The Birth of Jesusus
The Birth of Jesusus
Yars I
Nativity of Jesus
For other uses, see Nativity of Jesus (disambiguation) and Nativity (disambiguation).
Comparison between the Nativity narratives in the Gospels of Luke and Matthew
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Luke Matthew
Gospel of Matthew
Annunciation to Joseph
Mary the mother of Jesus the messiah was betrothed to Joseph, but was found to
be pregnant through the Holy Spirit. Joseph intended to divorce her quietly, but an
angel told him in a dream that he should take her as his wife and name the child Jesus,
"because it is he who will save his people from their sins". This would fulfil the prophecy
that a virgin would give birth to a son, who would be known as Emmanuel, meaning
"God is with us". Joseph awoke, took Mary for his wife, did not have intercourse with her
until she had given birth to a son, and gave him the name Jesus. (Matthew 1:18–25)
These verses present a problem, for in the preceding Matthean genealogy of
Jesus, Joseph has been shown to be the descendant of David (the angel addresses
him as "son of David") and heir to the kingdom of Judah, but Matthew 1:16 has revealed
that Jesus is not Joseph's son, and Matthew is careful never to refer to him in this way.
[5] The role of Joseph in naming the child indicates that he is being legally adopted, and
thus becoming, like his now-legal father, "son of David."[6]
Adoration of the magi
The birth took place in Bethlehem of Judea in the time of King Herod (Herod the
Great). Wise men from the East came to Jerusalem, asking where they could find the
child born king of the Jews, for they had seen his star at its rising, and wished to pay
him homage. Herod and all Jerusalem were afraid when they heard this, but Herod,
learning from the chief priests and scribes that the messiah would be born in Bethlehem
according to prophecy, sent the Magi there with instructions to return and tell him when
they had found him. The magi worshipped the child in Bethlehem and gave him gifts of
gold, frankincense, and myrrh, but an angel warned them in a dream not to return to
Herod, and they returned home by another way.
Massacre of the innocents, flight into Egypt, and return to Israel
When Herod learned that the magi had tricked him he was infuriated, and killed
all the children in and around Bethlehem under the age of two (the Massacre of the
Innocents). This was in fulfilment of the prophet Jeremiah: "A voice was heard in
Ramah, wailing and loud lamentation, Rachel weeping for her children; she refused to
be consoled, because they are no more." But an angel had appeared to Joseph in a
dream and warned him to take the child and his mother and flee to Egypt, and the Holy
Family remained there until Herod died to fulfil the words of the prophet, "Out of Egypt I
have called my son." On the death of Herod an angel appeared to Joseph in a dream
and told him to return with the child and its mother to Israel, but Herod's son was now
ruler of Judea, and after being warned in a dream Joseph went instead to Galilee,
where he made his home in Nazareth "so that what had been spoken through the
prophets might be fulfilled, “He will be called a Nazorean.” Matthew 2
In this chapter Matthew needs to establish that "Jesus of Nazareth" was in fact
born in Bethlehem, the town where David was born, for the "son of David" born there
will be "King of the Jews" (a designation that will not reappear in Matthew until the
crucifixion).[7] Herod's fear and the visit of the magi underline the royal birth, as do the
various prophetic texts quoted or referenced in this chapter.[8]
Gospel of Luke
Angel Gabriel's Annunciation to Mary, by Murillo, c. 1660
When Herod was king of Judea, God sent the angel Gabriel to Nazareth in
Galilee to announce to a virgin named Mary, who was betrothed to a man named
Joseph, that a child would be born to her and she was to name him Jesus, for he would
be the son of God and rule over Israel forever. When the time of the birth drew
near, Caesar Augustus commanded a census of Roman domains, and Joseph took
Mary to Bethlehem, the ancient city of David, as he was of the House of David. Jesus
was born in Bethlehem; since there was nowhere for them to stay in the town, the infant
was laid in a manger while angels announced his birth to a group of
shepherds who worshipped him as Messiah and Lord.
In accordance with the Jewish law, his parents presented the infant Jesus at the
Temple in Jerusalem, where two people in the temple, Simeon and Anna the
Prophetess, gave thanks to God who had sent his salvation. Joseph and Mary then
returned to Nazareth.
