URBANISATION, GOVERNMENT POLICIES AND

GROWING SOCIAL AND ENVIRONMENTAL PROBLEMS

IN POKHARA, NEPAL
Jagannath Adhikari

Introduction
Even though only 9.2 per cent of the population of Nepal in 1991
lived in designated urban areas, the process of urbanisation is growing
rapidly. Urban population constituted 3.57 per cent of the total population
in 1961, grew to 3.61 per cent by 1971 and touched 6.39 per cent in 1981
(CBS 1974, 1984 and 1999). The urban population growth rate (annual)
was 8.5 per cent during 1971-1981 and 6.0 per cent in the decade
following, whereas the figures for the corresponding period at the national
level were 2.7 per cent and 2.1 per cent respectively (CBS 1974, 1984 and
1999). Of about 3 million residential houses in Nepal in 1997, 0.3
million (or 10 per cent) are in urban areas1 (NPC 1998:258).
As agriculture alone is not able to support a growing rural population,
internal rural-urban migration is adding to the pressure on already
inadequate urban utilities, infrastructure and services. Moreover, migration
is also changing the nature of poverty—it now has an urban face.
Considering the recently adopted criteria that the poverty line indicates
percentage of population spending 70 per cent or more of their income on
food, 51 per cent of the urban population live below the poverty line
(Nepal South Asia Centre 1998:127).2 It is also estimated that 24 per cent
of families in urban areas live in rented houses and 7.3 per cent live in
small, temporary huts in public space (NPC 1998:258). In recent times,
issues related to urbanisation have engaged policy makers and the general
problems recognised in government policy papers include sanitation,
hygiene, amenities, services, environment and inadequate housing.
Since the fourth plan period (1970-75), the government has been
paying attention to urban development (Gurung 1989:14). When the
concept of regional planning was taken seriously, urban centres were

1 Average household size of urban areas (5.4 members) is slightly lower

than the national average (5.6 members) (CBS 1996).
2 The same figure for rural Nepal is 68 per cent. Overall, it is 66 per cent.

Studies in Nepali History and Society 5(1): 43-87 June 2000

© Mandala Book Point
44 Jagannath Adhikari

considered as growth poles 3 for integration of the hill and Tarai

economies. During this period four economic corridors4 were identified
and these were called 'development regions'. Later, one more development
region was created to reduce regional disparities between the eastern and
western regions. But since the eighth plan period (1992-1997) urban
problems themselves have received government attention. In addition, the
basic assumption that urban centres provide facilities for surrounding
villages and create employment opportunities in farm and non-farm
sectors has been maintained. The government therefore invested a total of
Rs 134.4 million as loan and Rs 96 million as grant through the Town
Development Fund in the eighth plan period (1992-1997) (NPC
1998:259).
This concept of urban-rural linkages was introduced in Nepal when
Rondenelli, a USAID consultant, proposed small town development for
facilitating rural development in the early 1980s (Rondenelli 1985,
Rondenelli and Evans 1983). The idea of small towns and markets acting
as catalysts for rural development and poverty alleviation received greater
emphasis in the Ninth Development Plan (1998-2002), and the
designation of as many as 58 areas as municipalities of varying order rests
on the basic assumption that enhancing urban growth will help in rural
development and an increase in living standards. The Ninth Plan also aims
to develop infrastructure and public utilities of municipalities and other
cities in order to systematise the process of internal migration. This
essentially means that government policy is not aimed at containing
internal rural-urban migration.
Even though, Nepal is still considered rural because most people still
live in its villages, it has an urban history dating back to the 18th century
BC, as evidenced from excavations in Lumbini and Tilaurakot in the
western Tarai. City life existed there until the 2nd century AD.
Historically, the Bagmati Valley too was a seat of civilisation, and urban
culture developed here with the growth of Kathmandu, Bhaktapur and
Lalitpur cities, and flourished because of their location on the trade route
between India and Tibet. Religion was also a factor for the growth of

3 They are generally larger urban centres of industry, commerce and

administration that together with their immediate region of influence
possess high potential for economic expansion.
4 Economic corridors essentially mean elongated aerial units where
economic growth and development are possible because of inter-linkages
in economic and social activities, trade and commerce due to the existence
of a road network or movement of goods and commodities.
 Urbanisation in Pokhara 45

Kathmandu and other towns like Janakpur and Kapilvastu. Outside

Kathmandu Valley, other strategic places developed as military centres.
From the 10th to 14th centuries, Sinja and Dullu were prosperous capital
cities in the Karnali region. During the medieval period (14th–18th C.),
the country was divided into bāise (22) and caubise (24) microstates
because of loss of control from the centre. This division led to the growth
of small market centres and dense settlements on hilltops having a fort,
security being the main reason for the growth of such settlements. Some
of these settlements later developed into urban centres. However, Pokhara,
which had a locational advantage as a trading centre, developed only after
the unification of the country in 1769.
Pokhara is the fourth largest town5 (out of 58) in the country in terms
of population size but its political and economic influence may be next
only to the capital city, Kathmandu. Therefore, by studying the
urbanisation of Pokhara one can test the assumption that an urban centre
can spur the development of a region. This is the focus of this paper and
it concludes that Pokhara’s urbanisation has not strengthened its rural
base.

Research Questions
Since Pokhara is regarded as an important city and a growth centre for
the Western Development Region, it has been receiving increasing
attention from government as well as external agencies as a potential
centre for market expansion. The government also considers it an
important centre for foreign tourism on which the future of the country is
seen to rest when Nepal joins the World Trade Union (WTO). Tourism,
especially trekking tourism, is one sector in which Nepal is said to have a
comparative advantage, and Pokhara, being the main entry point for
trekking tourism, earns much needed foreign exchange. During the 1970s
and 1980s, Pokhara was also seen to have industrial development
potential. To promote industry, the government established an industrial
estate and several financial institutions. In the light of these recent
developments, this study, which is primarily based on secondary
information and participant observation (the author is a resident of the
town), focuses on the following questions:

5 After Kathmandu, Biratnagar and Lalitpur. Population in these cities in

1991 was 421,258, 129,388 and 115,865, respectively. Pokhara had a
population of 95,286 in 1991 (CBS 1999).
46 Jagannath Adhikari

• what is the scale and rapidity of urban growth in Pokhara?

• what are the reasons for the development of Pokhara as an urban
centre?
• is Pokhara helping in the development of its hinterland as assumed
by urban policy makers? and
• what are the social and environmental consequences of urbanisation
on the residents of Pokhara?

This paper analyses the development of Pokhara from a historical

perspective in order to understand the reasons for its growth and its impact
on the hinterland. It appears that growth took place mainly because of
capital accumulation from the hinterland, with savings coming mainly
from remittances. The result is a drain of precious capital from the rural
areas, increasingly being utilised for the consumption of goods and
services now available in the city due to the process of globalisation.
Therefore, the commonly assumed principle that surplus generated from
farming in rural areas flows to an urban centre for its development cannot
be seen to be operational here. As a result, it has no strong urban-rural
linkages with respect to providing value addition for products from the
rural areas and in creating a market for rural produce. The industries
established thus far, although providing some employment opportunities,
do not have strong backward linkages as raw materials and a part of labour
force are brought from the Tarai or India. Rather, the town has acted as a
supply centre for goods and services from distant markets, which again
means that it has facilitated the integration of village economies with
world markets. This raises questions as to the sustainability of urban
growth and the creation of a healthy urban culture. Although some
opportunities to market rural produce have helped rural households earn
their livelihood, this has again been possible due to an increase in the
income of urban people from their access to remittances and income from
tourism.
Urbanisation can be understood from different perspectives. In the
study of urban phenomena, sociologists are particularly interested in
changes in human behaviour and ties in family, kin-groups and
community. From this perspective, urbanisation can be understood as the
erosion of communitarian values. Early sociologists like Wirth (1938)
saw urbanisation as a process of erosion of moral order because of the
concomitant decline of community, in the sense that the firm ties of
families, kin and community, as seen in rural areas, give way to
individualistic behaviour. Therefore, the city was seen in earlier times as a
 Urbanisation in Pokhara 47

separate human environment with its own influence on the individual.

However, this view has changed in recent times, as it is seen that there are
'rural-like' communities within the city—usually called 'urban villages'.6
This is particularly noticeable among recent immigrants into a
metropolis, where people hailing from the same region settle down in
separate enclaves. This is also the case of cities in Nepal, including
Kathmandu and Pokhara. In the latter, this phenomenon is seen among
both the wealthier as well as poorer immigrants. These enclaves, with
strong community ties and the continued practice of rural activities7 by
immigrants as well as early settlers, give the impression that Pokhara has
not become a truly urban society. On the other hand, it is also not a
village society as it has dense population, a large market, and a significant
amount of the income comes from trade and business and other non-farm
work. In this sense it can be said that Pokhara represents an urban society
in the physical sense but most people still have a rural mindset. But the
definition of rural/urban societies is complex and often misleading,
especially so in recent times. Because of the integration of rural areas with
urban societies, a rural way of life is giving way to an urban way of life
and many rural folk have, in fact, an urban mindset.
In most developing countries urbanisation is seen as a demographic
feature—urban areas are understood as those that exceed a population size
and/or density threshold. In Nepal too urban areas have been defined solely
on population-density criteria. For example, in all regulations related to
municipalities, urban areas are defined as those having a certain minimum
threshold of population. In the latest Municipal Act (Municipal Act,
1992), urban centres were defined as settlements with a population
exceeding 20,000. Further, this Act makes three categories of urban
centres—Metropolitan City (with a minimum population of 300,000,
annual revenue of Rs 70 million and with urban facilities), Sub-
Metropolitan City (with a minimum population of 100,000, annual
revenue of Rs. 20 million and with urban facilities) and Municipalities
(with a minimum population of Rs. 20,000, annual revenue of Rs. 1
million and with some basic urban facilities). In the earlier Municipal

6 Clusters or pockets of households performing, as part time activity, rural

activities like farming, animal husbandry and other rural enterprises like
small scale weaving and knitting, and retaining the social and cultural life
of a village.
7 Even though people now do not depend on agriculture as a main source of
livelihood they carry out some activities like keeping a buffalo or goat,
maintaining a kitchen garden, and the like.
48 Jagannath Adhikari

