate 4.2. The brides and grooms sitting on the skin mat for
the butter ceremony 71

Plate 4.3. Poqalla Woldedawit kayote standing at his residence

at Gamolle 90

Plate 4.4. Poqaltetta wearing Kora and Turandaga, a skin cloth

worn by a woman at maternity /sogeda/ ceremony
and a leg ornament herodda 90

Plate 4.5. Konso men singing heroic songs at the mourning

/shleitta/ Ceremony at Dokatu 106

Plate 4.6. Konso men and women at the /shleitta/ ceremony

at Dokatu 106

xxiii
 ABSTRACT

The main objective of this paper is to present the ethnography of Konso women and to

document their activities and status based on the different categorical division of women

as farmer women, craft-women and as wives of the spiritual leader.

Research methods used to conduct this study include key informant method, focus

group discussion, participant observation, case studies and, in a limited scale, survey

method. Even if I encountered some limitations with regard to time, I tried my best to

look in to the life and status of Konso women in their different roles and interaction in the

society.

Findings from the study indicate that the konso women are very hard working and their

contribution to their family and the society are immense. There is no work as such that

the women in Konso do not involve in, except few. But, however hard working the Konso

women are, due to social, cultural and less regard to women’s domestic labor

contribution and income earning activities like marketing, they are holding a secondary

status and subordinated position to men.

This study even if it is not a complete account of the Konso women, will give some

insight about the status and condition of Konso women. It also gives some insight about

konso society and can serve as a background for those who want to study the Konso

women. Moreover, it may also serve policy makers and development agents to use it to

improve the social, cultural and economic conditions of Konso women in particular, and

the Konso people in general.

xxiv
 Chapter 1- Introduction

1.1 Literature Review

There are a lot of written materials in relation to gender and the status of
women almost all over the world. Some of these writings provide different
explanations and theories concerning on how or why the status of women in
a given society is low. According to some writers, one of the explanations
given as a factor for the subordinate position of women is biological. The
advocates of biological determinism argue that ‘anatomy is destiny’; there is
something genetically inherent in males that makes them the naturally
dominant sex; and as a result, women are naturally subordinate who are
satisfied with their position. The tasks and roles assigned to them are highly
in relation to anatomically based aptitudes. However, this argument is not
acceptable to most anthropologists and it is highly criticized (Reiter, 1975).

Outside anthropology, research by Harney and Viola Klein, as cited by Reiter

(1975), supports the proposition that both men and women are behaviorally

flexible, and that the way men and women behave in any particular social setting

is a result of socially constructed circumstances rather than anatomy.

On the whole, academics no longer hold the position that particular biological

roles or social tasks universally belong to either men or women because of

simple differences in bones, muscles, and sex organs. Begler and Sanday as

cited in (Mukhopadhyay and Higgins, 1988), emphasize cultural rather than

biological causes for the low status of women.

1
Sanday (1973) further argues that male physical aggression against female

emerges only when environmental stress and threats to group cultural identity

combine with preexisting cultural configuration of a particular type. She attributes

male dominance to a greater male use of violence. Thus, if there is a basic

difference between the sexes it is that woman, as a group has not willingly faced

death in violent conflict. This fact, perhaps, more than any other, explains why

men have sometimes become the dominating sex (Mukhopadhyay and Higgins,

1988).

There are conflicting ideas about men/women violence. According to Divale and

Harris who revert to biology, greater male size, strength, and possession of

“more of the hormones that are useful for aggression” account for the regular

selection of males (and exclusion of females) as warriors.

Contrary to this thought, Sanday argues that although women are capable of

violence, their “inner female orientation” towards creation, birth, and life giving

roles makes them to be passive or withdrawn from destructive violent activities.

Sanday’s explanation of female non-violence and much of her theory assumes

that motherhood automatically produces a complex of nurturant, non-violent

behaviors independent of the cultural context of mothering or population

dynamics (Mukhopadhyay and Higgins, 1988).

2
The other theory mentioned by anthropologists as the cause of women

subordination is the theory of warfare. In many societies it is believed that one of

the factors that gave men dominance over women is their involvement in warfare

and the prestige they acquire from it. The practice of warfare is responsible for a

wide spread complex of male supremacist institutions among band and village

societies. Male supremacist institutions rose as a by-product of warfare. Men

mostly have monopoly over weapons, and use also sex for the nurturance of

their aggressive personalities. But Harris opposed this opinion as groundless.

He argues that warfare is not the expression of human nature, but a response to

reproductive and ecological pressures (Harris, 1977).

Likewise, Divale and Harris’s controversial explanation for the pervasiveness of

“a male supremacist complex” links a) male aggression against females and b)

institutions and ideologies supportive of male dominance to both warfare and the

general cultivation of aggressive violent behavior in males (Mukhopadhyay and

Higgins, 1988).

Mukhopadhyay and Higgins in their article cited White, as he did not find warfare

correlated with variables which are considered indicators of low female ‘status’1.

These authors also cited Reiter as believing that historical evidence showed that

1
For the purpose of this paper, status could be defined as a social position or ranking in a society. It could
either be high or low depending upon one’s social position in the society.

3
warfare may provide women with greater autonomy. (Mukhopadhyay and

Higgins, 1988).

Historically since the Konso were known warriors, and had high regard for war

heroes, this study tries to see if there previous history of warfare, has any impact,

(positive or negative) on the status of Konso women at present.

Traditional African patriarchal structure is also believed to have adverse effect

on the status of women. Sylvia Walby (1993: 18) in her article “Forms and

Degrees of Patriarchy” tried to divide patriarchy in to two, as private and public.

The private patriarchy she said is dominant in the house-hold, where as the

public patriarchy is largely observed in the public domain, like in the work place

or in the administrative system at the institutional level. Walby tried to elaborate

the two patriarchal systems as follows: “In private patriarchy the expropriation of

women’s labor takes place primarily by individual patriarchs within the house-

hold, while in the public form it is a more collective appropriation. In private

patriarchy the principal patriarchal strategy is exclusionary in the public it is

segregationist and subordinating”. Attempts will be made to investigate the

effects of patriarchy on the status of Konso women.

The other possible explanation given for women’s low status is related to

ecological and economic factors. This approach especially focuses on the

4
relationship between female production and female status. It was argued that

female contribution to subsistence activities would be a function of certain

ecological factors and/or prolonged drain of male labor (Sanday, 1973). Boserup

(1970), in her book, Women’s Role in Economic Development, has attempted to

link variation of gender roles in agriculture to different types of farming systems.

She argues, in the shifting hoe-based agriculture women do the bulk of

agricultural work and men do little farm activities, while in plough agriculture men

do much of the agricultural work (Boserup, 1970). In a culture where small

gardens yield most of the food, a woman might do most of the hoeing while

watching her children. On the other hand, herding cattle or hunting might prove

difficult for a woman who must simultaneously care for several children. In

circumstance where a large proportion of male energy is required for other

activities, women also contribute a great deal to subsistence activities. This can

happen during periods of prolonged warfare or when other conditions result in

male labor drains (Sanday, 1973).

Anthropologists continue to emphasize female economic roles as a primary

variable affecting female status. It was assumed that the more women are

involved in agricultural activities, the better their status would be. Consequently

detailed studies of female participation in hunting and gathering and agricultural

societies are now available (Mukhopadhyay and Higgins, 1988).

5
A number of anthropologists have stressed the importance of female labor in the

initial phases of agricultural development (i.e. shifting agricultural systems) and

have related this to a number of social organizational variables and to female

status (Sanday, 1973). However, according to Sanday, results obtained from the

studies, examining the factors affecting female contribution to subsistence and,

the relationship between female production and female status showed that,

“female production is not simply related to female status. In fact, the correlation

between female status, derived from a small pilot study, is negative” (Sanday

1973).

Other dimension of economic roles, especially women control over production

and their involvement in economic distribution and exchange, are also being

increasingly emphasized, especially in areas in which reciprocity and

redistribution are primary forms of exchange. More attention has also been given

to women’s distribution and exchange activities in market economies.

However, ethnographic evidence now suggests that women’s “status” is multi

dimensional, measurable according to a variety of possibly unrelated and/or

inter-related scales. In addition to economic indicators of “status”, there are at

minimum power, autonomy, prestige, and ideological dimensions

(Mukhopadyhyay and Higgins, 1988).

6
Hence, as women in Konso are also greatly engaged in crop production, the

study tries to look how these activities of Konso women are regarded by the

society, and its relation with the status of Konso women. Besides, this study tries

to look into the relevance and relation of the above mentioned theories and

explanations with the existing condition of Konso women and their roles in the

society.

There are not many detailed studies on the Konso. The existing few materials

include C.R.Hallpike’s The Konso of Ethiopia: The Study of the Values of

Cushitic People (1972), Cerulli’s The People of South Western Ethiopia (1956)

and Elizabeth E.Watson’s “Ground Truths: Land and Power in Konso, Ethiopia”,

a PHD dissertation (1998). Tadesse Wolde (1992:1993), Shinohara (1993),

Shako Otto (1994) and Metasebia (1997) have also written some very useful

accounts of Konso. Some other writers also mentioned briefly about Konso.

However, to my knowledge, they are only Hallpike in his book, and Watson in her

dissertation who mentioned about Konso women. Their accounts, however, are

not detailed. Hallpike tried to explain about Konso's women relation to God and

earth, and he claims that the women do not have a significant place in the Konso

society. Elizabeth Watson, who wrote on land use, said that during her stay in

Konso, her relation was mostly with the male member of the society, as they

were the one who owned the land. She admitted that she only spent time with

Konso women in her leisure time. Even if she could not say much about their

7
lives due to the reason explained above, she says that the Konso women are so

interesting, it is important that further research should be conducted on them.

1.2. Statement of the problem

In most existing ethnographic writing on various groups in Ethiopia including the

Konso, the writers seem to neglect or de-emphasize the role women play and

their contribution to their respective communities in past and present. That is,

most researchers tend to obtain vital information relating to women and their

work from men, disregarding women’s views towards their labor contribution.

Most of the accounts on such issues are very patchy and lack sincerity and do

not give us a full picture on the status of women in society. This tendency is well

reflected in almost all accounts written about various groups in Ethiopia. Almost

all of these sources are characterized by the lack of views of women, who are

said to be half of the population of the country.

Similarly; in the few studies that deal with the konso, only few authors mention

Konso women. And even those sources fail to give us full picture about the life

situation and status of Konso women at the time of their study. Moreover, they do

not describe women’s role and contributions to production and reproduction in

their communities. The women in Konso are hard working, and there is no work

as such that women do not participate in. They are involved in farming; trade,

fetching water and firewood, grinding grain, cattle husbandry (feeding, caring

etc.), weaving and production of utensils in the past and at present. However,

8
their production activities and the roles they play, and the views of men and

women towards female labor are issues that have not been sufficiently

documented, and calling for a comprehensive research work.

1.3. Objectives of the study

a. General Objective

The general objective of this study is to look into the social, cultural,

economic and political status of Konso women.

b. Specific Objectives

The specific objectives of this study are to: -

• to look into and document the way of life of Konso women in their

different social positions, for Konso women are said to be socially

and economically stratified. For example, they are identified as the

wife of the poqalla (the ritual leader), the wife of the etenta (the

cultivator), and the wife of the hauda (local crafts man) and others;

• to look into and document the different productive and reproductive

sphere in which the Konso women are engaged, and how their

activities in domestic and non-domestic (e.g. farming, marketing,

group labor etc.) spheres as perceived by the different groups of

Konso men and women

• to explore the rights of women in marriage arrangements, their

rights to inherit and own important economic assets such as land

and livestock;

9
 • to investigate women participation in the decision making

processes and rituals at household and community levels in the

past and at present.

By looking into the above-mentioned issues, this research tries to show the

general conditions of Konso women and establish their multifaceted contributions

to their family and community.

1.4. Significance of the study

It is assumed that this study will provide a brief account about the women in
Konso and their place in the society. As there is not much written account on
the Konso women, it will contribute a little by serving as a background study
for those who are interested to make further research on the area. Besides, it
will also be a useful material for policy makers and developers to use it as a
source document for improving the living standard of the Konso women in
particular and Konso people in general on sustainable terms.

1.5. Research site selection

For this research the site chosen is the village called 'Borqudayya'. It is situated

on a hilly ground 3 km away from the Konso capital Karat. This site was chosen

because it is the center for many activities. It has market place and it is also a

ground to perform different cultural activities like transfer of power from one

generation to another. The villagers also hold group mourning songs and dance

like performance there.

10
There is also an important public place known as mora Chemote, where

important meetings and community activities of high importance are conducted. It

is also a dwelling place where both the farmers- etenta and craftsmen- hauda live

harmoniously. There is also a special house called Fuldo house which is the

head office of the craftsmen the hauda association boha hauda. Besides, it is

also a passage that leads to the different villages and kebeles of the Konso.

1.6. Research methods

The research methods used to conduct this study in the area includes key-

informant method, case study, focus group discussion especially with the

craftsmen -the haudas, participant observation and survey method for the

quantitative information gathered from 30 randomly selected house holds.

Camera and recording devices have also been used.

The major research method used was key informant method. It is used to know

deeply about the Konso women in regard to their child bearing and child rearing

practices, to know how marriage is arranged in Konso, to know by whom, in what

ways is the wedding event arranged, what special values and norms are

attached to it by the society. I also used key informant method to better

understand the relation between the farmers’ etenta and the craftsmen the

hauda.

11
The other method used is focus group discussion on relevant issues like the

history of the craftsmen- the haudas and their relation with the farmers- the

etentas, and with groups of craftsmen- haudas, which are the representatives of

the craftsmen association, the fuldo house. This method was also applied to talk

to some farmers’ etentas and craftsmen haudas about marriage in Konso and

also about childbirth and initiation ceremony. This was conducted with the

presence and participation of both sexes.

Participant observation was another method used in conducting this study. This

was particularly done on several occasions that involve various activities that the

women in Konso perform, specially this is conducted on Konso women’s

household chores, in their outdoor activities like doing farm work, market

activities, in wedding and mourning ceremonies. This method was also used

when I went to see the mummified body of the dead Aferta (the dead clan leader)

in Turo. I also conducted some case study on selected individuals on their living

condition.

Survey method was also employed on randomly selected thirty households, to

know about the gender division of labor, marital and parental status, the living

condition, the household ownership of movable and immovable property.

Besides this, I traveled frequently to different Konso towns like Gamole (where

the Poqalla and Poqalttetta of the Konso reside), to the market place of Gewada,

Fasha, Kolme, Karat, to Debena (to observe a weeding procession), to Gocha

12
town to observe hide workers, to Fasha and Saugame to observe potters.

Camera and recording devices were used to capture and record some of the

interesting activities and events.

1.7. Research experience

My field experience in Konso was very interesting. I had a chance to meet

several people who are very much willing to share their experience and what

they know about Konso with me.

Since I have prior experience as a result of establishing the first

acquaintance with the people, this made my site selection, and my second
visit fairly easy. I had no problem in identifying the people I wanted to work
with. Mostly, since I had close acquaintance and good relationship with the
respected and prominent members of the Dokatu and Borqudayya town, I
easily got acceptance by the people in the town. Most of them were very
open and very much willing to respond to my incessant questions and
inquiries.

One thing I found to be very much interesting is the physical strength of the

Konso women. The Konso women are so strong that they could carry a load of

70kg- 80kg and travel long in hilly places for up-to 35-40 km, especially when

they go to the markets and to the granary.

13
The other surprising thing I observed was, despite I have seen it in photographs

and read a written account of it is the experience of looking at the mummified

body of the dead clan leader the Aferta of the Turo town. Formerly, I had the

chance to look at the picture of the mummified body of Poqalla, Kennazmach

Kayote Kalla from the Kalla family, one of the prominent figures in Konso, and

the father of the current Poqalla, Woldedawit Kayote. But seeing it real was my

first experience and it was so different, and I was a bit appalled at first, but I felt

happy later after realizing that this kind of chance is very rare which can happen

once in lifetime.