Matthew and Luke agree that Jesus was born in Bethlehem during the reign of
Herod the Great.[3] In Luke the newborn baby is placed in a manger "because there was
no place in the katalyma. "Katalyma" might mean a private home (this has little support
among scholars), or a room in a private home, or an inn, but it is impossible to be
certain which is meant
In the 2nd century, Justin Martyr stated that Jesus had been born in a cave
outside the town, while the Protoevangelium of James described a legendary birth in a
cave nearby. The Church of the Nativity inside the town, built by St. Helena, contains
the cave-manger site traditionally venerated as the birthplace of Jesus, which may have
originally been a site of the cult of the god Tammuz.[13] In Contra Celsum 1.51, Origen,
who travelled throughout Palestine beginning in around 215, wrote of the "manger of
Jesus".[14]
The date of birth for Jesus of Nazareth is not stated in the gospels or in any
secular text, but a majority of scholars assume a date between 6 BC and 4 BC.[15] The
historical evidence is too ambiguous to allow a definitive date to be determined,[16] but
the date has been estimated through known historical events mentioned in the Gospels
of Matthew chapter 2 and Luke chapter 2[17] or by working backwards from the
estimated start of the ministry of Jesus.
The statement in Matthew 2:23 that "he will be called a Nazarene" does not
mention a specific passage in the Old Testament, and there are multiple scholarly
interpretations as to what it may refer to.[37] Barbara Aland and other scholars consider
the Greek "Ναζωραίος" (Nazoréos) used for Nazarene of uncertain etymology and
meaning,[38] but M. J. J. Menken states that it is a demonym that refers to an "inhabitant
of Nazareth".[39] Menken also states that it may be referring to Judges 13:5, 7.[40] Gary
Smith states that Nazirite may mean one consecrated to God, i.e. an ascetic; or may
refer to Isaiah 11:1.[41] The Oxford Bible Commentary states that it may be word-play on
the use of "nazirite," "Holy One of God," in Isaiah 4:3,[42] meant to identify Jesus with
the Nazarenes, a Jewish sect who differed from the Pharisees only in that they
regarded Jesus as the Messiah.[30] The Swiss theologian Ulrich Luz, who locates the
Matthean community in Syria, has noted that Syrian Christians also called themselves
Nazarenes.[43]
Christian theology
The theological significance of the Nativity of Jesus has been a key element in
Christian teachings, from the early Church Fathers to 20th century theologians. The
theological issues were addressed as early as Apostle Paul, but continued to be
debated and eventually lead to both Christological and Mariological differences among
Christians that resulted in early schisms within the Church by the 5th century.
Birth of the new man
He is the image of the invisible God, the firstborn of all creation. For by him all
things were created, in heaven and on earth, visible and invisible.
— Colossians 1:15–16 regards the birth of Jesus as the model for all creation.
Paul the Apostle viewed the birth of Jesus as an event of cosmic significance
which brought forth a "new man" who undid the damage caused by the fall of the first
man, Adam. Just as the Johannine view of Jesus as the incarnate Logos proclaims the
universal relevance of his birth, the Pauline perspective emphasizes the birth of a new
man and a new world in the birth of Jesus. [51] Paul's eschatological view of Jesus
counter-positions him as a new man of morality and obedience, in contrast to Adam.
Unlike Adam, the new man born in Jesus obeys God and ushers in a world of morality
and salvation.[51]
In the Pauline view, Adam is positioned as the first man and Jesus as the
second: Adam, having corrupted himself by his disobedience, also infected humanity
and left it with a curse as inheritance. The birth of Jesus, on the other hand,
counterbalanced the fall of Adam, bringing forth redemption and repairing the damage
done by Adam.[52]
In patristic theology, Paul's contrasting of Jesus as the new man versus Adam
provided a framework for discussing the uniqueness of the birth of Jesus and the
ensuing events of his life. The Nativity of Jesus thus began to serve as the starting point
for "cosmic Christology" in which the birth, life and Resurrection of Jesus have universal
implications. The concept of Jesus as the "new man" repeats in the cycle of birth and
rebirth of Jesus from his Nativity to his Resurrection: following his birth, through his
morality and obedience to the Father, Jesus began a new harmony in the relationship
between God the Father and man. The Nativity and Resurrection of Jesus thus created
the author and exemplar of a new humanity.[55]
In the 2nd century Church Father Irenaeus writes:
"When He became incarnate and was made man, He commenced afresh the
long line of human beings, and furnished us, in a brief, comprehensive manner, with
salvation; so that what we had lost in Adam – namely to be according to the image and
likeness of God – that we might recover in Christ Jesus."