Acts8 too population density was the main criterion to designate a town,
although rules were relaxed to consider some other areas as urban centres
under political and administrative pressure.
Even though the population criterion has been mainly used to define
urban areas in developing countries, an urban area or urban way of life is
more than just a demographic feature. It is also an economic, social,
political and cultural phenomenon. There are various other attributes of
the population and its social and economic organisation that are associated
with urban living. Urban life in western countries is linked to economic
development, and urban growth and industrialisation have moved hand-in-
hand. Urban development in these countries was also linked with the rise
of capitalism. For example, Durkheim and Marx argued that towns and
cities played a distinct role in the transition to, and development of,
capitalism, and they then became a part of that universal mode of
organisation, with no independent identity (see Johnston et al. 1986:506).
This essentially means that the processes of capitalism can be seen to be
operational in all spatial organisations—whether rural or urban.
In recent times, the development of urban centres in developing
countries has been affected by the globalisation process, manifest in their
increased integration with the world economy and the operations of
multinational companies. The case of Pokhara also illustrates that urban
development may not necessarily be linked with the process of
industrialisation. Rather it represents a city/town rapidly developed by its
access to capital, goods and services in the global market due to historical
reasons and a globalisation process facilitated by increased transport and
communication facilities. The origin of Pokhara as an urban centre also
supports what David Harvey (1973) says about 'alienation of surplus' and
its concentration in 'a few hands and in a few places'. Other 'ecological'
(existence of certain ecological facilities like irrigation and navigation
system)9 and 'cultural' factors (mainly religion), are also not applicable in

8 In 1961, the government set a criterion of declaring a settlement as an

urban area if it exceeded the 5,000-population mark. This threshold was
later increased to 10,000 by the Town Panchayat Act, 1962.
9 In some of the earliest cities, especially those in West Asia, ecological
infrastructures facilitated the existence of towns. For example, the earliest
urban centres were established near big rivers, which facilitated
navigation and transportation of goods and commodities. Thus trade
flourished at such points. Similarly, industrial development occurred at
places where transportation was easier. Usually a river provided this
facility. Similarly, existence of raw materials and minerals were other
 Urbanisation in Pokhara 49

the case of Pokhara—it neither had a transportation network facilitated by

a river system or raw materials for the establishment of industry and trade.
Similarly, it was also not a centre of any particular religious prominence.
However, it had some locational advantage in the sense that it facilitated
north-south trading activity.
The main impetus for its urbanisation however came from the
'political-military' interests of early rulers. As is discussed later, the
rulers, after unification of the country in 1769, developed Pokhara as an
administrative centre of West No 3 District, which comprised three of the
present 75 districts (Kaski, Lamjung and Prabat). Similarly, it was also
developed as a military centre for the western region, which led to the
establishment of military camps and other related offices. The
discontinuation of village based government institutions and their
establishment in Pokhara in the recent past and its recognition as a centre
for the western region has increased the inflow of people from rural areas.
Therefore, the impetus for urbanisation has not come from economic
necessity, but from administrative and political interests. It is also a
reason why Pokhara, and most other towns for that matter, show a
'parasitic'10 relationship with their hinterland.
In Nepal, the study of cities and towns and policies concerning their
development has been greatly influenced by geographical thought.
Therefore, changes in discourses in urban geography have also influenced
urban development. The approach of regional geography in particular
(which replaced the concept of environmental determinism coined in the
1920s, and regards the role of physical features—site and situation—as
determinants of urban foundations and growth) has influenced urban
development. This approach pays attention to regional relations of towns
and cities and to the existence of morphological regions within urban
areas. The location theories of Walter Christaller (sometimes called the
Central Place Theory) and August Losch (see Johnston et al 1986:506)11

reasons for the establishment of industry, which caused the development

of close settlements and trading opportunities.
1 0 Parasitic towns are those that depend on the hinterland and other places
for their survival but do not contribute to the economy of these areas by
adding value to their products or by creating demand in these places.
1 1 For an understanding of development and the spatial nature of economic
growth, attempts have been made since the early 20th century to develop
models on land use differentiations in space according to population
concentration, growth patterns in towns, diffusion of economic growth
amongst towns, and from towns to their environs. In the 1930s, Walter
Christaller developed the Central Place Theory, according to which human
50 Jagannath Adhikari

have been particularly instrumental in influencing our understanding of

spatial organisation of human activities and, thus, became the cornerstone
of regional planning. To further strengthen the understanding of how this
pattern of centres gradually develops, the 'growth poles'12 theory came
into existence. This theory, which has influenced urban development and
regional planning processes, explains the diffusion of growth patterns
from centres to the periphery or hinterland. The concept of growth
corridors13 with urban centres as growth propellers, first introduced in
Nepal during the fourth plan (1970-75), is used here as 'development
regions'. Similarly the focus of town-hinterland relationships in recent
policies for urban development has been derived from these concepts of
growth poles and diffusion of growth from higher order centres to lower
order centres.
However, growing inequalities among residents of urban areas led to
the questioning of the location theories’ bases of planning. These theories
had ignored the nature of capitalism and its impact on individuals and
class interest and conflict, areas that have since drawn the attention of
sociologists and political scientists. The increase in squatters and low
income groups and the influence of the capitalist class in decision making

activities are horizontally as well as vertically organised in a

geographical space. Horizontally they are centrally located within
hexagonally shaped trading areas, and located in regularly spaced clusters
forming triangular lattices. There is also a hierarchy of central places.
Higher order central places are more widely spaced and the lower order
ones are located at the gravity centres of the triangles formed by places at
the next higher order. The higher order centres are larger with respect to
economic activities, and also supply all goods which are supplied by
lower order centres, but, in addition, over a wider range. It is through this
interlocking of central places of various orders that growth diffusion to
wider geographical areas from the city centres occurs. Losch developed
another theory based on Christaller's model, but elaborated upon it by
taking into account variations in economies of scale and transportation
costs between different goods. This theory is more applicable to
secondary activities like manufacturing.
1 2 Also see footnote 3. In these centres, propulsive firms are located, which
exert a strong influence over their surroundings and which are capable of
generating sustained growth over a long period of time. It is assumed that
most innovative activities take place in the large economic units, which
are capable of dominating their environment.
1 3 Growth corridors (development axes) are elongated corridors along
principal transport routes linking two or more metropolitan regions.
Also see footnote 4.
 Urbanisation in Pokhara 51

or in shaping urban planning can be seen in Pokhara, where lower class

people lack access to basic urban functions.
The Beginnings of Urbanisation in Pokhara
As in the case of other towns in west-central Nepal, Pokhara's growth
as a market centre is traced to the spread of Newars westwards from
Kathmandu during the later half of the nineteenth century. It is often
argued that market development and the introduction of urban culture
began in Pokhara (or Kaski district) when a king of the then Kaski
kingdom brought some Newars from Bhaktapur to Pokhara in 1752 to
develop trade and build houses similar to those in Kathmandu Valley. It is
questionable if these Newars actually built the present houses in Pokhara
market, as the capital was then located in Kaski Kot and the winter capital
in Batulachaur (although these places did not develop as trading centres).
Even though other specialists like Brahmins (now located in villages near
Kaski Kot) and Gaines or minstrels (now concentrated in Batulachaur)
stayed around the palace, there are no Newars there nowadays. However,
later Newar settlers are credited with the development of urban culture in
Pokhara. But before their arrival (post unification of Nepal in 1769),
Pokhara had become an important military centre in terms of
communication and supply of arms through the hulāk system of locally
organised porterage during the early part of the nineteenth century. One of
half a dozen offices of that kind was located at Pokhara (Blaikie et al.
1980:124). Unification of the country led to an increased movement of
people within the country, and helped the development of towns,
including Pokhara.
Oral history has it that Pokhara first began to develop as a market
centre when 26 households of Newars migrated here from Bhaktapur more
than 200 years ago—soon after the take-over of Kathmandu Valley by
Prithvi Narayan Shah. It is said that they migrated fearing torture at the
hands of the invading army, for it was common in those days that the
vanquished were often tortured and relegated to a lower status. These new
settlers were skilled in masonry, wood carving and had rich cultural
practices. Among locals these immigrants were known as chabbis-kuriyā
(twenty-six households). They founded the localities around the
neighbourhoods now known as Ganesh Tole, Bhimsen Tole and Bhairav
Tole. In fact, these localities were known by the name of temples that the
immigrants established for their worship. The most plausible reason for
their choosing to stay at this place is that water was available for
cultivation and paddy fields and forests were close by. They established
gu†hı̄s (Trusts, in the form of land) to support these temples. They also
52 Jagannath Adhikari

produced woollen and cotton clothes, sweets, and established shops to sell
goods that were not produced locally.
Pokhara was also a gateway to Tibet, and people going to Thak Khola
for fetching salt had their stopover here. Tibetan goods, mostly spices and
medicinal herbs, were also brought here for trading. As a result, the
number of shops began to increase. Goods were brought from as far away
as Kathmandu and Bhairahawa. The main products that the merchants of
Pokhara supplied to India through trading in Butwal (then Batauli) were
ghee, honey, wax, oilseeds and woollen blankets of various types made by
hill ethnic groups like Gurungs and Magars whose main occupation was
sheep rearing. These products were first collected in Pokhara from the
producers in west-central Nepal and then supplied to Butwal through
porterage. Sugar, tea, spices, medicines and clothes were brought from
Butwal on the return trip. Historical sources reveal that Nepali merchants
used to travel to Indian cities like Lucknow and Patna for marketing
(Regmi 1971:171 cited in Blaikie et al. 1980:125). The town and
hinterland were self-sufficient in food, and so food items were not
imported from outside. Later on, the market also facilitated the
distribution of goods produced by rural households and required for
farming—spades, axes, sickles, bamboo baskets of various types, tobacco
and ropes. Rural households themselves produced these goods, but traders
acted as middlemen. Mobile trading was also very common. Shop-owners
established mobile camps in the important centres to sell clothes, sugar,
spices and tobacco to rural households and to purchase rural produce like
grains and ghee. These mobile trading centres later became second and
third order market centres.
To increase the participation of rural people in the markets the Newars
also organised various festivals. The Bhairav dance, Bagh dance, Lakhe
dance, Krishna Lila and Gai Jatra would attract large crowds from the
hinterland and facilitate the exchange or marketing of goods. Temporary
markets were set up at religious places on auspicious days. As a result,
the cultural richness of Newars was maintained while also serving the
important function of market exchange. The early immigrants were not
only traders but also small manufacturers who developed metal and
weaving industries. Although the weaving industry was well established
in Bandipur, another Newar town located in west-central Nepal, production
of cotton clothes was also common in Pokhara. Older residents recall that
open spaces, which were abundant at that time, used to be fully occupied
with weaving activities like bundling of thread, drying of clothes and
dyeing. Similarly all the metal utensils were produced locally by Newars.
 Urbanisation in Pokhara 53

