History, Material Culture and Auspicious Events at the Purple Cloud:

Buddhist Monasticism at Quanzhou Kaiyuan

by

Brian J. Nichols
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Doctor of Philosophy

APPROVED, THESIS COMMITTEE

Jeffrey J. Kripal, Chair

J. Newton Rayzor Professor, Religious Studies

x, C_
Anne C. Klein, Advisor
Professor, Religious Studies

RicharaXamith
George & Nancy Rupp Professor of Humanities and
Praressor of History

Smh-Shan Susan Huang

assistant Professor, Art History

Rice University

Houston, TX

April 2011
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 ABSTRACT

History, Material Culture and Auspicious Events at the Purple Cloud:

Buddhist Monasticism at Quanzhou Kaiyuan

Brian J. Nichols

Quanzhou Kaiyuan Monastery is an important Buddhist monastery on the

Southeast coast of China, in Fujian. It was founded in the seventh century and survives

with artifacts from every imperial dynasty stretching back more than one thousand years.

Today it is the home of more than eighty monks and the site of a vibrant tradition of

devotional life. The following chapters examine Kaiyuan monastery from multiple points

of view (time, space, inhabitants and activities, discourse and relations with the state) in

order to produce a multi-dimensional portrait considering the contributions of each

element to the religious and institutional life of the monastery. In shedding light on

monastic Buddhism in contemporary China, this study contributes to a small but growing

body of knowledge on the revival of religion in post-Mao China.

The study begins with a historical survey of the monastery providing the context

in which to understand the current recovery. Subsequent chapters chronicle the dual

interplay of secular and non-secular forces that contribute to the monastery's identity as a

place of religious practice for monastics, laypersons and worshipers and a site of tourism

and leisure for a steady stream of visitors. I survey the stages of recovery following the

Cultural Revolution (chapter four) as well as the religious life of the monastery today

(chapter five). Other chapters examine how material culture (chapter six) and memorials

to auspicious events and eminent monks (chapter seven) contribute to the identity of the

monastery. Chapters eight and nine consider how Kaiyuan balances demands to
accommodate tourists while remaining a place of religious practice.

111
For Jamie, Charles and William

IV
 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I want to first thank the late Roger Corless, an important condition of possibility

leading to my decision to study Buddhism at the graduate level; my study of East Asian

religions began with an undergraduate course at Duke with the always witty Roger. I also

wish to acknowledge Valentine Mudimbe, with whom I studied modern French

philosophy at Duke; he first encouraged me to pursue graduate studies.

I wish to thank my in-laws Yang Hongwei and Zhang Huailin for facilitating our

stay in China and introducing me to Vice Minister Yu Xianfeng ^ ^ i l i $ of the Fujian

Bureau Religion who first suggested that I visit Quanzhou to learn more about its diverse

religious heritage. This introduction and Mr. Yu's suggestion set in motion a five year

project, the fruits of which you are now reading. Mr. Yu provided the formal introduction

to Quanzhou Kaiyuan that enabled me to stay there and conduct research. I also wish to

thank the monks at Kaiyuan for hosting me and, at times, my family, especially the abbot

Daoyuan iSjC, and Fayi £fe—, Desheng Hi If- and Benzhi ^-%t-. My research in

Quanzhou was advanced by the monks at Kaiyuan as well as many other individuals

associated with the monastery and in the city of Quanzhou. Deserving special mention are

Huang Yushan ]IC3ILL| and Cai Qicheng H ^ M ; two dedicated enthusiasts for all things

Quanzhou Kaiyuan. I also thank layperson Dazhuo ;fc#tj in Beijing for his assistance in

translating the Kaiyuansi zhi I^JCTF^.

My research was funded by generous grants from the Fulbright Program and the

Asian Cultural Council and I am heartily thankful for their support. The Asian Cultural

Council funded three months of research in China and the Fulbright grant funded ten

months of research and four months of intensive language study at the Inter-University
Program for Chinese language studies at Tsinghua University (IUP ) in Beijing.

I would like to thank all my teachers at IUP, especially, Wang Qian Hifjf, Hua

Kuoman ^#|S)M and GongWei MM. and the director of studies Li Yun ^ $ E . I would

also like to thank the professors with whom I studied during the Summer Program in

Buddhist Studies sponsored by the University of British Columbia, Renmin University in

Beijing and Tzu-Chi University: Chen Jinhua, James Robson, Antonello Palumbo, Lothar

Ledderose and Tansen Sen. Each of these professors furthered my insight into the history

of Chinese Buddhism.

I also owe a debt of gratitude to Dr. Ven. Yifa for organizing the Woodenfish

Buddhism in Chang'an Summer Program of 2009. Participating in this program I met

many scholars conducting research on many aspects of Buddhism such as Mario Poceski,

Douglas Gildow, Brooks Jessup, Shi Huifeng, Justin Whitaker, Stephen Flanigan, Chin

Hock Lee, Peter Romaskiewicz, Shuman Chen and Chuanjue; they've all contributed in

some measure to my development as a scholar of Chinese Buddhism. We visited dozens

of Buddhist sites together and met with many monastic leaders; this provided me with

valuable comparative insights for my research.

Among the many individuals in China who assisted in this project in one way or

another I would like to mention Zhou Shurong JRJ^SS^ of the Fujian provincial office of

the Chinese Buddhist Association; Benxing ^'14, abbot of Fuzhou Kaiyuan Temple;

professors Li Minghuan ^®B%X and Zheng Zhenman fflMffli of the departments of

anthropology and history respectively at Xiamen University (Xiada) and Chris White, a

Ph.D. student at Xiada. I was fortunate to meet Kenneth Dean while we were both in

Xiamen and John Lagerwey in Hong Kong; they are two pioneers in the study of religion

vi
in contemporary Fujian and offered helpful advice and encouragement.

I thank Gareth Fisher for his assistance co-organizing with me a well-received

panel at the Montreal AAR (2009) on the Buddhist revival in contemporary China. I

benefited from the participation of Gareth as well as that of Thomas Borchert, Xiaofei

Kang and Charles Jones. It was also in Montreal that I met Mayfair Yang; I enjoyed and

benefitted from our conversations.

I would like to thank Stefania Travagnin for inviting me to co-organize with her a

panel on Buddhism in twentieth century China. I benefited from the feedback provided by

Jason Clower, Douglass Gildow and others in attendance at the History of Twentieth

Century China Conference in Philadelphia, 2009. Dr. Travagnin has also been kind

enough to read several of my chapters and offer helpful suggestions. Also reading parts of

the dissertation and offering their expert advice have been Eyal Aviv, Gareth Fisher and

my colleague from Rice, Jianying. I also thank the scholar of medieval Quanzhou, Hugh

Clark, for his reading and comments on my reconstruction of Quanzhou Kaiyuan's

medieval history. They have each contributed to making this a better dissertation. I also

benefitted from Dr. Nanxiu Qian's proofreading of an early section of my translation; her

approval gave me confidence to proceed.

I would like to thank my advisor, Anne Klein, and the other members of my

dissertation committee, Rich Smith, Jeff Kripal and Susan Huang, for the guidance they

have offered throughout this project. Their suggestions and advice have dramatically

improved this dissertation and all errors and problems that remain are solely the

responsibility of the author. 1 also thank the department of Religious Studies at Rice

University for its support throughout my graduate career. Many people have contributed

to my time at Rice both professionally and personally among whom I would like to

vii
mention Dr. Klein, David Gray, Dr. Kripal, William Parsons, Shi Jianying, Stephen Finley

and Benjamin Brochstein.

Last, and certainly not least, I'm grateful for the love and support of my family—

above all my wife, Jamie, who has remained a constant source of joy and support over the

course of my graduate career.

vm
 TABLE OF CONTENTS

Abstract ii
Acknowledgements v
Table of Contents ix
List of Figures x

1. Introduction: The Great Fruit Has Not Been Eaten 1

Part I - History
2. The Imperial Period: Patterns of Development 37
3. The Twentieth Century: From Promise to Chaos 135
Part II- Kaiyuan Monastery Today
4. The Post-Mao Revival: Stages of Recovery 184
5. The Religious Life of Quanzhou Kaiyuan 213
6. Cultural Properties: Inspiring Reverence and Civic Pride 268
7. Auspicious Events and Eminent Monks: Sanctifying and Branding Space 327
8. Revivalists and Curators: A Quest for Greater Autonomy. 367
9. Buddhist Monastery and Tourist Site: Negotiating an Identity. 393

10. Concluding Thoughts: Monasticism, Sacred and Secular 432

Bibliography 449

APPENDICES
I. Cosmopolitan Quanzhou during the Medieval Period 474
11. Translation of the Record of Kaiyuan Monastery (Quanzhou kaiyuansi zhi) ... 480
III. Images: monastery, monks, rituals, laypersons 571
 LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 1: The main gate 571
Figure 2: Outside the main hall on a lunar twenty-sixth 572
Figure 3: Interior of the main hall 572
Figure 4: Central Buddha flanked by Ananda (L.) and Sariptura (R.) 573
Figure 5: Sheng Guanyin at the back of the main hall (1711) 573
Figure 6: Kalavinka figures in the main hall 574
Figure 7: Kalavinka figures in the main hall 574
Figure 8: Hindu columns behind the main hall (Yuan dynasty) 574
Figure 9: Column detail: Krishna (Yuan dynasty) 574
Figure 10: Column detail: Shiva (Yuan dynasty) 574
Figure 11: Gilded Buddhas in the main hall 575
Figure 12: Sphinx and lion figures, base of main hall platform (Yuan dynasty) 575
Figure 13: Interior of the hall of the ordination platform 575
Figure 14: Phoenix figures above Lossana in the hall of the ordination platform 575
Figure 15: Apsara figure in the hall of the ordination platform 576
Figure 16: Two apsara in the hall of the ordination platform 576
Figure 17: Detail of Lossana base (Ming dynasty) 576
Figure 18: Lossana statue and base (Ming dynasty) 576
Figure 19: Naturally occurring image of plum blossoms in stone 577
Figure 20: Kalavinka decorating a monumental column in central Quanzhou 577
Figure 21: Woman kneeling with incense 577
Figure 22: Woman kneeling before the statue of Maitreya Buddha 577
Figure 23: Billboard about parenting with east and west pagodas in background 578
Figure 24: Billboard promoting culture as the key to economic development 578
Figure 25: Booklet commemorating the achievements of Quanzhou (1949-1959) 578
Figure 26: Many publication cover with pagodas as a decorative motif. 578
Figure 27: Quanzhou Electric Bureau and Kaiyuan monastery 579
Figure 28: Pagodas as viewed from West Street, 2009 579
Figure 29: The west pagoda as seen from the east pagoda 580
Figure 30: The east pagoda as viewed from the west pagoda 580
Figure 31: East and west pagodas 581
Figure 32: Sculpture of the monkey king (Sun Wukong) on the west pagoda (1237).... 581
Figure 33: Sculpture of Xuanzang with small monkey figure on the east pagoda 581
Figure 34: On his first outing Siddhartha sees on old man (east pagoda, 13* century).. 582
Figure 35: Sculpture on the base of the east pagoda (13th century) 582
Figure 36: DharmaHall and Scripture Library 582
Figure 37: Blood Sutra of Ruzhao (Yuan dynasty) 582
Figure 38: Inside the sutra library with the custodian monk, 2006 582
Figure 39: Tripitika written in gold (10th C.) 582
Figure 40: Kaiyuan's main courtyard 583
Figure 41: Southwest dharani pillar (946) 583
Figure 42: West dharani pillar (1008) 583
Figure 43: East dharani pillar (854) 583
Figure 44: Stupa erected in 1145 584
Figure 45: Stupa bearing inscriptions of the three treasures (Song dynasty) 584
Figure 46: Silk-burning furnace (Song dynasty) 584
Figure 47: One of eight Ming dynasty stupas 584
Figure 48: "Dharma world of the lotus-blooming mulberry" (main hall) 585
Figure 49: "Dharma world of the lotus-blooming mulberry" (2002) 585
Figure 50: "Lotus[-Blooming] Peach Tree Manifests the Auspicious" (2002) 585
Figure 51: Purple Cloud Screen 585
Figure 52: "Purple Cloud" (above main gate) 585
Figure 53: Detail: "Purple Cloud Screen" stone inscription (Ming) 585
Figure 54:The mulberry tree that has survived more than 1,200 years 586
Figure 55: The trunk of the mulberry tree, 2006 586
Figure 56: Statue of Huang Shougong in the Donor's Ancestral Shrine 586
Figure 57: Worship at the Donor's Ancestral Shrine, 2009 587
Figure 58: Portrait of Huang Shougong 587
Figure 59: Shrine case inside the Hall of Patriarchs 587
Figure 60: Kuanghu statue and Zhiliang's supposed full body relic 587
Figure 61: Portrait ofZhuandao in the Hall of Patriarchs 588
Figure 62: Photo of Yuanying (ca.1929) 588
Figure 63: Students attending class at the Kaiyuan school (ca. 1929) 588
Figure 64: The author with former mayor Wang Jinsheng and his wife, 2006 589
Figure 65: Stele record of Kaiyuan as a provincial level protected cultural relic (1963) 589
Figure 66: Kaiyuan as a site of important national cultural heritage (1982) 589
Figure 67: Ticket booth and sign for entrance ticket 589
Figure 68: Tour group examining the mulberry tree 590
Figure 69: Older men at tables near the east pagoda 590
Figure 70: Groups of exercisers in the main courtyard 590
Figure 71: Stone fencing along the southern perimeter of Kaiyuan 590
Figure 72: Monk patrolling for disturbances during recitation service (nianfo) 590
Figure 73: Fencing along the western edge of the monastery. 590
Figure 74: Morning service in the Dharma Hall 591
Figure 75: The abbot, Daoyuan 591
Figure 76: Morning service 591
Figure 77: Laypersons at morning service 591
Figure 78: Desheng making tea 591
Figure 79: Amonk reads scripture 591
Figure 80: Buddha recitation service (nianfo) in the main hall 592
Figure 81: Buddha recitation on lunar twenty-sixth of the month 592
Figure 82: The courtyard on lunar twenty-sixth 593
Figure 83: Crowds of worshipers on lunar twenty-sixth 593
Figure 84: Offerings on large tables on lunar twenty-sixth 593
Figure 85: Laypersons participate in release of living beings ceremony. 593
Figure 86: Release of living beings ceremony, 2006 593
Figure 87: The Release of Burning Mouths ritual (fang yankou), 2006 593
Figure 88: Ritual burning of offerings, 2007 594
Figure 89: Burning of offerings, 2007 594
Figure 90: Author with family and monks, 2006 594
Figure 91: Map of Quanzhou Kaiyuan Monastery 595

xi
CHAPTER ONE

Introduction: "The great fruit has not been eaten."

The Buddha Land of Quanzhou is truly full of old monasteries, but of

those existing more than a thousand years there is only one, the Kaiyuan
monastery—"The great fruit has not been eaten." Its reputation has not
declined, and those nostalgic for things old can still hear about and
experience it.'

Written in 1643 by Yuanxian ft'B;, a monk from Fuzhou's Yongquan Monastery

( TKM^F) on Mount Drum (Gushan S£LL|), this passage hails the longevity and greatness

of Quanzhou Kaiyuan Monastery. The enigmatic aphorism "The great fruit has not been

eaten" (Shuoguo bu shi W.^L'fiik) has been chosen by Yuanxian with care and warrants

closer examination. The line is taken from the Yijing H#n or Book of Changes and

appears in the exegesis of the top and only yang (unbroken) line of hexagram twenty-

three (bo pj,"peeling," "stripping," "splitting apart" or "flaying").2 The scene painted by

this hexagram is the end of autumn when all things are turning brown and dying and a

destructive storm blows in, tearing apart the trees of an orchard. Atop a lone damaged

tree is a large fruit left uneaten that is destined to fall and bring forth a new tree and,

ultimately, a restored orchard. That is the positive message of the top line referenced by

Yuanxian.

When the scholarly monk Yuanxian visited Kaiyuan at the end of the Ming

dynasty, it was emerging from a period of neglect, demise and occupation. He artfully

chose this image from the Yijing to suggest Kaiyuan's promise of revival after a century

1
Quanzhou Kaiyuansi zhi I 1 a (henceforth Sizhi)
2
Huang 2001 197-203
Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER ONE Introduction 1
of disaster. The poetic metaphor suggests Kaiyuan monastery re-emerging from the seeds

of its own fruit after a period of terrible neglect. Kaiyuan had suffered occupation and

mistreatment during the sixteenth century and was at last beginning to see signs of

recovery and new life. Yuanxian's image from the twenty-third hexagram was both poetic

and apt.

Yuanxian hailed Kaiyuan monastery as the oldest and one of the grandest

surviving monasteries in the region. More than three hundred and fifty years later, these

claims remain as true as they were in the seventeenth century. And Kaiyuan is once again

in the midst of period of restoration. Today's Kaiyuan is the largest monastery in the

region occupying about 19 acres (78,000 square meters) and supporting a community of

some eighty monks.3 In addition, it has buildings and artifacts from every imperial

dynasty since the ninth century of the Tang dynasty.4 While other Chinese monasteries

were left in ruins from a string of disasters stretching from the Taiping Rebellion of the

mid-nineteenth century through the Cultural Revolution of the mid-twentieth century,

Quanzhou Kaiyuan monastery has survived remarkably well. It was Kaiyuan's impressive

state of preservation that gave rise to my initial line of inquiry: what factors, I wondered,

had contributed to Kaiyuan's longevity? What was the nature of Kaiyuan's "great fruits"

that enabled it to survive and return to life as a center of Buddhist devotion in Communist

China? This line of questioning led to the desire to understand the many dimensions of

3
There are about eighty monks that permanently reside at Kaiyuan, while visiting monks can bring the
population close to one hundred. As of October 2007, Fuzhou's illustrious Yongquan monastery on
Gushan maintains approximately the same monastic population. Smaller temples m China may have only a
handful of resident monks, Nanputuo monastery m Xiamen, which includes an Institute of Buddhist Studies
(foxue yuan), on the other hand, houses some six hundred monks (Ashiwa and Wank 2006 337).
4
These properties include a Tang dharanT pillar (ninth century), early Song dynasty stupas (twelfth
century), monumental pagodas from the late Song (thirteenth century), sculptures from the Yuan
(fourteenth century) and a mam hall and statues from the Ming dynasty (seventeenth century) and the
Ordination hall, sculptures and bells from the Qmg (nineteenth century)
Brian J Nichols CHAPTER ONE Introduction 2
the monastery—religious, social, cultural, economic, political, historical and institutional.

This dissertation explores all of these dimensions and folds them into an explanatory

matrix which emphasizes two of these dimensions: religious and institutional. By

"religious" I mean to indicate the forms of doctrine and practice made manifest by

individuals in their actions or discourse. In addition, "religious" entails the manifestation

of doctrine and practice in the material culture of the monastery, for example, in its

memorials to the auspicious past and in literature produced by the monastery. The

exploration of these components will reveal their imbrication with social, historical,

cultural, political and economic realities.

By "institutional" I intend to indicate an organization or corporation dedicated to

acquiring and managing resources in the interest of self promotion and propagation.

Michael J. Walsh emphasizes this notion of institution in his study of medieval Chinese

monasticism: "A large Buddhist monastery was thoroughly institutional, that is, a social

and physical structure that defined, imposed, and maintained sets of social values, and

sought to acquire and distribute capital—economic, cultural, or otherwise—in a

competitive manner."5 Walsh does a good job of pointing out the importance of

accumulating wealth and how this was accomplished by exchanging merit (cultural

capital) for land etc. (economic capital). At the same time his argument, based on

medieval sources, tends to reduce monasteries to this institutional (competitive, wealth-

concerned) dimension. My presentation of Kaiyuan avoids this kind of reductionism by

portraying Kaiyuan as an organism with an institutional life and a religious life—an

entity of two fundamental orientations, religious and institutional. In the chapters to

5
Walsh 2010: 6.
Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER ONE: Introduction 3
follow it will become clear how the monastery has both dimensions. My central thesis is

that Kaiyuan negotiates a balance between these two demands by successfully deploying

monastic signifiers including devotional practice, material culture and auspicious events.

Both the religious and institutional natures of Kaiyuan monastery have been

conditioned by the particular circumstances of the post-Mao era and its historical

antecedents. This dissertation inquires into this historical background and finds that it is

marked by shifting relationships between the monastery and the Chinese state (both the

central state and its local representatives). This approach combines a diachronic view of

the monastery with a synchronic focus on "the present" (i.e. the post-Mao period).

The Post-Mao Revival of Religion

Quanzhou Kaiyuan's current revival began soon after the death of chairman Mao

in 1976. In December of 1978 at the meeting of the Third Plenum of the Eleventh Party

Congress Central Committee, Deng Xiaoping initiated the economic reforms that soon

led to the opening of cities and special economic zones along China's Southeast coast.

The first provinces opened were Fujian (across from Taiwan) and Guangzhou (across

from Hong Kong).6 Four cities in these provinces were designated special economic

zones in 1980, this included Xiamen, which is a one hour drive from Quanzhou. In

tandem with these economic measures, the repressive measures directed against religion

6
In 1979 four special economic zones are established on an experimental basis: Shenzhen/^!! Zhuhai W$i
and ShantouME^m Guangzhou province and Xiamen in Fujian The experimental nature of the zones
quickly faded as they met with rapid success and the model was eventually expanded across China's east
and southeast coasts
Brian J Nichols CHAPTER ONE Introduction 4
during the Cultural Revolution were repudiated and a form of religious freedom was

revived

The new religion policy was formalized in 1982 with the issuance of the

document On the Basic Viewpoint and Policy on the Religious Question during Our

Country's Socialist Period Commonly known as Document 19, this policy guaranteed

the freedom to believe or not believe in religion and the freedom to practice religion at

officially recognized religious activity sites (zongjiao huodong changsuo yk^i^^l^fiWC)

The five officially recognized religions are Buddhism, Daoism, Islam, Protestantism and

Catholicism and each of these has an official mediating association between it and the

state In the case of Buddhism this mediating agency is the Chinese Buddhist Association

{zhongguo fojiao xiehm, ^S^fefjcfefrz?; CBA) 8

The economic opening and the relaxing of controls against religious practice were

a boon to temples throughout Fujian and it has come to have the largest number of

Buddhist monasteries and temples in all of China 9 Quanzhou Kaiyuan, as the most

prominent monastery in an important home of overseas Chinese with links to Taiwan and

Southeast Asia, was quick to receive financial support from overseas Chinese to fund its
7
The germ of China's current policy on religion can be traced back to 1945 when Mao called for the
protection of the freedom of religious belief and disbelief (Welch 1972 2) Within two years of founding of
the People's Republic of China in 1949, Mao's notion of freedom of religious belief was articulated in
Article 5 of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC) which guaranteed the
freedom to believe or not to believe religious ideas The justification in the eyes of communist ideology
was that people were still backward and in a low stage of development and would leave religious beliefs
behind as they advanced in understanding (class consciousness) and technology (means of production)
(Welch 1972 3-4 ) It was pointed out that after thirty years of socialism in the Soviet Union there were
still remnants of the old religion, it was therefore unreasonable to attempt to wipe them out by force (Welch
1972 5) While this policy of tolerance (m a more restrictive sense than we're accustomed to think of)
abruptly ended with the onset of the Cultural Revolution in 1966, it was revived under the leadership of
Deng Xiaoping in 1979
8
Religious practices that fall outside these five official religions, such as folk practices and Falun Gong, are
in danger of being labeled superstitions which or not protected by the law or cults and prohibited Kaiyuan
monastery is an official site of religious activity and so is not affected by the same concerns
9
Ji Zhe 2004
Brian J Nichols CHAPTER ONE Introduction 5
revival. The precise nature of its revival will become clearer as one reads chapters four

through nine.

In shedding light on monastic Buddhism in contemporary China, this study

contributes to a small but growing body of knowledge on the revival of religion in post-

Mao China. In this introduction I will situate and describe the major components of my

project, introduce key terms, discuss sources and methods and contextualize this study

within relevant fields of scholarship. I will close with a brief synopsis of the chapters to

follow.

Object of Study and Themes

".. .it is only through particularity that we see Buddhism in action, and that
is usually the best posture in which to observe it."10

In short, the object of this study is a particular place—a large, famous, urban

Buddhist monastery in Southeast China possessing historic cultural properties. Each word

of description is important. If one were changed, the particulars of the religious and

institutional life, as well as the state of revival, would be different. Why that is so will

become clearer as we proceed, but for now, let's examine each of these elements

individually in an effort to get a better fix on the object of study.

"Large" means that historically it was among the largest monasteries (in terms of

size, land holdings and population of monks) in Fujian and today, as previously

mentioned, it is said to be the largest temple in a province of hundreds. It currently serves

10
Brook 2005:147.
Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER ONE: Introduction 6
as home to some eighty monks and can accommodate up to ten thousand visitors.

Smaller temples, which have long been in the majority, often house as few as two or three

monastics.

"Famous" is a reputation that Kaiyuan has enjoyed for centuries; today this

translates into a steady stream of visitors from all over China. Temples that are not

famous have neither the income nor problems associated with tourism and pilgrimage.

"Urban" indicates that it has always been in or near the middle of the city of Quanzhou.

In other words, it is not in the mountains or countryside where many famous monasteries

are, nor has it ever been. The history of the monastery has been linked with fortunes

(rising and falling) of the city of Quanzhou and the colorful history of this city will be

revealed in the next chapter. "Buddhist" draws attention to the fact that it is the religion

which is enjoying a relatively robust revival in its Han form, but one that remains under

close restraint and supervision in Tibet. It is a designation that invites us to inquire into

the nature of Buddhist practice represented by the monastery.

The word "monastery" translates si ^F, a word that is often translated as "temple."

I use "temple" when I wish to indicate or stress the non-monastic nature or features of a

si, such as its use as a museum or tourist attraction. I also use "temple" for a site with

only a few monastics or a shrine with no monastics. Thus I generally apply "monastery"

11
Local publications often tout it as the largest monastery in the region. The ten thousand figure is an
estimate based on the fact that some 3,000 visitors are known to fit comfortably along the central axis and
this leaves open two very large areas to the east and west, which could easily accommodate many more
thousands if necessary.
12
The Buddhist revival that is described here is thus focused on Han Buddhism Tibetan Buddhism has also
enjoyed gams in the post-Mao period, but it has suffered repressive measures that have not affected Han
Buddhism The rationale for the different treatment of Han and Tibetan Buddhists has to do with Chinese
fears of Tibetan independence movements One change is the requirement that monks be 18 to be ordained,
their monastic education used to begin as early as age 6 See Goldestem, Melvyn and Matthew Kapstem
(eds ) 1998 Buddhsim in Contemporary Tibet Berkeley University of California Press
Brian J Nichols CHAPTER ONE Introduction 7
to a Buddhist site that is tended by a sufficiently large number of monastics.13 The

differences between "monasteries" and "temples" suggests in miniature some of tensions

and contentions that will emerge as the story of monastic Buddhism in China unfolds in

the chapters ahead.

Monasteries deserve scholarly attention because they are the central pillar of

Buddhism in East Asia, the home of monastics, sites of education and libraries, homes of

artistic treasures and a gathering place for lay Buddhists and worshipers. In his

introduction to the recent volume Buddhist Monasticism in East Asia (2010), Harvard

professor James Robson states that:

It would be difficult to overstate the significance of monasticism within

Buddhism.. .Indeed, it is a topic that some might argue has been distinctly
understated given the central role that it has played throughout the
historical development, and geographic spread, of the tradition. ... If there
is one thing that we can say for certain about Buddhist monasteries and
monasticism it is that they warrant the sustained attention of scholars of
Buddhist studies, since what goes on inside and outside of their imposing
gates is of central concern to our understanding of Buddhism as it
functioned as a living religious tradition.14

Robson indicates the need for more studies of Buddhist monasticism and connects the

value of studying Buddhist monasteries to understanding how Buddhism functioned as a

living religious tradition. Robson is introducing a collection of essays on medieval

monasticism in China and Japan and he therefore writes "functioned" in the past tense

rather than in the present. This dissertation situates itself between the demand for more

13
There are many terms in Chinese that are generally translated as monastery, but they range in meaning
from a small private chapel to a large public monastery, a mountain hermitage to a busy urban temple. See
Robson 2010a 43-47 for a discussion of the meaning of si ^F and related terms If it is only a small
community of six or fewer monastics, such as one commonly finds at most si, in both urban and rural areas,
I tend to refer to it as a temple
14
Robson 2010a 2
Brian J Nichols CHAPTER ONE Introduction 8
studies of Buddhist monasteries to reveal their "occluded histories"15 and a demand for

more anthropological and historical studies of living religious traditions in China and

Fujian that the late great scholar of Chinese religion Michel Strickmann called for twenty

years ago.

Michel Strickmann recognized the religious importance of Fujian and suggested

that it holds the most promise for understanding Chinese religion be it Daoism, Buddhism

or folk religion. He wrote:

Sophisticated studies of the Fukinese cultural area may well have a

stimulating effect on sinology in general. They will certainly help clarify
the role of religion at the local level, and this in turn should aid us in
understanding the function of religion in Chinese history. ...Perhaps it is
the too frequent abstraction of sinology from living realities that in part
accounts for our backwardness in coming to grips with Chinese religion.
In the perspective of local society, religion has been the vital cohesive
force rather than an academic enigma.17

The phrase "Southeast China," which I used to locate my site, indicates Fujian, a

province famous for a rich and enduring religious culture. It is the home of the national

and transnational cult of virgin goddess of seafarers Mazu (promoted to Empress of

Heaven or Tianhou under the Qing).18 It is the home of the most vibrant traditions of

Daoist and folk religious practices. In addition, Fujian was one of two provinces first

opened to international investment. Fujian is directly across from Taiwan and the two

15
Robson2010a.l6.
16
Kenneth Dean was first to respond to his call, conducting early studies of Daoism m Fujian (Dean 1993,
1998).
17
Strickmann 1980" 248. When he spoke of the Fukinese cultural area, Strickmann meant Taiwan,
Malaysia and Indonesia which are home to significant numbers of immigrants from Fujian.
18
Mazu is the subject of many studies including James Watson (1985) and Mayfair Yang (2004), there is
much more research in Chinese
19
Many studies on Daoism by Kenneth Dean and John Lagerwey have been based in Fujian. See also
Stephan Feuchtwang's work on popular religion De Groot also conducted his groundbreaking research on
Chinese religion m Fujian
Brian J Nichols CHAPTER ONE Introduction 9
enjoy close historical links; the geographic and ancestral links have generated increasing

cross-straits exchanges. The wealth generated through the collusion of economic opening

and Fujian's many overseas connections has contributed to the revival of the region

economically as well as culturally and religiously. Kaiyuan as well as other monasteries

in Quanzhou have benefited from the economic growth of recent years. Popular religious

vitality is linked to economic prosperity in Fujian; when people do well financially, they

traditionally reward the local deities for what is perceived as their efficacious assistance.

The most direct benefit from economic growth has been financial support in the

form of donations and fees paid for ritual services. While an economic motive may

inform Kaiyuan's collection of donations it is also true that it is a means of provisioning

merit (gongde $}W) for Buddhists and spiritual efficacy (ling M.) and blessings for

worshipers. We will see that the monastery promotes a reputation for ling in part through

its memorialization of auspicious events associated with its founding (chapter seven).

Buddhism throughout Asia recognizes giving (dana) is as the first of the six or ten

"perfections" (paramita) to be cultivated by Buddhists. Lay Buddhists in particular

have made giving a core feature of their practice of Buddhism throughout Asia. The most

common form of charity is giving to the monastic community or Sangha which,

according to tradition, generates greater amounts of merit than other good works such as

social charity.21 The exchange of offerings for merit or blessings is an important feature

" The other five are ethics, patience, energy, meditative concentration and wisdom (prajfia)
21
Sangha can be used to refer to both laypersons and monastics (as in the fourfold sangha), but it is
commonly used to refer specifically to monastics, which is how I use the term here. For an excellent
discussion of the primacy of giving as means of generating merit in Burmese Buddhism see Spiro 1970
103-112
Brian J Nichols CHAPTER ONE. Introduction 10
of both the religious and institutional life of Buddhist monasteries; it may be

characterized as an exchange between economic capital and cultural capital.22

In order to understand the different forms of Buddhism represented by the laity

engaged in acts of patronage on one hand and those monks who are involved in higher

practices on the other we might borrow the distinction between nibbanic and kammatic

forms of practice suggested by Melford Spiro, in his study of Burmese Buddhism (Spiro

1970). Nibbanic indicates the search for release from samsara (the cycle of rebirth and

"redeath"), a form of "radical salvation" classically pursued by monks. Kammatic,

meanwhile, indicates a concern with good works (karma) and merit in order to receive a

higher, more comfortable birth (within samsara). Spiro describes this latter form of

Buddhism as a form of "proximate salvation" which helped spread the faith among the

masses.23 It is within the kammatic form of Buddhism that laypersons in China and

elsewhere engage in giving in order to generate merit in the hopes of being rewarded in

the future. Interestingly, the soteriological goal has shifted from seeking transcendence of

the world and samsara to seeking the more proximate goal of a higher birth within

samsara, which includes birth in heavenly realms. 4

Scholars and non-scholars alike may be found speaking about Buddhism, Chinese

Buddhism, Zen, Tantra and so on as naming coherent traditions that can be identified

The notion of cultural capital is, of course, adapted from Pierre Bourdieu Ji Zhe 2004 characterizes the
exchange as one between material capital and cultural capital (nt. 19) See also Walsh 2010.
23
Spiro 1970. Spiro identifies two other forms that I will not use here: Apotropaic (magical protection) and
Esoteric (related to alchemy and spirit worship in Burma). Kammatic practices are naturally part of the
salvic practice of "nibbanic" Buddhism; a distinction between the two is recognized m order to help
highlight different levels of motivation, marked by different emphases in practice.
24
At the same time, I do not wish to over-stress these differences, which indeed form part of a continuum
of practice Other scholars have tried to develop other means of distinguishing types of Buddhist practice
Reginald Ray, for example, m his study of Buddhist saints, has proposed a three-tiered model of
understanding Buddhism settled monastics, forest yogis and household believers (Ray 1994 433-447), See
also Yu 2001 198
Brian J Nichols CHAPTER ONE Introduction 11
with distinctive practices and goals—and they can. But it bears stressing that each of

these designations also accommodates divergent practices and goals. Atisa (eleventh

century) in his Lamp for the Path to Enlightenment {BodhipathapradTpa), for example,

speaks of three kinds of motivation (low, middle and high) which are marked by three

different goals (samsaric reward, self-liberation, global-salvation) met by different

practices or vehicles. The individual with the lowest form of motivation engaged in the

kammatic form of Buddhism, while the higher forms of motivation relate to the nibbanic

and, we might say, buddhanic forms of Buddhism. Monasteries accommodate monks of

varying motivations and talents and welcome patrons of varying interests and motivations.

The most visible manifestation of these different forms of Buddhism is in the economic

engine of the cash-merit exchange {kammatic) that supports the monastic order

{kammatic, nibbanic, buddhanic).

The monastery of this study is marked by the salience of its material culture and,

in particular, its properties of cultural heritage. Such elements of material culture have

played a prominent role in the institutional, devotional and ritual life of Buddhism in Asia,

but scholars have only recently began to make sustained inquiries into the material and

embodied dimensions of religion. Within the field of Buddhist studies the shift in focus to

material culture is evidenced by Gregory Schopen's pioneering work (1997, 2004),

Living Images by Elizabeth Horton Sharf and Robert Sharf (2001), John Kieschnik's The

Impact of Buddhism on Chinese Material Culture (2003) and Germano and Trainor's

Embodying the Dharma (2004). Kaiyuan's cultural properties have been instrumental in

securing state support for preservation and in making the monastery into a tourist

25
Buddhanic suggests Buddhahood (for all sentient bemgs) is the ultimate goal (the path of the
bodhisattva), rather than arhatiship (liberation from samsara) or (individual) nirvana
Brian J Nichols CHAPTER ONE Introduction 12
attraction Cultural properties and the deployment of space also serve to frame and

condition forms of religious practice and experience at the site I trace the historical

evolution of Kaiyuan's physical plant (chapter two) and reflect on the role played by

buildings and material objects in the production of religious and institutional space

(chapter six) 26

The work of David Morgan has been helpful in thinking about the place of

matenal culture in religion Rather than seeing it as opposed to belief, he seeks to reorient

our understanding of material culture in order to view it as an enabler and conditioner of

belief27 I see the turn towards greater appreciation of matenal objects in religion as a

means to draw attention to our embodied experience of the world and the way we learn

and know with our bodies and through contact with other material objects Temples and

monastenes are physical sites marked by the presence of material structures and sacred

objects, what roles do they play individually? Collectively? Institutionally? Religiously9

Expenentially? These are some of the questions that will be explored in chapter six

Twice-weekly one can witness a large gathering of lay Buddhists at Kaiyuan

being lead by monks in the most popular form of practice in Chinese Buddhism today

nianfo, which is reciting and/or remembering the Buddha's name 28 It is the central

practice of Pure Land Buddhism and the Buddha called to mind is the Buddha Amitabha

{Amituo fo), the Buddha of Infinite Life and Light In a previous life, this Buddha vowed

to bring all who called his name into his Pure Land once he became a Buddha He is said

to preside over the Western Land of Bliss (SukhavatI) and this is where the faithful hope

96
Henri Lefebvre has explored and theorized the social production of space (Lefebvre 1991)
27
Morgan 2010 7
18
See also Qm 2000 359ff
Brian J Nichols CHAPTER ONE Introduction 13
to be reborn with his assistance. Amitabha is thought to fulfill his vow by bringing those

who sincerely call his name at the moment of death into his Pure Land. Pure Land

Buddhism dominates Chinese Buddhism and is the form publically practiced at my field

site and the vast majority of Chinese Buddhist monasteries.

The key religious components that Kaiyuan shares with other Buddhist temples

and monasteries in China are those we have been discussing : ling (spiritual efficacy),

dana (giving) and merit (gongde) and nianfo ^IH(Buddha recitation/mindfulness). This

dissertation will explore their place in religious practice at Kaiyuan and in the

monastery's institutional structure. It will be found that these elements along with others

may be interpreted in different ways (e.g. nibbanic and kammatic). I refer to this as the

multivalence of Quanzhou Kaiyuan's monastic signifiers, that is, those elements which

signify Kaiyuan as a monastic institution. Signifiers refer to Kaiyuan's devotional

activities, material culture and memorials to auspicious lore; each of these is variably

interpreted by monks, laypersons, worshipers, tourists and officials. There are two

dominant interpretive schemes which generate the two principal views of Kaiyuan held

by locals and non-local visitors: tourist attraction and religious site. How these views are

generated and how Kaiyuan accommodates both views is a recurring theme of this

dissertation.

Sources and Methods

This study utilizes two general types of sources: 1. written, archival materials

including epigraphy and 2. a data stream collected from fieldwork including interviews,

field notes from observations, videos and photography. These two data streams feed into

two dimensions of this interdisciplinary dissertation: historical and ethnographic.

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER ONE: Introduction 14
 The most important textual source for the imperial history of Kaiyuan is the

seventeenth century Record ofQuanzhou Kaiyuan Temple (Quanzhou kaiyuansi zhi MjM

Jfjt^f-ife) by Yuanxian.29 The excerpt at the top of this introduction was taken from this

text and two of its four sections are translated in the appendix in full (buildings and

biographies). Composed by Yuanxian in 1643 (and re-carved in 1927), the Monastery

Record is divided into four sections: 1) history of the temple and its buildings, 2)

biographies of eminent monks of the temple, 3) literature associated with the temple

including inscriptions, and 4) economic information such as the lands owned by the

temple. °

Monastic Records (sizhi ^?M) such as this were compiled for many monasteries

during the Ming and Qing dynasties and serve as excellent and underutilized sources of

information about Chinese Buddhism. Monastery records, like mountain gazetteers

(shanzhi ill J&), are a form of historiographic literature that became popular at the end of

the Ming dynasty (early seventeenth century); they are a subgenre of gazetteers (zhi)

most of which deal with administrative regions such as sub-prefectures (zhou jM) or

districts (xian H). 31 Scholars working at the Dharma Drum Buddhist College in Taiwan

have recognized the importance of monastic records (or "gazetteers") and have digitized

The final character, zhi ,eJ,is commonly translated as "gazetteer." I choose to translate it here as
"Record," which is another meaning of the word zhi, because it does not have the same broad coverage of
features that mark gazetteers of place (difangzhi iifeTf/S.) such as prefectural or city gazetteers. It is, on the
other hand, a monastic record (sizhi T F S )
J0
Another name for Quanzhou which is used in the title of the text is Wenlmg 7m I t (thus, the Wenhng
Kaiyuansi zhi) The record contains 27,555 characters
31
The Zhongguo difangzhi zongmu tiyao ^ H i i f e ^ ^ g @ J t S (Jin & Hu 1996) lists 8577 gazetteers of
administrative regions (a number that excludes temple records and mountain gazetteers), Bigenheimer
2009 2, n 5
Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER ONE Introduction 15
237 of them to facilitate their use as sources for the study of Chinese Buddhism. Marcus

Bigenheimer, one of the project leaders, describes monastery records as "[ajmong the

most precious sources for the study of later Chinese Buddhist history."33 As written on

the website of the database these sources are "treasure houses containing topographical

descriptions, biographies, poems, maps, portraits, miracle stories and much more."34

Yuanxian's Record of Quanzhou Kaiyuan Monastery (hereafter referred to as the

Monastery Record) has been checked against and supplemented with Dagui's ^vzi

Biographies of Purple Cloud Bodhisattvas {Ziyun kaishi zhuan, %.is.Jf i ^ ) from 1348.

Dagui's text contains biographies of eminent masters associated with Kaiyuan temple and

was used by Yuanxian in his compilation of the Monastery Record.35 It may be classed a

part of genre of biographies of eminent monks (gaoseng zhuan iSffeK^); historiographic

in nature, the text is full of facts and legends associated with Kaiyuan's monks.

Kenneth Dean and Zheng Zhenman ffiM-ffll of Xiamen University have

painstakingly collected religious inscriptions from Fujian; I used their three volume

collection of materials from Quanzhou entitled Epigraphical Materials on the History of

Religion in Fujian: Quanzhou Region {Fujian zongjiao beiming huibian: Quanzhou fu

fence mM^^kW^L^.M'MJU^M).36 They looked for original inscriptions, but if

none were available textual sources were used. I consulted more than thirty inscriptions

32
The Dharma Drum database of monastery records or gazetteers may be accessed at
httpV/dev ddbc edu tw/fosizhi/#hs Marcus Bigenheimer's biographical research has counted 280 temple
gazetteers and he estimates that a complete count of sizhi could exceed 350 (Bigenheimer 2009:4).
33
Bigenheimer 2009 1.
j4
http //buddhistmformatics ddbc.edu.tw/fosizhi/
35
A second edition was printed in the Ming dynasty with information on eight additional masters, four
from the Yuan (including Dagui) and four from the Ming Reprinted in 1929 by the monk Chaochen l a ±
during the Republican Period (eighteenth year of Mingguo) at Kaiyuan Quanshui yixuan JF7C^./X—iff.
36
Published in Fuzhou by the Fujian Renmin Publishing House tfaWiK^ihf&li.
Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER ONE Introduction 16
in this collection which were directly relevant to Quanzhou Kaiyuan. The earliest record

of the monastery is an inscription by Huang Tao MM from the year 897 (not extant) and

there were several Qing dynasty inscriptions which helped fill in gaps in the monastery's

history since the Monastery Record ended at the Ming.

I consulted many other primary historical sources including Huang Zhongzhao's

jlrft 08(1435-1508) Gazetteer ofFujian {Bamin tongzhi A l * i i l ^ ) and the Hu Zhiwu #3

~/LM., Zhou Xuezeng M ^ H et al. edited Gazetteer ofJinjiang County (Jinjiangxian zhi

ll^XJI/ife) from 1830.37 Details about Kaiyuan's Republican era orphanage are taken

from two rare documents acquired over the course of my fieldwork from private libraries.

The first was written by Wu Zexu iJi^M in 1979, "A Simple History of Quanzhou

Kaiyuan's Children's School and Foster Care" (Quanzhou kaiyuan ertong jiaoyangyuan

jianshi M')'H J F ^ J L s i & ^ K f f l jfe.).38 The second is the Report on the First Class of

Students from Quanzhou Kaiyuan's Compassion for Children School (Quanzhou Kaiyuan

cieryuan diyijie baogaoshu M.')M3fj&M)L$%M^Mffi. pf45) compiled by Ye Qingyan

around 1929. These documents provided information about the Republican Period

charity and transnational funding networks that were part of Kaiyuan's response to early

twentieth century pressures to modernize that had caused Kaiyuan and other monasteries

to lose their income-producing lands (the traditional source of monastic wealth; see

chapter three).

37
The earliest known collection is the Qianlong edition of 1765, it was updated m 1830 (Daoguang period
of the Qmg) and printed (according to Ecke and Demieville) in 1866 The edition now available, which I
have, is a modern printed book in two volumes (1,870 pages) from 1989 This book, in seventy-seven
chapters, surveys the history, people, geography, weather, culture, customs and so on of Jmjiang county
which includes Quanzhou city
38
This is a typed report hand signed by the author (property of Huang Yushan JtzElil)
Brian J Nichols CHAPTER ONE Introduction 17
 My ethnographically acquired materials were collected over the course of four

trips to Quanzhou from the summer of 2005 to December 2009. I spent about two years

overall conducting research in China during that period, approximately seven months of

which were spent living on site at the monastery. The materials I collected include many

hours of informal interviews, dozens of hours of more formal interviews, more than 300

pages of field notes, about twenty hours of video and thousands of images. The

following discussion of method will shed more light on this body of ethnographic data

and how it was acquired and utilized.

Approach and Methods

I have A) consulted texts and epigraphy in order to understand the history of the

monastery and its patterns of evolution and B) conducted fieldwork consisting of

participant observation and interviews (open and closed, formal and informal) to

understand the recent history, current revival and the attitudes of the community toward

the monastery. The nature of the two streams of sources that I have utilized suggests the

interdisciplinary nature of this study. The disciplinary boundaries I most frequently

crossed were those between religious studies, history and anthropology.

Over the course of my research I became viscerally aware of the gap between

certain prescriptive accounts in Buddhist literature and the lived reality of the monastery.

I have made an effort to generate descriptive accounts collected through ethnographic

research in order to more faithfully reflect the lived reality of religion at the site. I was

initially interested in the doctrinal understanding of monks, for example, an interest that

is likely shared by most scholars of Buddhism. I found that questioning monks about

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER ONE: Introduction 18

Yogacara or even something as basic as the six perfections was usually a recipe for

frustration The vast majority of China's monks are neither scholars nor advanced

practitioners and possesses only a basic knowledge of Buddhist doctrine

John Lagerwey, a scholar of Chinese religion with joint appointments at the

Sorbonne and the Chinese University Hong Kong who has conducted research in China

for many years, offers such would be researchers the following propaeduetic "You do

not know the answers, you don't even know the questions " 39 It is an approach

particularly suited to fieldwork in contemporary China where phenomena are in such a

fast and, sometimes, radical, state of transition By remaining open to new research foci, I

was drawn to examine the phenomenon of tourism and the factors contributing to it such

as the temple administrative commission (chapters eight and nine) The administrative

commission was a factor that had emerged in listening to stories told by the monks I was

not looking for information about this, but it emerged as a key factor conditioning the

presence of non-monastic bureaucrats at Buddhist temples all over China and

contributing to a process I refer to as "museumificaction " The method of moving from

specific observations to more general conclusions is inductive analysis

I sought to understand the monastery, its historical trajectory and religious and

institutional life from the ground up I conducted interviews and collected data in an

open-ended, qualitative fashion4 and followed-up on points that were brought up by my

39
Talk given by John Lagerwey to China Fulbnght grantees in Hong Kong, April 2009 It is part of what
Kevin J O'Bnen calls a form of exploratory analysis that "tieats leseaich as an ongoing piocess and
emphasizes discovery lather than verification " O'bnen 2006 28 Foi exploratory analysis see Gerrmg,
John 2001 Social Science Methodology A Ci itical Framework Cambndge Cambiidge University Pi ess,
pp 231-232, See also Glaser, Barney G , and Anselm L Stiauss 1967 The Discovery of Grounded
Theory Strategies Joi Qualitative Research Chicago Aldme
40
There are several reasons that I did not attempt to collect quantifiable data, but fundamentally such an
appioach did not seive my goals In addition there are greatei lestnctions placed on formal surveys in
Brian J Nichols CHAPTER ONE Introduction 19
interlocutors. The flow of my research was thus intentionally colored and influenced by

the perspectives of my interlocutors and the impressions of my on-site observations,

especially those that were recurring.41

Along with being open to new angles, I also practiced empathy with my

informants; empathic understanding that was personal, cultural and historical in order to

give them a fair hearing without jumping to conclusions. Exercising empathy does not

mean becoming an advocate or an instrument in the rationalization of inconsistencies,

hypocrisies and failures, but it should include taking time to examine what may appear to

be instances of these and presenting them in the fairest, least tendentious light possible.

There is an additional challenge of which I became aware as I proceeded in my

research, namely that the accounts provided by interviewees could themselves include

prescriptive rather than descriptive information. I tried to balance these prescriptive

accounts with direct observation. It was important for me to live at the monastery, not in

a guest house at a remove, but in a room that lay between the abbot's quarters and the

rooms of two senior monks, in order to understand the texture of the religious and

institutional lives of the monastery. I ate with the abbot and the senior monks on a daily

basis and observed the comings and goings, was present for the elite visitors that arrived,

as travel plans were made and executed, for the crises that arose and the responses to

China, as well as moie oversight and individuals may be less reluctant to commit certain answers in
writing See Heimer and Th0gersen 2006
41
My use of the term "hardware," for example, to describe the current focus of recovery efforts is a word
used by my informants.
" As scholars we are wont to believe that we can speak objectively about phenomena, if not as an
omniscient third person observer, then at least, as it were, above the fray of private agendas This, of
course, is not the case, but we can remain self-aware and exercise vigilance, understanding our
situatedness This is lelated to what Gadamer calls the history of effect {wirkungsegeschichte) by which he
means how our understanding is historically situated and conditioned, and the importance of becoming
awaie of this in the interpretive 01 hermeneutic endeavor (Gadamer 1989: 298-301).
Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER ONE Introduction 20
them. The full access I enjoyed at the monastery enabled me to develop an unusually

complete picture of the life and functioning of the monastery. I even traveled with some

of the monks to the World Buddhist Forum in 2009 in Wuxi, Jiangsu.

I made two trips to Kaiyuan monastery in 2005 and 2006 in which I collected

material for exploratory analysis. I examined this material and formed an initial approach

to my subject; I determined a group of factors that appeared to be most relevant in the

identity of the monastery. In doing this I pursued lines of inquiry such as, "What did the

monastery possess that enabled it to survive the trauma of the twentieth century?", "What

internal factors condition life at the monastery? Its reputation?" After isolating the most

prominent characteristics of the monastery (people and their practices, material culture,

history, lore and state relations) I returned to Kaiyuan on two subsequent trips for follow

up fieldwork to explore these factors and confirm or modify my analyses.

When I initially turned to my ethnographic data, I was confronted with data that

fell into the messy interstices between popular and elite religion. On the one hand, the

monastery was an organ of official state-recognized religion in China, a formally

recognized Buddhist institution. Yet the monastery was visited daily by throngs of

incense-burning, prostrating worshippers whose devotions have more in common with

popular religious practice than with the ideals of monastic Buddhism. In addition, many

of the monks were fresh out of the village and had more in common with the older ladies

chanting Amitabha than the urbane monks who had graduated from university (one of

these monks is at Kaiyuan, the others I met at different monasteries). The heterogeneity

43
The access that I enjoyed was more than anything a result of my personal connections (guanxi) with
provincial authorities who made it possible for me to stay there and have unfettered access to the
monastery
Brian J Nichols CHAPTER ONE Introduction 21
of practitioners within the monastic grounds and within the population of monks exposed

the inadequacies of considering a monastery and its inhabitants solely as representatives

of an elite or official tradition. The monastery did represent institutional Buddhism, but it

accommodated a diversity of individuals, with a diversity of perspectives: monks, lay

persons, worshipers and tourists. The exchanges between these individuals and the life of

the monastery will be explored in the chapters to follow. What did they get from the

monastery? What did they contribute to its identity?

Scholarly Context

Scholars of Chinese Buddhist history can attest that the walls of

monasteries tended to be rather high, and the texts at our disposal rarely
afford an unimpeded look inside their gates.44

In terms of content and approach this study is situated at the intersection of

several lines of emerging research. One of these is a new field of research into the current

revival of religion in China, which is part of China's dramatic post-Mao reform and

opening. While several articles, monographs and edited volumes have been published on

the post-Mao revival of religion, to my knowledge there has yet to be published a

monograph dedicated to the post-Mao revival of Han Buddhism.45 To date there are only

book chapters, articles and dissertations available which treat the post-Mao revival of

Han Buddhism.

44
Robson 2010b 44.
45
There are three books on Tibetan Buddhism in post-Mao China, Makley 2007 , Goldstein and Kapstein
(1998) and Ester Bianchi (2001). Books on popular forms of religion include Adam Chau (2006), Jmg Jun
(1996), Erik Mueggler (2001), Wang Mingming (1997), Ole Bran (2003), Thomas Dubois (2005) and Guo
Yuhua (2000) On Daoism there is Kenneth Dean (1993, 1998) Studies of Catholicism by Richard Madsen
(1998) and Enberto Lozada (2001), on Islam by Dru Gladney (1996) Edited volumes on different religions
including Buddhism Yoshiko Ashiwa and David Wank (2009), Mayfair Mei-Hui Yang (2008), Daniel
Overmyer (2003), Julia Pas (1989) and Adam Chau (2011)
Brian J Nichols CHAPTER ONE Introduction 22
 Three recent dissertations that deal with post-Mao Buddhism are Qin Wen-jie's

"The Buddhist Revival in Post-Mao China: Women Reconstruct Buddhism on Mt. Emei"

(Harvard, 2000), Thomas Borchert's "Educating monks: Buddhism, Politics and Freedom

of Religion on China's Southwest Border" (University of Chicago, 2006) and Gareth

Fisher's "Universal Rescue: Remaking Post-Mao China in a Beijing Temple" (University

of Virginia, 2006). Qin's dissertation is a study of nuns on Mt. Emei. Borchert studied

monastic education in a Theravadin Buddhist community in China's Southwest and

Fisher studied the phenomenon of lay preachers gathering at Beijing's Guangji Temple.