Irenaeus was also one of the early theologians to use the analogy of "second
Adam and second Eve". He suggested the Virgin Mary as the "second Eve" and wrote
that the Virgin Mary had "untied the knot of sin bound up by the virgin Eve" and that just
as Eve had tempted Adam to disobey God, Mary had set a path of obedience for the
second Adam (i.e. Jesus) from the Annunciation to Calvary so that Jesus could bring
about salvation, undoing the damage of Adam.[56]
In the 4th century, this uniqueness of the circumstances related to the Nativity of
Jesus, and their interplay with the mystery of the incarnation, became a central element
in both the theology and hymnody of Saint Ephrem the Syrian. For him, the uniqueness
of the Nativity of Jesus was supplemented with the sign of the Majesty of the Creator
through the ability of a powerful God to enter the world as a small newborn.[57]
In the Middle Ages the birth of Jesus as the second Adam came to be seen in the
context of Saint Augustine's Felix culpa (i.e. happy fall) and was intertwined with the
popular teachings on the fall from grace of Adam and Eve.[58] Augustine was fond of a
statement on Nativity by Saint Gregory of Nyssa and he quoted it five times: "Venerate
the Nativity, through which you are freed from the bonds of an earthly nativity".[59] And
he liked to quote: "Just as in Adam all of us died, so too in Christ all of us will be brought
to life".
The theology persisted into the Protestant Reformation, and second Adam was
one of the six modes of atonement discussed by John Calvin.[61] In the 20th century,
leading theologian Karl Barth continued the same line of reasoning and viewed the
Nativity of Jesus as the birth of a new man who succeeded Adam. In Barth's theology,
in contrast to Adam, Jesus acted as an obedient Son in the fulfilment of the divine will
and was therefore free from sin and could hence reveal the righteousness of God the
Father and bring about salvation.[44]
Christology
In Summa Theologiæ, (1471 copy shown here) Thomas Aquinas addressed many of the open Christological
questions regarding the Nativity of Jesus.
The belief in the divinity of Jesus leads to the question: "was Jesus a man to be
born of a woman or was he God born of a woman?" A wide range of hypotheses and
beliefs regarding the nature of the nativity of Jesus were presented in the first four
centuries of Christianity. Some of the debates involved the title Theotokos (God bearer)
for the Virgin Mary and began to illustrate the impact of Mariology on Christology. Some
of these viewpoints were eventually declared as heresies, others led to schisms and the
formation of new branches of the Church.
The salvific emphasis of Matthew 1:21 later impacted the theological issues and
the devotions to the Holy Name of Jesus. Matthew 1:23 provides the only key to
the Emmanuel Christology in the New Testament. Beginning with 1:23, Matthew shows
a clear interest in identifying Jesus as "God with us" and in later developing the
Emmanuel characterization of Jesus at key points throughout the rest of his Gospel.