The occupational caste, chiefly Kami (blacksmiths), used to collect ores

from scattered small mines and refine them locally. These metals were
brought to Pokhara where Newar craftsmen made various artistic utensils.
This is also recorded in the writings of Oldfield in 1880. He notes "the
city of Pokhara is large and well-inhabited; it is famous for its copper
manufactures, and it has a large annual fair, at which these, as well as
supplies of grain and all productions of the district are sold" (Oldfield
1974[1880]:45).
Before the development of commercial activity in Pokhara,
surrounding hilltops were considered more suitable for settlement. To
cultivate lands in the valley, people would come down in the morning and
return to their hill villages in the evening. They did not stay in the valley
for the fear of malaria. The lowland villages of the valley thus represent
the secondary dispersal of hill people and are associated with agricultural
extension. The potential for increased paddy cultivation with irrigation
attracted Brahmins and Chettris from the hills. Settlement in Pokhara had
grown through two processes. Firstly, the declaration of Batulachaur as
the winter capital brought many Chettris and Brahmins and lower castes
there from the hilltop town of Sarangkot. Secondly, the establishment of
Bindyabasini temple brought Brahmin priests to the valley. This was well
before the unification of Nepal in 1769. But later the population increased
mainly because of the opportunity to cultivate land. Until the 1960s, hill
ethnic groups like Gurungs and Magars were rare in the valley, as it was
considered a malarial zone, hot and humid. Even though Kaski was under
the control of Ghale Gurung chieftains before its takeover by the Shah
king, Bichitra Khan in the 14th century, Gurungs migrated to Pokhara
mainly after the 1960s.
Before the establishment of a permanent market in Pokhara, people
traded their wares at various periodic religious fairs organised at
Dungesangu, Baidam and Satmuhane. This was also the time when petty
kingdoms harboured rivalries and religious fairs offered the only
opportunity for peaceful exchange of goods. But with the stability of
political organisation in the mid-18th century, permanent commercial
bazaars replaced the periodic fairs and further accelerated the migration of
people from the hills into the valley. This trend quickened after malaria
eradication programmes commenced in the late 1950s. The expansion in
irrigation facilities, location of governmental offices and initiation of
developmental activities were other reasons for migration into the valley.
Transport facilities further led to concentration of population and the
urbanisation process commenced after Pokhara was linked to the border
54 Jagannath Adhikari

town of Bhairahawa in 1969 and with Kathmandu in 1971. These roads

facilitated the quick movement of goods and people and in integrating
Pokhara and its hinterland with the world economy. Gurung (1980:153)
mentions that the transportation system came about in an inverted
sequence: the aeroplane in 1952, jeep in 1957 and finally bullock cart in
1961.
Until the early 1950s, the city area was confined to the areas along the
length of a footpath that linked the three temples established by the earlier
generations of Newar immigrants. The market area was limited to a row
of houses from Ram-Krishna Tole to Bagar and to a branch starting from
Nalamukh and ending at Ranipauwa. This is revealed by the travelogue of
a foreigner who happened to be in Pokhara in 1952, on his journey from
Kathmandu to Mustang.
It [Pokhara] is said to be the largest town after Kathmandu, but it is not
really a town at all, it is an enormous bazaar winding along one
endless street. It supplies the whole of the vast surrounding district and
is a very important junction…. Because of its position, it is bound to
see a great expansion (Tucci 1977:23).
Pokhara, at the time of Tucci's visit, was beginning to develop as a
market centre for the central hilly region of the country. Shop-houses,14
usually two storied and built of bricks with mud mortar and roofed by
mud-tiles, lined both sides of the long and narrow street running from
Ramakrishna Tole to Bagar (see Map 1). The street was stone paved, and
temples were built in the middle as well as on the sides of the street.
Wood was extensively used for the construction of houses. Shopkeepers
were usually Newar. The architectural style of houses and temples and the
spatial organisation of the market centres were, in many ways, similar to
that of Bhaktapur. The main function of this market centre was to supply
goods and commodities to the hinterland. Except for this bazaar, it was a
tradition-bound farming community much like the villages Tucci saw on
his way to Pokhara from Kathmandu. The population was only 3,500 and
therefore Tucci was hesitant to call it a town.
Like Tucci, other early writers too considered Pokhara a mart or
village town with the potential for expansion because of its strategic
location on the trans-Himalayan route. As a result, it attracted
businessmen from Kathmandu, Palpa and other places. This is revealed in

1 4 The old houses existing in Ram Krishna Tole, considered a conservation

area under the Integrated Action of the Department of Housing and
Physical Planning, illustrate the housing style of the past. Houses within
a conservation area are protected from demolition and changes.
 Urbanisation in Pokhara 55

Hamilton's observations based on his visit to Kathmandu in 1793. He

56 Jagannath Adhikari

Map 1: City of Pokhara

 Urbanisation in Pokhara 57

writes "[Pokhara is] a considerable town… which is frequented by

merchants from Nepal (Kathmandu), Palpa, Malebum & C. and afforded
duties that in so poor a country were reckoned considerable" (quoted in
Gurung 1980:144-145). Similarly the observation of Japanese Buddhist
scholar Ekai Kawaguchi during his visit in 1899 gives some insight into
the town of Pokhara. He writes "Pokhara looked like a town of villas at
home… it is not a place of wealth or of political importance, but its size,
its fertile soil and its position on the central east-west road of Nepal
combines with its official character to make it a town that is destined to
play no small part in the future industrial development of Nepal" (quoted
in Gurung 1980:147).
In earlier times, Pokhara's natural beauty was not confined only to the
view of snow-covered mountains. This is revealed from the writings of
early visitors who note that banana and orange plantations added colour to
the landscape. In fact, Pokhara was known all over the country for its
oranges. This was true until the mid-1960s as Gurung (1980:151) found
extensive orchards of oranges in the plains villages of Batulechaur and
Hyangja. Older residents of the town still recall with nostalgia the visit of
Queen Elizabeth II of Britain to Pokhara in 1961. Numerous welcome
arches were erected for her arrival made from orange trees with their golden
fruits. But orange cultivation was wiped out from the valley due to Citrus
Canker, a disease believed to have been introduced from exotic orange
plants imported by the government for improving local varieties.
When the Indian government extended railway lines to towns on the
Nepal border in the early part of the nineteenth century, it led to the easy
availability of cheap mass manufactured goods. While this also led to the
development of towns in the Tarai, it seriously undermined Nepali petty
industrial production. Metal and weaving enterprises that were thriving in
Pokhara were almost wiped out due to imports from India, and it became a
market centre for commodities brought from towns in the Tarai and India
for consumption within the town and supply to the hinterland. The
opening of the country to the outside world in the early 1950s further
increased the flow of goods and commodities from India to Pokhara and to
rural areas. The town Panchayat census in 1965 revealed that there were
only about 450 business establishments in Pokhara, of which 56 per cent
were kirānā (general stores) shops. From the growth pattern of these
kirānā shops, Blaikie et al. (1980:128) argue that commercial expansion
is a recent phenomenon. This pattern shows that while only 1-5 kirānā
stores were added each year from 1950/51 to 1957/58, from 1958/59 to
1962/63, 11-19 shops of this kind were added each year. From 1963/64
58 Jagannath Adhikari

onward the expansion was rapid. In 1963/64, 34 kirānā shops were added,
and in 1964/65 and 1965/66, 71 and 53 shops, respectively, were
established (Blaikie et al. 1980:128). This period in which rapid
expansion took place coincides with the expansion of administrative and
educational facilities, eradication of malaria, and the initiation of road
construction work to link Pokhara with Bhairahawa and Kathmandu.

Expansion of the Town and its Urban Function

With Pokhara continuing to expand rapidly the government recognised
it as a town in 1965, as regional headquarters of the Western Development
Region in 1972 and as a sub-metropolis in 1995. Even though supply of
goods from distant markets in the Tarai, India or overseas is still the main
function of the town, it has grown to provide many other urban services
like education, transportation, communication, administration, hospitality
and health. Population too has been growing rapidly—by about 7.4 per
cent per year in the 1980s and 1990s against a national average of 2.1 per
cent (CBS 1999). The population growth rate was even higher in earlier
times (see Table 1), and was highest during the 1960s—a period that
coincides with the eradication of malaria and the initiation of
developmental activities.
This growth was not solely due to inward migration from the hills,15
but also due to the inclusion of more areas under the municipality.
Therefore, population density is another aspect to examine under this
urban growth. Gurung, writing about Pokhara in the mid-1960s, indicates
that population density within the municipal area was 3,450 persons per
square mile (Gurung 1965) or 1,326 persons per sq. km. As the area of
the town is about 55.66 sq. km, and the population size in 1998 was
157,000, population density was 2,821 persons per sq. km. Within the
municipal area declared in the 1960s, the population density is even
higher. Following the growth in the population size, rapid expansion
took place during 1961-1971. The construction of Siddartha Rajmarga
(linking Pokhara with Butwal and Bhairahawa to the south, and hence
with India), began in 1965 and was completed in 1969 (although the road

1 5 It is because of migration to Pokhara that population growth rates in the

surrounding villages of Pokhara slowed in the 1980s. I have estimated
that in the villages that form the watershed of Phewa lake, population
growth rate was 1.2 per cent per year from 1981 to 1991, but in the urban
part of the watershed the rate was 7.5 per cent per year. From 1970 to
1981, the same figures were 2.6 per cent and 8.5 per cent per year,
respectively.
 Urbanisation in Pokhara 59

must have been operational for a few years before that). Similarly, work
on the Prithvi Rajmarga (which connects Pokhara to Kathmandu) began
in 1967 and was finished in 1971. This was also the time when Pokhara
was regarded as an important centre from an administrative and planning
perspective and regional offices have been established here since then. The
increase in population in the surrounding villages also meant that the food
produced was now insufficient to feed the population. This required trips
to Pokhara market for the purchase of food grains and other commodities
imported mainly from India.
Table 1: Population Size and Growth Rate in Pokhara
(designated as municipality).
Population growth
Year Population size
rate (annual)
1952/54 3,755 -
1961 5,413 5.0 per cent
1971 20,611 18.0 per cent
1981 46,642 8.5 per cent
1991 95,268 8.5 per cent
1998 157,000 7.4 per cent
Source: (Gurung et al. 2048 v.s.:4, CBS 199, PSMC 1999).