None of these studies was thus of a Han Buddhist monastery (of monks) and none of

these depicted the life of the monastery in as much detail or depth as one will find here.

Qin's study of nuns on Mt. Emei revealed an inside look at life behind the

monastery walls and it has the most in common with my study; though the two remain

very different. Qin looks at the lives of the women who become nuns and examines how

they are transformed by their choices to leave home. My focus is much more institutional

in scope, designed to understand the organic functioning of the monastery and its

meaning and significance within the broader community. Another major difference

between Qin's study and mine is that her site was under the leadership of a nun of

considerable accomplishment in terms of doctrinal understanding and practice. While Qin

could explore such issues with her and her disciples, my site lacked such leadership and

discipleship.

Borchert looks at relations between the state and the Dai monks of his study and

examines how education contributes to their identity. All of these dissertations shed light

on various aspects of the post-Mao revival of Buddhism to which this dissertation will

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER ONE: Introduction 23

further contribute. While there has been a growing number of articles, dissertations and

book chapters dealing with Buddhism in contemporary China, it is important to note that

publications, such as textbooks, are still released which do not recognize the current shift

in policy in China and the growth of Buddhism that is underway.46 This dissertation

contributes to correcting the outdated perceptions that are still common regarding religion

in post-Mao China.

Related to the study of post-Mao religion is the study of lived religion. Text-based

research typically provides prescriptive accounts of the way doctrine and practice are

understood by the elite or idealized in some branch of canonical Buddhism. This

scholarship is valuable for its preservation and elaboration of the highest aspirations and

achievements of various religious traditions. Significantly, however, prescriptive

accounts are typically remote from the lived experience of the majority of Chinese

religious believers (those who live in or visit temples, burn incense, make donations and

so on). Buswell, whose Zen Monastic Experience was based on participant observation,

contends that the text-based approach that has dominated Buddhist studies has prevented

the development of other non-text-based approaches.47

Although many scholars have spent time in Asia, too often our research fails to

reflect the living religious environment one finds there. Text-based scholarship reflects

the tendency in Orientalism critiqued by Edward Said in which "abstractions about the

Orient, particularly those based on texts representing a 'classical' Oriental civilization,

46
We find, for example, "Although there are few Chinese Buddhist activities on the mainland, m Taiwan a
number of far-reaching Buddhist organizations have emerged . " in Prebish, Charles and Damien Keon
(eds.) 2007 Introducing Buddhism New York: Routledge. Textbooks, however, are catching up; the 2002
Oxford University Press textbook Buddhism Introducing the Buddhist Experience by Donald Mitchell, for
example, had no coverage of the contemporary revival, but the 2008 edition does.
47
Buswell 1992 11 BuswelFs body of scholarship is balanced by valuable translations such as those in
Tracing Back the Radiance (1991)
Brian J Nichols CHAPTER ONE Introduction 24
are always preferable to direct evidence drawn from modern Oriental realities "

Sounding this note, Stnckmann, somewhat acerbically, writes "Although many North

American Buddhologists (as they barbancally term themselves) enjoy long periods of

publicly subsidized residence in Japan, most seem to prefer the atmosphere of libraries

and language schools to that of the society in which they temporarily dwell Nor do

American university programs in Buddhist studies appear to encourage research and

fieldwork in the living Buddhist tradition, their neo-scholasticism excludes the

phenomenal world." Although I think the situation has improved since this was written,

with more scholarship exploring lived religious situations, it remains true that our

understanding of the lived practice of Asian religions remains less developed than our

philological studies This dissertation focuses on the phenomenal world and attempts to

bridge it with non-canonical textual sources. To understand the religious culture of the

majority of Chinese we must continue to supplement our philological studies with

descriptive accounts based on ethnographic research that provides details of religion in

practice. This dissertation hopes to contribute to this project.

The most relevant study of lived religion for my purposes is Adam Chau's

Miraculous Response, a study of popular religion in North China (Chau 2006) Chau

finds the popular explanation of the revival, namely that the Chinese people feel

"spiritually empty" after being let down by the Communist ideology, to be a misguiding

oversimplification. As an alternative, he seeks to lay out the many complex social factors

that have gone into the revival Chief among the factors is the belief in spiritual or

48
Said 1978 300, Buswell 1992 11
49
Stnckmann 1990 108, n 3, Buswell 1992 11

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER ONE Introduction 25

magical efficacy (ling). He points out that the miraculous responses are socially

constructed by actions which establish human-deity relations. These actions include

worship, building temples, organizing festivals, and many other activities related to the

revival of folk traditions and negotiations with the state—the actions are related to ling in

that they are meant to please the deity and therefore elicit his magical response. Chau

writes: "An adequate interpretation of popular religious revival has to take into

consideration all the different social actors' desires and actions."50 What Chau writes

about popular or folk religion largely applies to much of the "elite" tradition of urban

monastic Buddhism. Central in both traditions is the importance of ling or magical

efficacy in attracting worshipers and their donations. Ling is a central concept in Chinese

religion that has been identified as such by several ethnographers (Jordan 1972; Wolf

1974; Sangren 1987; Weller 1987; Lu 2005). It simply refers to the efficacy of a deity,

Buddha or Bodhisattva in responding to petitions and offerings. If the deity is found to be

efficacious then they will receive more donations (as repayment). In short, the success of

a temple is often linked to its reputation for magical or spiritual efficacy (ling). The place

of ling in the religious and institutional life of Kaiyuan will be a recurrent them in this

dissertation.

Another recent study of lived religion is Stephen Covell's examination of what he

labels "Temple Buddhism" in contemporary Japan (Covell 2005). He contrasts the

worldliness of the priests including the tourism at their temples with their rhetoric of

renunciation. Although his presentation is neutral, he resorts to using the terms "real" and

"authentic" employed by critics of Temple Buddhism to describe what it is not. In my

50
Chau 2006: 2
Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER ONE: Introduction 26
examination of the issue of tourism at Kaiyuan I present it from within the walls of the

monastery in a way that is missing in Covell. My study seeks to paint a more

comprehensive and balanced portrait of life at the monastery which includes accounts of

religious practice and tourism.

The concern with lived religion is related to the efforts to develop a re-description

of Chinese Buddhism by reaching beyond the canonical sources and master narratives to

local texts, material cultural and oral testimony(see Ng, Zhiru 2007:18-19; Sharf 2002;

Robson 2010b). This dissertation joins this trend by shifting the focus from doctrinal

debates to institutional practice, from the scriptural cannon to the use of non-canonical

gazetteers, epigraphy and oral history. This shift is made to bring in an alternative pool of

data on religion that will presumably enable scholars to develop a more rounded

understanding of religious phenomena. One sensitive to the lived realities of, in this case,

Asian Buddhists, but one could say the same for most religious traditions. I say all this, it

may be worth noting, as a scholar enamored with canonical depictions of Asian religions.

Within this important project of nuancing the older narratives here and

overturning them there, my dissertation breaks new ground by anchoring this study on a

single significant monastery, which I examine through time and from multiple angles,

rather than focusing, as is customary, on a single lineage, school, text or historic period.

Two previous studies of Chinese monasticism, which serve as the foundation for later

scholarly studies of the phenomenon, are Johannes Prip-IVMler's Chinese Buddhist

Monasteries (1937) and Holmes Welch's The Practice of Chinese Buddhism 1900-1950

(1967). Taken together these two texts provide an excellent overview of the monastic

layout, monastic architecture, the organization, duties and practices of monks, as well as

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER ONE: Introduction 27

much of the prominent statuary Both of these studies may be said to focus on what

Welch refers to as the "elite" or model monks and monasteries as opposed to the much

more numerous monks who lived at small hereditary temples.51 By Welch's estimate the

"model" monasteries constituted about 5% of the total Their goal was to present an

account of the ideal or model of Chinese Buddhist Monasticism This study presents a

multi-dimensional profile of an important monastery in all its particularity. It has much in

common with the models described by Prrp-Moller and Welsh, but details and

observations that neither was able to include because they did not engage m long term

fieldwork at a single active site. Welch, in fact, relied on interviews with refugee monks

in Hong Kong and elsewhere. While material culture is examined by Pnp-Moller, his

approach is strictly descriptive and neither of these foundational studies analyzes the role

of auspicious events, ling, sacred space, tourism and commodification which are

prominent features in the life of many monasteries. Nor do they take a long historical

view such as that which is taken here.

Monasteries have long been the central pillar of Buddhism throughout Asia and

focusing on the life a single prominent monastery through time presents a portrait of the

Chinese Buddhist experience from one monastery's perspective James Robson has

recently written about the lack of scholarly attention paid to monasteries which he

contrasts with their importance withm Buddhsim. In addition he points out that the

representation of Chinese monasteries as numinous sites in historical texts remains a

51
Welch 1967 3-4
57
Welch has a brief section on examples of extra wage-earnmg techniques, but doesn't examine the
question of commodification (Welch 1967 329-334)
53
Robson 2010a 2
Brian J Nichols CHAPTER ONE Introduction 28
"significant gap in our understanding of Chinese Buddhist monasteries." Chapter seven

of this dissertation takes as its focus the memorialization of eminent monks and

preternatural events associated with Kaiyuan and discusses how they contribute to

Kaiyuan's identity as a numinous site and tourist attraction—multivalence at work.

Robson's essay points out that "some of the underrepresented characteristics of

monasteries found in contemporary local sources include a focus on setting (natural

landscape), the structure (architectural elements), the contents (relics, statuary, paintings,

powerful deities), and the history (eminent monks associated with the site, key political

recognition) of those sites."55 My research confirms that these are features that are

prominent not only in the literature associated with the monastery past and present, but

also in the experience of the monastery by monks and visitors.

One of the few exceptions to the lack of attention paid to Buddhist monasteries as

sacred sites is an article by Susan Naquin's on Beijing's Tanzhe Monastery, which makes

for an interesting comparison with my analysis of Quanzhou Kaiyuan.56 She notes how

religious and secular values were fused in the depiction of Tanzhe's sights, but she

doesn't perceive or attempt to analyze the way in which these different factors appeal to

different groups of people, those attracted to the religious values of the monastery and

those by its secularly informed historical and cultural value, which is what I do. My

analysis works with a similar set of observations, but I draw a different, and, perhaps

more precise, set of conclusions. My conclusions are that the diverse factors which

M
Robson2010b:47-48.
55
Robson2010b:44.
56
Naquin 1998.
Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER ONE: Introduction 29
combine to encourage patronage and protection do so by appealing to both religious and

secular interests, to revivalists and curators.

Thesis Summary

All Buddhist monasteries, if they are to survive, must tend to the institutional

demand to accumulate capital in a systematic way. The basic mechanism for the

generation of Sangha-supporting income has been the exchange of merit (religious

capital) for personal property (economic capital). Successful monasteries must tend to

economic and political realities; taking care of these demands is, in large measure, what I

refer to as the institutional dimension of a monastery. Apart from this is the religious

dimension, which is the monastery's raison d'etre. My thesis is that Kaiyuan negotiates a

balance between the demand to be a self-perpetuating institution and the requirement to

serve as a site of religious cultivation by successfully deploying monastic signifiers

including devotional practice, material culture and auspicious events. Each signifier is

variably interpreted by monks, laypersons, worshipers, tourists and officials. There are

two dominant interpretations which generate two dominant narratives for Kaiyuan today:

tourist attraction and religious site.

Quanzhou Kaiyuan monastery has become a thriving Buddhist monastery in

contemporary China because it has successfully promoted qualities that appeal to both

secular and religious forces. The secular and religious interest generated by cultural

properties, memorials to auspicious events and devotional activities, has effectively

served to fashion Kaiyuan's dual identity as a functioning Buddhist monastery and a

popular tourist attraction. I demonstrate that while such a dual identity is common

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER ONE: Introduction 30

among Buddhist temples, there are degrees of museumification and degrees of restoration

of religious practices that are conditioned by various factors. One of the key factors is the

extent to which secular authorities are responsible for the administration of a site.

Kaiyuan presents a healthy balance between tourism and religious practice, in part,

because the current abbot has fought to achieve greater autonomy for the sangha.

While tourism can negatively impact the environment for religious practice, it

should not be portrayed simply as a force of corruption at odds with the religious pursuit,

as is typically presumed. Monasteries have been sites of leisure and retreat throughout

history and many individuals are attracted to monastic life by visiting Buddhist sites.

Furthermore, I demonstrate that the possession of qualities which have attracted

curatorial interest and tourists are the same factors that were instrumental in safeguarding

Kaiyuan during the Cultural Revolution and have been essential in the rebuilding and

restoration of countless monasteries and temples in China.

While other monasteries, such as Hebei's Longxing Temple, have survived intact

with valuable cultural properties, they do not survive as centers supporting the sangha

because they have fallen under the management and domination of secular authorities.

This dissertation has provided a means for distinguishing monasteries that may be

economically successful but lack infrastructure to cultivate religious practice from those

that are successful both as institutions and as places of religious practice. I develop a

notion of three axes (foundational, physical and functional) around which Kaiyuan has

successfully distinguished itself as a living sacred place. My analysis of Kaiyuan in this

manner provides a model for determining to what extent other monasteries and temples

may be considered sacred sites that promote religious activities. At the other end of the

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER ONE: Introduction 31

spectrum is the tourist temple that has been incorporated into disenchanted modernity.

These may have once been sacred sites, but they are no longer sites of living religiosity

(at least not as I define "religiosity" in this dissertation—e.g. chapter nine). The factors I

present as contributing to religiosity at Kaiyuan provide a framework for analyzing other

temples or monasteries to determine how well they may or may not accommodate

religious cultivation. My analysis of Quanzhou Kaiyuan suggests how a balance between

religious practice and tourism may be achieved, a balance of relevance for religious sites

in all traditions, in all places. My very particular study thus provides findings of

relevance for other monasteries in China and, more generally, for sacred sites.

Chapter Summaries

The chapters of this dissertation examine Kaiyuan monastery from multiple points

of view (time, space, inhabitants and activities, discourse and relations with the state) in

order to produce a multi-dimensional portrait anchored around considerations of their

contributions to the religious and institutional life of the monastery. This study begins

with a historical survey of the monastery providing the context in which to understand the

current situation. What unfolds throughout the subsequent chapters is the dual interplay

of secular and non-secular forces that contribute to the monastery's identity as a place of

religious practice and tourism. Kaiyuan proves to be a site where many perceived

dichotomies intersect. Some of the dichotomies that Kaiyuan resists are: sacred/profane,

religious/secular and elite/folk. Also challenged is the notion that commodification and

tourism are necessarily forces of corruption. If they are, one wonders where and when

Buddhist monasteries were not corrupt?

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER ONE: Introduction 32

 Narrating Kaiyuan's history from its founding in the Tang Dynasty to the end of

the Qing dynasty, chapter two surveys more than twelve centuries of history. This chapter

introduces the characteristics of the monastery and the story of its evolution so as to

provide a perspective on the most recent period of revival. Strong patterns that emerge in

this survey of imperial history are patronage by elites, architectural evolution and

government involvement (both supportive and repressive).

Chapter three continues the historical survey of Kaiyuan by focusing on a

tumultuous twentieth century. This chapter covers three distinct developments in

Kaiyaun's confrontation with China's project of modernity and secularization: social-

engagement and globalization in the Republican period and the "curatorial turn" during

the Maoist era. The curatorial turn sets the stage for the survival of Kaiyuan's material

culture during the Cultural Revolution and globalization aided the post-Mao recovery.

Chapter four traces three stages of the post-Mao recovery of Kaiyuan: laying the

groundwork with the help of Zhao Puchu, full restoration in time for a visit by Jiang

Zemin and the era under Daoyuan's leadership. This chapter details the focus of

Kaiyuan's restoration efforts on Kaiyuan's "hardware" (building-restoration, eviction of

non-monastics, re-population of monastic bodies). There has been a clear lack of stress at

Kaiyuan on the revival of traditions of education or training in meditation; this is true for

most temples and monasteries in China today, but not all.

While chapters two through four are historical in nature and present a diachronic

(through time) view of developments at the monastery, the next five chapters, five

through nine, present essentially synchronic (with time) analyses of features of the

monastery in order to understand the nature of its current revival. Chapter five surveys

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER ONE: Introduction 33

the religious life of Kaiyuan monastery. This chapter uses a person-centered approach to

understanding religiosity and identifies three groups of religious actors at Kaiyuan:

monks, laity and worshipers. The characteristic religious behavior of each group is

examined and biographies of five monks are provided. All of this material together

presents a portrait of religious life at Kaiyuan today, a mixture of "elite" and "popular"

beliefs and practices.

Chapter six examines major components of Kaiyuan's material culture. I look at

the monastic space in a composite manner as well as individual items of cultural heritage.

I examine the role played by material culture in the religious and institutional life of the

monastery. I propose that material culture conditions the religious and aesthetic

experiences of visitors. I also analyze mayor Wang's protection and introduce the

concepts of reverence and civic pride to explain how cultural properties inspire protection

and preservation by participating in two distinct circuits of synergy related to worship

and tourism.

Chapter seven examines how auspicious events associated with eminent monks of

the past are memorialized at Kaiyuan and how these memorials serve to mark the space

as sacred (sanctification) and also provide imagistic nicknames for Kaiyuan (branding).

As were cultural properties in chapter three, memorials to auspicious events are shown to

contribute to Kaiyuan's revival by appealing to both religious and secular interests. Most

importantly, however, these memorials promote Kaiyuan as a site of spiritual power

which in turn attracts greater numbers of worshipers seeking to have their petitions

answered by Kaiyuan's Buddhas, Bodhisattvas or generic sacred powers.

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER ONE: Introduction 34

 Chapters eight and nine focus on recent events at Kaiyuan monastery and provide

a unique window into the current revival of Buddhism in China. Chapter eight examines

Kaiyuan's efforts, under the leadership of Daoyuan, to achieve greater autonomy from

agents of the state, the "curators." This struggle is set in the broader context of the

Buddhist revival in China and introduces comparative data which enables us to appreciate

Kaiyuan's position among its peers. I introduce the concept of "museumification" to

describe how Buddhist temples have been converted into museum-like spaces to varying

degrees in contemporary China. While Kaiyuan is a popular tourist destination, it has also

succeeded in negotiating an identity which leaves a space for living religious practice.

Chapter nine examines Kaiyuan's dual identity as a tourist site and Buddhist

monastery. I focus, in particular, on the problems associated with tourism and the issue of

commodification. I point out how Kaiyuan has limited the presence of vendors,

maintained distinct borders and buffers and maintained regular daily services and twice-

weekly nianfo sessions. These factors and others, I argue, account for the preservation of

a distinctly religious atmosphere at Kaiyuan that provides opportunities for religious

cultivation. Commodification, if skillfully managed, can be used to support religious

practice. Like tourism, commodification is not inherently at odds with the religious

pursuit. Evidence suggests that tourism and commodification have been dimensions of

large monasteries in China for centuries.

The conclusion, chapter ten, reviews the themes of Kaiyuan's religious and

institutional life and considers the nature of Buddhist monasticism in contemporary

China. The conclusion also considers the contributions of this dissertation to the study of

Chinese Religion, Buddhist Studies and the study of material culture and religion.

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER ONE: Introduction 35

 Without further ado, let's commence our journey by turning to the first twelve

centuries of the Dharma World of the Lotus-Blooming Mulberry.

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER ONE: Introduction 36

CHAPTER TWO

The Imperial Period: Patterns of Development

Quanzhou Kaiyuan is today, as it has been since its founding, the largest Buddhist

monastery in Quanzhou: it occupies the most expansive grounds, houses he largest

number of monastics and boasts the oldest and most valuable buildings and antiquities.

The Kaiyuan monastery of today is predicated on more than 1,300 years of history.

Traces of these 1,300 years of history remain present at the monastery in the form of

buildings, artifacts, trees, inscriptions and stories that are told by tour guides and

residents. In order to appreciate these features of the monastery one must have an

understanding of their history. This history, punctuated with miraculous events, strewn

with cultural properties and dignified with eminent personages, serves as the source of

the monastery's distinguishing features which have been instrumental in securing its

longevity and reputation. This chapter provides the chronology and historical context in

which these features developed; this, in turn, supplies a framework for understanding the

current conditions (political, economic, social) governing revival.

The present and the following chapter examine the history of Kaiyuan monastery

during its imperial and post-imperial periods respectively. Each chapter surveys the

periods for patterns as well as for singular events of lasting consequence with an eye to

revealing the historical texture of the monastery so that the reader may better understand

not only what a Chinese Buddhist monastery is, but what kinds of information was

considered important by compilers and authors of records such as gazetteers and stele

inscriptions. The present chapter sketches the history of Quanzhou Kaiyuan monastery
from its founding in 686 to the end of imperial China in 1911, a span of more than 1,200

years. This history is presented chronologically in six sections: 1. The Tang, 2. The

Interregnum, 3. The Song, 4. The Yuan, 5. The Ming and 6. The Qing. Each section

relates major developments at Kaiyuan monastery and aims to place this information

within the wider context of Chinese Buddhist history.

The primary source used in this compilation of Kaiyuan's history is Yuanxian's

seventeenth century Record of Quanzhou Kaiyuan Monastery {Wenling kaiyuansi zhi). I

have also cross-checked this source with Mengguan Shi's ^ U K (a.k.a Dagui)

fourteenth century Biographies of Purple Cloud Bodhisattvas, it was one of the primary

sources used by Yuanxian in his composition of the Kaiyuansi zhi. These sources were

supplemented by municipal, prefectural and provincial gazetteers and inscriptions.

Among the gazetteers consulted were the eighteenth century [Daoguang] Jinjiang County

Gazetteer {Jinjiang xianzhi), the eighteenth century Quanzhou Prefectural Gazetteer

{Quanzhou fuzhi) and the twelfth century Gazetteer ofFuzhou {Sanshan zhi).

Epigraphical sources include steles from the Tang, Ming and Qing dynasties and in situ

inscriptions from the Song, Yuan and Qing dynasties. Some material on the late Qing

comes from oral interviews with antiquarians and amateur historians in Quanzhou.

Information from interviews was cross-checked with inscriptions or other archival

materials to the extent possible; if I have used material that was difficult to corroborate

this will be noted.

The diachronic perspective employed to relate history in this chapter will reveal

patterns of growth and periods of contraction, times of inspired leadership and times of

neglect. Holmes Welch, in his pioneering surveys of modern Chinese Buddhism, has

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER TWO: Imperial History 38

termed such patterns of decline and renewal the "monastic cycle "' The nadir of the cycle

occurs when a monastery's buildings have fallen into a state of disrepair and most of its

monks have dispersed Restoration (chongxing M^4) typically begins with the

emergence or appointment of a capable monk who leads the material and moral renewal

of the monastery with lay and monastic support While cycles of decline and renewal are

evident in the history of Kaiyuan, these cycles are far from even or regular

Closely related to patterns of decline and renewal are the mter-related themes of

elite patronage and state involvement (both supportive and regulatory) The Chinese state

has always considered the regulation of religion as one of its tasks State policies and

their implementation have variously promoted and expanded the monastery on the one

hand and suppressed its growth or activities on the other This chapter will reveal the

ways that patronage and neglect are related to broader economic, social and political

conditions As those conditions change we witness corresponding shifts in the evolution

of the monastery I refer to this as continual modulation and track the modulation of

Kaiyuan's physical plant and monastic population As this chapter traces Kaiyuan's

imperial period history the contours of elite patronage, state involvement and continual

modulation of the monastery will emerge m greater relief

The six chronological divisions of this chapter exhibit similar, though not

identical, organizational structure Each section begins by relating the history of the

monastery in relation to political and cultural developments of the time both within the

empire at large and locally, within Fujian and Quanzhou This is followed by an account

of the founding of new structures as well as the repair and rebuilding of structures at

' Welch 1968 87-90

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER TWO Imperial History 39

Kaiyuan; in some cases this material is woven into the treatment of local history since

local leaders were often important patrons of Kaiyuan. This, in turn, is followed by an

account of notable monks of Kaiyuan during the age in question.

The patterns and themes that emerge in the history of Kaiyuan monastery as well

as unique and salient developments provide a context in which to understand its survival

and current restoration. The diachronic portrayal of the current chapter will serve as a

framework for the synchronic analysis of features of the contemporary monastery in

chapters five through nine.

THE TANG DYNASTY

Founding and Early History MJZS$IM£:

In lunar February of 686 (the second year of Chuigong) during the Tang
dynasty, citizen Huang Shougong H ^ # had a dream while napping. A
monk begged to have his land for a temple. Mr. Gong said, "Should my
trees bloom white lotuses, I shall concede." Pleased, the monk thanked
him and suddenly disappeared. Two days passed and the mulberry trees
really bloomed white lotuses. The local authorities considered this an
auspicious story and asked to build a place for practice (daochang M$fr).
The empress granted permission and named it "Lotus Flower." The monk
Kuanghu M.ffi was asked to serve as abbot.2

The well known legend cited above relates the story of how Quanzhou Kaiyuan

monastery was established when Huang Shougong M^^fc (629-712) donated his

mulberry orchard to the monk Kuanghu M. J/3 after the mulberry trees miraculously

bloomed white lotus blossoms. While the blooming of lotuses in mulberry trees

2
Sizhi I.la-b References to the Quanzhou Kaiyuansx zhi withm the body of this text will be abbreviated
Monastery Record and in the notes as Sizhi
3
At this time during the Tang dynasty peasant families were assigned on average about 13 5 acres per
couple with more land allotted for children This was done so as to provide a fair basis for the per capita tax
system "Only one-fifth of the allotment could be held permanently, usually as a mulberry orchardfor silk
culture; the remainder of the land had to be returned to the government in case of death, or the cultivator's
exceeding the given age limit" (Morton and Lewis 2004 95, emphasis added) This leads me to suspect
that Mr. Huang may have been a rather average land owner in his day, a point that has not been suggested

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER TWO Imperial History 40

challenges our rational sensibilities,4 there is no reason to doubt the historical veracity of

a land donation to establish a monastery in 686 (or 687) C E 5 It was at precisely this

time that the conversion of private estates into monastic estates had became so

widespread that emperor Xuanzong, in 713, issued a decree to curtail the practice When

the monastery was founded at the end of the seventh century it was located on what was

then a sparsely inhabited frontier coastal plain between the Luoyang /IrPB and Jm Rivers

"BF£1 7 The settlement was not yet called Quanzhou, nor was the monastery called

Kaiyuan When the local authorities petitioned Empress Wu Zetian SiJilll^ (r 683/90-

705),8 an ardent patron of Buddhism, to establish a monastery, she consented and dubbed

in other literature Dates for Elder Huang are from the The History of the Purple Cloud Huang Clan of
Xiangtang [Putian] (Ziyunxiangtang huangshi zupu ^^MMM^M1^, Wl^^MMXi$> TJUH , fflf^
^ , 1 9 8 4 p 280, personal copy of Huang Yushan H 3 L L I | )
4
The interpretation and use of the story of mulberry trees blooming lotus blossoms will be examined in
chapter five
Historical records (gazetteers, inscriptions etc ) agree on the timing (686) and the name (Huang Shougong)
of the donor, e g Quanzhou fuzhi book 16 18a-b, Jinjiang xianzhi 69 1650, Bamin tongzhi 1160, Huang
Family History 275-286 The earliest source, an 897 inscription by Huang Tao Mte, however, suggests a
date of one year later Huang Tao's 897 Quanzhou Kaiyuansi fodian beiji M)W JF7C^Fl$f£6$l3("Steie
record of the Quanzhou Kaiyuan Monastery Buddha Hall") suggests a the year 687 (the third year of
Chmgong) Huang Tao was a poet and official who composed many inscriptions glorifying the works of
Wang Shenzhi This inscription, preserved in the Quan Tang wen 4=rJHX("The Collected Works of Tang
Literature"), includes exaggerations and other suspect information to be mentioned in the discussion of the
Five Buddhas in the Main Hall below so it is not clear that it reflects a more accurate date despite its
greater antiquity The inscription may be found in Dean and Zheng 2003 4-6, Inscription #4 While the
Bamin tongzhi A K i i l ; agrees that the founding year is 686, rather than designating this as the second
year of Chmgong, it records the date as the third year of Sisheng H1= of Tang emperor Zhongzong M^TK,
while Sisheng's reign began in 684 it lasted less than a year, being deposed by his mother, the later
Empress Wu in favor for his younger brother Ruizong See also Wang 2008 11, nt 21
6
The emperor's decree forbid princes, dukes and other landowners from presenting petitions in their own
names for the transference of their own lands to be used as monasteries or monastic estates See Gernet
1995 122
7
The "Hills and Rivers" chapter {Shanchuan pian ill Jl| J§) of the Gazetteer of Quanzhou Prefecture
(Quanzhou fuzhi MJWJfi*) relates a legend that claims the Jm River was named for the Jin T=r dynasty by
those who settled m the region of Quanzhou fleeing the collapse of the Jm dynasty as it fell to Northern
nomads m the fourth century See Cheng 1939 9 who argues that archeological finds support this legend
It should also be noted that the Luoyang River may be seen to be named for the Jin capital of Luoyang /§
m
8
Empress Wu was the only woman in Chinese history to assume the title of emperor It was suggested that
she was an incarnation of the Buddha Maitreya by the monks Huaiyi and Falang in their translation of and
Brian J Nichols CHAPTER TWO Imperial Historv 41
it the "Lotus Flower Temple" in commemoration of the incredible appearance of lotus

blossoms in Mr. Huang's mulberry trees.

The monk Kuanghu was asked to serve as the first abbot and he immediately set

out to build a main hall. Tradition holds that as the main hall was being built a purple

cloud was seen hovering over the area. Recognizing this as an auspicious sign, the hall

was nicknamed the "Purple Cloud Hall" and the monastery itself became nicknamed the

"Purple Cloud." The main gate, referred to as the threefold gate (sanmen H f l ) , 9 was

built the following year, in 687. That same year Kuanghu built the Venerated Site

Cloister (zunsheng yuan W-W$fc) which contained his living quarters. The cloister

would have also contained a shrine to the land where the monastery was built. Within two

years, then, Kuanghu had established three structures that formed the initial nucleus of

the monastery: the main gate, the main hall and the Venerated Site Cloister.

The Kaiyuan JFTU period of Emperor Xuanzong which lasted from 713 to 741 is

noteworthy in religious history. It was during this period that the first Daoist cannon was

compiled as well as the catalogue of Buddhist translations in China up to that time, the

Kiayuan shijiaolu Jf 7C##j(£i compiled by Zhisheng H? # in 730. u It was at this time,

commentary to the Mahamegha Sutra (Great Cloud Sutra JKTXH). Considered apocryphal by many
scholars, an earlier and "undoctored" version at Dunhuang suggests there was a Sanskrit original. See Nmg
2004' 114. On Empress Wu and her relations with Huaiyi etc. see Forte 1976. For more on Empress Wu
see Guisso 1978 It was also Empress Wu who invited the important Chan monk Shenxiu ? $ ^ (6067-706)
to the capital at Luoyang. McRae points out that the support and reverence given to Shenxiu by the
empress made it possible for the preservation of Shenxiu's teachings, making Shenxiu the earliest historical
figure in the Chan tradition of whom we possess a detailed record of his ideas (McRae 2003: 46-53)
9
At other monasteries it may be called a "mountain gate" shanmen ill fl
10
1 have translated zunsheng W& as "venerated site," since the cloister was built m the place where lotus
are said to have miraculously bloomed in mulberry trees. I would like to point out that it could be
translated as "great" or "honorable" "victory" as the phrase is used to translate the Sanskrit term vijaya
11
It was also the time of the compilation of the Tang dynasty code of rituals, the Da Tang Kaiyuan Li ~%M
Jf TC^L completed in 732 See McMullen 1987 for a discussion of the background, contents and legacy of
the Da Tang Kaiyuan Li

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER TWO Imperial History 42

also, that Tantra took imperial China by storm. Tantnc master Subhakarasirnha (Shan

wuwei # ^ 5 ^ : , 637-735) arrived in the capital of Chang'an -fe;£c (today's Xi'an ]5;$c) in
17

716 and became the national teacher. Not long thereafter, the central Asian Tantric

master Vajrabodhi (Jin'gang zhi ^R'J^ 1 , 671-741) and his student Amoghavajra (Bukong

^ F S , 705-774) brought esoteric teachings to the Eastern capital of Luoyang V&PB.13

Noted for his dedication to Daoism, Emperor Xuanzong also expressed interest in Tantra;

in 726, Emperor Xuanzong requested Vajrabodhi to conduct Tantric ceremonies to bring

rain, and, in 746, sought Amoghavajra's ritual assistance for victory on the battlefield.14

In a move that would ultimately cause the name of this vibrant era to remain in

circulation up to the present, Xuanzong ordered each prefecture to have a monastery

named for the current period, that of Kaiyuan.15 In 738, then, our monastery received the

name by which it has been known since, Kaiyuan monastery. As part of their

responsibility to the Emperor, Kaiyuan monasteries were to hold national ceremonies

such as that marking the emperor's birthday, services on the fifteenth day of the first,

seventh and tenth months of the lunar year and memorial services for deceased

emperors.1 Charged with responsibilities to honor the emperor, Kaiyuan was sent a

buddha statue by Emperor Xuanzong himself; for reasons to be discussed below I take

this statue, installed in Kaiyuan's main hall, to be that of the Buddha Vairocana.
12
For his biography see Chou 1945. 251-272, reprinted in Payne 2005 39-47
13
Stnckmann 2002 228-229 Vajrabodhi, a native of South India, reached Canton by sea in 719. For
biographies of Vajrabhodhi and Amoghavajra see Chou 1945 272-284, 284-307 reprinted m Payne 2005.
47-60
14
Ebrey and Gregory 1993 2
15
According to Chou Yi-hang the Empress Wu had ordered the establishment of temples in each prefecture
and capital named "Great Cloud" (dayun ~J\TX) in 690 and it was these that were changed to Kaiyuan m
738 (Chou 1945 nt 47 p 293) Whilethismay true, there is no record of Quanzhou Kaiyuan having been
named "Great Cloud "
16
In prefectures which maintained a Longxing monastery, the ceremony for deceased emperors would be
held there rather than at the Kaiyuan Chen 1964 223

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER TWO Imperial Histoid 43

Although this statue has long disappeared a stone inscription hangs above the door of the

main hall today which reads "Buddha statue bestowed by the emperor" (yucifoxiang t$P

JIM)- 17
While Buddhism enjoyed imperial patronage throughout much of the Tang

dynasty, it was also during the Tang that it was suppressed with great force by Emperor

Wuzong MtTF. (r. 841-846) who led the Huichang Persecution of Buddhism z?l!£fe)*t

from 841 to 845. The Huichang Persecution dealt Buddhism a crippling blow. The

conventional narrative of Chinese Buddhist history claims that the development of

Chinese Buddhism reached a climax during the Tang dynasty marked by vibrant doctrinal

and institutional developments that dramatically Sinified Buddhism. This apogee, so the

narrative holds, collapsed in the Huichang persecution of 845; the widespread laicizing of

monks and destruction of monasteries and texts is said to have "damaged the Buddha

sangha permanently."18 Both theses, that of the permanently damaged sangha and the

Tang Buddhist apogee, are problematic, especially with respect to Fujian. While the

synthesis of Indian materials may be seen to have reached a climax in the Tang, it is far

from evident that Chinese Buddhism reached its "golden age." Scholars are now taking a

closer look at the Song dynasty which brought about a level of maturation in Buddhist

thought and practice that may well turn out to be as important as the doctrinal and

The date of this inscription is not known but I believe it to be from the Yuan dynasty as that is when we
have recorded of a list of six unique sites being articulated, one of which is the "imperially-bestowed
Buddha image " Furthermore it is in a different style that other Ming dynasty sculptures at the Mam Hall It
appears to have been saved from an early building and incorporated into the Ming building. It was present
when a survey of antiquities was conducted in the early years of the People's Republic, but it was not listed,
Wang Hanfeng 3HSW, notes its origin is unknown (Wang 2001 5)
18
Ibid 226-233 On the year 845, Chen says, "That year is therefore a pivotal date, marking the end of the
apogee and the beginning of the decline of the religion " Ibid.: 232

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER TWO Imperial History AA

interpretive accomplishments of the Tang, vying with the Tang as a "golden age" of

Chinese Buddhism.19

Buddhism in Fujian certainly remained vibrant from the end of Tang rule in

Fujian in 879 until the closing years of the Yuan dynasty (1280-1368); if Kaiyuan temple

enjoyed a golden age it was during the 500 years between 850 and 1350. Kaiyuan's

properties were spared in the Huichang Persecution because Kaiyuan, as the official state

monastery in the prefecture of Quanzhou, was protected. As Fujian absorbed Buddhist

refugees from the North and more monasteries were established, cloisters were

established at Kaiyuan to accommodate masters and their disciples. The first two were

the Western Arhat Cloister and the Eastern Vinaya Cloister. In 865 a wooden pagoda was

built in the eastern part of the monastic grounds and named"Country Stabilizer"

(Zhenguo K I 5 ) by Emperor Yizong M.7F.. Although Kaiyuan's east pagoda would go

through several transformations over the next four hundred years, it had been established

and would retain the imperially bestowed name of zhenguo.

Quanzhou Kaiyuan's first two hundred years were a period of continual growth

and development. During this period Kaiyuan produced structures and cultural properties

that remain part of its identity today, namely, the mulberry tree, the east pagoda, the main

hall, the gate, a sutra library, and the mummy of master Zhiliang ^ ^ , one of three

eminent monks from this period.

Zhiliang also known as the Bare-shouldered-monk (Tanbo heshang ?_!|ltf0 fn]),

thought to have been an Indian, is reputed to have possessed the power to bring rain. His

mummified corpse, said to remain at Kaiyuan monastery, was known for its spiritual

19
See, for example, Gregory and Getz 2002: 1-6; Ebrey and Gregory 1993: 20-22; McRae 2003: 119-121.

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER TWO: Imperial History 45

power. Quanzhou's port was already involved with maritime exchanges with South India

and the presence of Indians in Quanzhou is therefore plausible. Kuanghu, the founding

abbot, is said to have strictly adhered to the vinaya and to have lectured to large crowds

on the Sutra of Maitreya's Ascent to Tusita Heaven (Shangsheng jing _L^£i£5) during

summer retreats. Wencheng, who built the first East pagoda, had established a reputation

as an imminent monk before being invited to Kaiyuan. He was principled and kept to

himself; contented with chanting the Diamond Sutra (Jin'gang jing ifeHlJIr), he did not

venture out, nor did he handle money.20

THE P O S T - T A N G I N T E R R E G N U M
Expansion under Wang Family Patronage |J£| tfi^ie

"In days of old this was a Buddhist kingdom, the streets were full of sages."21

How did Quanzhou and Kaiyuan monastery fare in the turmoil that accompanied

and followed the dissolution of the Tang dynasty? They both thrived. With the fall of the

Tang and the ascent of Wang 3i family rule in Fujian, Quanzhou and Kaiyuan monastery

began their climb to national and ultimately international distinction. The Wang family's

generous patronage of Buddhism established Buddhist monasteries as the most important

institution in Fujian apart from the state and secured Quanzhou and Kaiyuan monastery

as centers of Buddhism in China. The Wang family, according to the twelfth century

See biography #2 m the appendix for more on Wencheng

21
Cidi gu chengfoguo, manjie dou shi shengren ittifeblSM^S, MISKIIi&A. This couplet about the city of
Quanzhou is attributed to Z h u x i 7 ^ it is inscribed on boards which hang in front of the mam hall and
inside the mam gate (san men) of Kaiyuan monastery.

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER TWO Imperial History 46

Sanshan zhi, built 267 Buddhist temples in Fuzhou alone. In addition they had

hundreds of Buddhist images cast, thousands of volumes of scripture copied, and oversaw

the ordination of thousands of monks over the course of their sixty-odd years of rule in

Fujian from 884 to 945. The Song dynasty Neo-Confucian scholar Huang Gan M^fc

(1152-1221) reported that, "After the Wang's entered Fujian belief in Buddhism became

extremely enmeshed in the culture, Fujian abounded with temples and pagodas, more

than anywhere under heaven. Inside peoples' homes were wooden statues and portraits of

Buddha and the items one would find in the halls of a temple inside the living room.

People carried out morning and evening worship with diligence."24 One would have to

survey records for other provinces to assess the extent to which Huang Gan was

exaggerating, if at all, when he said that since the Wang family patronized Buddhism in

Fujian, the province came to have more temples than anywhere; as for Fujian, I have

counted 4,521 Buddhist temples, cloisters and nunneries in the fifteenth century gazetteer

of Fujian, the Bamin tongzhi—no small number.25 Given the importance of their

patronage of Buddhism and Kaiyuan, I will review the establishment of rule by the Wang

family in Fujian, with special mention of the prefects Wang Yanbin 3 £ J 2 ^ and his

father, Wang Shengui ZE^iP, who, according to our records, are Kaiyuan's first great

patrons after Mr. Huang.

22
Liang Kejia $k^M~, writing in the twelfth century, counted a total of 781 temples in Fuzhou at the end of
the interregnum, a number including an additional 221 temples built immediately after Wang family rule.
(Chunxi) Sanshan zhi 33:2a
23
884 is the year that Wang Chao entered Quanzhou, laid siege and ultimately gained control of the city
and served as prefect From 944-945 the Empire of Mm collapse and most of the Wang family was
eradicated Thus my years for Wang rule in Fujian- 884-945.

M&^kZ-WM. (Huang Gan, Mianzhayi 37.17)

25
1 suppose there is a margin of error (I counted "by hand"), but no more than +/- 100. According to my
count there are 1,928 Buddhist temples (TF), 1,604 cloisters or shrmes {$%), 124 nunneries (/SK or JSTF),
865 nunneries (M) listed in the Bamin tongzhi

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER TWO Imperial History 47

 Arriving in Fujian in 884, Wang Chao with his forces successfully laid siege to

Quanzhou, captured and beheaded Liao Yanrou and declared himself prefect.26

Buddhism was well established in Quanzhou and it may have been reasons of political

expediency that led Wang Chao and his brothers to patronize Buddhism in Quanzhou and

at Kaiyuan monastery in particular. Regardless of his specific motivations, Wang Chao

sponsored the copying of three thousand volumes (Juan ^ ) of the Tripitika (dazangjing

~^MM.) for Kaiyuan's Sutra Library.27 The fact that Wang Chao's contribution to

Kaiyuan was a sutra library rather than a statue, pagoda or cloister, suggests a dedication

to learning that marked the development of Quanzhou during the interregnum. John

Chaffee has suggested that the phenomenal success of Quanzhou in earning jinshi

degrees throughout the Song, was built upon "not merely a tradition of government

service but also an unusual commitment to classical education during the Min period, a

widespread willingness to assume literati lifestyles and values."28 Wang's choice of gift

may be read as an indication of such dedication to learning that put Quanzhou on its path

to remarkable scholarly success for several centuries to follow.

Wang Chao died January 2, 898 and Wang Shenzhi took over leadership of the

kingdom of Min. Shenzhi was a great patron of Buddhism in Fujian and is credited with

extravagant support of Buddhist monasteries. The biography of Shenzhi's nephew Wang

Sima Guang's Zizh tongjian tells the story of the Wang family's journey from Henan refugees to
dominance of Fujian The narrative contains a tradition that elders of Quanzhou requested Wang Chao to
free them from the misrule of Quanzhou prefect Liao Yanrou M^^(Zizhi tongjian [1956 vol
18] 256 8320, 8325-6, 8339 ) It is not known whether or not this is a later justification for the year long
siege which brought down Quanzhou in the autumn of 886 (Clark 1991 39, nt 3, pp 208-209 )
27
Sizhi I 10a See also Puyang Huangyushi 46b, Clark 1991 60, Clark 1981 142
28
Chaffee 1995 150
29
In the first century of the Song Quanzhou produced an impressive 194 jinshi The province of Fujian
produced more jinshi than any other region throughout the Song Fujian's total number of /inshi for the
Song were 7,144 See Chaffee 1995 132-133, 149 Chaffee includes charts of'jinshi awarded by region

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER TWO Imperial History 48

Yansi found in the Fujian tongzhi ?§ jSlilLife describes the fervor of the Fujian peoples'

support for Buddhism and adds that "Shenzhi too was infatuated with that doctrine, and

quite exhausted building materials in raising Indian edifices."30 Many sources attest to

Wang Shenzhi's dedication to the Buddhist Sangha and many of the statues and

structures he erected were in Fuzhou.31

It is recorded that when Wang Shengui (Shenzhi's older brother) arrived in

Quanzhou he initially lived at Kaiyuan monastery.32 Kaiyuan monastery was located just

outside the Western wall of the city and would have been an ideal place to reside during

the siege of Quanzhou in 884. It is not known how long he stayed at the monastery, but I

believe he remained there for two or more years for it is said that his son Yanbin was

born in one of Kaiyuan's halls, which most likely took place in 885 or 886.33 Kaiyuan

monastery thus held a special significance for both Shengui and his son Yanbin and the

two of them became two of its most important patrons. The Monastery Record suggests

that in 895, soon after Shengui took office, a fire broke out which destroyed Kaiyuan's

main hall, sutra library and bell tower. Regardless of precisely when and how these

Fujian Tongzhi 171.3a translated in Schafer 1954:92.

31
Many inscriptions made by Huang Tao MM attest to Shenzhi's patronage of Buddhism as well as
accounts in local and provincial gazetteers (e.g. Puyang huangyushi ji 289, 325-326 and Minhouxian zhi
19.1b). See Schafer 1954:92. As an example of his support for the Sangha, Shenzhi endowed Xuefeng
monastery with a main hall, dharma hall, a release of life pond that took 10,000 workers to build, an abbot's
quarter for Chan master Yicun and rebuilt the meditation hut that Yicun had established for meditation.
This monastery supported 15,000 monks by the end of the ninth century and Chan master Yicun became
the most influential Chan master Fujian has known. For this and more on Fuzhou Xuefeng monastery see
Huizhou 2000: 44.
32
Wuguo gushi 5 S HJM- b.9b. The text reads that after Shengui arrived in Quanzhou he lived at KaiXUsi JF
• # . While the second character cannot be read, I know of no other temple this could be other than
Quanzhou Kaiyuan JFTG^F. When Tao Zongy pflTnliC used the Wuguo gushi in his Shuofu i&?P (late
Yuan, early Ming) he changed the name to Kaihua Temple JH-h^f, but I know of no sources that mention a
Kaihua temple and it is possible he guessed the character hua i^C based on the bottom strokes of yuan 7C,
rather than any historical data. The story of Wang Yanbin receives mention in Clark 1981: 178, nt. 17 and
Schafer 1954: 106, but neither suggest that the temple in question is Kaiyuan. Zhang Jianguang and Sun Li
follow Tao Zongyi in their modern edition of the Wuguo gushi in the Quan song biji ^ ^ 5 ^ S i 2 (Zhu Yian
^ f j $ ; e t . a l . 2003:253).
' Wuguo gushi b:9b.

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER TWO: Imperial History 49

structures were destroyed, the Monastery Record states that Wang Shengui as prefect had

each of them rebuilt in or around 897. Shengui had a new bell cast and installed in a new

bell tower.34 Most significantly, he had four Buddha statues made and added to the one

figure that had been donated by Emperor Xuanzong. This innovation brought the number

of Buddhas in the main hall to five with the original statue donated by the emperor

occupying the central position. Soon afterwards, Zhaowu ^j'ill, who is described as a

monk from the West, brought pratyekabuddha (pizhifo SZ^Ci'^) relics to enshrine in the

statues.35

The presence of five Buddhas in one hall immediately evokes the five Buddhas of

esoteric Buddhism. No explanation is given for Shengui's addition of four Buddhas

bringing the total of Buddhas in the main hall to five, as it has remained to this day; but

these five Buddhas were, as they are now, most likely the Buddhas of the five directions
•j/r

(the paradigmatic configuration in esoteric Buddhism). The tradition of five Buddhas

would have been present in China since at least the early eighth century when

Subhakarasimha and Vajrabodhi were busy translating Tantric scriptures and producing

This would be Kaiyuan's last bell tower; after this bell tower was destroyed it was never rebuilt.
35
Ziyun kaishi zhuan 15b and Sizhi 1.2b. Given the establishment of maritime links at this time, the "West"
likely refers to India.
36
The earliest inscription recorded in the Monastery Record dates from the time of Shengui's rebuilding of
the hall in 897. This inscription relates the rebuilding of the main hall by Shengui and describes the statues
inside as follows: "From the east there are Kasyapa Buddha (Jiayefo M0fi%) and Shakyamuni Buddha
(Shijiamunifo MM%-J&ift>), to the left and right [of these] are Maitreya Buddha {Milefo $$.W)i%),
Amitabha Buddha (Mituofo ?iRPttt), Ananda, Mahakasyapa, Bodhisattvas and guardians." Sizhi 2.3a.
Unfortunately, the inscription imprecisely meanders at the end and only mentions four Buddhas, rather than
five, and these Buddhas are not ones traditionally placed together. The author of the inscription is Huang
Tao (840-911), a famous Tang dynasty poet and military official from Putian, Fujian. Huang Tao authored
many inscriptions glorifying Wang Shenzhi and here seems to be engaged in more of the same, that is, he
seems more concerned to flatter Wang Shenzhi (he "could advise Sunzi # - ? in the art of war and teach the
ancients of the Xia JE and Shang jt| dynasties the arts of civilization") than to record the details of Wang
Shengui's rebuilding. I agree with the scholar Wang Hanfeng ZEUW, that Huang Tao's inscription is not a
reliable source of identifications for Shengui's additional Buddhas and they were most likely four Buddhas
to complete a group of Buddhas of the five directions (Wang 2001: 4-5.)

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER TWO: Imperial History 50

mandalas for use in initiations. Significantly, the time of Tantra's ascent in China was

also the time when emperor Xuanzong donated the original statue in the main hall.

Although the identity of this Buddha figure is not specified, given emperor Xuanzong's

keen interest in esoteric Buddhism as well as the general presence and dominance of

Tantra at the time, it is most likely that the single statue installed in 738 was of Vairocana

Buddha, the central Buddha (literally and figuratively) of esoteric Buddhism. In 724-5,

the Vairocanabhisambodhi-sutra was translated into Chinese by Subhakarasirnha and his

Chinese disciple Yixing —'^7(683-727). This text is one of the two most important texts

of Tantnc Buddhism in East Asia and features a resplendent Vairocana Buddha

explaining the cause, root and culmination of perfect enlightenment as well as the

construction of a mandala with Vairocana in the middle. This resplendent, powerful

and all-knowing Vairocana would have been an especially appropriate Buddha to install

at Kaiyuan monastery as one of the monasteries responsible for safeguarding the nation.

Accepting Xuanzong's Buddha as Vairocana, Shengui's addition of four statues was a

matter of completing the group of five Buddhas of esoteric Buddhism: Vairocana

(Piluzhena &MMW), Aksobhya (Ajiufo M?Ai%), Ratnasambhava (Baosheng ( F ^ f ^ ) ,

Amitabha (Amituofo H ' S K ' ^ ) and Amoghasiddhi (Chengjiufo J$,ifc{;$). This group of

five Buddhas is the most plausible grouping, and it matches the identity of the five

Buddhas enshrined today.

Shengui's addition of four Buddhas may be seen as a move to establish his

temporal authority and that of the Wang family by acting in a manner analogous to the

37
Chou 1945 280-281
38
The Vairocanabhisambodhi-sutra (Taisho no 848) is available in English translation by Giebel 2005
The other basic text of East Asian esoteric Buddhism is the Sarvatathdgatatattvasamgrarha Giebel
2005 xv-xvn

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER TWO Imperial History 51

Tang emperor While the precise motivations of Shengui can only be surmised through

circumstantial evidence, the origin of the five Buddhas of esoteric Buddhism enshrined in

the main hall of Kaiyuan can be traced back to this formative time between imperial

dynasties

Quanzhou prefect Wang Shengui died in 904 and was succeeded by his son Wang

Yanbm, who was then about 18 or 19 years old. He had been born in one of Kaiyuan's

halls withm two or three years after the arrival of the Wang clan in 884 It is said that his

birth was marked by the auspicious appearance of a white sparrow which nested in this

hall at the time of his birth and departed at the time of his death 39 Wang Yanbm was a

dedicated supporter of Buddhism in Quanzhou and an unmatched patron of Kaiyuan

monastery—records suggest that he sponsored the building of more cloisters at Kaiyuan

than any other smgle individual. After Wang Yanbm's active tenure as prefect, both the

city of Quanzhou and Kaiyuan monastery were on their way to national, and ultimately

international, prominence. He made Quanzhou a center of Buddhism and is credited with

encouraging the maritime trade that would make Quanzhou a cosmopolitan hub of

international products and world religions For his role in the development of overseas

trade he was called the "official who beckons treasure" (Zhaobao Si3E) 40

Wang Yanbm served as prefect of Quanzhou from 904 to 930 In the first years

of his reign as prefect, Yanbin enlarged the city walls that had been built during the Tang

dynasty Specifically, he had the wall extended to enclose the Xichan Temple H ^ ^ f
]
where his sister lived as a nun It was also early in his career as prefect that he built a

39
Wuguo gush b 9b
40
Wuguo gush b 9b See also Schafer 1954 78
41
Jinjiang xianzhi, Clark 1981 143-144

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER TWO Imperial History

new Buddhist monastery, Zhaoqing Monastery ISj^^F and invited Chan master

Changqmg Huileng jkfeM^t (854-932) to serve as abbot. Huileng, a native of

Hangzhou, had arrived in Fujian in 879 and become one of the principal disciples of the

extremely influential Chan master Xuefeng Yicun W^SL^- (J. Seppo Gison 822-908).