The other experience, which was a bit uncomforting was that in Konso a person
who came from outside Konso especially from the center, is considered as
strange. So, at first I had this problem when people stared at me constantly. I felt
some uneasiness, especially in market days. Sometimes, I break this feeling by
saying some Konso greeting words like negaida? Or assham literally meaning

how are you? and hello respectively, or in the morning I used the words ahadene

or ahade to say good morning. When I uttered these words they would laugh and

greet me back, so, this would break the uneasiness.

14
While in Konso I was very much welcomed by the Konso adult and relatively

elderly people of both sexes. Usually, I was invited to people’s house to have the

local drink chakka, which I took in small amount. Since I was invited in so many

houses, I did not want to become drunk. I was also invited to a not fermented

honey drink birrz, boiled soybean and a meal prepared from cabbage like plant,

15
shlegaida, boiled with meat and maize dough, called kurkufa. Honey was also

offered to me.

Most of the time they told me that, it is good that I am there to study their culture.

They were very much surprised that I came, especially being a woman and

alone, all the way from Addis to know about the Konso people and culture. So,

every time I met some of the elders in the town they would inquire about the

progress of my work and said I have to be strong and to keep it up. In any way

they could, they said, they are willing to provide me with any information. This

gave me great strength while doing my work. One day one elderly father who has

many married daughters say, “I wish I had one daughter like you”. The way he

said it is so touching, and I was so moved, because I can clearly understood

what he meant.

So, the longer I stayed in Konso the more closer I felt towards the people. I did

not feel any strangeness that I felt in the beginning. Everywhere I went

sometimes even without my translator around people would greet me, inquire

about my work and offered if they could be of some assistance. This kind of

gesture moved me a lot and made me feel at home.

1.8. Limitations of the study

Due to shortage of time, I was unable to observe the burial ceremony of the dead

Aferta. Also in a certain town I was not able to stay long to observe the burial

processions of the wife of the Poqalla -the Poqaltetta who died recently,

16
There are so many interesting features among the Konso people that need to be

recorded. These among others include, the inaugural ceremony of the public

place (the mora) in the lower Dokatu town, which was again newly constructed.

Due to time limitation I could not also observe the sogeda, the coming out of

maternity, a traditional ceremony of a woman who gave birth. As it is an

occasional event, I was not able to observe it, but I had much oral account on it

from my informants.

As my research mainly depends on my research base town of Borqudayya, it

could not been taken as a general Konso women’s account. Also I tried to go
to many different towns, especially on market days, I could not cover all the
Konso
towns. So, there might be cases in other towns different from that I have

described.

The other limitation was, as the Konso women are very busy and engaged in

many activities, sometimes it is very difficult to sit and chat with them for a longer

period of time. They are very much time conscious. So, I tried hard to get as

much of their time as possible, in which I fairly succeeded. Apart from that I

17
spend considerable time talking to the men who have ample time to talk and

chat. Besides, the women in Konso are not that much open towards giving

information, they are giving brief answers, not much detail. So, I tried to fill the

gap through participant observation and group discussion. In addition to this, the

other limitation was language problem. As most Konso people speak Afan Konso

18
I was compelled to talk to them through translator. However, some of my

informants could speak Amharic, so with them I did not have any problem

communicating.

CHAPTER 2 - BACKGROUND TO THE STUDY AREA

2.1. Geographic location, population

The Konso land is located in the Southwestern part of Ethiopia. It is inhabited by

people called Konso, speaking Konsinna language that belongs to the Eastern

19
Cushitic language family (Cerulli, 1956; Hallpike, 1974, Shinohara, 1993;

Watson, 1998). Previously, the Konso territory had been administered under

Gamogofa region. Currently, following the country’s Federal structure it has

become one of the five special woreda’s (districts) under the Southern Nations

and Nationalities and People’s Regional Government (SNNPR). Its capital Karati

(formerly Beqawle) is situated 595km away from Addis Ababa via Arba Minch on

the way to Jinka. The Segen River in the South, the Woyeto River in the West,

the Derashe special woreda in the North, Gumaide in the East and Burji in the

South East, bound Konso.

The Konso land lies between 5015’ and 5030’ latitude North and 37015 and

37030; longitude East. It has a total area of 2657 sq km, and a population of

157,585 people (CSA 1996). Although Amborn (1989) had estimated the konso

population to reach 100,000 and Elizabeth Watson estimated the Konso

population between 120,000 and 125,000(Watson, 1998), the 1994 CSA (Central

Statistics Authority) census estimated the population to reach 157,585 (CSA

1996).

20
Teferi Abate, 1992, explained Konso as follows,

The Konso ecology is mainly characterized by stony soil, rugged

features, hot temperature, and a remarkably high population density.
This has resulted in shortages of fertile soil, grazing land, rainfall,
water reserve, and other resources. In spite of all these shortages
and problems, the Konso have managed to create a way of life for
themselves on the rocky hilltops through their wise utilization of
available local resources. They engage in intensive hoe cultivation,

21
 bee keeping, trade, craft, etc and developed a remarkable
culture(1992: 23).

Traditionally the Konso land is divided into three regions, namely Karati, Takadi

and Turo. Each of these regions constitutes a number of different autonomous

walled towns. The Konso are distinguished among many other features by their

stone walled towns called Kawata, and more by their stone terraces called

Kabata that covers almost the whole mountain ranges (Cerulli, 1956; Hallpike,

1972; Metasebia, 1998; Shinohara, 1993, Watson, 1998).

The houses in the Konso villages are crowded together and a circular wall of

stones, like fortress, surrounds the village. The village is built with one or more

gates, so that a watch can be kept on people entering into the village compound

(Shinohara, 1993).

The Konso land is also an important site for palaeo-anthropological studies of

human origin. Important hominids remains like Home erectus, Australopithecus

Boise and stone tools dated between 1.4 million years and 1.5 million years also

found there (Yonas Beyene, 1998). A joint team of Ethiopian, American and

Japanese researchers has conducted a vast palaeo-anthropological work. An

American research group from Florida University has also conducted an ethno-

archaeology research especially on the tradition of using stone tool materials for

hide working. Konso is one of the few areas in Ethiopia, where stone-tool is still

used for scraping leather. Besides these activities, the Ministry of Culture and

22
UNESCO have conducted groundwork on the Konso history and ethnography,

with an objective of including Konso in the world heritage list.

2.2. Origin of the Konso people

The Konso have their ancestors originally from various parts of the surrounding

territory, such as Liban, Borana, Gauwada, Ala and Ilota (the range of the

mountain to the north-east) (Hallpike, 1972).

There is a mythical history concerning the origin of the Konso people. One of

these is the myth of the Calabash. According to this myth, one day God came to

the Konso land and opened the Calabash from which came out first, the farmer

etenta with his farming tools in his hands, next the craftsman- the hauda -having

weaving materials and other craftsman objects in his hands. So, these two kinds

of people filled the land of Konso (WK, KG). Stratification in current Konso

society seems to be a reflection of this myth.

2.3. Konso Social Organization

There are three main social organizations, which govern the lives of Konso.

These are, the kinship organization, the neighborhood organization, and the

Konso type of age-grading system (Shinohara, 1993). Amborn also supported

the idea that, the Konso socio-political system can be divided into three

23
principles, territorial units, uni-lineal descent groups and a generation group

system (Amborn, 1989).

The Konso have a patrilineal descent with the practice of exogamy. Almost all

clans are exogamous (Hallpike, 1972, Shako Otto, 1994; Shinohara, 1993). The

largest social category is the clan kaffa. The Konso have nine patrilineal clans

kaffa, namely:

1. Keertitta

2. Argamaida

3. Tokomaleida

4. Tekeisaitta

5. Sawdatta

6. Pasanta

7. Elaida

8. Mahaleida

9. Eshalaida

Inheritance within the clan is patrilineal, and its residential pattern is patrilocal

(Hallpike, 1972, Shako Otto, 1994, Shinohara, 1993). Clan membership is

transmitted patrilineally.

Obligation to fellow ward members, and to one’s own town in general, is

important in daily life as kinship obligations. Members of a clan are regarded as

24
brothers and sisters, and for them to have sexual relations is incest, manyera. On

the basis of this closeness they have terms of kinship which one addresses the

other like any male of one’s mother’s clan as ‘abuya’ ‘mother’s brother’. He

replies ‘ashuma’ ‘sister’s son’ (Hallpike, 1972). I also witnessed this kind of

addressing with my key informant and translator KG who used this term often

with his clan members, and being addressed by it.

The nine clans also have totems of their own. According to my informants KG

and others, the lists at the next page are some of the terms for the totems. These

totems are assumed to be relatives of the consecutive clans.

TABLE. 1 - TOTEMS’ OF THE KONSO CLANS

Clan name Totem Konso word Hallpike’s term

Kertitta Kalabash, Kara (burrowing
fox Kanda animal), leopard,
heart

Argamaida Vaulcher Alatteda Sun, kite, camel,

Camel Kalla razzota (small
Sun Latta plant)

25
Togomaleida Sheep (short Sunge Porcupine, sheep,
tailed)
Tekeisaita Little Small stones,
stones(pebbles),
plant Kunitta kunita(a tree)
Sawdata Baboon Keldaida
Elephant Arba Elephant, monkey,
Locust Toraida locust, baboon,
Earth Tidibaya karsata (plant)
Wood Karsata
Pasanta Wood Tibetta
Lion Karma Fox, yam,
Fox Kallta kidney
Kidney Halla
Elaida Meat(internal) Holmeida Hyna
Mahaleida Hyna Oraida Hyna
Shalaida Kind of worm Radoda
Inshu (dik dik) Dik dik
Sagaritta
Source: Interview with informants, January, 2002.

In the past, the konso believed that clan heads were naturally selected at birth by

the presence of a bracelet like skin mark on the right wrist. Such skin marks often

detected on the first sons (Shako Otto, 1994).

“The Poqalla families” according to Shako Otto, “were among the first ancient

immigrants to konso and are believed to have begotten the rest of the Konso”

(Shako Otto, 1994: 82, Metasebia, 1998). In konso the clan heads are known as

Poqalla, a term that indicates the highest rank and honor among members of the

society. But after the conquest of Emperor Menilek II, some of the clan heads

awarded the title of Graazmatch, Qennazmatch and the like (Shako Otto, 1994,

Metsebia, 1998, Watson, 1998). This is clearly understood from the title of the

former Poqalla of the kalla family who had the title Qennazmatch.

26
According to Shako Otto, “A clan head, is called Poqalla tuma or simply Poqalla.

Tuma is the broad silver bracelet worn on the right wrist by a poqalla” (1994:82).

The bracelet tuma I observed was worn by Poqalla Woldedawit, and the

successor of the dead Aferta in Turo.

Long ago, people including the poqallas, are believed to have turned away from

God. As a result the eldest sons of the clan heads are born without bracelet-like

mark. So, to substitute this symbol, it became a necessity of wearing a broad

silver bracelet (Shako Otto, 1994).

The eldest son of the Poqalla family, Quarta Poqalla is free as any other
ordinary Konso until he has taken clan leadership procedurally…Once the
son has been anointed and has become Poqalla, he enters a chapter of
life characterized by many ritually imposed restrictions known as musa,
taboos. Konso food and drink, whether prepared by his own wife or other
persons are all forbidden. He only takes food and drink prepared by his
clan’s virgin daughters (Shako Otto, 1994:82).

I also witnessed this in the residence of Poqalla Woldedawit who is being served

only by the virgin daughter from his family. Several times I came across to

Woldedawit in the Karat town and I repeatedly offered to buy him a drink, which

he politely declined by saying that he is not supposed to take anything outside of

his home.

The functions of the clan heads include administering justice, reconciling warring

factions and serving as cultural and religious leaders. According to Shako Otto,

“With the establishment of towns, the town council took over a major part of

27
justice administration. Clan heads, since then, have retained their functions of

internal clan administration, reconciliation and ritual roles. Blessing, advice,

dispute settlement and reconciliation of warring towns are their chief functions”

(Shako Otto, 1994: 85).

Likewise, Poqalla Woldedawit also told me that peace making and praying for the

people are his major responsibilities. During my field work and interview with

Woldedawit, he told me that the previous year there was land and border

disputes between Jarso and Gandibba, two neighboring towns, that he, together

with his counselors, the dawra had to go to the specific place to stop the conflict.

The poqalla and the dawra succeeded in mediating between the two fighting

towns and made peace by performing the necessary rituals. Five lives were lost

during the conflict, and therefore it was important to purify the land, which was

stained by the human blood with a sacrificed old cow2 blood. Hence, a cow was

slain for the occasion. The members of the two sides, who were present at the

site, ate the meat. But, at first the food should be tested by the dawras, (the

counselors), the Sara (the advisors and messengers of the clan leader, the

poqalla) and the community elders. After the feast, the bones of the old cow,

which are not broken, would be buried at the border of the two fighting villages.

This symbolizes the burying of their conflict in the ground. According to

Woldedawit, sometimes after the reconciliation, the rain would come and wash

2
The old cow that should be slaughtered for the occasion should be mono color, but not white, (in Konso
white is believed to be the color of death), her two ears should be intact, not cut, and her two horns also
should not be broken.

28
the blood and the stained land. When this happens the land is thought to be

clean. From then on there should not be any fight and no retaliation for the dead

persons. (WK)

When Shako Otto further explained the role of the poqalla, “For the sake of

administrative efficiency, they bless and legitimize the formation of a lineage

head office Poqalla a’kafa on the basis of adequate family branches.The new

lineage head will be given a pillaa kafa, the lineage knife, and will wear five iron

rings called mukla on the right wrist from the festival day onwards” (1994: 85). A

juniper tree called ulahita will also be erected to commemorate the occasion.

Lineage heads of other clans wear five iron rings. Though the kalla family is the

kantayta head of the keertitta, it seems that they are the head of all clans

because of the great respect and love they command form almost all the konso

(Shako Otto, 1994). Besides, the kalla family is still considered to be the senior

poqalla, due to the numbers of towns and the large size of population under his

authority (Metasebia, 1998).

The members of a lineage kaffa all tend, with few exceptions, to live in the same

town. They are also bound together by their allegiance to a common lineage

priest. A man’s greatest obligations are to his lineage in one hand, and to his

ward on the other (Hallpike, 1972, Shinohara, 1993).

29
But while residence in one’s father’s town is the norm, the high concentration of

settlement in towns means that while an eldest son inherits his father’s

homestead, and lives with him after marriage, a younger son will not normally be

able to live next to his father’s homestead when he comes to marry and will set

up home in his own (Hallpike, 1972, Shinohara, 1993).

An extended family generally lives in one compound, and the first son has priority

in inheriting the compound and farmland of his father. The second son and other

brothers also have hereditary rights, but inheritances are significantly smaller

than the eldest son’s (Shinohara, 1993).

The priest is the focus of the lineage, since his essential duty is to bring life,

health, fertility, and peace to his members. This was done in two ways. First by

preventing the outbreak of serious quarrel among its members by mediating in

their disputes; and second by officiating at two ceremonies at the beginning of

the great rains, called the Arhata ILA and the logida (Hallpike, 1972). They say

that if a lineage has no priest, it will suffer from disease, crops failer, and its’

women and cattle will become sterile and will die out.

One of the most important distinguishing features of the priests is that they alone

have retained their family names unchanged down the generations- a most

important factor in preserving their social identities (Hallpike 1972). The Kalla

family could be cited as an example of this, because the present kalla

Woldedawit is the 18th kalla from the family that inherited the name (WK).