[71] The name Emmanuel does not appear elsewhere in the New Testament, but
Matthew builds on it in Matthew 28:20 ("I am with you always, even unto the end of the
world") to indicate that Jesus will be with the faithful to the end of the age. According
to Ulrich Luz, the Emmanuel motif brackets the entire Gospel of Matthew between 1:23
and 28:20, appearing explicitly and implicitly in several other passages.[73]
A number of ecumenical councils were convened in the 4th and 5th centuries to
deal with these issues. The Council of Ephesus debated hypostasis (co-existing
natures) versus Monophysitism (only one nature) versus Miaphysitism (two natures
united as one) versus Nestorianism (disunion of two natures). The 451 Council of
Chalcedon was highly influential and marked a key turning point in the Christological
debates that divided the church of the Eastern Roman Empire in the 5th century. In
Chalcedon the hypostatic union was decreed, namely that Jesus is both fully divine and
fully human, making this part of the creed of orthodox Christianity.[76][77][78][79]
In the 5th century, leading Church Father Pope Leo I used the nativity as a key
element of his theology. Leo gave 10 sermons on the nativity and 7 have survived. The
one on December 25, 451, demonstrates his concern to increase the importance of the
feast of nativity and along with it emphasize the two natures of Christ in defense of the
Christological doctrine of hypostatic union.[80] Leo often used his nativity sermons as an
occasion to attack opposing viewpoints, without naming the opposition. Thus Leo used
the occasion of the Nativity feast to establish boundaries for what could be considered a
heresy regarding the birth and nature of Christ.[64]
In the 13th century Saint Thomas Aquinas addressed the Christologocal
attribution of the nativity: Should it be attributed to the person (the Word) or only to the
assumed human nature of that person. Aquinas treated nativity in 8 separate articles
in Summa Theologica each posing a separate question. "Does Nativity regard the
nature rather than the Person?" "Should a temporal Nativity be attributed to Christ?"
"Should the Blessed Virgin be called Christ's Mother?" "Should the Blessed Virgin be
called the Mother of God?" "Are there two filiations in Christ?", etc.[81] To deal with this
issue, Aquinas distinguishes between the person born and the nature in which the birth
takes place.[82] Aquinas thus resolved the question by arguing that in the hypostatic
union Christ has two natures, one received from the Father from eternity, the other from
his mother in time. This approach also resolved the Mariological problem of Mary
receiving the title of Theotokos for under this scenario she is the "Mother of God".[82]
During the Reformation, John Calvin argued that Jesus was not sanctified to be
"God manifested as Incarnate" (Deus manifestatus in carne) only due to his Virgin Birth,
but through the action of the Holy Spirit at the instant of his birth. Thus Calvin argued
that Jesus was exempt from original sin because he was sanctified at the moment of
birth so that his generation was without blemish; as generation was blemishless before
the fall of Adam.[83]
Impact on Christianity
Christmas, the Feast of the Nativity of Our Lord
On Christmas, the Christ Candle in the center of the Advent wreath is traditionally lit in many church services.
In the 1st and 2nd centuries, the Lord's Day (Sunday) was the earliest Christian
celebration and included a number of theological themes. In the 2nd century,
the Resurrection of Jesus became a separate feast as Easter and in the same
century Epiphany began to be celebrated in the Churches of the East on January 6.
[100] The celebration of the feast of the Magi on January 6 may relate to a pre-Christian
celebration for the blessing of the Nile in Egypt on January 5, but this is not historically
certain.[101] The festival of the Nativity which later turned into Christmas was a 4th-
century feast in the Western Church notably in Rome and North Africa, although it is
uncertain exactly where and when it was first celebrated.[102]
The earliest source stating December 25 as the date of birth
of Jesus was Hippolytus of Rome (170–236), written very early in the 3rd century,
based on the assumption that the conception of Jesus took place at the Spring
equinox which he placed on March 25, and then added nine months.[103] There is
historical evidence that by the middle of the 4th century the Christian churches of the
East celebrated the birth and Baptism of Jesus on the same day, on January 6, while
those in the West celebrated a Nativity feast on December 25 (perhaps influenced by
the Winter solstice); and that by the last quarter of the 4th century, the calendars of both
churches included both feasts.[104] The earliest suggestions of a feast of the Baptism of
Jesus on January 6 during the 2nd century comes from Clement of Alexandria, but
there is no further mention of such a feast until 361 when Emperor Julian attended a
feast on January 6 in the year 361.[104]
Christmas Eve Nativity at Resurrection Lutheran Church, Fredericksburg, Virginia
Pope Leo I established a feast of the "Mystery of Incarnation" in the 5th century,
in effect as the first formal feast for the Nativity of Jesus. Pope Sixtus III then instituted
the practice of Midnight Mass just before that feast. [105] In the 6th century,
Emperor Justinian declared Christmas to be a legal holiday.[106]
In the 14th and 15th centuries, the theological importance of the Nativity of
Jesus, was coupled with an emphasis on the loving nature of the child Jesus in sermons
by figures such as Jean Gerson. In his sermons Gerson emphasized the loving nature
of Jesus at his Nativity, as well as his cosmic plan for the salvation of mankind.[107]
By the early part of the 20th century, Christmas had become a "cultural
signature" of Christianity and indeed of the Western culture even in countries such as
the United States which are officially non-religious. By the beginning of the 21st century
these countries began to pay more attention to the sensitivities of non-Christians during
the festivities at the end of the calendar year.[108]
Transforming the image of Jesus
A Nativity scene inside an American home.
