Iti les & 10130 - 2nn Imagination In History* Sir Dave Teodoro A. Agoncillo Professor of History, University of the Philippines and Commissioner, National Historical Commission To any historian worthy of the name, imagination is as important and necessary in the writing of history asit is in the writing of fiction, drama, or poetry. Yet in the Philippines at least, there is a widespread view, held by those who, in the memorable words of George Bernard Shaw, cannot write and, therefore, teach, that imagination in history is something to be deplored since history deals primarily and supremely with facts. There is in this view an implied contempt for‘an element of historical writing without which history will degenerate into mere cataloguing. When laid bare with a mental scalpel the view is exposed to be nothing more than a gross misunderstanding of the nature of history as a written testament of past ages. This is because history, properly looked upon, is not a matter of compiling and reciting facts, of marshalling them in a time-sequence, and of allowing them to speak for themselves — as if facts speak for themselves — but infinitely much more. It is a re- creation of the past in such a manner as to provide not only the bones, but also the flesh and blood of those moments which once were here but are now only memories. As such, it provides the reader, within the range allowed by competent and verified sources, with an accurate approximation of the past, which is the concern of history. To write this kind of history requires a disciplined imagination and the ability to write with lucidity and with literary freshness. History thus conceived is a creative endeavor. The ordeal of the historian begins not with its scientific aspects — the spade work and the cataloguing of what may be termed facts — but with its artistic aspect Having gathered his materials, the historian views and reviews his facts with feeling, nay, with passion, and tries to visualize them in such a way as to fit each of them into its proper place or setting in the narrative. It is in the review of his facts that the historian employs the historical imagination to the fullest extent allowed by his sources. One might say that the facts are conditioned by the historian’s imagina- were yD » oe ge. Oe mete &tion, and the imagination is conditioned by the facts. The two are inseparable and ‘one cannot be wrenched from the other without seriously affecting history as a finished product. Interpretation, which is an aspect of historical imagination, bears upon the facts in such way that the latter becomes the tool, not the matter, of the historian. This is obviously shown when two or more historians, given the same set of facts, arrive at different conclusions or offer different interpretations. On the other hand, imagination not based on facts, or on fringes of facts, is wild and does not legitimately form any aspect of the historical imagination. It is in this area of the imagination where the historian is less fortunate than his literary colleague, whether the latter is a poet, a dramatist, or a fictionist. The creative writer’s imagination is free to roam snd to explore the conscious and the subconscious, or even the unconscious, without being questioned as to its basis in actuality. Thus, a fictionist may not use actual incidents or happenings to weave a plot for a novel or a short story. Or he may use actual incidents as the cove of his plot but modify them — adding here, suppressing there — in order to suit his literary purpose. Nobody questions him regarding the veracity or actuality of the incidents he narrates in his story. This kind of freedom is not vouchsafed the:historian, for his imagination, unlike the literary imagination, is fettered by the facts of the actual events. Any deviation from’ actuality would inevitably transmute history into imaginative literature, Sods val ogt a te 904 wee, & Wee Croodiond Wort ON 7” or Ihave been taught in college that imagination should not be fie «ty service of the historian and tha{the historian’s task was — and is — the narration of events without any embellishmeM-“Let the facts speak for themselves.” I was wamed by one of my professors who in his day was famous for being the author of a little book on Philippine history which we used in the Seventh Grade. Looking back at those days, I cannot help feeling that with all his learning my former professor had a narrow view of history. History as actuality is partially recaptured by the historian through a careful and judicious use of data. Since history-as a species of writing isa re-creation of the-past, as much as the available and verified facts allow, itis certain that written history can approximate the past only if the historian is endowed with a lively imagination which recaptures, even in capsule form, the color, the atmosphere, the action of past actuality. I said that past actuality can be recaptured only partially, for the function of the historian is not to narrate every event that happened to every man every day of his life. To do so is not only to fall into absurdity but also to perform Sisyphus’s task. It is for