30
 2.3.1. Traditional authorities in Konso

The Konso are a traditional kind of people that gave much weight to traditional

administration and practice “age grading system”. The grading systems are of

central importance in Konso life. In the Konso the important administrative

systems could be classified as follows:

2.3.1.1. Hella (the warrior group)

Hella is an age grade group that is responsible for the administration of the

towns. The hela is responsible for the administration of the towns, maintaining

the town walls kawata, keeping and cleaning the water wells, harda, defending

the town from enemy. Metasebia in his report of the Konso explained the hella

group as follows:

Men, major actors in this system, are divided into two major age
groups known as hela, which are generally called Hirba and Kalkusa.
Each hela is divided in to two sub-hela. Males are initiated to there
distinct groups during a special ceremony called Kara, which takes
place twice in eighteen years (every seven and eleven years) and
marks the transfer of responsibilities from the retiring major hela to the
other (Metasebia, 1998: 8).

A senior sub-hela stays in power for the first seven years and the junior sub-hela

would be responsible for the last eleven years. The other major hela would

assume responsibility for the next eighteen years. Each sub-hela has its own

name, which is given always after its members killed either a lion or leopard.

31
During my fieldwork in Konso, I met Metasebia who is doing his PHD in France,

conducting his research on the Konso. Metasebia is one of the few non-Konso

individuals who got acceptance by the society and who served in their age

grading system. Metasebia is currently serving in the hela group that killed a

leopard, for heroic purpose, and a lion during the kara ceremony, for the naming

of their age group, which took place six years ago. Therefore, their hela group

name is Karmoha (karma means, lion in konsinna). I heard this group addressing

term several times. Members of the group addressed Metasebia by saying

karmoha. I never hear them using his name for addressing, and likewise,

Metasebia used the same term for addressing his hela members.

According to Metasebia the major responsibilities of the hela group are the

following:

It is responsible to ensure the security of the people and the towns. In

case of attack from neighboring villages or from other non-Konso people,

it is the obligation of hella members to defend their people or to take part

in armed conflict during its term of office, thus it is a warrior group.

Besides, protecting the towns’ walls or their restoration in case of damage

or deterioration is also its responsibilities.

To look after the well-being of the mora (public places), when necessary,

building mora and pafta (a kind of hut in the mora) at places previously

allotted for this purpose.

32
 When the need arises, building of harda (water ponds), controlling fire

accidents and performing almost all the various community works are

tasks of the responsible hela (Metasebia, 1998). This idea was also

supported by Hallpike, as he explained the group as follows, “…the

warriors, who acted also as a police force before the arrival of the Amhara,

arresting and punishing criminals on the orders of the elders’ councils of

the towns. They can marry, and are in all other respects full members of

the society” (Hallpike, 1968: 261).

2.3.1.2. Senkeleta

Each sub-hella has its own elect leader, called senkeleta. Although a senkeleta

appears to be elected by the hella members, the council of elders decides his

actual recruitment and selection. According to Metasebia, “The basic criteria for

election are good behavior and ones capability to assume responsibility...A good

knowledge of Konso tradition is also a requirement. The most important

institutional role of a senkeleta is to act as chief coordinator of the responsible

hela” (Metasebia, 1998: 9).

2.3.1.3. Council of elders

Elders play a vital role in the traditional administration. Two kinds of councils

exist in each of the Konso towns. These include ward and town councils. Ward

council is responsible for the administration of neighboring families (mostly

33
between ten to fifteen house holds), who share the same mora that belongs to a

certain ward (Metasebia 1998).

A town council is a congregation of elderly people from the various wards in the

same town and responsible for the administration of the whole town. They are

these council of elders who generally run routine affairs of their respective towns.

Besides, it is the responsibility of these elders to ensure the promotion of each

hela to the next higher grade and the handing over of authority from retiring to

succeeding age groups to take place according to tradition (Metasebia, 1998).

2.3.1.4. Apa Timba

The idea of Apa Timba literally means the father of drum, and the timba, the

drum, as a symbol of authority originated after the decision made by elders of the

initial settlers. The timba is an emblem of the traditional administration. A person

who keeps the timba becomes in charge of the Apa timba office for a certain

period of time. The Apa Timba administered each Konso town respectively

(Metasebia, 1998). The system continued to function on the basis of these

established traditional rules. Apa Timba has no clan base. People from different

clans used to serve as Apa Timba. However, the authority of Apa Timba rotates

only between certain households or families, with the earlier experience of such

services. Since the beginning of the system People or persons who do not

belong to these families have never assumed Apa Timba’s office. The selection

34
of Apa Timba depends upon a good conduct, acceptance by the community,

ability to handle community affairs and good knowledge of Konso tradition.

Usually the duration for the office of Apa Timba is one year, however with the

consent of the council elders and certain circumstances, it could be extended to

more years (Metasebia 1998).

Members of the craftsmen the hauda are not entitled to hold position in the office

of Apa Timba, as it is a position filled only by the cultivator, etenta.

2.3.1.5. The retired old men group

The last group of the Konso age grading system is the older men who retired

from service. These old men mostly spend their time drinking chakka, sitting in

the mora, spinning cotton and enjoying the sun. Sometimes they play gebetta,

chess- like traditional game with their colleagues. They do not have that much

active involvement in the community activities.

2.3.1.6. Dawra

The dawra who have a role of mediation and reconciliation among the society are

one of the active units in Konso traditional administration. The dawra usually

plays a positive role.

Dawra are believed to be honest, pure and have a spiritual power. Due to this

they are highly respected and have the acceptance of the people. Dawra pray

and bless the people. One of the most important functions of the dawra is their

conciliatory role. Their mediation between conflicting parties almost all the time

35
are successful for they have the obedience and the respect of the society

(Hallpike, 1972, Metasebia 1998).

They are considered as guardian of peace. The long sticks they usually carry

have been understood as a symbol of peace. During every clash or any armed

conflict dawra appear in the middle of the fight and install the stick in the middle.

Upon seeing this gesture and display of authority, the conflicting parties are

compelled to stop their fighting immediately and follow the step of reconciliation

(Metasebia, 1998).

2.4. Administrative Organization

The Konso special woreda has a total of 44 rural and two urban kebeles (Karat

and Segen). The kebele council both in the rural and urban areas is the smallest

administrative body of the formal political and administrative organization. These

rural and urban kebeles are organized under six service cooperatives known as

agelglots, namely Karat, Fasha, Turo, Gawada, Kolme and Gumayde. Each

agelgelot is divided into a number of kebeles. Each kebele is also divided into a

number of sub villages’ kantas. Kebeles and various woreda offices are

accountable to the woreda council (draft report Farm Africa 2001).

36
37
 2.5. Climate, Calendar

The Konso special woreda has two agro-climatic zones namely Kola (lowland),

which accounts for 30% of the area, and the woinadega (mid attitude), which

covers 70% of the woreda (draft report Farm Africa, 2001). Belg extends mainly

38
from mid-February to April; in Konso they call it Robba Hagayya, which means

hagayya rain. Meher extends from August to mid October, which in Konso is

called Robba Kadanna, the annual rainy season. These are the two main rainy

seasons in Konso. It is wet between February to April and dry from May to July.

August to September is the main rainy seasons. The average annual rainfall is

750mm. Due to forest clearing (deforestation) for farming, fuel-wood and

construction, reports show that it is only 1% of the woreda, which is covered with

forest. The natural vegetation is poor in the highland areas, while the lowland

areas are covered with bush and shrubs (draft report Farm Africa, 2001).

The only area in Konso relatively densely forested is the poqalla forest. As it is

sacred and never touched by the people to any use, it is still in a relatively good

condition. During my stay at Konso, I got the chance to visit the Kalla forest at

Gamole, which could be spotted from far off place. This forest is sacred and it

also served as the burial place for the previous poqallas’ and their wives. No

body would touch even a broken twig from the forest. Wood can only be obtained

from the poqalla forest for ceremonial purposes like for the erection of ulahita, for

the warrior grade, with the consent and permission of the poqalla. But, if one

disobeyed and took the branch from the forest without permission, something

bad would happen to the person, his family or to the community members in

general. So, it is the duty of the advisory councils, the dawra, to pray and ask

God forgiveness for the evil doer, and not to punish the people and the person.

39
The Konso calendar is divided in to twelve months with its own local name. The

Konso calendar unlike the Ethiopian calendar does not start at Meskerem

(September) and end at Nehasse (August). But, instead it started at Tir (January)

and end at Tahsas (December) similar to that of the Gregorian calendar.

TABLE. 2 Names of Konso months, Ethiopian and Gregorian

Equivalents

No. Ethiopian Months Gregorian Months

Konso Months
1. Tir
Oybba January
2. Sagannogamma Yekatit
February
3. Murenno Megabit
March
4. Pallallo Miazia
April
5. Harri Ginbot
May
6. Tolla Sene
June
7. Orhalssa Hamle
July
8. Sesaissa Nehase
August
9. Partukkatta Meskerem
September
10. Kissa Tikimt
October
11. Hullindalla Hidar
November
12. Porrinngga Tahsas
December

Source: Interview with Kusse Guita, January 2002.

40
 2.6. Religion

The dominant religions in the area are three. These are traditional religion,

Orthodox and Protestant Christianity. According to Farm Africa’s draft report of

2001, more than 60% of the population are not followers of any religious sect,

which means Christianity, but they are the followers of traditional religion. But

30% of the population is Christian religion followers, of which 24.5% are

protestant and the rest 5.5% are Orthodox Christian (draft report Farm Africa,

2001).

2.7. Economy

The Konso economy is greatly dependent on agriculture, supplemented by cattle

breeding. Hence, mixed economy characterizes the economy of the area. Their

main crops include sorghum, maize, teff, barely, soybean, sunflower, cotton,

chat, coffee, shelgaida (a kind of cabbage like plant) and others (Field data,

2002). As staple food sorghum, millet and maize contains the majority of the

agricultural land (Metasabia 1998, Farm Africa, 2001).

Weaving also occupies an important place in the economy of Konso. They are

major suppliers of shamma (costumes) to the markets of South Omo, Gardulla

and Mega (Borena). They are also suppliers of cloth to the markets of Wolaieta

and the towns of Kofele in Arsi, certain sections of the community have also been

41
engaged in other activities which include iron-working, pottery and tanning to

support their lives (Metsabia, 1998).

2.8. Education, Health and other facilities

Education

The overall adult literacy rate of Konso special Woreda is 8.1% (13.2% for males

and 3.3% for females). The distribution of education in the region indicates that

there are 34 elementary, 3 junior secondary and 1 senior secondary schools and

one small kindergarten (draft report, Farm Africa, 2001). In the 2000/2001

academic year, a total of 12,806 students were enrolled in the schools (excluding

students in the kindergarten) of which 10,255 were males and 2551 females. In

other words male students account for 80.1% while female students

account for only 19.9% of school participation. This figures obviously show that

girls are disadvantaged in having opportunity of learning in the Konso community

(draft report, Farm Africa, 2001).

Health

Konso woreda has one health center, nine health stations and six health posts

with 60% and 43% health facility and health service coverage respectively (Farm

42
Africa, 2001). However, during my stay in Konso I learned that as most people

using traditional medicine.

Other facilities

Karat and Segen are the two towns in the Konso special woreda. Karat the main

town of the woreda has all weather roads that connect it with Addis Ababa via

Arbaminch to Jinka and to Yabello. Karat gets a 5-hour electric supply from a

diesel generator from 6.00pm-11.00pm. Karat has also a telephone service

through operator. However, few offices, some new hotels and shops in the town

have an automatic telephone service. Access to safe water supply is very limited

and scarce. To my knowledge I have not seen any postal office, though, the draft

report of Farm Africa mentioned, “postal service in the town is at the level of

postal agent” (Farm Africa 2001).

43
 Chapter Three: Women in Konso and Gender Division of Labor

3.1. Women in Konso

The Konso women are very strong and hard working. Almost there is not any

work as such that the women are not involved in. They are involved in farming

using digging hoe and other important farming implements. As the Konso mostly

farm on the hilly stony terraces, they do not usually use ox drawn ploughs; rather,

they mostly use digging hoes. But in some flat areas the farmers’ used ox-drawn

ploughs. The women are also involved in selling small marketable items like

grains, shleigaida, soybean, oil seeds like sunflower, cotton, salt, boiled soybean,

house prepared food, chakka, local beverage, areke, local alcoholic drink and the

like. There are only few activities such as beehive hanging, livestock selling,

construction of houses and wells that women do not participate in.

The women in Konso are stratified in three social categories as farmer etenta

women, craftswomen or hauda women and as poqalltetta wives of the Poqalla,

the ritual leader.

44
 3.1.1. Farmer /etenta/ women

The farmer etenta women are mostly engaged in cultivating, in performing the

usual household chores and in preparing and tending the household needs.

Farming is regarded as a prestigious and respected occupation in the Konso. So,

the Konso people somehow have high regard for the farmers’ etentas. Hence, as

wives of the farmer etenta, they are also considered farmers, and they get

respect in the society, and they are very proud for being a farmer.

3.1.2. Craftsmen hauda women

The second large division in the Konso women’s category is the craft-working

women or hauda women. These hauda women, unlike the farmer women the

etentas, who are engaged mostly in farming activities, do not involve much in

farming. In the past the crafts men haudas, were not entitled to possess

farmland, so, the woman are mostly involved in craftwork either helping their

husbands or work independently by them selves. The craft women or hauda

women are mostly involved in activities like pot making, skin tanning, weaving,

selling marketable items and the like.

3.1.3. The Poqaltetta

The poqaltetta are wives of the Poqalla, the Konso ritual and clan leaders. They

are the third category in the Konso women’s social stratification. Socially, the

poqaltetta holds a high status and are respected very much.

45
The poqaltetta are not expected to be engaged in the daily routine works- works,

which are usually covered by the ordinary Konso women. They mostly

concentrate on their household chores especially on attending to the needs of

their husbands, the poqalla.

The poqaltetta also serves her husband being as mediator in transmitting his

message to the local people. For instance, if there is farming activities to be held

in the poqalla’s farm and cooperative labor is needed; it is the duty of the

poqaltetta to go to the community. The poqaltetta, bearing the poqalla’s

message, would go to the community and his clan members and inform them the

set date for the cooperative work. For this cooperative work, she prepares food

and drink for the participants. She also sometimes, organizes a women task -

force to assist in the cooperative work.

If the poqalla is also invited to a certain weeding, it is the role of his wife to go on

his behalf, as he is not allowed to eat and drink outside of his own house. But,

the poqaltetta is allowed to eat anywhere, and drink chakka the traditional local

drink with a dry gourd. That is a gourd, which has not been used by another

person before her. Likewise, if certain assistance is requested and a member of

the poqalla’s clan or community member needs contribution, the poqalla will send

his wife, the poqaltetta, on his behalf with the contribution.

3.2. Gender division of labor

46
 3.2.1. Farming

Gender division of labor is a socially constructed phenomenon. It is the society’s

allotment for dividing work for both sexes. It is not an unchanged established

fact, but it is a socially made and a socially accepted fact.

Ester Boserup (1970) in her book entitled Women’s Role in Economic

Development argues that in the shifting hoe-based agriculture women do the bulk

of the agricultural work and men do little farm activities, while in plough

agriculture men do much of the agricultural work. This explanation is some how

related to the condition of farming activity in Konso. Farming in Konso, as

elsewhere in other parts of Africa, is said to be men’s activity. Even if, it is said to

be men’s work, women do the majority of the farm work in Konso.

I can say, from the information I obtained from the Konso people, women do

more than 95% of the farm work. The women in Konso are involved in digging,

planting, weeding, harvesting, transporting and storage activities. It is only at the

stage of storing that men have the relatively greater share. At this stage, the

women would assist them carrying the product to the granary and the men

performed the accumulation activity.