When Huileng's master, Xuefeng, died in 908, Huileng accepted the position offered by

Yanbin.42 Wang Yanbin's gesture may be read as a politically motivated attempt to

enhance the prestige of Quanzhou at the expense of Fuzhou, by persuading Huileng to

leave Fuzhou and take up residence in Quanzhou thus making it an alternative center of

Min Buddhism. At the same time, it should not be seen in purely instrumental terms, for

multiple sources indicate that Wang Yanbin possessed an abiding reverence for Buddhist

masters and an unmatched enthusiasm for their promotion. It is said that Yanbin "was a

talented writer of poems and loved to discuss Buddhist theories—whenever poets or

Chan masters visited, he would keep them as long as he could."44 The Compendium of

the Five Lamps (Wudeng huiyan H'MitkWi) includes Wang Yanbin as a disciple of

Huileng and one of the venerable ancestors of the Chan school. Yanbin thus appears on

42
Xuefeng had many eminent disciples One of his direct disciples was Yunmen Wenyan z? nX'fll(864-
949) founding patriarch of the Yumen zc |'1(J Ummon) school of Chan. One of his great-grand disciples
was Fayan Wenyi y4Kt3tia(885-959), the founding patriarch of the Fayan SBS (J. Hogen) school of
Chan From his teaching, then, arose two of the five traditional houses of Chan See Dumoulin 2005 230-
236 for an introduction to these two schools and their founding patriarchs For more on Huileng see
Ferguson 2000 278-281 Huileng also studied under Xuefeng's disciple Xuansha Shibei "^^llfpiS-. Shibei
received dharma transmission from Chan master Xuefeng and became was the abbot of the Fuzhou's
Xuefeng monastery =filil|^f and the leading Chan master of Fujian at the time
4j
Such has been the view of Suzuki Tetsuo and Hugh Clark See Suzuki Tetsuo 1975 "Senshu m okderu
zsenshu Godaijidai o chushin to site" in Indogaku Bukkyogaku kenkyu 24 1, Ibid 136-13 and Clark 1991
41
44
Wuguo Gush b 9b, See also Clark 1981 178, nt 19

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER TWO Imperial History 53

Andy Ferguson's "Lineage Chart of the Zen Ancestors" (Wisdom Publications, 2000) as a

fourteenth generation Zen ancestor.

The Monastery Record provides many accounts of Wang Yanbin's relationships

with Buddhist masters at Kaiyuan in offering them promotions, building them residences

while alive and pagodas when deceased. Yanbin received imperial titles for the monks

Shuduan, Xili H4L and Daozhao iUBci (d. 951) — Shuduan received the title Bright

Teacher B^ifc; Xili received the title Blithe Great Master iHilr^vjlfp as well as a purple

robe. Daozhao is credited with authoring eighty volumes (juan "%) of commentary on

Xuanzang's Cheng weishi lun J^%\9^(Vijnaptimdtratd-siddhi-sdstra, "Treatise on the

Theory of Consciousness Only") and was considered by devotees as an emanation of

Manjushri {Wenshu~JCffi),the bodhisattva of wisdom. One of Kaiyuan's lost treasures is

calligraphy by Daozhao known as "Manjushri's Precious Handwriting" (wenshu mobao

»S5).
Yanbin invited master Shiji, who was held in highest regard by Xuefeng and

several Quanzhou prefects, to Luyang p P0; Shiji later built a residence at Kaiyuan.47 In

916, during Yanbin's tenure as prefect, the Western pagoda was first constructed by

Yanbin's uncle and king of Min, Wang Shenzhi; it was a wooden seven-story pagoda

named the "Pagoda of Amitayus" (lit. "infinite life" wuliang shou J l f ) . At the same

time, Shenzhi also established the Western Pagoda Cloister.

45
Xuzangjmg Vol. 81, No. 1571 HM^tHf. Four koans associated with Yanbin are found translated into
English m Ferguson 2000304-305.
46
Details of cloisters established during the time and Yanbin and names of monks included in the appendix
history.
47
Sizhi I.29a-b, biography #17.

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER TWO: Imperial History 54

 In the 930s, Wang family patronage of Buddhism continued with the

establishment of the Empire of Mm by Shenzhi's son Wang Yanjun 3iSi<] (Taizong ;A

^ , r. 926-936). Tradition holds that Min emperor Wang Yanjun is said have ordered a

survey to rank the land into three grades the best of which was divided among Buddhist

and Daoist monasteries.48 Whether or not such a policy was actually implemented, it is

clear that Buddhist monasteries controlled most of the best land in Fujian by the start of

the Song. It is also recorded that Yanjun decreed that 20,000 monks were to be allowed

ordained in Fujian and his successor, Wang Xi 3EBH(r. 940-943), authorized another

11,000 be ordained. Since that time people have said, "There are many monks in

Fujian" (Minzhong duoseng ['fl^^fi). 5 0 The only figures on monastics in Quanzhou

during this period are those mentioned by emperor Taizong ^ T J ? of the Song dynasty

(r.976-998) who reported 4,000 novices and several 10,000s of fully ordained monks—

figures he remarked were"truly alarming"(7G RT^I-ll). Critical of the social and

economic strain thought to be generated by the need to support so many monks in Fujian,

Taizong remarked: "Of old, one man could feed three others and still have enough for

himself. Today it takes twenty men to feed the same number."51

The patronage of Wang Yanbin and the Wang family demonstrates the

connections between Kaiyuan monastery, political elites and the city of Quanzhou that

remains a feature of Kaiyuan's identity from that time to the present. In general, when

w
Songshi 173 4191 Clark 1981 142-143,215 Clark 1991 61
49
Zizhi tongjian 276 9026 and 282 9216 respectively [1956 v 19] See also Clark 2007 183
50
Zizhi tongjian 276 9026 [1956 v 19]

th
MMU&Z-O M)\m*M®&%m%m=f-£A, ^Bmrnmnx, x*jnm. L I Y ™ ^ (12
C ), Songchao shishi'jf.%f<Mr^("Records of the Song Dynasty") 7 23a See also Clark 1991 62 and Clark
1981 214-215 Despite the imperial critique, there is no record of Kaiyuan suffering loss of land at that
time

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER TWO Imperial History 55

Quanzhou flourishes under the leadership of its political elite, Kaiyuan thrives with the

support of the same political elite. History has shown furthermore that even when

Quanzhou is not thriving, political or military elites will step in to support Kaiyuan. This

is not to attribute the success of Kaiyuan solely to such support, but only to recognize it

as a prominent feature in Kaiyuan's history This is naturally a pattern not unique to

Quanzhou Kaiyuan or Fujian, but is found through Chinese monastic history, especially

among other large urban public monasteries

The Fall of the Wang Family and the End of the Interregnum

From 944 to 945 the empire of Mm collapsed. By 948 only Quanzhou under Liu

Congxiao &l)A$fc and Zhangzhou W')M under Dong Si'an i t S ; ^ remained independent

with Fuzhou having fallen to the kingdom of Wu-Yue and Jianzhou and Tingzhou under

the Southern Tang 52 Dong Si'an was a military commander from Quanzhou and a Wang

family loyalist who stayed with the Wang's till the very end. His undying loyalty to the

Wang's who had been great patrons of Kaiyuan and builders of Quanzhou earned him the

great respect of the people of Fujian and a shrine at Kaiyuan monastery during the

Southern Song 53 Kaiyuan's Resting Hermit Chan Cloister (qiyin chanyuan ffilB?4K )

was built as an ancestral hall for Dong Si'an by his wife, Ying Chuajun l/ljl|fl, and son

Quanwu ^5^1 in the middle of the Boada period (943-957).54

Schaffer 1954 53-62 Events covered in Sima Guang's Zizhi tongzhi vols 284-287 See also Clark
1981 140-141
53
In the old Donor's Ancestral Shrine Sizhi I 10b
During the Song dynasty it became a public Chan cloister with the Chan masters Ziran § ^ and
Youping ^k v\- both serving terms as abbot (Sizhi I 16a) The building of monasteries and cloisters by
private individuals for their deceased relations had long been a common practice in China See Gernet
1995 283 Clark explores the development of sites for the observance of ancestral rites in Minnan in
chapter seven of his Portiait of a Community (Clark 2007)

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER TWO Imperial History 56

 Liu Congxiao ruled Quanzhou until his death in 962 when he was succeeded by

his close associate Chen Hongjin PlR^Jit (r. 962-978). The vitality of Chan in Quanzhou

during the reign of Liu Congxiao is suggested by the compilation of the Anthology of the

Patriarch Hall {Zutangji $L;sL'M), the earliest known text in the "transmission of the

lamp" genera of Chan encounter dialogues or koans, in 952 at Quanzhou's Zhaoqmg

monastery.55 Liu is said to have donated his south garden {nanyuan WM) for the

building of Chengtian monastery TpC^^f .5 Chengtian became one of Quanzhou's three

most important monasteries; it's founding is associated with Liu's donation rather than

any auspicious or miraculous event such as Kaiyuan. He also founded Kaiyuan's Eastern

Cloister of the Sixth Patriarch (liuzu dongyuan / N I & ^ I ^ ) . 5 7

In the mid 960's, Chen Hongjin enlarged the wall so that it would enclose

Chongfu Monastery IKIB^F which Hongjin had built for his daughter who lived there as
CO

a nun. Chongfu became Quanzhou's third most important Buddhist monastery (after

Kaiyuan and Chengtian). Like Chengtian, its origin lacks the legendary character of

Kaiyuan (a point that will become more significant when we examine memorials to

auspicious events in chapter seven). Chen Hongjm was the last holdout in South China to

submit to Song rule; this occurred in 978.

The Zutangji fflUft contains the earliest known reference to Chan master Liji founder of the Lmji or
Rmzai school of Zen (Albert Welter, "The Formation of the Linjji lu") and it contains more than 200
biographies and the earliest lineage of Chan masters with multiple branches after Humeng (Faulk and
Sharf 2003 "Chan Portraiture m Medieval China " m Faure (ed ). Chan Buddhism in Ritual Context, 98-
99 ) Lost in China, the Zutangji was preserved in Korea having been included in the 1245 Korean
Buddhist Cannon at Hemsa (Faure 1993 109)
56
Jinpang xianzhi 69 1653 See also Clark2007 182
57
Ruyue's grand-disciple Zhitian Mffi was also a well-known Chan master (Sizhi I 16a, 38b)
58
Jinjiangxianzhi 69 1654, Clark 1981 143-144

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER TWO Imperial History 57

 The interregnum from 907-970 was a period of growth and expansion of cloisters

(or sub-temples) at Kaiyuan in tandem with the founding of Quanzhou's second and third

most prominent monasteries, Chengtian and Chongfu respectively. Fujian became a

place where Buddhism received support that allowed it to not only persevere but to thrive

and develop. This is particularly evident with respect to the Chan school in Fujian with

luminaries such as Yanbin's master Huileng, but especially Huileng's master Xuefeng. It

was also in this period that the Anthology of the Patriarchal Hall was compiled in

Quanzhou. Clark, Chikusa Masaaki and Xu Xiaowang f^B^M , three historians of this

period of history in Fujian writing in English, Japanese and Chinese, all single out the

increasing power of Buddhism under the patronage of the Wang family as one of the

distinctive features of the period.59 While Quanzhou's Kaiyuan temple was founded and

given the national orientation of a "Kaiyuan" temple during the Tang dynasty, it took

shape as the central monastery of Quanzhou, a rising urban and maritime power during

the post-Tang interregnum. It was then that it became a home of eminent monks that were

masters of meditation, discipline (vinaya) and learning generously supported by the

patronage and policies of the Wang family of He'nan as well as their successors, prefects

Liu and Chen.

By the onset of the Song, Kaiyuan was a growing monastery with dozens of

cloisters (or sub-temples) that were led by Chan masters, masters of the vinaya and

masters of Yogacara. I consider thirty-five to forty a conservative estimate for the actual

number of cloisters established before the Song. Some of these cloisters were built near

other monastic buildings of the monastery's central axis, others were slightly removed in
59
See Xu 2004' 134-135 Chikusa Masaaki writing about Buddhism in Fujian during the late Tang and Mm
has argued that "as a result of the patronage of the Wang family, Buddhism became the single most
important institution m the province" (Masaaki 1982 46). See also Clark 1981 142

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER TWO Imperial History 58

alleys near the monastery. One may get an impression of what sort of institution had

developed — a central monastic complex incorporating smaller relatively autonomous

cloisters — by visiting Daitokuji Zen monastery in Kyoto, which is a massive complex

comprised of dozens of largely independent cloisters or sub temples.60 Another way to

think about Kaiyuan's development may be to think of a university divided into

somewhat autonomous individual colleges that are responsible for hiring faculty,

admitting students and training them in special fields. In Kaiyuan's case, cloisters were

established around masters of Chan meditation, masters of monastic discipline (vinaya)

or masters who exhibited proficiency in particular texts such as the Lotus Sutra or the

Weishi lun. These masters would accept disciples who trained under them and lived in

their cloisters. The Monastery Recordnotes several instances of accomplished masters

producing accomplished disciples and grand disciples. This system highlights the nature

of Kaiyuan as a truly public monastery where monks are ordained and trained by many

different lineages representing different teaching traditions within Buddhism. With the

development of a system of loosely affiliated independent cloisters, monks at greater

Kaiyuan were able to receive specialized training in sutras, scholastic commentaries,

meditation or monastic discipline depending on the cloister to which they matriculated.

This system produced many eminent monks and was strong transmitter of culture and

education. While this system of education was marked by Buddhist doctrinal and

devotional elements, it also cultivated more general knowledges of literacy, management,

art and engineering —we will encounter Kaiyuan monks that held expertise in the

building of bridges, for example, as we move into the Song dynasty.

60
Gregory Levine's Daitokuji The Visual Cultures of a Zen Monasterv (2005) examines the artistic
treasures of Daitokuji and the social dimensions of their creation, use and display in the monastic setting.

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER TWO Imperial History 59

 The Monastery Record relates the diversity found among Kaiyuan's monks during

l
this period. Among the Chan masters mentioned are Changji %R, Xingtong trill 6 2

3
and Congyun M.it. Chan master Qinghuo yftir§ was ordained at Mt. Drum (Gushan)

and his awakening was confirmed by master Shuilong Pu f S ^ M ("Sleeping Dragon"

Pu).64 Chen Hongjin petitioned the emperor who bestowed Qinghuo with the purple robe

and the title "Emptiness" (Xingkong 1 4 $ ) . Lingyan •§• s" was known for teaching the

Lotus Sutra and the Mile Shangsheng Sutra.65 Master Xicen ffi ^ was a master of both

the vinaya and Vasubandhu's Abhidharmakosa. Liu Congxiao petitioned the emperor

who bestowed upon Xicen a purple robe and the title, Great Master Chan Jiao llit^. 66

Master Xixia ftjil, a dharma brother of Xicen, was renowned for his lifestyle of austere

simplicity; he visited many Chan masters and retired into a small hut in the Northeast
7
corner of Kaiyuan.

Developments during the interregnum sealed Kaiyuan's reputation as a great

monastery abounding in eminent monks, graced with two pagodas and featuring a main

hall with five Buddhas. It would seem that the following description of Quanzhou

attributed to the great Confucian scholar Zhu Xi 7^11 (1130-1200) must refer to this rich

period of Kaiyuan's history: "In days of old this was a Buddhist kingdom, its streets were

full of sages." This couplet, in the calligraphy of master Hongyi, today hangs outside the

61
Sizhi I.22b-23a, Biography #5.
62
Sizhi I.28b-29a, biography #16 He once successfully predicted a drought-ending ram during the rule of
Chen Hongjm.
63
Sizhi I.26b-27a, biography #12.
64
Sizhi I.31b-32b, biography #22
65
Sizhi I.23a.
66
Sizhi I.29b-30a, biography #18.
"Sizhi I.30a-b, biography #19.

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER TWO. Imperial History 60

main hall as well as inside the main gate of Kaiyuan monastery, bringing echoes of this

glorious past into the present.

Kaiyuan at this early period had flowered into a monastery marked by three traits

that would continue to shape its identity for centuries to come: it was made grand by

cultural properties, its founding had been marked by auspicious events that set it apart

from Quanzhou's other major monasteries (e.g. Chengtian and Chongfu) and it served as

home to eminent monks that attracted patrons and preserved its reputation as a place of

extraordinary merit. These three factors and how they have contributed to Kaiyuan's

religious and institutional life will be the focus of chapters six and seven.

The flurry of sub-temple construction at Kaiyuan may have slowed with the end

of Wang family rule, but it continued through the twelfth century. Kaiyuan had become a

center of Buddhism in Fujian with imperial patronage under the Tang and the patronage

of the Wang family and the prefects of Quanzhou during the post-Tang interregnum.

While several distinctive features had taken shape such as the main hall with five

Buddhas and the two pagodas, there was still no Chan hall or ordination platform; these

were to await further developments in the Song to which we now turn.

THE SONG DYNASTY

The Song Dynasty 5j?f^ (960-1279) came eighteen years later to Southern Fujian

(Minnan (£|^) than it had to other parts of China; it arrived in 978. By this time

Quanzhou had become a busy international port specializing in the transshipment of

goods from the Indian Ocean and Southeast Asia to China's inland cities. The wealth

generated by this trade would lead to the construction of magnificent stone bridges and

pagodas throughout the region that have remained remarkably well preserved into the

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER TWO. Imperial History 61

twenty-first century; monks played an instrumental role in the construction of both

pagodas and bridges. Quanzhou's magnificent granite architecture is thought to represent

a local tradition which is not found in other parts of China [See figures 29-31].68 The two

major developments to the physical plant of Kaiyuan monastery during this period both

involved monumental construction carried out under the careful guidance of Buddhist

monks. The first was the establishment of Kaiyuan's Ordination Platform. The second

was the conversion of the East and West pagodas from brick into stone toward the end of

the Song dynasty from 1228 to 1250. We will come to these developments as we survey

the history of Kaiyuan in the context of developments in the city of Quanzhou during the

Song dynasty. As was the case in the earlier centuries, Kaiyuan's fortunes will be found

to be linked in great measure to those of the city.

The Song dynasty is divided into two periods: the Northern Song (960-1126) with

its capital at Kaifeng JfM and the Southern Song (1127-1279) with its capital at

Hangzhou. Throughout the Song, Quanzhou developed into a thriving metropolis with

what was possibly the busiest international port of the medieval world. Quanzhou had

morphed from a malarial plain beyond China's frontiers into a prosperous and

cosmopolitan city. It produced scores of Confucian literati and Chan masters and played

host to imperial clansmen and world travelers.

Developments under the Northern Song

The Quanzhou region witnessed an increase in agricultural productivity in the

tenth and eleventh centuries which was vital in supporting its rapidly growing

Pearson et a] 2002 34 Two detailed studies of the pagodas exist which examine their artistry and
architecture Ecke and Demieville's Pagodas oj Zayton (1935) and Wang Hanfeng's Quanzhou dongxi ta
7 E iUI|£Big(Quanzhou's East and West Pagodas, 1992)

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER TWO: Imperial History 62

population. A prime beneficiary of such increased productivity were the Buddhist

monasteries in the region which held large tracts of the most productive land. By the

Southern Song, Kaiyuan held 273.5 qing tpi (about 4,620 acres)70 of land, which may

have been the largest amount of land then held by a monastery in the region.71 The

largest temple in Fuzhou, by comparison, is said to have held 150 qing (about 2,500

acres) of land72 and a wealthy individual may have held as little as 10 qing of land.73

Kaiyuan's impressive land holdings provided it with the income needed to maintain a

vast complex of buildings housing vast numbers of monastics.

While much of the landed wealth was in the hands of monasteries, the

development of a brisk and profitable maritime trade created an alternative avenue to

prosperity. Quanzhou's growing international trade was recognized by the state in 1087

with the establishment of a customs office known as a trade superintendency {shibosi TfT

J-jflB]). The move was immediately rewarded and revenue from customs tax doubled from

500,000 to 1,000,000 strings of cash.74 Trade continued to expand for the next hundred

years or so and the number of foreign permanent residents grew as well.75

As if marking the official recognition of Quanzhou's port by the state, a tall stone

pagoda named Stone Lake Pagoda was erected at the entrance of Quanzhou Bay in 1111,

serving as a landmark of the city and a lighthouse for ships entering and exiting the bay.

6y
So 2000 27-29 Clark 1991:74-75
70
One qing tjS is about 16.7 acres or 100 mu m
71
The Sizhi II.35a-37b gives the land holdings as follows In Jinjiang district 95qing tj5! 8mu ~m ifen yA, in
Nan'an 90qing 65mu Ifen, in Huian 36qing 16mu, in Tong'an 44mu Ah JM \hao m, in Anxi \6qmg, 12>mu
6fen, in Yongchun lOqing 29mu 5fen, in Xianyou \5qing 56mu 5fen, Putian Iqing 16mu Ifen, in Longxi
and Changtai 5qing \4mu dqian tfe These figures make a total of approximately 273 5 qing
72
So 2000 32, Chikusa 1956 "Sodai Fukken no Shakai tojim," Toyoshi kenkyu 15 (no2) pp 6-7
73
So 2000 321, nt 48
74
Clarke 2001 52 Trade superintendences had already been opened in Guangzhou in 971, Hangzhou and
Mmgzhou in the 980s Guy 2001 286-87, Chaffee 2006 403, Clark 1981 246
75
So 2000 53 Zheng Xia's Xitangji H±Jf H 8 20b m Chaffee 2006 406

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER TWO Imperial History 63

This five-story pagoda covered with sculpted figures from Buddhist history welcomed

ships from as far as India laden with goods from as far as Somalia and people from all

points in between. If this pagoda and the stone bridges leading to the city, all decorated

with Buddhist figures, marked it as a land of Buddhism, they also served to mark it as an

enclave of tolerance marked by communities of foreigners who practiced a great diversity

of faiths.76

The prosperity and cosmopolitanism that had come to mark Quanzhou is

illustrated in a snapshot provided by the scholar-official Zheng Xia Mi$l (1044-1119):

"Maritime merchants crowd the place. Mixing together are Chinese and foreigners. Many

find rich and powerful neighbors."77 Zhang Chan IrfcfKI notes in the same vein that "The

ways of Quanzhou are simple and honest (Quart zhi wei jun fengsu chunhou), the people

are happily kind (qiren leshan), it has long been known as a Buddha land (suhao

foguo)."18 Foreigners of different ethnicities and faiths arrived, stayed, amassed wealth

and set up houses of worship. The earliest recorded instance of a religious institution

established by a foreigner in Quanzhou is the Baolin Buddhist temple (Baolin yuan 3LW

K) which was founded by an Indian monk between 984 and 987 with funds donated by

foreign merchants. Muslims maintained a high profile in the maritime trade and

established several mosques in Quanzhou over the years. Quanzhou's earliest mosque

76
This pagoda still stands and may be visited today. The architecture of this pagoda as well as the style and
arrangement of its sculptures evoke the stone pagodas of Kaiyuan monastery which were built more than
100 years later.
77
Chaffee 2006:406.
n
Mi-^iW> M.WMW- ^ A ^ § # f?!M&H This quotation is contained in the Yudipsheng 130 6a, which
provides the source as the preface of the ^IfPlI* MmMiThe Collected Works of City Official Zhao) Clark
[incorrectly] references Yudi jisheng 130.1 lb and attributes the passage to a "Zhen Dang" (Clark
1991 140)
79
Related by Zhao Rugua in his Zhufan zhi A, 21b Unfortunately little else is known about this temple
other than what is related here. See also SO 2000.35

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER TWO Imperial History 64

was erected in 1010. Another mosque was built in 1131 by a Muslim from Siraf (in

what is now Iran).81 Around 1150 a merchant from Srivijaya (in what is now Indonesia)

established a cemetery for foreigners. The Confucian scholar Lin Zhiqi ffii.m?(\112-

1176) praised the act as one of benevolence that would attract foreigners and ease their

minds about living and dying in Quanzhou. One of the most important accounts we

have of the Asian, African and Mediterranean cultures known to China in the thirteenth

century is the "Description of Foreign Peoples" {Zhufan zhi iifH/fe) written from 1224 to

1225 by Zhao Rugua j H ^ s i the superintendent of trade and then prefect of Quanzhou.

This text is a collection of information about the countries that had trade relations with

Quanzhou including their cultural features and products; it supports the picture of

Quanzhou as an enclave of ethnic and cultural diversity during the Song dynasty.83

The prosperity that was achieved in the late eleventh century lasted until the end

of the twelfth. As might be expected, Quanzhou's economic rise helped to fund

renovations and improvements to Kaiyuan monastery. The Monastery Record suggests

that this was a time of increasing prosperity accompanied by a series of general

renovations at Kaiyuan. When Youpeng W JK, for example, assumed leadership of the

80
Chen 1984. 8-10; XV.
So 2000: 57 Some have thought this to be the same mosque that stands in Quanzhou today, but So
argues against this See So 2000: 328, nt. 38
82
The story is also related by Zhao Rugua about a century later, but many details of the story are altered
So takes the earlier, firsthand account by Lin Zhiqi to be more reliable (So 2000:53-54)
83
Zhao Rugua's 1225 "Description of Foreign Peoples" {Zhufan zhi itiii/ife) has been translated into English
by Fnednch Hirth and W W Rokhill as Chau Ju-Kua His Work on the Chinese and Arab Trade in the
Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries, entitled Chu-fan-chi First published m 1911 by the Imperial Academy
of Sciences m St Petersburg in, it is available in a 1966 reprint by Paragon Book Reprint Corp (New
York) which includes the Chinese text in a separate volume

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER TWO Imperial History 65

Venerated Site Cloister in 1079 at the invitation of prefect Chen Shu PlR||X, "Patrons

enthusiastically gathered in support; a hundred deteriorated things were revived."84

Kaiyuan's flourishing in the latter half of the eleventh century coincided with an

official change in Kaiyuan's identity; Kaiyuan became a Chan monastery. Like other

changes to come, this was a top-down change initiated by secular authorities; the official

named in the Monastery Record is a former cabinet secretary turned prefect of Qizhou 1^

jM named Qiao Langzhong ^fSP11)3.85 Qiao thought that Kaiyuan should be a Chan

monastery and invited the distinguished Chan master Ziqi ^plf (d. 1115)86 to serve as its

first official Chan abbot. The Monastery Record gives no explanation for the change in

affiliation but simply states:

The prefect of Qizhou Qiao Langzhong thought Kaiyuan should be a Chan

monastery and invited Qi to serve as its first abbot. After some years it
became a crowded place of practice with people gathering from the four
directions like clouds. The buildings and rooms of the monastery were
renovated and a full collection of dharma instruments assembled.87

The accession of a Chan abbot and Kaiyuan's official affiliation with the Chan

school reflect the growing dominance of Chan during the Song dynasty which was

achieved, in part, through state support. The Song state at this time made a strong effort

to register monasteries through a process of granting them name plaques (e W{) and

84
Sizhi I.37a-b. Biography #32.
85
Sizhi I.35b-36b The Langzhong $$$> of Qiao Langzhong ff HP 41 is a title that indicates the director of a
bureau or section of a Ministry Thus it seems that Qiao held a higher position before becoming prefect of
Qizhou MJ')'W and thus had the power to influence affairs at Quanzhou's Kaiyuan
86
Ziqi was from Hui'an and is the author of the Collected Sayings ofWuhui (Wuhm Yulu :5^jinJpc). He
received a purple robe and the title Great Master Zhaojue Mlt, from the emperor When it was ordered in
1102 that every state (zhou )'\\) should have a Chongnmg M? temple to pray for the benefit of the
emperor, master Ziqi became the first abbot of Quanzhou Chongnmg temple See Biography #30 in the
Sizhi I 35b-36b
87
Sizhi I 35b-36b Biography #30

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER TWO Imperial History 66

designating them as public Chan monasteries (shifang chansi "f"7f##). 8 8 This was a

practice carried out especially during the Northern Song and with particular vigor under

the emperors Zhenzong ^^(r.997-1022) and Yingzong | ^ ^ ( r . 1063-67).89 In granting

name plaques to monasteries the government attempted to gain greater influence and

control over the monasteries. Part of that control was the power to approve appointments

to abbacies in which secular officials played an important role. In many cases secular

authorities appear to have directly appointed abbots as in the case of master Ziqi as abbot

of Quanzhou Kaiyuan. Given that any monastery with thirty bays was eligible for a name

plaque, it would follow that Kaiyuan was eligible to receive one, but as it was already in

possession of an imperially granted name board this was not necessary. In addition,

Kaiyuan had long been a public monastery in which the abbacy was not transmitted from

master to disciple, but rather open to selection by monastic and secular authorities. With

these consideration in mind, it appears that, for the moment, this designation of

Quanzhou Kaiyuan as a public Chan monastery with an abbot of the Chan school did

little to upset the nature of the monastery as a vast monastery housing dozens of cloisters

lead by masters with teaching and ordination lineages within Chan as well as outside

Chan lineages. In designating Kaiyuan a public Chan monastery authorities were acting

in conformity with practices that prevailed during the Song dynasty. Practices designed

to give the state a better handle on the growing power of the Buddhist monastic order and

practices welcomed by the Chan school which enabled it to effectively monopolize

control, at the level of the abbot, over most of the largest monasteries in China.90

88
See Schlutter 2005 for the discussion of Song efforts to register monasteries in this fashion and the
special relationship between public monasteries and the Chan school
89
Schlutter 2005 139 See also Chikusa 1982 109 and Huang 1989 304-305
90
See See Schlutter 2005 and Foulk 1993 191-194

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER TWO Imperial History 67

 While masters of non-Chan lineages (e.g. vinaya, Pure Land, Tiantai) continued

to teach and practice at Kaiyuan, a process of cloisters becoming aligned with the Chan

school that had begun in the ninth century accelerated following Kaiyuan's official

change in affiliation. The Old Lotus Sutra Cloister (jiufahua yuan I H & ^ K ) , for

example, had been converted into a Chan cloister by Quanzhou prefect Lin Hu # ^ in

the ninth century and Chan master Changji %z&. was called to be its first Chan abbot.91

While such realignments did occur in the past, they began to occur with greater frequency

after the designation of Kaiyuan as a Chan monastery. The Western Pagoda Cloister {xita

yuan iSi-nl^) was changed to a public Chan cloister during the Yuanyou period (1086-

1093) by prefect Chen Kang $kM who invited Chan master Wenyou 3t% to be its first

Chan abbot.92 The Resting Hermit Chan Cloister {qiyin chanyuan ft^i^K ), which

had been built by Dong Si'an's family at the end of the interregnum was similarly

changed into a pubic Chan cloister during the Song.93 Another cloister was originally

called the "Congee Cloister" being named for its founding monk who was the head chef

responsible for preparing congee for 1000 monks. During the Xining period (1068-1077),

the prefect Chenshu W-M. changed it to a public Chan cloister and re-named it the

Flourishing Prosperity Chan Cloister {xingfu chanyuan 9\^mW^) and invited Chan

master Benguan ^-M> to teach there.94

91
SizhiUla.
92
SizhiU5a-b
93
Sizhil 16a.
94
Sizhi 1.16b-17a It was Benguan^Kwho later exhorted the gentry to lend money for relief for victims of
the famine of 1092 (Sizhi 1.34b. Biography #28.). Having done so at the request of prefect Chen
ShenfuP|:IM(r. 1091-1093, listed as Chen Dunfu Rj^cin Clark 1981- 395) illustrates one of the social
functions that monks could have as well as a dimension of the relationship between Kaiyuan monks and
Quanzhou officials

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER TWO: Imperial History 68

 These developments within the cloisters associated with Kaiyuan indicate the

relative autonomy enjoyed by cloisters in choosing their leadership and in ordaining

disciples. It would appear that the conversion of these cloisters into Chan cloisters may

reflect a desire of Quanzhou officials to gain greater influence in the appointment of

cloister leaders. If a cloister remained hereditary with leadership passed from the head

master to one of his disciples this reduced the influence of secular officials. The top-

down nature of these re-designations strongly suggests that the re-designation of cloisters

and monasteries into Chan-affiliation was to a certain extent driven by the desire of

secular authorities to achieve greater regulatory control over the Sangha. Becoming a

public Chan monastery or cloister essentially meant two things, both of which bore on the

selection of the abbot: 1. the abbot must be a member of a Chan lineage and 2. the

selection of the abbot must be approved, if not made, by secular officials. Kaiyuan's

chronicler Yuanxian expresses no concern, much less disapproval, over such outside

interference in monastic affairs. We will visit the question of the autonomy of the

Sangha in contemporary China in chapter eight, for now we want to note the emergence

of Kaiyuan's official association with the Chan school in the mid to late eleventh century

and see it in the context of the Song state's promotion of public Chan monasteries over

hereditary ones.

Developments under the Southern Song

Between 1126 and 1127, The Song capital at Kaifeng fell to Jurchen invaders

from the north who established the Jin dynasty in North China. The Imperial clan was

dispersed and came to be relocated in Fujian with the Western office of the clan

93
See also Schlatter 2005:146-147
96
There were public monasteries associated with Tiantai, Huayan and later the Vmaya school, but there
was an especially close association between the Chan school and public monasteries See Schlutter 2005.

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER TWO Imperial History 69

transferred to Fuzhou and the Southern office re-established in Quanzhou A large

contingent of the imperial clan arrived in Quanzhou at the end of 1129 and put Quanzhou

on the path to becoming the "preeminent center for the imperial clan in the Southern

Song " 97 Meanwhile a new Song, or rather Southern Song, capital was established at

Hangzhou The population of central Quanzhou during this period was likely more than

200,00098 while that of Greater Quanzhou would have been several times larger

The relocation of the Southern Office of the imperial clan to Quanzhou may have

been a boon to Quanzhou's political and cultural life, but it also produced sharp fiscal

strains The tax base of the Song shrank by some fifty percent with the loss of control of

the North At the same time the need to defend the Northern borders became even more

acute, necessitating the need to support a larger military Fiscal needs such as these and

the inability to meet them with revenues from taxes is said to have induced the Southern

Song to sell increasingly larger numbers of ordination certificates which were valued for

the tax exemptions they would earn the bearer It is also known that the purple robe and

honorary titles extended by the emperor to eminent monks became available at a price "

Two years after the imperial clan offices had been transferred to Fujian, a notice appears

that the Fujian government under Zhang Shou ^^(1084-1145) began to auction off the

abbacies of public monasteries to the highest bidders 10°

The sale of monk certificates, honorable titles and abbacies during the Song has

been used by Kenneth Chen to support the view of Song Buddhism as a period of moral

Chaffe2001 16
Estimate suggested by Clark Clark 1991 139, n 71, and appendix 2
Chen 1956 308 324, Chen 1964 390-394
}
Xu Song's Song hmyaojigao, fasc 134 5240d, Chikusa 1982, 163 See Schlutter 2005 149

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER TWO Imperial History 70

and intellectual decline following the apogee of the Tang.101 Although such

developments were no doubt deleterious to morale and disheartening to the Sangha, it

was possible for elite institutions such as Kaiyuan to remain removed from some of these

decadent practices. Top monasteries such as Kaiyuan were excluded, for example, from

such provisions as the auctioning off of abbacies.

Kaiyuan, nonetheless, suffered privations in tandem with the economic recession

which settled over Quanzhou by the early part of the thirteenth century. One indication

of Kaiyuan's loss of momentum at the end of the twelfth century is the fact that no

records exist for the founding of new cloisters after the Chunxi period (1174-1189).103

The Monastic Record mentions no new cloisters being added during the thirteenth

century or later. The dynamism and growth of earlier days had ended and Kaiyuan began

to settle into a pattern of conservative institutional consolidation that would accelerate

during the Yuan dynasty. The slowdown in Kaiyuan's development coincided with a

meltdown of Quanzhou's economy.

The first indication of Quanzhou's late Song economic recession is recorded in a

memorial of 1217 by Zhen Dexiu JCM^f (1178-1235)104 who served as prefect of

Quanzhou from 1217 to 1219 and from 1232 to 1234. Zhen Dexiu's 1217 memorial came

two years after the capture of Beijing by Genghis Khan (1167-1227) and indicates the

impact of the state's attempt to raise revenue to fight the Mongolian threat. When Dexiu

assumed office in 1217 he claims that only three to four ships were arriving at Quanzhou

101
Chen 1964, 1956
102
Xu Song's Songhmyaojigao, fasc 134.5240d, Chikusa 1982 163; Schlutter 2005' 149.
103
The last cloister discussed in the Monastery Records is the Cloister of Bliss, also known as the
Amitabha Hall, it was founded by Liaoxmg (who rebuilt the east pagoda) and his disciple Shoujmg Tf$
Sizhil 17b
104
Zhen Dexiu was a famous scholar official who holds an important place in the history of Neo-
Confucianism

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER TWO Imperial History 71

per year due to excessive duties. Through Dexiu's efforts the number of ships arriving

for trade was increased to thirty-six by the next year. Leaving Quanzhou in 1219, Dexiu

returned as prefect in 1232; his memorial of that time indicates that Quanzhou's

economic situation had deteriorated even further with merchants moving away and

income from tariffs dropping from 100,000 strings in 1219 to 40,000 strings in 1232.10

With this dramatic loss in revenue, maintenance of the 2,300 clan members was extra

burdensome, even with the lowering of their stipend.107

Financial strains pushed clan members to not only enter into maritime trade, but

also to encroach on the land holdings of monasteries and to push others to do the same.

A 1233 memorial by Dexiu relates this development: "During the past twenty to thirty

years, most temple property and public fields were illegally occupied by the powerful

families. When land transactions took place, people often put down the estimated value

before the deal was made [so as to pay less land tax to the government]....Consequently,

the regular revenue decreased significantly."108 Although Dexiu was concerned to show

the fiscal problems faced by his government, he also provides evidence of economic

losses suffered by religious institutions like Kaiyuan whose income-generating land

suffered incursions from the rich and powerful. Dexiu's complaints about Quanzhou were

echoed with respect to other parts of Southern China in 1250 by the monk Silian &M

who protested the occupation of monastic properties by the elite.10 This problem had

been developing for some time as evidenced by an 1109 decree issued prohibiting the

So 2000 88-89.
Ibid.
Chaffee 2001-13-14.
Zhen wenzhonggong wenji 15: 132b in So 2000. 97-98 See also Clark 1991 174-175
Songshi 407.1a-llb; Chen 1956: 99-100

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER TWO. Imperial H,storv 72

elite from appropriating officially recognized temples to serve as merit cloisters.110 The

court officially forbid such seizures of property under Gaozong i U ^ ( l 127-1162) and

abolished the tax privileges they previously enjoyed under Ningzong T'TKO 195-1224),

but these measures were ineffectual in curbing the detrimental practices.111 Loss of

temple property in Quanzhou would have been exacerbated by the sudden transfer of the

imperial clansmen to the South and the lack of immediate housing for the imperial clan.

In short, a financial recession had begun by the early thirteenth century with

detrimental effects on both the state and religious institutions. This situation simply

worsened as the Song dynasty wore on. To the economic stress that was felt by urban

monasteries we might add the philosophical challenge waged against Buddhism by

Fujian's formidable Neo-Confucian scholar Zhu Xi ^^(1130-1200). 1 1 2 Both of these

blows, economic and moral, would have contributed to the comparative lack of

dynamism in Kaiyuan's development from the thirteenth century onward. We will return

to this after surveying developments to the physical plant of Kaiyuan during the Song and

their lasting presence in the stones of Quanzhou.

The Stones of Quanzhou and Kaiyuan Monastery:

Structures Added During the Song

Visitors to Kaiyuan monastery today are met by a vast stone courtyard shaded by

huge trees hundreds of years old and containing a trove of stone relics from the Tang,

Song, Yuan and Ming dynasties. Two of these relics are dharani pillars (jingchuang Mfe

110
Chen 1964 401
111
Chen 1964 401-402
" 2 Borrell 1999 62

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER TWO Imperial History

 J I T _

) which date to the early Song dynasty [Figures 41-44] The dharam inscribed on these

pillars was the most popular choice of text for such pillars m China and they were erected

during the Tang by the hundreds ' Dharanl are a type of text/mcantation developed in

Indian Buddhism technically distinct from mantras which are pan-Indian Dharanl are

thought to have developed as mnemonic devices used by monastics to remember points

or entire bodies of doctrine They came to be used as spells, especially to ward off

demons and their influence and it is in this use that they entered Chinese Buddhism

Chinese Buddhist texts refer to them as effective means to combat evil influences in the

age of dharma's decline 115

Another pair of stone structures from the Song dynasty that greets visitors today

are two stone stupas decorated with sculptures depicting stories selfless behavior by the

Buddha in previous lives116 Known as "treasure box" (baoqie 3lW.) stupas they are said

to be copies of bronze stupas cast by Qian Shu fjfelJX king of Wu-Yue in 955 117

113
Ecke and Demieville 1935 88 The pillar stands in the main courtyard It was most likely moved to
Kaiyuan during the late Ming or early Qmg Both dharam pillars bear the text of the Usriisavijayadhararii,
the first of these was erected in 1008 by Yuanshao jttB The text on the pillar is from the translation by
Amoghavajra and the calligraphy is that of Lin Xun # M This pillar contains a notice written by the monk
Zongmei T K H and was originally located at the Water and Land temple (Shuilu si 7jXPitj^f) The second
Song dynasty dharanl pillar was erected in 1031 (Ecke and Demieville 1935 88) For additional
information on Kaiyuan's dharam pillars see Wang 2008 34-40
114
Kieschnick 1997 89-90 and Liu Shufen 1996 Clark notes the proliferation of dharam pillars in Minnan
during the late Tang and early Song and translates several recorded dedicatory inscriptions (Clark
2007 185-187)
115
See Stnckmann 2002 103-109
116
They were erected by the laywoman Liu Sanniang $PH$ll and her husband Liang An iS5? in 1145
Kaiyuansi Liu Sanmang zaota ]i Jfjt^ IjiPHMiiti-nT-SO'Record of Liu San Niang's building of stupas for
Kaiyuan Monastery") and Kaiyuansi shengzhang tike Jf 7t:^f I^KJiSJ^llO'Inscnption on Kaiyuan
monastery's saintly drapes"), these two inscriptions are collected in Dean and Zheng 2001 23-24,
inscriptions 22 and 23 The latter of these inscriptions was made after 1166 and is taken from the Fujian
jinshi zhi ; f g ^ ^ : ' 5 ' L : ( " A Record of Fujian Metal and Stone Inscriptions") 8 18b, it is also found in the
Mmzhong jimhi lue \S\ cj 3 ^^B§(' Assorted Metal and Stone Inscriptions From Fujian") vol 10 For more
on these pagodas see Wang 2008 p 32-33
117
See Ecke and Demieville 1935 87

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER TWO Imperial History 74

 Another feature of the Kaiyuan monastery of today is its Nanshan vmaya

ordination platform which is one of only three such ordination platforms remaining in

China, the others being at Zhaoqing monastery BSj^c^F in Hangzhou and Jietai monastery

jS, U^F outside Beijing. Although the current platform dates from the Ming dynasty,

Kaiyuan's first ordination platform was built during the Southern Song in 1019 about the
i 10

same time as the construction of Quanzhou's oldest mosque, the Ashab mosque.

While the traditional master narrative of Chinese Buddhism stresses the

dominance of the Chan and Pure Land schools during the Song dynasty, it is evident that

the schools of Tiantai, Huayan and the Vinaya proceeded to produce masters and serve as

the focus of cloisters and monasteries, especially in the provinces of Zhejiang ffiZL and

Fujian.119 Kaiyuan's Dunzhao i£'J§ set out to rebuild the 1019 platform according to

specifications in Daoxuan's Nanshan Ordination Platform Illustrated Sutra (Nanshan

jietan tujing "M lhMM.M^.) in 1128.120 It was a complicated yet graceful structure of

five levels and witnessed the ordination of thousands of monks over the years.

According to the Monastery Record, the emperor Gaozong M^ bestowed Dunzhao's

platform with the traditional name "Amrita Ordination Platform" (ganlu jietan "t^SI JtSois

The construction of Kaiyuan's first ordination platform was initiated in response to emperor Shenzong's
call for universal tonsure and ordination (pudu I? JS) Sizhi 13a-b Pudu U S would appear to refer to a
pudu sengni H S f e JS which was a periodic call for "universal tonsure and ordination" that the government
might use for celebratory reasons m which restrictions on ordinations were lifted for a period of time The
pudu was a policy governing religious ceremonies (Jianymg 2007 and Dazhuo 2007, personal
communication)
119
If Quanzhou Kaiyuan is to serve as an example of developments in Chinese Buddhism, it was in the
Mmg and Qmg dynasties that Chan and Pure Land truly began to assert their dominance, especially in their
joint practice
120
Sizhi I 3b Dunzhao's concern with establishing an orthodox Nanshan vinaya platform was likely
inspired by the spirit of renewal initiated by vinaya master Yuanzhao (see appendix)

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER TWO Imperial History 75

);121 a name it has retained since. Tradition also holds that its name is derived from a

Tang dynasty well known as the Amrita Well (ganlujing TJiS^F-) which sits below the

platform.122

We have seen that since its founding Kaiyuan has been constantly engaged not

only in the maintenance of its facilities, but in expansion and renovations. While the heart

of Quanzhou Kaiyuan monastery has occupied the same piece of land since its founding

in 686, the monastery and its structures have evolved with changes in leadership and

trends within Buddhism, society and governance. We have seen changes as broad as the

eleventh century's conversion to Chan affiliation or as minor as the re-decoration of a

hall. In 1095, for example, the monk Fashu ^fe^fc oversaw renovations to the main hall in

which he had 1000 Buddha statues installed.123 The following year Fashu established the

Eastern Tripitika Hall which superseded the earlier Sutra Hall as Kaiyuan's main

repository of sutras, preserving the Tripitika as well as calligraphy by Tang Taizong

(founding emperor of the Tang dynasty).124

While new or renovated structures might reflect social or economic trends, behind

all such construction and maintenance, both its funding and execution is the economy of

merit. Monks and laypersons earned merit not only through the construction of stupas,

dharanl pillars or monastic buildings such as ordination platforms, but they could also

earn great amounts of merit in supporting public works such as the building of bridges or

the digging of wells. Monks in Quanzhou were actively involved in the construction of

121
Sizhi I.3b
122
A well was in fact discovered under the platform during the Qmg dynasty. The entrance to this well lies
to the back of the current ordination platform but it has been sealed off.
!23
Sizhi I.2b-3a.
124
Sizhi U\a.
125
See discussion of merit with special reference to the building of bridges in Kieschnick 2003:191 -219.

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER TWO: Imperial History 76

dozens of bridges from the period of the interregnum throughout the Song and Yuan

dynasties. Monks were involved on many levels of the building process; they were

involved as technical advisors, planners and fundraisers. While the canonical motivation

of monks is compassionate service, it may also be that involvement in high-level public

works such as the building of civic infrastructure like bridges was also accepted by

monks as a means to defuse literati criticism of the Sangha as an unproductive burden on

society. There is no reason why monks would not have been motivated by a combination

of compassion and self-interest. Regardless of their precise motivations, monks played an

important role in the construction of monumental stone edifices in Quanzhou and at

Kaiyuan monastery, many of which remain today.

One of Quanzhou's most famous Song dynasty bridges is commonly referred to as

Luoyang bridge ?#P0$f. It spans the mouth of the Luoyang River at the northeastern

entrance to Greater Quanzhou and is said to have been crossed by Marco Polo when he

entered Quanzhou at the end of the thirteenth century. It was constructed from 1053 to

1059 under the auspices of Quanzhou prefect and noted Song dynasty calligrapher Cai

Xiang H H (1012-1067) with the assistance of the Kaiyuan monk Yibo $L$i. Officially

known as the Wan'an Bridge 7J fSc^F, it is about one mile long, or more than 3,600

Chinese feet (chi K)- The bridge was outfitted with Buddhist stupas, shrines and

inscriptions some of which remain today. Before the construction of the bridge, the

Wan'an ferry operated in this location and inclement weather could cause delays and even

deaths. The building of this bridge was thus an act of civic responsibility for Cai Xiang

and an act of compassion toward sentient beings for Chan master Yibo. Yibo, who was

the seventh generation grand-disciple of Xingzhao ^fffp, served as head of Kaiyuan's

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER TWO: Imperial History 11

Amitabha Cloister (Mituo Yuan JKRPBK).126 He played an instrumental role in the

construction of Luoyang Bridge and his role is noted in the famous inscription by Cai

Xiang marking the completion of Luoyang Bridge.1 7

Shrines on the bridge were built

for both Cai Xiang and Yibo.128

Luoyang bridge served as an important element of Quanzhou's transshipment

infrastructure during the Song and Yuan dynasties when ships from all of the known

world unloaded goods at Quanzhou for distribution throughout China and picked up

goods destined for Southeast Asia, India and the Middle East. Of the forty-three bridges

recorded built in Quanzhou during the Northern Song ten were built or repaired under the

guidance of Buddhist monks and the role monks played was even more prominent under

the Southern Song when more than one hundred additional bridges were built.129

Kaiyuan, like most other monasteries in China, has periodically suffered

devastating fires which have leveled buildings thus necessitating large scale

reconstruction. The first great fire suffered by Quanzhou Kaiyuan occurred in 895; a

second devastating fire swept through the monastery in 1155 destroying all the major

buildings including the main hall, the main gate, both east and west pagodas, the Eastern

Tripitika Hall and the Venerated Site Cloister. It is not known what caused the fire, but

all of the structures just mentioned were rebuilt without much delay.

Ziyun kaishi zhuan 13a.

127
Cai Xiang's Wananqiaoji 7J^c$KB(The Record of Wan'an Bridge), Cai Xiang 2005. Cm Xiang Shu
Wan'an qiaoji Hiizf?75;&:;t?Fi3 Tianjm: Tianjm yanghuqmg huashe ^c^^JjfjiPWiffllti.
128
Pearson et al 2002 50
,29
19 in Jmjiang, 7 in Tong'an, 6 in Huian, 6 in Nan'an etc Clark 1981 256-57 Monks were especially
active in building bridges in the interior For example, the monk Huaiying conducted a road building
project m Nanyang around 1100 which included three bridges Qiantai, Lm-wan and Gaogang The monk
Fazhao built Beiji bridge during the Huangyu period (1034-1038), the monk Genhui repaired the Yulan
bridge during the Shaoxmg period (1131-1162). Clark 1981 258-259, Clark 1991 95-107

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER TWO Imperial History 78

 The east and west pagodas were rebuilt over the next thirty-five years by

Kaiyuan's eminent monk Liaoxing T t i and his disciple Shoujing $r^. Liaoxing was a

member of the Huang family of Anxi $ M and is known for his role in the construction

of several bridges in Greater Quanzhou including Anxi's Longjin bridge S^JI/fe^'ffF >

Jinjiang's Anji bridge ^ I ^ r ^ l f r , Gantang bridge ~H"H$F, Tangyin bridge ^ P J $ f ,

Guishanbridge 'felil^f, Shixunbridge ^ i t j ^ r and Jianning Wanshi bridge M T ' T J ^ ^ T

When Liaoxing was rebuilding Kaiyuan's east pagoda, his disciple Shoujing became

his close assistant. They rebuilt the east pagoda as a thirteen-storied wooden structure; it

was completed in 1186. Together, Liaoxing and Shoujing established the Cloister of Bliss

(fileyuan f i ^ K ) ; dedicated to Amitabha, it was nicknamed the "Hall of Amitabha."

Shoujing himself went on to become a famous builder responsible for Shengsengqie

pagoda jlHiHJJDill, Anping Chaotian gate Szr^Pfj^niic, Xinghuajun Anli bridge T^H-fcip

$cMffi, Yanping Kedu bridge l&^-^WM, Wuping Jinji bridge ^ ¥ i r ) ^ $ r , Xianyou

Shima bridge WM^mffi, Qinglong bridge if~Mffi and Quanzhou Longji bridge M'NJfc

i^lfr.1 1
Both Liaoxing and Shoujing were especially skilled at raising funds for the

completion of these costly construction projects. They are models of the engineer monk

who was engaged in construction projects designed to ease suffering, earn merit and

please the political powers thus earning religious, social and political capital for the

Sangha.

130
Fujian Tongzhi volume 263 (Song Fangwai) lists Longjin and Anji bnges The other bridges are
mentioned m Huang Minzhi's "Socio-economic study of Song Dynasty Buddhist temples in Fujian" pp.
131-132 The Qianlongjinjiang xianzhi notes Anji (2 31a), Gantang (2.31a) and Guishan (2 34b) bridges
(see Clark 1991 220, nt 58)
131
Shima, Qinglong and Longji bridges are given by Huang Minzhi (see previous note) while the others are
found in the Fujian Tongzhi vol 263 (Song Fangwai)

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER TWO Imperial History 79

 Kaiyuan's pagodas were rebuilt by the monk Shouchun ^fW- as seven-story brick

pagodas in the early thirteenth century. Soon however, the monk Zizheng [=1 iiE, set out to

rebuild the pagodas in granite. The five-story west pagoda, completed in 1237 has
1 ^9

remained standing to this day. The conversion of the east pagoda from a seven-storied

brick pagoda into a five-storied stone pagoda began in 1238 under the supervision of the

monk Benhong ^ ^ . Benhong was only able to complete the first level, but the carvings

in "greenstone" {qingshi i=f5) 133 which he oversaw along the base are considered the

finest at the monastery. Not only are the panels artistically masterful, but they exhibit a

most impressive knowledge of Indian Buddhist literature.134 A monk named Tianxi ;^cfj§

completed the fifth story and the pinnacle in 1250.135

The reconstruction of the east and west pagodas in stone was the crowning event

of a prosperous period of growth and consolidation during the Song dynasty. While the

early decades of Song dynasty were a period of efflorescence for both Quanzhou and

132
The five-story Stone Lake pagoda appears to have been used as a model for Zizheng's pagoda.
133
A type of diodorite.
134
See Ecke and Demieville 1935: 80-81, 92. They provide an excellent account of the narratives depicted
in these carvings which demonstrate a broad knowledge of Buddhist traditions and Indian Buddhist
literature (Ecke and Demieville 1935:42-65.)
135
The Monastery Record refers to Tianxi, not by name, but as a "preaching monk from Tianzhu 3K=L."
His being described as a "preaching monk from Tianzhu" has led some to speculate that he was an Indian
monk because Tianzhu Guo 3K~E Hi is India. Li Yukun ^ 3 L H; notes this was the view presented in The
Port of Quanzhou and Ancient Maritime Communications {Quanzhou gangyu gudai haiwai jiaotong M'Hi
S - ^ ^ f t ^ b x i l ) (Li Yukun $ I g 1988:31). S t 1988 ^ 01 M- This unsupported notion is also
part of an oral tradition in Quanzhou. The identity of this monk, however, can rather securely be identified
with Tianxi ^ f i (a.k.a. Chuzhuo flfftfi, 1209-1263) from Kaiyuan's own Tianzhu cloister (Tianzhuyuan 3K
r*l?m) who is named in three local records (zhi ,lfe) as the builder of the top story of the east pagoda. These
records are the Gazetteer ofJinjiang xianzhi 69:1652; the Gazetteer of Quanzhou Prefecture XVI, 20a; and
the biographical section of the Record of Xuefeng Temple (IP^^f-ife Xuefengsi zhi). See also Li Yukun ^
3L ti, 1988:31. Demieville suggested that Tianzhu might refer to Tianzhu temple near Hangzhou.
Demieville also noticed the name of Tianxi 3*cl§ in the Gazetteer of Quanzhou Prefecture, but thought that
Tianxi ^fj§ was most likely a misprint of Tianzhu 3K'=- (Ecke and Demieville 1935: 92). The evidence
from the three sources above and the existence of a Tianzhu cloister at Kaiyuan lead me to favor the
interpretation that the monk is Tianxi from Kaiyuan's Tianzhu cloister.