Early Christians viewed Jesus as "the Lord" and the word Kyrios appears over
700 times in the New Testament, referring to him.[109] The use of the word Kyrios in
the Septuagint Bible also assigned to Jesus the Old Testament attributes of an
omnipotent God.[109] The use of the term Kyrios, and hence the Lordship of Jesus, pre-
dated the Pauline epistles, but Saint Paul expanded and elaborated on that topic.[109]
Pauline writings established among early Christians the Kyrios image, and
attributes of Jesus as not only referring to his eschatological victory, but to him as the
"divine image" (Greek εἰκών eikōn) in whose face the glory of God shines forth. This
image persisted among Christians as the predominant perception of Jesus for a number
of centuries.[110] More than any other title, Kyrios defined the relationship between
Jesus and those who believed in him as Christ: Jesus was their Lord and Master who
was to be served with all their hearts and who would one day judge their actions
throughout their lives.[111]
The lordship attributes associated with the Kyrios image of Jesus also implied his
power over all creation. Paul then looked back and reasoned that the final lordship of
Jesus was prepared from the very beginning, starting with pre-existence and the
Nativity, based on his obedience as the image of God.[114] Over time, based on the
influence of Anselm of Canterbury, Bernard of Clairvaux and others, the Kyrios image of
Jesus began to be supplemented with a more "tender image of Jesus", and
the Franciscan approach to popular piety was instrumental in establishing this image.
[113]
The 13th century witnessed a major turning point in the development of a new
"tender image of Jesus" within Christianity, as the Franciscans began to emphasize the
humility of Jesus both at his birth and his death. The construction of the Nativity scene
by Saint Francis of Assisi was instrumental in portraying a softer image of Jesus that
contrasted with the powerful and radiant image at the Transfiguration, and emphasized
how God had taken a humble path to his own birth. [115] As the Black Death raged in
Medieval Europe, the two mendicant orders of Franciscans and Dominicans helped the
faithful cope with tragedies. One element of the Franciscan approach was the emphasis
on the humility of Jesus and the poverty of his birth: the image of God was the image of
Jesus, not a severe and punishing God, but himself humble at birth and sacrificed at
death.[116] The concept that the omnipotent Creator would set aside all power in order to
conquer the hearts of men by love and that he would have been helplessly placed in a
manger was as marvelous and as touching to the believers as the sacrifice of dying on
the cross in Calvary.[117]
Thus by the 13th century the tender joys of the Nativity of Jesus were added to
the agony of his Crucifixion and a whole new range of approved religious emotions was
ushered in, with wide-ranging cultural impacts for centuries thereafter.[117] The
Franciscans approached both ends of this spectrum of emotions. On one hand the
introduction of the Nativity scene encouraged the tender image of Jesus, while on the
other hand Francis of Assisi himself had a deep attachment to the sufferings of Jesus
on the Cross and was said to have received the Stigmata as an expression of that love.
The dual nature of Franciscan piety based both on joy of Nativity and the sacrifice
at Calvary had a deep appeal among city dwellers and as the Franciscan Friars
travelled these emotions spread across the world, transforming the Kyrios image of
Jesus to a more tender, loving, and compassionate image.[117] These traditions did not
remain limited to Europe and soon spread to the other parts of the world such as Latin
America, the Philippines and the United States.