this reason that thereismo such thing.as: complete history. To say, as some book reviewers do, that a certain history book is the most complete is to be stupid. There is not even a complete history to speak @lf. docounls only does the histcrian choose his facts out of the innumerable fact; history, but also because no man or superman can ever hope to rgad even one fialf of all available documents on any particular subject. eee e . imagrahon sack for other gealeS expenenes coincides with the fact. Clack et oe onl wgHistorical imagination has several aspects each of which is relevant to and necessary in the partial re-creation of the past. Barbedillo, Joharna Wace M. Let me begin with what may be termed imaginative understanding. When a historian has finished gathering his data of facts, he does not immediately piece them together in chronological or topical order but studies them thoroughly and intensely in order to go into or to participate in thie events or in the lives of men he intends to write about. This is the kind of immersion that the historian undergoes before sitting down to write. In the explanation of men and events it is not enough to rely on documents, for documents, while important, leave out many things that men did, said and thought. They are the bones of history, but the flesh and blood must be supplied by the historian through the judicious use of his imagination. Thus, while the documents are silent on why General Emilio Aguinaldo, afier coming to terms through Pedro A. Paterno, with Governor General Fernando Primo de Rivera in the now historic Truce of Biyak-na-Bato, continued to harbor revolutionary ideas and, in fact, kept the truce money for purposes other than those contemplated in the agreement, one is nevertheless led to the conclusion, on the basis of Aguinaldo’s actions, that he i Spanish promises. The conclusion is arrived at through f Aguinaldo’s psychology and the antecedeni T z amsfances. Without this imaginative understanding, it would be impossible for any historian to communicete with Lis subjects and, ultimately, to re-live the past. The historian, therefore, must exert serious efforts to understand the mind and character of the person he is to write about if he is to make the portrait of the man as close as possible to the original. In the words of Cambridge Professor E.H. Carr, “Historycannot be written unless the historian can achieve some kind of contact with the “t, of those about whom he is weriine” ynderstanding The historical-understanding that establishes contact between the historian and his subject has its basis in logical imperative, which is to say, that the imagination is anchored not upon some personal fantasy or whim, but upon a . reasoning that issues from the nature of the subject under study. Thus, Aguinaldo, who had experienced Spanish duplicity before, could not help suspecting inwardly that the Spanish authorities, by offering money to get rid of him, had no intention of keeping his promise. He might have been wrong in his suspicions, but this is beside the point. What matters is that by his actions Aguinaldo showed he had no SEL Cam. I hat is Histors? (London, Penguin Books, 1964), P: 24:intentions of abiding by the agreement he concluded with Primo de Rivera through Paterno. He did not intend to honor the agreement because his previous experience with the Spaniards gave him a warning signal, so to speak, not to rely on promises. The question may be raised whether an event or a man’s action may warrant two or more interpretations by the use of historical imagination. If so, would not this aspect of historical imagination be a liability rather than an asset in writing? The answer to the first question is yes, to the second, no. It is a truism that no two historians, confronted with the same set of facts, would arrive at exactly the same interpreta- tion. The reason for this is that historians differ as much ia their personality as in their background and mental makeup. Consequently, their interpretations differ from each other, even assuming that they employ the same aspect. of historical imagination. The beauty, not necessarily the validity, of their interpretations also varies in proportion to their ability to write effectively and clearly. As to the validity of their interpretation no same person would be so rash as to arrogate to himself the exclusive authority to determine which interpretation is valid, for the validity of an interpretation lies not so much in the stated or yiven facts as in the temper and mood ofa particuiar period. Which is also saying that each generation writes its own history and contributes its own interpretations which are different from those of the preceding generation. It is for this reason that’ what is valid today may not be valid tomorrow, or what may not be valid today may be valid in the succeeding era. Since history is continually being rewritten by successive epochs, it follows: that there cannot be any finality in historical conclusions. There is another aspect of historical imaginations which the British interpolation.” philosopher-historian, R.G. Collingwood, called ? This is an insertion