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER TWO: Imperial History 80

Kaiyuan monastery, the closing decades of the dynasty became a time of consolidation in

contrast to the expansion and innovation witnessed during the interregnum and early

Song. Whereas the interregnum was a time of feverish construction of cloisters to house

masters of diverse backgrounds, by the end of the Song there was a dramatic drop in the

establishment of new cloisters. Nevertheless, by the end of the Song dynasty Kaiyuan

monastery included some one hundred and twenty cloisters housing well over a thousand

monks.136

Kaiyuan's Song Dynasty Monks

In reviewing the developments to the physical plant of Kaiyuan monastery we

have met several of Kaiyuan' eminent Song dynasty masters. Throughout the Northern

Song dynasty Kaiyuan continued to expand along the lines established during the

interregnum with the construction of more cloisters inhabited by masters of Chan,

Yogacara, Vinaya and Pure Land. While the establishment of new cloisters dropped off

during the Southern Song, Kaiyuan retained a robust population of monastics. A brief

resume of Kaiyuan's more distinguished Song dynasty masters will demonstrate a great

diversity that has remained a feature of Kaiyuan throughout much of its history.

We have already met master Dunzhao who built the Amrita Ordination Platform

in 1128. Dunzhao lived at Kaiyuan's Guanzhu Cloister (guanzhu yuan M^i$%) and was,

along with the monk Kezun Rfifl, one of the most noteworthy masters of vinaya at
1 ^7

Kaiyuan during the Song dynasty. We have also met Chan master Yibo the seventh

generation grand-disciple of Pure Land master Xingzhao. The most notable master of

136
For more complete coverage of Kaiyuan's cloisters please refer to the first chapter of the Monastery
Record in Appendix I.
137
See Sizhi I 40b, biography #38 for more on Dunzhao.

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER TWO: Imperial History 81

Yogacara at Kaiyuan during the Song was Jingbm ;PS^(active 1008-1016), a grand

disciple of Xmgzhao tf B3.138

Benguan was patronized by a string of Quanzhou prefects; the prefect Chen Shu

WM invited him to give teaching at the Congee Cloister when it became affiliated with

the Chan school. He was honored with a purple robe and the title master Yuanjue M jt£

from emperor Song Shenzong ^ C ^ ^ K (r. 1067-1085).139 Master Weishen studied under

Lrnji Chan Patriarch Shishuang Chuyuan ^ f f i H H (J. Sekiso Soen, 987-1040).140

Special mention should be made of Ziqi ^jPBt (d. 1115) who served as the first Chan

abbot of Kaiyuan. He was especially learned in the Suramgama Sutra and the Sutra of

Perfect Enlightenment {Yuanjue jing H jtclx). The emperor bestowed him a purple

robe and the title Zhaojue Dashi (M^t^Jft). He wrote the Wuhuiyulu jElHaSpc which

was available in the Song dynasty. More information on these masters may be found in

the translation of the Monastery Record in the appendix. Nevertheless, this brief

summary at least gives an idea of the diversity in Buddhist doctrine and practice that

continued to be accommodated under at Kaiyuan during the Song.143

138
See Sizhi I 13b
139
For more on Chan master Benguan see biography #20, Sizhi I 34b
140
See biography #27, Sizhi I.34a
141
The full title is Dafangguangyuanjue xm duoluo haoyijmg ~&jTWiM^?WT$l& Zongmi (780-841)
wrote several commentaries on this sutra and may be credited with enhancing its popularity It is divided
into twelve chapters discussing meditation It was a text important in early Chan
142
For more on Ziqi see Sizhi I.35b-36b, biography # 30
143
In the interest of noting other dimensions of Quanzhou's Buddhist environment beyond Kaiyuan
monastery I would like to make a note of notable Chan masters who were either from Quanzhou or lived in
one of its monasteries during the Song dynasty Chan master Baoci Xmgyan was a native of Quanzhou and
became a disciple of Fayan Wenyi /iHRXiii He became abbot of Jiangnan's Baoci monastery in today's
Nanjing (See Ferguson 2000 343-345) Another disciple of Fayan Wenyi and a native of Quanzhou is
Chan master Chongshou Qizhou (d 992) Chengtian Chuanzong taught at Quanzhou's Chengtian
monastery, he was a disciple of Xuedou Chongxian (See Ferguson 2000 367) Dahui Zonggao j c t l l :
(1089-1163) who advocated koan meditation over silent illumination gave teachings in Fuzhou, arriving
there in 1134 (Levering 1999 194)

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER TWO Imperial Histoid 82

 Economically, Quanzhou had began to enter a recession during the Southern Song

which made rebuilding after the fire of 1155 that much more demanding. Prefects were

not busy building cloisters for Chan masters in the twelfth century not only due to a lack

of funds, but also due to the rise of the Neo-Confucian school of Zhuxi which offered a

formidable challenge to Buddhists and drew official patronage away from monks. The

Zen school was no longer new and perhaps some of its iconoclastic brilliance had begun

to fade. If such conditions had been left to fester Kaiyuan may have fallen into a

downward spiral of neglect, but the Yuan dynasty intervened and led to a different kind

of contraction which will be examined shortly.

A theme that remained strong in the development of Kaiyuan during the Song as

well as throughout its history is the relationship between Kaiyuan monks and the elite.

Throughout the Song, as it was throughout the interregnum, the relationship was one of

enthusiastic support. This support was especially evident throughout the Northern Song

and it was through the patronage of local prefects and other elites that so many cloisters

were constructed to house so many distinguished monks. What Chi-Chiang Huang has

written about the relationship between elites and the Buddhist clergy in Northern Song

Hangzhou is applicable to Kaiyuan's situation in Song dynasty Quanzhou: "Whether

officials in the national bureaucracy serving in a local post or local scholars, prefects or

members of a small district staff, these elites formed an alliance with the clergy to bring

order and prosperity to their jurisdiction. .. .They were as much of an impetus to the

flourishing of Buddhism in their area as were the leaders of the local Buddhist

institutions."144 Throughout the Song, Kaiyuan monastery flourished with the support of

144
Huang 1999: 297. "Elite and Clergy in Northern Sung Hang-chou. A Convergence of Interest " in Peter
Gregory and D. Getz eds. Buddhism in the Sung. Huang points out that the behavior of local elites

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER TWO: Imperial History 83

elites all the way from the emperor down to the district magistrate. Just as Kaiyuan could

expand under the patronage of the state, it could also contract with the loss of state

enthusiasm. We now turn from the Song to the Yuan dynasty where a different set of

conditions and a different set of elite actors effected dramatic changes in the complexion

of Kaiyuan monastery.

THE YUAN DYNASTY:

The Birth of Great Kaiyuan Everlasting Chan Monastery tt^TijH

In 1276, twenty-six years after the completion of Kaiyuan's east pagoda, Pu

Shougeng, the former superintendent of maritime trade who is thought to have been a

Muslim of Arab heritage, surrendered Quanzhou to the invading Mongols. Mongol forces

massacred 3,000 members of the imperial clan. Soon afterward, the Yuan dynasty jt\X

of the Mongolians (1280-1368) was established. While it would come to be seen as a

period of disgraceful conquest by the Mongol Horde, from an outside perspective it was

the Pax Mongolica which witnessed more peaceful commercial intercourse between

China and the outside world than has perhaps ever been known. While there was

discrimination against the Han Chinese, especially the Southern Han Chinese who had

resisted Mongol rule the longest, foreigners enjoyed a tremendous level of opportunity

and integration into the Chinese polity. This integration is evident in both the

archeological and literary record of Quanzhou. An account of the cosmopolitan nature of

Quanzhou during the Yuan dynasty is included as an appendix.

contrasts with the critiques of Buddhism found in official Song histories Huang finds that local elites in
Hangzhou worked harmoniously with the Buddhist clergy and adds that "the importance of Buddhism in
Hang-chou meant that, whatever personal opinion officials may have had of Buddhism, their official duties
would have inclined them to adopt a pragmatic and open minded attitude in their dealings with the
religion " Huang 1999. 299

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER TWO Imperial History 84

 While the foreign communities in Quanzhou flourished, the Han Chinese suffered

forms of systematic discrimination. Quanzhou Kaiyuan monastery was not exactly

punished as a stronghold of Han Buddhism, but it did suffer dramatic privations that

forever altered its identity as a sprawling monastic complex.

We have seen how from the end of the Tang through the end of the Song,

Kaiyuan may be seen to have developed into a kind of Buddhist university, where

individuals were admitted to study under the supervision of a master. One could pursue

intense study or practice in the arts and sciences that had become associated with

Buddhism in China. We have seen that these fields of specialization included not only

scriptural exegesis, meditation and ritual, but also engineering. Under the Yuan dynasty,

Kaiyuan would lose its cloisters and its status as a Buddhist "university."

In 1285, nine years into Mongol rule, the old Quanzhou Kaiyuan monastery was

abolished and in its place arose the Great Kaiyuan Everlasting Chan Monastery {Da

Kaiyuan Wanshou Chansi ^v Jf 7U7J ^fW^f ). It was a big name for what was in reality a

dramatically smaller, controllable and cohesive monastery. By the thirteenth century

Kaiyuan had grown to immense proportions for a central urban monastery and

encompassed one hundred and twenty separate cloisters in addition to the central

buildings of the monastery such at the main gate, the main hall, the ordination platform

and the Tripitika hall. In 1285, the reach of the monastery retracted considerably as 117

of the 120 affiliated cloisters that clustered around Kaiyuan's central axis were abolished.

The resulting monastery was a mere fraction of its former size. With these changes in

circumstance Kaiyuan took on a less universal role; with the loss of its land and therefore

its economic base it reined in its ambitions as a Buddhist kingdom or university and

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER TWO: Imperial History 85

settled on the more modest goal of being a Chan monastery. Only three of Kaiyuan's one

hundred and twenty cloisters are known to have remained after the dramatic

consolidation of 1285—these were the Venerated Site Cloister, the East Pagoda Cloister

and the Cloister of Bliss.

The choice of these three cloisters for preservation speaks to a certain logic as

well as to a certain sensibility. The Venerated Site Cloister formed part of the original

nucleus of the monastery, it was the first cloister established and marked the site where

mulberry trees had bloomed lotus blossoms. It had served as the home of founding monk

Kuanghu who was associated with the school of Yogacara. Its preservation indicates the

persistence of historical memory and a desire to maintain ties to Kaiyuan's historical

origins. The East Pagoda Cloister, established in the ninth century with the founding of

the East Pagoda by the venerable monk Wencheng, was one of Kaiyuan's earliest

cloisters and associated with the Vinaya school. The Cloister of Bliss, it will be recalled,

was founded by the monks Liaoxing and Shoujing who rebuilt the East and West pagodas

after the great fire of 1155. Established between 1174-1189, at the heart of this cloister

was a shrine to Amitabha Buddha and it would have served as a focus for devotees of

Pure Land practices. The choice of cloisters to survive the consolidation of 1285, then,

suggests both an historical consciousness as well as a desire to maintain a link to other,

non-Chan, schools of Buddhist thought, namely Yogacara, Vinaya and Pure Land while

Kaiyuan assumed the shape of a more restricted Chan monastery.

Yuan emperor Kublai Khan (r. 1271-1294) consented to local administrator's

requests to have the cloisters united as one temple.1 In 1286, the year following the

145
Sizhil lb-2a

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER TWO- Imperial Histoiy 86

consolidation, the Chan master Miao'en tyPM (d. 1293) was invited to become the

inaugural abbot:

Although he declined, he was not allowed to persist in his refusal.

Arriving at the gate, he said, "The first sentence is the first step. If
speech is followed by action, the chiliocosm (daqian ^ ^ P ) will be
held in the palm of one's hand." He then yelled, "Don't block my
freaking doorway!" (mo lailan wo qiumen lu ^ j f e i ^ S . S n ^ ) 1 4 6

We can imagine the crowd that had gathered to greet the new abbot, a combination of the

reverent and curious, and Miao'en, anxious to get to work at a job he didn't choose,

effectively yelling out in characteristically irreverent Chan master style: "I've got work

to do. Now get the hell out of my way!" Miao'en had a job to do and once he had

committed himself to it (through "speech") he was determined to turn Kaiyuan's losses

around (through "action"). Miao'en, a disciple of Chan master Xuefeng Kexiang ffil^ PT

'M (1206-1290), was respected as both a Chan master and for his ability to refashion

Kaiyuan as a centralized Chan monastery without independent cloisters. Yuanxian spoke

highly of both Miao'en's and Miao'en's successor Qizu's f^ffl. abilities to lead and attract

aspiring monks to Kaiyuan: "As the Chan way spread far and wide, novice monks raced

here in droves."147

Over the seven years he served as abbot, Miao'en led Kaiyuan in a spate of

building designed to refashion Kaiyuan as a distinctively Chan monastery. To this end,

his building program included Kaiyuan's first Chan hall and its first hall of patriarchs

(zushi tang^&^'Ml). With the abolition of Kaiyuan's cloisters came the need to establish

146
See Biography #41, Sizhi I.41b-2a
147
ibid For more on this period and Chan master Miao'en's tenure as abbot from 1286-1293 please see the
appendix

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER TWO Imperial History 87

additional halls that could assume functions previously carried out by the many cloisters.

These new halls included a Shrine to Monastery Protectors (qielan ci fid JnL^H]), the

Donor's Ancestral Shrine (Tanyue ci I f i ® ^ ) , a Hall of Five Hundred Arhats, a seven

room kitchen and a resting hall for the monastery's general manager (Jianyuan JJaK)

known as the Meng Hall (meng tang H H ) .

The halls which fit most squarely into the Chan tradition were the Chan Hall

where monks could engage in group meditation and the Hall of Patriarchs where

offerings could be made to Chan patriarchs and former abbots. These two halls

represent two central features of the Chan tradition, a concern with the cultivation of

meditative realization and an equally powerful concern with lineage and transmission.

From this building activity it seems that Miao'en was indeed busy constructing a

new type of monastery henceforth known as Great Kaiyuan Chan Monastery (^v Jf 7LW

# ) , a name found on its letterhead today. The Yuan dynasty presented a challenge that

Kaiyuan weathered under the energetic leadership of Miao'en and his immediate

successors. As recorded in the Monastery Record: "The monastery's dharma was in

decline but he restored it to vigor."1

Miao'en chose master Qizu |§|§. (1230-1319) to succeed him as abbot just before

his passing in 1293. Qizu continued to make changes to the physical plant of Kaiyuan.

Qizu also made a revolving sutra cabinet (zhuanlun zang $f ffclic) for the Eastern

Tripitika Hall and ordered the monk Bofu JB?g to pave the main courtyard {dating f^]M)

148
See Foulk 1993 172-176 for a discussion of the arrangement of portraits m the Patriarch Hall, their
derivation from Confucian practices and their use in Chan monasteries of the Song dynasty For a more
contemporary account of practice in a Chan hall in Korea see Buswell's informed and engaging account in
The Zen Monastic Experience (Princeton, 1992)
149
Sizh\A\b

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER TWO Imperial History 88

in front of the main hall with stone; it remains so to this day. The revolving sutra cabinets

became trendy during the Song. They are said to be a means of earning the merit

equivalent to reading their contents (typically the entire Tripitika) by simply rotating

them a full turn or circumambulating them.150 This structure along with the paved

courtyard suggests an effort to make the monastery more appealing to visitors and

devotees.

Qizu died in 1319 and was succeeded as abbot by Ruzhao #n'J§ (d. 1331) who had

served as Miao'en's close attendant for several years. Ruzhou, who is said to have carried

on Qizu's dharma, made a practice of writing sutras in his own blood. He copied the

Lotus Sutra in blood while at Fuzhou's Xuefeng monastery and then wrote the Flower

Ornament Sutra (Huayanjing) in blood after returning to Kaiyuan; this blood sutra

remains in Kaiyuan's library. Hearing of his reputation, the emperor bestowed upon him

the title Foguo Hongjue i ^ ^ A ^ O ' B u d d h a Fruit Great Awakening").151 Unlike Miao'en

and Qizu, Ruzhou's talent did not include institution building; he was known, rather, for

the ascetic devotional practice of writing sutras with his own blood (a form of offering

one's "body" to the Buddha).

While it lost its status as a kind of Buddhist research university, Kaiyuan

preserved an impressive library of Buddhist scriptures and although its size had become a

fraction of what it had been, it remained the largest monastery in Quanzhou with some

1000 monks. Miao'en and Qizu made the best of a compromised situation, but the

trajectory they established (focus on the support and training of Chan monks) was short -
150
For more on revolving sutra cabmets see Carrmgton 1942 For their popularity during the Song see
Huang Mmzhi jSc§j{t£ 1996 "Zailnn songdai siyuan de zhuanluncang" If Mi'MiX^FBcWIf frail
(Revolving Scripture Cabinets in Song Temples) Qinghua xuebao Jpf^^Pffx 26 2 139-88 (Thanks to
Susan Huang for references)
151
Sizhi 143a-b, biography #43

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER TWO Imperial History 89

lived. As the Yuan dynasty wore on signs appear that Kaiyuan monastery began to

cultivate a role that would form part of its identity from that time to the present—it

became self-conscious as a site of religious, historic and cultural value, in today's

vernacular, a site of religious tourism.

The first clear indication of this historical self-consciousness comes in 1327 when

two ornamental walls were erected outside the main gate known as the East and West

Bounding Walls (dongxi erfang % H—i£f). On these walls were notices announcing the

presence of "Eight Auspicious Phenomena" (bajixiang A nf W) and "Six Unique Sites"

(liu shusheng /\^H4). 1 5 2 Such publicly displayed notices indicate a need the monastery

felt to advertise its propitious features, features which pointed to the past greatness of

Kaiyuan and the virtue of its monks. Kaiyuan monastery had reached a peak during the

Song dynasty in terms of its size and its number of eminent residents; decline had set in

from the Yuan onward. The self-reflexivity, the looking to the past for evidence of

greatness and the need to self-promote that greatness through billboard-like inscriptions

all point to a kind decadence that had set in and still haunts Kaiyuan as it does all great

institutions that outlive a glorious past.

This historical self-reflexivity on the part of Kaiyuan's monks is further revealed

by the composition of Biographies of Purple Cloud Bodhisattvas. Written by Kaiyuan's

152
The Eight Auspicious Phenomena were the 1 Purple cloud covering the land (ziyiin gaidi jPszanbti), 2.
Mulberry trees with white lotus blossoms (sangshu baihan Hpfffijl^, 3. Courtyard without grass (fancao
busheng /UIRS33, 4 White dove listening to sutra (baige tingjmgt=$$ffi£) , 5 Dream of the arhats
(yingmeng luohan, $%$&BL), 6 Eminent monks of branch cloisters {zhiyuan gaoseng^mS^e), 7.
Manjushn's handwriting (wenshu moji yMSM?) and 8 Mummy of the bare-shouldered monk (tanbo
zhenshen $MMM) The Six Unique Sites were the 1 Stone-arisen peony (shisheng mudan ^Kferifl), 2.
Purple Cloud twin pagodas (ziyun shuangta ^K>5#§), 3 Silk-burnmg furnace (fenbolu M ^ ^ 1 ) , 4. Buddha
statue from the emperor (yuci foxiangW$WHf, 5 Amrita Ordination Platform (ganlujietan ~H1SI#I?) and 6
Ancient dragon-eye well (gu longyanjing TfeSSIcft) See Chapter seven for a discussion of these auspicious
signs and sites

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER TWO Imperial History 90

Mengguan Shi $&M ft (i.e. Dagui the builder of the Mengguan Hall) at the end of the

Yuan dynasty in 1348, this is a collection of biographies of Quanzhou Kaiyuan monks

from Kuanghu onward. The timing of Mengguan's writing during the disintegration of

the Yuan dynasty suggest that he quite rightly sensed the impending disaster and sought

to record for posterity what was known about the luminaries of Kaiyuan's illustrious

past—it was a curatorial impulse. It was Mengguan's record that inspired Yuanxian to

write the Record of Quanzhou Kaiyuan Monastery at the end of the Ming dynasty and

served as his primary source.

Just after Mengguan completed his Biographies, the departmental magistrate

(jianjun jj£f$) Xie Shiyu \% tftZE wrote a name board for Kaiyuan's main gate reading,

"The Buddha Land of Southern Quanzhou" (Quannan foguo 7kM\%Wi). This final

gesture of exaltation came in 1350 and may be seen to mark the end of an era, not only

for the monastery of Kaiyuan but also the city of Quanzhou. Along with the self-

promotional "Bounding Walls" and Menguan's Biographies this inscription looks to

Kaiyuan's past, to a golden age that once was. Those examining Kaiyuan at the end of the

Yuan dynasty saw its greatness in its past, rather than in the present or the future and

perhaps they were prescient. For soon the city and the monastery would be devastated in

the violence that accompanied the end of the Yuan, neither can be said to have ever

recovered their pre-Ming greatness.

In the middle of the fourteenth century China and the city of Quanzhou were

undergoing the birthing pains of what would become a new dynasty. Unrest, rebellion

and lawlessness were spreading out from points of intense suffering born of flood and

famine. In 1357 Kaiyuan suffered wholesale destruction by fire; the only remains were

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER TWO: Imperial History 91

those things made of stone: pavements, foundations, platforms, columns, stupas,

inscriptions in stone and, most notably, the pagodas. The city came to be replaced as the

commercial center of the region by Yueh-kang [Yuegang ^ $|] under the Ming and then

by Xiamen (Amoy) in the seventeenth century. The collapse of the Yuan dynasty

sounded the death knell for Quanzhou's international trade and although Kaiyuan would

rebuild it would never flourish as it had before. As the Monastery Record relates, "The

recurring famines and widespread pillaging and plundering at the end of the Yuan

dynasty were disheartening to the temple. By 1397 (30th year of Hongwu) the temple

monks were nearly wiped out in the disaster."

The Yuan dynasty survived for less than one hundred years but it radically

refashioned Kaiyuan monastery in a way that has since left its mark. Superficially

Kaiyuan received a new name that has since graced its main entryway: Great Kaiyuan

Everlasting Chan Monastery. More profoundly, Kaiyuan lost one hundred and seventeen

cloisters and remade itself in the image of other Chan monasteries with a dedicated Chan

hall and a hall of Patriarchs. The Yuan dynasty also brought radical changes to the socio-

political structure of Quanzhou; Han Chinese and literati lost their positions of

dominance and foreigners enjoyed greater freedom and opportunity. This change affected

patterns of patronage at Kaiyuan during the Yuan, namely, this period showed a

noticeable drop in the activity of Quanzhou prefects or other local elites in supporting

Kaiyuan monks and the building and maintenance of its structures. The reinvention of

Kaiyuan as a Chan monastery without its many cloisters was orchestrated by Fujian

officials and the Yuan court. Kaiyuan had heretofore remained above state-initiated

153
Kumar 1987: 604.
Sizhi 1.2a

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER TWO: Imperial History 92

measures to restrict, suppress or otherwise discipline monasteries, but the socio-political

atmosphere had sufficiently changed that it was now Quanzhou Kaiyuan's turn to reign in

its ambitions and loose some of its privileges. In the process it indeed became smaller and

more manageable and also more easily laid waste in 1357.

The Yuan dynasty had reversed the economic recession that had settled over

Southern Song Quanzhou, the port of Quanzhou once again prospered and foreign

communities boomed. Tragically, the glorious cosmopolitanism of the Yuan was

doomed. At the heart of the doomed dynamic was the Yuan caste system which favored

foreigners and discriminated against the Han; it was this system that led to the fateful

establishment of a powerful military garrison led by Persians. The Yuan caste system led

to resentment among the Han which exploded in the dissolution of the Yuan and

establishment of the Ming. The transition was marked in Quanzhou by ethnic violence

that took a toll on Quanzhou's foreign communities. Quanzhou's Hindus, Nestorians and

Catholics, in particular, would disappear only to be rediscovered with the unearthing of

tombstones and other stone fragments in the 1940s. It was in this crucible of transition

that both the city of Quanzhou and the monastery of Kaiyuan imploded—neither one

achieving again the heights they had once known.

THE MING DYNASTY:

Early and Late Restorations ^ ill If-jtB

The founding of the Ming dynasty ^iX (1368-1644) returned order to the city but

it would be thirty years before the full restoration of Kaiyuan's monastic buildings while

its sangha would never reach pre-Ming levels. Quanzhou itself would never recover the

prosperity or the cosmopolitanism of earlier days. Not only had it lost its international

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER TWO: Imperial History 93

population, but the Ming court drastically altered the trading policy of the Song and Yuan

dynasties and drew trade away from Quanzhou's port which led to the loss of Quanzhou's

world-class, cosmopolitan status. Soon after the establishment of the Ming dynasty,

offices of Maritime Affairs were set up in the three port cities of Ningbo T ^ , Quanzhou

and Guangzhou F'jM- The only official trade, however, for most of the Ming was

tributary trade and the only vessels officially received at Quanzhou were those from the

Ryukyus (modern Okinawa).155 The effect of these measures was to profoundly curtail

trade in Quanzhou, and increase illegal trade and piracy along the Southeast coast.15 It

was not until 1567, a hundred years after the founding of the Ming, that private maritime

trade was again legally permitted, but this trade was to pass through Zhangzhou's port of

Yuegang rather than Quanzhou. Some one hundred years later, during Qing times, Amoy

(Xiamen M i l ) would become the regional maritime port for South Fujian, but neither

Yuegang nor Xiamen have ever reached the heights of prosperity enjoyed by Quanzhou

during the Song and Yuan dynasties. Just as Quanzhou would never return to pre-Ming

levels of prosperity, Kaiyuan would never approach its pre-Yuan levels of vitality.

At the same time as the Ming court sought to exercise tighter control over trade, it

sought greater regulation of religion. The founder of the Ming, Zhu Yuanzhang $kjtl$

(1328-1398), was an orphan who spent time as a Buddhist monk before joining the

messianic sect of rebels known as the Red Turbans. Known as Taizu yfclB. after his

enthronement, the founder of the Ming had first-hand knowledge of the danger that

religious groups could pose to the state and, like previous emperors, he attempted to gain

155
Boats from Japan and Korea were to call at Ningbo while Guangzhou was the designated port to receive
the South Seas tributary trade.
156
So 2000. 125-127.
157
So 2000- 126-127

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER TWO' Imperial History 94

greater control over Buddhist monks and Taoist clerics. Five years into the Ming, Taizu

issued his first decree aimed at regulating the Sangha. The imperial edict of 1373 sought

a dramatic reduction in the number of China's monks and monasteries:

Right now the Emperor feels that in recent years people have
believed excessively in Buddhism and Taoism. As a result, monks
and priests have increased day by day. They eat without labor and
there is nothing more wasteful to the national economy than this.
Therefore, it has been decreed that in each prefecture (fu), district
(zhou), and county (hsieri), only one large Buddhist monastery and
Taoist temple will be allowed to exist. All monks and priests are to
be housed in one place and persons with good discipline will be
1 S8

chosen to lead them.

The extent to which this edict was implemented was limited and the order was

reiterated by a second imperial edict in 1391 decreed that there should be only one large

public monastery (shifang conglin ~~\~7j))kW) and Taoist temple per prefecture, district

and county and that all the monks of a given prefecture should live in these large

monasteries.159 While implementation of this order was inconsistent, the policy did

prevent the rebuilding of many monasteries that had been damaged at the end of the Yuan

and a subsequent diminishing of the Sangha. Kaiyuan, as the prefecture's most prominent

monastery, was naturally marked for preservation.

Although Kaiyuan's population of monks was dwindling, there remained monks

with the wherewithal to organize and execute the work of restoration. Kaiyuan's main

hall was the first structure to be rebuilt after the great fire of 1357; the rebuilding project

was undertaken under the direction of the monk Huiyuan U S in 1389. Heartened by the

return of the main hall, the monk Huiming M'w repaired the Hall of Five Hundred Arhats
liX
Ming shilu (1537) vol 86: 4. Translation in Yu 1981 145-146
159
Yu 1981 144-45 This edict further stipulated that monasteries be categorized according as Chan,
doctrine and ritual performance, a change from earlier classification into Chan, doctrine and vmaya See Yu
1981. 147-152 and Ch'en 1964 435-436

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER TWO Imperial History 95

in 1393 and the following year built the Western Tripitika Hall (xi zang dian "&WM) to

replace the Eastern Tripitika Hall which had been lost in the fire. Also in 1393, the monk

Fajian £feM rebuilt the Cloister of Bliss, providing a few monks with a place to live in

addition to a place to make offerings to Amitabha. This cloister reflects the growing

popularity of Pure Land practice during the Ming and the joint practice of Chan and Pure

Land that so profoundly marks Chinese Buddhism to this day.

This early Ming activity was encouraging, but Kaiyuan's monastic population was

still alarmingly on the wane and other buildings remained in a state of ruin. As mentioned

earlier, "By 1397 the temple monks were nearly wiped out in the disaster."160 Local

officials reported the dire situation to the emperor who, nearing the end of his reign, took

action to find a suitable abbot to lead Kaiyuan's rebuilding. The emperor sent the eminent

monk-official Zhengying jEi&, who was then serving as the Tripitika prefect (dianzang

MM) at the leading monastery of the Ming capital, Nanjing's Tianjie monastery ^Jf-^f

,l : to serve as Kaiyuan's abbot. The Monastery Record provides the following account:

At that time it was stated by imperial decree: "The sangha of

Quanzhou Kaiyuan monastery, facing disaster, must find a suitable
abbot. Through the drawing of lots Zhengying was chosen and
presented to the emperor. The emperor decreed, "He shall go serve
as abbot. These days it is difficult to be an abbot. If you are too
lenient others will take advantage of you. If you are too strict you
will be maligned. Only if you keep a pure heart and clean self can
you endure for long. This has been decreed by the emperor (qinci
^fclfcfc)." Following imperial orders the master came to the
monastery. In the sixth lunar month of 1398 (31st year of

160
Sizhi I 2a. Biography #45
161
Nanjing Tianjie monastery was then the principal monastery in the Ming capital of Nanjing, it was also
the location of the Buddhist Worthies Department (Shanshi yuan) established by Taizu m 1368 as the
central coordinating office of Buddhist affairs, this department later became the Central Buddhist
Registration (Senglusi) and was known as such by the time Zhengying was sent from there to Quanzhou
Kaiyuan See Yu 1981 166-170 for more on the Buddhist Worthies Department during the Ming dynasty

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER TWO Imperial History 96

 Hongwu), he began to give teachings to a receptive audience of
one mind (zhong zhi xiran -£k^mj$). He first rebuilt the dharma
hall, then the Amrita ordination platform. Not long afterwards
many things that had been abolished were all repaired or
restored.162

Kaiyuan's main hall had already been rebuilt when Zhengying became abbot in

1398, so he immediately set out to rebuild the dharma hall, the ordination platform and

the Hall of Patriarchs. The emperor's perceptive words of encouragement to Zhengying

suggest a sincere wish to restore monastic discipline: "If you are too lenient others will

take advantage of you. If you are too strict you will be maligned. Only if you keep a pure

heart and mind and clean self can you endure for long." Zhengying, taking these words to

heart had four pertinent characters from the emperor's statement inscribed on a board that

was hung above the entrance to the rebuilt dharma hall: "Keep heart and mind pure and

self clean" (qingxinjieji yft'C^cj S). 1 6 3 Zhengying's ability to rebuild monasteries was in

demand in the early Ming and he was soon compelled to leave Kaiyuan, being pressed

into service as abbot of Xuefeng monastery in 1403, which, like Kaiyuan, required

significant rebuilding. Then again, in 1425, having sufficiently restored Xuefeng, he was

appointed abbot of Linggu monastery .Pc^^F by imperial decree. Zhengying had led

Kaiyuan's rebuilding forty-one years after its destruction by fire in 1357. His 1398

rebuilding is a classic case of a comprehensive restoration following a period of decline

and destruction. Quanzhou Kaiyuan monastery would have been one of only a handful of

large Buddhist monasteries in Fujian during the early Ming, but while physical

improvements continued to be made at Kaiyuan the general quality of the Sangha at

162
Sizhi I.44b
163
Sizhi I.4b

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER TWO' Imperial History 97

Kaiyuan and throughout China remained underwhelming at best throughout the entire

dynasty.

Five years after the death of the Hongwu emperor (Taizu), a great patron of

Buddhism assumed the imperial mantle, the Yongle TjCilfr emperor (Chengzu J^cli., r.

1403-1424).164 During the Yongle period, Kaiyuan continued the renewal of its physical

plant which had begun at the end of the Hongwu period under Zhengying. Developments

that continued during the Yongle period were carried out under the direction of the monk

Zhichang H m. From 1408 to 1411 Zhichang carried out a series of improvements that

contributed to the aesthetic appeal of the monastery and made it more accommodating to

visitors. Zhichang oversaw repairs to the corridors along the main courtyard and added

four corridors to the ordination hall. Zhichang also focused his attention on a series of

improvements to the area just in front of the main hall. He expanded the platform that

fronts the main hall and dug two small ponds to the left and right sides of the main

courtyard. He also built several small stupas arranged along the sides of the main

courtyard (these remain in situ today).

Although no record confirms this, it seems most plausible that it was during

Zhichang's expansion of the main hall's platform that the seventy-two decorative sphinx

carvings (figures have a human face and lion's body, known in Sanskrit as vyala-vari)

were incorporated into the base of the platform [Figure 12]. The temple from which these

164
Yongle was a disciple of the Lamaist monk Halima BpALfl^(De-bshm-gsegs-pa), but is most famous for
his building of Beijing as the Ming capital and his association with the maritime voyages of Zheng He fflffl
. The Yongle emperor moved the capital from Nanjing to Beijing and set to work on a new imperial
palace, the Forbidden City Zheng He is recorded to have stopped at Quanzhou to pray in one the mosques,
but otherwise had no strong connections with the city whose once busy international port was no longer m
operation Two books about Zheng He suggest that Emperor Jianwen HX'Sr temporarily and secretly took
refuge at Kaiyuan in 1403 before taking a boat to Southeast Asia See Jiechu hanghaijia Zheng He -^ tfjflfL
MMfflffl by the Taiwanese writer Chen Shuiyua W-7KM and Zheng He xia xiyang $$%U T I S # by the
Japanese scholar Chitoshi Uesugi Jlt^^f"^

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER TWO Imperial History 98

sculptures originated was destroyed in the violence that accompanied the collapse of the

Yuan. These sculpted stones were thus available and their incorporation into the base of

the platform may have simply been a matter of recycling useful, aesthetically valuable

materials. In support of this view is the incorporation of Yuan dynasty stone tombstones

into the Ming dynasty city wall which in addition to showing a lack of respect to those

buried and their ancestors, expresses a recycling spirit.1 5 A spirit of recycling combined

with aesthetic appreciation seems to account for the incorporation of two elegant Hindu

columns at the back of the main hall during the Late Ming Restoration to be discussed

below.166

The Yongle period (1403-1424) was a final period of rebuilding before the onset

of a decline that would last until Kaiyuan's Wanli period (1573-1619) restoration. From

1398 to 1411 under the leadership of Zhengying and Zhichang Kaiyuan's halls were

rebuilt and the grounds were restored and even enhanced with additional stupas, ponds

and corridors. The fifteenth century gazetteer of Fujian records that Kaiyuan "was

restored during the Hongwu and Zhengtong (1435-49) periods ^ ^ j E ^ C and given a

name board reading (bianyue E H ) "Number One Chan Monastery" (diyi chanlin M—'

W-fr)."1 7
I refer to this period of rebuilding under Zhengying and Zhichang from the

Hongwu to Yongle periods, the Early Ming Restoration.

Risha Lee at Columbia University is currently writing a dissertation on Indian contact with Quanzhou as
evidenced in the sculptural remains at Quanzhou She may have a more definitive theory
166
A Tamil language inscription indicates the presence of a temple dedicated to Shiva; it is not known if
these sculptures would have been from the same temple or not, but it is a distinct possibility (Guy 2001)
Bamin Tongzhi 77:1160.
168
It may be more precise to call it the Hongwu-Yongle restoration, but I have opted for "Early Ming" m
hopes of making the period more immediately intelligible to non-Smologists. It also provides a convenient
pair with the Wanli period restoration which I refer to as the Late Ming Restoration

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER TWO Imperial History 99

 Whatever the merits of Zhengying and Zhichang and other monks of that period,

there appears to have been a lack of momentum which may be attributed in part to

insufficiently developed institutional mechanisms for the training of monks. Zhichang's

series of largely aesthetic improvements to Kaiyuan's physical plant continues the theme

we saw emerge at the end of the Yuan dynasty, a shift in emphasis to accommodating

non-monastic visitors. I refer to such improvements as directed at monastic "hardware"

during the contemporary era. Just as "improvements" made at the end of the Yuan in the

form of the bounding walls suggested hints of decadence, so do the additions made by

Zhichang suggest a shift in focus away from monastic training and practice to the

accommodation of visitors and lay Buddhists. All of Zhichang's additions can be seen to

enhance the experience of visitors to Kaiyuan—covered walkways helped keep visitors

shaded and dry; the extended platform outside the main hall accommodated greater

numbers of incense-burning worshippers; the ponds would have provided a place for

visitors to earn merit by releasing fish into them169 and the rows of stupas in the main

courtyard served to enhance the aesthetic and religious experience of visitors. It is not

being denied that these developments would have also enhanced the monastery for its

monks, but it remains nonetheless true, that they would contribute more to the experience

of visitors and lay Buddhists than to the training of monastics.

As the Ming dynasty wore on conditions at Kaiyuan degenerated precipitously.

The morale of the monks declined and most of Kaiyuan's land and buildings were

ultimately lost to non-monastics. Kaiyuan's problems, however, were much bigger than

Lay societies that practiced vegetarianism and the "release of life" (freeing of animals being sold for
food) were popular throughout the Mmg and they often raised money to build such ponds as a place to
release fish, ducks and turtles For background on these societies See Yu 1981 75-81

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER TWO Imperial History 100

Kaiyuan or Quanzhou; there was a general decline in discipline and learning at Buddhist

monasteries throughout China after the Yongle period

Chun-fang Yii's study of Ming dynasty Buddhism notes two broad categories of

causes for the degeneration of the Sangha during the Ming.] First were external causes

in the form of government intervention such as restrictions in the building of monasteries

and the ordination of monks. Secondly were internal causes of decline that came in three

dimensions according to Yii: 1. the degeneration of Chan practice, 2. neglect of discipline

and 3. secularization.171 Under founding emperor Taizu, regulations sought to limit the

number of monks and improve the quality of the Sangha. During the Jmgtai period

(1450-1456), however, the government began the practice of selling ordination

certificates as a means of generating revenue. This was a turning point that accelerated

the decline of the Chinese Sangha. While the need to generate revenue for famine relief

in Sichuan in the early 1450's was the initial reason for the emergency selling of

ordination certificates, as time wore on the sell of certificates became wantonly

routine.172 By the 1550's one simply needed to pay five ounces of silver in person or by

proxy to Ministry of Revenue and then go to the Ministry of Rites to apply for the

ordination certificate. Any pretensions of Buddhist qualifications for those seeking

ordination, such as the exams required in the early Ming, were non-existent.17 Having

tens of thousands of individuals "ordained" as monks in name but not in deed surely

contributed to a devaluation of the Chinese Sangha.

170
Yu Chun-fang 1981 The Renewal of Buddhism in China Chu-hung and the Late Ming Synthesis New
York Columbia University Press
171
Yu 1981 144
172
In 1484, for example, 10,000 blank certificates were issued for purchase by anyone who could bring ten
shi ^fq (piculs, about 1330 lbs ) of grain to areas suffering famine, another 60,000 ordination certificates
were sold at twelve ounces of silver apiece "As the years passed, the price went up and the procedure was
made simpler " Yu 1981 160-161 See also Ch'en 1964 435
173
Yu 1981 161-162

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER TWO Imperial History 101

 Further damage to the Chinese Sangha occurred under the forty-five year reign

of the Jiajing M$n Emperor Shizong tft^K (r. 1522-1567). His cruelty and ruthlessness

wedded to his devotion to Daoism brought about the destruction of scores of Buddhist

monasteries and statues.174 In 1527 Shizong destroyed more than six hundred Buddhist

monasteries and nunneries in Beijing. Three years later he began to order the

destruction of Buddhist monasteries beyond the capital.176 In 1536, in one infamous

episode, Shizong had 169 gold and silver statues as well asl3,000y'/« of relics

destroyed.177 Not only was it forbidden to repair monasteries or to ordain any new monks

during his reign, but in 1541 the emperor decreed that all monks and nuns must return to

lay life and marry or be punished.178 It is not clear how thoroughly such an order was or

could be enforced but Kaiyuan's income producing lands were lost, its monks were

dispersed and its buildings, fell into neglect and were occupied by non-monastics.

Kaiyuan's misfortunes during this period were shared by the Chinese Sangha at

large. Zhuhong ^^(1535-1615, Chu-hung),179 a prominent monk of the late Ming,

noted the general decay of the Chinese Sangha: "From the Hongwu period [1368-1398]

174
For more on Mm Shizong's patronage of Taoism see | M * ? 5 Cheng Zhiqiang's B JtH;^^iS9f % ("A
Study of Emperor Shizong's Worshiping Taoism m Ming Dynasty") in ^ ^ ^ g j S ^ K ^ R Journal of
Nanjing Xiaozhuang College 2002 01
175
Huo Tao S f a Ming dynasty Shitolu^i^kfk vol 3 He Xiaorong 2000. 21. For more on the
destructive reign of the Jiajing Emperor see He Xiaorong 2000' 20-24. The emperor received enthusiastic
assistance from Huo Tao S i s , Minister of the Board of Rites (libu shangshu 4L BP jnj45) After Huo Tao
won a debate against the powerful supporters of Buddhism who argued for the importance of Buddhism as
a source of protection for the country, the program of laicization, confiscation and destruction of monastic
property became more widespread See He Xiaorong 2000 120-129
176
Mingshi zong shilu TO^^C vol 118 He Xiaorong 2000-21
177
Mingshi zong shilu B J t S ^ S ^ vol 187 He Xiaorong 2000 20 Yu 1981 154 states that 1,300 ounces
of gold were scraped off of Buddhist statues and 2,000 catties of Buddhist relics were burned
178
Mingshi zong shilu B ^ t f t ^ i ^ ^ vol 276 He Xiaorong 2000 22 Shizong also ordered foreign monks
to leave (ibid)
179
See Ch'en 1964 443-446 for Kenneth Ch'en's brief synopsis of Zhuhong Otherwise see Chun-fang
Yu's study of Zhuhong entitled The Renewal of Buddhism in China Chu-Hung and the Late Ming
Synthesis (Columbia University Press, 1981)

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER TWO Imperial History 102

until now, very few great masters have appeared in this dynasty."180 Zhuhong clarifies,

"Since the great Master Ch'u-shih Chi [Chushi Fanqi MfiffiM, 1296-1370], no one else

has achieved renown in the Ch'an sects."181 Our Ming dynasty chronicler, Yuanxian,

confirms that Kaiyuan's situation was no exception: "Since the Yongle period [1403-

1424] there has long been a void in leadership. The Chan ethos has gradually washed

away (min *M) and the venerable old monks have dispersed like clouds to the four

directions."182 Yuanxian elsewhere elaborates:

During the Chenghua and Hongzhi (1488-1505) periods the

temple again split apart like clouds. .. .From the Longqin to
Wanli periods (1567-1573) the older structures had fallen
into ruins and more than half of the shrine rooms and
1 8^

monk's dormitories had been occupied by non-monastics.

Not only had the long-lived emperor Shizong issued orders leading to the

destruction of monasteries and the laicization of monks, but the socio-economic fabric of

Southern Fujian was in disarray. Raiders known as wukou ff?7§ pirates1 4 destroyed

property throughout the area while mountain brigands terrorized inhabitants from

mountain hideaways. After the most devastating wukou pirate raids between 1555 and

1564 the local government was pitifully weak and ineffectual for the remainder of the

Ming dynasty. On top of this were heavy taxes, labor conscription and food shortages

leading to famines. With a weak government, much power lay with Southern Fujian's

lineage collectives which fought to increase their land and power. Kaiyuan suffered as

im
Yunqifahui 1897 24 30a Translated in Yu 1981 140.
181
Yu 1981 35
182
Sizhi 19b
183
Sizhi 2a-b
]U
Japanese pirates were referred to as wukou fi?;8, literally "dwarf bandits" but during this period the term
was also applied to groups of Chinese colluding with Japanese in illegal trade, piracy and brigandage.
183
Lamley 1990 263-265. For more on mid and late Mmg disorder in Fujian see two articles by Ng Chin-
keong "The Fukienese Martime Trade in the Second Half of the Mmg Period—Government Policy and

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER TWO Impend History 103

its land and buildings became sold, mortgaged or occupied by non-monastics in rapid

succession. In the process Kaiyuan lost most of its income producing lands. By the end

of the Ming dynasty more than eighty-five percent of Kaiyuan's land holdings had been

sold off or seized by others. Kaiyuan's land holdings fell from the Song dynasty high of

more than 4,500 acres (273.5 qing) to just over 2 acres (36.5 qing) by the end of the

Ming!186

In 1558 the Temple of Water and Land (Shuilusi /KBi^f) was occupied by the

rich and powerful {hao you #:^T) and its monks were left with no place to live.187 They

were allowed to live in Kaiyuan's Chan Hall and the Cloister of Bliss was given to them

as a place to offer incense and conduct rituals. While the Monastery Record does not

make it clear, I consider Chan practice to have fallen into a largely dormant state as early

as the Yuan dynasty. The giving of the Chan Hall as a dormitory for displaced monks

from a temple dedicated to rites for the dead is a clear suggestion that the Chan hall had

lost its association as a preserve of meditators. The fact that there are no eminent monks

or Chan masters discussed for the Ming other than Zhengying and Benyuan ^-M, who

lived during the Yongle period, further adds to the picture of a dramatic decline in the

quality of the Sangha after the early Ming.

Perhaps the most degrading incursion of the period was the occupation of the Hall

of the Ordination Platform by gunpowder manufacturers which lasted for some thirty

Elite Groups' Attitudes," Nanyang University Journal 5 (1971) 81-100 and "A Study of the Peasant
Society of South Fukien, 1506-1644," Nanyang University Journal 6 (1972): 189-212 T'len Ju-K'ang
1990. 92-95 discusses the depredations of Fujian monasteries during this period.
Sizhi II.35a-37b. Jinjiang was left with 1 lqmg 6mu 8fen; Nan'an was left with 9qmg lmu; Huian was
left with 9qmg 85mu 6fen; Tong'an didn't loose any leaving 44mu Ah \hao; Arm was left with none,
Yongchun was left with 2qing 52mu; Xianyou was left with 4qmg 27mu 4fen 31i, m Putian, Longxi and
Changtai all holdings were sold.
187
The Temple of Land and Water was located outside the grounds of Kaiyuan monastery During the
Qmg dynasty, it would be rebuilt on Kaiyuan's property

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER TWO Imperial History 104

years. In 1576, some of the gunpowder stored here exploded killing four munitions

supply officers (caiguan ^TET). I consider this ignominious event the nadir of Kaiyuan's

decline. Many treasures were lost or perished during these years of occupations.

Conditions would not begin to improve until 1594 when a member of the "Purple Cloud"

Huang ancestral clan set in motion the wheels of restoration some 900 years after the

founding of Kaiyuan on Mr. Huang's mulberry orchard.188

The desperate state reached by Kaiyuan in this period was mirrored at monasteries

throughout Ming China. In 1571 the prominent monk Zhuhong arrived at Mount Yunqi

^ffilli in Hangzhou where he found a ruined temple which he restored and headed

called Yunqi Monastery. He stayed there as abbot until his death in 1615. He agreed

that "Chan practice in the late Ming was in a deplorable state" and considered the terrible

state of the Sangha a reflection of the age of degenerate dharma.1 ° Yii Chun-fang has

argued that the emergence of four masters during the late Ming was part of a late Ming

renewal of Buddhism after two hundred years of stagnancy. Those four masters were

Zhuhong, Zibo Zhenke ^tt^nj(1543-1604), 1 9 1 Hanshan Deqing ^0jfl^t(1546-1623)

and Ouyi Zhixu Minimi /lS(1599-1655).192All of these masters were active during the

Wanli period 75 J5 (1573-1619) of emperor Shenzong # ^ ? (1563-1620).193 Shenzong

1SS
Sizhi 2b
189
Yu 1981:18-28.
190
Yu 1981:35.
191
J.C. Cleary has translated primary materials reflecting the life and thought of Yibo m Yibo The Last
Great Zen Master of China (Asian Humanities Press, 1989).
192
Yu 1981. 2-3. Of these masters, Yu writes. "Their influence permeated the monastic and lay Buddhist
communities of their times and charted the course for the development of Buddhism in later generations
Both monastic and lay Buddhism of the Ch'mg and Republican periods derived their doctrinal formulations
and practical methods of cultivation from Ming precedents."
193
Yu 1981: 3 Of these masters, Yu writes "Their influence permeated the monastic and lay Buddhist
communities of their times and charted the course for the development of Buddhism in later generations.

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER TWO Imperial History 105

was a great patron of Buddhism and the Wanli period was a time of Buddhist restoration

throughout China after the devastation wrought by the long and punitive reign of

Shizong. Monasteries were built on a more lavish scale than had been seen in centuries

and Buddhist scriptures were printed and distributed throughout China.194 It was during

this period of Buddhist renewal under imperial support that Kaiyuan entered a much

needed period of restoration which I call the Late Ming Restoration. It was this period of

restoration that I compared to the current era in the introduction. Both periods may be

seen as times of a dramatic rebuilding of monastic hardware after a period of devastating

decline. It is too early to tell what else will develop in the decades to come.

The first indication of a change in Kaiyuan's fortunes was the building of the

Purple Cloud Screen or reflecting wall {zhaoqiang ^-pijl)195 across from the main gate by

the vice-mayor (juncheng IfPzR) Mr. Ding Yizhong T ^ ^ r 1 in 1570. This was a physical

change, external to the monastery proper which will mirror developments in the

contemporary revival.

True restoration of the monastery proper began in 1594 when the vice censor-in-

chief196 Mr. Huang Wenbin MjC'M, a descendent of Huang Shougong, reported the

temple's dire situation to the Emperor.1 7 With Shenzong's approval, intruders were

expelled from monastic properties and repairs were undertaken with funding and

leadership from laypersons. Ruyou ^Plfe was not only involved in the recovery and repair

of Kaiyuan's buildings, he also saw to the restoration of Kaiyuan's long neglected and

Both monastic and lay Buddhism of the Ch'mg and Republican periods derived their doctrinal formulations
and practical methods of cultivation from Mmg precedents."
194
Yu 1981, 154 etc Ascending the throne at the tender age of nine, Shenzong was first guided by his able
minister Zhang JuzhengIMiIE(1525 - 1582)
195
At other temples this structure is referred to as a "spirit wall" (ying bi #J§) See Pnp Moller 1937 7
196
xianfu 3^1] l Q.fu duyushi giJtl$P5t
197
Sizhi I 2b

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER TWO Imperial History 106

incomplete Tripitika with his fellow monk Guanglun r~$fc in 1628.198 It is likely that

Kaiyuan acquired master Ouyi's annotated copy of the Huayan Sutra at this time as

well.199 Guanglun also repaired the corridors and the platform in front of the main hall. In

addition to his accomplishments in restoration, he also held the distinction of completing

a three year solo meditation retreat.200

In 1596 Huang Wenbin led the Huang family in the rebuilding of the Donor's

Ancestral Shrine which served, as it does today, as a memorial hall for Huang Shougong

who had donated Kaiyuan's original plot of land.201 The leading role played by the

Huang clan in the late Ming rebuilding of Kaiyuan is also a reflection of the growing
909

power held by lineage collectives during this period. In the wake of the monastery's

steps towards revival, Mr. Chen Zhizhi P&lhlh wrote the first record (zhi 7&) of the

temple in 1596.203 This earlier monastic record is no longer extant, but was derided by

Yuanxian in his 1643 preface to the Monastery Record as being poorly researched.204

In 1604 a great earthquake struck Quanzhou, leveling buildings throughout the

city. Impressively, Kaiyuan's east and west pagodas did not collapse. The Late Ming

Restoration continued under the powerful backing of Quanzhou native Zheng Zhilong M
^E~M ( l $ 2 i t i 1604-1661)205 who led the reconstruction of the main hall (Daxiong

198
Sizhi I.4a.
199
This is still held in Kaiyuan's Sutra Library.
200
He died at the age of fifty-nine. Jmjiangxianzhi 60:1396.
201
Huang Wenbin's inscription records Huang Shougong had four sons and these four sons moved to the
"four Ans" thus establishing the Huang clan throughout southern Fujian The "Four Ans" are Anxi f&jj^
Huian ,|fe4 Nanan fez; Tongan Wbi See Fujian Fojiao, 1999 vol 4, p.37
202
See Wang 2008 195-208 for a discussion of the Huang lineage's relationship to Kaiyuan's Donor
Ancestral Hall
203
Yuanxian notes, however, that Chen's Record was considered inadequate
204
Sizhi p 2a
205
Zheng Zhilong was a pirate, merchant, naval commander for Ming and later for the Qing Born in
Fujian, he was baptized a Catholic in Macau He married a Japanese woman named Tagawa Matsu and
Brian J Nichols CHAPTER TWO Imperial History 107
baodian j^lflk'sLWC) in 1637 with Mr. Zeng Ying ^ f ; it is their hall which visitors see

today[Figures 2, 40, 72, 80]. All of the wooden columns were replaced with ones of

stone. It was at this time that two exquisite sixteen-sided columns from Quanzhou's long

defunct Hindu temple were transferred to Kaiyuan monastery and incorporated into the

back porch of the mam hall. Made of green limestone, each column has twelve carvings

depicting Hindu deities (Shiva, Krishna etc.) and motifs [Figures 8-10]. These columns

remain in situ at the back of the main hall and stand as a reminder of both the religious

diversity and tolerance that once flourished in Quanzhou as well as the loss of that

diversity which accompanied the collapse of the Yuan.206

Zheng Zhilong installed a large iron incense burner in front of the main hall and

repaired the main gate.207 It is this late Ming reconstruction which serves as the basis for

the gate that stands today. It has been rebuilt or restored several times over the years, but

it is thought that its present style has not significantly diverged from that of the late Ming

reconstruction and that the stone columns used today date from the late Ming

construction or earlier [Figures 2, 72, 80] .

lived m Japan, Taiwan and China Famous now as the father of Zheng Chenggong Hl$j$,5!j( 1624-1662)
who as a Ming loyalist attacked Nanjing from 1658 to 1659 after it had been taken by the Qmg. In retreat,
he took Taiwan from the Dutch in 1662 where his successors remained until it was captured by the Qmg in
1683 and made part of Fujian The Dutch had been in Taiwan since 1624 when they founded a naval and
trading post (See Qing dynasty below)
206
For more on these and other Yuan dynasty artifacts in Quanzhou see Guy 2010.
207
Zheng Zhilong's iron incense burner is alluded to in the poem "Ode to Quanzhou" Yong Quanzhou tfkM
'}\\ by the famous twentieth century poet Guo Moruo ?P'i^3=r (1892-1978) It is now located in Kaiyuan's
Buddhist Museum
208
Some of its large stone columns may date from the Tang or Northern Song dynasty, these columns
exhibit entasis (swelling) such as one finds in Greek architecture Columns with tapering at the top and
base are known in Chinese architecture as shuttle {suo $?) columns and are known to be from Tang times I
am not aware of how rare such columns exhibiting entasis are in East Asia Tracy Miller has identified such
columns dating from the eleventh century at the Sage Mother Hall §=#15 of the Jin Memorial Shrines
(Jinci W^f) in Shanxi (Miller 2007 110-111) Such columns may also be found at the eighth century main
hall or kondo of Japan's Toshodaiji Buddhist monastery Jif J§ J l # in Nara This monastery was founded by

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER TWO Imperial History 108

 Towards the end of the Late Ming Restoration Kaiyuan had recovered, repaired

and rebuilt enough of its monastic structures and land to accommodate the needs of its

monastic population. Beyond this, efforts to bring masters to Kaiyuan to give teachings

had begun as well. Interestingly it was the local gentry, rather than Kaiyuan's monks,

which extended the invitation to Yuanxian (1578-1657), a monk from Fuzhou's Mount

Drum monastery, to give teachings at Kaiyuan in the winter of 1635. Yuanxian accepted

their invitation and would go on to acquiesce to their requests that he write a record {zhi

;ife) of Kaiyuan monastery. Yuanxian provides the following account of how he came to

write his Record of Quanzhou Kaiyuan Monastery:

In my free time there I looked into the monastery's past and acquired
two books, the Biographies of Bodhisattvas and the Collected Works
ofMengguan (j&MMi)- Upon reading them I began to realize how
many venerable masters there had been at the "Purple Cloud" and
was stirred with great admiration. At that time, Mr. Huang Jitao M
=p!z£ asked me several times about writing a record book, but I was
then occupied with teaching the Surangama Sutra {Lengyanjing W
f^tx.) at the request of Mr. Zeng Eryun H—-s", so I wouldn't dare
make any promises.
In spring of 1642, when I returned to Fujian (Mm) from
Zhejiang, I was again requested to preside at the summer retreat
(jiezhi ^nM).209 I was again asked by Mr. Fu Youxin /ft|$Mj> about
writing a record, so I told him I would do it when I had returned to
Mount Drum (Gushan itjclll).210 Venturing forth in spite of my
incompetence, I recklessly took up my brush.211

Yuanxian completed the Monastery Record in 1643. In it he mused that the time seemed

like one of renewal and hoped it would in fact blossom into a time of growth of the

the Chinese monk Jianzhen SM or m% (J. Ganjm, 688-763) in the eighth century who traveled to Japan
to construct an ordination platform and establish a valid ordination lineage
209
The summer retreat or Jiezhi traditionally begins April 13 or 15 of the lunar calendar and continues until
July 15lh (oral interviews with Da Zhuo and Jianymg 2007)
210
The monastery on Mount Drum (Gushan) lies just outside Fuzhou Lewis Hodous writing in 1923
describes a trip to Mount Drum in Buddhism and Buddhists in China, pp 15-16
211
Sizhi ?2a-b

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER TWO Imperial History 109

dharma at Kaiyuan monastery. His thoughts on the Late Ming Restoration provide insight

into a congruent situation facing Kaiyuan today.