A major factor that has brought more people from the hills to
permanently settle in Pokhara is education. The wealthier people in
particular have been attracted to the town because of education for their
children who find it unsatisfying and physically exhausting to return to
the villages. Macfarlane (1989:186) has noted from his study area (Thak)
that scarcely any of those who went off to Pokhara to school in the 1970s
returned to the village. The permanent settlement of retired army
personnel in Pokhara has also helped increase the pace of urbanisation.
This is a relatively recent phenomenon. For example, Macfarlane found,
in his longitudinal study of Thak, that in 1970 only two or three families
had retired to towns in India or Nepal. By 1987, there were 46 households
from Thak in Pokhara alone, most having retired on pension. This case is
certainly not specific to Thak, it is a common phenomenon in the hill
villages of west-central Nepal. Table 2 illustrates the number of Gurung
households at various periods. It shows that while there were only 33
Gurung households in Pokhara by 1957, this number had increased to
6,165 households by 1998—an increase by 187 times in three decades.
60 Jagannath Adhikari

The migration of Gurungs from various hill-villages has also resulted

in separate enclaves of people hailing from the same region. For example,
 Urbanisation in Pokhara 61

Table 2: Total Gurung Households in Pokhara from 1957-

1998.
Number of Main wards
Period (Year)
households settled
1957 33 1,7,12
1958-1978 632 1,7,10,12,16,13
1978-1998 5,500 1,10,12,13,7,16
Total 6,165 1,10,12,13,7,16
Source: Gurung (1989) for data up to 1978; other data are my estimates based
on population data collected by the Office of Pokhara Sub-Metropolitan City.
the Matepani area of Pokhara town has a predomination of Gurungs from
the east of Kaski district. Similarly, in the Deep area it is Gurungs from
the west of Pokhara, and the Pardi area has Gurungs and Magars from
Syangjya district. Even the names of new neighbourhoods reflect places of
origin. This happens primarily because a person buying land in Pokhara
utilises his social network of people who have already migrated here. As
these former migrants tend to have a good knowledge of their locality,
they convince the prospective buyer to buy land in the neighbourhood.
Moreover, for reasons of security, people from the same origin and having
a kinship network tend to cluster together. Because of this clustering of
village-folk or kin-groups, immigrants do not hesitate to leave their
family behind when they go abroad for a prolonged period. Des Chene
(1992) reports a similar situation in Bhairahawa, another town in the
Tarai where retired army personnel have settled. She comments that 'when
relocating within Nepal, Gurungs have created enclaves that reproduce, in
an attenuated form, the communities of the hill' (1992:7). In other words,
it is the reproduction of the social geography of the hill. This finding also
lends support to the theory that community life can continue to exist
within an urban space. As a result of this process of clustering, one can
find in Pokhara a little Ghandruk, little Sikles, little Syanja, and the like.
The Gurungs of Pokhara also organise various cultural activities, derived
mainly from their rural roots. They have also established their religious
institutions, which have helped them maintain solidarity and assert their
cultural symbols in this urban landscape. For example, they have built
their monasteries and cremation place in a peculiar way.16 This solidarity

1 6 Gurungs (or Tamus) have built their kul (lineage) temple called Kairibo in
Ramghat, Pokhara. This Kairibo or Failu Kairibo (ancestral Kairibo) has
four pointed towers in four corners and a pillar in the middle. These towers
62 Jagannath Adhikari

coupled with the increase in the number of Gurung households (discussed

above) has seen an increased participation of Gurungs in the public sphere
in recent times. At present (1997-2001), it is estimated that about 30 per
cent of the political positions in Pokhara are held by Gurungs. The
enhanced awareness of cultural identity is also seen in other minor ethnic
groups like Tibetans in Pokhara. About 3000 Tibetan refugees, sheltered
in 3 camps, regularly organise various cultural and religious activities.
As Pokhara was a main stopover on the trade route between India and
Tibet it received traders from north and south. The Thakalis and Lobas of
the Mustang area came here, especially in winter, to trade their goods for
food grains. The Thakalis, who acted as middlemen between the hill
people and Tibetans, controlled the salt trade. Therefore, until the 1960s,
one could see several makeshift teashops and restaurants in Pokhara during
winter catering to traders coming mainly from the north. The Thakalis
used to maintain warehouses in Pokhara where they stored food grains and
commodities to be supplied to the north. Since mule trains were the main
means of transportation in the hills, the pack animals were a common
sight in the town. After the annexation of Tibet by China in 1959, trade
suffered and Thakalis began to spread across the country. Many settled
permanently in Pokhara, where they helped develop the hospitality
industry. The local populace adopted some of their social mechanisms
(like Dhukuti) to raise capital for the establishment of business and
industry. The migration of Thakalis into Pokhara continues to this day.
As Thakalis have comparatively higher access to formal or informal jobs
in Japan, remittances have helped them migrate and establish various
business ventures. Like Gurungs and Magars, the Thakalis too have their
enclaves and have continued their socio-cultural practices with suitable
modifications.
The migration of hill people to the valley has also changed the social
structure of Pokhara town. Until the mid-1960s, Brahmins and Chettris
and other Hindu castes dominated the population of the town. Gurungs
and Magars were almost negligible in number. But the migration of
Gurungs and Magars since the 1960s, especially those employed in the
British and Indian armies, has changed the ethnic composition of the
town. Gurungs now outnumber Brahmins. A study conducted in 1988 in
Pokhara revealed that 48.5 per cent of the population was Brahmin and
Chettri, 29 per cent Newar, 13.0 per cent Gurung and Magar, 2.0 per cent

and pillar represent the five basic elements of life. Being nature
worshippers, these five elements play an important role in their religion.
 Urbanisation in Pokhara 63

Thakali, 2.8 per cent Muslim, 3.5 per cent 'untouchables', and 1.2 per
cent 'others' (Pandit 1989). But the 1991 census report revealed that about
21.5 per cent of Pokhara's population was Gurung, 21 per cent Brahmin,
17.8 per cent Chettri, 12.6 per cent Newar, 6.7 per cent Magar, about 9
per cent were members of Occupational Castes, and 11 per cent grouped
under 'others' (PSMC 1999). In fact it is the income brought in by these
new rural migrants (mainly Gurung and Magar), and its investment in
housing, industry and business, that has accelerated the pace of
urbanisation in Pokhara. The process of urbanisation and the inward
migration of hill people further accelerated in the 1990s. Accordingly, the
proportion of hill ethnic groups in Pokhara by the end of the century
might be significantly greater than the above-mentioned figures.
The process by which capital and people, both wealthy and poor, are
flowing into the town is depicted schematically in Figure 1 (see also
Adhikari 2000). The main source of savings for people in rural central
Nepal is remittances and some ethnic groups like Gurungs, Magars and
Tamangs have a relatively better access to this source (Adhikari 1996). In
Gurung villages of Kaski District, remittances contribute as much as 60
per cent to household income. In general, outside income (mainly
remittances) has contributed as much as 40 per cent to the household
income in Kaski District (Adhikari 1996). Agriculture has remained
subsistence oriented, but in recent times it is also not able to provide food
security for most villagers. In most rural households, their own farms do
not meet their food requirements for more than six months in a year
(Adhikari and Bohle 1999). Therefore, remittances are the main source of
savings.
The savings thus generated flow into Pokhara where they are used for
developing small business or industrial enterprises, hotels and real estate.
These investments have also been attracting labourers from central Nepal
as well as from other regions. When outside income flows into the
villages, a part of it is retained within the villages and is used mainly for
purchasing deficit food and other consumables and services not produced
locally. A study of Thak village in west-central Nepal in 1987 revealed
that the average annual expenditure per family on food and other goods
from Pokhara was Rs 5,000. A part of this expenditure is also retained
within Pokhara (Macfarlane 1989:187). Similarly, a part of it is also
distributed within neighbouring villages in employing wage labour and
leasing land for farming. This process of distribution of outside income in
a village in Kaski District, of which Pokhara is headquarters, has been
studied in detail by the author (Adhikari 1996). That study revealed that a
64 Jagannath Adhikari

large part of the outside income flows into Pokhara mainly because of the
migration of people with high incomes from outside sources and their
investments in business, industry and real estate. Such income flows into
Pokhara have taken place not only from the villages of Kaski district but
also from the whole of central Nepal (although amounts differ from
village to village depending on their access to outside employment). Since
several people from Pokhara are employed outside, remittances (mainly
from foreign countries) also flow into Pokhara directly. A recent study
conducted by Pokhara Municipality revealed that about 3,500 people held
jobs in foreign countries and remittances contributed 23.0 per cent to the
income of Pokhara. Similarly, 2,500 people from Pokhara are reported to
receive pensions, mainly from their employment in British and Indian
armies. Their income contributes 3.3 per cent to the total income of the
town. Adding what flows directly into Pokhara to the flow of savings
from villages and income from tourism (about 9.6 per cent of the income
of the town, see Table 3), Pokhara can be considered a town dependent on
outside income.
As depicted in Figure 1, remittances coming directly into Pokhara or
indirectly through savings from villages are the major force behind
industrialisation, housing and business expansion. As reported in Himal
(Dahal 1999:30) Pokhara is the main centre where remittances have played
a major role in transforming the economy and urban structure. Yet, a large
part of the remittance money has not been utilised in productive sectors.
Although the exact amount of remittance money coming into Pokhara has
still not been accurately calculated, it is substantial. The Indian Pension
Camp, Pokhara alone disburses about Rs 3 billion per year to 1,60,000
retired personnel of the Indian army residing in the Western Development
Region. A large part of this income also flows into Pokhara. Similarly,
there are several thousand retired British army personnel in Pokhara who
receive slightly higher pensions. The increase in pensions in recent times
has encouraged more retired British army personnel to invest money in
land and housing in the town. However, due to the lack of opportunities
for productive investment they have lost large amounts of money in
money lending and to brokers. About Rs 2 billion is reported to be lost in
bad debts (Dahal 1999:30). But it is also these retired army personnel
from the British and Indian armies who have started new ventures in
Pokhara. The first bus system to Kathmandu and the city bus service were
introduced by them, and so are most petrol pumps, tourist hotels,
restaurants, instant noodle factories and finance companies. About 80 per
cent of the modern houses in Pokhara have been built with the help of
 Urbanisation in Pokhara 65

'outside' money (Dahal 1999:33). It is commonly said that when an army

man returns home for the first time his savings go towards household
improvement in the village, which also facilitates his marriage. On the
second return he buys land in Pokhara, and the proceeds from the sale of
land help the local person build a house. On his third visit, the person
returns with money to build the house. But with the number of army
personnel declining, due mainly to cuts in British army jobs, their place
has been taken by people taking up civilian jobs, often illegally, in
countries like Japan, South Korea, Taiwan, Malaysia, the USA and
several continuous in Europe.
Figure 1: Capital and Labour Flows into Pokhara
Outside economy

Riban village (mainly Gurungs)*

Lahachok (other ethnic groups)*

(A village)
Remittances used for Labour supply centres
1. Housing Okhaldunga
2. Hotels Labour Ramechhap
Pokhara 3. Industry Dhading
Dolakha
(A village) Income Kaski (villages)

Outside economy

*These particular villages were studied in detail. See Adhikari (1996) for a
detailed analysis of how villages in west central Nepal make savings from
outside economy, and how that is brought to urban centres.