According to Archbishop Rowan Williams this transformation, accompanied by
the proliferation of the tender image of Jesus in Madonna and Child paintings, made an
important impact within the Christian Ministry by allowing Christians to feel the living
presence of Jesus as a loving figure "who is always there to harbor and nurture those
who turn to him for help.
One of the most visible traditions during the Christmas season is the display of
manger scenes depicting the nativity, usually in the form of statues or figurines, in
private homes, businesses and churches, either inside or outside the building. This
tradition is usually attributed to Saint Francis of Assisi[129] who was described as
creating such a display at Greccio, Italy, in 1223 as related by St. Bonaventure in
his Life of Saint Francis of Assisi written around 1260.[132]
Before the manger scene tradition developed, there were paintings depicting the
subject. The earliest artistic depictions of the nativity were in the catacombs and
on sarcophagi in Rome. As Gentile visitors, the Magi were popular in these scenes,
representing the significance of the arrival of the Messiah to all peoples. The ox and ass
were also taken to symbolize the Jews and the Gentiles, and have remained a constant
since the earliest depictions. Mary was soon seated on a throne as the Magi visited.[133]
Depictions of the Nativity soon became a normal component of cycles in art
illustrating both the Life of Christ and the Life of the Virgin. Nativity images also carry
the message of redemption: God's unification with matter forms the mystery of the
Incarnation, a turning point in the Christian perspective on Salvation.[134]
In the Eastern Church painted icons of the Nativity often correspond to
specific hymns to Mary, e.g. to the Kontakion: "The Virgin today bringeth forth the
Transubstantial, and the eart offereth a cave to the Unapproachable." [135] In many
Eastern icons of Nativity (often accompanied by matching hymnody) two basic elements
are emphasized. First the event portrays the mystery of incarnation as a foundation for
the Christian faith, and the combined nature of Christ as divine and human. Secondly, it
relates the event to the natural life of the world, and its consequences for humanity.[135]
Hymns, music and performances
Like 1st century Jews, early Christians rejected the use of musical instruments in
religious ceremonies and instead relied on chants and plainsong leading to the use of
the term a cappella (in the chapel) for these chants.
One of the earliest Nativity hymns was Veni redemptor gentium composed by
Saint Ambrose in Milan in the 4th century. By the beginning of the 5th century, the
Spanish poet Prudentius had written "From the Heart of the Father" where the
ninth stanza focused on the Nativity and portrayed Jesus as the creator of the universe.
In the 5th century the Gallic poet Sedulius composed "From the lands that see the Sun
arise" in which the humility of the birth of Jesus was portrayed.[133] The Magnificat, one
of the eight most ancient Christian hymns and perhaps the earliest Marian hymn, is
based on the Annunciation.
Saint Romanus the Melodist had a dream of the Virgin Mary the night before the
feast of the Nativity, and when he woke up the next morning, composed his first hymn
"On the Nativity" and continued composing hymns (perhaps several hundred) to the end
of his life.[136] Re-enactments of Nativity which are now called Nativity plays were part of
the troparion hymns in the liturgy of Byzantine Rite Churches, from St. Sophronius in
the 7th century.[137] By the 13th century, the Franciscans had encouraged a strong
tradition of popular Christmas songs in the native languages.[138] Christmas carols in
English first appear in a 1426 work of John Awdlay, a Shropshire chaplain, who lists
twenty-five "caroles of Cristemas".[139]
The largest body of musical works about Christ in which he does not speak are
about the Nativity. A large body of liturgical music, as well as a great deal of para-
liturgical texts, carols and folk music exist about the Nativity of Jesus. The Christmas
carols have come to be viewed as a cultural-signature of the Nativity of Jesus.[140]
Most musical Nativity narrations are not biblical and did not come about until
church music assimilated opera in the 17th century. But thereafter there was a torrent of
new music, e.g., Heinrich Schütz's 1660, Marc-Antoine Charpentier (Midnight Mass,
Pastorals, Oratorio, instrumental music, 11 settings), The Christmas
Story and Bach's Christmas Oratorio in the 18th century. And Lisz's
Christus, Berlioz’s L’Enfance du Christ (1850), Camille Saint-Saëns's Christmas
Oratorio (1858), etc.[140] John Milton's classic 1629 poem Ode on the Morning of
Christ's Nativity was used by John McEwan in 1901.[140]
Historical analysis
Traditional views
According to some scholars, the two accounts are historically accurate and do
not contradict each other,[141] with similarities such as the birthplace of Bethlehem and
the virgin birth. George Kilpatrick and Michael Patella state that a comparison of the
nativity accounts of Luke and Matthew show common elements in terms of the virgin
birth, the birth at Bethlehem, and the upbringing at Nazareth, and that although there
are differences in the accounts of the nativity in Luke and Matthew, a general narrative
may be constructed by combining the two. A number of biblical scholars have attempted
to show how the text from both narratives can be interwoven as a gospel harmony to
create one account that begins with a trip from Nazareth to Bethlehem, where Jesus is
born, followed by the flight to Egypt, and ending with a return to Nazareth.