of statements between those made by a historian’s authorities or sources. Thus, for instance, a contemporary account may contain a statement to the effect that General Aguinaldo was in Cavite on such a day and in Biyak-na-bato on another day. Obviously, there is a gap between the two dates. It is in the use of this nagination that the historian inserts his own statements which the authorities or sources. Interpolation=reconstructs for example, the event or events that occurred between Aguinaldo’s stay in Cavite on a_ certain definite day and his arrival at Biyak-na-bato on another day, The reconstruc- : tion, in ye is not arbitrary in the sense that the interpolated material or statem he natural consequence of the evidence. Suppose we say that > ys tae S S Dont dizeapr t 4 Qe "3General Aguinaldo traveled on foot from Cavite to Biyak-na-bato. This interpolation is not arbitrary because experience and knowledge of the terrain show that it was impossible for any man to sail a ship or to ride horses since, according to contemporary accounts, Aguinaldo wanted his departure from Cavite kept secret, even from the townspeople along the route to Biyak-na-bato. The use of horses would have been foolhardy, for the movements of the revolutionists could not, in the circumstances, have been kept from the people along the route from Cavite to Biyak- na-bato. The use of a ship, on the other hand, is fantastic and belongs to that species of composition made famous by the Grimm brothers. On the other hand, it is not historical imagination to write, by way of interpo- lation, that Aguinaldo met this or that man and conversed with him for an hour or so. This is so because neither Aguinaldo nor the contemporary accounts mention such a conversation. Therefore any interpolation that is not necessitated by the evidence is not historical imagination but a literary one such as that employed by fictionists, poets, dramatists, and historical novelists. Allied to this aspect of imagination, but dangerous in practice, is the re- creation of atmosphere or setting. The difficulty of employing this aspect of historical imagination lies not so much in the absence of documentary evidence as in the lack of restraint on the part of the historian. His success in employing this device depends primarily upon prior knowledge of a particular scene in its historical setting. I[znorance of the setting should inhibit the historian from employing this device. The prime requisite, therefore, inthe successful use of this device or technique is prior knowledge of the scene not only at_a particular time; but-at subsequent times. In the Revolt of the Masses: The Story of Bonifacio and the Katipunan, | described the atmosphere that surrounded the Tejeros Convention of 22 March 1897, thus* The delegates, mostly belonging to the Magdiwang, lazily trooped that sultry afternoon to the spacious estate-house of Tejeros... They came from all directions: from Kawit, Noveleta and Imus to the north; from Tanza to the west; and from San Francisco de Malabon to the northeast. No contemporary account of the meeting of Tejeros mention the afternoon to be sultry, nor the directions the delegates took in going to the former friar’s estate-house. It was, however, 22 March and experience shows that late March in Teodoro A. Agoncillo, The Revol! of she Masses: The Story of Bonifacio and the Katipunan (Quezon City, University of the Philippines 1956), p. 208 uwyo the Philippines is the beginning of the hot season. As to the directions taken by the delegates, common sense tells us that no direction other than those mentioned could have been taken. If both instances, the imagination follows the logic of the situation. The absence, moreover, of any account, written or oral, about'a shower having fallen in the afternoon of that particular day justified my description. The same technique was used by Catherine Drinker Bowen in her celebrated biography of the great American jurist, Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes, Jr. She wrote:4 On the evening of her husband’s birthday — March 8, 1881 — Fanny Holmes brought outa bottle of champagne. She and Holmes drank it, toasting The Common Law, toasting its author. Draining his glass, Holmes picked up the empty bottle, carried it to the sink. He held’the cork a moment in his fingers, turned it over. Outside, March winds, whirling up the hill across the stones in Grany Burying Ground, shook the windows: And again: Holmes got his hat and coat. The two walked down the steps of Dane Hall, tuned left on Harvard Square toward the president's house. The sky was brilliant blue. Gusts of dry snow, blowing along tke bricks, touched their faces. It is obvious that Bowen used her lively imagination to re-create the local color ofa particular place and time which does not appear in any document or eyewitness account. One does not have to rely, however, on documents to show, first, that the month of March in the United States along the Atlantic seaboard is late winter or beginning of spring and that during this time of the year wind blows hard enough to shake the windows; and, second, that in December, the