From the above discussion it is clear that in-migration of people from

the west-central region and investment of their savings from remittances
are reasons for Pokhara’s expansion. This raises the question: which are
the places from where people migrate and what are the reasons for their
migration. A study conducted in 1978 revealed that there were 37,289
people in the town in 1977, and 2,379 immigrants settled permanently in
the town that year (PNP and IHSSPN 1978:8). This indicates that the
population of the town increased by 6.4 per cent in that year alone. This
66 Jagannath Adhikari

corresponds with the general picture of population growth rate for that
year in Pokhara, which had increased by about 8.5 per cent and includes
the natural growth rate. Similarly, a study conducted in 1986 among a
sample of immigrants (192 households) in Pokhara reveals that a majority
came from Kaski District, followed by Syanjya, Prabat and Tanahu
Districts, and Kathmandu Valley (Sharma 1986:22-26). Other districts
from where Pokhara receives a lesser proportion of immigrants include
Baglung, Mustang, Lamjung, Gorkha and Dhading. A majority (37 per
cent) of the immigrants said they came for employment (service). Others
said they came there for business opportunities (29 per cent), education of
children (19 per cent), urban facilities (8 per cent) and to establish industry
(7 per cent). Apart from those who have settled permanently, this study
also identified seasonal migrants who come mainly from Kaski, Tanahu
and Mustang districts. Other districts of lesser importance in terms of
seasonal migration are, in descending order, Prabat, Syanjya, Gorkha,
Baglung, Rupendehi, Dhading, Lamjung and Kathmandu Valley. A large
proportion of these seasonal migrants were involved in construction
related work and in jobs like portering and woodcutting. The hotel
industry too attracts a significant number of these seasonal migrants.
Selling farm produce, tailoring, knitting, and the manufacture of utensils,
bangles, shoes and jewellery, are other occupations undertaken by them
(Sharma 1986:27-28). Sharma (1986) also argues that the flow of
immigrants into Pokhara increased after the construction of the two major
highways linking it with Bhairahawa and Kathmandu.
The high rate of migration, as discussed above, has led to growth in
housing and business centres. As a result, built-up areas have increased
rapidly and non-agricultural areas now account for more than 57 per cent
(residential 20.54 per cent, mixed residential and commercial 21 per cent,
institutional 8.61 per cent, open space and parks 5.89 per cent, industrial
0.45 per cent and others 43.51 per cent) of the total area of Pokhara
(PSMC 1999). Bazaar areas or shopping centres have also expanded
significantly over the past two to three decades. For example,
Mahendrapool, Bagar, Ranipauwa, Chipledunga-New Road, Prithvichowk-
Srijanachowk, Pardi-Birauta and Rambazaar (pension camp) have emerged
as main trading centres. On the other hand, the importance of the old
bazaar—Ramakrishna Tole to Bagar—has declined. Some of the shops
there are still of a traditional nature, catering to the needs of rural people.
Such a change in the importance of marketing centres has resulted from
the development of new infrastructure and communication systems, which
has also changed the population density of various places within the
 Urbanisation in Pokhara 67

town. The new marketing centres no longer resemble the old bazaar in
that the former have not incorporated the religious and cultural symbols in
the physical planning of the space or in the construction of shop-houses.
Besides Newars, who are traditionally business oriented, members of
other cultural groups have turned to business in increasing numbers. A
survey conducted in 1974-75 revealed that of the 127 businesspersons
surveyed randomly in Pokhara, 48 per cent were Newar. Other major
businesspersons were from the Chettri, Brahmin and Thakali groups.
None was from the Gurung or Magar group (Blaikie 1980:154). Although
Newars may still be in a dominant position in terms of numbers, partly
due also to the inheritance of business enterprises, other groups like
Gurungs and Magars are now important businesspersons (industrialists
and hotel-owners). It now seems that for a majority of Newars the scale of
business is so small that they can be considered 'subsistence endeavours'.
Moreover, they are now in a run-down part of the town. Traditional co-
operation among Newars is still helping them remain successfully in
business. This co-operation is even stronger among Thakalis. Even
though the system of ∂ huku†ı̄ (rotating credit) was common among
Thakalis and helped them succeed in business, it has been widely adopted
by others involved in business. These changes in the structure of
ownership of commercial activities and access to different types of
business, and the expression of immigrant identities in an urban context,
have not been studied yet.
The urban characteristic of Pokhara is also revealed by the fact that
most people in the town now depend on non-agricultural sources of
income. This is a major change in the economic structure of the town.
Until a decade ago agriculture was the main source of income. A recent
study revealed that the total income of the town is estimated at Rs 228
million in 2000 (see Table 3). Of this, 9.6 per cent came from tourism,
14.2 per cent from trade and commerce, 15.5 per cent from industry, 15
per cent from services, 8.3 per cent from transportation, 10.4 per cent
from agriculture, 3.3 per cent from pensions (mainly from the Indian and
British armies), 23 per cent from jobs in foreign countries, and 0.8 per
cent from other sources, mainly the informal sector (RUP Program 2000).
Table 3 also shows the future prospects of these income sources and
reveals that the contribution of the farming sector will decline steadily as
a source of income and employment. The non-farm sector is also expected
to grow rapidly in future and by 2020 it is expected that Pokhara will
become truly urban with only 1 per cent of its income coming from
agriculture.
68 Jagannath Adhikari

The importance of the non-agriculture sector in Pokhara’s economy is

also revealed by shifts in the occupational structure. The dependence on
farm and non-farm sectors for employment in Table 4 shows that in 1971
 Urbanisation in Pokhara 69

Table 3
70 Jagannath Adhikari

nearly 63 per cent of people were dependent on agriculture for their

income. By 1991, this figure had declined to 27 per cent. The non-
agriculture sector was the main source of income for 37 per cent of the
population in 1971, and for 73 per cent of the population in 1991. A
study conducted recently in Pokhara also reveals that the occupational
shift has taken place mainly in agriculture. About 77 per cent of people
interviewed by Parajuli (1999) reported that they shifted from agriculture
to business mostly, followed by services. This study also reveals that
there has not been a great shift in other occupations. The main reasons
cited for changing occupations were low income (51 per cent of the
sample), rough and hard work (23 per cent) and low status (16 per cent).
Only about 3 per cent aspired to take up farming while about 92 per cent
wanted to take up business (business and services) in future (Parajuli
1999:13). These aspirations also reflect future prospects for the non-
agricultural sector in the town.

Table 4: Dependence on Agricultural and

Non-Agricultural Sources of Income in Pokhara 1971-1991
(percentage of population).
Sources of income 1971 1991
Agricultural sector 62.9 27.3
Non-agricultural sector 37.1 72.7
Source: Parajuli 1999:3)

As with the growth of population and the expansion of marketing

facilities, other urban facilities too have expanded in the town. There are
now 14 university campuses and 143 schools of various types, about 600
hospital beds and 8500 telephone lines (PSMC 1999). Since it is the
administrative centre for the Western Development Region the number of
various government/quasi-government offices has also increased
significantly. The industrial base of the town has also been strengthened
with the establishment of 33 medium- to large-scale industries employing
more than 50 people. The number of small and cottage industries, each of
the latter is well over 1442 and employed 10988 people in 1999 (DHPP
1999). Traditional industries like brass, bronze and other metal industries
still provide employment opportunities for a large number—80 such
industries provide employment to 1280 persons. Other industries
providing employment include construction services (1163 persons) and
 Urbanisation in Pokhara 71

rice and oil mills (991 persons). Carpet industries and hotels, lodges and
restaurants employ about 700-900 persons.
Tourism is also flourishing in Pokhara mainly because of its natural
beauty. It is estimated that 69,049 tourists arrived in Pokhara in 1992 and
their numbers have increased significantly in the last decade. In 1997, the
number stood at 92,717 (MTCA 1997) and increased to 103,895 in 1998
(PSMC 1999). The expansion in tourism has boosted the hospitality
industry in Pokhara.17 There are now about 176 hotels and lodges and 574
restaurants in this town, and the number of travel and trekking agencies
has also grown. This development of an urban environment also indicates
that employment opportunities in the non-farm sector are growing
rapidly. Due to the conversion of agricultural lands into residential areas
and the decline in farm holdings, farming is no longer a main source of
income for the residents of Pokhara. The expansion in the non-farm sector
is the cause as well as the effect of a rapid scale of functional change of
the town. As shown in Table 5, commercial and industrial establishments
have grown rapidly in the last 13 years (1986-1999) as compared to the
previous 23 years (1963-1986). These establishments have increased by
nearly 7 times in the last 13 years (mid-1980s to 1990s), while they grew
threefold in 23 years (1960s to mid-1980s).
The rapidity of urbanisation and in-migration is also reflected in
increased land value in Pokhara. A major increase occurred during 1960-
1970, when in-migration was high—land per ropanı̄ in 1960 was
estimated at Rs 1,000 but by 1970 the same fetched Rs 18,000, an 18-
fold increase in 10 years. But since 1970 land prices have grown
consistently—increasing by five times every ten years. Similarly, average
land holding per household has also been declining at a faster rate. In
1960, a household had, on average, 57.4 ropanı̄ land (Pandit 1989:40).
This had declined to 4.9 ropanı̄ after about 40 years, by 1998 (personal
communication, officials in land revenue office in 2000).

Pokhara and its Links to the Hinterland

The above discussion clearly leads to the conclusion that Pokhara is
being urbanised rapidly even though this may be confined to the built-up
areas. What then are the consequences of this urbanisation on the socio-

1 7 Despite this increase in tourist arrivals, expenditure of tourists in Pokhara

is declining. For example, it is estimated that in 1997 a tourist in Pokhara
spent US $18.0 a day, whereas the national figure is US $31.9 (Khatiwada
(1998). In 1995, a tourist in Pokhara spent US $25.24 a day (Klein
1996). Tourism provides employment opportunities to 6,834 people.
72 Jagannath Adhikari

Table 5: Functional Change in Pokhara, 1963-1999.