As it is tried to explain briefly above, apart from the household chores, working in

the farm is the responsibility of the Konso women, especially of the etentas. More

than 60% of their working time is spent on the farms. In the morning after

47
fetching water, tending the cattle and serving breakfast in the house, the women

go to the field for weeding, and digging till late in the afternoon. Then, they collect

firewood and fodder for the cattle and return home to prepare dinner for the

family.

48
It is generally believed that carrying heavy load or any work that requires greater

strength is the domain of men. However, the Konso case is different. The Konso

women are very strong and have the capacity of carrying and transporting grain

from the fields to the granary. Even the men in Konso themselves testify that

their women are very strong and hardworking. On an average the Konso woman

can carry 50kg - 80kg and travel long distance up to 30km - 40km to markets or

granary on a hilly ground. In Konso, sometimes the men said jokingly, that having

two strong wives’ is considered as having two strong lorries.

Although farming is thought to be, by and large the domain of the farmer’s

etentas in Konso, nowadays due to change in attitude, some members of the

craftsmen- the haudas have started buying and cultivating land. However, as

status is conferred by birth, the switching of their activity does not change their

status in the society (Hallpike, 1968).

Hallpike in his article entitled “the Status of Craftsmen Among the Konso of

South-Western Ethiopia”, explained the change as follows:

Before 1897 they (the hauda) owned little or no land, and edanda would
not eat and or drink with them (the hauda) and certainly not marry them.

49
 This situation has slowly changed over the years, and many hauda now
have land, and eat and drink with edanda, but edenda still regard
marriage with them as disgraceful…the rigidity of the distinction
between the edanda and the hauda has become softened, like that
between the sexes and generations (1968:259).

This change is witnessed specially after the 1974 Ethiopian revolution. The

situation has become very lax since then. Therefore, the wives of the haudas,

apart from assisting their husbands in craftwork, they are involved in small scale

farming activity. During my fieldwork in Konso, I observed the smooth and

healthy relationship between the farmers’ etenta and the craftsmen, the hauda.

These two groups usually spend a lot of time together either in their community

activity or leisure time, eating and playing. I did not witness any contempt or

disgust when they eat, play or work together. This situation is even seen in

marriages. For instance, one of my key informants and host at Dokatu is a

hauda, whose current wife is from an etenta family. They have five children. I

heard his wife sometimes teases him by saying she is mad marrying a hauda.

However, when she uttered these words, she pretended to show a kind of tone

and facial expression of contempt. She said she is very much proud for being a

farmer, an etenta. Then, her husband responded (for her teasing) by saying you

women are like flies, you can land where ever you like, so you are lucky marrying

me. Apart from this particular incident in a single family, I did not witness any

negative attitude between the two groups during my stay. I also observed this

lady together with her husband and other community members participating in

50
the craftsman hauda-mourning dance, shleita ceremony that was conducted at

Dokatu.

Farming activity is considered as a prestigious occupation among the Konso.

According to the myth of the origin of the Konso and the story of the gourd, the

farmers, etenta are the first to come out of the gourd holding their farming tools in

their hands, followed by the craftsmen the haudas, with their craft implements.

As the Konso farmer’s- etentas are believed to come out of the gourd first, they

are considered to be the seniors.

3.2.2. Craftwork

Craftwork is largely the domain of the craftsmen, the haudas. The haudas are

involved in weaving, pottery, iron working, animal slaughtering, skin tanning and

the like. According to Hallpike, the allocation of these four crafts (skin, cotton,

iron, pottery) between the sexes is therefore predominantly symbolic. He tried to

indicate that craft work is divided in accordance with gender, that is, he assigned

weaving, iron work and animal slaughtering as being mostly the works of men

whereas pottery and skin tanning to be the women’s domain. He even further

goes saying that the products are also used by their respective makers; like iron

and weaving products largely used by men, and pottery and skin products have

been predominantly used by women (Hallpike, 1968).

51
However, I think Hallpike’s assumption is a bit generalized. This is because, the

Konso women largely use weavers’ products for their traditional skirt iwwa made

of colorful cotton, and they also use iron farming products in their farming activity.

Similarly, the men use skin products for carrying and for sleeping mat, and pots

for decorating the rooftop of their house.

As the farmers are greatly responsible for providing the society with the

necessary grain and food stuff, in the same manner, the craftsmen are important

for the society for producing clothing, making farming utensils for the farmer,

making pottery for household use, scraping hide and making various useful

objects.

Weavers (Hauda Ohawa) - The Konso craftsmen the haudas, especially the

weavers, are known for their best production of cotton cloth. Apart from providing

the Konso market with their cotton product, they are also suppliers of these

cotton products to the markets of Wolayta, Arsi, Yabello and other markets.

Weaving is said to be mostly the men occupation, but the women are also

involved in weaving to a certain degree, usually by assisting their husbands in

spinning and other weaving activities. Their children also assist them. The

weavers are said to be dominant in number among the craftsmen hauda of the

Konso. As the demand of cotton cloth is high, the number of people who are

engaged in this activity is relatively higher. It is not only the craftsmen the hauda

that are involved in this weaving activity, but some members from the farmers

52
the- etenta are also involved. This is because the income from weaving could

supplement their livelihood. Besides, they are less prejudiced towards weaving

than they are to other activities.

Potters (Hauda Okotta) - pottery is by and large the domain of women. It is

usually the women who make pots. Sometimes they are assisted by their

husbands while preparing the pots. The husbands help their wives particularly by

bringing them the kind of soil, which is appropriate for making pots, and by firing

the pots.

The potters usually make pots for cooking, preparing chakka the local beverage,

and also for decorating the roof top Kegasha. So, in the market of the Konso it is

usually these types of pots that are available for sale. The pots are mostly made

and sold by the women. Potters in Konso are predominantly found in the towns of

Gewada, Sawgame and Fasha.

Hide workers (Hauda Kollaya)- In Konso, hide scraping or tanning is also

mostly the domain of women. During my stay in Konso I have tried to talk to two

hide-scrapers, one in Burqudayya town and the other in Gocha town. The

Buruqudaya hide-scraping woman told me that her mother-in-law, who was also

involved in these activities, taught her the craft. She prepares leather bed cover,

ladies carrying bag, treita, which is a very important object for the women in

Konso, women’s clothing turandaga and kora, and a hat called kolalla. For her

53
scraping work she uses pieces of bottles. She said that in the past they were

using obsidian stone for scraping the hide, however, through time they stopped

54
using the stone and began to scrape with pieces of bottles. The other hide

scraper that I have talked to lives in the Gotcha town. She is very much skilled

and she uses obsidian stone scrapers for scraping. This is a good proof that

stone is still in use in the Konso area, one of the few places in the world where

stone is still believed to be in use. It is also living evidence, against the

archaeologists' assumption that it is only men that are makers of stone tools. In

Konso there are women in different towns who are using stone to scrape leather.

However, due to the difficulty involved in making stone tools, this industry might

be stopped and replaced with bottles in the long run. So, it is very important to

document it.

In Konso area, there are some archaeological sites that possess Acheulian stone

tools dated over 1.5. Million years (Yonas Beyene, 1998). This showes that stone

tool usage is a living tradition among the Konso, started in the long past and

continued till the present.

This tanner also make things like women’s clothes, turandaga and Kora, carrying

bag treita, a sort of hat, kolalla and other useful material for carrying and

55
sleeping. The woman I talked to SC said that she has learned the skill from her

mother and her grandmother, and currently she is training and trying to transfer

the skill to one of her daughters. She said she would not have any intention of

passing the skill to her sons and other daughters. This is because the rest of

them do not appreciate her skill and hard work.

Hallpike in his article commented on the use of skin as a regular woman’s dress

all the time. He said, “…In the past women only wore skins and still today the

great majority have skin skirts and caps. On ceremonial occasions they also

wear skin capes, though ordinarily they have cotton blankets to keep out the

cold” (1968: 263). He further commented that traditionally women are not allowed

to wear cotton and confined only to skins, which completely has changed

presently. During my stay in Konso I never came across women who had worn

skin skirt at any of the area that I have visited. I tried to inquire about it, but the

response I got was, in the past women used to wear skin clothes. However, at

present except in some ceremonial occasions and for burial purpose, women in

Konso do not wear skin cloth. The skin skirt is replaced by the cotton skirt iwwa,

and the hat kollalla is also replaced by modern head covering cloth.

It is only at Gamolle at the residence of Poqalla Woldedawit, that upon my

request that his wife the poqaltetta, kindly wore and showed me the traditional

skin dress the turandaga and kora, which is used in the sogeda, the coming out

of maternity ceremony. Apart from this either at ordinary times or during

occasions like weeding and the like the Konso women wear only cotton dresses.

56
Presently the Konso women wear a traditional cotton cloth or skirt called iwwa,

which is made up of colorful cotton thread and also from white sheet cloth,

embedded on it green, yellow and red ribbon, which is like the Ethiopian flag.

My informants told me that the Konso women wear skin skirts only in ceremonial

occasions like the sogeda, and in burial occasions. When a woman dies she will

be wrapped with skin and her skin clothes would be buried with her.

Blacksmith (Hauda tuma) - Iron working is strictly the prerogative of the men.

The hauda of Konso play an important role in the economy of an agrarian konso.

They produced various tools useful for agricultural production and household

equipment, ranging from farming tools to cooking utensils. During my stay in

Konso, I did not encounter any women who are participating in iron working. The

black smith hauda tuma produced different types of tools such as hand axe, hoe,

spear, knife, kellasha, (a symbol worn by the clan chief, the poqalla on his

forehead, as that of the Gada leader of the Oromo). The Kellasha for Borana

Gada are usually made by the Konso blacksmith.

Butchers (Hauda ollota) - Animal slaughtering as that of iron work mostly

performed by men. Sharing the meat, distributing and selling it usually

considered being men’s duty. However, during my stay in Konso, in the Gawada

market I came across women who were selling the internal part of the cattle, like

intestine, liver and the like. To my surprise it was not only one but also two or

57
three women, who were participating in this meat selling activity. Usually women

and little girls are involved in selling blood at the market, to both the farmers and

craftsmen. Sometimes, the women will change the blood with variety of things of

their needs like grain and other necessities. The blood of fat cow or bull is said to

be very important, to a woman who gave birth or sick people, as it is vital as a

food. This is a good indicator that, the blood of cattle has great demand in the

Konso market, by both the farmers’ etenta and the craftsmen the hauda.

3.2.3. Market

In the economy of the Konso, market is an important category. In the Konso

different towns, markets are usually bi-weekly events. If we take Dokatu and

Karat the markets take place on Tuesday and Saturday. In most towns, usually

Saturday is a favorite and important market day. If we take Fasha, the market

day is also on Tuesday and Saturday, as that of Karat and Dokatu. The Konso

markets usually become active and lively after 2.00 P.M. in the afternoon, and

stay till late in the afternoon. For those people who are coming from all over the

towns traveling long distances, the afternoon market is the convenient time.

It usually takes them from two hours to eight hours to walk, carrying heavy loads

to reach the market place. Sometimes, en route to returning home from the

market, they are compelled to stay overnight in the nearby village to spend the

night there, due to the distance of their residence. In the markets there is also a

58
noticeable gender division of labor in the items they sell. Men usually sell cereals

and livestock. For comparison purpose I will try to present the division as follows:

59
TABLE 3 – Gender Division of Marketable Items

Men’s marketable item Women’s marketable item

- Cereal (maize, sorghum etc.) - Soybean

- Cattle (oxen, sheep, goat) - Chicken

- Honey, butter - Butter (if a man is with her)

- Blood (in some area intestine)

- Meat

- Cotton, chakka, areke (local drink)

- Coffee

Source: Interview with informants (January, 2002).

According to my informants, coffee, honey, oxen, especially sheep are not sold

with out the presence of the male household head. The husband also sells

butter, but if he is not around and if it is necessary to sell the butter, the wife must

go with another man to sell it. If there is not any man to go with her to the market,

she does not have the right to go by herself and sell the butter. So, she must

have a certain man to go with her.

60
 3.2.4. Decision making activities / community work

As the Konso are patrilineal society, male members at the community level make

decisions. Community works like terrace making, wall maintenance, well building,

mora (pafta) and house constructing are largely the activities of men. In this

occasion the women are only involved in preparing and providing food and drinks

to the workers. I have learnt that community work and public decision-making

activities are the few areas, in which women do not have an active participation.

But, at the household level, according to my informants, decision is made

mutually (WK, KG, GM). According to WK, if they want to use their grain reserve,

the two spouses discuss and make a decision. There is a measurement for the

grain, so that if the wife needs to take grain for dinner, she brings the gourd

assigned for that particular purpose. In this case the gourd is known as tarra

edoda, literally meaning “dinner gourd”. Then, the woman measures the

necessary quantity and makes it to a proper use. My informant also told me that

if they want to sell grain from the reserve for different purposes like buying oxen

or cow, farming utensils, or clothing for the family, they would discuss together

and decide. (KG, WK).

From the sell of chakka and areke, the women will buy salt, shelegaida. They

also use the money for both household purposes and sometimes for their

personal use, like buying clothing and ornaments for their children and for them

selves. But, with the remaining money they will buy cattle, farmland, construct

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additional house or saving it by depositing it in money saving associations like

iqub. In Konso unless the husbands are ill mannered or drunkard, they do not

usually take money obtained from the sell of chakka and areke from their wives.

But, the women sometimes voluntarily offer the money to their husbands to buy

meat for the family consumption. But, there are few cases in which the husbands

take the money from their wives for drinking purposes. There are also cases,

according to my informants, where women, who have bad drinking habit, would

sell the grain without the knowledge of their husbands and spend the money for

drinking (KAG).

Community work like farming cooperatives, debbo, is usually done by men and

sometimes assisted by the women. But, mostly the role of the women is to

prepare and serve food and drink for the participants. But, families could hire

working parties called in Konso parga, if they could afford the payment. From the

information I obtained from my informants, most families hire working labor

especially during the peak farming season and where there is much work at the

fields. But, for hiring working group parga, the household would first discuss the

importance and would try to raise the money, either by selling grain, livestock or

sometimes by using their saving from the sale of chakka and areke.

It is not only the male headed household that hires working group parga, but the

female headed household also uses this means, as long as they have the money

to pay and get the work done. In Konso whether the women are widowed or

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divorced, they get respect and fair treatment by the society. They would not be

alienated.

The other decision-making activity in the Konso is punishment for those who

commit mistakes. This is settled by the arbitration of male members of the

society. If two women come to disagreement, they will present their cases to the

male court. The women can ask for justice by putting fine money known in Konso

as korata in front of the elders. But, while presenting their cases, the women are

not allowed to sit in front of the elders, but instead they sit aside and wait for the

decision of the elders. Depending on the seriousness of the case, the elders

decide punishment. The women usually are not allowed to go where the men are

gathering to discuss issues. As the Konso are highly patriarchal society, there is

no change in Konso women’s status in this regard.

One of the cases that I was told by my informant can be taken as an example. A

certain man talked in the mora, at the men-gathering place, that he slept with

somebody’s wife. Consequently, he was accused and sued by the husband and

was fined 500.00 birr as punishment, Korata.

If the accused did not accept this charge and continued denying, both the

accuser and the accused would go to the sacred swearing place called haha.

But, before reaching this last stage, the accused and the accuser would be

persuaded or begged by the people to reach an agreement. If they stick to their

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differences, they would be made to swear on the stone known as dinga diruma in

Konso designated for this purpose. After swearing, they would return taking

opposite directions. The Konso believed that, if one falsely swore in the haha.

God would penalize the wrong doer in a short period of time. He might encounter

an accident; illness or he would certainly die (KG, KAG).