month of the second scene, snow falls on the ground. The author, then, is justified in recreating the atmosphere of the two scenes described above, because experience shows that winds and snow are invariably connected with winter. The use of this aspect of historical imagina- tion is important not only in literature, but also in history. For history is not: compilation of cut-and-dried facts and piled one on top of another, but a recreation of what the historian believes to be significant events based notonly on documents, or first-hand accounts, but also on common experience. To the matter-of-fact writer of history whose imagination is either submerged or inhibited, such descriptive ‘atherine Drinker Bowen, Yankee from Olympus (Boston: Little Brown and Company, 1944), 284passages as Bowen’s are nothing but embellishments whose use is not only unjustified but useless. It is such beliefs as this on the part of a great majority of writers of history books that drove — and still drive — people to read fictionized 1 history or journalistic history, History, to -be-worthy of its name, must b written with imagination, with e and color as primary sources would allow. It is no ~ wonder that the best history books have been written not by candidates for a Ph. D. degree and by unimaginative chroniclers, but by writers with a sense of life — writers like James Gibbon, Theodor Mammsen, Thomas B. Macaulay, Francis Parkman, one of the greatest American historians: ..More than eight months had passed since the catastrophe of St. Joseph. The winter was over, and the dreariest of seasons had come, the churlish forerunner of spring. Around Saint Marie the forests were grey and bare, and, in the cornfields, the cozy, half-thawed soil, studded with sodden stalks of the last autumn’s harvest, showed itself in patches through the melting snow. Parkman’s beautiful description of the desolate scene is not based on any documentary evidence or eyewitness account, but anybody with a keen eye for detail cannot fail to note that the forests are grey and bare after winter and that in the fields such as those Parkman described one cou!d see the sodden stalks showing themselves through the melting snow. This is a common experience shared by most, if not all, Americans with two keen eyes, an experience that has not been changed by vicissitudes. A similar experience led George F. Kennan, an American diplomat, to describe vividly a World War I scene on the Russo-Finnish border that he did not actually witness or read from any first-hand account. On the last page of his book, The Decision to Intervene, he wrote: For an hour and a half Wardwell and Davidson sat forlornly on the rail- way ties of the little bridge... confined between the two strife-torn worlds of thought and feeling which no one had been able to hold together. This was a moment which, in view of the danger and strain and anxiety of the recent weeks, one had long looked forward; yet now that it was here it was like a death. The sky was leaden; a cold wind blew from the northwest. Kennan, “History as Literature,” Encounter. April 1959. p. 12.The wooden shelter on the Finnish side was deserted. Above, on the Soviet side, the figure of a Red Guard, rifle slung on shoulder, greatcoat collar turned up against the wind, was silhouetted against the low scudding clouds. The little stream, hurrying to the Gulf of Finland, swirled past the wooden pilings and carried its eddies swiftly and silently away into the swamps below. Along the Soviet bank a tethered nanny goat, indifferent to all the ruin and all the tragedy, nibbled patiently at the sparse dying foliage... Kennan did not actually witness the scene he described in his book; nor had he any documentary evidence to prove his statement about the cold wind blowing from the northwest, or that the greatcoat collar of the Red guard was “turned up against the wind,” or that a tethered nanny goat “nibbled patiently at the sparse dying foliage” and such other details of a winter scene near the Russo-Finnish frontier. To the unimaginative, Kennan is guilty of writing fiction into history. But let us hear Kennan’s plea. While admitting that he had no documentary evidence to support his vivid description, he was nevertheless familiar with the scene and, in fact, never saw such a scene in Russia without a nanny goat. He had crossed the same boarder at precisely the same time of the year several times and always saw that a goat was always tethered at the same place nibbling at the sparse foliage. Since sucha scene was — and is — constant, Kennan concluded that it could not have been otherwise. ‘Had=he=not been to Russia, and, more: explicitly, torthat particular place at that particular time, his description, no matter how vivid, would have bed invalids a historical construct. Constancy, or invariability, of a scene, therefore, isa primary factor to be considered in determining the validity or “historicity” ofa description. On the basis of this assumption, the last part of the following description cannot be accepted as valid:® On Easter Sunday, March 31, 152 attended by Magelia.:. " >j-! S'go, and their men ... The straight