Functional 1963 1986 1999
percent percent percent
Group No. No. No.
1. Commercial
Shops 200 65.6 645 62.8 3892** 57.4
Hospitality# 41 13.6 160 15.6 1083 16.0
Service 27 8.9 84 8.2 240^ 3.5
Miscellaneous 18 5.9 40 3.9 95^ 1.4
Bank offices 2 0.6 12 1.2 30^ 0.5
Total 288 - 941 - 5340 -
2. Industry* 17 5.6 86 8.3 1442 21.3
TOTAL 305 100.0 1027 100.0 6782 100.0
Source: (Gurung 1965:239, Thapa and Weber 1990:184, PSMC 1999).
^ Author's estimate * Includes small and cottage industries. ** Aso includes
shops providing various services. # Includes hotels, lodges, restaurants and
trekking agencies.

economic system of the hinterland? The hinterland, located around a valley

and hill topography, has an economy based on subsistence oriented
farming operated on small land holdings of about half a hectare by a
family of about 6.5 people. This region suffers from food deficit, and, as
discussed above, remittances (including pensions and other benefits) sent
by people working away from home helps bridge the gap between
production and consumption of food (see also Adhikari and Bohle 1999).
Pokhara acts as a supply centre for goods and commodities (mainly
clothes, rice, tea, sugar, kerosene, medicine, cigarettes, and stationery)
that are not produced locally. Even rice is supplied to the hinterland from
Pokhara, while the reverse is true in the case of towns in the Tarai.
Because of low productivity and high population density in the hinterland,
the magnitude of inflow (from hinterland to town) of goods and
commodities into Pokhara is very low compared to outflow. Milk,
vegetables and fruits are the main products supplied to Pokhara from
places in the hinterland, some located at 4 hours walking distance. These
commodities supplied from the hinterland are consumed within the town.
The high demand for some commodities has also caused changes in the
land use patterns of areas located in the immediate periphery of the town.
Dairying and vegetable farming have become popular in the immediate
periphery, although the scale of operation is still small and is aimed at
just meeting the demands of the town. Despite these new developments,
 Urbanisation in Pokhara 73

Pokhara continues to receive a large part of its vegetables, rice, fruits and
other consumables from India, and to a lesser extent from the Tarai. As
the hinterland also lacks mineral resources, the prospects for large-scale
industrial development too are limited.
Tables 6-8 illustrate the inflow of fruits, vegetables and food grains
from various locations. Table 6 clearly shows that a large quantity of
fruits come from India, and only a small fraction from the Tarai, the
contribution of neighbouring VDCs is almost negligible. Because of the
rising incomes of town-dwellers in recent times, due mainly to
remittances and income from tourism, the habit of consuming fruits has
increased. The increased demand is met primarily by imports from India.
Until a decade ago, it was difficult to find fruits like apples, grapes,
oranges and mangoes during the off-season. But now these are available in
plenty. The only common fruits supplied from the hinterland are oranges
(available only in winter) and a small part of the bananas consumed. As
for vegetables (Table 7), neighbouring villages meet only a part of the
demand. The bulk of vegetables come from the Tarai and other parts of the
country. The dependence on Indian markets for vegetables is considerably
lower when compared with care of fruits. Most of the fruits and vegetables
are consumed within the town.
The town also does not get its food grains (Table 8) like rice, maize,
millet, and pulses from the hinterland, except for a small amount of high
quality rice from neighbouring villages that is consumed by the elite
class. Villagers who sell this fine rice in turn purchase low quality rice
from the Tarai for their consumption. Even though it is clear from the
data in Table 8 that the foodgrains come from the Nepali Tarai it is
suspected that they might have originated in India. Businesspersons say
one can safely assume that 50 per cent of these foodgrains come from
India. From the data it is also not clear whether all the foodgrains supplied
from the Tarai or India are consumed within the town. However,
businesspersons are of the view that about 60 per cent of the rice goes on
to other small market centres that service the hinterland. This clearly
shows that the hinterland is unable to meet the demands of the urban
centre. On the other hand, Pokhara is also not able to add value to
products received from the hinterland and distribute them to other parts of
the country or abroad. While noodles, biscuits and confectionery industries
have flourished they get their raw materials from the Tarai or India. All
the food-related industries in Pokhara, which number 57 in all, provide
employment only to 473 persons (DHPP 1999). The products are
supplied within Pokhara and its hinterland, except for instant-noodles and
74 Jagannath Adhikari

some brands of biscuits that are also supplied to other places within the
country, and, to a limited extent, to India. This analysis clearly indicates
that Pokhara, while not serving the function of value addition, has
remained a break-of-the-bulk nodal point to supply products received from
the Tarai and distant markets.
Many of the marketing centres (central places of varying order) located
in the hinterland are not linked to Pokhara by a transportation network.
This has hampered the development of an efficient marketing mechanism
in rural areas, a situation said to discourage changes and development in
agricultural systems. The lack of transportation linkages has also been
discouraging people to commute to the town for employment, study and
other purposes, encouraging them to settle in Pokhara and thus
aggravating congestion and stretching already limited utilities. It has also
been observed that commuting is common from central places, like
Gagangauda and Begnas, which are linked to the town by a motorable
road. But this facility is available only in a few cases. Moreover, the
concentration of urban facilities in Pokhara has hampered development of
small marketing and residential centres in the hinterland.

Social and Environment Problems Associated with

Urbanisation
The environmental consequences of increased built-up areas,
population density, industries and vehicles are well known and need no
particular emphasis here. Expansion in the built-up area causes increase in
temperature (due to the use materials that quickly absorb and then release
heat), flooding, higher surface run-off, trapping of heat, changes in air
flow, uneven distribution of moisture and the like. An increase in the
population density places great strain on existing water supply and
sewerage systems, open spaces and other facilities. Solid waste generation
increases with an increase in population. An increase in vehicle numbers
creates noise, smell, dust and smoke pollution, and increased risk of traffic
hazards. Industrial expansion is likely to cause noise, air, and soil
pollution.
How far the above-mentioned environmental problems have affected
towns has not yet been scientifically studied or measured. The general
problems experienced by residents include air and water pollution, solid
waste littering in public spaces, the growing use of chemicals in food
items (especially vegetables and fruits), scarcity of water (let alone safe
drinking water), and shrinking open spaces. The severity of these
 Urbanisation in Pokhara 75

problems however differs from one neighbourhood to another. According

76 Jagannath Adhikari

Table 6
 Urbanisation in Pokhara 77

Table 7
78 Jagannath Adhikari

Table 8: Flow of Foodgrains to Pokhara in 1999

Source (percent)
Fruits Amount Baglung/
Bhairahawa Birgunj Chitwan India
(ton) Myagdi
Paddy 3600 - 33 33 34 -
Rice 11032 1 99 - - -
Maize 1250 2 49 - 49 -
Wheat 145 - 50 50 - -
flour
Millet 480 - 50 - 50 -
Dal and 270 - 12 13 12 50
pulses
Source: Rural-Urban Partnership Program, Pokhara SMPC (this office
collected the above information from 3 octroi check-posts in Pokhara
(Simpani, Chhorepatan and Bijayapur) for the whole year of 1999.
NVDC – Neighbouring VDCs (Syanjya has also been included).

to a recent study, about three-fourths of a sample of 250 residents of

Pokhara felt that the town suffers from pollution of various kinds.
Incidentally, 37 per cent considered land pollution as the main problem.
Other problems reported were air pollution (35 per cent of the sample) and
water pollution (15 per cent). Vehicular emissions were considered the
main cause for environmental pollution, followed by development
activities and the lack of proper waste disposal methods. People also
expressed dissatisfaction with the Municipal Authority's handling of
environmental problems. Only 3 per cent (of the sample) considered the
efforts of the municipality enough to solve the problems (Parajuli
2000:80-90).
The Department of Housing and Physical Planning (DHPP) also tried
to identify the problems of Pokhara in 1999, although its findings do not
reflect public perception of the same. Problems identified by the DHPP
include, in order of severity, encroachment of road space, lack of a fixed
and suitable dumping site, siltation of Phewa Lake, lack of public toilets
and drainage of sewerage in Seti river, squatter settlements in open spaces,
lack of protection for remaining forest cover, pot-holes, haphazard motor
repair centres, no fixed and proper slaughter house, and the lack of a
drainage system.
As discussed above, urbanisation has also attracted poor people from
near and far who have migrated here in search of employment
 Urbanisation in Pokhara 79

opportunities. They are usually uneducated, and displaced from the

villages due to shortage of land for cultivation or natural calamities. Their
permanent migration has caused the development of squatter settlements, a
noticeable feature of public spaces in Pokhara today. As of September
1989, there were 2060 people living in 427 squatter households in the
town, making up 3.05 per cent of the population (KC et al. 1992).
Although squatter settlements are scattered all over, they are concentrated
in Rato-Pahiro, Ghari-Patan, Ghari Kulo, Rambazaar, Ramghat and Bagar
areas. By 2000, it was reported, by an officer of the Municipality, that
there were as many as 40,000 people living as squatters. Of them, he
estimated that about 15,000 were real squatters (sukumbāsı̄, or those
having no land at all). The other 25,000 have turned sukumbāsı̄ with the
aim of getting a piece of land in the town area, which fetches a high price.
The latter are locally called hukumbāsı̄. Altogether, the sukumbāsı̄ and
hukumbasi constitute as much as 25 per cent of the town's population.
The sukumbāsı̄ alone constituted 9.5 per cent of the population by 2000,
a three-fold increase within a decade. In 1992, 75 per cent of the squatter
population was reported to be living below the poverty line, as against an
average of 6 per cent for the town and 49 per cent for Nepal. The literacy
rate among squatters was about 40 per cent whereas it was about 70 per
cent among town dwellers in general.
A study conducted for UDLE (Urban Development through Local
Enterprises) in 1992 categorised squatter households as having 'better' (1
per cent), 'good' (10 per cent), 'fair' (45 per cent), 'bad' (34 per cent) and
'poor' (10 per cent) housing conditions. These categories were developed
considering very basic housing requirements in the context of Pokhara.
Average family income per month was estimated at Rs 1061, amounting
to an annual income of Rs 12,800 or nearly 6 times lower than the
national average. There was at least one household whose earning was as
low as Rs 40 per month, and nearly 50 per cent of households had a
monthly income of only Rs 1000. The economic activities of women
included running small shops (54 per cent of the sample), liquor vending
(17 per cent), wool spinning (11 per cent), tailoring (9 per cent) and
others (9 per cent). About 20 per cent of the families had taken loans—65
per cent of them from moneylenders, 16 per cent from banks, 11 per cent
from friends, and 8 per cent from relatives. Of their total expenditure, 34
per cent was spent on food, 29 per cent on clothing, 26 per cent on
general expenses, 5 per cent on health, and 6 per cent on education. All
expenditures were made in Pokhara. The major constraints faced included
finances (60 per cent of the sample), lack of education (11 per cent), lack
80 Jagannath Adhikari