One thing that I have learned during my stay in Konso was, prostitution is not

practiced and the society does not allow it. So, during my stay in Konso I did not

come across any prostitutes. Single and widowed women can lead their lives

without any interference and negative attitude from the society. The other

surprising thing that I heard in Konso was abduction is a very rare occurrence,

and an act that does not have acceptance by the Konso society.

In the Konso society the things that are considered serious misconduct which

disregard the Konso value systems are theft, burning some one’s house, or the

public gathering place pafta at the mora. These kinds of offences might result in

punishment of 500-1000 birr, but if the offence is much more serious the decision

could reach up-to the expulsion of the offender from the area and been

ostracized. Especially if a member from the community brings a branch of a

certain cactus plant and throws it on the wrong doer's house, upon seeing this

signal the offender has to leave the surrounding and flee to other area and

should never come back. After this signal he is not supposed to stay in that

neighborhood any longer. But, if he refused to leave the area and ignored the

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signal, his house would certainly be burnt and his homestead would become

abandoned.

3.2.5. Household chores

Women in Konso mainly perform the household chores. Apart from other

engagement, like farming and market activity, the primary duties of the women

are to follow the household routines like fetching water, fire wood, fodder for the

cattle, preparing breakfast and serve the family, They go to the fields to do farm

work spending considerable time there. On the way back home they collect

firewood and fodder for the cattle and go again to the wells to bring water and

start to prepare dinner. After serving dinner, they perform the remaining work in

the house. The women are always the last to sleep, among the household.

According to a report by Farm Africa, and finding of my survey assessment, the

women in Konso almost spend more than 16 hours a day performing the

household activities. Women in Konso, beginning from early age- that is at an

average of 4 or 5 years- are engaged in works like fetching water with small and

medium water carrying gourd, looking after the cattle, especially goats and

sheep, collecting fire wood and animal fodder. The heavy workload rest on the

young girls who are more than 13 years old, adult and elder women. The older

women too, unless they are too old to move, are engaged in these daily routine

household chores.

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KAG, one of my key informants narrated about the Konso women routine work as

follows: -

- A woman is supposed to start work at 4.00 A.M. in the morning and grinds

flour. Then at break of down near 6.00 A.M, she goes to the wells to fetch

water and then sets out to collect animal fodder.

- Then prepares breakfast for the family. After feeding the family she eats

whatever food remains, and seizing her carrying leather bag treita, tying

rope and different digging objects she goes to the farmland. Then, she

stays there digging, weeding till 6.00 P.M. in the afternoon. Then, she

collects fodder for the cattle and sets out to come back home to fetch

water and prepare dinner for the family. In the house hold there is a

certain rule in sharing the food among the families. As the Konso are

patrilineal society giving considerable value for seniority, the food that is

prepared in the house is allotted and distributed to the family members,

according to sex and seniority. If in the household there were grandfather,

father and son, they would be served first according to their seniority, with

their own separate bowls, that is, with the grand father’s bowl called toma

aka and the father’s bowl toma apa. The women including the grand

mother if she is around, the mother and her daughters share whatever left

from the men, communally. For kids less than 5 years old a special food

called ludutta is prepared. In the house if there are unmarried girls, after

eating dinner and helping their mother, they go to their friends house and

pass the night there. In the morning, these groups of unmarried girls go to

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 the water well to fetch water, grind flour and to perform all their usual daily

chores.

- According to KAG, usually it is the women who go to the farm, and do the

majority of the farm work. The role of men, according to KAG, is very

limited. Men are expected to be involved in community work, so they

devote their time to commitments like, mending fence kawata, the

maintaining and cleaning of the wells, building stone terraces, building the

communal gathering and recreation place mora or pafta.

Chapter 4: Women’s Reproductive role

4.1. Marriage

As the Konso are exogamous, marriage with in the same clan is forbidden. So,

they have to marry out side of their own clan.

4.1.1. Types of marriage

In Konso predominantly, there are two types of marriage. The first type is a

marriage that is arranged by the family of the groom, selecting a suitable bride for

their son; and the other type is a marriage that is arranged by the agreement

between the bride and the groom. Among the Konso early marriage is forbidden,

so, the boys and girls are expected to reach the accepted age by the society.

The average minimum age for marriage is 13 for girls and 15 for boys. When we

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compare the Konso marriage age with the practice of the Northern part of the

country, where children were supposed to marry as early as 8 or 9 years old, I

believe the Konso age even if it is not good, could be taken as relatively better.

As I was told by my informants, there used to be a third type of marriage, that is

exchange marriage. This type of marriage was practiced specially between two

disputing families to bring peace. However, at present, this kind of marriage is

not practiced much.

In the Konso age grading system for a marriage to take place between a certain

couples, it is important for the couples to reach at a determined age set group. In

Hallpike’s article the following important points were raised regarding marriage,

“…the most prominent characteristics are the prohibition of marriage to men and

women who have not yet reached a certain grade, and the determination of one’s

grade by the grade of one’s father”(1968: 260).

According to my informants, once the first son is got married, his parents, even if

they are in child bearing age, should stop having a child. It is forbidden in Konso

for the parents and their sons to have a child simultaneously. For Hallpike one

possible explanation for this would be,

… for sometimes that it was ‘bad’ for young people and their
parents to be getting children simultaneously. Thus, one object is to
keep the children from marrying until their parents have ceased to
procreate. Still today a mother is not supposed to bear children after
her son has married, and there is good reason to suppose that this
applied to men in the past, though it has fallen to disuse (1968: 261).

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This age category is known in Konso as Faraida. Couples who are in a faraida

category are by no means allowed to participate in game hunting and in the

community affairs. In general they are considered un-mature and they are not

even held liable for the damage they have made to the community. Hallpike tried

to relate this situation in the following manner, “The first (of the generations) is

that of the useless youngsters, who can not marry, claim a game animal if they

kill it, take part in councils, or sacrifice, are not held responsible for damage

caused by negligence” (1968: 261). If a boy and a girl in this category performed

cohabitation, and if the girl gets pregnant, she is expected to perform an abortion.

Sometimes, they are even expelled from the town and forced to stay till they

reach the required age.

However, my informants told me that this condition has become a bit lax at

present. During my stay in Konso I have learnt from my informant that he himself

tried to marry a girl while they were in the faraida stage. Consequently they were

forced to leave their residential village, advised and pressured by the elders of

the community members to make an abortion. But, my informant said he and his

fiancée refused the plea and command of the elders. By moving to another

residential area they gave birth to a male child, which they consequently gave a

name, which was very much related to their refusal experience.

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When Hallpike explained the condition in Garati in relation to abortion, “It is

above all in Garati, where there is the largest delay on average before marriage,

and where girls below the authorized grade for marriage who conceive children

are compelled to have abortions… ” (1968: 261).

4.1.2. Bride-wealth

For the first type of marriage, the parents of the bride would be requested by the

groom’s family formally, and if the bride’s family agrees to the marriage proposal,

they will buy a skirt made up of skin, a necklace made from glass beads called

chiriwana and chimra, a hand ornament made from a giraffe’s tail that will be

given to the bride. Once she accepts these presents and wears them it is a sign

that she is engaged.

However, if the marriage is of the second type, that is, if the bride and the groom

are engaged without the knowledge of their respective parents, when the time for

the marriage approaches, the groom’s family will send elders to the family of the

would be bride. The family of the bride would ask for fine money called Korata,

and the parents of the groom will agree to pay. After they agree on the amount of

the fine money, which will not be much - ranges between 15 to 85 birr- the

groom’s family will give the agreed amount of money to the bride’s family.

Mostly the payment is a kind of nominal, because accepting large amount of

money from a suitor is considered in Konso as selling one’s daughter, which is

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considered to be negative, and opposite to the konso social value. So, because

of this reason they do not believe in asking a big sum of money, especially in the

past and continued till the present. According to Hallpike, the konso have a deep

dislike of putting a monetary value on a person (1968). After the requested

amount is paid, a date for the marriage would be decided between the bride’s

family and the elders from the groom’s side. When the day of the weeding

approaches, the family of the groom will prepare chakka, the traditional local

drink prepared from honey. A calabash full honey and big cotton wrapping cloth,

(bulluko) and one full calabash butter will be brought for the father and the

mother of the bride respectively.

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For the weeding members of both families are invited and everybody present on

the occasion eats, drinks and sings. A special traditional food called kurkufa is

prepared from meat, and haleko/shelgaida, a cabbage like plant mixed or boiled

with butter and a sort of maize dough.

In the afternoon, after the feast has taken place there is a blessing ceremony.

The bride’s parents would make the first blessing. Their blessing according to my

informant KAG, can be translated as follows, “ from this day on this child of ours,

will become your seed, let them (the bride and the groom) give a daughter, we

will hope for the seed tree to continue, we give our daughter to you, may she give

birth to many children.” Then, every body present in the ceremony will give their

blessing accordingly.

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The mother of the bride would then show her belly to her daughter, the bride will

kiss her mother’s belly and then the mother will spray saliva on her daughter’s

belly and says, “oh, my daughter, you have my blessing”. Next, the daughter will

kiss the knee of her father, and he would say, “oh daughter, you worked so hard

for me without reserving your labor, so now, I bless you to have children, both

boys and girls.” The family would perform these blessing after all the presents

from the groom’s side arrived and accepted. Then, after the blessing, they would

go to the groom’s house.

In the bride parent’s house, after the feast, they would prepare melted butter with

a wooden bowl, and both the bride and the groom are made to sit on a skin mat.

If the grandmother and the mother are there, they will put their hands in the

butter and smear the bride respectively starting from her face to her feet three

times, and then the groom starting from his feet and end it at his face. This is

done ritually three times. While blessing the couple they say, “let a boy be born”

in Konsinna, “horma oita enodaleddu”. Then, the father of the bride would repeat

the same process as the former, followed by other male relatives according to

seniority. Then, the nearest female relatives on the basis of their seniority, the

grand mother, the mother, the aunts, and all women who are present in the

occasion will put their hands in the butter three times, and smear their faces and

hairs with it. However, men relatives will not participate in this butter smearing on

the hair and face ceremony.

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There was one event that I followed and participated in the Debanna town was

the case of twin sisters who had been married and came to their parents house

for reunion ceremony. When we arrived at the place the first spouse had already

arrived in the house and they were drinking chakka in a separate room reserved

for them. The elders from the groom’s family, who brought the customary gifts to

the bride’s family, sat at a separate hut drinking chakka. Besides them on a skin

mat is seen bulloko, the traditional cloth for the bride’s father and a calabash full

honey, but unfortunately the elder, who is supposed to bring the butter for the

mother was a bit late, and the elders were expecting his arrival as the gift

expected to be complete.

Till the arrival of the other couple, the participants’ chanted traditional songs

mixed with modern Amharic music. The women, the relatives and neighbors of

the family sang and danced in Konsinna, where as the nephew of the brides’ who

is living in the city had a cassette player with an Amharic tape playing. Some of

the participants tried to sing in Amharic and to dance. I also witnessed this kind

of performance -young friends and relatives of the groom, having a tape recorder

and a modern Amharic music playing and singing and dancing with it - when I

attended a certain wedding ceremony during my first trip to Konso.

Some times after a little while the other bride and groom arrived preceded by the

elders with the presents. The first elder carried the bulluko, the traditional cloth

for the father, on his shoulder followed by the other elders who carried the honey

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and the butter. There was also a girl carrying a pot of chakka, which is prepared

from honey. Then arrived the couple followed by their friends and relatives. Their

weeding attire and the change that was displayed was very clear. The two brides

wore the traditional colorful skirt iwwa with a modern t-shirt on which “Los

Angeles” is written on its front. On this trip of mine I was able to observe so many

of the Konso women wearing the same “Los Angeles” t-shirt in different colors. In

my previous visit to Konso before two years, the women were wearing colorful

three striped t-shirts on its side or in front. But during this fieldwork almost the

majority of the women and girls were wearing Los-Angeles t-shirts. One would be

surprised to come all the way to Konso and see most of the women and the men

wearing these t-shirts. I was also a bit surprised at this display, which is for me

an indication of their tendency in using more imported materials from the

neighboring Kenya and other places. This clearly indicates their preference of

imported items than the locally produced clothes.

Coming to my point, the two girls wore white socks with white snickers and a

white designed modern headdress. The two grooms also wore modern shirts and

trousers and one of them wore hat. The elders who arrived last also joined the

previous elders in the hut and after putting the parent’s gifts on the skin mat they

sat and began to drink chakka, which was provided to them by the household.

After a little while, a black goat was brought by the brides’ family to be

slaughtered for the occasion. As the family of the bride is believers of traditional

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religion, they first asked for someone from our group to slaughter the goat for

which our driver volunteered. They did this because they were aware of the

presence of Orthodox Christians in our group. But, one surprising thing that I

observed in this occasion was, before the goat was slaughtered, they brought

pieces of leaves in a wooden bowl and on it they added salt. They then gave it to

the goat, which consumed it immediately. It was then slaughtered. When I asked

my translator and key informant KG why they did this, he told me that this is a

ritual performed as a sort of gesture of blessing for the couples. That is, the

green leaves signify their wish for the couples to be “green” and fertile, and the

symbol of the salt is to wish the couples for their marriage to be as tasty as the

salt. This is the meaning of the performance that I obtained from my informant.

Sometime later, the elder who had been late with the butter also arrived and

joined the elders’ group. They put all the presents on a skin mat prepared for the

occasion and presented what they brought to the brides’ parents. So, after a

while the goat was prepared for a meal, some of it cooked and some of it raw

and was offered to those present on the occasion. Our group was also offered

with its share of the meat with a hot sauce, which they call datt’a, which is made

from green and red paper. It is very tasty but very hot. So, we consumed our

share in the company of the brides’ father and their nephew. The chakka made of

honey, which was brought by the couples', was also served.

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Following the feast, they brought a skin mat and melted butter in a wooden bowl.

Then, they brought the two couples and made them sit on the skin side by side.

Starting from the elder men in the family and their father they smeared their

hands in the butter and then they smeared the couples. They first smeared the

grooms starting from their feet all the way to their faces and then the brides’

going in opposite direction i.e. starting from their faces and ending it at their feet.

This was done three times. On the basis of seniority and sex, everybody

repeated the same process turn by turn. The mother and the elder women

relatives also performed this ritual. While doing this, they blessed the couples.

Then follow the distribution of the melted butter to the women relatives who were

present on the occasion, and who smeared it on their faces and hairs.

As it is tried to explain above the male members, apart from blessing the couples’

while smearing the butter on their body and face, they did not apply or smear the

butter on their faces and hairs unlike the women. Then, the blessing ceremony

continued beginning from elder men relatives’ including the father and other male

members according to seniority, and then by the mother and female relatives.

After receiving the gift brought by the grooms, the brides’ parents gave the brides

treita, a skin bag that is useful for carrying things, herodda, an ornament that the

brides would wear on their feet when they give birth, turendega and kora, a skin

skirt that they would wear when they come out of maternity. Apart from these

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presents, there was not any other gift or property that the brides would receive

from their family.

My informant KAG told me that when her son married, she prepared one pot of

chakka, the local drink made of honey and one-liter local alcoholic drink areke,

and a big cotton rapper bulluko. As the parent’s of the bride both died honey and

butter were not given, it was only the bulluko and the areke that was given to the

bride’s brother. A certain elderly man from the groom’s clan gave the blessing.

If the bride is pregnant, in the weeding day when they are going to the bride’s

family, the chakka is not taken with a pot, but, instead with a calabash. The bride

also is not allowed to wear the bead necklace called frodda; she is allowed only

to wear the necklaces known as chiriwana and chimra. But, if she is not pregnant

the chakka would be taken with a pot, and she may wear all her necklaces and

other ornaments.

4.1.3. Residence

As the Konso are patrilocal society, residence after marriage is at the husband’s

house. Especially, if the husband is the first born son, he is expected to live in his

parent’s house. The elder son has a responsibility of caring for the family after

the death of his father. So, the newly wed should live with the husband’s family.