Recent years have seen the restoration of the ordination platform and
the dharma hall. Fortunately, the main hall has also been renovated.
It seems like a time of renewal (qiri laifu -b 0 ^M.)- ' We should
respond to this opportunity with our best even though we don't know
whether this recovery will be only partial or more complete (weilin
weitai y^Jl|^iy%ll).213 If we are only concerned about old property
not being returned rather than practicing virtue, then, even if all the
buildings and property were recovered, what would be the point of
living here! 214

Yuanxian exhorts Kaiyuan's late Ming dynasty monks to be less concerned about

recovering lost properties and focus, rather, on the cultivation of virtue and the practice of

meditation. If monks will tend to their own discipline and cultivation, Yuanxian goes on

to counsel, their virtue will give rise to benefits, such as the support of laypersons. Just

as Huang Shougong rewarded the virtue of the monk Kuanghu, suggests Yuanxian, so

may patrons today be impressed with the virtue of monks if only they will exert

themselves. What Yuanxian perceived at the end of the Ming dynasty remains relevant

with respect to Kaiyuan's current restoration; we will return to this in the chapters to

follow. Below we will see how the promise of the Late Ming Restoration was in fact

fulfilled during the early Qing dynasty.

212
qiri laifu -fcEBfiff- lit "returning in seven days" is taken from the 24th hexagram m the Yi Jing (Book
of Changes) and indicates the return of yang after a cycle oiyin In this case a return of vitality to the
temple after a period of decline See Huang 2001 204-211
21J
Yuanxian refers to hexagrams 19 {hn l|n "overseeing") and 11 (tai ^"tranquility") to express different
ways the renewal may proceed
214
Sizhl 19b-20a

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER TWO Imperial History 110

THE QING DYNASTY215
Tiger Head, Snake Tail Jn^jtffcLll

The dynastic change from the Ming to the Qing (1644-1911) brought a good deal

disorder to a region that was already suffering. Zheng Chenggong M$J$LV]

(Koxinga, 1624-1662), whose father, Zheng Zhilong, had rebuilt Kaiyuan's main hall and

main gate at the end of the Ming, had lived in Quanzhou from the age of seven. Better

known in the West as Koxinga, he remained a Ming loyalist and waged a spirited battle

against the Manchus, attacking Nanjing with loyalist support from Yunnan from 1658 to

1659. Driven back by Qing forces, Zheng Chenggong fled to Taiwan where he

confronted and defeated the Dutch in 1662 (the Dutch had established a trading post there

in 1624). His followers and fellow Ming loyalists kept up the battle against the Qing

after his death for another twenty years in which control of Quanzhou and Zhangzhou

repeatedly changed hands from Ming to Qing during the Revolt of the Three Feudatories

{sanfan zhiluan H^^.r5L). 216 The back and forth finally ended when the Qing captured

Taiwan in 1683 and made it part of Fujian.217

From 1662 to 1681, during the two decades of battle between Ming loyalists and

the Qing Manchus over control of Fujian, the Qing ordered the forced evacuation of the

2,5
Yuanxian's Monastery Record of 1634 has been the primary source for the preceding reconstruction of
Quanzhou Kaiyuan's history. Since it ends with the Ming dynasty, I have had to rely on information from
the [Daoyuan] Jinjiang County Gazetteer and several Qing dynasty inscriptions. These sources provide the
material for the following sketch of Kaiyuan monastery under the Qing.
216
The three feudatories that revolted were Yunnan, Guangdong and Fujian. The revolt was led by Wu
Sangui ^EL^k of Yunnan, Geng Jingzhong I|kff -S of Fujian and Shang Kexi fnj nJU and Shang Zhixin |n]
^.{a of Guangdong. On the revolt see Peter Lorge's War, Politics and Society in Early Modern China, 900-
1795 (Routledge, 2005) pp. 154-156; David Graff and Robin Higham's A Military History of China
(Westview Press, 2002) pp. 119-121. On Zheng family rule in Taiwan see Gary Davidson's A Short History
of Taiwan (Praeger Publishers, 2003) pp. 16-21.
217
Morton & Lewis 2005: 141. See also Ralph C. Croizier's Koxinga and Chinese Nationalism: History,
Myth, and the Hero (Harvard University Asia Center, 1968). Due to its support for Ming loyalists and
Taiwan's role as a haven for rebels, Fujian endured a strong military presence during the Qing. By 1767 it
supported a larger Green Standard force than any other province in China. (Naquin and Rawski 1987:171)

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER TWO: Imperial History 111

entire coastal region from Shandong all the way to Guangdong. Enforcement of the

evacuation was most severe in Fujian and Eastern Guangdong where millions of people

suffered untold hardships. When settlers returned to their homes in Quanzhou and

Zhangzhou there was intense competition for land and powerful lineage collectives

battled with one another for control of land and resources throughout the Yongzheng

period (1723-1735). The newly opened port at Amoy exacerbated the competitive

atmosphere, with all powerful lineages wanting to get a piece of the action.219 Lineage

collectives had become an increasingly important feature of Quanzhou social

organization from the sixteenth century onward as hardships increased during the Ming.

Quanzhou was home to some of the most powerful lineages in Fujian and it was also,

along with Zhangzhou, the source of infamous armed feuds among lineages.220

The full extent of the damage to Kaiyuan during these forty years of resistance to

Manchu rule in Fujian is not clear, but it is known that the Donor's Ancestral Hall was

damaged during the turmoil and was likely related to the armed feuds between lineages in

Quanzhou. It was soon rebuilt by members of the Huang family from Nan'an and

Huian. Kaiyuan's monks were apparently spared the forced evacuation and major

construction and renovations continued throughout the period. Most notable in this regard

is the reconstruction of the Ordination Hall. Reconstruction was initiated in 1662 and
777

completed in 1666. Although it has been renovated at various times over the centuries,

218
Lamley 1990: 265, nt. 26.
219
Lamley 1990: 165-266.
220
Lamley 1990: 256-257. Lamley 1990 provides an overview of the phenomena of armed feuds in
Quanzhou and Eastern Guangzhou during the Qmg dynasty.
221
Kaiyuan si huangshi citang beiji Jfjt^F M fk^'M. fi$ifi("Stele Record of the Ancestral Hall of the
Kaiyuan Monastery Huang Clan") collected in Dean and Zheng 2003: 242-243, inscription #250.
222
Nian Bensheng ffi^^S. 1666. Chongjie ganlu jietan beiji Jtit^st/tScKS^iS ("Stele Record of the
reconstruction of the Ganlu jietan" In situ in the hall of the Ordination Platform and also included in Dean
and Zheng 2003: inscription #216. Wang Chen-shan's 2008 dissertation incorrectly provides 1400 as the

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER TWO. Imperial History 112

this is this basic structure which stands today. In 1688 seven relics were brought from Mt.

Drum's Yongquan monastery to the Ordination Hall; they were stored in a small relic

stupa and remain in the hall today. Kaiyuan, as a central and venerable institution of

Quanzhou attracted the attention of patrons in times of struggle as well as times of

prosperity. In 1671, for instance, in the midst of the forced evacuation and the struggle

between Ming loyalists and the Qing, the provincial military commander Wang Minzhai

JslWHiiife^n noted the damage suffered by the kitchen and the corridors that run along

the main courtyard and had them repaired.

During the decades of turmoil from the end of the Ming through the Revolt of the

Three Feudatories in the early Qing what became of the Late Ming Restoration of

Kaiyuan that Yuanxian had hoped would continue? The Late Ming Restoration was, in

fact, strong enough to endure the decades of instability in Fujian that preceded and

followed the founding of the Qing dynasty. Not only were buildings repaired and rebuilt

during the decades of instability but monks were trained in the Chan and Pure Land

traditions with such consistency that a streak of noteworthy masters were produced over

the first century of the Qing dynasty. These masters added several chapels and shrines to

Kaiyuan which, like the pre-Yuan cloisters, served as residences and places of practice

for masters and their disciples. I propose that the instability of the times actually

contributed to the vitality of Buddhism at Kaiyuan, and in Fujian more generally, by

creating a hostile environment from which literati and other men of talent left for the

tranquil and contemplative setting of the monastery. The turmoil also created conditions

"date" for the current hall (Wang 2008' 135). Weilin also compiled the M-jM^fyt^HM Quanzhou
Kaiyuansi hualu ("A Record of Utterances of Quanzhou Kaiyuan Monastery").
221
The 1671 reconstruction was recorded in an inscription by Zhan Yunjie M3t/SM collected in the Jinjiang
xianzhi 69.1651.

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER TWO Imperial History 113

in which Buddhist masters from Fujian undertook the perilous journey to Japan; in so

doing a new school of Zen was created in Japan, the Obaku or Huangbo M^ school.224

Three Kaiyuan masters of the Qing dynasty traveled to Japan to lead the Obaku school of

Zen while others left their mark on Buddhism in Fujian.

It was during this period that Chan master Ruhuan Chaohong #n£j|8;l;(b. 1604)

founded the Duqin chapel jjl^M at Kaiyuan out of a wish to benefit his parents and the

parents of others. He built it with the support of two members of the Huang family and

several monks and agreed to serve as its leader.225 During his tenure as leader of the

Duqin chapel, Ruhuan engaged in Pure Land practice and the release of life with his

colleague Chan master Weishen fS-^J:. Weishen had the ambition to build a temple to

Cundl Bodhisattva (Zhunti pusa JliJII^jp) out of faith in the power of reciting the

CundTdevT-dhdranJ(J\M^f>\LMJ^M),226 the dharani of Cundl Bodhisattva, one of six

incarnations of Guanyin in the esoteric tradition. Construction began in 1662 with the

assistance of the layman Daochong iSM3 and was completed in 1664. The finished

temple was in fact a scaled down replica of Kaiyuan's principal buildings—the main hall,

ordination hall, dharma hall and corridors—and enshrined a statue of Cundl

Bodhisattva.227 The temple was located in the northeast corner of Kaiyuan monastery

224
For more on the Obaku school, the "third sect of Zen" in Japan, see work by Helen Baroni (e.g. Baroni
2000)
77*i . ^^ , s t

Ruhuan #p£j Kaiyuansi Duqin'anyuanqi guiyueji Jf 7U#!lt^/%!i^3$l^i2("Record of How

Kaiyuan's Duqin Hermitage was Founded and its Rules"), inscription collected in Dean and Zheng 2003:
239-240, inscription #247 Henceforth Kaiyuansi Duqin 'an ji
226
This dharani is still recited during morning and evening services at Chinese Buddhist monasteries such
as Quanzhou Kaiyuan
227
Iconographically this incarnation of Guanyin typically has eighteen arms and three eyes and
philosophically is one who saves humans, its three eyes represent saving (jiu til) humans from three
principle obstacles, delusion, karma and suffering (huo ^ , ye 4k, ku i¥r), a.k.a Dorje Tsundi.

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER TWO Imperial History 114

and formally named the Cundi Chan Forest rt£:j>l##. 228 The Cundi Chan Temple was

repaired in 1861 and has been rebuilt over the centuries including quite recently; today it

is commonly referred to as Small Kaiyuan Temple (/h Jf 7n^f). Ruhuan, the most

eminent Chan master of Fujian at that time, served as abbot of the Cundi Chan forest for

a time.

Ruhuan had become a monk in 1646 at the age of forty-three at Pingshan

monastery -^Pllj^F in his home district of Hui'an. He was a respected Confucian scholar

in the service of the Ming who refused to serve the Qing and was especially opposed to

shaving his forehead in the Manchu style. In his opposition to Manchu rule, he

determined to leave public life and become a monk. He studied under master Genxin j=L

fa (a disciple of Huangbo Zhudasha HHi^^C^lJ) at Nanshan monastery 'M lil ^f in

Zhangzhou. During his years of travel to various monasteries he spent time at Kaiyuan

where he established the Duqin Chapel. When he was asked to lead the Cundi Chan

Forest he left instructions that the abbot of Duqin Chapel was to be elected by

laypersons.229 Soon after taking charge of Cundi Chan Forest, he left to take his position

as abbot of Nan'an Xuefeng monastery which he held for some thirteen years. Ruhuan

was a great luminary of post-Ming Buddhism in Fujian; his writings have been collected

in the Shousongji 'M^&M ("The Collected Works of Frail Pine").

Another most eminent monk of seventeenth century Fujian is Chan master Muan

7^J|| (J. Mokuan, 1611-1684) who was a disciple and dharma heir of Yinyuan Longqi $i

228
Ruhuan #PiQ. 1664. Kaiyuansi xingjian zhunti chanlin JF 7G#fJf W&i/sWWl&iRecord of the
Founding of the Cundi Chan Forest at Kaiyuan monastery). It is likely that the replica of the Ordination
Hall that was part of the CundT Chan Forest served as a model for the rebuilding of the actual Ordination
Hall two years later.
229
Kaiyuansi Duqin' an ji. This indicates the importance lay Buddhists had assumed in the late Ming and
early Qing.

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER TWO: Imperial History 1 15

7t;Pl:Itt(J- Ingen Ryuki, 1592-1673). Yiyuan was himself a disciple of Huangbo Zhudasha

who was thus the grand-master of both Muan and Ruhuan. Yinyuan, in fleeing the

turmoil that followed the collapse of the Ming in Fujian, traveled to Japan were he

founded of the Obaku school of Zen. The Obaku (C. Huangbo) school became the third

largest school of Zen in Japan, after Rinzai and Soto, and today has some 460 branch

temples in Japan. 23°

Muan became a novice at Kaiyuan monastery when he was sixteen and took the

tonsure at the age of nineteen.231 He traveled for a short period and returned to Kaiyuan

at the age of twenty-two and founded the Amitabha Chapel (mituo an 3ft PB^) at

Kaiyuan. He became fully ordained at the age of twenty-four and dedicated himself to the

pursuit of Chan. He was elected Kaiyuan's general manager (jianyuari) at the age of

twenty-five, but soon left to study with several different Chan masters in Zhejiang. In

1642 he again returned to Kaiyuan at which time he wrote poems for Kaiyuan's "Eight

Auspicious Phenomena" and "Six Unique Sites." In 1644 he became Yinyuan's

disciple and received dharma transmission from him in 1651, thus becoming the thirty-

third patriarch of the Linji Chan lineage. Muan traveled to Japan in 1655, one year after

Yinyuan had made the journey. In 1664, he became the abbot of the Wanfu monastery 75

fe^f (J. Mampuku-ji), the headquarters of the Obaku school in Japan which Yinyuan had

founded in 1659 on land bestowed by the emperor of Japan; it is located in Uji ^Yn,

See Dougill, John. 2006. Kyoto A Cultural History. Oxford University Press, p. 78.
211
Biographical information on Muan comes from Shen Yushui £fc3s7.K. 1990. Muan chanshi xing/i xinian
Jf-W&W\Yi£:%.^- ("Year-by-year Account of Chan Master Muan's Activities").
232
These poems are preserved in Shen Yushui £fc3E7JC 1990: 73-75. The groupings of Kaiyuan's eight
phenomena and six sites are at least as old as the Yuan dynasty.

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER TWO- Imperial History 116

outside Kyoto. In receiving dharma transmission from Yinyuan (first patriarch of the

Obaku school) and succeeding Yinyuan as abbot of the head Obaku monastery, Muan

become the second patriarch of the Obaku school in Japan (in addition to being the thirty-

third patriarch of the Linji lineage). Muan, along with Yinyuan and Jifei I P # , was a

renowned calligrapher; together they are known as the "Three Brushes" of the Obaku

school. Of the three, however, only Muan is noted for his poetry as well as his
234
painting.

Two other monks from Kaiyuan traveled to Japan and became abbots of

Mampuku-ji and patriarchs of the Obaku school, they were Shengchui Fangbing jSiiTf

M(1656-1725) and Dapeng Zhengkun ^ 1 1 IEII (1691-1774). Fangbing was a native of

Anxi in the mountains outside of Quanzhou city and first went to Japan in 1693 and

served as the abbot of Fuji monastery ?R$r#(a.k.a. Quanzhou temple) which had been

founded at the end of the Ming dynasty in 1628 by master Juehai Dt*M, a monk from

Quanzhou and had been led by several monks from Quanzhou since then. He later served

as the eleventh abbot of Uji's Mampuku-ji from 1719 to 1725 and was a noted

calligrapher. Dapeng was a native of Quanzhou's district of Jinjiang and first went to

Japan in 1722. After serving as abbot of Fuji monastery he became the fifteenth abbot of

Mampuku-ji (1745 to 1748) and then the eighteenth abbot from 1758 to 1765. He was

especially noted for his painting of bamboo and for his seal carving.235 Quanzhou

Kaiyuan monastery thus produced three patriarchs of Japan's Obaku or Huangbo school

2j3
Yinyuan had first traveled to Nagasaki where he founded monasteries before being asked to establish the
head monastery outside Kyoto on imperially bestowed land.
234
Shen Yushui 1990: 3. For more on the art of these early patriarchs of the Obaku school see Weidner,
Marsha Smith and Patricia Ann Berger. 1994. Latter Days of the Law: Images of Chinese Buddhism, 850-
1850 . University of Hawai'i Press, pp. 80-82.
235
Shen Yushui 1990:84-86.

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER TWO: Imperial History 117

of Zen from the middle of the seventeenth century to the middle of the eighteenth

century. This was a most impressive accomplishment during this period and demonstrates

a lingering vitality in both Quanzhou and Kaiyuan's ability to nurture eminent monks

during seventeenth and eighteenth centuries of the Qing dynasty.

The Late Ming Restoration laid the groundwork for a revival of Buddhism which

the instability of the early Qing appears to have fostered in its own way. The vitality of

the first decades of the Qing persisted beyond the initial decades of turmoil and well into

the next century. Other Kaiyuan monks of the late seventeenth and early eighteenth

century went on to become leaders of other monasteries in the region. One master which

serves as a link between the Late Ming Restoration and the early Qing is Chan master

Daopei iHH (1614-1702) of Mt. Drum. Daopei had received dharma transmission from

Yuanxian, the late-Ming author of the Monastery Record. Like Yuanxian, Daopei was

invited to teach at Kaiyuan. Daopei also presided over ordinations at Kaiyuan. Taiji ^ClR

was tonsured at Kaiyuan and later received full ordained at Kaiyuan under Daopei. Taiji

built the One Leaf Chapel iyiye an — Pf 0) at Kaiyuan where he spent the remainder of

his days teaching and practicing; his manuscripts were collected in the Yiye'an yigao —'

Ofifitfra (The Left Papers of One Leaf Chapel).236 Haiyin M&P became a monk at

Kaiyuan and was also ordained under Daopei. When the abbot of Nan'an Xuefeng

monastery, Zhaozhuo MILH was ill, Haiyin took over management responsibilities and

oversaw much of the reconstruction and renovations at Xuefeng.237

' Jinjiang xianzhi 60:1396.

2j7
Jinjiang xianzhi 60' 1397. He is the author many books including the Record of Xuefeng Monastery
(Xuefengzhi ^ilif ,£)•

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER TWO' Imperial History 118

 Another monk who was a grand-disciple of Yuanxian and a disciple of Daopei is

the monk Decui ^MW. After entering the monastic community at Kaiyuan, Decui

followed Daopei back to Mt. Drum where he studied under him for eight years. Decui

returned to Kaiyuan in 1738 and became the head monk of the Ordination Hall.238 Jirui Ml

$& became a monk at Kaiyuan and later served as abbot of Chongfu monastery where he

built the Ten-thousand Buddha Hall (wanfo daochang Tli^MMl). Zongbiao T K ^ was

a novice at Kaiyuan from the age of seventeen and received full ordination under master

Guangchao r~~|8 at Huangbo monastery. When he returned to Kaiyuan he lived at the

Pure Living Hut (Qingju liao Inf^S).240 Mingguang ^M^t became a monk at Kaiyuan's

Yongzhuang Chapel M f t ^ i and was noted for his poetry and calligraphy.241

The record of these masters attest to the strength of the Late Ming Restoration and

Kaiyuan's ability to ordain and train monks who would become leaders of other

important monasteries such as Nan'an Xuefeng, Quanzhou's Chogfu and Japan's

Mampuku-ji throughout the first century of the Qing. Another sign of vitality during this

period was the establishment of several chapels and shrines which functioned much like

Kaiyuan's pre-Yuan cloisters. The structures established between the Late Ming

Restoration and the first hundred years of the Qing include the Cundl Chan Temple, the

Duqin Chapel, the Amitabha Chapel, the Yongzhuang Chapel, the One Leaf Chapel and

the Pure Living Hut. Of all these early Qing dynasty structures only the Cundl Chan

Jinjiang xianzhi 60:1397.

Jinjiang xianzhi 60:1396.
" Jinjiang xianzhi 60:1397.
241
Jinjiang xianzhi 60:1397.

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER TWO Imperial History

Temple remains Today it is referred to as Small Kaiyuan Temple and dominates the

northeastern corner of the monastic grounds, its fate will be discussed in later chapters

Contributing to the success of Kaiyuan during the first part of the Qmg dynasty

was the generally favorable attitude of Qing emperors to Buddhism The eighteenth

century at Kaiyuan saw regular works of maintenance at Kaiyuan, reflecting public

support for the monastery made possible, in part, by the Qmg government's favorable

attitude 242 In 1727 some forty years after its last rebuilding the Donor's Ancestral Shrine

was again in need of repair, repairs were carried out by members of the Nan'an Huang

family 243 The dharma hall was destroyed (hui ^ ) in 1755 and was later rebuilt 244 In

1781, the golden pinnacle fell from the top of the East pagoda, it was repaired by the

prefect Zhang Jiayan "jkMlfc. 245 Two bronze bells were cast for use at Kaiyuan durmg the

Qmg dynasty246

The early Qmg vitality did not last and Kaiyuan's decline began in tandem with

the social chaos that had began to engulf South China as pirate raids grew increasingly

more frequent and devastating from 1795 to 1810 During this period of turmoil along the

242
In 1701 six chains at the top of the West pagoda were replaced each weighing 110 jin Lin Zhaochang
# ^ B 1701 Kaiyuansi xita tike Jfjt^f l5i:§II^!j("Inscnption on the west pagoda of Kaiyuan
Monastery") The inscription is found on the central column of the west pagoda and is also included in
Dean and Zheng 2003 227, inscription #231 In 1719, twenty-one Buddha statues in the East and West
pagodas were remade by the military envoy Ya Huiqi f l i ^ of Anon 1719 Kaiyuansi xita tike Jfjt^WM
H^Ll("Inscnption on the west pagoda of Kaiyuan Monastery") by an unnamed monk The inscription is
located on the center column of the west pagoda and is also included in Dean and Zheng 2003 237,
inscription #243
Huang Zigong Yi J t ^ ^ H X 1729 Kaiyuansi huangshi citang beyi Tf jn^f H K-faJ^fi^TflO'Stele
record of the Huang surname ancestral hall within Kaiyuan Monastery") located in Kaiyuan's Tanyueci and
collected m Dean and Zheng 2003 242-243, inscription #250
244
Jinjiang xianzhi 69 1651
245
Jinjiang xianzhi 69 1652
246
The first was cast m 1670 using Yuan dynasty bronze and housed in the Hall of the Ordination Platform
and the second bronze bell was cast in 1723 and both bells are currently held in Kaiyuan's museum
Fujiansheng Wenguanhui gongzuozu WiM.% X f s l f t S 1962 Fujian Quanzhou Kaiyuansi 1962
diaocha baogao W>^&)\\3fK^^fL7\~^~l^Ma p 27 By the Republican period this bell had
been moved to the mam hall It now sits in Kaiyuan's Buddhist Museum

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER TWO Imperial History 120

coast, Bai Yude SBs-^, the commander general (zongdu & § ) of Fujian and Zhejiang

provinces was dispatched to Quanzhou in pursuit of pirates ("Western bandits", yangfei

#11). On top of social and economic troubles, Quanzhou was then suffering a draught

and the people were desperate for rain. It is recorded that Yude earnestly prayed for rain

at Kaiyuan monastery and that very night rain began to pour and continued the following

day thus ending a potentially devastating draught. Crops were rescued, and the good

harvest that followed saved the lives and livelihoods of thousands. Yude, having noticed

that Kaiyuan's main hall was damaged and that many walls were crumbling, was moved

to donate his own salary towards repairs and solicited others to contribute to the

renovation project. Quanzhou's prefect and the people of Quanzhou contributed

according to their means; renovations began in the spring of 1805 and were complete by

the end of the summer. The major and minor halls as well as the worshipping pavilion

and the corridors were all repaired and made to look new again. Yude made an

inscription to commemorate this comprehensive restoration of Kaiyuan's physical plant in

the winter of 1805.247 It is a testament to Kaiyuan's most impressive resilience and

enduring reputation as a place of spiritual efficacy or ling that during these dark and

desperate days before the eruption of the Taiping Rebellion it found a patron who

orchestrated a comprehensive program of renovations.

Even though the monastery had been fully renovated in 1805, maintenance in the

wet climate of Southern Fujian is a full time job and by the summer of 1813 the main

gate was in shambles and the statues of the two guardian kings were exposed and badly

ul
Chongjian Kaiyuansi beiji J i l t JFTG^fS^iS ("Stele Record of the Reconstruction of Kaiyuan
Monastery") Jinjiangxianzhi 69'1651-1652. This inscription is also included in Dean and Zheng 2003
314-315, inscription #324

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER TWO Imperial History 121

deteriorating. The monks and neighboring residents tried to repair the hall with tiles and

wood but their results were makeshift. A year later the prefect Sheng Benchang i S ^ H l

donated funds and led the effort for full repair of the main gate and the guardian kings.

Officials, gentry and lay persons all contributed to the project which was supervised by

the monk Dazhong ji£jiC and began in October and was finished in the winter of 1815.2

Inl837 an iron bell cast for use at Kaiyuan was sponsored by forty-six Taiwan-

based businesses whose names are inscribed on the bell. This bell offers evidence of the

ties that existed between Kaiyuan monastery and Quanzhou citizens who had relocated to

Taiwan and established businesses there. This bell may be read as a document reflecting

a shift in patronage from local gentry to overseas merchants, a precursor of developments

to come at the beginning of the twentieth century.

Throughout this period Kaiyuan not only continued to be a central institution of

Quanzhou that received protection and support but also a refuge for the destitute. A story

is told by those versed in the history of the monastery that a young girl from Nan'an, who

was orphaned at the age of eight, was sent to Kaiyuan monastery to live. She became a

nun who received the name Miaoxiang tty^r (cr.1803-1888).249 As conditions throughout

the Qing empire worsened, confrontations with European powers resulted in two Opium

Wars (1839-1842 and 1856-60) and discontent in South China exploded in the Taiping

Rebellion (1851-1865). It is said that Kaiyuan monastery was effectively abandoned by

monks during this period of turmoil and that in 1851 the nun Miaoxiang assumed

248
Yang Binhai ^k"l%'M 1815. Chongxiu kaiyuansi qianjmji xiangji [tang] langji WJ& J+7£^ffu ift-XHf
f°[^]/iBiB ("Record of Repairs to the Main Courtyard (qianjin WS) and Kitchen Corridor of Kaiyuan
Monastery"). Inscription is recorded in the Jinjiang xianzhi 69 1652 The inscription is also included in
Dean and Zheng 2003 317, inscription #328
249
Dates for Miaoxiang are from Huang Yushan, oral interview 2009

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER TWO Imperial History 122

managerial control of the monastery as head monastic {zhuchi HW) and held power until

her death in 1888.250

All that is known of Miaoxiang's thirty-seven years of leadership at Kaiyuan are

renovations of the Water and Land Temple and the Ordination Hall which were carried

out in her name. From 1869 to 1870 Kaiyuan's Water and Land temple was rebuilt. It

should be recalled that Quanzhou's Water and Land temple had been seized during the

Ming dynasty and its monks given shelter at Kaiyuan's Cloister of Bliss which

subsequently became known as the Water and Land Temple.251 In 1870 the Ordination

Hall was renovated by Miaoxiang and her disciple Huilian S S I . It must have been

during this renovation that phoenixes were installed at the top of the ceiling above the

statue of Lossana [Figure 14]. It is more customary to have dragons in a temple and it

seems that the use of phoenixes may have been an influence stemming from Empress

Dowager Cixi HM^CJn who was then ruling behind the scenes in Beijing.252

The fortunes of Buddhism throughout China took had taken a drastic turn for the

worse with the rise of the Christian-inspired Taiping Rebellion led by Hong Xiuquan £&

^ ^ (1823-1901). Described by Frederic Wakeman as "the world's most disastrous civil

war," the Taiping Rebellion claimed between ten and twenty million lives.253 The

turmoil wrought untold destruction upon Buddhist monasteries and their works of art and

libraries. Devastation of monasteries was particularly widespread in South China which

250
Other than the oral tradition that exists in Quanzhou, I have been unable to find any conclusive evidence
to support this. One reason that Miaoxiang is said to be a nun (rather than a monk) is because the canopy
above the central bodhisattva on the ordination platform is decorated with phoenixes rather than dragons
[Figure 14]. Many locals are embarrassed about this story and are not reluctant to discuss it.
251
The Land and Water Temple still stands in a state of good repair in the eastern part of the Kaiyuan
complex.
M
The statues arrayed on and around the ordination platform including the Lossana statue will be described
m chapter four
253
Wakeman 1966 3
Brian J Nichols CHAPTER TWO Imperial History 123
had long been a stronghold of Buddhism. Quanzhou Kaiyuan's monks were dispersed,

but its halls, pagodas and library survived under the management of Miaoxiang. As chaos

raged, Kaiyuan once again remained above the fray.

Beyond the destructiveness of the Taiping Rebellion, Holmes Welch described

the end of the Qing dynasty as marking the "end of an epoch for Chinese Buddhism."254

Welch was referring to the seizure of Buddhist monasteries for use as schools which was

carried out with limited enforcement after the 1898 edict of emperor Guangxu Jt^i

which was reiterated by a 1904 government order to use available temple properties for

the establishment of schools.255 This was a shift from the general Qing policy of offering

Buddhist monasteries protection; by the end of the Qing, the emperors had finally come

under the influence of the literati who had been calling for such re-outfitting to occur

since the early Qing, some two hundred and fifty years earlier.256 We will see how

Kaiyuan responded to these pressures in the early twentieth century as we continue to

unravel Kaiyuan's story in the following chapter. Before moving to Republican period

Kaiyuan, a survey of themes in Kaiyuan's imperial history will provides points of

comparison with the contemporary scene.

Historic Patterns in Review

This chapter has taken us through more than one thousand and two hundred years

of Quanzhou Kaiyuan's long and distinguished history in imperial China. We have

surveyed the stream of eminent monks who have graced its halls. We have witnessed an

energetic building program that has continually maintained the core buildings of the

234
Welch 1968: 11
255
Welch discusses sources for this information in Welch 1968 296-297, nt 28
256
The seizure of monasteries for education uses was proposed by the Qing intellectual Huang Zongxi as
early as 1662 (Welch 1968 10-11)

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER TWO Imperial History 124

monastery and has added stronger and taller structures over the centuries. We have noted

the expansion of the monastery to a sprawling campus of 120 neighboring cloisters and

the contraction of the monastery to its central axis and a handful of other structures. We

have seen the monastery destroyed by fire, occupied by commoners and abandoned by

monks. But we have witnessed that destruction, occupation or abandonment has never

lasted, that Quanzhou Kaiyuan has always recovered, rebuilt and restored a measure of its

past greatness. Such longevity is common enough in China, but it is not the norm. Many

monasteries, especially smaller temples, have perished at one historical juncture or

another, never to recover as a living place of religious practice. I have counted the

religious structures enumerated in the fifteenth century Annals ofFujian (Bamin tongzhi

A N i S ^ ) and found there to be more than 5,000 temples, monasteries, cloisters,

convents and shrines accounted for throughout Fujian. Included among those more than

5,000 sites, are 1,928 Buddhist monasteries (si ^f). 257 Today there only a fraction of this

many in Fujian, but they include the most famous monasteries.

Examining the contours of Quanzhou Kaiyuan's imperial history, we note

patterns of rise and fall in which the state and elites play an important role. More

specifically we may note three interrelated patterns that operate throughout Kaiyuan's

imperial history: 1) patronage by elites, 2) the regulatory and interventionist state and 3)

continual modulation to changing conditions. These three patterns are common to every

important monastery in China; how they have been manifest at Quanzhou Kaiyuan

provides a local and detailed account that may be used by other scholars in a comparative

5
Bamin tongzhi 75-79.

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER TWO: Imperial History 125

manner with other sites to improve our understanding of Chinese monasticism. Let's

review each pattern as it applies to imperial period Kaiyuan.

1. Patronage from Elites and the Huang Family

From its founding to the present Kaiyuan has benefited from patronage by

members of the local, regional and national elite. Patronage by the Huang family began

with the founding of Kaiyuan monastery on land donated by Huang Shougong and has

continued with Huang family descendents down to the present; noteworthy is the

participation of the Huang family in the late Ming, Qing and, to be discussed in the next

chapter, Republican Period restorations. Patronage by the local elite, especially the

prefects of Quanzhou became especially prominent during the post-Tang interregnum

under Wang family rule and continued through the Song dynasty resulting in the

construction of more than one hundred cloisters built through the patronage of local

elites. The support of local elites continued under the late Ming luminary Zheng Zhilong

and military commanders Wang Minzhai and Bai Yude during the Qing. A theme of elite

support that can be detected from the legend of Huang Shougong to the restoration led by

Bai Yude is the perception of Kaiyuan's efficacy (ling) as a motivating factor.

Kaiyuan has enjoyed the support of emperors and member of the national elite

throughout imperial China's history. It has been known by imperially bestowed names

since its founding — being named in turn by Empress Wu, Emperors Zhongzong,

Xuanzong and Shizu tttlJi. (i.e. Kublai Khan). Tang Yizong named the East pagoda, Song

Huizong named the West pagoda and Song Gaozong named the ordination platform.

Tang Xuanzong donated Kaiyuan's central Buddha statue while Ming Taizu sent master

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER TWO: Imperial History 126

Zhengying to lead the early Ming restoration and Ming Shenzong supported the

restoration of the late Ming.

Related to the support of elites is the relationship that exists between the health of

the local economy and the wealth of the monastery. It is not merely coincidence that

Kaiyuan's most impressive structures, the twin pagodas, date from an era accustomed to

opulence; nor that Kaiyuan supported the largest numbers of monastics during

Quanzhou's most prosperous periods, the Song and Yuan dynasties. The preceding

survey of history suggests a direct correlation between Quanzhou's loss of its port, its

loss of status as a crossroads of luxury goods, its loss of role as an important point for the

transshipment of goods from across the known world to points throughout China and the

decimation of Kaiyuan's monastic population during the Ming and Qing dynasties. The

health of the local economy and the corresponding economic health of local elites have

had a direct bearing on Kaiyuan's ability to provide material support for its monks. The

correlation between local economic performance, the income of elites and the health of

Kaiyuan's monastic population has operated throughout Kaiyuan's long history and

continues to do so into the present.

2. The Regulatory and Interventionist State

Just as the state and political elites could be a source of support and patronage of

Kaiyuan, they were also entities that could restrict, control and even dismantle the

Sangha and its monastic properties. A look at Chinese history suggests that state

regulation of and interference in religious matters has been a constant characteristic of

church-state relations in China. It is certainly the case that state involvement in the affairs

of Kaiyuan monastery has remained a constant from its founding in 686 up to the present.

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER TWO: Imperial History 111

We have reviewed the state's supportive role as a patron, but the pendulum swings both

ways and the state has also been, at times, a force of discipline, contraction and

suppression. History has demonstrated, however, that Kaiyuan as Quanzhou's largest and

most prominent monastery has been spared during the most severe periods of state-

orchestrated suppression such at the Tang Huichang Persecution of 845 and the

prohibitions of the Ming dynasty. Kaiyuan experienced its first severe state-orchestrated

contraction under the Yuan dynasty with the abolition of 117 cloisters. Ming policies led

to two periods of restoration, but between these periods Kaiyuan dipped to a miserable

condition in which it lost most of its income-producing lands (most of which were never

recovered), and its population of monks teetered on the verge of collapse. This mid-Ming

dynasty collapse offers parallels to the situations faced by Kaiyuan during the Republican

and Maoist periods in terms of loss of lands, wide-spread laicization and, during the

Cultural Revolution, occupation of monastic property.

As we turn to Kaiyuan's recent history in the following chapters, state

involvement will come to the fore in what was surely the largest suppression of

Buddhism since the Huichang Persecution, the Cultural Revolution. We will see how

Kaiyuan was again spared the worst of this most recent round of state suppression in the

following chapter. The present chapter has provided what I consider crucial

contextualization of both the Cultural Revolution and the present restoration. In short,

neither are unprecedented in China's history and it is important to recognize the type of

church-state relationships that have operated throughout Kaiyuan's history and

throughout Chinese history. The People's Republic of China has consistently reaffirmed

its commitment to state regulation of religious affairs. Such commitment is directly at

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER TWO- Imperial History 128

odds with the principle of separation between Church and State that we living in societies

that have passed through the scientific revolution and the European Enlightenment take

for granted as part of modernity. The separation between Church and State is a pillar of

modern secular states and the value of such separation is regarded as a given by those

states. Although the Chinese position may not agree with liberal democratic principles, it

must be understood if we are to understand Kaiyuan's path of survival in the twenty-first

century.

3. Continual Modulation

Over the course of centuries, the monastic population of a given monastery

inevitably passes through periods of efflorescence and times of degeneration. John

Kieschnick suggests that the general neglect that regularly leads to the wholesale

rebuilding of monasteries over and over again is related to the notion that greater merit is

attached to fully founding, rebuilding or restoring a monastery than in contributing to its

maintenance on a more meager scale. Welch, connected the regular destruction and

rebuilding of monasteries in China to cycles of physical and moral decline and renewal

which he termed the "monastic cycle" suggesting an analogy with the rise and fall of

dynasties known as the "dynastic cycle." Kaiyuan monastery, like other monasteries of a

comparable age and venerability has been destroyed and rebuilt many times. More to the

point, however, it has seen times of efflorescence and times of decay, periods of

expansive growth and periods of dramatic decline, days of new coats of paint and freshly

gilded statues and days of buildings in ruin, seasons of brilliant and disciplined monks

and seasons of a poorly disciplined skeleton crew. Kaiyuan has experienced periods of

258
Kieschnick writes, "[T]he value accorded to the wholesale reconstruction of a monastery contributed to
the general pattern of Buddhist monasteries in China of neglect or destruction followed by rebuilding."
(Kieschnick 2003:193.)

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER TWO" Imperial History 129

contraction and periods of decline which have always been followed by periods of

restoration and renewal. Some periods of renewal have been relatively short-lived, but

Kaiyuan has always managed to comeback from any disaster and restore a core group of

buildings tended by a growing number of monks.

On the whole, Kaiyuan enjoyed an astounding stretch of more than 400 years of

continual development from the end of the seventh century to the end of the twelfth

century. These years represent Kaiyuan's golden age, when it was a Buddhist Kingdom

unto itself teeming with masters of diverse schools. With the fall of the Song dynasty,

Kaiyuan whose growth had tapered off during the thirteenth century began a downward

spiral that it has been unable to reverse with any convincing momentum apart from a one

hundred year stretch from the late Ming to the early Qing. Kaiyuan has experienced

damage, destruction or loss of land associated with changes in regime ever since the

overthrow of the Southern Song by the Yuan in 1280 when the monastery lost of 117 of

its 120 cloisters. Losses often occurred in struggles surrounding the dynastic change itself

as was the case at the end of the Yuan and Ming dynasties. At other times contraction or

suppression occurred shortly after the founding of a new regime as was seen in the

founding of the Yuan and to a less extent in the founding of the Ming. Over the centuries,

Kaiyuan has lost cloisters and land that it has never recovered, but it has succeeded in

maintaining a solid core of buildings and monastic property. The restoration of a dynamic

and talented community of monks, on the other hand, has been a more elusive goal (not

simply for Kaiyuan, but for all of China).

In addition to patterns of growth and decline, Kaiyuan, like other successful

monasteries, exhibits continual modulation of its cultural and political capital as it adapts

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER TWO: Imperial History 130

to changing circumstances (social, political, economic and ideological). Developments in

cultural capital are exemplified by changes in material culture, which are linked to

modifications in ritual and doctrinal foci as well as institutional shifts. Material culture

includes all physical structures (buildings, statues, pagodas, stupas, courtyards, ponds

etc.) and material objects (scriptures, relics, ritual implements, food, clothing etc.) as well

as landscaping and deployment of space.

The earliest manifestation of the monastery (main hall, main gate, venerated site

cloister) is a material expression of the most basic elements of a Buddhist monastic

institution. Most central is the Buddha hall, which soon had a Buddha image bestowed by

the emperor. To properly orient the main hall along a central axis in conformity with

Chinese notions of sacred geomancy requires another building to share the axis.

Furthermore, a properly demarcated sacred space requires a formal entrance; Kaiyuan's

main gate serves both purposes. In addition, as a site for the cultivation of monks, in

conformity with settled monastic traditions, a dormitory for monks is required. This was

one of the functions of the Venerated Site Cloister. Thus we can gather from Kaiyuan's

material culture at this early stage the minimalist, yet formal nature of the monastery's

origins.

From these humble beginnings, Kaiyuan developed into a huge complex of one

hundred and twenty independently managed cloisters. This material development

manifests the changing political and economic circumstances of Quanzhou under Wang

family patronage and subsequent local elites and the economic growth that fueled

Quanzhou prosperity and funded Kaiyuan's expansion. The Wang family's support of

Buddhism is not simply manifest in the growth of Kaiyuan's physical plant, but in the

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER TWO: Imperial History 131

manner of that growth. Kaiyuan's cloisters enabled it to foster excellence and diversity

among its monks. The proliferation of cloisters is indicative of patronage of monastic

excellence and this excellence is manifest in a greater number of eminent monks recorded

for posterity. The Monastery Record lists forty-six eminent monks associated with

Kaiyuan from the time of its founding to the end of the Ming. 41% of them are from the

interregnum period, 35% date to the Northern Song, 11% to the Southern Song, 9% to the

Yuan and 4% to the Ming (where the Monastery Record ends). These numbers of

eminent monks correspond with the rise and decline of Kaiyuan's one hundred and

twenty cloisters. The active period of building cloisters, which spanned the interregnum

and Northern Song periods, accounts for 76% (35) of the eminent monks in the

Monastery Record. With financial problems that evolved during the Southern Song,

patronage slowed, building of cloisters slowed down or ceased and so did the number of

eminent monks (from sixteen in the Northern Song to five in the Southern). After the

Yuan dynasty consolidation, the number of eminent monks drops to four or 9%. The

evolution of Kaiyuan as a site of branch cloisters corresponds with a period of vibrant

diversity in the talents of its monastic community, which corresponded to economic

prosperity and a spike in local patronage. The cloister system and the financial support

enabled monks to pursue their callings more successfully—this suggests a link between

monastic success and material culture.

Material culture is also reflected in institutional shifts and attendant doctrinal

shifts. Good examples are the two stages in Kaiyuan's evolution as a Chan monastery.

During the first stage which began at the end of the eleventh century we witness several

cloisters becoming affiliated with the Chan school. After the Yuan consolidation we have

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER TWO: Imperial History 132

the second stage of Kaiyuan's evolution as a Chan monastery with the ascension of

Miao'en and the construction of the two most tell-tale structures of a functioning Chan

monastery. These structures are a Chan hall and a Hall of Patriarchs, which express in

material culture what are arguably the two most salient features of the Chan school—

meditation and lineage.

Other elements of material culture express historical trends such as the building of

the revolving sutra cabinet during the Song dynasty when such items became popular

merit-making machines. It is an item that suggests a desire to attract more devotees. The

rebuilding of the ordination platform according to the specifications of the Nanshan

vinaya in the twelfth century evinces a trend within the vinaya school at that time as well

as a concern with getting ordinations right—ensuring their efficacy. More and deeper

analysis could be performed for Kaiyuan's cultural properties. These examples suggest

the potential value of tending to material culture as a key conveyer and enabler of

religious meaning and significance.

Continual modulation includes responses to, victimization by and adaptations to

larger trends. The Great Fire of 1357 destroyed every major structure that was not built in

stone and left Kaiyuan in ruins at the onset of the Ming dynasty. Rebuilding and renewal

began under the leadership of master Zhengying in 1398 during the Early Ming

Restoration. By the middle of the sixteenth century the monastery and its monks had

reached a pitiful state marked by the occupation of buildings by non-monastics and the

loss of lands; this was reversed in the Late Ming Restoration initiated by Huang Wenbin

and, a restoration that culminated in the building efforts of Zheng Zhilong in the 1630s—

the main hall he built continues to greet visitors and worshippers to this day. The

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER TWO: Imperial History 133

momentum generated in the Late Ming Restoration persisted through the first hundred

years of the Qing dynasty when Kaiyuan produced a handful of eminent masters and sent

three of them to lead the Obaku school in Japan The development of transnational ties

during the Qing is analogous to the lines of exchange and communication established

between Kaiyuan and Southeast Asia during the first half of twentieth century

This chapter has identified broad patterns of decline and renewal in Kaiyuan's

imperial history and the role played by elites, the state and material culture The

following chapter carries the story of Kaiyuan into the post-imperial period Like China

at large, Quanzhou Kaiyuan experienced a tumultuous twentieth century requiring many

accommodations to an ongoing project of modernity The following chapter describes

how Kaiyuan adapted to and survived a destructive and revolutionary century

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER TWO Imperial Historv 134

CHAPTER THREE

The Twentieth Century: From Promise to Chaos

Over the course of the twentieth century, Kaiyuan enjoyed a promising but short-

lived Republican period restoration, suffered the repressions and hardships of war with

Japan, the Civil War and the Cultural Revolution only to set about a full scale recovery in

post-Mao China, a recovery that continues to play out at Kaiyuan and monasteries and

temples throughout China. This chapter examines developments at Kaiyuan over the first

three-quarters of this tumultuous century and sheds lights on three trends in modern

Chinese Buddhism: greater social engagement, globalization and a new curatorial

consciousness. While the latter is particularly evident in mainland China today, the

promotion of socially-engaged forms of Buddhism and the building of transnational

contacts around the globe are distinctive features of Buddhism in contemporary Taiwan.1

During the first half of the twentieth century, Kaiyuan monastery was restored

under the leadership of two prominent monks of the era Yuanying M$& (1878-1953) and

Zhuandao $f 311(1872-1943). Both of these monks are among the most important monks

of modern Chinese Buddhism, but they have scarcely been mentioned by Western-

language scholarship and publications. These monks were instrumental in developing a

1
For the development of engaged Buddhism in Taiwan see Madsen, Richard. 2007. Democracy's Dharma
Religious Renaissance and Political Development in Taiwan. Berkeley: University of California Press On
the globalization of Taiwanese Buddhism see the chapters by Stuart Chandler and Julia Huang in Linda
Learma's Buddhist Missionaries in the Era of Globalization (Honolulu, 2005) on Foguang Shan and Tzu-
chi respectively
2
As far as I know, Holmes Welch is the only Western scholar to provide a sketch of Yuanying (Welch
1968"40-50, Welch 1967 172-173) The information I provide in this chapter (including footnotes)
expands on Welch's basic portrayal with the help of primary and secondary sources in Chinese such as the
1954 Yuanyingfashi jinian kan H ^ v i S p ^ S ^ l 'J (Master Yuanying Memorial Booklet) As for
public charity at Kaiyuan that will be discussed in detail below. This charity may be seen

as a precursor to forms of socially-engaged Buddhism that have developed in Taiwan

over the past couple of decades. These monks were also pioneers in the development of

contacts between mainland monks and overseas Chinese in Southeast Asia; a precursor of

trends that are now spoken of as the globalization of Chinese Buddhism.3 In addition, this

chapter recounts the activities of master Hongyi at Quanzhou Kaiyuan, a piece of

Hongyi's biography that is made available in English for the first time. The promising

revival was not to last, however, as policies changed from suppression to eradication

during the Maoist period.

The trends evident at Kaiyuan over the course of this period may best be

understood in the context of what Talal Asad (2003) has alerted us to perceive as a

project of modernity intimately connected to sub-projects of secularisms. Mayfair Yang

(2008) and Yoshiko Ashiwa and David Wank (2009) have followed Asad's call to

unravel the intertwined discourses of modernity, nationalism, religion and secularism in

order to understand how they mutually inform one another and, in particular, the ways in

which the project of modernity has articulated and continues to articulate a shifting space

for religion in modern and contemporary China. Modernity is a slippery concept that has

been critiqued as not naming a definite or fixed object or essence. But, as Asad has

maintained, modernity can be thought of as a "project" that individuals and states aim to

accomplish and impose upon others.4 These projects of modernity entail forms of

secularization; in other words, in the language of modernizers, efforts to liberate

Zhuandao, I only know of a brief reference to him m Ashiwa and Wank 2005. 226 In Chinese there is Yu
Lingbo(2005, 1997).
3
Wank and Ashiwa (2005)
4
Asad 2003.12-13.

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER THREE The Twentieth Centurv 136

populations from the tyranny of religious authority and superstition by spreading the light

of reason, science and material progress This project has entailed the imagining of

nation-states composed of citizens with "direct access" to political power, "unmediated"

by religion 5 My use of "modernity" and "secularism" below refer to these related

projects, projects that China undertook with zeal in the periods related by this chapter It

is within the context of these projects of modernity that Kaiyuan's monks were cut off

from traditional sources of income and turned to overseas Chinese for funding, that

Buddhist monasteries began to open schools in effort to stem the seizing of monasteries

and the government, eventually, began to donate funds to preserve items of national

heritage Quanzhou Kaiyuan's confrontation with modernity began with promise and

ended in chaos

THE REPUBLICAN PERIOD

By the early twentieth century, although Kaiyuan monastery remained standing, its halls

were empty and quiet Reflecting on the state of the monastery during the late Qmg, the

Republican Period (1911-1949) preface to the Monastery Record laments

It is regrettable that since the time of Qianlong and Jiaqmg

JSrjA(1735-1820), sages and worthies (sheng xian ^ M )
have not appeared and the monastic rules have loosened
every day Up to the current Republican Period things have
severely deteriorated (boluo M7&) but an opportunity has
arrived for the dharma to be revived 6

Kaiyuan's structures had survived the destructive force of the Taipmg Rebellion,

but the monastery fell into a state of neglect that left it effectively deserted at the

beginning of the twentieth century when the Qmg dynasty finally collapsed The desolate

5
Asad2003 13
From the 1927 preface by Wu Hengchun H 'f # (Sizhi p2 2b)

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER THREE The Twentieth Century 137

scene at Kaiyuan at the beginning of the twentieth century was repeated at monasteries

throughout the region. After the dust of the Taiping Rebellion had settled, however, a

generation of leaders emerged in post-imperial China to rebuild monasteries and restock

Buddhist libraries. The efforts of these leaders were largely focused in Southeast China.7

A central figure of these early efforts was the lay Buddhist Yang Wenhui tlJ3t zc

(a.k.a.Yang Renshan UK—ill, 1837-1911) who is sometimes referred to as the father of

the Republican Period revival. He retrieved sutras that had been lost or were hard to find

in China after the Taiping Rebellion and began printing copies of them at his newly

created Jinling Sutra Publishing House 'sky$t$$\$x.J0L in Nanjing. The press was located

on the grounds of his private home where Yang also opened a school for laypersons and

monks known as the Jetavana Hermitage (Zhihuan jingshe IftSff # ) . The efforts of

these leaders had to contend not only with weakened religious institutions and untrained

monastic populations but also an intelligentsia hostile to traditional religious pursuits.