Neither Luke nor Matthew claims their birth narratives are based on direct
testimony.[149] Raymond E. Brown suggested in 1973 that Joseph was the source of
Matthew's account and Mary of Luke's, but modern scholars consider this "highly
unlikely", given that the story emerged so late.[150]
Roman Catholic scholars, such as John L. McKenzie, Raymond E. Brown,
and Daniel J. Harrington express the view that due to the scarcity of ancient records, a
number of issues regarding the historicity of some nativity episodes can never be fully
determined, and that the more important task is deciding what the nativity narratives
meant to the early Christian communities.
Critical analysis
Many scholars do not see the Luke and Matthew nativity stories as historically
factual, regarding them as laced with theology and presenting two different accounts
and genealogies. For instance, they point to Matthew's account of the appearance of an
angel to Joseph in a dream; the wise men from the East; the massacre of the innocents;
and the flight to Egypt, which do not appear in Luke, which instead describes the
appearance of an angel to Mary; the Roman census; the birth in a manger; and the
choir of angels appearing to the shepherds in the fields. Sanders considers Luke's
census, for which everyone returned to their ancestral home, not historically credible, as
this was contrary to Roman practice; they would not have uprooted everyone from their
homes and farms in the Empire by forcing them to return to their ancestral cities.
Moreover, people were not able to trace their own lineages back 42 generations.
[155] More generally, according to Karl Rahner the evangelists show little interest in
synchronizing the episodes of the birth or subsequent life of Jesus with the secular
history of the age.[162] As a result, modern scholars do not use much of the birth
narratives for historical information. Nevertheless, they are considered to contain some
useful biographical information: Jesus being born near the end of the reign of Herod,
during the reign of Emperor Augustus and his father being named Joseph are
considered historically plausible.
Most modern scholars accept the Marcan priority hypothesis, that the Luke and
Matthew accounts are based on the Gospel of Mark, but that the birth narratives come
from the evangelists' independent sources, known as M source for Matthew and L
source for Luke, which were added later.[164]
While Géza Vermes and E. P. Sanders dismiss the accounts as pious
fiction, Raymond E. Brown sees them as having been constructed from historical
traditions which predate the Gospels. According to Brown, there is no uniform
agreement among scholars on the historicity of the accounts, e.g., most of those
scholars who reject the historicity of the birth at Bethlehem argue for a birth at Nazareth,
a few suggest Capernaum, and other have hypothesized locations as far away
as Chorazin.[168] Bruce Chilton and archaeologist Aviram Oshri have proposed a birth
at Bethlehem of Galilee, a site located 7 mi (11 km) from Nazareth at which remains
dating to the time of Herod the Great have been excavated. Armand P. Tarrech states
that Chilton's hypothesis has no support in either the Jewish or Christian sources,
although Chilton seems to take seriously the statement in Luke 2:4 that Joseph also
went up from Galilee, out of the city of Nazareth, into Judaea, to the city of David, which
is called Bethlehem.[171]
Many view the discussion of historicity as secondary, given that gospels were
primarily written as theological documents rather than chronological timelines. For
instance, Matthew pays far more attention to the name of the child and its theological
implications than the actual birth event itself.[176]