However, if the husband is the younger son, he is not expected to live with his

family. Hence, by taking his share of land, he will build on his own residence. The

bride, after she joins or settles at her husband’s residence, begins preparing food

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and chakka. However, after preparing the meal and the drink, if the mother-in-law

or grand mother-in-law are present and living with them, she is expected to hand

the food and the drink to them, and they will perform the distribution of food and

drink to the family. If they are around, the wife does not have the right to

distribute food and drink to the family by her self.

The bride who is living with her in-laws is expected also to respect them. My key

informant, who has her son and his wife living with her, narrated the situation as

follows:

It has been 14 years since my husband passed away, and leaving the
responsibility of raising the children with me. So, I succeeded in raising
my children by myself, being both mother and father to them. In raising
them as a single parent, the children have great respect for me. If
occasionally the wife of my elder son showed some disrespect, my son
would chided her that, how dare you mistreat my mother, you should
respect her. He would tell her that, our mother troubled a lot and
worked so hard to raise us, and she is very strong and courageous. It is
due to her hard work that now we could able to have so many beehives
and the necessary things those are important for our livelihood. So, she
deserves your respect (KAG).

When my informant was narrating this to me she was very proud of her son, who

is not letting his wife to disrespect her.

As polygyny is practiced among the Konso, a man can marry more than one wife,

depending upon his wealth or income. The reason mostly given for marrying

more than one wife is to have as many children as possible, as children are

considered good investment and vital labor force. The husband who has more

than one wife can build different houses to his wives in different areas. This is

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because if they are in the same area they might end up quarrelling. During my

stay in Konso I encounter a certain man who has eight wives and more than

thirty children, and another person who has five wives and more than twenty

children. So, in Konso it is not uncommon to have multiple wives.

When the husband allocates his wealth, especially farmland, he will allocate

around two third of the land to his first wife. And the remaining one third will be

divided among the rest of his wives. He will never take from the first wife’s share,

even if the second or the other wife has more children. What he will do is to try

increase the other wife’s or wives’ share by buying some more land and give it or

share it among them.

4.1.4. Divorce

Divorce is not a big issue among the Konso. If a husband and a wife quarrel

because of any disagreement, it is up-to the two spouses to make the final

decision. If they reach at the stage of separation, it is the wife who is expected to

leave the house. In the course of her living the house, she is not supposed to

take anything or allowed to take any property with her, except some personal

items and household kitchen utensils.

If the divorced woman leaves the house of her husband and marries another

man, her husband will sue or ask the newly wed husband the expense he had

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spent on his ex-wife while they were living together. This is known in Konso as

massa.

4.2. Childbirth and child rearing

Children are considered as a big asset among the Konso. The Konso like to have

as many children as possible as they think it is important to reserve labor force,

which would give helping hand for the family. They regard having many children

as a good investment for the family at an older age.

4.2.1. Pregnancy and food taboo

During pregnancy the Konso women do not get any special treatment. What I

want to say here by special treatment are things like the reduction of work or

getting time to rest. They are rather expected to work till the day they give birth.

They are expected to perform both their usual household responsibilities as well

as the farm work. It is generally believed that if they rest much, the fetus in their

womb might get bigger and become difficult during labour.

My informants told me that there were incidents that some women giving birth

while working in the farms, bringing their newborn baby by wrapping him/her with

their leather carrying bag treita. During this time the umbilical cord would not be

cut, so it is very important to have the groom’s mother or grandmother around, as

it is their responsibility to cut the umbilical cord. Even if the bride and her in laws

81
are not in good terms, it is a must that they perform this task. If the mother or

grandmother of the husband refuses to cut the umbilical cord, she will be begged

and be given an indemnity money, korata. But, during all these arguments the

newborn baby is expected to wait till they settle the matter to get his/her umbilical

cord cut.

The Konso women, during pregnancy, are not allowed to eat fat. Because, it is

believed that if they eat too much fat the fetus in his mother’s womb would get

big and fat and would become difficult for the mother during labor.

As it is tried to explain briefly on the marriage part of this thesis, in former times

konso girls and boys who do not reach the required age were not allowed to have

a child. In Konso they do not attach much value to virginity, however, they do not

allow pregnancy and childbirth before the required age. A couple that commits

this mistake is expected to leave the area and perform an abortion. My informant

told me from her experience about those girls who had to go to other place to

abort because of getting pregnant before the required age in former times. For

those who were residing in Dokatu and Bourqudayya the place where they

usually performed the abortion is in Machello town. There is an old woman there,

who was performing the abortion. While performing the abortion, I was told; she

did not use any medication but only used her hands massaging the pregnant

woman’s abdomen. My other informants also confirmed this information.

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However, according to my informants, at present due to the introduction and

expansion of religion and education, this practice has been decreased

considerably. And the Konso society is not that much serious on the issue of

pregnancy as it was as before, and through time showed considerable change in

attitude.

4.2.2. Childbirth

The Konso women are giving birth or expected to give birth in their marital
residence. During labour the woman is not supposed to go out of her house
or in to seclusion to different place outside of the house to give birth.
When the woman reaches the stage of giving birth or during her labour, a

traditional birth attendant who is living around will be called. Then, after washing

her hands, the traditional birth attendant will massage the body specially the back

of the woman with warm water. Hot drink, a kind of porridge made from cereal is

given to her or, if there is chakka, hot water will be added to it and will be given to

her. If there is no chakka in the house a drink called holla made from coffee

leaves and with some salt, will be offered to her while it is hot to quicken the

labour. The coffee leave used for this purpose is called hasha bunnita in Konso.

The husband’s mother, her mother-in-law will be called, because she is the one

who is supposed to cut the child’s umbilical cord. If the mother in law is not

around or if she has passed away, a nearby close female relative in the

husband’s side will be present to perform the customary ritual. Hence, the

mother-in-law or the nearest female relative will cut the umbilical cord.

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Then, the mother would be offered a hot porridge like drink called tanda, in it

added butter, which is made from barely or finger millet. But, if the family cannot

afford butter, a melted fat of a cow would be added as a replacement for the

butter. The family, if they can afford, will slaughter cattle and feed the mother

well. She will also be given the blood of a fat cow, which is thought to be

important for its medicinal value. Meat, butter and fat are the main food types that

are believed to be important to make the mother stronger during her maternity.

So, with this kind of treatment, the woman would stay in doors in a special hat

called manna3 in the homestead, which is warm for about three to five months

depending on the wealth and income of the family. But, if the family is in a low-

income category, the woman will be taken care of for only about two months or

less.

During the maternity period, especially during the first weeks, the woman is not

expected to work. Her daughters, who have reached working stage, will take care

of the household duty that is, caring for the mother as well as doing the rest of

the work. Besides, if her mother-in-law is alive it is her responsibility to feed her

till the umbilical cord or kusumtta fell or detached from the infant’s abdomen. But,

if her mother-in-law is not around or passed away, it is the responsibility of her

own mother to took care of her for about a month. However, if both mothers are

dead, it is the husband’s responsibility to feed her and also to work in the house

till the umbilical cord fell. Therefore, he is expected to fetch water, cook food and

3
Manna is one of the konso huts built in the compound and used specially for mothers during maternity. This hut is
covered with grass from top to bottom and is a warm place.

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perform other works. But if he has sisters or female relatives they would assist

him. After that she could resume work specially the in door activity while the

husband is performing the out door work.

During maternity, the Konso woman will be properly fed and taken care of,

because, it is considered very prestigious among the Konso that their women

come out of maternity looking very fat and big. This shows the family’s capacity

for taking good care of the woman and in a way it shows her family’s social and

economic status. So, due to this belief the Konso women come out of maternity

looking very fat and bulky.

Till the child’s umbilical cord falls off, the woman is not allowed to touch any

household utensils. Food is prepared and given to her by family members. The

umbilical cord, kusumtta might fall with in four or five days, when it does, it will be

smeared with butter, wrapped with a piece of cloth and put carefully in a certain

gourd. The gourd used for this purpose has a narrow and thin neck and it is

sealed with a dung of a cow, which has not yet given birth to a calf. Then, the

elder women hold the sealed gourd high above their head and bless the child by

saying, “be big like this”. The gourd that contains the child’s umbilical cord will be

put under the roof of the hut, on the second round, which they call orotitta. Then,

the older women would cook the meat and share it among the family. The meat

that is bought for this occasion includes every part of the inner body of the cattle.

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This includes liver, intestine, rib bone and red meat. Everybody present is entitled

to get a piece from every type of the meat.

On this occasion from the woman’s side it is only her mother that will be present.

But the rest are all the relatives of the husband and the traditional birth attendant.

The only men participants are her father- in- law and her husband, and they

would get their share of food with their own wooden bowl toma aka (the father’s

bowl) and toma apa (the husband’s bowl) respectively, and would eat separately

from the women’s group.

Then the older women, after the feast, would bless the mother by saying raise

the child well, we will come when you come out of maternity. Till then play with

your kid, in konsinna they said, “auta sogeda lakinna” roughly translated as

follows, “we will come at your sogeda or coming out of maternity ceremony.”

When it is time to come out of maternity, her best friend’s family prepares the

local drink chakka and brings it to her house with a clay pot. It is called araida in

konso. The chakka pot is opened by the one who cut the umbilical cord- it could

be her mother in law or grand mother in law or her husband’s close female

relative that performed the cutting, which is called in Konso okeda kusumtaa.

After the lady takes her share murada okoda kusumtaa, the remaining will

distributed among the rest of the family. After this, the next step is the sogeda,

the coming out of maternity ceremony.

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On this day they also hold a naming ceremony for the newborn child known as

maha ashekotta. The name is given to the child by the one who has cut the

umbilical cord. Then, the father brings a certain type of leaf called argaida in

konso. Two of these leaves are put at the threshold of the house at one corner of

the entrance door mixed with a certain branch or piece of stick known as

woibetta. Then, the traditional birth attendant will pierce the argaida in to three

spots and bury it.

Then, the birth attendant would first tie some of the string- like part from false

banana which is known as sohaita on her own arms, then she will tie the sohaita

on the mother’s two feet above her ankles. Next, the sohaita will also be tied on

each arm of the child who would accompany the woman. A leg ornament called

herodda, which is made from a shell of an ostrich egg mixed with certain blue

beads known, as chiriwanna would be prepared, and she wore it on her two

ankles. The chiriwanna is a sign that showed the type of children the woman has,

that is, if it is a female two blue beads would be mixed, in front and at the back

which makes it four, and if she added a boy another two beads would be inserted

on the sides, which would be about eight. The sohaita, the false banana thread

like thing also serves as an indicator whether she has born a girl or a boy, that is,

if it is a girl, she would have put in 5 rounds and if it were a boy it would make 7

rounds. So, here we can tell by the number of beads and the round of sohaita

that, there is differentiation and favor among the sexes, which clearly showed

that it is a boy that is preferred most.

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When the woman gets pregnant again, she takes of the sohaita from her feet, but

the herodda remains. There are certain myths that were told in Konso regarding

a woman in maternity. One of this is, while the woman is on maternity, she is not

allowed to drink clean water. But, if she insists on drinking, she should put certain

fruit seed in it. The reason, it is believed, is if she drinks plain water, her eyesight

might get weaker.

There is also another belief that goes on like this; if she collected firewood that

was brought by flood and cooked with it, her child might snore. To stop the child’s

snoring, she has to boil water with the wood that she brought, after which the

child’s snoring would stop.

The woman at maternity also would have different hairstyle. That is a hair of a

woman that gave birth would be modeled or made by dividing it in to six parts,

that is, two parts in each side, two parts in front and one at the back. The Konso

married women has a hairstyle known in konso as lehha. But before she gave

birth it is only made in one part, or her hair would be covered with a piece of

cloth.

Grand mothers’ who have grand children, would wear a hat called kulleda, made

from black woolen thread, or they would make their hairstyle with sort of step like

style, like the city girl’s French style, which is called kassara.

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 4.2.3. Initiation ceremony

The Konso women are expected to come out of maternity only after an initiation

ceremony is conducted. It is forbidden to go out of the house before this

ceremony.

The initiation ceremony would take place after three months of maternity. For this

occasion there would be certain preparation or process. These include preparing

a certain wood called woibetta and buying a skirt made of skin called turandaga

and kora. An ornament called herodda made of ostrich egg mixed with blue

beads will be presented for the mother. A necklace made up of beads called

forodda is also given to her.

When she wears the skin skirt turandaga, from the waist above she would be

bare. But she would apply a certain charcoal like thing mixed with butter called

nabba on her forehead, on one round and three stripe marks on her breasts. This

is believed to protect her from an evil eye. She wore the skin skirt turandaga, and

kora, which is put on top of the turandaga. The kora, which had a rectangle

shape, would be painted vertically with a black paint, on its middle part. Then, to

begin the ritual she was made to go outside of the house and came back. This is

to enable her to make practice of going out door.

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The woman, after coming out of the house with her followers, will directly go to

her parent’s house, if they are nearby. But, if her parents are far, a close relative

or clan member on her family side that lives near prepares food and drink and

host her. She would then spent some time eating and drinking there, with her

followers. As it is the custom, no clan member would reject the hosting of the

woman upon request. When she started this journey, young children of both

sexes would follow her. If she gave birth to a boy, a younger boy would go in

front of her, and herself followed by the young girls. But if it is a girl, the position

of the followers would be reversed, that is, the girls would come in front, the boys

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at the back, and in the middle the woman. Her followers would be selected from

a family that did not have a child death record previously.

This procession or her followers are known in Konso as ambattodda. Then, she

would go to her parent’s house and would be served with food and drink. The

food is kurkufa, shelgaida boiled with meat, and chakka, the traditional drink. If

the parent’s failed to prepare chakka for the occasion, they are expected to buy

from some other place.

Then, after the feast she would return to her home, but on the way home her

followers, the children, would gather some small fire sticks like what we called in

Amharic chiraro, and shelgaida. The shelgaida could be taken from any body’s

holding without any permission from the owner. However, the owners knew that it

is the custom so, they would not complain. The children after collecting the wood

and the shelgaida they would give it to the woman and, she will distribute it

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among the children. When they reach home, the elder women would welcome

them by saying ogadda assam, did you eat well? they would inquire. Then, her

followers will throw the sticks and the shelegaida in to the house to the waiting

family members.

Then the old women would separate the stick from the shelgaida and would cook

the latter with meat and prepare kurkufa. As the children do not drink chakka due

to its alcoholic behavior, a porridge like drink made from cereal called chebotta,

would be prepared a day earlier for the occasion, and would be given to them

together with kurkuffa. This drink would be provided to the children before they

set out to her parent’s house and after they return to the house.

Meat would be bought for this occasion, and the women in the house would

prepare food and distributed it among family members. The traditional birth

attendant would perform the allocation. The woman and her followers would eat

and drink and after that, they set out to the river or well near by to bring water,

carrying water containers.

Upon reaching the river, she would perform a sort of prayer in konsinna as

follows, “erayyu hella bammalaya kallasha baddaqa kurro ella gutta addai geddai

capptin okkatte”, literally means “you are big river, a river of children, please give

us the mud /kegennata/”, she would say this prayer repeatedly, upon saying this

the children would send their hands in to the river and came out with hands full of

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the mud kegennata. The children will try again and again till they get the required

mud. Then, the children put the mud in the leaf they prepared and the woman

would smear some of it on her two feet, starting from her toe up to her knee, and

take the remaining to the house. Upon reaching the house the old women would

inquire if the river gave them what they are looking for, that is, the kegennatta

and the children would respond yes, she gave us. Then the old women would

again smear the mud on the belly of the mother.