The Republican Period was a period of continual political, social and economic

upheaval accompanied by intellectual and religious foment. China had broken with its

imperial past and had set out on an uneven course of modernization and development that

continues to unfold. The intellectual climate of the Republican period was favorable to

Western learning while it was hostile to tradition, especially popular religion, but also

7
Birnbaum 2003, 124-125. See also Ch'en 1964: 448.
8
For more on Yang Wenhui see: Chan, Sin-wai, Buddhism in Late Ch 'ing Political Thought, pp. 20-21;
Chen Bing and Deng Zimei (2002) Ershi shiji zhongguofojiao, pp.103-107; Chen Jidong (2004) Seimo
bukkyo no kenkyu, pp. 77-94, 119-203, 551-584; Goldfuss, Gabrielle (1996) 'Binding Sutras and
Modernities: The Life and Times of the Chinese Layman Yang Wenhui (1837-1911)', in Studies in Central
and East Asian Religions, v.9, pp.54-74; Goldfuss, Gabrielle (2001) Vers un Buddhisme duXXe siecle.
Yang Wenhui (1837-1911), reformateur, laique et imprimeur; Pittman, Don (2001) Towards a Modern
Chinese Buddhism, pp.41-50; Welch, Holmes (1968) The Buddhist Revival in China, pp.2-22, 98-100.
Also: Lou, Yulie H ^ - i , ed. (1996) Yang Wenhui, OuyangJian, Lit Chengjuan WoX^- fKWM^ SWl
^S, Shijiazhuang: Hebei jiaoyu. Thanks to Stefania Travagnin for bibliographic suggestions.

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER THREE: The Twentieth Centurv 138

Buddhism. The early years of the Republican period (cr. 1915-25) witnessed the May

Fourth Movement of 1919 and the "New Culture Movement" {xinwenhua yundong §jfJC

ikj&$S), a movement labeled the "Chinese Renaissance" {zhongguo wenyifuxing tf3 MjC

ZLIULT^) by Hu Shi r$i§ (1891-1962). In general these intellectuals devalued traditional

religions as "feudal" and "backward" and lauded secularization as the path to progress. In

this climate temples and monasteries were targeted for confiscation for use as schools,

barracks and police stations while others were simply destroyed.

Two Hegelian-inspired "end of history" movements were launched in the early

years of the Republican period. The idea was to break with the backward and feudal past

in order to embrace the scientifically informed future. The names of the movements are

self-explanatory: the Smashing Superstition Movement (mixin dapo yundong) and the

Covert Temples to Schools Movement {miaochan xingxue yundong)}0 The effect of these

movements, apart from decimating much of China's religious heritage (over half of

China's temples had been "seized, destroyed, or diverted from their religious uses" by the

1940s),11 was to galvanized Buddhist resistance.

The movement to convert monastic space into school space had been building

since the end of the Qing dynasty. The most innovative monasteries met the threat of

seizure by converting themselves into educational institutions.12 Taixu AjU (1889-1947),

9
See Duara 1995:85-113 for an account of the Chinese intelligentsia's drives to effect the "end of history"
awaken a new self-consciousness and eliminate religion
10
For accounts of these iconoclastic movements see Yang 2009:19-26; Duara 1995.85-111 and Ashiwa
2009 49-55
11
Yang 2008: 20.
12
This strategy is thought to have been initiated by two Japanese monks, Mizuno Baigyo and Ito Kendo
who set up the first of such schools in 1904 in Hunan, the Hunan Sangha School. Mizuno urged temples to
place themselves under the protection of Kyoto's Higashi Honganji in doing so they would be able to
appeal to the Japanese consulate for protection By the end of 1904, thirty-five monasteries m Zhejiang had
become affiliated with the Kyoto temple, thirteen of them in Hangzhou (Welch 1968 12)

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER THREE The Twentieth Century 139

who had studied at the Jetavana Hermitage, emerged at this time as a powerful voice in

the modernization of Buddhism as well as a promoter of Buddhist education.13

Another leader of China's early twentieth century revival of Buddhism and

tireless rebuilder of monasteries in South China was Yuanymg. Yuanying was born in

Fujian near Fuzhou14and was tonsured and ordained at Fuzhou's Yongquan monastery

(on Mount Drum, Gushan) by the venerable abbot Miaolian &bjl(1824-1907)15 in 1897.

Miaolian is the earliest known pioneer in the building of connections between mainland

monastics and overseas Chinese in Southeast Asia. Miaolian traveled to Penang in

Malaysia in 1885 and by 1904 had established the Jile Temple (Chi-le ssu W&^f, lit.

Temple of Paradise/Bliss), a sub-temple of Fuzhou's Gushan and what was then the

largest and most impressive Chinese temple in Malaysia.16 This early exposure to the

13
For more on Taixu see Welch 1968 15-18, 51-71 and Don Pittman's study of Taixu entitled Toward a
Modern Chinese Buddhism (Hawai'i, 2001) In 1922 he founded the Wuchang Buddhist Institute (Wuchang
foxueyuanlRiSii%^¥>%) and inl927 became the leader of the Minnan Buddhist Institute (Minnanfoxue
yuan \^M\%^M) which had been established in 1925 in Xiamen M i l (about 100 km from Quanzhou)
In 1931, Taixu founded the Tianning Buddhist Institute (tianmngfoxueyuan ^ T M J S J ^ K ) in Zhangzhou,
Jiangsu province which went on to become the largest, most modern Buddhist seminary of the Republican
period The modern monk Chen-hua studied there for a year in 1947 He writes about the experience in his
memoirs See Chen-hua 1992 93-108
14
He was born in Gutian "SBH, this Gutian is not to be confused with another Fujian Gutian "SBS located on
the road to Mount Wuyi (oral interview with Venerable GuangpuJ^e7i' T=T, 3/2009) Yuanying was Taixu's
senior by eleven years As time went on he broke with Taixu who advocated more radical reform than
Yuanying was willing to accept Yuanying came to lead a conservative faction of the Chinese Buddhist
Association in opposition to the more radical Taixu See Welch 1968 40-50
15
This Miaolian should not be confused with the later Miaolian#43Iof Shanghai who served as master
Hongyi's attendant and later as abbot of Quanzhou Kaiyuan Gushan's Miaolian is known for founding Jile
temple in Penang, Malaysia, a branch temple of Gushan There were rumors that developed that he was
involved in sexual orgies as the rumors failed to abate he chopped off his genitals with a knife He was
treated by a well known doctor, but he died within the year at the age of 83(Welch 1967 117) Welch
actually writes that he was 63 in 1907 and therefore says he was born in 1844, other sources include Yu
Lingbo''s Zhongguofojiao haiwai hongfa renwu zhi (Yul997 17) See also C S Wong's KekLokSi,
Temple ofPardise (Singapore, 1963)
16
Miaolian is the earliest known Buddhist monk to migrate to Southeast Asia and develop such connections
between diasponc Chinese and the mainland He received imperial recognition for the establishment of Jile
Temple by the Qmg state, he received name boards from Emperor Guangxu and his Empress Dowager as
well as 7,000 volumes of Buddhist scriptures See Yu 1997 17-23, Welch 1969 192-193, Ashiwa and
Wank 2005 224, DeBernardi 2002 310-311

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER THREE The Twentieth Century 140

potential of building connections with overseas Chinese m Southeast Asia was formative

for Yuanying, who would go on to build his own broad network of overseas connections.

Yuanying served as the abbot of many famous monasteries including Ningbo's

Tiantong monastery ^$£^;it^F(abbot 1930-1936) and Fuzhou's Yongquan, better

known simply as Gushan (literally "Mt. Drum"). As not only a monk, but an abbot,

Yuanying was especially sensitive to the threat of modernist reforms calling for the

seizure of monastic property.17 In 1928, a national education conference was held in

Nanjing at which a proposal was adopted calling for the appropriation of monastic

properties to fund education. Yuanying acted quickly to counter this threat by

establishing the Jiangsu-Zhejiang Buddhist Federation {jiang-zhefojiao lianhehui tLWi\%

WOfwi^iS) to lobby against the proposal. The proposal was shelved and Yuanying

immediately set about organizing the Chinese Buddhist Association {zhonghua fojiao hui

r^^PHHi&'tr) m order to have a national organization to counter such threats.18 The

Association was established in Shanghai in 1929 and was a means to organize and

strengthen the Chinese Sangha in the face of pressures towards modernization and

17
From 1928 to 1930 Yuanymg concurrently served as the head of four temples; in addition to his small
temple in Shanghai, he was abbot of Fuzhou's Chongsheng ^H^p, Fuzhou's Fahai S ^ p which he restored
and Ningbo's Qita - t t ^ F (Welch 1967: 172). From 1930 to 1935 he served as abbot of Ningbo's Tiantong
monastery ^ ^ S ^ F / T ' M ^ M ^ P , when he arrived it had about 300 monks and when he left it had more than
400 (Welch 1968. 288) at the same time he was abbot of Fuzhou's Lmyang temple WW? In 1935 he was
then asked by six monasteries to serve as their leader (Welch 1967 172-173). He settled on his home
monastery, Mount Drum (Gushan) where he resided as abbot until 1948 (ibid). He passed away in 1953 at
Ningbo's Tiantong monastery Perhaps his most emment direct disciple was Master Mmgyang (1916-2002)
from Fuzhou who traveled with Yuanying for more than ten years and who served as the abbot of several
important temples m the post-Mao era
18
Welch 1968 41. The full reasons it was shelved are not clear, but it was shelved and Yuanying's
organization certainly didn't hurt the cause

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER THREE The Twentieth Century 141

secularization. Yuanying was elected as its first president, serving seven terms between

1929 and 1949.19

In 1922, seven years before the Chinese Buddhist Association had been

established, master Yuanying was invited to teach at Singapore's newly established Pujue

Temple by master Zhuandao $ | i i ( 1872-1943). This meeting proved fateful because it set

in motion plans to restore Quanzhou Kaiyuan monastery and found an orphanage and

school there. But who was Zhuandao, why was he in Singapore and why was he

interested in these projects?

Zhuandao was born in Southern Fujian (Minnan) and became a monk in 1890 at

the age of 19 at Zhangzhou's Nanchan Monastery.20At the age of 24 he went to

Yangzhou Gaomin Monastery MIJS:^? and practiced with master Xuyun ]J§[7X (Hsu Yun,

1840-1959) for two years. Zhuandao then spent seven years at Ningbo's Tiantong

Monastery where he studied under master Tongzhi M.%3 with Yuanying and Huiquan ^

Jlc..21 In 1913, Zhuandao was asked to help Xiamen's Nanputuo Monastery to raise funds

for the building the Sangha Academy {sengqie xueyuan il? jJPlp|$7c).22 Zhuandao,

accompanied by his dharma brother Zhuanwu fl|#J(fl. 1920-40), left China and traveled
19
Shortly after the founding of the CBA in 1929, Taixu began to argue with the conservatives led by
Yuanying. This eventuated into a break between the two in 1931 after Taixu had attempted to take control
from the conservatives led by Yuanying. Taixu continued to work to create an organization of Chinese
Buddhist with himself as head; he succeeded in creating an organization but died before he could lead it
(March 17, 1947). Welch 1968: 43-47. For more on Yuanying's relief efforts during war with Japan see
Yu, Xue. 2005. Buddhism, War, and Nationalism: Chinese Monks in the Struggle against Japanese
Aggressions, 1931-1945. New York: Routledge, p. 158.
20
Yu 1997:25.
21
Yu 1997:25. See also Ashiwa and Wank 2005: 226. He also studied Tiantai with Master Dixianiflibt
Tiantong Monastery. Yu 1997:25.
22
Nanputuo's abbot Xican had invited Zhuandao to Xiamen. According to Yu Lingbo master Xican needed
eight respected masters to attend the ordination ceremony at Nanputuo (Yu 1997:26), but the Singapore
Lay Society says that Xican wanted to go into retreat and requested Zhuandao to look after Nanputuo as
temporary abbot ($ji!]Ol!^ldrWWl{A Brief Introduction to the Buddhist Lay Society of Singapore], p. 21).
Whatever the precise reason, Zhuandao remained in Xiamen and Zhangzhou for a period of time and
oversaw the construction of the large pond for releasing life that one now finds in front of Nanputuo (ibid).

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER THREE: The Twentieth Centwv 142

to Singapore. Soon after arriving, Zhuandao received a donation of land upon which he

established Putuo Temple (PohToh Si,i3 PSTF) where he resided as abbot. In 1921 he

built Pujue Temple HpJI^f in Singapore which, some years later, would develop into the

largest Chinese monastery in Southeast Asia. Zhuandao and Zhuanwu both hailed from

Southern Fujian (Minnan) and are the first known monks from mainland China to

establish themselves in Singapore.2

Zhuandao invited Yuanying, his colleague from his days in Ningbo, to lecture at

Pujue Temple. When they met in Singapore they discussed the restoration of Quanzhou

Kaiyuan Temple.25 Zhuandao whose secular name was Huang is said to have been a

member of the "Purple Cloud" Huang family whose ancestor Huang Shougong had

donated land for the establishment of Kaiyuan monastery during the Tang Dynasty;

Zhuandao had long harbored the wish to restore Quanzhou Kaiyuan. Yuanying and

Zhuandao vowed to restore Quanzhou Kaiyuan, but Yuanying wanted to do more than

revive a home for monks and a place for laypersons to burn incense. Foremost in their

discussions of restoration was the establishment at Kaiyuan of an orphanage (gueryuan

1A%$%) to serve as a home and school for orphans and abandoned children.27

li
Yu 1997:27.
24
Yu 1997:25.
25
Yu 1997:27.
26
Sizhi, second preface, 2a .
27
Details about Kaiyuan's Republican era orphanage are taken from two rare documents, the first is written
by Wu Zexu f5v$/li in 1979, Quanzhou Kaiyuan Ertong Jiaoyang Yuan Jianshi ^l§{frrjR!liiJSffiniSi5^
M.JMJ^7tJ[iMWi^^Wi^S. ("A Simple History of Quanzhou Kaiyuan's Children's School and Foster
Care"). This is a typed report hand signed by the author (property of Huang Yushan HzElil). The second is
Ye Qingyan ed. ca. 1929. Quanzhou Kaiyuan cieryuan diyijie baogaoshu TJU'H f$7t>W^$%M—BUS'S/
M')'\'\3fjhM)L$K>s$~' fiJIx c ? ^ (Report on the first class of students from Quanzhou Kaiyuan's
Compassion for Children School). Quanzhou Kaiyuan: Quanzhou. I was provided a copy of this report by a
monk who had lived at Quanzhou Kaiyuan in the 1980s. A recent article of relevance is Wang Rongguo
3 3 F S 2008. " Master Yuanying and the Kaiyuan Compassion for Children School" (Yuanyingfashiyu
Quanzhou Kaiyuan si cieryuan, W^/&^Mi'\'^\MS^k^^/&^M'\''^7\M)\M> In Zhongguo fojiao shilun
^ I M ^ i ^ E I M f c t i & b y Rongguo Wang. Religion and Culture Press: Beijing. Pp. 254-270.

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER THREE: The Twentieth Century 143

The Kaiyuan Compassion for Children School and Orphanage

Yuanymg had been inspired to travel overseas by his experience at Fuzhou's

Gushan and had been inspired to establish an orphanage and school by his successful

experience in Ningbo in Zhejiang province. In 1918, Yuanying had established the

Ningbo Buddhist Orphanage where students were taught literary arts and practical arts in

order to make them educated and productive members of society. Yuanying seized this

opportunity to establish a second orphanage, this one in his home province of Fujian.28

Yuanying invited Zhuandao and Zhuanwu to Ningbo to study the orphanage and school

that had been established there.29 In the fall of 1924, Yuanying, Zhuandao and Zhuanwu

met in Quanzhou to make preparations for the orphanage.30 Tradition holds that three

days after these monks had arrived at Kaiyuan in lunar September of 1924 Kaiyuan's

peach trees bloomed red lotus blossoms. This event has been memorialized by four

large characters that now appear on the wall to the west of the main gate: Taolian yingrui

M\y&^i% ("Lotus-Blooming Peach Tree Reflects the Auspicious"). Offices and

dormitories were constructed and the opening ceremony of the Kaiyuan school and

orphanage was held on the day of the Mid-Autumn Festival, August 15* of the lunar

calendar, in 1925.

The school and orphanage was established out of a wish to benefit less fortunate

children and was called the Compassion for Children School (cieryuan W.%¥K).

Yuanying fashi Jinian kan: 12.

29
A third monk, Zhuanzhang^fS, is mentioned in the sources, but nothing else is known about him.
10
Wang 2008 254 Zhuandao served as abbot of Kaiyuan, Yuanying served as the provost {dujian Mmi)
and Zhuanwu served as the general manager (jianyuan) Zhuandao, it seems, quickly returned to Singapore
in an effort to raise funds.
" Sizhi, second preface, 2a

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER THREE The Twentieth Centurv 144

Yuanymg indentified compassion as the central principle of Buddhism as well as his

overriding motivation in opening the orphanage

As a religion Buddhism has compassion (cibei) as its principal tenet and

skillful means (upaya) as its method The character "ci" indicates the wish
for all sentient being to have happiness whereas "bei" is the wish for them
to be free of suffering Although today we are far from the Buddha's
time, we are the Buddha's disciples and should have Budddha's thoughts
and perform Buddha's deeds, abandon the selfish mind of Hinayana and a
raise the Mahayana wish to benefit others Even though we cannot save all
sentient beings as well as the Tatagatha who is endowed with
unimaginable abilities, if we do not raise a thought of bodhicitta for the
poor, suffering orphans in the human realm and think about how to save
them this would be completely contrary to the aim of Buddhism
In the world there are four types of unsupported people (wugao zhi
mm MIX^LRL) widowers, widows, orphans and childless elders Even if
their misery results from past karmic causes, the suffering of orphans is
still the most moving They are young, or merely infants, they have no
knowledge, they have lost their fathers and mothers, they are without
clothing or food If they do not receive the compassion of kind and
humane people they will be left to beg While they might not freeze or
starve to death, they would grow weak without resources to support life,
without the ability to take care of or improve themselves, turning to crime,
they will waste their lives They will add to the number of antisocial
miscreants and increase the number of prisoners and legal cases, a great
amount of public money will be spent on security and villages will suffer
more and more dangers Therefore, reflecting on all of this, we must not
delay another second in building this orphanage for the national public
good 32

Yuanymg presented this well reasoned and persuasive argument, blending

Buddhist compassion with concern for the national public good, not only in Fujian, but

i%^$m, w ^ i ^ ^ g , TJH^JIO ^n®k—tm±z.m, v#&—a^£z.s. 4-

#£-##A, tm^m^mm, x^mwm, *m%&%im. &mRmmi±tmmm&

S&ftK^/f^S^fe Yeca 1929 1

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER THREE The Twentieth Centurv 145

elsewhere in China and Southeast Asia and Chinese people at home and abroad supported

this cause on behalf of those who are most helpless

In its first year of operation, the home and school had forty-three residents, the

first headmaster (yuanzhang PJGJI) was Zhuandao and the co-vice-headmasters were

Yuanymg and Zhuanwu Kaiyuan's Compassion for Children School (Cieryuan) served

as a foster home and residential school for orphans and abandoned children Orphaned

boys between the ages of 7 and 13 were accepted on the condition that their relatives

were not able to take care of them and that they were in good health Throughout the

history of the orphanage it was always home to a greater number of residents than there

were monks at the monastery In 1927, just two years after opening, the number of

residents nearly doubled to eighty-five As a central feature of Kaiyuan's identity

during the Republican period the Kaiyuan school and orphanage will be examined here at

some length

Located in the western part of the monastery between the west pagoda and the

ancient mulberry tree, the school offered a regular elementary school curriculum (literary

arts and math) as well as instruction in applied arts such as sewing, carpentry, bamboo

crafts and gardening Soon after the opening of the school the three masters were all

A theme that emerges here, and a thread that connects the Republican period restoration with the end of
the Qing dynasty, is the theme of the orphan The last known Qmg dynasty leader of Kaiyuan is said to
have been the seven year old orphan girl, who, having been taken m by Kaiyuan, went on to become the
abbess Kaiyuan took on a new role which spans the late Qmg and Republican periods, periods of turmoil,
loss of life and the orphaning of children—that of a home for the orphaned
34
Wang 2008 257
35
The ratio of orphans to monks could be a reflection of any number of factors from the era's drive towards
secularization to the turmoil of the times and the attendant demand for able-bodied soldiers, trends which
both reduced the number of men becoming monks
36
Headmaster Ye left to collect funds from the trustees abroad When he did so his duties were assumed by
Wu Liangcai'fiiSS'fS^Tis who served as acting headmaster until Mr Ye's return Mr Ye remained
headmaster until he left for Shanghai to collect funds in 1946 (Wu Zexu 1979 4 )

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER THREE The Twentieth Century 146

abroad to collect funds for the school's ongoing expenses. Ye Qingyan 51 pfBEl was

hired to serve as headmaster and held this position from 1928 to 1946;38 from this time

on, the acting school principal was always a layperson rather than a monk. The monks, it

seems, served as the inspiration for the founding and goals of the charity, the providers of

land on which to build dorms, classrooms and offices, and the fundraisers while the day

to day operations of the charity were handled by laypersons.

Transnational Funding Networks

A constant concern and reality for the charity was the need for funding. While

money was raised locally and in Zhejiang, most money came from overseas Chinese

communities in Southeast Asia. When master Yuanying returned to Southeast Asia to

raise funds, the overseas Chinese communities offered to establish boards of trustees

(dongshihui H ^ H ' ) to organize fundraising efforts for the charity; they insisted that

master Yuanying focus his efforts on teaching the dharma rather than fundraising.39 In

this way boards of trustees were established in Singapore, Malaysia, the Philippines and

Burma in addition to the local board of directors in Quanzhou. There were also boards of

honorary trustees (mingyu dongshi ^SMM) in Singapore, Malaysia, Shanghai, Ningbo

and Xiamen.

37
In 1928, Zhuandao left for Singapore with Li Juncheng ^f^P;where they established the Buddhist
Layperson's Society ifojiao jushihn fjftl&^lubfcfy and the Chinese Buddhist Association of Singapore
(zhonghuafojiaohui]:ip:^iM^t^iM^) which Zhuandao led for two terms Zhuandao later moved to
Penang where he established the Mysterious Fragrance Forest Dizang Temple (miaoxianghn dizang si
#j^#t!si^F) and spent the rest of his life traveling throughout Singapore and Malaysia working to spread
the dharma (Information from the Quanzhou Buddhist Museum at Kaiyuan monastery)
38
Mr. Ye went abroad to collect additional funds in 1927, at that time his duties were assumed by Wu
Liangcai iS^M, who served as acting headmaster until Mr Ye's return Mr Ye remained headmaster until
he left for Shanghai to collect funds in 1946 (ibid)
39
Ye ca 1929 2

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER THREE The Twentieth Century 147

 Southeast Asia serves as the home of many overseas Chinese who trace their roots

to Fujian. Zhuandao and Yuanying established relationships with fellow Fujian

expatriates in Singapore, the Philippines and Melaka and Penang in Malaysia which

helped support the activities of the Kaiyuan orphanage and school. Singapore's board of

trustees had twenty-two members and Melaka had sixteen trustees on their board while

Penang had a twenty-six member association dedicated to encouraging donations for

Kaiyuan's charity (quanjuan weiyuanhui SMff^UtllO; all of these boards were

composed of monks and laypersons.40 The money that was collected in Melaka was

invested in a rubber tree plantation (shujiaoyuan llfKlal) of 51 acres (yingmu ^SA).

Funds were also raised domestically from local sources as well as in Shanghai and

Ningbo through specially established travel associations.41 With some of the funds

collected income-generating farms and houses were purchased at three locations in the
2
Quanzhou area.

The school and orphanage enjoyed about ten years of relative stability before

disruptions brought on by war with Japan. During the second Sino-Japanese War (1937-

1945) the school was forced to continually relocate due to disruptions and the threat of

danger43 and in 1941 the name was changed to the School and Foster Care Center

(Jiaoyangyuan fj(#|^). When the Japanese reached Southeast Asia, the Melaka rubber

The names of the members of these boards both in Quanzhou and abroad are recorded in the report by
Wu Zexu, see Wu Zexu 1979 2-3
41
The associations were named the Travel to Shanghai to Raise Funds Association luhu mujuan
weiyuanhuijM^^^^&lMf^^^s and the Travel to Ningbo To Raise Funds Association lilyong
mujuan weiyuanhutJS^^^^^^fWM^^^^s
42
Wu Zexu 1979 4. Income-generating property had long been the primary source of income for Kaiyuan
as it had for other Chinese monasteries throughout much of Chinese history.
43
During the Japanese war the school (and the orphans) were first moved in succession to Jinjiang River
atyWUtfifi/Wfi-MTfi, Xiajm village®#M, GaotianHH, Shikeng5±/C and Xiao Xuefeng'hiPt in
Nan'an before hostilities ended and they could then be moved back to Kaiyuan where it has remained until
the 1990s During the war classes were still held, but not in the applied arts. Wu Zexu 1979- 4-5

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER THREE The Twentieth Century 148

plantation was lost as a source of income for the orphanage. With the conclusion of war

with Japan, travel between Quanzhou and Southeast Asia resumed and, in 1948,

headmaster Gong Nianping J I ^ ^ P traveled to the Philippines to collect funds for the

Kaiyuan orphanage and school.

Kaiyuan 's Republican Period Restoration

While the establishment of the orphanage and school was the most prominent

action of the trio of monks at the head of the Republican period revival, it was only part

of the overall project of restoration that they undertook. After the establishment of the

school for orphans, Yuanying, Zhuandao and Zhuanwu turned to Huang family ancestors

to seek support for the restoration of the temple buildings. It is an ancient custom in

China to restore monasteries established by one's ancestors 5and Kaiyuan had often

benefited from the assistance of members of the Huang family—the Republican period

proved no different. Yuanying and Huang Sunzhe H # ^ asked Senior Huang Zhutang

M^M. to write them a letter of introduction with which they traveled to the islet of

Gulangyu g£?lllll% which lies off the island of Xiamen to meet three members of Huang

family, Huang Zhongxun JtfHJH, Huang Yizhu H ^ c l i and Huang Xiulang M^M to

urge them to contribute to the restoration of Kaiyuan monastery which had been founded

on land donated by their eminent ancestor Huang Shougong. As the preface to the 1927

edition of the Monastery Record relates:

Mr. Zhongxun, with a penchant for poetry and literature, already had a
literary relationship with master Yuanying so he took the lead in offering
to rebuild the Dharma Hall (fa tang) with his brother Zhongzan W Ht ...
44
Upon his departure, Wu Zuxu became headmaster remained so until 1966 when the Cultural Revolution
disrupted the school's activities
45
SeeGernet 1995:283.

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER THREE: The Twentieth Century 149

 Mr. Yizhu offered to renovate the east pagoda, and Mr. Xiulang, the west
pagoda. These three lay patrons resolutely shouldered the burden of these
three special projects. Master Yuanying contentedly returned and hired
the engineer Fu Weizao { § ^ # - to be the specialist in charge."46

Thus, Yuanying's trip to Gulangyu secured funding for the rebuilding of the

Dharma Hall as well as for renovations to the east and west pagodas by members of the

Huang family. All projects began in 1925 under the supervision of the engineer Fu

Weizao and by 1927 all had been completed.47

The Dharma Hall, which had last been repaired during the Ming Dynasties and

was in need of replacement, was rebuilt as a concrete two story building with a second

floor Sutra Library (zangjing ge WM-M). The Hall of Merit (gongde tang, 5b#<^) was

built at the same time as the Dharma Hall to which it practically adjoins. It was built to

house the spirit tablets of the temple's past masters and lay patrons. Amidst all of this

activity in 1925, Kaiyuan's ancient mulberry tree was struck by lightning and split into

three. A rock was placed under one section to support it; on this rock was carved "This

tree bloomed lotus blossoms in the second year of Chuigong (686); this support, allied

with the will of heaven, prevents damage."48

With the construction of the Compassion for Children School, the Dharma Hall

and the Hall of Merit as well as the renovation of the two pagodas, Kaiyuan monastery

was officially restored and again one of the premier Buddhist monasteries in Fujian with

Sizhi p2.2a-b.
47
It was during this two year period, 1925 to 1927 that the Kaiyuan monastery was visited by Gustav Ecke
and the great scholar of Buddhism Paul Demieville. The two first learned about Kaiyuan, and in particular
its Song Dynasty pagodas when they were living at Xiamen University which had been founded in 1921 on
land that had once belonged to Nanputuo Monastery on the island of Xiamen. Huang Yizhu lUSSft a
Huang family descendent assisted the scholars by funding the erection of scaffolding around the pagodas
which enabled photographs to be taken of the sculptures on the upper stories. The abbot of Nanputuo
Xingyuan HM provided them with identities for the sculptures on the pagodas that Demieville used as his
base for research (Ecke and Demieville 1935- vin) Through the publication of their book in 1935 detailed
information about Kaiyuan's pagodas became available to the world for the first time.
48
Cishu shenglian chuigong ernian, Zhihng wuhuai yiquan qitiansHM^^&^^i 5?§^3fcRifc3S^?c

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER THREE The Twentieth Century 150

Yuanying serving as abbot. To mark this restoration the Huang family, which had

generously contributed to the effort, donated additional funds for the re-carving of

woodblocks of the Ming dynasty Record ofQuanzhou Kaiyuan Monastery. Huang

Zhongxun initiated and funded this project, providing his personal copy of the Ming

dynasty text. Mr. Wu Hengchun H 3 ? # of Fujian's Gutian "S" EB was asked to write a

preface to this new edition which appears just after the 1643 preface by Yuanxian. Other

than this brief preface, which outlines the restoration work led by Yuanying, the Ming

Dynasty record was left unaltered in the new carving, which was completed in lunar

August of 1927; it was the same year that Nationalist forces led by Chiang Kai-shek M-JY

5(1887-1975) unified China after fighting warlords in the North and making an alliance

with the Communist Party. The following year, responding to complaints by Buddhists

and others about the seizure of temple property, Nationalists issued the "Standards for

Preserving and Abandoning Gods and Shrines."49 These "Standards" sought to

distinguish religion from superstition, protecting the former and calling for the abolition

of the latter. The shrines and temples that were to be respected were the established

religions of Buddha and Laozi and of apotheosized historical figures considered

beneficial to humanity such as Confucius and Guandi (heroic general of the Three

Kingdoms Period and a popular deity). Two categories of deities were to be abandoned:

1. the old [pre-scientific] deities (gusheri) who were now obsolete such as gods of the sun

and moon and 2. the lesser spirits and goblins (yinci) such as animal spirits.50 These

efforts were in line with China's project of modernity to promote scientific understanding

and eliminate superstitious beliefs while maintaining a space for private religious belief.

49
Duara 1995:108-109; Ashiwa 2009: 51.
50
Ashiwa 2009:51; Duara 1995:109.

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER THREE: The Twentieth Centurv 151

Yoshiko Ashiwa writes, however, that the standards "were interpreted locally as

justifying the destruction of all religion " 51 Kaiyuan was positioned to benefit from the

standards, nonetheless, because the mam criteria for protection were "historical

importance and scientific significance"52—Kaiyuan had both and was left unmolested

In 1933, Zhuandao and Zhuanwu invited Nanputuo abbot Zhuanfeng $£il$ (1879-

1952) to serve as Kaiyuan's abbot Zhuanfeng, who had established the Minnan Buddhist

Seminary at Nanputuo in Xiamen where he then served as principal, accepted the offer

He is said to have reinforced the monastic rules (M.M.MM) and inculcated more reverent

sutra recitation (^fcilifif $$) at Kaiyuan 53 Monks at Kaiyuan during this period would

have followed the monastic precepts much as they do today, rising at four, engaging in

daily morning and evening services, the core religious practice at monasteries like

Kaiyuan with no communal Chan practice The religious practice of such monks is Pure

Land recitation A monk at Kaiyuan today described it as being "Chan m name, Pure

Land in practice "

In addition to sutra recitation, monks would take communal vegetarian meals and

live a generally spartan life, wearing robes and maintain a shaved head Zhuanfeng led

large ordination ceremonies at both Quanzhou Kaiyuan and Chengtian Monasteries in

1931 and 1936 One may imagine how these grand affairs were carried out by reading a

detailed account provided by Pnp-Moller in his seminal study of Chinese Buddhist

monasteries of a three-platform ordination ceremony held during this period at Jiangsu's

51
Ashiwa 2009 51
52
Ashiwa 2009 51
5
Yu 2005 197 I read Yu as saying that ordination ceremonies were held twice in each year at both
locations (^ g s s s i u 11 m Ttmm^ mm M)
Brian J Nichols CHAPTER THREE The Twentieth Centurv 152
Longchang Temple PHH^F,55 The vitality expressed in these developments (holding

ordinations, supporting a school and orphanage, renovating the complex, restoring

monastic life) helped to put Kaiyuan back on the map as a place of Buddhist practice in

the South. In the 1930's it attracted master Hongyi (&—, 1880-1942), one of the most

prominent Buddhist monks of the twentieth century. Known as a master of vinaya, he

may have been attracted to Quanzhou Kaiyuan in part by its Nanshan vinaya ordination

platform and its reputation as a Buddhist country (foguo), the epithet attributed to Zhuxi,

which hangs in Kaiyuan's main gate and main hall written in the hand of Hongyi.

Master Hongyi and Kaiyuan Monastery

Hongyi was steeped in art and culture and a accomplished composer, painter,

actor, writer, calligrapher, painter and seal carver. His secular name, under which he had

become famous before becoming a monk, was Li Shutong ^ ^ I R I . He was one of the

first Chinese to study Western painting in Japan and one of the founders of Western-style

theater in China. He was responsible for helping spread Western music in China as well

as an advocate of Western-style print making and the use of nude models in art

instruction. Songs he wrote such as songbie JsljjlJ ("Farewell") remain popular in China

to this day. Although he did not write many poems, his style of calligraphy is uniquely

his own and widely respected. Many of the oil paintings he painted before becoming a

monk were donated to the Beijing Academy of Art (now called Central Academy of Fine

Art zhongyang meishu xueyuan ^ i f e H ^ ^ l ^ u ) and many of his seal carvings are stored

at the Xiling Seal Carving Society (xiling yinshe Hi^EPli) in Hangzhou. He stopped

55
Pnp-Moller 1937 298-339 Pnp-Moller's account includes descriptions of the ceremonies taken from
the diary of a participant, an account of the ritual procedures and the three types of precepts (novice, monk
or bhikkhu, and bodhisattva), also included are images of the ceremony as well as reproductions of
ordination certificates

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER THREE The Twentieth Century 153

painting after becoming a monk but continued to write calligraphy. He was a man of

many talents and virtues, a true Renaissance man of the twentieth century.56

Master Hongyi was invited to stay at Kaiyuan by Zhuandao in 1933. It was at this

time that Zhuandao and Zhuanwu had invited master Zhuanfeng, then abbot of Nanputuo,

to serve as the abbot of Kaiyuan.57 This initial two month visit was the first of many by

master Hongyi. Hongyi, as a master of the vinaya school, would have been pleased to

find Quanzhou Kaiyuan's Nanshan vinaya ordination platform (the Amrita Ordination

Platform) in an excellent state of preservation. Perhaps it was this that inspired him to

establish a School of the Nanshan Vinaya (nanshanlu xueyuan j ^ j l i l ^ ^ ^ ) at Kaiyuan

CO

in May of 1933. The school was established in the rooms of the Venerated Site Cloister

(zunsheng yuan) which stood behind Kaiyuan's ancient mulberry and to the left of the

Dharma Hall. Hongyi gathered students and scholars and lectured on the Nanshan vinaya

using copies of the vinaya he had brought from Japan.5 These studies were published by

master Hongyi, who was a prolific writer of texts elucidating Buddhist teachings.

Hongyi's focus on the Nanshan vinaya and the establishment of this study institute at

Kaiyuan were remarkable developments in Chinese Buddhism which hadn't seen such

sustained interest in the vinaya for centuries.

A fine essay on Master Hongyi has been written by Raoul Birnbaum entitled "Master Hongyi looks back:
a 'modern man' becomes a monk in twentieth-century China " It may be found in Steven Heine and Charles
Prebish (eds ) 2003 Buddhism in the Modern World New York Oxford University Press
57
M\$M±W%k, p. 27, See also Yu 2005 197
58
He Mianshan jSJ^lil 2000. "Jindai sida gaoseng yu fujian fojiao jfiftM^Wf§-^IM#&!fc"(Four
Contemporary Eminent Monks of Fujian Buddhism") Fayin vol 1, p. 11
Wang Hanfeng 2001a "Sanzong rongguan yi hi weizhong ^.7KH£J/J VXWJBM." Fujian fojiao ^a^.\%%.
vol l,p 20

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER THREE The Twentieth Century 154

 When Hongyi returned to Quanzhou in 1937 he was accompanied by master

Miaolian # J H (1913-1999),60 a native of Shanghai, who traveled with Hongyi as his

personal attendant and never left his side. Miaolian began his study of Buddhism at

Shanghai's World Buddhist Academy for Laity {shijiefojiaojushi lin, Itilfijlifc^ifdr^)

at the age of 18. He took refuge under master Riguan 0 M and between 1933 and 1935

he became a fully ordained monk at Guoqing Temple Hyff # on Mount Tiantai, Zhejiang

Province. In 1935 he went to Lingyan Temple ^ . ^ f # in Suzhou to be closer to Pure

Land master Yinguang tfl% (1860-1940). In 1937 he left Zhanshan Temple ffidj# in

Qingdao, Shandong to be near master Hongyi and came to be his personal attendant and

remained as such until master Hongyi's death in 1942. In Quanzhou Hongyi divided

much of his time between Kaiyuan and Chengtian monasteries. Hongyi's time in

Quanzhou has left its mark on Fujian Buddhism and left a powerful impression on those

who personally met him. He also left behind many pieces of calligraphy in his distinctive

hand, the most celebrated at Kaiyuan being the couplet of Zhu Xi describing Quanzhou

as a Buddhist kingdom. Miaolian became Hongyi's close friend and confidant and at the

end of his life Hongyi would leave all of his belongings to Miaolian's care. Master

Hongyi wrote: "At the time of my death and afterwards my person and effects, I leave in

the hands of Miaolian. No one else is to interfere [with Miaolian's charge of this

responsibility]."61 On lunar September 1st, 1942, three days before his death, Hongyi

wrote his final four characters, beixin jiaoji Mffi&.M ("sorrow and joy mixed") and

60
This Miaolian is not to be confused with the Miaolian mentioned earlier, abbot of Fuzhou's Gushan and
the earliest monk known to travel from China to Southeast Asia m modern times.
61
£T-*^ff, \%&tm,ffifo&is,wftw>mm-A&.%, ^ A ^ M A , w^num sealed with
Hongyi's chop, dated October 7th, lunar August 28th. Miaolian (ed ), Quanzhou Kaiyuansi

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER THREE. The Twentieth Century 155

handed them to Miaolian. Hongyi passed away at the Quanzhou Wenling Old Folks
on
Home {quanzhou wenling yanglao yuan zfU'Himl^fr^l?^) September 4, 1942 at the

age of 63, leaving all of his belongings to his attendant Miaolian. Hongyi's remains were

cremated at Chengtian monastery and distributed among two major relic stupas in

Quanzhou.62 Miaolian remained at Kaiyuan where he eventually became abbot and

established a Master Hongyi Memorial Hall to display Hongyi's personal effects,

calligraphy and so on. Through his efforts to preserve and display the artifacts and

memorabilia bequeathed to him by Hongyi, Miaolian was a precursor of efforts to

preserve and display Kaiyuan's cultural treasures during the Maoist period.

The Disruptions of War

Had the times been different perhaps a dramatic revival of Kaiyuan may have

developed under the influence of the charismatic Renaissance man and Buddhist master

Hongyi as well as the inspired leadership of masters Yuanying, Zhuandao and

Zhuanfeng. As it was, however, decades of turmoil lay ahead and any lasting revival

would be postponed indefinitely. From 1934-1935, while Hongyi was at Kaiyuan

monastery, Mao Zedong (1893-1976) and his followers retreated from the then superior

forces of Chiang Kai-shek (Jiang Jieshi MJX^i) on what would later be called the Long

March and considered a defining moment in the development of the Communist Party

that would go on to rule China. July 7, 1937 brought the Marco Polo Bridge Incident,

which marked beginning of war with Japan. Nanjing was taken and ravaged in

December, and a provisional Japanese government established in Beijing. While victory

62
The first relic pagoda was built where Hongyi passed away m Xiaoshan congzhu <hli|JAtT(formerly the
site of one of Neo-Confucian master Zhuxi's schools) in 1943; it was lost during the Cultural Revolution.
A second relic pagoda was built for him at Quanzhou's Mount Qmgyuan in 1952 and rebuilt in 1962 (Luo
S h a z h o u ^ ^ ^ - 2001: 67-68.).

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER THREE: The Twentieth Century 156

was quick, the Japanese were plagued by guerilla attacks from 1939 to 1941. The

Japanese attacked Pearl Harbor in 1941 and surrendered in 1945 after the devastation of

Hiroshima and Nagasaki by atomic bombs. With the Japanese surrender and the defeat of

the Guomindang, Mao Zedong established the People's Republic of China on Oct. 1st,

1949.

My sources indicate that there were about thirty monks at Kaiyuan during the war

with Japan. I have been told that three bombs were dropped on the monastery at the time,

but that only one exploded, spreading shrapnel that caused one of the columns of the

Dharma Hall to shift from its base and left several pock marks in three of the columns—

whatever damage was sustained it was repaired in the early 1950s and doesn't appear to

have been particularly serious. Graffiti inside the west pagoda indicates the presence of

soldiers at Kaiyuan. Life at the monastery was disturbed, but it was never abandoned.

Master Guangjing /"""^(d. 1998) was a native of Xianyou in Fujian and spent

time at Xuefeng monastery in the 1930s. 64 After the war with Japan he served as the

general manager (jianyuan) of Kaiyuan from 1950-54. Guangyi r~J*C served as

Kaiyuan's general manager for eight years. According to my informants, after

communist victory, these two monks, Guangjing and Guangyi, fled to Southeast Asia

after being advised to do so by venerable Xuyun; the two dharma brothers fled to Hong

Kong and then to Singapore.65 One of their dharma brothers, Guang'an J°"~;£c (d. 1992)

63 One of the undetonated missiles used to be kept at Kaiyuan but it was moved at some unspecified time
(oral interviews) I told the monks that they could put it on display as evidence of a kind of miracle similar
to a missile I had seen at the famous Cathedral of San Lorenzo in downtown Genoa, Italy but they saw no
sense in displaying artillery at a monastery
64
His remains are marked by a stone stupa behind the Patriarch's Hall at Kaiyuan and his photo is
enshrined m the Hall of Patriarchs
63
Interview with Daoxing 2009

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER THREE The Twentieth Century 157

did not flee to Southeast Asia with the others and remained at Kaiyuan throughout the

Maoist period.

THE MAOIST PERIOD

With Communist victory and the establishment of the People's Republic of China

in 1949, atheism became the state-sponsored ideology and policies were implemented to

restrict religious practice and especially religious propagation. In 1951 the Bureau of

Religious Affairs {zongjiao shiwuju ^.^M-%-M) was established in Beijing with the job

of enforcing State religious policy which effectively meant monitoring and controlling

religious groups—no religious group could be formed, no religious text published, no

religious figure appointed to office without their permission.66 The China Buddhist

Association (zhongguo fojiao xiehui 43ffl/ffi^"feft<E', CBA) was established in 1953 to

work as an intermediary between the Bureau of Religious Affairs and Buddhists and

assist in the implementation of State religious policy. It must be stressed that this

Buddhist association was different in purpose from the early associations established

during the Republican Period, which were established by monks to protect the interest of

monks and monasteries. The Communist period CBA, on the other hand, was established

by the State to promote the State's socialist agenda. The same year that the CBA was

formed in Beijing, a branch office was established at Quanzhou Kaiyuan temple, the
CO

Jinjiang Buddhist Association (Jinjiang fojiao xiehui).

In 1956, the CBA established the Chinese Buddhist Institute (Zhongguo

foxueyuan "t4 ffl^^l^) at Beijing's Fayuan Temple l/iM^F which became the only

66
See Welch 1972' 30-35 for more on the founding and early directives of the Bureau of Religious Affairs
67
See Welch 1961.5-9 for more details on the formation and duties of the CBA
68
Interview with Daoxmg at Qmgyuan shan (July 2009)

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER THREE The Twentieth Century 158

place in China during the early period of the PRC dedicated to Buddhist-oriented

education.69 Attendees received political indoctrination before admittance and in addition

to whatever Buddhist work they may have done upon graduation were expected to serve

the interests of the Party.70 It was these monks, who had been sufficiently indoctrinated,

that staffed offices of the CBA71 and showed visitors around Buddhist sites during the

early years of the People's Republic.

The effect of the new policies on religion during the 1950s was nothing short of

the decimation of the Chinese Sangha.72 The major sources of income for monasteries

had been income from the properties they owned, donations from the wealthy and income

from the performance of rituals. By 1960 all of these sources of income had effectively

disappeared through state-orchestrated action. The Land Reform Act of 1950 called for

the confiscation of lands held by Buddhist monasteries as well as Daoist and Confucian

temples.73 The government took over the farms and their associated houses that Yuanying,

Zhuandao and Zhuanwu had purchased and were being used to fund the operation of the

Kaiyuan's orphanage and school. Kaiyuan was allowed, however, to continue to earn

interest from these properties, a concession that was lost with the start of the Cultural

Revolution in 1966.7 Kaiyuan had already lost revenue from its Melaka rubber

plantation during Japan's invasion of Southeast Asia; with the loss of income-generating

farmland in Quanzhou after 1949, Kaiyuan relied even more exclusively on its

69
It had graduated 361 students as of 1965 (Yu 1971:55) and expenses were paid by the CBA (Welch
1961:4).
70
Yu 1971:55.
71
Yu 1971:56.
72
For more details on Communist policies and their effects on the Sangha during this period see Welch
1972.42-81.
7j
Welch 1961. 2. At the same time, monks were allotted the same amount of land provided peasants but
they could they must cultivate it themselves and not managed it, as they had in the past, as landlords. For
this reason many monks simply returned to lay life.
74
WuZexu 1979.4.

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER THREE- The Twentieth Century 159

fundraisers in Southeast Asia to meet operating expenses. The loss of lands parallels the

dramatic loss of land during the sixteenth century and the development of transnational

networks and the loss of monks to overseas communities parallels the early Qing

development of the Obaku school in Japan.75

The Orphanage under Mao

In 1956, in an effort to separate educational institutions from religious influence,

the orphanage and school was removed from monastic administration and placed under

the oversight of two new bureaus—the school operated under the jurisdiction of the

Bureau of Education (jiaoyuju t&W jij) while the foster home was placed under the

jurisdiction of the Bureau of Domestic Affairs {minzhengju H!;IEfrJ§j).76 While monastics

were removed from administrative responsibility and control, the same lay persons

remained involved and committed to the success of the charity as they had throughout

war with Japan.

From its founding in 1925 up to 1966 the number of residents of the orphanage

increased every year. 77 At the start of the Cultural Revolution there were more than 1000

students being educated at the Kaiyuan school.78 In 1966, the Cultural Revolution was

unleashed and religious edifices across China were targeted for vandalism, destruction

and occupation. The name board of the orphanage was smashed and in 1969 the Kaiyuan

orphanage was officially dissolved and the orphans were moved to the Quanzhou

Prosperity Home {Quanzhou furen yuan 7^H?§APIc). The Kaiyuan School and Foster

Care Center became the Quanzhou East Wind Elementary School {Quanzhou dongfeng

75
See chapter two.
76
WuZexu 1979:4.
77
Wu Zexu 1979:5.
78
WuZexu 1979:5.

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER THREE: The Twentieth Century 160

xiaoxue TFU'H jfljll/h^), a typically "red" name as demanded by the times. Various

individuals including Wang Xianbin JL^M and Lai Hanxing W^5LT^ served as keepers

{zhuchi 3iW) of the boarding school while no one was allowed, formally, to serve as

principal.

Although the Kaiyuan orphanage had officially ceased to function, the residential

school system remained in place, though removed from monastic affiliation. In 1977,

following the death of Mao, Kaiyuan's school began to function again and Huang Boxian

Mi& J 5 became the first post-Mao principal.79 By 1979 there were 486 resident students

distributed among eleven grades with a total of nineteen teachers. In December of 1979

the Board of Directors was reconvened and the school was renamed the Quanzhou

Kaiyuan School and Foster Home. The name change was approved by the Bureau of

Education and went into effect on January 1st of 1980. Thus the orphanage and school

that had been established fifty-five years before but had been officially converted to an

elementary school during the Cultural Revolution was reconstituted in post-Mao China as

a foster home and school. Under PRC law, however, religious institutions are not allowed

to operate schools for general education and so what was once the school and orphanage

established by Yuanying and Zhuandao in the 1920s had become a school administered

by the state since the 1950s.80

As the above developments suggest, Kaiyuan's monks met with a set of pressures

that caused their already small numbers to fall as did the number of monks throughout the

country. Monks in China were forced to participate in productive labor and many

79
In 1979 Wu Zexu was asked to serve as honorary principal.
80
According to one informant, the school became known as a home for handicapped children (Kaizhi
xiaoxue JFH? / h'r : ) during the eighties; but I was not able to confirm this.

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER THREE. The Twentieth Century

attended political study sessions. With the loss of traditional sources of income and other

pressures monks returned to lay life en masse throughout the 1950s and vacant

monasteries were converted to schools, factories or other uses just as they had been
Q 1

during the Republican Period. Kaiyuan's monks dwindled in number, but it was never

fully abandoned and Miaolian was named abbot in 1953.82 During the fifties and early

sixties crops were grown in small plots around the monastery. Perhaps as many as twenty

to thirty monks tended the monastic plots which were separate from the plots of the

school and orphanage.83 These developments reflected the policy requiring monks to be

engaged in forms of productive labor and prohibited them from performing income-

generating ceremonies. The requirement that monks be involved in productive labor was

a one of the factors that encouraged monks throughout China to return to lay life.84 Apart

from tending their own plots monks were also sent to work outside the monastery;

Guang'an was sent to feed pigs as Chengtian Monastery, others collected firewood or
Of

went to the coast to collect and dry salt.

The Curatorial Turn

While Kaiyuan's identity as a home of monks and a place of religious practice

and devotion was radically undermined by Communist policies in the 1950s and

earlyl960s another identity was systematically encouraged, that of a site of historical and

cultural relics. I call this the Maoist period curatorial turn. Traditional sources of

monastic income were severely restricted or eliminated by Communist policy, but the
81
Yu 1971- 53. See also Welch 1972: 51.
82
Rong 1999:43. A former student/resident of Kaiyuan's school has told me that there remained monks at
Kaiyuan throughout the fifties and early sixties. He was too young then to have a clear memory of that
time, but suggested there may have been about thirty monks during that period I also received other
information which suggests this to be quite plausible
83
Interview with former student, 2009
84
Welch 1961 2
85
Guang'an zhanglao yongsu jiman ji M S - f l ^ / K - S & E l s ^ 2003: 3 (property of Huang Yushan)

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER THREE The Twentieth Century 162

state-sponsored preservation and restoration of monasteries, pagodas and Buddhist caves

of historic and cultural value was undertaken with a zeal not seen for generations.

Between 1951 and 1958 dozens of monasteries and pagodas, including Kaiyuan, were

repaired with state funds. Welch reports, "In all over a hundred odd monasteries and

pagodas in China were repaired, mostly between 1951 and 1958." The temples restored

included the Lama Temple (yonghe gong ?|^Dn) in Beijing, Lingym Temple in

Hangzhou (restored for US$200,000), Xuanzhong Temple in Shanxi (home of Japanese

Pure Land, restored for $110,000 from 1954-56), Xuanzang's Dayan pagoda in Xi'an

(restored for $20,000) and Mount Wutai temples ($400,000 spent between 1951-59).87

These monasteries were allowed to retain a small population of monks who had been

politically educated and were well-informed about state religious policy; in addition, they

typically housed branch offices of the CBA, such as the case with Quanzhou Kaiyuan.88

Why did the government take such an interest in Buddhist historical monuments

and allow some of them to retain small groups of monks? Reports of the day described

the protection and restoration of Buddhist sites as an effort to protect the "people's art."89

Created by human toil, they deserved preservation as a display of national and cultural

pride and evidence of the feudal past through which China had passed on its way to the

enlightened future. In the 1950s, this development may be seen as part of a movement

to create museums to memorialize artifacts and events of national pride and document the

86
Welch 1972: 150. This figure is also maintained by Yu 1971 54.
87
Figures on restoration and preservation work collected by Welch from Chinese and Japanese reports of
the day (Welch 1972: 147-149
88
The national office of the CBA was and still remains at Beijing's Guangji monastery f~ ffc^
89
Yul971:55.
90
Welch also notes that as material historical artifacts Chinese Marxists thought they should be analyzed to
understand the stage of history to which they belong (Welch 1972. 145)

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER THREE The Twentieth Century 163

progress of the revolution It was part of the project of nation-building which included

circumscribing religion in a particular way, namely, as a phenomenon of the past

Related to building a national identity, the preservation of religious sites was also

linked to China's inter-Asian diplomatic relations The curatorial turn, unlike

"museumification" proper, was directed at the preservation of religious sites tended by

clerics for diplomatic purposes Museumification, which is connected to economic

motives, will be dealt with in greater detail in chapter seven The diplomatic deployment

of Buddhist sites to entertain foreign visitors was an effort, not only to display Chinese

history and culture, but also to demonstrate to visiting dignitaries from other Asian

countries, especially those sharing a tradition of Buddhism, that China maintained a long

tradition of Buddhism and provided a place for it in the new China During the first

decade of the People's Republic of China, delegations traveled to and from China and the

countries of India, Japan, Burma, Thailand, North Vietnam, Sri Lanka and Nepal.