of children or manpower (10 per cent), lack of employment (7 per cent)

health problems (7 per cent) and lack of time (5 per cent) (UDLE 1992).
Besides these poor permanent migrants, there is yet another category of
migrants who come here during the slack farming season (January to
April, mainly) seeking employment. They return home after the onset of
the farming season.
Apart from the growth in the squatter population, growing inequalities
are beginning to show in the economic status of households with access
to remittances and those without remittances. Even though no study has
been conducted in this aspect, it is now felt that the children of lāhures
(once used to refer to people working in armed forces abroad but now
denoting anyone having access to remittances) attend expensive private
schools. Most boarder students too are from lāhure families. Children of
economically less well-off families often complain of inferior clothes,
stationery and snacks that they receive at home in comparison to what
their lāhure friends enjoy. How far this inequality exists and what its
impact will be in the future needs to be studied. Some social problems
within lāhure families, as are generally reported, are growing family
disintegration, and immoderation like gambling, drug abuse and
alcoholism. But again no specific study has been conducted to probe the
impacts of remittances on the 'social life' of Pokhara.
To meet the needs of a growing population, the housing and
transportation sectors have also been expanded. During the 1980s, more
than 700 houses were built each year. In the last four years (1996-1999),
on average, permission was granted for 1400 houses to be built each year.
In the last 12 years (1988-1999), permission was granted for 12,142
houses (personal communication, municipality office of Pokhara),
although many more are built (small houses particularly in less dense
areas) without permission from the municipality office. Similarly, the
number of vehicles has also rapidly increased, and, as of May 1992, there
were 4,481 vehicles (836 buses, trucks and tractors, 1,554 jeeps, cars and
vans, 309 tractors and power tillers, 1780 motorbikes and scooters and 2
tempos) in Pokhara (CBS 1994). By 1999, the number of vehicles
registered at Gandaki Transportation Office numbered 16,500 (Bus/truck
1988, car/jeep/van 3476, motorcycle 9897, power tiller 867) 80 per cent
of which run in Pokhara. The length of asphalt roads has also increased,
and there is now (as of 1999) 118 km of blacktopped and 105 km of
gravelled road within Pokara town (PSMC 1999).
Pokhara has not yet been seriously affected by the problem of air
pollution. But considering the rapid pace of urbanisation and the
 Urbanisation in Pokhara 81

geophysical situation of the town it is likely to be a serious problem

before long. This is mainly because urban development (as in other
towns) is utilitarian and driven by immediate needs. Being a small valley
surrounded by high mountains, Pokhara is very sensitive to air pollution
as air circulation can be blocked by the process of 'air inversion'.18 In
recent times, it is felt that air pollution has increased rapidly not only
because of the growth in vehicular traffic but chiefly due to dust pollution
from poorly maintained roads.
The environmental problems should also be viewed from a geological
perspective. The valley was formed by the deposition of glacio-fluvial
materials from the Annapurna region in the post-glacial period, sediments
brought down by the Seti river which later traversed the valley cutting
deep gorges at various places. Casual observation indicates that the land is
prone to subduction and erosion. The increase in built-up areas has further
aggravated this problem. Since Pokhara receives the highest amount of
rainfall (approx. 300 cm annually) in all of Nepal, the torrential monsoon
rainfall causes erosion and mass wasting or landslides and is also the main
cause for the siltation of Phewa Lake. Studies conducted in the 1980s
predicted that the lake would be completely silted up in 60 to 100 years.
But a recent study, conducted using high-precision technology to estimate
siltation rates, forecasts that Phewa Lake19 will be completely dead (when
80 per cent of storage capacity is lost due to siltation) in about 190 years.
This forecast was based on a study of sedimentation rates over 10 years,
estimated at 180,000 cu m per annum. But 16 per cent of the lake’s area
(or 68 ha) is expected to be silted up within the next 24-33 years (Sthapit

1 8 Usually, in a city, much heat is radiated from settlements. The air above
the settlements is light and warmer, which gives way to cold and fresh air
from the countryside. But during winter, a dense cold air sinks into the
valley from the neighbouring hills creating a stable layer of cold air–-
instead of warmest-–at the bottom. Back radiation of heat from the city
structures pushes the base of the inversion upward, leaving a thin layer
(commonly about 100m thick) of unstable warm air over the ground. Here,
fog, smoke, pollution etc. accumulate. Unable to rise past the stable cold
air, pollutants remain near and on the ground until the sun warms up the
air enough to destroy the inversion. (Nepal South Asia Centre 1998:11).
1 9 The capacity of the lake is estimated at 42.18 million cu. m., with a
highest water level of +794.15m. The average sedimentation rate from the
watershed is about 17 cu. m/ha for the period 1990-1994, about 12 cu.
m/ha for the period 1994-1998, and 15 cu. m/ha for the period 1990-
1998. The silt trap area, depending upon the Harpan Khola (shifting
nature), will likely be completely filled up in 24-33 years time, reducing
the area of the lake by 16 per cent (68 ha) (Sthapit and Balla 1998).
82 Jagannath Adhikari

and Balla 1998). Water quality and aquatic life too have also been
threatened by waste disposal from hotels and restaurants and people
washing clothes along the banks.
The environmental problems caused by urbanisation that are directly
and immediately affecting daily life are a decline in the quantity and
quality of drinking water, poor solid waste management and sewerage
systems, shrinking open spaces, traffic problems and the loss of green
cover. These problems are reported not only in the town but also in the
surrounding areas. The water supplied is not free of pathogens and as a
result water-borne diseases are common. In winter, water supply is
irregular and insufficient. It is also reported that losses due to leakages
amount to 41 per cent of the drinking water supplied. The Nepal Water
Supply Corporation currently (1999) supplies drinking water through 260
stand pipes and 14500 private connections with a 1000 cu m capacity.
The demand for drinking water in Pokhara is 18 million litres a day and
present sources like the Mardi (capacity 13 million litres), Kalomoda (6
million litres), Bhotikhola (3 million litres) and Baldhara (30 thousand
litres) have the capacity to meet demand (DHPP 1999). But due to
leakages and poor management water shortages are common, especially in
winter.
The town also lacks a proper sewerage system and about 65 per cent of
houses do not have latrines or septic tanks (personal communication,
Tourism Office, Pokhara 1999). In many places, garbage is simply
dumped on the street and left to rot. The town produces about 153 m3 of
solid waste each day but there is no garbage collection and disposal
system in place. The waste is collected and dumped into the Seti,
threatening the river ecosystem. Therefore, it is imperative to identify and
implement a proper waste disposal mechanism. Even though the
Municipality Office has plans for a sanitary landfill site at the southern
end of the valley, work has not commenced because of resistance from
people living near the proposed site. The plan is to build a landfill site
over a 10-15 ha area, but given that the population is growing rapidly it
is doubtful whether this site will be enough in the long run. One way to
make this landfill site last longer is to reduce solid waste production by
making people aware about recycling and reducing waste. At present (as of
1999), solid waste consisted mainly of those materials that could be
effectively recycled at home—organic materials, paper, fibre (cloth and
jute), leather and inert material like dust account for 60 per cent (by
 Urbanisation in Pokhara 83

volume) of the solid waste20 produced. These materials can be easily

composted and used productively as fertiliser in kitchen gardens. The only
problem seems to be with plastics, which account for 34 per cent (by
volume) of the solid waste. Reducing the use of plastic can help cut the
production of solid waste.
Open spaces are necessary in an urban area for conversion into green
belts, parks, playing grounds and other recreational places. In the case of
Pokhara, the number and area of such open spaces has reduced
significantly over the past 10-15 years. Expansion of the municipality
area, and inclusion of rural-like areas within the jurisdiction of the
municipality, has increased the complexity of studying land use changes.
Although there is no accurate data about decline in open spaces, casual
observation clearly reveals this fact. Similarly, there were several public
mango groves and a community used to have free access to at least 3-4
such groves. Of late, these groves have almost ceased to exist. The mango
trees were either not replanted or felled by the municipality for timber
revenue. Part of the blame for the decline in open spaces must go to the
political system, which turned a blind eye as land sharks went about
grabbing these lands. Poor migrants also forcibly occupied a part of the
public land and settled on them. The lack of public spaces in the city is a
serious problem considering that more people now visit the markets
regularly. Open and public spaces in the bazaars are almost non-existent,
and essential utilities like drinking water and toilets are insufficient.
Villagers often complain about these problems when they visit the
bazaars.
Pokhara's Phewa lake has borne the brunt of pollution caused by
locals as well as tourists. The quality of water in the lake is now very
poor for human use, but until about 15 years ago people living by the
lake used to depend on it even for drinking water. With the increase in the
number of hotels by the lake, pollution along the waterfront has
significantly increased. In areas where there are more hotels and

2 0 Amount of solid waste produced is about 153 cu m by volume and 61.2

tonnes by weight. The composition of solid waste by volume is 29.8 per
cent organic matter, 5.9 per cent paper, 34.2 per cent plastic, 1.0 per cent
metal, 1.1 per cent glass, 4.9 per cent cloth/jute, 2.7 per cent rubber and
hide, 16.5 per cent inert materials like dust, and 1.1 per cent others. The
composition by weight is 47.5 per cent organic matter, 5.8 per cent
paper, 13.2 per cent plastic, 0.7 per cent metal, 2.0 per cent glass, 4.4
per cent cloth/jute, 2.2 per cent rubber/hide, 23.3 per cent inert materials
and 0.9 per cent others (personal communication, Kamal Shrestha,
Pokhara Environmental Improvement Project).
84 Jagannath Adhikari

restaurants, biological pollution, as revealed by e-coli count,21 is

rampant. This is mainly because of septic tanks being located close to the
lake and the drainage of hotel wastes and sewerage into the lake. Pollution
of the lake will adversely affect the length of stay of tourists in Pokhara,
and will likely repel tourists instead of attracting them.
Another significant problem is chemical pollution from the
uncontrolled use of fertilisers and pesticides. One of the reasons for the
deterioration in the quality of water in Phewa Lake is the leaching of these
chemicals from fields situated in its watershed. In areas where agricultural
fields skirt the lake chemical pollution is far greater than biological
pollution. In winter, when the water is not refreshed and remains stagnant
for several months, it is common to see dead fish floating in the lake.
This happens mainly because of chemical pollution resulting from the use
of fertilisers and pesticides (personal communication, Kamal Shrestha).
During the monsoon water flows out and drains much of the pollutants.
The leaching of fertilizers into the lake has also considerably increased its
nutrient content. 22 This has led to a profusion of weeds and water
hyacinth (jal kumbı̄), now a major problem especially during the rainy
season.
Urbanisation and increasing westernisation have also brought about
changes in attitudes and behaviour. The attitude of people in the past had
been helpful in maintaining the environmental balance and in improving
social life. For example, it was considered a religious merit to plant trees