brown try of the palm trees stood around them like columns of a choir; through the dark: leaves the yellow sunlight fell in moving splashes on the vestmont of Rev. Pedro de Valderrama.... The people of the village stood at a respectful distance, watching breathlessly, their eyes bright with excitement. There was no sound but the voice of the priests; not a leaf stirred in the green forest. Ac ort ok 4 hidwions ee 3 ne Wann Ws wagner | Ss Bune is Wet penbined, * Gregorio F Zaide, Philippine History and Civilization (Manila, 1939) P04 Ons dvuron 5 I, mass was celebrated in Limasawa, ks 8Pigafetta, the chronicler of the Magellan expedition, is matter-of-fact on this point. The author of the preceding passage has definitely improved upon the ancient chronicler, I can believe, and accept, the description of the straight coconut trees and the sunlight falling “in moving splashes on the vestment of the Rev. Pedro de Valderrama” and that the people, naive and not surprisingly awestruck, were standing silently, “their eyes bright with excitement” — for after all, the Roman Catliolic Mass, the most poetic symbolism ever invented by the human mind, was a novelty to them. But I cannot accept the description that “there was no sound but the voice of the priest” and that “not a leaf stirred in the green forest.” The possibility, even the probability, of absolute silence is questionable, for it is a common experience that outdoors, absolute silence cannot be attained. Experience shows that even in a hot summer day in the Philippines soft winds blow and, blowing, rustle the leaves of trees. When, on top of this, one considers that the first Mass in the Philippines was said near the Limasawa beach, one is indeed constrained to reject the author’s description as invalid and, therefore, unhistorical. Here the author’s imagination passes from the historical to the artistic. There was a time, more than fifty years ago, when the writing of history was considered a science. The advance of the scientific spirit, particularly after Darwin, led to the adoption of the positivistic doctrine of the scientific method in history. Historical methodology was taught and studied with an enthusiasm that was worthy ofa scientist working laboriously in his laboratory to discover some law of Nature. The university classroom became the center of the “new” history whose orientation was based on absolute accuracy and narrow specialization. The obsession of the academic historians was the mechanics of history, and, thus obsessed they forget or deliberately submerged the equally important clement of art in history. The result was deplorable: while it led to more and more knowledge of the less and less, it also atrophied the artistic function of the historian. This, in-turn, vesulted in a plethora of unreadable and unread history books and dissertations which gathered dust in the stacks. I was one of those innumerable students who suffered from such books. It was only after leaving college that I began to study Gibbon, Mommsen, Prescott, Macaulay, Trevelyan, Parkman, and a few others who have made the writing of history an art. Mere reliable history books which have no art in them have their uses, but in the history of historiography they have very little, if any, value. The danger of overemphasizing the value of accurate but nevertheless dull and uninspired history books — or nonbooks — lies in this: that it tends to stifle the creative spirit of the student whose minds are drowned by facts ard facts and yet more facts without being allowed to weave them into an artistic whole. It is unwise, I suppose, to insist that the young students should be taught only how to gather facts, how to verify them, and how to string them together like beads of a rosary. It is equally important, to my mind, to develop. the student’s artistic sense. For history, inthe sense that. it is an accurate record and interpretation of the past, is more of humanities than of science. The only scientific part of history is that which deals with spade work and the sifting of facts; the rest belongs to the humanities. It is for this reason that I consider the discipline of history not a part of the social but of the humanities. Let me end by quoting two great historians, each a recognized master in his own field. Said Ernest Renan, the great French biographer of Jesus Christ: History is not one of those studies antiquity called umbratiles, for which acalm mind and industrious habits suffice. It touches the deepest problems of human life; it requires the whole man wiih all his passions. Soul is as necessary to it as to a poem or work of art, and the individuality of the writer should be reflected in it. George Macaulay Trevelyan, the brilliant historian of nineteenth century ‘Britain, wrote:? ..The poetry of history does not consist of imagination roaming at large, but of imagination oursuing the fact and fastening upon it.... Just because it really happened, it gathers around it all the inscrutable mystery of life and death and time. Let the science and research of the historian find the fact, and let his imagination and art mat:s clear its significance.