Delegations traveling to China were inevitably taken to tour restored or preserved

Buddhist sites and often made to believe that religion enjoyed the protection of the State

Buddhist visitors to Beijing, for example, would be shown the Lama Temple, Guangji

Temple f^^^F(home office of the CBA) and Fayuan Temple (home of the Buddhist

Seminary) and leave with an impression that Buddhism in China was flourishing when in

fact it was moribund '

Why was Beijing eager to project an image of protecting Buddhism to its Asian

neighbors'? It should be recalled that religion as a concern of the Party falls under the

jurisdiction of the United Front Work Department (zhongyang tongzhan bu ^^^tiKnfS)

91
Welch reports on the reaction of Amntananda the Nepalese vice-president of the World Fellowship of
Buddhists who visited China in the summer of 1959 and brought on tours to many Buddhist monasteries
He reported that he was impressed to discover 'genuine freedom of religious belief (Welch 1961 11)

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER THREE The Twentieth Century 164

In short, the idea of a united front is the bringing together of disparate groups such as

religious groups and artists under the banner and goals of Communism. Using Buddhism

as a bridge between China and other countries with Buddhist history is, in a sense, the

notion of a united front extended beyond the borders of China to Asia at large. In other

words, it is a form of international diplomacy designed to build relations between

Communist China and her Asian neighbors.92

After the founding of the People's Republic of China it quickly became evident

that Buddhism had a past that the State was willing to protect, but that as a living religion

with a future Buddhism's prospects were in doubt. Quanzhou Kaiyuan is a typical

example of the forced curatorial turn in Maoist Era Chinese Buddhism. In 1952, Kaiyuan

received 30,000 RMB of state funds for restoration and preservation work (Xiamen's

Nanputuo monastery ^f I? PS ^f, by comparison, received 1,000 RMB the same year).93

Kaiyuan had suffered neglect during war with Japan and its major halls were restored

with this money. Part of these funds was used to carry out minor repairs on the east and

west pagodas and the building of low stone fencing around them. A stele was erected

near the east pagoda commemorating the history and repair of the pagodas in the summer

of 1952; a project that was supervised by the Quanzhou Municipal Construction

Department (^'HTtfltijtJI]). The receipt of these funds, the restoration work managed

by the state rather than the monastery and the establishment of the Quanzhou Heritage

Management Committee (wenwu guanli weiyuan hui JC^^M.^!M^) in the early

For more analysis of the diplomatic uses of Buddhism m this period see Welch 1972: 169-230 and for
accounts of some of the diplomatic uses of Buddhism in this period see Bush 1970-314-317; 335-338.
"Welch 1972.425.

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER THREE: The Twentieth Century 165

1950s officially marked Kaiyuan's curatorial turn. The heritage management committee

was charged with the study and protection of Kaiyuan's cultural relics. Members of the

institute produced minor studies and reports on the temple's history in their effort to

catalogue its historical relics. Between 1958 and 1960 the heritage management

committee oversaw the painting of the main hall and main gate, the rebuilding of

Kaiyuan's worshipping pavilion {baiting) adjoining the main gate, repaired the corridors

stretching along the main courtyard and improved landscaping around the pagodas.95

These efforts are reminiscent of developments during the Yuan and Ming dynasties to

glorify Kaiyuan's past and improve the monastic grounds for visitors.

In 1961, Kaiyuan was designated a Provincial Level Protected Heritage Site

(shengji wenwu baohu danwei ^ ^RjC§fyi%ffi ?$•&) by the Fujian Provincial government.

This designation was made in response to a directive issued by the State Council in 1961

entitled "On Working to Strengthen Cultural Heritage Protection Management" ^^T-jft^

^ j n 3 S l £ # f ^ 1 i 3 L l l # . In 1962, the Quanzhou Heritage Management Committee

published a detailed report on the temple's many properties of cultural heritage entitled

Fujian's Quanzhou Kaiyuan Temple (fg^TjUtl JfjG^F), reflecting research that was

undertaken by the Fujian Provincial Cultural Management Association Work Group

(fujiansheng wenguan hui gongzuo zu feM^^lt1 z ^ I f ^ i L ) and supported by the

Quanzhou Heritage Management Committee, the Jinjiang Special Commission Bureau of

Culture (jinjiang zhuanshu wenhuaju tfH^r H^tttiM) and the Quanzhou Maritime

Holmes Welch noted the Communist period trend towards preservation. See Welch 1972:145-168. See
also Bush 1970:326-329.
95
Fujiansheng wenguanhui gongzuo zu 1962: 2-3.

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER THREE: The Twentieth Century 166

Musuem (haijiao guan #!;$£. tit). The book was designed to provide information about

the cultural artifacts of the temple such as when buildings were first established and most

recently restored. In other words, it functioned as a report on the history and cultural

relics of the monastery and contained no material about the living religious traditions;

thus reflecting the state's interest in cultural preservation and material history.

It was during this period that Kaiyuan took on a new role as a preserve of not only

its own cultural properties, but of the cultural heritage of the city of Quanzhou. In 1953 a

dharani pillar dating from 854 was moved to Kaiyuan from where it had been found

under the draw bridge of Quanzhou's old western gate.97 This is the first known modern

instance of an off-site relic being moved to Kaiyuan in order to protect it, display it and,

at the same time, enhance the property of Kaiyuan monastery as a preserve of cultural

heritage. These instances would continue and multiply as the years passed and Kaiyuan

became established as a trove of historic artifacts from the city of Quanzhou. The

Quanzhou heritage management committee, located on the premises of Kaiyuan, had

jurisdiction over such items and facilitated their transfer to the monastic grounds where

they could protect and study them. Daoxing has said that innumerable cultural properties

from other temples in Quanzhou were moved to Kaiyuan during this period. Most of

these items were placed in the two story building near the back of the central axis of the

monastery, directly behind the hall of the ordination platform. Smaller and more valuable

artifacts from Quanzhou and Kaiyuan were stored in the sutra library (second floor) and

Fujiansheng wenguanhui gongzuo zu 1962:2.

Lin Zhao 1959.45

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER THREE: The Twentieth Century 167

larger items such as bronze or iron bells and stone statuary were stored in the dharma hall,
no

on the first floor.

A prominent Qing dynasty artifact that one finds in the main courtyard of the

monastery today is a stele inscribed with a poem in the Kangxi Emperor's calligraphy.

This stele was recently moved from behind the Dharma Hall where it was located in the

1950s to the front of Kaiyuan's courtyard where it sits today. This stele provides no

historical information; it is merely a copy of a poem by Mi Fu 7 ^ ^ of the Northern Song

made in 1702. The stele makes no mention of Kaiyuan monastery and it is appears to be

one of the artifacts moved to Kaiyuan in the 1950s along with many other steles from

other locations in Quanzhou in order to preserve it. Another object that remains at

Kaiyuan is a stone statue of Guanyin bodhisattva dating to 909; it was found during a

construction project and moved to Kaiyuan in 1964." Many other historical artifacts

would be moved in the early seventies, including a huge Song dynasty boat and a

decorative screen from the temple to the city god.

Concentrating the cultural properties of the city in this one location was a way to

centralize management of what began to be valued as items of cultural heritage. Large

temples, whether Buddhist, Confucian or otherwise, were centers of such cultural

properties and were naturally selected as the venues to collect, study and display China's

imperial heritage. The old Confucian temple of Xi'an, for example, had begun to collect

stone stele inscriptions during the Song dynasty and today has added buildings for the

display of statuary and other antiquities so that it is now one of the important museums in

Xi'an known as the forest of steles (beilin $ £ # ) . Another example of a temple which
98
Interview with Daoxing 2009, Quanzhou.
99
Today this statue remains inside the hall of the land and water temple (shuilv si) behind the new guest
hall. Information on dates are taken from a small sign posted above the statue.
Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER THREE: The Twentieth Century 168
began to accumulate treasures from the surrounding city during the Maoist period is

Shijiazhuang's ^Ml±. Longxing Temple JHT4^F in Hebei.100 Dozens of stone and metal

statues and dozens of stone steles were collected there during the communist period; they

are now on display for visitors.

The development of temples as cultural showcases was an early part of

Communist China's diplomatic strategy. As Welch noted, "By 1958 there was at least

one monastic showplace in every major city on the tourist route; and monasteries

elsewhere were repaired if they had significance abroad."101 Quanzhou wasn't on the

standard tourist route, but it possessed a remarkable pair of stone pagodas and was

connected to foreign communities in Southeast Asia (through the Republican Period

efforts of Zhuandao and Yuanying), Japan (through Kaiyuan's Qing Dynasty patriarchs of

the Obaku school) and even South India (through the Hindu sculptures incorporated into

the back of the main hall). Kaiyuan monastery, just as it had survived previous campaigns

to limit, restrict or scale back the Sangha, survived the early years of the PRC that

devastated countless smaller monasteries throughout China. Chengtian, Quanzhou's next

most prominent monastery, by contrast, became a huge pigsty where more than five

hundred pigs were raised from 1961 to 1964.102 The support that Kaiyuan received during

the first decade of the Maoist period was directly connected to the value it possessed as a

site of historic and cultural treasures—this value will be further explored in chapter six.

While it received state funds to restore, catalogue and study its cultural properties,

it also remained the home of a handful of Buddhist monks who served in the office of the

100
For more on Longxing Temple see Zhang Xiusheng 5 i ^ ^ E . 2000. Zhengding Longxing si IEAEH?PITF.
Beijing : Wenwu chubanshei^ttilT&tt: Xinhua shudian jingxiafJf^EtJEMIS.
10
' Welch 1972: 147.
102
Guang'an zhanglao yongsu jinian ji iltilc-fl^TKS&E^li: 2003: 3 (property of Huang Yushan).

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER THREE: The Twentieth Centwy 169

municipal branch of the CBA and who tended the halls. There are indications, however,

that the handful of monks who remained at Kaiyuan were more involved in maintaining

and improving the grounds and buildings than in other forms of religious cultivation.

Among the monks who remained at Kaiyuan during the Maoist period, there were

Guang'an and master Hongyi's attendant, Miaolian. In 1955, Guang'an, who stayed at

Kaiyuan when his dharma brothers fled to Southeast Asia, planted two bodhi trees at

Kaiyuan.103 They were planted between the main hall and the hall of the ordination

platform and have grown into two huge trees.104

In 1963, venerable Yuanzhou BULH (1909-1997), who split his time between

Putian's Guanghua monastery, Chengtian monastery and Kaiyuan, was invited to assist

Miaolian with the organizing of the Master Hongyi Memorial Hall.105 Under the Maoist

Period curatorial turn, Kaiyuan was not allowed to develop its potential as a training

ground for monks, but it was allowed to improve the grounds and buildings, open a

museum to display artifacts associated with master Hongyi and serve as a showpiece for

the history of Southern Fujian. This is a role that Kaiyuan has maintained down to the

present and it was a status that helped it to survive the Cultural Revolution.

At the end of the 1950s, observers of China had begun to question the future

viability of Buddhism. Arthur Wright, in Buddhism in Chinese History (1959) wrote:

"We are seeing, I believe, the last twilight of Chinese Buddhism as an organized religion.

The dispersed fragments of its cults and beliefs are beings systematically extirpated

10j
Some have said the trees were from Xiamen's Nanputuo Monastery, but I haven't been able to confirm
this
104
Zhang Zhenhao 2003 20-21 They are already many times larger than their mother tree so it is possible
that they are being fed by the "amnta well" beneath the ordination platform.
105
Puti UJI1 2000 21 The article by Puti contains a biography of Yuanzhuo and an overview of his
accomplishments.

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER THREE The Twentieth Century

throughout the whole of society.. ..If, in the years to come, we look for the legacy of

Buddhism in China, we shall perhaps find it still in literature and language, in drama and

the arts."106 When the Cultural Revolution was launched, Wright's predictions seemed

prescient.

The Cultural Revolution

The curatorial turn was effectively reversed with launching of the Cultural

Revolution in August of 1966. Most of Quanzhou's monasteries were severely damaged

or destroyed during the Cultural Revolution; Kaiyuan was the only major monastery to

have survived with its physical structures relatively unscathed. In local literature and

popular opinion, Kaiyuan, Chengtian and Chongfu are Quanzhou's three most important

Buddhist monasteries (san dafosi EL^Zi^^F). Of these three only Kaiyuan retains a full

array of monastic buildings which survived the Cultural Revolution—their survival,

however, was not guaranteed. Kaiyuan, like other places of worship in Fujian and

throughout China, was threatened by a mob of Red Guards as the Cultural Revolution

swept across China in the fall of 1966. A crowd of youths gathered at Kaiyuan monastery,

as Red Guards did at monasteries and cultural sites throughout China, with the intention

of destroying representations of feudal or bourgeois values. Miaolian barred the doors to

Kaiyuan's dharma hall and sutra library which held innumerable cultural treasures. When

Red Guards approached the hall concerned residents in the neighborhood alerted

Quanzhou's mayor Wang Jinsheng jE^jfe to the menacing threat.

In a story that is known throughout Quanzhou, Mayor Wang rushed to the scene

and confronted the growing mob of Red Guards. Standing between the mob of youths

106
Wright 1959

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER THREE The Twentieth Century 171

and Kaiyuan monastery, Mayor Wang explained that the monastery was a legally

protected site of important historic value He produced a document indicating the

designation of Kaiyuan as a site of protected cultural heritage issued in 1961 and offered
107
to phone Zhou Enlai if necessary Beyond this legal appeal, he reached out to the civic

pride of the youths declaring, "Without the east and west pagodas, there is no

Quanzhou " 10 The mayor succeeded so thoroughly in convincing the mob to abandon

their stake on the monastery that several Red Guards who had heard mayor Wang's plea

turned to other youths as they arrived and explained to them Kaiyuan's protected status

In the end, the mob was turned away and Kaiyuan's many historic properties were left

unharmed Kaiyuan's defense under Mayor Wang succeeded through a combination of

legal authority, personal charisma, revolutionary credibility (he had participated in the

long march) and an effective appeal to civic and cultural pride on the part of the mayor

and a willingness to listen on the part of the youths.

The monastery was largely spared physical vandalism during the ten years of the

Cultural Revolution, but it is said that gold was removed from the gilded statues

Although, apart from this, the pagodas, statues and major buildings remained unharmed

during the "Ten Year Disaster" from 1966 to 1976, Kaiyuan ceased to exist as a

functioning monastery Chongfu monastery was made into a factory to produce Chinese

medicine and Chengtian monastery was made into a cloth factory As for Kaiyuan,

religious activities were prohibited, monks laicized, statues covered and Kaiyuan

monastery was re-dubbed the "People's Market" (renmin shangchang \^,M^j) The

[Kaiyuan] People's Market was the busiest place in the city—devotional activity ceased

107
Local legend has it that Mayor Wang actually phoned Zhou Enlai, but the mayor told me that he did not
need to phone Zhou, he only needed to offer to do so if they did not take his word for it
108
From an interview with Wang Jinsheng, October 25, 2006 at his home in Quanzhou

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER THREE The Twentieth Century 172

and commercial exchanges ensued. Food, clothes, and all necessities were on sale

throughout the grounds, corridors and halls. The ways of the monk were replaced by the

ways of the butcher, the tailor, the barber and the vegetable hawker. The pagodas, halls

and images remained but none of them were allowed to function as they had before.

There was no incense, only smoke from cigarettes. No prostrations, no chanting, no

prayers; only the banter of buying and selling. Instead of the ritual release of life, there

was the butchering of life.109

Most of the people old enough to remember the Cultural Revolution are not eager

to talk about Kaiyuan during that period. Those who identify themselves as Buddhists

look back at the period as one of heartbreak. A prominent vegetarian sister (caigu ^

#rj)110 who was a disciple of Hongyi said she refused to visit Kaiyuan when it was a

market; she couldn't bear to see it desecrated much less contribute to its desecration.

Some who were less emotional or guarded about the period have described their visits to

Kaiyuan during the Cultural Revolution: "I went there to shop, eat, get my hair cut and

buy clothes and shoes. There were many shops, you were given a small slip of paper and

paid for goods or services at a central office."111 Based on the recollections of my

informants, the statues in the main hall were covered with cloths and shoes, clothing and

fabrics were for sale where worshippers now chant and circumambulate. Along the two

corridors that flank the main courtyard and main hall one could purchase farming

109
"Release of life" is a common Buddhist practice in which captive animals such as birds, turtles or fish
are purchased and released.
1,0
A vegetarian sister (caigu) is a woman who, as the name suggests, does not eat meat and in addition do
not marry (or have such relations as marriage implies) and are devoted to Buddhism They live together,
but unlike nuns however, they do not shave their heads. They are a widespread phenomenon in Southern
Fujian Originally many of them were orphaned girls sent to live with caigu Master Hongyi respected this
tradition and gave them teachings
1
'' Interview in Quanzhou, 2007.

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER THREE. The Twentieth Century 173

implements, dried foods, prepared foods such as noodles and dumplings or get a haircut.

Goods and services were paid for with vouchers that one purchased from a central kiosk.

A Coterie of Monks

Although the monastery had ceased to function as such, its physical plant

remained largely intact and its abbot, venerable Miaohan, remained living on the grounds

along with a coterie of nine other "laicized" monks. Miaohan, like other monks in China,

was forced to renounce monastic life, grow out his hair and take a wife. Together with a

laicized nun named Yuanying 7CH, he lived in the sutra library, which is completely

surrounded by a large balcony, where he is said to have raised chickens to keep from

starving.112 Apart from Miaolian, there were ten other monks said to have remained

living discretely at Quanzhou Kaiyuan monastery throughout the Cultural Revolution.113

We have already mentioned master Guang'an, in addition there were Yuanzhuo El Jul,,

Shanjie # ? £ (-2007), Chuanxi # 1 1 (-2005), Daoyang i t # (-1983?), Daojing itfj[ (-

2008), Miaodian # H (-1984), Chuanzhong##(-1989) and Shanyuan # M (-1983).114

Altogether there were ten monks and one laicized nun who remained at Kaiyuan

through the Cultural Revolution. There was also a layperson named Wen Meng 3ti£ who

is said to have assisted the monks by preparing meals for them and helping when needed.

According to my informants, these monks were supported during this period a deposit of

money from Singapore laypersons that had been deposited in China during the

112
Interview in Quanzhou, 2006
113
In the Guang'an zhanglao yongsi jinianji (2003) Chuanxi wrote that there was a group of thirteen living
at Kaiyuan during the Cultural Revolution; I have gathered the names often monks plus the nun and the
layperson, which makes a total of twelve
114
1 am indebted to Daoxmg for the names and dates for these monks (interview 2009)

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER THREE The Twentieth Century 174

Republican Period to serve as "ten thousand years of food to support the way"(wannian

daoliang Jl^-MM)n5

While Miaolian and his wife lived in the sutra library, the other clergy and Wen

Bing lived in the five rooms of the Venerated Site Cloister {zunsheng yuan) and in the six

rooms of the old guest hall (lao ketang ^^•'SL ), which stood immediately to the west of

the hall of the ordination platform and just in front of the hall of merit (gongde tang). The

Venerated Site Cloister had been maintained in one form or another since the founding of

the temple in the Tang dynasty when it served as the living quarters for Kuanghu,

Kaiyuan's founding "abbot." Its most recent incarnation was a two story building that

was demolished by the current abbot in the 90s—there are currently no plans to rebuild it.

There was something befitting and promising that in the darkest hours of the Cultural

Revolution, when some were surmising the end of Chinese religion, monks inhabited

Kaiyuan's Venerated Site Cloister, waiting for the chaos to end.

I was quite surprised to discover that a coterie of monks remained in residence in

the halls of Kaiyuan during the Cultural Revolution and even more surprised that they

continued to remain vegetarian and, at least according to one source, live off of interest

from a Republican period deposit of Singaporean origins. One of my informants, a

Quanzhou local and devout lay Buddhist, often told me that Quanzhou Buddhists

continued to worship in secret during the Cultural Revolution. "Could you find incense?"

I asked. "Yes," was the answer I received to this and other similar questions about

worship such as the presentation of offerings or the making of prostrations. As I

lb
Interview with Daoxing, 2009. Daoxing spoke of the monks as using the interest (lixi) earned by this
deposit, but Huang Yushan says the money was kept in the sutra library and deposited in a local bank in the
1980s; he added that there was not much left.

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER THREE: The Twentieth Century 175

doggedly pursued this line of questioning, it emerged that, at least in Quanzhou, a

tradition of religious devotion had survived, in secret, not only in the hearts, but also in

the day to day lives, of at least a few devout individuals and families throughout the

Maoist era including monks remaining on the grounds of Kaiyuan monastery.

I later determined that Holmes Welch had also learned of Kaiyuan's band of

monks from an overseas informant in 1969. In a 1969 article Welch carefully wrote the

following:

In one large city on the south-east coast a famous old monastery continues
to operate. There are 14 monks left (compared to 19 before the Cultural
Revolution). They wear lay clothes and work on a nearby commune, but
they eat vegetarian food. The great shrine-hall is locked and no one can
enter to burn incense, but the other buildings are open. The monastery as a
community of monks is still in being.116

This "famous old monastery" is none other than our Quanzhou Kaiyuan. This

identification can be affirmed by cross-referencing an appendix in Welch's 1972 account

of Buddhism under Mao which lists the names of thirty-one temples and their population

of monks over time. For 1969 there is only one temple with any monastics listed and that

is Quanzhou Kaiyuan with fourteen monks; those fourteen must be the same as those he

mentioned in his 1969 article. The appendix further suggests that Quanzhou Kaiyuan

was an, if not the, exception to the rule, among famous urban monasteries. The appendix

lists the names of temples, cities and holy mountains along with the number of monastics

said to have been in residence in a given year from the 1930s onward. Of all the temples

(31 in number), mountains and cities listed, only one records a monastic population of

116
Welch 1969: 135.

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER THREE: The Twentieth Century 176

any size after 1965, and that is Quanzhou Kaiyuan's fourteen.117 While there is a

discrepancy between the eleven monastics and one lay person I have counted and the

fourteen provided by Welch's informants, I consider it most important where there is

agreement, namely that a small number (between twelve and fourteen) of monastics (and

a dedicated lay person) remained in residence three years into the Cultural Revolution.

More fieldwork is needed to determine if there were monks who remained on site at other

monasteries in urban areas or in mountains during the Cultural Revolution, but my

research, supported by Welch, has determined this to be the case at Quanzhou

Kaiyuan.: l

Life for Kaiyuan's small band of determined monks was not without added

hardships during the ten year disaster. During the Cultural Revolution not only were

monks not allowed to wear their robes, shave their heads, chant, burn incense or prostrate,

but they were regularly taken out and forced to kneel in public wearing humiliating

placards or paraded around wearing pointed dunce caps. They would have to work during

the day and study Chairman Mao's thought in the evening in the presence of a cadre. All

the land of Kaiyuan was said to have been planted with different vegetables and fruit

including, winter melon, sweet potato, longan (dragon eye), bananas and green

vegetables. These monks maintained a religiously-defined existence in the face of

immense pressures, threats and humiliation. History has not yet recorded their courage

and commitment—this dissertation is a first step towards rectifying the narrative of

Chinese Buddhist history during the Maoist period. The conventional narrative of modem

117
Welch 1972 418-424 It would now be possible to corroborate some of these numbers through
fieldwork such as I have done m Quanzhou Unfortunately, I have not been able to adequately investigate
the presence of monastics or lack thereof in other parts of China during this period
118
This was also the case at Tibet's largest monastery of Drepung where monks continued to live
(discreetly) throughout the Cultural Revolution (Goldstein 1998 25)

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER THREE The Twentieth Century 111

Chinese Buddhist history that one finds in most any textbook shifts, after 1949, from the

mainland to Taiwan or Hong Kong.119 When I began to discover that temples and clerics

and traditions had not only been revived in mainland China but had survived from the

1950s into the 90s and beyond, I was surprised. Glimpses that this was the case were

among the impetuses goading me to carry out the investigations constituting this

dissertation.

I have received a detailed account about one of Kaiyuan's monks from this period

from one of his personal acquaintances. The monk in question is Guang'an. He was from

a small village outside of Quanzhou and was abducted at a young age by soldiers to fight

in the civil war. Being the only boy in his family, his parents sold his sister in order to

buy him back. He went on to become a monk and remained a dedicated monk who loved

Buddhism for the remainder of his life. When his dharma brothers left for Southeast Asia,

he remained behind at Kaiyuan and became a victim of the Cultural Revolution. He was

labeled a bad element (huaifenzi f^^-p) 1 2 0 and occasionally paraded around by Red

Guards wearing a dunce hat on his head or a humiliating placard around his neck. He

was required to stay at Kaiyuan where he made a living by raising sheep and small birds

which he could exchange or sell for necessities. When the Cultural Revolution ended he

119
See for example, Birnbaum 2003, Mitchell 2008: 234; Hanh 1989, Thompson 1996:134-1434, Robinson
et. al 2005 215-218, Fowler and Fowler 2008: 250-253 and Maclnms 1989. Holmes Welch (Welch 1972)
and Richard Bush (Bush 1970: 297-347) provide relatively balanced accounts of Buddhism under
communism from the 1950s to the Cultural Revolution, leaving the future open to question. The only
exception of which I am aware, that is, a text which provides a continuous narrative of continuous monastic
presence from the Republican period, throughout the Cultural Revolution and into the current revival is
study of the Tiexiang nunnery in Chengdu by Esther Bianchi (Bianchi, Ester. 2001. The Iron Statue
Monastery [Tiexiangsi] A Buddhist Nunnery of Tibetan Tradition in Contemporary China Florence.
Instituto Venezia E L'Onente)
120
A catch all category of the four bad elements (sileifenzi 0 ^ ^ - f 1 ) , the others are landlords, anti-
revolutionanes and wealthy peasants

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER THREE The Twentieth Century 178

"took off his [dunce] cap" and was put to work in a shop selling tea m His story spans

several periods and the denouement awaits our account of the post-Mao revival Kaiyuan

which follows

Religious practice was suppressed, but Kaiyuan as a cultural preserve remained an

identifying rubric In 1974 a Song Dynasty boat was discovered in Quanzhou's Houzhu
122
harbor Jn$aM An important historical find, the boat was excavated and brought to a

piece of land in the northeastern quarter of Kaiyuan monastery After the boat was m

place, a museum was built around it The mam gallery of the museum displays the huge

wooden hull of the boat as well as large ropes and anchors Steps lead to a second floor

where one can view the boat and visit two rooms of display cases containing small

remains of products, coins, mechanical parts, fragments of bamboo sails and so on The

boat museum is a branch of Quanzhou's Museum of Maritime Trade (haijiao guan 03t

t | ) Although it is accessed from Kaiyuan and on land that once belonged to Kaiyuan or

a cloister of Kaiyuan, it is separated from the grounds of Kaiyuan by fencing Locals say

that it is built on the land where Dongbi Temple ^ i t ^ F once stood, home of the famous

Dongbi longyan ^ H ^ B I fruit trees of Quanzhou

The same year that the Song Dynasty boat was transferred to Kaiyuan two other

large historic objects were also moved from other parts of the city The first was an

elaborately decorated wall known as the Qilm Wall MIHH that was moved from its

place in front of the old City God Temple to Kaiyuan Monastery by the [Quanzhou City]

Heritage Management Committee It features a depiction of the Qilin US JH or Kyhn (J

121
Huang Yushan, interview, 2009
122
Huang 2005 32-33 See also Pearson, Richard, Li Mm and Li Guo, 2002 "Quanzhou Archaeology A
Brief Review " International Journal of Historical Archaeology 6 1, pp 23-59

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER THREE The Twentieth Century 179

Kirin), a mythological being sometime referred to as a Chinese unicorn. The screen was

built in 1795 and depicts the Qilin in a Qing dynasty style as having the head of a dragon,

scales of a fish, hooves of an ox and tail of a lion.123 The other object was a gate known

as the ling star gate (lingxing men,W<M-11)fromQuanzhou's Confucian temple (wen

miao, JCJ&) which was transferred to the front of Small Kaiyuan temple along with four

dragon columns from the Xuanmiao Daoist temple ~£tyJ>M-

Eight cannon from the Ming and Qing dynasties were placed outside Kaiyuan's

front gate; among them was one from 1624 (Ming dynasty) and another from 1842 (Qing

dynasty).124 Perhaps the most unusual item that was transferred to Kaiyuan during the

Maoist period was an unusual stone originally located at Chengtian Monastery which

contained an image strongly resembling a Chinese style painting of a branch of plum

blossoms. During the Cultural Revolution it was broken into two pieces in an attempt to

reveal that the auspicious image was merely a dye fabrication; the strange coloration,

however, was found to exist into the depths of the stone. Devotees brought the broken

stone to Kaiyuan and, putting it back together, placed it below the ancient mulberry tree

for protection [Figure 19].125

During the Cultural Revolution, Kaiyuan was not merely a market, it remained a

place where cultural artifacts had survived and was the place for other cultural properties

to be protected. The municipal Heritage Management Association remained operational

with offices and dorms on the grounds of Kaiyuan and continued to collect and oversee

the protection of Kaiyuan and the other properties brought there from locations around

123
Huang 2005: 34-35
124
Sometime during the post-Mao period they were moved to the mam location of the Maritime Museum
125
Oral history from neighborhood resident Huang Yushan HEELU In 2007 or 2008 the stone was returned
to its original location at Chengtian monastery

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER THREE- The Twentieth Century 180

Quanzhou Guang'an worked in the shop operated by the Heritage Management

Committee, this shop sold rubbings made from the many steles collected. Like Longxmg

Temple, which similarly collected all the steles, statues and other artifacts that had

escaped the first waves of destruction, Quanzhou Kaiyuan became a site where any

historic items might be placed for protection. The curatorial turn then, was a consistent

Maoist period development spanning the early years of the People's Republic and

continuing through the death of Mao and beyond

Kaiyuan's Response to the Project of Modernity

The early twentieth century was a time of growth and innovation within Chinese

Buddhism that developed in response to modernist threats and pressures. The Kaiyuan

orphanage and school established by Yuanymg and Zhuandao was a form of social

engagement that emerged just as reformers had begun to demand that religions provide

social benefits rather than be a drain on resources.126 Although such developments were

cut short by Communist victory and the Cultural Revolution, they helped lay the

groundwork for the development of a more socially engaged form of Buddhism that has

been advanced by organizations in Taiwan

Another important development during the first decades of the twentieth century

at Kaiyuan was the establishment of transnational networks stretching from southern

Fujian to points throughout Southeast Asia organized by Buddhist monks such as

Quanzhou's Zhuandao and Fuzhou's Yuanymg When restrictions against religious

worship were loosened in post-Mao China, Fujian was one of the first provinces to see

the restoration of monastic Buddhism—it was aided in its earliest phases by funding from

the same networks of overseas Chinese in Southeast Asia that funded the Kaiyuan
P6
Ashiwa 2009 54

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER THREE The Twentieth Century 181

orphanage. These transnational networks developed in response to the loss of traditional

sources of income during the first half of the twentieth century, when modernist

reformers seized land holdings and prohibited other forms of generating funds. These

Fujian monks took to the sea and opened new sources of patronage by connecting with

communities of overseas Chinese from Fujian.

Communist victory saw the implementation of policies that devastated the

Chinese sangha while singling out select religious sites to serve as historical and cultural

preserves. I have termed this the curatorial turn, a turn that led to the accumulation of

cultural properties at Kaiyuan from throughout the city of Quanzhou as well as the

formation of the heritage management committee at Kaiyuan in the early 1950s in order

to oversee state funds spent on preservation. It was Kaiyuan's status as a Provincial Level

Protected Heritage Site that empowered Mayor Wang to fight for its protection during the

Cultural Revolution. The curatorial turn was part of China's effort to articulate a national

heritage while at the same time framing religious phenomena as part of China's past.

Both moves were part of China's modernizing project which sought to contain religion

and, if possible, fix it as a relic of the past. With the death of Mao political and

revolutionary motives are replaced by economic ones and the will to preserve heritage

expands dramatically as part of a strategy to develop tourism and attract foreign

investment, but that is a story that must wait for later chapters. Subsequent chapters will

explore how cultural properties contribute to the identity and success of Kaiyuan.

This chapter purposefully covered three-quarters of China's tortuous twentieth

century as a unit in order to highlight the continuities that are obscured in other accounts

of twentieth century Chinese Buddhism. Those accounts cover the promising

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER THREE- The Twentieth Centurv 182

developments of the early twentieth century then decry the intrusions by the state in the

1950s, leading to the decimation of the sangha and destruction of temples during the

Cultural Revolution. If this is not the end of the story in those accounts, the story is

continued in overseas Chinese communities, especially Taiwan, where many mainland

monks fled after communist victory. My research has revealed a continuous narrative in

the life of Quanzhou Kaiyuan from the Republican period through the end of the 1990s.

Although Kaiyuan's activities were radically interrupted during the Cultural Revolution,

monks such as Guang'an and Miaolian remained on site, protecting property and

maintaining a monastic presence. Meanwhile others monks, such as Guangjing, remained

active abroad and would come to Kaiyuan's aid in the late 1980s using the same funding

networks that had been established during the 20s and 30s. The story of the tenacity of

these monks is continued in the following chapter, which chronicles Kaiyuan's post-Mao

recovery.

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER THREE: The Twentieth Century 183

CHAPTER FOUR

The Post-Mao Revival: Stages of Recovery

This chapter narrates Kaiyuan's post-Mao recovery—it provides a window on the

first three decades of the unprecedented revival of Buddhism in post-Mao China. It is a

narrative that has only begun to be revealed in book chapters and articles, none of which

reconstruct the chronology of revival with the kind of ethnographic detail found here. The

restoration, which began soon after the death of Mao in 1976, received its initial spark

from the small coterie of monks who had remained at the monastery throughout the

Cultural Revolution. Further restoration was facilitated by contact with Fujian monks

who had migrated to Southeast Asia before the Cultural Revolution along paths blazed by

monks such as Zhuandao.

This chapter examines Kaiyuan's post-Mao recovery in three stages: I. 1976 to

1988 (laying the groundwork), II. 1989 to 1999 (full renovation) and III. 2000-2010 (the

Daoyuan era). The first stage saw the return of public worship at Kaiyuan after a decade-

long hiatus and an important visit by Zhao Puchu, the president of the Chinese Buddhist

Association, who helped lay the groundwork for Kaiyuan's recovery. The second stage

saw the full scale renovation of Kaiyuan's buildings with Singapore funds capped by a

visit by Jiang Zemin, which unequivocally affirmed Kaiyuan's revival as a site of cultural

heritage and religious practice. The third stage spans the first decade of Daoyuan's tenure

as abbot, increasing prosperity, the recovery of property and continual physical

enhancements. During the first two stages of recovery, 1976 to 1999, the revival of

transnational networks linking Quanzhou with Southeast Asia and funding by overseas
Chinese was an important factor. The data presented here supports similar observations

made by scholars regarding the funding of the religious revival in Southeast China (e.g.

Dean 1993, 1998; Ashiwa 2000; Ashiwa and Wank 2006). The material presented here,

taken with that provided by Ashiwa (Ashiwa 2000), provides a fuller picture of the

clerical networks operating to and from Minnan in contemporary China.'

My research suggests, furthermore, that during Kaiyuan's third stage of recovery,

funding from overseas sources has become increasingly insignificant as the local

community has grown more prosperous. This growing prosperity has enabled the current

abbot Daoyuan to reclaim monastic property from other entities and engage in continual

restoration, rebuilding and new enhancements to the property. In general, Kaiyuan's

recovery has focused more on developing the "hardware" required to pursue the monastic

enterprise (the physical plant, number of monks, steady sources of income, recovery of

ritual forms) at the expense of cultivating the "software" which includes study, discipline

and meditation. While study, discipline and meditation are normative for the project of

Buddhism and Yuanxian describes them as the three legs of the tripod of old Kaiyuan

(Sizhip.la), they are less fundamental to a Buddhist monastery as a brick and mortar

institution serving a community with other values. What kind of an institution this

monastery is, what kind of community it serves and what are their values will become

more clear in the following chapters. The current chapter aims to trace Kaiyuan's

trajectory of revival in order to highlight the processes that have shaped and led to

Kaiyuan's current state of restoration. The revival of religious activities will only be

mentioned in passing in order to focus on the institutional developments, which have

1
Ashiwa and Wank focuses on clerics associated with Nanputuo, but do not look at Quanzhou (Ashiwa
2000; Ashiwa and Wank 2005).

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER FOUR: The Post-Mao Revival

dominated executive decisions throughout all three stages of recovery (Kaiyuan's

contemporary religion life will be explored in the following chapter.).

Chairman Mao died in September of 1976 and the arrest of the Gang of Four the

following month marked the end of the Cultural Revolution.2 There was no new direction

in policy, religious, economic or otherwise, until the Third Plenum of the Eleventh Party

Congress in December of 1978 when Deng Xiaoping set out on a course now referred to

as reform and opening (gaige kaifang Sfr^i JfjiX). The reforms set in motion became

articulated as policy in the constitution adopted in 1982 that guaranteed freedom to

believe or not believe in religion and engage in "normal religious activities" (zhengchang

de zongjiao huodong JE^! W^^yS^t)). Since then the officially recognized five

religions (Buddhism, Islam, Daoism, Christianity and Catholicism) have officially been

on a path of recovery, each with their own trajectories. Quanzhou Kaiyuan began to

recover in stages soon after the death of Mao in 1976. The following sketch of the early

stages of Kaiyuan's recovery is based on oral accounts I have collected from individuals

who resided at Kaiyuan during the 1980s and 1990s or residents and local officials with

particular knowledge about Kaiyuan. Getting this story has not been as easy as one might

think—most people are not interested in Kaiyuan's stages of recovery and they don't have

a clear memory of how it proceeded. What I outline below is the most reliable portrait I

have been able to develop from hours of interviews with dozens of individuals positioned

to know about this period as well as reports or notices of relevance.

2
The Gang of Four was blamed for the inciting the worst excesses of the Cultural Revolution. The leader
was Mao Zedong's last wife, Jiang Qing ylilf , and included her associates Zhang Chunqiao ^#1fF , Yao
Wenyuan Mi3t7£ > a n d Wang Hongwen 3L$k3C .
3
Pas 1989: 6-7.

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER FOUR: The Post-Mao Revival 186

 One of my principal sources for the earliest years of Kaiyuan's restoration is the

local monk Daoxing iH;^4. Daoxing became a novice at Zhangzhou's Nanchan monastery

in 1980, although he didn't receive full ordination until 1988 at Guangdong's Nanhua

Temple ] ^ ) ^ # . From 1980 to 1984 he served as Kaiyuan's guest prefect and serves as

an eye witness to Kaiyuan's earliest years of recovery.4 Under normal circumstances a

novice would never be allowed to serve in the position of guest prefect, or hold any other

rank. But due to the lack of able-bodied monks in the earliest years of recovery, many

young monks and novices were allowed to take positions in the monastic hierarchy that

were traditionally reserved for more senior monastics. Daoxing returned to Kaiyuan after

three years in Guangdong and again lived at Kaiyuan from 1987 to 1999, a period during

which he held various clerical positions. He and his friend Chuanjian f t l l of Xiamen's

Puguang Temple If ;)fc^f provided me with much of the framework and content of

Kaiyuan's developments during the 1980s and 90s.5

Quanzhou residents have claimed that people began to burn incense and bow to

Buddhas at Kaiyuan as early as 1976. These minor stirrings of devotional Buddhism

reached a crescendo on the fourth day of the fourth lunar month of 1980. According to

my informants, this day marks the official recovery of religious practice at Quanzhou

4
In 1984 he shaved his head and went to Nanchan Monastery to live for three years.
5
Daoxing is currently abbot of both Ci'en Temple W-^^F and Amitabha Temple ^Pfr^F on Mount
Qmgyuan in Quanzhou. He and Chuanjian both left Kaiyuan when Daoyuan became abbot to avoid a
conflict in seniority that would have been natural between them. Within the monastic order, seniority is
determined by years as a monk and both Daoxing and Chuanjian were ordained before Daoyuan, making
them his seniors It would not have been proper for them to serve under Daoyuan as abbot, so, after what
has been vaguely described as a struggle (douzheng 4 - ^ ) , the senior monks Daoxing and Chuanjian left
Kaiyuan ahead of Daoyuan's succession as abbot in 2000 Daoxing first went to Chengtian monastery
where he served as the general manager(/lanyuan) and then in 1999 or so he went to Mount Qmgyuan and
began to recover the properties associated with the two temples there Chuanjian is from Xiamen He
became a monk at Xiamen's Nanputuo Monastery in 1984, he went to Zhangzhou Nanchan Monastery
where he met Daoxmg

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER FOUR The Post-Mao Revival 187

Kaiyuan monastery. It was then that a ceremony was held in memory of the one

hundredth birthday anniversary of former abbot Zhuanfeng {zhuanfeng heshang yibai

zhounian jinian $f il^Di^ — H J l l ^ i S ^ ) . This memorial service included seven days of

nianfo and is said to have attracted 10,000 people over its duration. It was the first time

crowds of this size had been seen at a religious function in the city for more than two

decades and signaled in a very concrete manner that open religious expression was again

permissible. Before this time there had very seldom been any sign of devotional activity

at Kaiyuan, but after this Kaiyuan began a slow and steady recovery. April fourth of the

lunar calendar in 1980 was the Qingming Festival {qingmingjie) sometimes referred to as

Ancestors Day or Tomb-Sweeping Day because it is a day traditionally marked by

sweeping the graves of ancestors and making offerings to them. In 1980 this festival was

still not publically permitted so this memorial celebration at Kaiyuan was a way for

Quanzhou citizens to celebrate under the guise of a temple-specific ceremony.

At the head of fundraising efforts during the first years of recovery was the monk

Guang'an who was finally able to follow his dharma brothers to Southeast Asia after

suffering ten years of humiliation as a "bad element." Under China's new policy of

opening under Deng Xiaoping, travel restrictions were lifted and Guang'an was able to

travel to the Philippines. Following the example of Kaiyuan's Republican Period monks,

Guang'an looked to overseas Chinese communities in Southeast Asia for financial

support. He succeeded in collecting ¥2,700 in 1980 and another ¥2,400 in 1982 which he

brought back to Quanzhou to be used towards Kaiyuan's recovery expenses. He served as

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER FOUR: The Post-Mao Revival 188

the general manager of Kaiyuan for a short period before passing away, highly regarded

by those who knew him, at the age of 72 or 73 in 1992.

In March of 1982, Kaiyuan was recognized as an important national heritage

protected site in the second batch (guojiaji dierpi zhongdian wenwu baohu danwei H M

i%M^fcM&JCW5kffi^-iiL) by the State Council and in the following year, it was

named an important national Han Buddhist temple (quanguo hanzu diqufojiao zhongdian

siyuan±MUMitM.i%$kM.^^f^) by the State Council.7 Quanzhou Kaiyuan's

relatively complete set of buildings from the Ming and Qing dynasties and two

exceptional monumental pagodas from the Song dynasty were instrumental in attracting

recognition at these national levels (its 1961 designation was at the provincial level,

though nationally recognized). This is an important designation to receive for any site

hoping to attract tourists at a national or international level. These designations are part of

the state's effort to not only promote economic development, but also to influence, frame

and, ultimately, control sites of religious activity or significance. Mechanisms of control

come in various forms, but the most obvious is the temple administrative commission, an

entity that will be explored in chapter eight. These designations are not innocent; they are

connected to the power of the state and reflect the continued working out of the statist

enterprise informed by a project of modernity. As part of China's national heritage, the

monastery falls under the jurisdiction of the Bureau of Culture; as a site of "normal

religious activities," it falls under the jurisdiction of the Religious Affairs Bureau; as a

Buddhist monastery if falls under the jurisdiction of the China Buddhist Association

6
Interview with Huang Yushan, 2009.
7
Huang 2005: 18-19. In 1983 the same status was bestowed on Xiamen's Nanputuo, Fuzhou's Gushan and
Zhangzhou's Nanshan Temples

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER FOUR- The Post-Mao Revival 189

(CBA). The monks and their monastery are not now, nor have they ever been, fully

autonomous; their relationship with the state is filtered through two ideological constructs,

" normal religion" and "cultural heritage." Kaiyuan's monks have been required to

master these two discursive fields (normal religion and cultural heritage) in order to work

with state officials.

While 1980 marked the beginning of recovery and the resumption of openly

holding religious ceremonies, from 1983 to 1984 Kaiyuan underwent a series of real

signs of achievement that marked the recovery as one that was more than a phantom.

Physical recovery proceeded with the re-gilding (tiejin) of Kaiyuan's major statues using

2.5kg. of gold at a cost of ¥160,000, ¥32,000 of which is said to have come from

Singapore.8 As Kaiyuan began to return to life as a cultural attraction that also welcomed

religious devotees, it began to receive a stream of high level visits which, on the one hand,

pushed municipal authorities to ensure that it was well maintained and, on the other, let

the public know that the temple was once again open for business.

Zhao Puchu at Kaiyuan

One of the first and most important high-level visits was by the widely respected

president of the Chinese Buddhist Association Zhao Puchu Mftftl (1907-2000) in 1983

to celebrate the Yuanxiao festival, which traditionally marks the end of Chinese new year

celebrations and occurs on the fifteenth day of the first month of the lunar calendar. Zhao

Puchu was without peer as a Buddhist leader in mainland China during the 80s and 90s.

His position enabled him to perceive and solve at least three problems that helped set

8
Interview with Wu Songbai, 2009

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER FOUR. The Post-Mao Revival 190

Kaiyuan on the path to monastic revival and greater autonomy; the three problems related

to management, income and communal meals.9

At the time of Zhao Puchu's visit Kaiyuan's main hall and ordination hall were

both still under the management of the heritage management committee and, according to

monks who were there at the time, not fully open for worship, but more museum-like.

Members of the heritage management committee staffed tables inside halls and even slept

in the halls. This was done, in the eyes of the heritage management committee, to ensure

the protection of the valuable properties inside the halls, which remained under their

jurisdiction. The monks and lay Buddhists resented the encroachment on spaces they

considered places of worship. This undesirable situation was corrected through the

influence of Zhao Puchu who arranged for oversight of Kaiyuan's halls to be transferred

to Kaiyuan's monks. 10 The heritage management committee maintained offices on the

grounds of Kaiyuan, but these too, as will be shown in chapter eight, would not last.

The second issue which Zhao Puchu is credited with solving concerned the

livelihood of the monks. Since the end of the Cultural Revolution, Kaiyuan's monks had

supported themselves by selling souvenirs and other goods in small shops. This was not

only undesirable from the point of view of the monks, but it was also a poor means of

fund raising. Zhao Puchu was able to help the monks negotiate their way out of working

in these shops and enabled them to support themselves through receipt of donations. To

encourage donations, a local tradition was revived which is sometimes referred to as

Buddha recitation time {nianfo qi ^i^Jffi). It was decided that they would institute a

Buddha recitation or nianfo day on lunar twenty-six of every month, in order to

9
What I mean by "religious revival" will become more clear in chapter six, I use this phrase to contrast
with what could be described as physical or secular restoration as a tourist site of cultural treasures
10
Wu Sonbgai, interview 2009.

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER FOUR The Post-Mao Revival 191

encourage visitors and attract donations. At first, very few people attended these

gatherings which included a session of Buddha-recitation (nianfo) in the Hall of the

Ordination Platform. In the mid-eighties there may have been as many as 500 people

coming to the Buddha-recitation day and by 1994 the numbers of lay participants had

increased so that the Buddha-recitation was moved to the main hall to accommodate the

crowd.11 This important tradition will be discussed in detail when examining the religious

life of the monastery in the following chapter.

An additional situation that Zhao Puchu is credited with reforming is the sharing

of rice. Before his visit, Kaiyuan's monks maintained their own supplies of rice, which

they would individually provide to the lay person Wen Meng who would then prepare the

rice in one large pot which was then shared by all the monks. If someone contributed less,

problems could arise. After Zhao Puchu's visit, this system was reformed and all of the

rice was combined to form a common store from which meals were prepared. This may

sound like a trivial matter, but it served as an important step in developing the kind of

communal atmosphere that is essential for a monastery to function.

As income was generated from increasing donations and more monks were

ordained, Kaiyuan built a large dining hall (wuguan tang) from 1986 to 1987 that can

accommodate more than 200 individuals. The population of residents at Kaiyuan,

including active and retired monks and novices, had increased from around two dozen in
17

the early eighties to as many as sixty at the end of the eighties. The construction of a

large dining hall marks the end of Kaiyuan's first stage of recovery which witnessed

steady progress toward the reestablishment of a sangha—one self-sufficient and one

1
' Interview with Daoxing, 2009
12
Interview with Daoxing, 2009 A different source (n on-monastic) claimed there were more between ten
and twenty monks in 1995

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER FOUR The Post-Mao Revival 192

exercising authority over the halls—and a body of devotees attending monthly nianfo

(and free noodles) days. The dining hall was not only a milestone in Kaiyuan's recovery,

it was an investment in the future of the monastery as a place for the cultivation of a

religious community engaged in forms of communal practice. Zhao Puchu was

instrumental in setting Kaiyuan on this particular trajectory of recovery, one with a future

for monastics.

After assisting Quanzhou Kaiyuan, Zhao Puchu went to Nan'an Xuefeng

Monastery to help them negotiate their path to revival. B Zhao Puchu was an instrumental

figure in helping Buddhism transition into forms acceptable to the regime through the

Communist period. His brief visit to Kaiyuan at this early period was a crucial step in

Kaiyuan's return to functioning as a home of monastics. At the time of his visit there was

only one other Buddhist monastery that had been revived in the city of Quanzhou,

Chongfu Monastery. Chongfu temple had been rebuilt and discussions were underway to

rebuild Quanzhou's other important monastery, Chengtian, but its restoration would not

be complete until 1990.14 There may have been one or two small temples, but no more at

this early period. Kaiyuan had been the first to revive and paved the way for other

temples, both large and small, to follow its lead.

In addition to developing into a site for the sangha, Kaiyuan continued to develop

as a site for tourists as it had during the early years of the Maoist period. In 1983,

Kaiyuan monastery was visited by the former King of Cambodia, Norodom Sihanouk

(1922- ) and his wife. In preparation for this visit the west pagoda was washed. A photo

13
The mam hall of Xuefeng Monastery had been preserve during the Cultural Revolution by placing
images of Chairman Mao on it.
14
Chengtian Monastery was restored from 1984 to 1990 with 10,000,000 RMB in funds collected by
master Hongchuan from Singapore (interview with Wu Songbai, 2009)

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER FOUR The Post-Mao Revival 193

of his visit is on display today in Kaiyuan's Buddhist museum. A local resident recalled

that it was after this highly publicized visit, by an international figure, that people began

to return to worship in greater numbers and more regularly. In addition to a high profile

visit from a former king, Kaiyuan also began to receive visits by international delegations

of Buddhists. From 1979 to 1989 five delegations of clerics from Japan's Obaku school

of Zen visited Kaiyuan monastery. One of these delegations came to Kaiyuan bearing a

statue of Kaiyuan's master Mu'an who is venerated in Japan as one of the early and most

talented patriarchs of the Obaku school. The small statue was once enshrined in

Kaiyuan's Hall of Patriarchs.15 A final elite visitor during this first stage of recovery was

the Chinese-designated Panchen Lama who visited Kaiyuan in 1986. Each high profile

visit served to legitimate Kaiyuan as cultural and religious institution and encouraged

other Chinese, both local and non-local to visit as tourists and in worship.

In 1984, the central name board in the center of the main gate which reads "Great

Kaiyuan Everlasting Chan Temple," the title given by Kublai Khan during the Yuan

dynasty, was repaired and the characters gilded.16 With the addition of a name in gold

characters and a growing reputation as a place of history, culture and beauty, in 1986,

Kaiyuan temple was voted one of the ten most scenic spots in Fujian province.17 It was

developing as a home for monks and site of cultural heritage that welcomed visitors and

worshipers.

15
It is no longer in the Hall of Patriarchs and no one seems to know where it is If this statue has indeed
been lost, it is no small cultural loss
16
Interview with Benzhi, 2006
17
Huang 2005 18-19

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER FOUR The Post-Mao Revival 194

The Restoration of Kaiyuan's Central Axis

Kaiyuan's Buddha's and Bodhisattvas were once again covered in gold and once

again open to streams of believers bearing incense and offerings, but the large wooden

halls showed the wear of time, the elements and termites. A second stage of recovery was

inaugurated in the summer of 1989, when a group of monks from Southern Fujian

(Minnan) who had settled in Southeast Asia before the Cultural Revolution returned to

Kaiyuan and determined to have its buildings restored. These monks were Hongchuan ;£;

J5S, Guangqia J^Vn", Guangjing, Guangchunf^^ti and Qinghui Bf $?. Hongchuan,

Guangchun and Qinghui were all associated with Singapore's Putuo Temple which had

been founded by Zhuandao; Guangjing and Guangqia were disciples of Kaiyuan's former

abbot Zhuanfeng. They received government approval and had the former mayor Wang

Jinsheng serve as the chairman of the restoration committee (M.'MJf7G^i^M.^ nh^).

Work began in July of 1989 and was completed five years later in the summer of 1993.

The main hall, the main gate, the hall of the ordination platform and the sutra library were

all restored to look like new. A stele was erected in the main courtyard of the monastery

in 1993 to commemorate this most recent of Kaiyuan's many restorations. As detailed on

the stele, Singapore's Putuo Temple funded work on the main hall, ordination hall,

Hongyi museum and sutra hall, while Singapore's Longshan Temple ~Mlh^F helped fund

the restoration of the Main Gate.1 Wu Songbai also says that Singapore's Pujue Temple,

which had been founded by Zhuandao, contributed 5,500,000 RMB in funds to Kaiyuan.