From this ceremony on, the woman could go to the river unaccompanied. After

this ritual the woman would also take her skin carrying bag treita and set out to

the farm, there, she would collect cattle fodder, fire stick and shelgaida /haleko/

and returned back to the house.

When she reaches home she would be welcomed by the family members and

her followers that stayed home, and waiting for her arrival would greeted her by

saying “assham” literally meant “hallo, did you come back safely”? They would

inquire, and she would respond, yes. Then, the shelgaida that she brought would

be cooked, butter added in it. After she has served food to her followers, she

would take her maternity clothes off. From this performance of ritual onwards,

she can resume her usual house hold chores and the new born child is also

allowed to go outside, but before the child goes outside an ornament made of

cowry shell would be put on his wrist and two feet and sohaita also tied around

his waist, so as to cast of the evil eye.

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 4.2.4. Child rearing

Child rearing is a communal task among the Konso. The Konso do not make that

much fuss on raising a child. Based on my observation, I saw children from

around seven or eight months sitting and playing outdoors, in the absence of

their mothers or guardians around. I am used to see children under three years

being looked after carefully; however, the Konso case is completely out of my

experience. In Konso, seeing a child less than one year old, and who barely

started walking playing by him/herself in the markets and on the roads is

common. I found this a bit shocking.

During my stay in the area, when I saw kids at an edge of a certain stair, or a

cow or bull coming towards them or towards where they sat or played, I usually

yelled or shouted to the surprise of their parents or observers who would laugh

and said, 'Mame do not worry that much, we do not worry or bothered much

about the kids; they are used to it'. It is only surprising for you, because you are

comparing them with the children of the city, where you made much fuss over

them.

Children in Konso beginning from an early age, made to learn their roles through

socialization and the division of labor set by the society. So, children starting from

an early age knew their duty and perform it accordingly. I saw small girls not

more than five or six years going to the wells to fetch water, to tend cattle,

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collecting fire sticks, helping the family on the farms, looking after kids and the

like. Young boys also look after the cattle, collect fodder to the cattle and fire

wood, helping in the farm.

The Konso considered their children as vital labor forces, which are handy in

their different activities. But, there are some parents who tried to send their

children to school. From the people I talked to, what I have learnt is, the Konso

family would send one or two boys to school, among many children. The rest

would help in the house, or in the outdoor activities. When I asked them why they

are not sending all their children to school, they would respond, we do not have

enough money to send all our children, so we sent only those children we could

afford to pay. But, in this course the most disadvantaged like that of children of

the other parts of the country, the continent and some part of the world, are the

female children. Most families do not send their daughters to school.

When I asked them why, they respond, “if we teach our daughters it does not

have any use for us because, they will take their knowledge to their husbands,

their knowledge or education does not remain with us”. Hence, it is no use to

invest on the female children. Besides, the labor of female child is very important

to the family, they would help a lot in the household till they get married. So,

before she is taking her labor to her husband, the family must benefited from her

labor, as much as possible, so they are not willing to send them to school. It is a

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very small numbers of female children that attend school compared with male

children.

Even after starting school and continuing some how, in the middle of it the girls

would quit learning and get married. I met two girls who were attending school,

but discontinue later upon marrying. One of them, GH, was in the eleventh grade

and the other in the seventh grade. When I asked them why, the former

responded that, she has to get married, so she has to stop. Her marriage was

arranged between her family and her husband’s family. So, it was an arranged

type of marriage. Now, she has given birth to five children, but said, she has

plans in the future to continue her education and to complete 12th grade. At

present, GH is residing with her parent’s-in-law, as she is the wife of the elder

son, and assisted the family in the household activities, especially in brewing and

selling the honey mead, tej. As she is active and hard working she is very much

liked and trusted by the family, specially by her father in law, who in trust with her

care the important keys of the house hold.

The latter MM has attended school up to the 7th grade, and quit school to get

married. Unlike the former, the respective families do not arrange this marriage,

but instead the girl has eloped. Her mother was so furious, because she very

much wanted, she told me, her daughter to reach 12th grade. But, instead her

daughter has failed her, and ended up eloped by a man who already has two

wives and became the third wife. This made the mother to be very furious, and

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during my stay in Konso, they were not even in speaking terms. When I asked

the mother why did not she forgive her daughter she said, “it would have been

better for me instead of privileging and sending her to school, which she was not

properly used, rather use her labor, it is a total loss for me”.

But to my surprise the mother also told me, at present as she has having a son

who is currently in the eleventh grade, who has a fiancée living in the house

eloping from her family, whom they are taking good care of, and on the process

of sending elders to the girl’s family. But when I asked my informant that her

daughter also did the same thing as her son did, so, what is wrong with it, she

responded, her boy’s case as being different, because he is male, but her

daughter should not do this and disappointed her, that she swore that she would

never wanted to speak to her again.

As I understood from my observation in Konso it is obvious that the male child

has the right to do whatever he pleases, and gets the support of his family and

the community at large. However, when it came to the case of female child, she

is not allowed to do what she pleases and do not get much support of her

decision, neither from her family nor the society. Even if she did, the family and

the society would scorn her.

4.3. Death/Mourning

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Among the Konso death and mourning depends on the age and the social status

of the individuals. They very much knew that death is a natural phenomenon. So,

they accepted death with grace, performing the necessary requirements. Their

mourning is not that much bitter and intensive, except for the death of a young

man of a marriage age and one who have not given birth to a child yet. The

mourning in this occasion would be bitter. Intense mourning preparation would be

held by the society for the poqalla.

4.3.1. Poqalla

The death of a poqalla in Konso is a serious matter and a big event. As the

poqalla are the ritual and clan leaders among the Konso, their death and burial

ceremony has its own unique characters. When a certain poqalla dies, at first

there will not be any sign of mourning displayed, till whatever necessary for the

burial and mourning ceremony is prepared. It is only his nearest family, his

advisors /counselors Sarra and his clan members that would be notified of his

death.

The body of the poqalla would then be taken to a certain separate hut,

constructed for this purpose outside the homestead. His condition is announced

to the public, as if he has been very sick. In due time the necessary arrangement

for the funeral ceremony would be made. Certain and known members from the

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craftsmen the hauda family, would prepare the body of the poqalla by

mummification.

The mummified body of the poqalla would stay in the hut for nine months before

his burial. During this time, after the body is mummified and ready for visit, the

public would be allowed to visit him. The visitor would inquire about the health of

the poqalla, and would ask how the old man is feeling today? The response they

might get from his keepers / guardians is 'he is felling better today'. Anyone who

visits the mummified body of the poqalla is expected to make some sort of

payment or contribution starting from 1.50 birr and above to his guardians.

During my stay in Konso, I got the chance to see the mummified body of a

poqalla in Turo. Prior to this, I had only seen the picture of the mummified body

of Qennazmach Kayote, from the Kalla family. During my visit, the body was in its

8 months and, preparation was underway for his burial, which was to take place

after a month, While I was there, his grave was begun to be dug, and also, the

waka, the wooden statue, was started to be sculptured.

According to my informants, in former times when a poqalla died, he was

supposed to stay for about nine years before his burial. However, through time,

due to drought and other natural causes, the duration of the stay was reduced to

9 months, each month representing one year. In other words the nine months

were considered as nine years. I tried to inquire why the number 9 is significant

to the Konso, I could not get a satisfactory response or explanation.

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During these nine months, the guardians, the selected hauda members would be

treated well and were offered by the family of the poqalla whatever they need.

The guardians acted as if the poqalla is alive and demand on his behalf certain

things which they wanted to have, like the old man wanted a goat to be

slaughtered for him, or he demanded honey and butter, and their request would

be fulfilled. Hence, it is the duty of the poqalla’s family, his clan members and

concerned members of the society to fulfill these demands of the guardians / the

haudas.

When the nine month approaches, a certain preparation would be started like the

digging of his grave a month earlier to his burial, and also as he is a leader, it is

mandatory that a wooden statue, a waka, to be erected. So, its curving would

also began a month earlier.

4.3.2. Children, Young and Adult Men

The mourning of children and young person who have not reached a marriage

age, would take only three days. After three days, there will not be any mourning.

Especially, if the dead child is an infant and did not come out of the house, or for

whom the sogeda ritual did not take place, there would not be any crying or

mourning, and the infant would be buried at his parent’s homestead. But, if the

sogeda, the coming out of the maternity ceremony has taken place, he/she would

be treated as a young child and would be mourned for three days, and a

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mourning cry is also allowed. Sometimes when a kid, who does not come out of

the house is sick and be on the verge of death, and if the old women are active

and wise, they would quickly arrange the sogeda, the coming out of maternity

ceremony to the mother to take place. After the accomplishment of the

ceremony, if the child dies, he/she is entitled to be buried in the family farm, like

that of an adult, out side of his parent’s homestead. A three-day mourning also

would be held, and the family is allowed to mourn.

But, if the dead person is a young man with in the range of marrying age, or a

one who was married but not yet have children, the mourning would be very

serious and deeply felt. When people die in Konso, they would be buried in their

own farms. There is not any separate burial area that is designated for this

purpose. But if one does not have a farm especially the craftsmen the haudas, as

they do not usually own land, they would be buried in the dina, a wooden area,

the common place in Konso that is used for garbage accumulation and excretion.

The mourning period for adult men is nine days. If the dead person were a hero,

a waka, a wooden statue would be erected on his grave. Mostly these wakas are

erected either at the entrance of the village or at the public gathering place, at the

mora, where people could see them. The wakas erected in the memory of the

heroes sometimes also include the statue of the wife or wives’ of the dead hero.

If the dead person only has one wife, her statue would be erected next to him, at

his right side. If he has more than one wife, the rest would be erected next to his

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first wife. It is the custom in Konso that, even if the wives of the man are alive, it

is a must that there statues wakas should stand next to their husband’s. If the

dead person killed an enemy, the statue of the enemy would also be erected at

the left side of the man. The only mark that distinguished the enemy from the

man is his genitals /the mark of his manhood/ would be mutilated. So, he would

not have a genital and he does not also have a look of grace, he would have a

sort of crumble like personality.

Moreover, if the man also killed a lion or a leopard, their statue were also made

and displayed on the grave, in front of the man. The difference between the lion’s

statue and the leopard is that the lion is plain, where as the leopard’s body is

spotted. Besides these statues the man’s land holding also represented with the

medium of pebbles or stones. That is, each of his land holdings would be

represented through one stone, so, the number of stones in one’s grave clearly

show the number of his land holdings. To indicate his braveness or being a hero

a spear and a shield showed in his grave together with the rest of the items.

During the waka erecting process, a feast should be prepared depending upon

the wealth or the income of the family. According to my informants, to perform

this ritual or the festivity, the preparation might take months and in some cases

years, till the family of the deceased are ready. When they are ready they would

send messengers to their close relatives, so that their relatives upon receiving

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the message would prepare and bring chakka, the traditional drink, honey and

butter, as custom requires.

The preparing of the waka would also start a month earlier before the feasting

ceremony. It is during the waka erecting stage that the feast would take place.

Without the feast the waka would not be erected. But, if the feast has taken place

and a goat ritually slain and consumed, it is believed that the house is purified,

and the sole of the dead rested. But, till the goat is slain whatever time it took, the

dead person is considered alive. It is only after the sacrifice of the goat that the

person is considered dead.

If the dead person has married sons, they are expected to contribute to the

mourning feast. Especially, the first son from the first wife is supposed to

contribute a bull or an ox, and the same goes for the first son/sons of the second

wife / wives. But, the younger sons and married daughters are only required to

contribute goats. If they could not afford to bring goat they can give 1.50 birr. This

is considered to be equal to the value of the goat. But, currently due to the

increase in price, the amount is raised to three birr.

In the event of the death of a father, the mourning ceremony would take place at

the first wife’s residence. So, the other wives’ and their children would bring

whatever they have to the first wife’s house and mourned there. There will not be

a separate mourning for each household.

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 4.3.3. Female/Women

The mourning of a woman would take six days. Especially, if the one who has

passed is a mother, she would be buried with the skin cloth, which she wore

during, her maternity or sogeda ceremony, and she would be wrapped with the

skin-sleeping mat, on which she used to sleep. Raw butter is put on her head.

If the dead woman is a poqaltetta, she would be buried in the sacred forest of the

poqalla, and a waka, a wooden statue would also be erected on her grave. When

I was in Konso, I had the chance to visit the burial places of the poqallas, at the

kalla forest, which is a sacred forest kept by the kalla family for generations. In

this forest there are burial places of the different poqalla and poqaltetta of the

kalla family. In their graves there are different wooden statues, wakas. The waka

of a poqaltetta would show their bust, bare waist above, with their breasts clearly

showing. On their neck showed mark of beads, and their hairstyle also showed

it’s division into six, the type-married women in Konso wore, the lehha. Besides a

spear like wooden pole is also erected on their grave to show that they are wives’

of heroes.

Upon their death the waka is erected only for the wives of the poqalla, the

poqaltetta. But, for the ordinary Konso women, waka is erected only in-

association to their husbands. That is if the husband is a warrior or a hero.

4.3.4. Old men and women

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The death of grandfather or grandmother is taken very easily in Konso. Their

deaths do not that much mourned with bitterness. It is believed that they have

seen enough and achieved every thing in life, what they would really miss is

thought to be only their meal. Especially, if the dead man or woman has so many

grand children, especially grand sons, an occasion called shleitta, in which

relatives and clan members from different villages participate, would take place

at a public place like market. Shleitta is a song like performance, in which

members of the clan and close relatives sing and dance almost for a day. Shleitta

is performed only for those who have grand sons. If the grand parents only have

grand daughters the shleitta would not take place.

While I was in Konso, I got the chance to attend a shleitta of an old lady GB from

the hauda, who has passed at the age of 103, in the Bourqudayya village. She

had many sons and grand sons. Fortunately one of her grand sons’ was my

informant. For this occasion a messenger from the hauda association, a horn

honker was sent to the different near by villages, three days earlier to inform the

members to come to the ceremony. On this occasion except for those who are

sick, in maternity or far from the village, the rest should be present or expected to

attend the ceremony. If some one failed to attend the ceremony with out good

reason, he/she would be penalized, scorned and even sometimes their property

would be looted for disobeying the norm.

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Hence, on the occasion horn would be honked, and the sign is made for the

villagers to get ready for the journey to the occasion. After the person in charge

honked three times, the villagers would in-group start the journey to the place of

the event. As this specific event was taken place in the Bourqudayya village, the

first sheleitta performance was started by the craftsmen haudas of Bourqudayya.

Their performance, the dance and the singing were very interesting and

enjoyable. After this come the haudas of the Gamolle village. But, before the

Gamolle joined the dancing group, the mourners first directly went to the dead

old lady’s house and paid their respect by crying, and then came back and

replace the first performers, the Bourqudayya’s. The Bourquddaya haudas being

the host village would leave the performance floor to the mourners of Gamolle.

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After the performance of the Gamolle mourners, there come mourners of the

haudas of Gotcha village. The Gocha like the Gamolle first went in to the

mourning house to cry. In the mean time, the mourners of the Bouqudayya came

to relieve the Gamolle performers and took over the scene of the performance

and started the singing and the dancing. The relieved Gamolle mourners

scattered to the village drink house, to drink chakka, the traditional Konso drink,

before they set out to their respective villages. For this occasion the family of the

deceased expected to allocate money for drink around 3.50 birr. It is the

minimum amount, but if the family could afford they can give more. Besides, the

family of the mourners and the relatives also expected to contribute to the

performers. Hence, the money would be placed in the middle of the dancing and

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chanting grounds. Then, the performers would collect from each individual donor

some amount of money. An elderly man a representative from the group would

collect the money and gave it to the young members to divide it among the

group, according to gender and age. The Young men then would buy chakka for

the elders, women and young men categorically in different chakka houses. The

remaining money would be distributed to the group’s lead singer of the shleitta,

amounted to 2-4 birr, and the horn honker, sarra, would also get 1-2 birr.