2 1 A water quality test of Phewa lake indicates that it should not be used for
human use at all. The test conducted recently (1996) reveals that e-coli
counts ranged from 700/100 ml to 9 million/100 ml, depending upon the
location. A sample site near the hotels (Barahi side) had 9 million/100
ml, due to leakage of the contents of septic tanks into the lake. At Firke
Khola, the count was 41,750/100 ml. Similarly, at the point where the
Seti canal enters the lake, the count was 6,000/100 ml. At locations
where washing is done the count was 700/100 ml. The standard for
drinking water is less than 10 e-coli/100 ml. In Europe, lakes with more
than 2,000 e-coli/100 ml are restricted for human use (personal
communication, Kamal Shrestha).
2 2 The nutrient content differs from one location to another. The average
chemical content of the lake water is: chloride 0.01 mg/lit, nitrate 0.06
mg/lit, NH4 0.08 mg/lit, PO4 nil, alkalinity 23.04 mg/lit (due to human
excreta and urine) and chlorine 15.19 mg/lit. These indicators reveal that
the lake is severely polluted by chemical pesticides (personal
communication, Kamal Shrestha).
 Urbanisation in Pokhara 85

by the roadside and to build resting-places called cautārı̄s. 23 During

summer, a pit was dug in the middle of the cautārı̄ where an earthen
pitcher would be placed for storing drinking water and replenished every
day. This benefited all, including unknown wayfarers. People also dug
ponds for collecting rainwater, which could also be used by animals. Most
cautārı̄s that remain today were built in the name of dharma (religious
merit). Later, government agencies improved a few of these places, while
many others were destroyed or fell into disuse. It is these remaining
cautārı̄s that provide shade on the roadside and a resting-place for people
during the summer.
The Pokhara Municipality has been implementing projects to solve
some of the problems. These projects are funded internally as well as
through external loans and debts.24 The Pokhara Environmental
Improvement Project, for instance, focuses on public environment
education and staff training, sanitation, drainage, access road improvement
and seepage management. Improvement of tourism infrastructure is
another objective of the project. The Urban Basic Services Programme
aims at providing social and health services to the poor. Other
programmes include the Rural Urban Partnership Program, the Municipal
Organisation Development and Administration Programme, the Financial
Management Programme and the Integrated Action Plan. Many of these
programmes were initiated after the problems had already turned complex,
and a common saying that 'officials bring in a doctor after the death of a
patient' best sums this up.
The haphazard growth of houses and settlements in an unplanned and
unorganised spatial pattern has already led to various incurable
environmental and urban problems for the town as well as the hinterland.
Because of public resistance, plans for acquisition of land and demolition
of houses for expanding roads have either been withdrawn or implemented

2 3 A raised platform around a tree. Usually two trees, Bar (Ficus bengalensis)
and Pipal (Ficus religiosa) are planted together; they are ideal for shade in
summer and for greenery. In a few cases three trees are also planted (the
third is called Sami).
2 4 In 1998/99, the income of Pokhara Sub-Metropolitan City (PSMC) was
Rs. 73.9 million, of which about 59 per cent came from local taxes, 5 per
cent from fees and fines, 3 per cent from property rentals, 0.2 per cent
from others, 2.7 per cent from miscellaneous sources, 27.9 per cent from
grants, and 2.4 per cent from previous balance. Of this income, current
expenditure (office expenditure) accounted for 28 per cent, debt repayment
0.2 per cent, social welfare 7.9 per cent and capital investment 63 per
cent (PSMC 1999).
86 Jagannath Adhikari

not as planned. Political parties do not want to risk alienating their

potential voters and therefore do not enforce the law impartially. Some
programmes have had to be cancelled because of elected representatives
favouring their supporters. For example, the Guided Land Development
Plan implemented by the Department of Housing and Physical Planning
failed because the political party in power allowed its supporters to build
houses on land specified as ‘restricted’ in the plan.
Until the late 1970s there was no vision to guide urban development
in Pokhara. In 1975, the aim was to develop it as a 'tourist city'. But not
much was done to achieve that goal and by 1989 that goal had changed
and planners put forward another vision of a 'tourism, health and
education' city. In recent times, the word 'green' has been added to this
slogan. This addition does not signify a commitment by leaders but the
current fad of using 'green' to attract public attention. As a matter of fact,
green cover has reduced considerably and a valley that was once full of
trees is now a concrete jungle.
Residents of the town too have shown their concern for the
community and the environment. The growing number of non-
governmental organisations25 indicates public concern over deteriorating
environmental conditions. The establishment of the Phewa Lake Cleaning
Trust on the initiative of public and private agencies is an encouraging
sign. The interest earned by the funds collected in the Trust (which is now
Rs 550,000) will be utilised for conservation and cleaning of the lake.
The Boat Union and several NGOs concerned with Phewa lake have also
taken some small steps to protect the lake. Despite these efforts, overall
environmental conditions show a declining trend. Moreover, the
Municipality is not prepared to work together with these local institutions
on a partnership basis. The media has not done enough to inform people
about environmental degradation, although the occasional news item does
appear in the newspapers. The capacity of local newspapers to conduct
investigations into environmental issues is limited and although the mass
media that is being developed in Pokhara, especially with the imminent
opening of several FM radio stations, can initiate discussions and inform
the public on environmental situations, this potential has not yet been
tapped.

Conclusion

2 5 There were about 778 NGOs in Kaski District by July 2000. It is estimated
that about 40 per cent of these are located in Pokhara.
 Urbanisation in Pokhara 87

Pokhara, as things stand now, is a supplying market, residential town

and a tourist centre. Industrial development is at a preliminary stage and
there is not much scope here for the establishment of manufacturing
industries. Environmental conservation, cultural development and
improving the living conditions of poor households are essential not only
for attracting tourists but also for the health of the town and its residents.
Till now environmental and cultural conservation, cleanliness and
greenery were thought to be essential only for attracting tourism.
Increased public awareness regarding conservation of the environment and
proper waste disposal is also essential.
Even though planners have recognised the need to create small centres
in the hinterland with urban facilities like education and health to avoid
further migration into and congestion in the city, nothing concrete has
been done to achieve this. Moreover, Pokhara has been acting as a
'parasitic' and a 'paralysing' town through a process of 'sucking up' as
discussed above. Also, due to the centralisation of urban facilities within
the town, and in recent times due to security reasons, Pokhara has
paralysed potential centres that could have developed into small towns. It
is now felt that the development of a transportation network, linking
residential and marketing centres located on its periphery, is essential to
facilitate commuting. This will also help in the development of efficient
marketing channels which will augment production of various
commodities in the rural areas which, in turn, could help in the
development of agro-based industries or in reducing the import of
agricultural commodities like fruits, vegetables and livestock products.
Similarly, private entrepreneurs must be encouraged through incentives to
invest their capital (especially for the productive utilisation of
remittances) in productive and employment generating enterprises that
have a minimal adverse impact on the environment, in Pokhara as well as
in the smaller market centres.
Urbanisation has led to various environmental problems that have
adversely affected residents of the town as well as of the surrounding
villages. The disposal of waste generated by industries, farms and
households, and control of air pollution along heavy traffic routes, need
immediate attention. Moreover, plans to establish a waste disposal system
should be implemented efficiently. With the growth of the town, the
capacity of the waste management system should be enhanced and planned
with the future in mind. To solve these problems and develop the town’s
tourism potential and education and health sectors, proper long-term
planning and commitment to plans—by both agencies and the public—is
88 Jagannath Adhikari

essential. In the past, regulations were not enforced uniformly, mainly due
to political favouritism and corruption. Unless these aspects of
implementation and commitment are given due consideration, all this will
remain wishful thinking.
Pokhara's urban growth also has implications for planners and policy
makers. Contrary to the idea that the growth of towns can hasten or aid
rural development, this case illustrates that a town can draw away capital
and human power that can potentially be utilised in villages—a global
pattern of capitalism that helps in the accumulation of capital in
metropolitan centres. As a matter of fact, a study conducted as early as in
the late 1970s also clearly illustrated that the impact of Pokhara as a
growth centre was minimal. The report stated: "… the changes that have
appeared in the economy of Pokhara valley do not affect the interior
economy of people living in the mountains and hills of the western
region. This has been said explicitly on the grounds that the socio-
economic condition of the people living there has not changed. Market did
not develop whereas the volume of trade might have decreased" (Gurung et
al. 1977:17).
The situation as reported by Gurung et al. (1977) has not changed
much in the late 1990s. Instead, it appears that Pokhara's link with its
hinterland has grown weaker (even though some amount of vegetables and
milk come from neighbouring villages) in recent times. This is because
locally produced commodities face competition from mass-produced
commodities from India and abroad, and the easy availability of farm
products from the Tarai and India. One reason for weak urban-rural
linkages here is that urban growth did not result from the surplus
generated in the rural areas. In a liberalised economy it is generally
assumed that agriculture provides the basis for urban development where
farm sector surplus is brought to urban centres for processing and value
addition and distribution to other regions. As urbanisation here has
resulted mainly from the inflow of remittances or indirectly through the
flow of funds from villages, it has not been firmly linked with the
agrarian economy of the hinterland. On the other hand, this urban centre
has helped in the effective distribution of essential as well as luxury goods
from within and outside the country, facilitating rapid changes in food
systems (production, distribution, processing and consumption) and
cultural patterns. Therefore, it is a backwash effect that is strongly evident
in the case of urban-hinterland relations in west-central Nepal. One reason
for this situation is the lack of organisational abilities and skills (both for
trade and industry) required in an urban context. Most people have settled
 Urbanisation in Pokhara 89

in Pokhara with a consumerist attitude, although we also see that a small

portion of remittances have been used for the establishment of industries,
housing facilities and the hospitality industry.
It is now clear that despite various programmes and planning for
regional development with Pokhara as a 'growth pole' not much has been
achieved in the last 40 years of this effort. Urban growth here has not
been helpful in triggering overall economic development in west-central
Nepal. The hinterland is still gripped by poverty and a food deficit. On the
other hand, whatever growth has been achieved in the urban centre from
its links to the outside world is not oriented towards sustainability. The
following stanza of a poem (Adhikari 2035 v.s) clearly reveals this
situation:
Dear Tourists
Look again carefully with telescope
There is no Anna (food) around Annapurna (mountain of food).

Acknowledgement
Thanks are due to Samual Thomas for editorial help, and to Pratyoush
Onta for constructive comments on the earlier version of this paper.

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