Next came the Gotcha hauda mourners and replaced the Bourqudayya group

and started their performance. The performance was so interesting and colorful

sometimes, I even tend to forget it was mourning and started clapping and

chanting with them. On that day due to the attractiveness of the performance, I

have spent more than four hours watching, so my konso friends were compelled

to pull me out of the crowd, by telling me that I have had enough. After

performing for sometime the Gotcha were again replaced by the host village

mourning group, the Bourquddayya. The Gothca group also as that of the former,

the Gamolle, took their share of the money and went to different drinking place.

So, the shleitta has ended by the performance of the host village the

Bourqudayya mourners.

On that day, I also went to the house of the deceased to comfort and express my

condolence to my informant AH, one of the grand son’s of the deceased. There I

met my informant, all the grand sons’ of the old lady including my informant wore

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black hat, shaved their head and also wore a cotton made blanket or wrapper,

bulluko, black cloth sewed on its edge. This attire showed that they are in

mourning. After I talked with my informant AH, as the custom required I

contributed ten birr for the mourners.

4.4. Inheritance

In Konso inheritance is made on the basis of sex and seniority. That is the ones

who entitled to inherit their families property are mostly male children. Even

among them, the biggest share goes to the eldest son’s, who is the successor of

his father, and residing with his family. Mostly, the younger sons upon marriage

got their share, so they would not get much upon the death of their father.

When property is shared among the family, the biggest share, that is about 2/3 of

the property, will be given to the first wife, which directly involved the first son.

The remaining property would be divided among the rest of the wives and the

children. However, the father if he has a number of farms, would divide it among

his sons on the basis of the terraces.

When talking of inheritance, female child do not inherit the property of the family

especially the land, neither from her parents’ nor her husband. Surprisingly, if the

man has only daughters, upon his death the daughters’ or their mother are not

entitled to inherit the land, as they are considered outsiders. So, a certain male

relative, it could be his nephew or the sons of some close relative or some male

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member among his close kin should be found, and inherit the land. Sometimes, if

there is no male children found among the nearest relative, it should be traced till

the great grand father’s line. The one’s who usually inherited the land sometimes

assist the family during farming season, but after the death of the wife, the

inheritor would take over and own the land to him self.

Daughters might only inherit shelgaida/haleko tree and coffee plant, and can

utilize what they got from the plants. These plants they could use, so long as they

are alive, but if the women die their daughters could not inherit it, or they could

not pass it to any one with their will. If the family has number of farmlands, in rare

occasions, they could give it to their favorite daughters to make use of it, while

they are alive. But upon their death, they will not have any right to transfer it to

whom they like. The male members of the family would decide its utilization.

If the father has many beehives, he would share it among his sons. Daughters

are never entitled to have or to inherit beehives, as it is the custom that only male

has to do with beehives. The man also can distribute his cattle among his sons,

leaving the biggest share to the first son. As the father has distributed his

property mostly land and cattle, when his younger sons got married, the

remaining wealth would be given to the elder son from the first wife. But, if the

father has a favorite younger son that he loved more, he can leave him additional

property upon his death in his will.

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As it is understood from the results of the study, inheritance of property is gender

differentiated. That is, important resources like land and cattle are the prerogative

of male child. Where as the female child is only entitled to get very few things

with small value, like that of the shelgaida plant. Those skin clothes and beads

she received from her parents, considered also as her share of the family

property.

CHAPTER 5 – SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION

Different researchers in a considerable period of time tried to come up with

ideas and justification for the lower status of women. Some of the variables
for this cause to be biological, social and cultural biases towards women in a
certain society. And a lesser participation of women in a traditional warfare,
lesser economic benefit and their contribution to subsistence and non
subsistence production, especially in the first phases of agricultural
production are presented as justifications (Boserup, 1970, Sanday, 1973,).

However wide the explanation concerning the subordinate status of women,

sometimes it is difficult to make generalization as the variables vary cross

culturally. It was believed in earlier times that the difference between men and

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women to be biological, and the division of labor also to be decided on the basis

of their biological difference. However, this argument greatly criticized by many

anthropologists as being rhetorical, that the main cause for the male and female

difference is not only biology, but rather to be social and cultural. That is one

learns to acquire its gender roles of being a man or a woman by a task assigned

to him or her through society’s socialization process. These social roles were not

inherited or conferred to some one by birth, but acquired gradually through the

society’s task allocation.

When we take the case of Konso women, the main focus of this study, and
from the information obtained from the empirical data which this research
come up with, even if it is thought their tasks are considered to be gender
divided, that is, to be a women’s or men’s specific task. If we take farming
and any work that demands high energy and labor, is considered to be men’s
duty. However, in reality the majority of the farm work in Konso is being
done by women. Likewise, carrying heavy load of grain and the like from
the fields to the granary supposed to be men’s duty. But, this task is mostly
done by women, which is a fact that does not denied by the Konso men
themselves. However, performing these tasks do not confer high or better
status, or brought high regard to Konso women in the society. These high
performance of work by the Konso women taken by the society for granted.
It does not bestow on them any special privilege.

Theory of warfare is also considered as being one variable that contributed to a

lower status of women, and made the women to hold the subordinate position in

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the society. As this study is also interested with the issue of warfare in relation to

Konso women, as the Konso in former times used to be warriors and have high

regard to war heroes. The result that this study come up with in regard to warfare

is, currently in Konso except for occasional land disputes, almost there is no war

among the Konso clans or neighbors. However, the stereo type of the Konso of

being great warriors in former times highly embedded in the minds of the Konso

people, including the Konso women. So, up to now the konso regarded them

selves as being active warriors. This belief of warrior-ship greatly repeats and

made visible it self through the Konso age grading system, especially the hela

group, which are still believed to be a warrior and town defending group.

The continuing tradition for this group to erect a stone of manhood, dinga diruma,

during the generation transition and also the living tradition of erecting waka, the

wooden statue erected on the grave of heroes, is considered to be some of the

symbols for the Konso men’s superiority. Besides, the sleeping of these warrior

groups, the hella, in the public gathering place in the mora/pafta, and been in

alert to defend the town from unexpected danger and sudden attack is also one

explanation for the Konso high regard for the warrior class.

The main reason for the hella members of the warrior class to sleep in the

mora/pafta is said to be in order to mobilize easily in time of danger or attack.

The other explanation for their sleeping outdoors is, if these groups of men

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continuously slept with their wives, there is a belief that they might get weaker

(Hallpike, 1974). Hence, women are considered as a cause for men’s weakness.

So, this myth perpetuates it self and seems real, in reality I do not think it has any

scientific ground. This is because as most Konso men marry more than one wife

and spending their time with their different wives’, the justification that they will be

getting weaker by sleeping with their wives’, for me does not make that much

sense. So, I believe it is simply used as a pretext to make believe the Konso

women to stick to their subordinate position, and always to look for their

husband’s attention.

It is through continuous and repetitive men’s action that is: a) by distancing

women from the important and “sacred’ men gathering place, the mora, b) by not

allowing the Konso women to participate in the age grading system and

public/community decision making activities that I think, the Konso men

succeeded in convincing them to be agreeable to their subordinated status.

Moreover, as women are marrying outside of their clan, they are not considered

to be a full member of the society,

However, as discussed above, apart from the myth of warfare and certain rituals,

as that of the transition of age grading ceremony and the display of warrior-ship

by killing game animals by the succeeding responsible hela group, presently

there is no continued and frequent warfare in Konso. But, the male members of

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the society succeeded in convincing or making believe the women in Konso to be

content with the prestigious and high status of men. So, the myth of warfare and

high regard to war heroes, I believe contributed as one variable for the

subordinate status of Konso women.

When we look in to the current status of Konso women, even if the women
in Konso participated in many household and outdoor activities like farming,
market and the like, they do not participate in the community work like wall
building, terrace mending, well cleaning and important community decision
making activities, which are considered to be only men’s domain. This also
contributed to their law status.

Hence, as the Konso are patrilineal society this keeping of the generation
task and passing it to the next is considered as being the prime and sole duty
of the male. But, in reality while the men were performing these tasks, the
women are at the background preparing food and drink for the participants
and looking after their needs. During the men’s community activities, it is
the task of the women to perform the household and the outdoor activities,
covering also the men’s share. However, these enormous contribution and
responsibilities of Konso women did not get due consideration and
acknowledgement by the male members of the society and the Konso people
in general. Surprisingly, the women in Konso them selves take the tasks
assigned for them by the society, as their prime and sole duties and accepted
it for granted, without any remorse and further question, and they seldom
complained.

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When we come to the ownership of property, as it is tried to discussed in the

preceding chapters, women in Konso are not entitled to own important properties

like land, livestock, and even products like honey, chat, oil seeds, coffee,

relatively high valued marketable items. These items are considered to be only

the prerogative of men. The women are only allowed to have small marketable

items like cotton, salt, chakka and areke and from domestic animal they are only

allowed to own chicken.

This division of ownership of resources greatly showed us the segregation of

women not to have access to basic resources. Even what is worse is, the

women how much hard labor they invested on their land, if their husband passed

away and do not have sons, who would ultimately inherit the family’s property,

the women and their female children are not entitled to inherit the land. But,

some male member from the husband’s clan would be traced and made to inherit

the land.

In general when we see women in Konso and their status in the society,
despite their hard work and participation in almost all the activities in
production and reproduction except few areas, their effort and hard work do
not that much taken in to consideration and appreciated by the Konso
society. Their hard work and disadvantaged position with relation to lesser
income and lack of access to basic resources seemed the price they have to
pay or paying for being a women.

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Even children from an early age shaped in a way to be aware of their gender
difference and role allocation and brought up likewise. That is a boy child
socialized to be a future responsible member of the society and a one who is
expected to carry on the patrilineal line and welfare of the society. Whereas
the girl child beginning from early childhood trained to be a good performer
of house- hold and outdoor activities like farming and trained to be a good
wife and child raiser.

Hence, Konso women in every stage are marginalized and forced to take a
subordinated status to that of the men. This tendency I believe is, the
cumulative effect of the women’s disadvantaged position economically,
culturally and socially. The Konso women’s subordinated and secondary
status also firmly rooted in the society and by the women’s them selves who
passively accepted their subordinated position for granted and thinking that
it is a fact which could not be changed.

As the prime objective of this study is to record the ethnography of women

in Konso and to document their activities and try to show their role and
contribution to the society, and what status they hold, which I think this
study fairly succeeded in doing to some degree .

The konso women are socially categorized as farmer women, craft women and

the wives of the Konso spiritual leader the poqalla. These different categories of

women in konso contributed a lot to their family and the Konso society in

general.

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As it is time and again tried to discussed it throughout this paper, there is no work

as such that women in Konso do not participate in except few. The Konso

women greatly involved in every step of farm work starting from digging,

weeding, harvesting and storing. Likewise in the craft activity also they are

dominantly engaged in pottery, tanning, weaving and also involving in market

activity. It is only in community work like terrace building, wall maintaining, well

clearing, construction of houses and mora/pafta building and in the community

decision making and other cultural activities that women are not actively involved

in. However, they are always present underground catering for the men’s needs.

However hard working the women are and their enormous contribution to
the subsistence of the family and the society, they are given a secondary and
a subordinated status lower to men. They specially are not allowed to
participate in the community’s decision making activities. They are not also
entitled to inherit important resources like land and livestock. To involve in
community affairs they are considered as outsiders as they are marrying
outside of their clans, and not to be trusted for fear of passing of the
community’s secret information to the clan of their respective husbands.

They are entitled only to have small monetary income from the sell of local house

made beverages and some few marketable items. Specially they are not allowed

to sell livestock, grain and honey, but confined to the sell of kind of items like

cotton, shelgaida, chicken and other small items.

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When we also look into the konso women’s reproduction role they are
responsible for child raising and continuing of the lineage seed tree. But as
polygamy is practiced in Konso, the men can marry as many wives’ as their
resources allowed, stretching and dispersing the resource of the household.
What the husband care is getting as many children as possible, and to have
an additional labor force. The having of multiple wives’ is also beneficial, as
the women would greatly assisted in carrying the farm and craftwork
activities.

Concerning education and health service the women are disadvantaged. It is true

that there is problem for both sexes but, when we make comparison between the

two sexes the more disadvantaged are the women. They are also expected to

get married and expected to give birth to numbers of children.

Even if there are negative traits and factors for the women’s disadvantaged

position, but, I also could observe some positive things among the Konso. That is

specially when it comes to the household decision making activity contrary to that

of the community decision making, the wife has the right to voice her opinion

concerning the sell of grain, livestock or hiring parga, the work group , the two

spouses discussed it and decided mutually. Besides in Konso, a single and

female headed house-hold also can lead their life according to their income and

means without encountering opposition or contempt from the society.

There are certain areas that have great potential for the Konso women’s status

change. These include, 1) in the house-hold decision making activities; 2) in their

119
area of occupation, that is they can easily switch from one area of occupation to

another, depending upon its potential for better income. For example, they can

switch from weaving or pot making to small scale marketing activities and the

like, to make better income for their families’; 3) in marriage, that is by getting

married to a person who has a considerable wealth or income, the women can

also change their status.

Another important positive condition is, even if the Konso women work hard till

they gave birth, after giving birth they would be well taken care of. It is not only

for their care sake, but as it is also for prestige purpose. The Konso men/family

wanted their women to appear well taken care of, when they come out of

maternity. Moreover, the women in Konso are not secluded from their homestead

during maternity, that is, they are not expected to stay in seclusion during

maternity period. They would be staying in the same compound as the rest of the

family in the special hut called, manna.

Finally I would like to mention the following few remarks. The Konso people are

very strong, hard working and keen towards maintaining their important strong

culture of managing scarce natural resources like stone terrace building, use of

water wells or ponds, the maintenance of town walls that are passing from

generation to generation. So, it needs the improvement and establishment of

basic infrastructures like all weather roads, hospitals, health centers schools,

water and light, modern mills, means of transport and the like, for the betterment

of their life. Especially lack of these infrastructures imposed heavy load and extra

120
burden on the Konso women, who in average working 16 hours a day, but could

not be beneficiaries of the fruit of their hard labor.

There are certain areas, which I believe have potentials for the Konso women’s
status change like: 1) Education – It could be taken as one potential area for the
status change of Konso women. If the Konso women acquired knowledge
through education, they might have a chance to get work in the government and
non-government organizations to lead a better life.

2) Health institution- it is another potential area for the Konso women’s status
change. During my field work I have learned that most Konso women used
traditional medicine and traditional birth attendant during child birth. But, if the
health facilities are well equipped and gives service for the broader mass, there
is a very big possibility that the Konso women make a better use of it. By doing
so they can maintain their health, their off-springs and families health for better
life.

3) Religion - I believe is also another area that has potential for the Konso
women’s status change. That is, it could serve as the means and ground to meet
people in the religious institution which they attend, exchanging ideas and get
some work opportunities. It could serve also as a ground for the Konso women to
exchange views with other women, and increasing their awareness.

4) State apparatus – with the government’s focus and policy on developing and
improving the living standard of women the establishment of certain associations’
like women’s association, cooperative groups and the like are vital for the
women. Through this associations and cooperatives, women could benefit
certain privileges and could earn a relatively better work and better income.
Besides, these associations could enable them to share their views with other

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fellow members, and by doing so they would develop awareness and strive for a
better living condition.

Hence, the above discussed issues are some of the positive and negative
traits and reflections of the status of Konso women that this study come up
with. And also tries to indicate the potential areas for the Konso women’s
status change. So, it requires the combined effort, intervention and support
of the government policy-makers, non-governmental organizations and
developers to improve the living standard and the subordinated position of
Konso women in particular, and the Konso people in general.

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