Yoshiko Ashiwa explores the relations that several of these monks have with Xiamen's Nanputuo temple
where Zhaunfeng had served as abbot (Ashiwa 2000)
19
1993 stele recording the restoration of Quanzhou Kaiyuan Chan Monastery. According to Wu Songbai,
Kaiyuan Monastery was renovated during this period with most funds coming from domestic sources,

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER FOUR The Post-Mao Revival 195

 The restoration work was carried out with support from Singaporean Buddhists,

especially those associated with Putuo Temple which had been established by

Zhuandao.20 This work was officially declared complete during the celebration of

Chinese New Year in 1993 well in time for a visit by President Jiang Zemin on June 24,

1994. Jiang Zemin visited Kaiyuan and was guided by Zhang Zhenhao "jjzMM the head

guide of the guest reception branch of the Temple Administrative Commission.21 This

visit was trumpeted throughout the city and region and photos of the president touring

Kaiyuan are displayed in the Kaiyuan Buddhist museum. There is no higher level visitor

in China than the president and his expression of interest and approval sealed Kaiyuan as

an officially recognized place of cultural value and, in the eyes of the Buddhist

community, as an officially sanctioned place for religious practice. While international

visitors had begun to arrive as early as 1983, throughout the 80s Kaiyuan's recovery was

steady but modest; it was the full restoration of the early 90s and the visit by Jiang Zemin

which made it clear that Kaiyuan had "arrived." It was a place of value, a place to see, a

place to be.

Visits by Zhao Puchu and Jiang Zemin have both been an important boost to

Kaiyuan's recovery efforts and calligraphy by each of them is kept by the monastery to

commemorate their visits. This calligraphy was reproduced in Kaiyuan's 2005

commemorative volume and photos taken during their visits hang in the museum of

4,600,000 Wu Songbai, interview, 2009. This, however, was not mentioned in the 1993 stele inscription
which named the Singapore temples and monks as contributors.
20
Yoshiko Ashiwa connects the revival of Xiamen Nanputuo Monastery to its overseas connections with
Southeast Asia as well Those networks are very similar to those of Quanzhou Kaiyuan since Zhuanfeng
was associated with both monasteries (Ashiwa 2009. 60-62)
21
One of the functions of the Quanzhou Kaiyuan Temple Administrative Commission is to serve as guides
to political elites who wish to visit More on this office and its place at Kaiyuan will be explored in chapter
eight

Bnan J Nichols CHAPTER FOUR The Post-Mao Revival 196

Buddhist history. While this is not financial patronage, it is a form of patronage by

recognition and legitimation—it provides Kaiyuan with political capital.

While support from overseas Chinese in Singapore and the Philippines was an

important ingredient in Kaiyuan's first decade of recovery, since the end of the 90s

formal contact between Kaiyuan and the overseas Chinese communities in Southeast

Asia has been broken. One informant who had participated in fundraising activities in

Southeast Asia, claims that a contributing factor is a Singaporean policy regulating such

fundraising activities in Singapore.22 While this may be one factor, I agree with others

that the most important reason for the decline in financial support coming in from

Southeast Asia is the growing prosperity of mainland China in general and in Fujian in

particular which has been increasingly evident since the nineties. Kaiyuan's monks

simply had no compelling reason to go abroad in search of funds with so much wealth

being generated within their community. This is the situation which has prevailed since I

began my research in 2005.

Miaolian, master Hongyi's former attendant, served as abbot and oversaw the first

two decades of Kaiyuan's post-Mao recovery. Miaolian was in poor and declining health

throughout the eighties and nineties and he passed away at the monastery on November 5,

1999 at the age of 87. His funeral was held at Kaiyuan on November 11 and attended by

over 2000 people including government leaders, clerics from other temples and

disciples.23 Miaolian provided a tenuous link between Kaiyuan's current restoration and

22
Interview with Chuanjian, 2009.
23
The funeral was conducted by master Benxing $ ' | 4 a vice-president and secretary general of the Fujian
Buddhism Association. Benxing now serves as the abbot of Fuzhou Kaiyuan Monastery, in Fuzhou Master
Xuecheng ( ^ M ) the vice secretary-general of the Chinese Buddhist Association who is also the president
of the Fujian Buddhism Association was the director of the Committee for Master Miaohan's Funeral
Chen Tianshuang (R^ffl j£[) Vice-director of the Fujian United Front Work Department and Yu Xianfeng

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER FOUR The Post-Mao Revival 197

the revival of the 1930s. When Hongyi died he left his possessions to Miaolian. Miaolian

kept them and displayed them in one of the halls to the west of the central axis. The

collection of Hongyi's artifacts is part of Miaolian's legacy to Kaiyuan; the collection

would come to be displayed in a new hall built by the succeeding abbot, Daoyuan.

The Daoyuan Era

At the time of Miaolian's death, Daoyuan, then in his sixties, was general

manager of Kaiyuan Monastery and vice-president of the Fujian Buddhism Association.

Daoyuan was installed as the new abbot on July 20, 2000. He had become a monk late in

life, circumstances seemed to have favored him in his rise to power at Kaiyuan. While

Miaolian was quiet, passive and contemplative, Daoyuan is bold, aggressive and worldly.

A biographical sketch will be followed by an account of his tenure at Kaiyuan which has

been marked by two major themes: 1. The recovery of monastic property and 2. Physical

enhancements to the monastery. His actions most clearly demonstrate the overriding

concern with "hardware" over "software."

Daoyuan was born in a small village named Chidian ftkjrj, outside the city of

Quanzhou; he was the second child in a family of seven (four brothers and two sisters). In

1969, during the Cultural Revolution, he was sent down (chadui ffifyk) to the rural district

of Qingniu ilf ^UrO'Blue-Green Cow") and he lived there until he became a monk in

1986 at a temple in Shishi ^ f p ("Stone Lion").24 He took refuge under Chuanjing f#tf,

an older monk at Kaiyuan Temple, so he considers himself a monk from Kaiyuan even

( ^ l 5 ^ ^ ) , then vice-director (fuju zhang) of the Fujian Bureau of Religious Affairs served as vice-directors
for the funeral committee. Miaolian's remains were cremated at Xuefeng Temple at Mount Yangmei \h\%
lii in Nan'an on November 12.
24
It is possible that changing his official residence (hukou) from the village of Qmgniu to the city of
Quanzhou may have been among his motivations m becoming a monk He mentions that he was able to do
this by becoming a monk

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER FOUR The Post-Mao Revival 198

though he didn't live there until 1992. In 1994, he was chosen by officials in the Chinese

Buddhist Association, with agreement from the Fujian Provincial Bureau of Religion, to

go to Brazil to serve as the head monk {zhuchi) at Guanyin Temple in Sao Paulo where a

monk speaking the local Minnan dialect was needed.25 After two years in Brazil, which

Daoyuan recalls with great fondness, he returned to Kaiyuan, citing that his services

where needed there.

The Recovery on Properties

When he returned to Quanzhou in February of 1996, the former abbot, Miaolian,

was ill, and Daoyuan, who had served in a leadership position at Guanyin Temple in Sao

Paolo, took over management of Kaiyuan's affairs, first serving as the head guest prefect

(da zhike) and then, in July of 1996, as general manager. Daoyuan's first task was the

recovery of properties immediately bounding the central axis of the monastery that had

come to be occupied by non-monastic residents and organizations. The loss of some of

these properties can be traced back to the end of the Qing dynasty, while others had

become occupied over the past thirty years. What Daoyuan accomplished over the next

ten years was no small feat and one that has won greater autonomy for Kaiyuan.

His first task was to reclaim the property known as small Kaiyuan Temple, the

scaled down replica of Kaiyuan's main buildings first built during the Qing dynasty in the

northeast corner of the monastery. In July 1997, he successfully negotiated with the

individuals living there to move out, offering a total of one million RMB to compensate

them. While the officially recognized religions are allowed to reclaim property that

23
1 know that he was visited by the then vice-president of the Fujian Bureau of Religion, Mr. Yu
Tingzhang; both of them speak fondly of their time together in Brazil. Having good relations with this
high-ranking official who has jurisdiction over Kaiyuan has certainly been in Daoyuan's favor, though I
cannot offer specifics in this regard

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER FOUR. The Post-Mao Revival 199

belonged to them before 1949; it is clear that they must provide financial compensation to

those evicted.26 In the northwest corner was a Department of Landscape and Gardening

(yuanlin guanli chu I z i ^ W S ^ h ) that had become established over the past several

decades. In 1998, Daoyuan succeeded in negotiating their removal.27 In 2002, Daoyuan

succeeding in clearing away private homes and a bank, which had encroached upon the

main entrance. Just behind the guest hall is the old Land and Water Temple {shuilu si),

during the Maoist period it had been occupied by a troupe of puppeteers (muer tuan).

This group was evicted and the temple returned to use as a shine hall. In 2004, property

in the far northeastern part of the temple that had been lost at the end of the Ming and

early Qing Dynasties was recovered. This land became used to build a two story building

that serves as the residence of the abbot, two high-ranking monks, two helper monks and

a monk who works in the office of the Quanzhou CBA located on the grounds of the

monastery. Daoyuan worked hard to clear Kaiyuan's property of non-monastic entities

and enjoyed remarkable success in reclaiming all the property lying within Kaiyuan's

fencing.

Unceasing Enhancements to Kaiyuan 's Physical Plant

In 1997, while Daoyuan served as Kaiyuan's general manager, a renovation

committee was established with former mayor Wang Jinsheng serving as the director and

Daoyuan as vice director. A total of six million RMB (750,000 USD)28 were spent on

renovations including a re-gilding of the statues for 1,200,000 RMB and 1,000,000 RMB

(125,000 USD) spent to organize and repair scriptures in the sutra library with the help of

26
Ashiwa recounts how, in the early 90s Xiamen's Bialudong temple compensated the army with 485,000
RMB to recover property it had lost (Ashiwa 2000 25).
27
They relocated to another part of the city and are now a successful landscape and gardening business
28
Amounts given in USD are approximate and the exchange rate used to calculate vanes from the late 90s
(8 RMB to one USD) to 2009 (less than 7 RMB to one USD)

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER FOUR The Post-Mao Revival 200

professional provincial archivists This was an archival move carried out to enhance

Kaiyuan position as a trove of cultural treasures It was not, that is, part of plan to revive

scholarship, but rather part of a project of cultural preservation which fit in to the

discourse of cultural heritage necessary to gain the favor of local officials

In 2000, Daoyuan established the Anyang Cloister (anyang yuan, ;£c^Rm) at a

cost of nine million RMB (1,125,000 USD) The Anyang Yuan is an underground

mausoleum for the ashes of patrons willing to pay the required fees Special sections are

set aside for the remains of overseas Chinese and these form a significant portion of the

community served—overseas disciples are provided an opportunity to return home for

their final resting place, as they say m Chinese, "falling leaves return to the roots" (luoye

guigen yirtffjlElfll) The mausoleum generates approximately four to five million RMB

(about 700,000 USD) per year and when it is full it will have generated approximately

one hundred million RMB (more than 14 million USD) Price to inter the ashes of one

person and have a spirit tablet is 4,200 RMB (600 USD) Ashes are kept in individual

vaults and spirit tablets are housed in large hall above ground which came to displace the

Hall of Merit where spirit tablets had been kept

Daoyuan's first major act as abbot was the hosting of a great three platform

ordination ceremony in January, 2001 It had been seventy years since the last one was

held in 1925 and, according to some reports, the third time since the founding of Kaiyuan

Temple 1,300 years ago 29 Desheng felt it was comical that a platform had to be

constructed for use next to the ordination hall because the actual ordination platform is

" Daoyuan et al 2005 72

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER FOUR The Post-Mao Revival 201

covered with Ming dynasty statues that are designated cultural treasures and therefore

cannot be moved.

The second major act of Daoyuan's tenure as abbot was the opening of the

Quanzhou Museum of Buddhism at small Kaiyuan Temple on April 22, 2001. The

project had begun in 1999 when Daoyuan convened the Quanzhou Buddhism Museum

Preparation Committee, chaired by himself with Chen Pengpeng from the Quanzhou

Heritage Management Association serving as advisor. Mr. Zhao Puchu participated in the

grand opening and wrote the name board for the museum. The renovated small Kaiyuan

Temple was transformed into a museum of 3,200 square meters, consisting of five halls

connected by corridors, landscaped with flowers and plants. The antiquities on display

span 1,400 years of Buddhism in Quanzhou and panels summarize developments in

Quanzhou Buddhism throughout the imperial and Republican periods. There are halls of

stone sculptures, temple bells and metal objects and sculptures and other items taken

from Kaiyuan and from sites in the Quanzhou region. Some notable items include three

stone sculptures from the Tang dynasty, including a Guanyin with moustache that was

once set in a niche of the pagodas, a purple sandalwood sculpture of Dizang bodhisattva

from the Ming, an excellent stone sculpture of Bodhidharma from the Ming, gilded

bronze statues from the Ming and Qing, a large steel tripod caste by Zheng Zhilong in

1637 (one of five), large bronze bells from 1132 (Southern Song) and 1325 (Yuan) as

well as bronze and iron bells from the Ming and Qing dynasty.

This museum included items from all over the region that had been collected at

Kaiyuan from the 1950 onward under the supervision of the Heritage Management

Association. The museum was a means of displaying the artifacts to the public; it was in

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER FOUR: The Post-Mao Revival 202

the interest of the Heritage Management Association and it was approved by Daoyuan as

a means of enhancing the property of the monastery. Establishing such enhancements is,

next to recovering property occupied by non-monastics, the most important theme of

Daoyuan's tenure of leadership.

Two million RMB was spent in planning, designing and expanding the Master

Hongyi museum and garden in the northeast part of the monastic grounds. A courtyard

garden was created, which now stands before the Hall of the Buddha's Life (bensheng

yuan ^^L$m), outlining this courtyard and surrounding the small Kaiyuan temple there

are more than four hundred new granite sculptures each costing 7,600 RMB. The

sculptures are based on a book of paintings by Hongyi's disciple Feng Zikai ^ ^ p f a

(1898-1975) accompanied by the calligraphy of Hongyi. Called Paintings to Protect Life

(Husheng huaji), the book was first published in 1929 and the paintings depict the

content of classical poems and Buddhist tales dealing with the protection of all forms of

life from insects to cows; Hongyi wrote out verses to accompany the illustrations.30 They

are expressions of art as well as expression of a Buddhist moral injunction to protect life.

Daoyuan says he was drawn to this project because of both the Hongyi connection and

the environmentalist (huanbao ^\W) theme.

Daoyuan had a new two-story building constructed next to and in the same style

as the building at the back of small Kaiyuan that serves as the Hongyi Memorial Hall.

The new building is called the Bensheng yuan and was completed in 2007; it enshrines

two gilded statues of Sakyamuni Buddha portraying his birth and his performance of

30
Tarocco 2007:32, 71-73. The book was first published by Kaiming Books in 1929. For more on Feng
Zikai see Tarocco, Francesca. 2007. The Cultural Practices of Modern Chinese Buddhism: Attuning the
Dharma. London: Routledge.

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER FOUR: The Post-Mao Revival 203

austerities as well as fifty-eight granite sculptures depicting scenes from the life of the

Buddha Sakyamuni Due to the nature of the building, I translate Benshengyuan as the

Hall of the Buddha's Life The sculptures in this hall were created at an expense of over

four hundred thousand RMB

In 2002, along the sides of the main gate, Daoyuan erected two large bounding

walls reading "Dharma World of the Lotus-Blooming Mulberry Tree" and "Auspicious

Lotus Blooming Peach Tree" referencing auspicious stones associated with the

monastery [Figures 49-50] The new walls adjoining the mam gate were a symbolic

statement indicating the return of Kaiyuan as a sacred space, as a spiritually efficacious

place with an auspicious past Kaiyuan like other temples and sites in China is full of

inscriptions, steles and plaques, these texts in stone and wood are not as dormant as they

may seem They actively contribute to the experience of visitors, be they literate or not

For the illiterate their calligraphy, their age or sheer literary presence suggests a

mysterious power For those who can read them, they impress with their literary allusions,

their antiquity and their artistry To capture this active function of inscriptions at temples,
"1 1

Chau proposes the term "text act " As text acts inscriptions are endowed with the

power to influence the perceptions of visitors, enhance the reputation of the monastery

and ward off those who may wish to harm the monastery

Daoyuan has not been particularly concerned with preservation m the mode of the

Maoist- era heritage management association His recovery, renovation and building has

been directed at infrastructural improvements or institution building, rather than cultural

preservation This orientation may be expressed as revivalist (interest in renewing) rather

than curatorial He has expressed this orientation by not hesitating to destroy buildings
31
See Chau 2006 95-98

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER FOUR The Post Mao Revival 204

such as the Venerate Site Cloister which he cleared to make an open space in front of the

An Yang Yuan. In addition he has not been reluctant to replace cultural properties that

have been damaged. He had the eight vajra protectors on the ordination platform replaced

in 2006, for example, after one of them was damaged. He also had the Dharma Hall and

Sutra Library demolished and reconstructed in 2008 (the contents and other salvageable

ornaments were all preserved in storage), for reported structural weakness associated with

damage from the Sino-Japanese War. Most recently, he ordered the restoration of all five

Buddhas in the main hall when one of their heads fell off due to termite damage in 2009.

I have not been privy to all of the details of these decisions, but some observers have

debated the necessity of some of these actions.32

The Fate of the Orphanage under Daoyuan

As Kaiyuan's recovery continued through the 80's and 90's the orphanage and

school remained on the eastern edge of the monastic complex. After the death of Mao,

the school was reconstituted and classes resumed, but no monks were involved in its

operation or administration. Under Chinese law, religious institutes are not allowed to

operate schools for general education and so what was once the school and orphanage

established by Yuanying and the Republican Period trio of monks became a school

operated by the state. I have been told that in 2003 a Hong Kong business person wanted

to replace the school with a large building and make it a charity center in Quanzhou.

When Daoyuan heard this he was angry and rushed back from a meeting he was

attending in Shanghai. The temple had just gotten a computer and one of Kaiyuan's

monks was asked to compose a letter to local officials in response. The monk typed for

four hours to report to the government why this should not be done, why a tall building
32
Particularly with respect to replacing the eight vajra protectors (Interviews in Quanzhou, 2006, 2009).

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER FOUR: The Post-Mao Revival 205

should not be built so close to the monastery. The city officials joked that if Daoyuan

cared so much that he should buy the school back. But Daoyuan didn't take it as a joke

and asked how much it would cost. The official said that he might be able to help him

deal with the situation for 10 to 20,000 RMB; Daoyuan immediately offered two million

RMB which the man didn't hesitate to accept. This anecdote reveals something about the

personality of Daoyuan that has enabled him to fight on behalf of the monastery to

recover properties and remove entities that had encroached upon the monastery. Many

abbots would not be able to deal with such situations as effectively as Daoyuan has and

this is how the abbot has made his mark.

The students were immediately moved to a special school {teshu xuexiao ffiffi^

$£) and the buildings that had been used as classrooms and offices became converted to

other, somewhat peripheral, uses while others were demolished. The Hubao Building J^

ttl'H, for example, is a two story structure which had been used by teachers, including

offices and possibly living quarters; it now houses the offices of the Quanzhou Buddhist

Association. The school auditorium (litang), a large room with many chairs and a large

TV, is now used by a group of lay Buddhists who regularly hold nianfo meetings there.33

Just west of this building is a two story structure which in the 1980's had served as an art

school. The art school personnel were evicted and that building has become used as the

guest reception area or guest hall (ketang); it also contains apartments for a few higher-

ranking monks on the second floor. Lying in front of the guest hall is now a landscaped

area which includes the Western gate. Through these measures the elementary school and

orphanage has been wiped away from the landscape of Quanzhou Kaiyuan. The charity

33
This group independently meets without the participation of monks, they previously met in a building
behind the abbot's quarters and were moved to this space in 2007 or 2008

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER FOUR The Post-Mao Revival 206

established by Yuanying and Zhuandao had survived war with Japan, civil war and the

Cultural Revolution, but, ironically, was unable to survive the revival that is underway in

contemporary China. Losing the school and orphanage, while disappointing from the

point of view of Zhuandao and Yuanying's goals and legacy, has been part of Kaiyuan's

quest for greater autonomy. While the Republican period orphanage has been a

prominent part of Kaiyuan's recent history, it seems that an attempt is being made to

wipe it away from Kaiyuan's past. An article was published in 2000 in the national

Buddhist periodical Fayin to mark the completion of renovations by Daoyuan. This two

page article provided a sketch of Kaiyuan's history, specifically mentioning details of the

Republican period restoration under Yuanying, Zhuandao and Zhuanwu (dharma hall,

pagodas...) and specifically omitting any mention of the orphanage and school.34 I'm

sure the omission was no accident; including it would have simply raised questions about

its recent removal, which the Kaiyuan leadership would rather avoid.

Since the time of his becoming a monk in 1986, Daoyuan has become a politically

well-connected leader of one of the largest and most important monasteries in

contemporary China. Do to the nature of government oversight of religious groups, it is

important, if not necessary, to cultivate good relationships with relevant officials. In

addition to being a trustee in the Chinese Buddhist Association, the vice-president of the

Fujian Buddhist Association and the president of the Quanzhou Buddhist Association,

Daoyuan is also a member of the ninth Fujian Political Harmony Consultation Committee

(zhengxie WiW) and a permanent member of the Quanzhou People's Congress. Daoyuan

reads the People's Daily every afternoon and watches news programs and Chinese operas

34
Wen Lan XM 2000.

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER FOUR: The Post-Mao Revival 207

on TV at night, sometimes after 11P.M. When I first met him in 2006 he had an image of

chairman Mao on the screen of his cell phone. By 2009 he had upgraded to an I-phone

and had lost the chairman Mao image. He is required to regularly attend political

meetings, as are other high-ranking monks, so as to remain briefed on the state's views

and policy on religion and the management of religious sites. He is responsible for

managing Kaiyuan's income and deciding how to invest and donate large amounts of

monastic funds (e.g. millions of RMB donated to charities every year) as well as what

improvement to make on the monastery. One of Kaiyuan's monks has expressed that it is

a lot of responsibility and a lot of pressure that most monks would find onerous and

bewildering; it seems to be a job made for Daoyuan, who appears to relish the challenge

of dealing with such entities and managing finances.

Daoyuan may neither be a learned expounder of Buddhist doctrine, nor a soft-

spoken and gentle monk, but he has been the right person to fight to recover authority

over the temple and its lost properties. In the 1980s, the monastery was occupied, not

only by the two management committees, but by various non-monastic entities including

private homes, an elementary school, an art school, a puppet troupe and a landscaping

and gardening work group. The new abbot set about recovering full control of all of these

properties by asserting his right as abbot to recover properties that previously belonged to

the monastery. The prosperity of the times enabled the abbot to financially compensate

the individuals that were required to move, thus facilitating his recovery of monastic

properties and relocation of dozens of individuals—he spent millions of RMB in this

fashion. Small Buddhist temples in urban areas are often surrounded by buildings; many

of them occupy land formerly held by the temple, but, unlike Daoyuan, they have no

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER FOUR: The Post-Mao Revival 208

means of recovering that property Daoyuan possessed the right combination of

personality, energy, connections and access to money that enabled him to reclaim

Kaiyuan's property for the Sangha.

Over a course often years, Daoyuan had recovered all the properties withm

Kaiyuan's walls and, in some cases, had properties cleared or recovered adjoining the

walls. He has not only refurbished Kaiyuan's halls, but has built new walls and buildings

(e g the Hall of the Buddha's Life, the abbot's quarters) and organized two museums

(one for Quanzhou Buddhism, the other for master Hongyi). In addition to maintaining

good relations with the various state agencies that have some level of jurisdiction over

Kaiyuan, Daoyuan's focus has been on the recovery, restoration, maintenance and

enhancement of Kaiyuan's physical plant, in short the "hardware" of the monastery. Put

in terms of one of the frameworks of this dissertation, Daoyuan's tenure as abbot has

focused on the revival of Kaiyuan in its institutional aspects. While this is a theme at

religious sites throughout China there are also examples, close to home for Kaiyuan, of

leadership that has successfully invested in educating and training the Sangha along with

rebuilding Here I have m mind Xiamen's Nanputuo Monastery which reestablished the

Mmnan Buddhist Seminary in 1984 and has become one of the most important training
35
grounds for monks in all of China with hundreds of clerics in residence This happened,

not because of the state, the CBA or lay activists (although their support was important),

what was instrumental was the leadership of the abbot Miaozhan W>*M (1910-1995) who

perceived the importance and value of training clergy 36 Daoyuan's leadership has

influenced the present character of Quanzhou Kaiyuan, his successor will influence its

35
Ashiwa and Wank have written the most detailed studies of the revival of Nanputuo See Ashiwa and
Wank 2006, Ashiwa 2000, Wank 2009
36
Ashiwa and Wank 2006 342-343

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER FOUR The Post-Mao Revival 209

future—just what that future will be remains unknown, but that there can be progress as a

ground for training monastics is certain.

"Branch" Temples

As the largest monastery in the region, the earliest to revive, the one with the most

impressive cultural treasures and the one with the largest gatherings of worshippers,

Kaiyuan has been a base for ambitious monks to collect funds for the building or

rebuilding of smaller temples in the region. Monks engaged in these activities of restoring

temples are enhancing their status, to be sure, but they are also acting in line with a

venerable and highly meritorious Buddhist tradition of spreading the Dharma (hongfa) by

building temples. This phenomenon can be traced back as far as the ninth century at

Kaiyuan when private cloisters for masters began to be built by the dozens. During the

Republican period (1930s) the practice re-appeared as Kaiyuan monks collected funds

from Southeast Asia that enabled them to establish small temples in Quanzhou such as

Same-Lotus Temple (tonglian si IRJJU^F) and Muxi Temple ^jt=|3^F, which, according to

Daoyuan, was originally founded by Zhuanfeng for his vegetarian auntie (caigu H££)

disciples in the 1930s or 1940s.

The Republican Period phenomenon has re-emerged over the past fifteen years. I

have learned of more than fifty small temples being rebuilt by monks associated with

Quanzhou Kaiyuan since the mid-1990's; in each case they have installed themselves as

the head monk (zhuchi 13: W) or abbot of these temples. To date, the most energetic

rebuilder of temples in Southern Fujian has been Guangjing, the former general manager

of Kaiyuan who having become a respect monk in Singapore, returned to Quanzhou with

funds from Singapore to restore Kaiyuan and dozens of other temples. He is credited with

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER FOUR: The Post-Mao Revival 210

helping to rebuild 48 to 49 temples, the largest project being Nanshan Xuefeng. He

rebuilt Muxi temple with funds from Singapore's Longshan Temple.37 He had Same-

Lotus Temple rebuilt and enlarged as a home for vegetarian aunties (caigu). When he

died in 1998, leadership of this temple passed to his disciple Chuanjian f t M , who had

served as Kaiyuan's guest prefect (zhike). Chuanjian now lives in Xiamen where he

serves as abbot of Puguang Temple ilF Tfe^F, a temple he rebuilt. As for the current abbot,

Daoyuan, he has raised funds and established himself as the abbot of Qingjing Temple y||

y^^F which is said to have about eight resident monks. Kaiyuan's general manager Fayi

has funded the rebuilding of two small temples where he now serves as head monk,

Shiting ("Stone Pavilion") temple ^ ^ ^ f in Quanzhou and Lianhu ("Lotus Lake")

temple S l $ ] # near his birthplace in Hui'an. Daoxing found patrons to fund the

restoration of two small temples on Mt. Qingyuan, which he now leads, Ci'en

("Compassion-Kindness") Temple MM and Amitabha Temple. If not for the prestige

and visibility of being at a venerable monastery it is unlikely that Kaiyuan's monks and

former monks would have enjoyed the success they have had in collecting alms for such

ambitious projects. Monks that hail from smaller temples do not have the same ability,

generally speaking, to attract such donations. Head monks at smaller temples typically

attract enough patronage to maintain their small temple and the handful of monks or

novices that live there, but nothing near the kind of funds necessary to build or rebuild a

temple.

37
When I visited in 2009,1 was told that seven or eight monks lived there and that Chuanjian was the head
monk We sat and had tea with two young monks This neighborhood temple was attractively appointed
with a small garden and pond m front where children come to play. There are drum and bell towers, a mam
hall and a hall enshrining a 100-armed Guanym at the back of the small, well-tended complex

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER FOUR The Post-Mao Revival 211

 With the early restoration of Kaiyuan and its ability to attract funding from lay

Buddhists abroad and at home, it became a conduit for restoring temples throughout the

region. In 1978 there were less than half a dozen temples, in 2009 there were more than

420 registered Buddhist temples and as many as 100 non-registered ones.38 Quanzhou

Kaiyuan, the great fruit, has helped re-plant the seeds of Dharma in post-Mao China.

18
Interview with Wu Songbai, 2009

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER FOUR The Post-Mao Revival 212

CHAPTER FIVE

Religious Life at Kaiyuan Monastery Today

In his 2006 study of the temple of the Black Dragon King (heilong dawang) in

contemporary North China Adam Chau develops a notion of "doing" religion to capture

what his fieldwork revealed as the nature of religion at his field site—the subtitle of his

book is "Doing Popular Religion in Contemporary China." In this chapter I adapt his

notion of "doing" religion in order to best represent the religious life exhibited at Kaiyuan.

While Chau's object of study was a popular temple with no clerics (a "folk" or "little"

tradition), he sought to develop a description of religious action that could be applied

more broadly to Chinese religion; my adaption of it to examine the "elite" or "great"

tradition associated with my study, monastic Buddhism, will serve as a test of its

versatility.

Chau reviews the debate in anthropological scholarship that first emerged between

Maurice Freedman (1974) and Arthur Wolf (1974) over whether Chinese religion is best

considered as one unified tradition (the position of Freedman) or whether it is irreducibly

multiple and we can only speak intelligibly about Chinese religions (in the plural).1 Chau

points out that this debate hinges on religious conceptions, rather than on religious

behavior and proposes that focusing on practice rather than belief is a way to progress

beyond this debate. He identifies a group of five modalities of "doing religion" in China

1
Chau 2006:73-74. Scholars who have weighed in on the debate include Sangren 1987, Weller
1987 and Feuchtwang 1991.
which I have adopted with slight modifications to reflect the doings of Kaiyuan's

religious actors:2

Mode of Exemplified at Kaiyuan In other contexts

Practice
1 Discursive/ study, analysis or contemplation of Confucian or Daoist classics
scriptural Buddhist sutras or treatises etc.
2 Personal- forms of personal cultivation such as qigong, merit-demerit
cultivational meditation, personal sutra-chanting, ledgers
nianfo
3 Liturgical/ ritual practices such as fang yankou, Rituals performed by other
ritual feeding hungry ghosts, release of life religious/ritual specialists;
etc. by monks exorcism
4 Immediate- aimed at immediate results but not divination, healing,
practical requiring a religious specialist; talismans, use of spirit
Buddhist charms mediums

5 Relational based on the relations between taking vows, celebrating

humans and Buddhas, bodhisattvas or deity birthdays, festivals
deities/dharma protectors; includes
making offerings, celebrating
Guanyin's ordination etc., building
temples, pilgrimage

These five modes of doing religion offer a scheme for locating religious actors

based on behavior rather than on distinguishing "elite and folk" or "great and little." This

focus on practice or "doing" is to be distinguished from the use of "orthopraxy" as a

defining rubric of Chinese religiosity made prominent by James Watson (Watson 1985,

1988, 1993) who links orthopraxy to efforts of the state to "standardize the gods."

Although Watson's notion of "orthopraxy" has been helpful in conceiving new ways of

accounting for the diversity within unity that one finds in Chinese religion and it has also

been helpful in drawing attention to the centrality of practice (over belief), what

orthopraxy and standardization suggest is too strong to capture the flexibility and, in

Chau 2006-75.

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER FIVE- Religious Life 214

particular, the bottom-up nature of worship that I have observed among worshipers at my

field site. Most importantly I am not dealing with a popular cult so there is less of a

question of "standardization" along the lines investigated by Watson with respect to

Mazu (Watson 1985) or by Michael Szonyi with respect to the Five Emperors (Szonyi

2007), Pomeranz with respects to the goddess Taishan (Pomeranz 2007) or von Glahn's

study of the Wutong cult (von Glahn 2004).3 Here I explore the possibility of developing

a more "bottom-up," "person-based" view of doing religion.

Scholars have used person-centered approaches, which focus on understanding the

religiosity of individuals, to shed light on religious phenomena in China and India

(Roberts, Chiao and Pandey 1975) and in Taiwan (Harrell 1974). This approach led to the

recognition of what Roberts, Chiao and Pandey called a "personal pantheon" or

"meaningful god set" which differed from individual to individual based on personal

experiences.4 Other scholars have taken a person-centered approach to understanding

sacred places (Roberts, Morita and Brown 1986). Chau combines these notions in

developing his idea of a "religious habitus" which each individual may be said to have.

The idea of "habitus" is derived from the notion developed by Pierre Bourdieu (1977);

the religious habitus, which changes over time, is the sum of an individual's attitudes and

behaviors concerning deities, sacred sites, religious specialists, rituals and the

3
In the case of Buddhism, there is generally less room for "standardizing" which Buddhas, Bodhisattvas or
other members of the Buddhist pantheon are to be worshiped, at least in the contemporary period. The
current state does, somewhat chaotically, enforce standards of acceptable practice in interpreting what
constitutes "normal religious activities " Normal is understood to exclude the superstitious (mixin), and,
after Falun Gong, [heterodox] cults (xiejiao) While the state's concern with superstition has impacted
popular practices in contemporary China, it doesn't seem to have had any significant influence on religion
at Kaiyuan Xiamen's Nanputou Monastery, however, forbid the burning of gold paper mside temple
grounds, the local CBA considered it a superstitious practice (Ashiwa and Wank 2006 353) This has not
been a problem at Kaiyuan, hence my use of "chaotic" to describe the nature of the state's enforcement—
interpretation and enforcement are far from uniform Historically, of course, the state and clerics promoted
members of the Buddhist pantheon in ways that could be perceived as promoting orthopraxy See Chun-
fang Yu's study of Guanym (Yu 2001)
4
Chau 2006 66

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER FIVE Religious Life

supernatural in general based on his or her experiences with these items.5 Below I

develop a group of profiles to describe different types of religious actors associated with

Kaiyuan using a person-centered approach focusing on modes of religious behavior. The

focus on practice is particularly important in China, where beliefs and notions of identity

tend to be more fluid and less-committal. A groundbreaking survey of religious

experience in contemporary China conducted by Xinzhong Yao and Paul Badham carried

out from 2004 to 2006 found a striking disconnect between statements about religious

identity (which we normally think of in terms of beliefs) and the behaviors and attitudes

of interviewees. Regarding Buddhism their survey found that:

[0]nly 4.4 percent identify themselves as Buddhist and only 5.3 percent
say 'yes' when asked bluntly whether they believe in reincarnation. Yet
27.4 percent pray to Buddhas or Bodhisattvas and over half think that their
families and friends are the result of what they had done in a previous life.
Even more surprising 77.9% tend to affirm the Buddhist concept of causal
retribution and the doctrine of karma.'"

Similar results were found for Christianity, folk religion and Confucianism—low

rates of religious identification, high rates of behavioral and other forms of affirmation.

While decades of anti-religious campaigns and propaganda must account for much of this

reluctance to identify oneself as a believer in a particular faith, it is also the case that

popular Chinese religiosity is not as susceptible to neat categorization in terms of

doctrinally-based faiths.

Both Chau in his study of popular religion in China and Robert Buswell in his

account of Zen monastic experience in Korea (Buswell 1992) explicitly raise the problem

5
Chau 2006 67
6
Yao and Badham 2007 9 Their study was based on a survey of 3,196 Han Chinese (drawn evenly from
ten provinces or municipalities, excluding Xinjiang and Tibet) consisting of structured (usmg 51 page
questionnaires) interviews averaging 47.3 minutes conducted by 110 Chinese assistants in 2005 Three
types of information were collected- personal and demographic data, and reports on religious experience
and religious conceptions, beliefs and practices

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER FIVE Religious Life 216

of belief in their studies of lived religion in East Asia; but they do so in different registers.

Chau points out that the language of "belief," so important to Christian religiosity, is

simply absent from the discourse of the people in his study—"I seldom encountered any

explicit talk of'belief in deities.'"7 While words for "believe" (xiangxin) and "belief

(xinyang) exist in Chinese people in Shanbei do not use them to describe their religious

experiences. I found precisely the same phenomenon in my research in Quanzhou,

people will say "I believe what you are saying," but they do not say "I believe in hungry

ghosts" nor do they speak about their beliefs (xinyang). The only time I've encountered

the use of the nominal form "beliefs" is in conversations with more educated people,

especially officials speaking about "folk beliefs" (minjian xinyang) or "freedom of

religious belief (zongjiao xinyang ziyou). This is the kind of language that Stig

Th0gersen has referred to as "Ganbunese" (the language ofganbu or cadres), which he

contrasts with "Baixingese" (the language of laobaixing, ordinary people) in order to

highlight its politically constructed status.9 This way of talking about beliefs is the

official and modern way of speaking about religion so that it may be categorized and

thereby regulated. It thus belongs to the modern nation-state building enterprise of the

CCP, not to the ordinary people who don't even use those terms; it is not how they

conceptualize the world. They have not brought critical distance between themselves and

what "we" would call "beliefs."

Buswell's discussion of the problem of "belief focuses on the importance of

recognizing the "context of belief." He points out that Zen beliefs cannot be adequately

understood by reading canonical Zen literature such as the lamp anthologies (e.g.jingde

1
Chau 2006 60.
8
Chau 2006.60-61.
9
Th0gersen2OO6.112ff.

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER FIVE- Religious Life 217

chuandenglu); hagiographies and other teaching materials offer idealized portraits of Zen

experience, they expressly do not "provide an accurate account of how Zen monks of the

pre-modern era pursued their religious vocations."10 Buswell argues that non-canonical

sources such as gazetteers and epigraphic sources are important for correcting the

idealized views of Zen masters derived from Zen teaching stories and hagiographies, but

goes further and insists that "much of the import of Zen beliefs and training may never be

known, or at least may be prone to misinterpretation" without taking into account the

lived experience of Zen monastics.11 Buswell frames his concern by citing I. M. Lewis'

Religion in Context (1986):

As I. M. Lewis has convincingly argued, religious beliefs are 'functions of

situations and circumstances,' and describing those beliefs is 'meaningless
unless accompanied by a minutely detailed exposition of their deployment
in actual situations.. ..The detachment of beliefs from their ambient
1J
circumstances produces gross distortion and misunderstanding.'"

What Lewis says is relevant to understanding lived religion, religion as it is found

in a living context. This discussion leaves us with much food for thought, for now I wish

to emphasize two points. First, we must remain circumspect when treating the lived

religiosity of Chinese people—it should not be expected to fully conform to expectations

we may have developed based on normative accounts that are portrayed in elite corpuses

of texts. We should not expect the monks and their patrons to exhibit the roles portrayed

in the vinaya, Buddhist sutras and treatises, tales of eminent monks or Chan genealogies.

They may sometimes think and behave in ways recognizable in Buddhist literature, but

very often they do not. To give a simple example we may look at an account of the

10
Buswell 1992:5.
11
Buswell 1992:5.
12
Buswell 1992:5. See Lewis, I M 1986. Religion in Context Cults and Charisma. Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, pp 20-21

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER FIVE Religious Life 218

monastic rule forbidding eating after the noon meal Hackmann, taking normative oral

accounts about Baohua Shan at face value, wrote in his Buddhism as a Religion that "the

evening meal is forbidden [the monks] are only allowed tea to drink " 13 Pnp-M0ller

was able to clear up this confusion by spending several weeks at Baohua Shan and

discovering that "drink tea" in this context was an euphemism for having a evening

meal 14 This is now well known, but what a difference the corrected understanding makes

for assessing the level of ascetic commitment of monks What else, we should ask, do

monks do or not do 9

The second point to recall is that the Chinese do not express their religious

identity in the neat and clear ways that are suggested by the labels Buddhist, Daoist or

Confucian Religious professionals may be meaningfully identified as Daoist priests,

Buddhist monks, mediums or yinyang masters (geomancers), but non-professional

religious observers are more difficult to categorize With respect to my field site, monks

who have formally accepted the monastic precepts (shoujie) may reliably be referred to

as Buddhists or Buddhist monks, but the many visitors who offer incense and bow to

Buddhas and bodhisattvas at Kaiyuan are another matter Offering incense and bowing to

a Buddha at Buddhist shrine does not make one a Buddhist—at least not in the usual

sense of the term (which is more properly reserved for individual who have taken refuge

in the Buddha, Dharma and Sangha) Scholars working on religion in contemporary

China continually struggle to label such people The unwary may refer to them as

"believers" (e g Luo 1991 107) Xiaofei Kang "for convenience" has labeled them "lay

Buddhists" (Kang 2009 236) Sangren has used "devotee" (Sangren 1983) and Chau uses

13
Hackmann 1910 241 Welch 482, n 15
14
Pnp-M0ller 1937221

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER FIVE Religious Life

"worshipers." Individuals associated with Kaiyuan, both monastic and lay speak of two

basic types of visitors to Kaiyuan: youke W^- and xiangke # § . The first of these terms

is rather straightforward, it indicates a tourist (literally, "traveling guest"), the second

term, which literally means "incense guest," is slightly more problematic. It refers to

visitors whose ^identifying rubric is their desire to prostrate to the Buddha and burn

incense (baifo shaoxiang); I feel it is best rendered as "worshiper." In terms of the modes

of religious behavior listed above, these individuals are "doing" religion in the relational

mode—they are maintaining good relations with the Buddhas and bodhisattvas. What

other modes of religious behavior make up the religious life of Quanzhou Kaiyuan and

what kind of individuals are engaged in the religious life there? We will first examine

monks and their regime, then two types of non-monastic patrons and their activities

followed by profiles of five monks and reflections on the contemporary Sangha.

RELIGIOUS ACTORS AND THEIR MODES OF PRACTICE

The Monks

First and foremost are the monks, their mode of religious behavior covers their

gamut of the five possible orientations. The personal-cultivational mode includes nianfo,

daily services and keeping the precepts; this mode of practice is the most important in

shaping the communal identity of the sangha. It is represented at Kaiyuan and Buddhist

temples large and small throughout China in the form of communal daily services which

will be described below. It is also represented in the shaved heads, the robes, celibacy,

sobriety and vegetarian diet of the monks; more than an external sign these five qualities

reflect the precepts one has taken (shoujie ^LM) and is putting into practice (shoujie TP

Bnan J Nichols CHAPTER FIVE- Religious Life 220

JjJ). Though there are officially 108 precepts for monks, the five qualities just related are

the only means I have heard monks or non-monastics use to distinguish the lifestyle and

identity of monastics from non-mo nasties.15

Another communal mode of doing religion is performance of rituals on behalf of

others (not directed at personal cultivation); this is the liturgical/ritual and some of these

will be described below. All monks have entered into a formal relationship with the

Buddha (relational mode) and thus generally respond to the presence of Buddha statues

by prostrating. They also, especially if they join the daily services, regularly reaffirm

their refuge in the three jewels (the Buddha, Dharma and Sangha).

The remaining two modes of religious behavior are represented in the lives of the

individual monks, but there is no context in which they are formally enacted communally:

these are the immediate/practical mode of religion (e.g. use of Buddhist charms) and the

discursive/scriptural (reading/study of scripture). The study of scripture is, most likely,

the least practiced form of religious behavior at Kaiyuan and most Buddhist temples in

China. Most monk interaction with scripture is not in reading (dujing) or studying it

(xuejing), but in chanting (nianjing) or reciting sutras (songjing) which are different

modes of religious behavior (modes 2 and 3). Naturally there are monks who spend time

reading and thinking about sutras, but they are simply in the minority, at least at Kaiyuan

[Figure 79]. The only place I would expect this to be different would be at a Buddhist

seminary, where one can expect most monks to be engaged in a more academic

appreciation of Buddhist scripture. Thus, understanding the religious behavior of monks

requires a person-centered approach which has been implied in the brief descriptions here;

15
See also Welch 1967.

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER FIVE: Religious Life 221

some monks are more literate, others are not; some join the daily services, others do not;

some participate in rituals, others do not. Their religious profile (or habitus) depends on

their personal experiences and among the monks at any monastery, Kaiyuan included,

one can expect to find a considerable degree of diversity in behavior, abilities, disposition

and opinion.

The Monastic Schedules and Regular Rituals

The fundamental feature of life as a monk at Kaiyuan and most all monasteries is

the regimented nature of it—being a monk requires following a certain regime.

Monasteries vary in the strictness of their regimes; Kaiyuan is currently on the less rigid

end of the regime spectrum. What that means will become clear as I discuss features of

their daily life. I will first describe the daily schedule of monks at Kaiyuan, which

conforms, more or less, to basic features of the daily schedule in Buddhist monastic

contexts in China and beyond. I will also point out features of the weekly and monthly

schedules and some high points of the monastic year, doing so will provide an

opportunity to examine the various periodic ritual services that frame monastic life and

provide opportunities for lay worship.

For monks the day officially begins at 4:00 A.M.; the basic features of the daily

schedule are as follows:

Morning
3:30-4:00 Wake up board (ban)
4:00-4:15 Bell (zhong) - call to morning service - 108 times
4:15-4:30 Drum (gu) - 3 rolls to the beat of the Great Compassion mantra (dabei
zhou J^HBJXS)
4:30-5:40 Morning Service (zaoke)
6:15-7:30 Breakfast

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER FIVE: Religious Life 222

10:40-Noon Lunch

Evening
3:50 Board to announce evening service
4:00-4:30 Evening service (wanke)
5:00-6:00 Dinner
7:00-7:15 Evening Bell- 108 times
7:15-7:30 Evening Drum- 3 rolls to the beat of the Great Compassion mantra
7:30-8:00 Evening Board

Morning at the Monastery

At 3:00 AM the monastery is dark and quiet, even the streets which run to the

south and west of the monastery are quiet. The grounds are still and the shadowy

silhouettes of the pagodas give an old world feeling that is lost once buses and

motorcycles begin to buzz beyond the line of trees to the south and west. Just as one

begins to feel that one is all alone in an abandoned temple, the silence is broken with the

sharp sound of wood striking wood. It is very much like the sound of the bamboo

knocker fountains found in Japanese gardens. Somewhat like the sound of a tile or small

pebble striking hollow bamboo that aroused the mind of Zen master Xiangyan #M(ninth

century) to awaken.16 The striking of this wooden board is the duty of one monk who

must arise before all the others, sometime before 4:00 A.M. and wake them up;

traditionally, abbots would assign a habitually tardy monk to this task. This monk, who at

Kaiyuan is heavy set, seems to waddle as he makes his rounds, striking the wooden board

with a small wooden mallet.

The next individual to emerge is the monk who opens the hall of the ordination

platform where the large bell and drum are located. I have never seen him enter the hall,

he seems to sneak in and suddenly one hears the dramatic ringing of the bell—108 times,

16
Ferguson 2000-172-173.

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER FIVE: Religious Life 223

followed by the dramatic and rhythmic beating of the large monastic drum These sounds

emanate from the slats in the hall of the ordination platform The sounds seem to be

amplified by the hall itself The contrast between the bell and drum is quite striking The

one is sharp, piercing, ringing, the other, dull, droning and booming This monk seems to

be calling the day into being, raising yin and yang, using surprisingly lively qi on the bell

and drum

Slowly monks will begin to stir and emerge from their cells wearing their robes,

typically they are adjusting their robes as they make their way toward the Dharma Hall in

time for morning services at half-past four The communal practice which may be

considered the defining religious practice of modern Chinese monastics is the morning

and evening service (zao-wan ke) [Figures 74, 76] Pi-yen Chen describes the centrahty

of these services

They [morning and evening services] denote the two periods of solemn
liturgical practice held during early morning and evening, the practice of
which is the primary duty of all monks and nuns in Chinese Buddhism
The daily service is the most important daily function in contemporary
Buddhist monasteries As the first and the last daily communal religious
activities, morning and evening service has been designed for purifying
the mind and promoting the religious sentiment of the sangha 17

The daily morning and evening services are based on the collection of Various Sutras for

Daily Recitation (Zhujing nsong) published by Zhuhong in 1600 Young monks at

Kaiyuan are expected to memorize these daily liturgies as soon as possible, if they

haven't already done so as preparation for their ordination The daily recitation helps, but

one can generally see younger monks in the back rows mumbling along with the others or

17
Chen 2002 229

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER FIVE Religious Life 224

keeping silent, as they have yet to memorize what are to them the largely obscure

passages of the daily liturgy.

The daily services are held at 4:30A.M. and around 4:00 P.M., before the evening

meal.18 The daily services are the first thing monks do after rising and getting dressed and

the last thing they are supposed to do before settling down for the evening; thus, it is

meant to orient their lives towards communal religious cultivation. The morning service

liturgy is centered around a concern with purifying the mind, thus establishing condition

for a day of meritorious living. The evening service turns thoughts to the Pure Land of

Amitabha, as one prepares to retire for the day.'

An important caveat is that monks with other specific duties (keepers of halls,

office holders etc.) are exempt from participating in morning and evening services

because it is thought to interfere with their other duties. The result of this "exemption" on

religious cultivation is quite profound. Fewer than half of Kaiyuan's monks attend daily

services with any regularity. On the days I have counted the monks in attendance there

have generally been about thirty monks, this number may increase to about forty on the

first and fifteenth of the lunar month. This means that almost half of Kaiyuan's monastic

population does not participate in what is arguably the fundamental, if not only, form of

communal religious cultivation at Kaiyuan and most other Buddhist monasteries in China.

Exempting these monks from daily services would be more understandable if their other

duties provided an opportunity for daily communal practice, but that is not the case.

The evening service was previously held after dinner around 5 30, but the time was changed to allow
more monks to attend It seems that too many of them disappeared after dinner
19
Chen 2010, 8 Apart from the content, the form of the liturgy, including dharani, sutras, gathas (verses)
and praises, serves to connect the sangha to the broader world of Buddhist scripture

Brian T Nichols CHAPTER FIVE Religious Life 225

 While it is unfortunate that more monks do not participate in the daily liturgical

services, it may be comparable to the tradition of having an elite core of meditators who

are supported by the rest of the monks. Buwsell describes such an arrangement in the Zen

Monastic Experience. The difference, which is no small affair, is that at the monastery

where Buswell practiced, all monks were required to attend morning and evening

services except the meditating monks. Thus all monks except a select number of

administrative monks were engaged in regular communal practice, either meditation or

the daily liturgies. The morning service that Buswell describes, however, is much less

burdensome on the monk—it lasted about fifteen minutes, compared to the hour plus that

the Kaiyuan service takes when fully performed.20

The Components of the Morning Service21

Offering of Incense
Surahgama Dharani (lengyan zhou)
Great Compassion Dharani (dabei zhou) — added lunar 1 and 15
Ten short Dharanis — added lunar 1 and 15
Heart Sutra
Verses Praising the Buddha
Circumambulating Buddha recitation
Ten Great Vows of Samantabhadra Bodhisattva - added lunar 1 and 15
Three Refuges
Praise for Weituo

Components of the Evening Service

Amitabha Sutra
Mengshan's Rite for Feeding Hungry Ghosts
Gathas Praising the Buddha
Circumambulating Buddha recitation
Three Refuges
Great Compassion Dharani
Praise for Qielan

-"Buswell 1992:38-39.
21
For a detailed account of the components of the daily service see Chen 2010:31-41.

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER FIVE: Religious Life 226

 As much as 80% of the morning service involves the recitation of dharanis; the

principal one being the Surahgama Dharani which, according to tradition, was taught by

the Buddha to Ananda to remove lustful thoughts from his mind; thus it is an important

part of the traditional monk's training—lustful thoughts being a common distraction to

the spiritual progress of men, young and old. It is considered a good way to begin the day.

The Dharani may be said to have some meaning, but to most all monks it has no literal

meaning, just sound. The chanting, driven forward by the rhythmic accompaniment of the

inverted bell and wooden fish and punctuated by the chime and small hand cymbals, is

meant to focus and purify the mind. The monks are arranged in rows of five on two sides

of the hall separated by a central aisle leading to the statue of Shakyamuni Buddha. Over

the course of the service, monks will stand facing front, then facing the other group

across the aisle and perform prostrations.

Toward the end of the service the monks begin to chant "homage to Amitabha"

while they are led out into the central aisle, around the back of the Buddha, and then zig-

zag through the rows of cushions on both sides of the aisle. Three circuits are made

before returning to their original cushions—this may be termed serpentine Buddha

recitation. It is a kind of walking meditation combined with the fundamental practice of

Pure Land Buddhism, thus it may be seen as an instance of the joint practice of Chan and

Pure Land, which has marked Chinese Buddhism at least since the Ming Dynasty.

Pure Land practice centers around the recitation of the name Amitabha Buddha,

the Buddha who has vowed to bring those who call him into his Pure Land. The practice

was promoted in sixth century China as an appropriate form of practice for the age of

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER FIVE- Religious Life 227

degenerate dharma. Practitioners believe that it is important to often nianfo so that it

will become second nature and therefore easier to do at the moment of death when it is

thought to be most important to make contact with the saving grace of Amitabha. Nianfo

is also used as a form of meditation, chanting the name of Amitabha is thought to be an

effective means of stopping the flow of thoughts and entering a state of samadhi or

meditative absorption.23 Amitabha's Pure Land is described in the Pure Land Sutras as a

land of trees and ponds of precious jewels, stones and metals that is "pure and serene,

resplendent and blissful."24 Once born there one is destined to achieve liberation in the

following birth. Birth in Amitabha's Pure Land has become the central goal of the

average Chinese Buddhist. The goal is achieved by nianfo, but also by generating merit

and raising the mind of compassion and enlightenment (bodhicitta).

Given the relatively low rate of participation in daily services, the dining hall,

even more than the dharma hall where daily services are held, is a more important site of

communal monastic practice for it is the place where almost all the monks take their

meals on a daily basis ceremoniously and in silence, some using their own traditional

begging bowls. Meals are called by striking the wooden board in the shape of a fish

hanging outside the refectory. Once the monks have gathered in the dining hall the meal

time dharani is recited and a monk makes a ritual offering of rice to hungry ghosts on a

pedestal just outside the main entrance.

After feeding the hungry ghosts the meal may begin. Monastic discipline is on

display during meals more so than at other times. When I have observed monks in the

22
East Asian Buddhism speaks of three ages of dharma of progressive degeneration, true dharma, the
image of dharma and the latter or degenerate dharma
23
Zhuman or "stopping thoughts" using nianfo can bring about nianfo sanmei (Qin 2000 360-361)
24
The Sutra on the Buddha of Infinite Light a k a The Larger Sutra on Amitayus or SukhavatTvyuha Sutra
(T 12 n.360), Hisao 2003 30-31

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER FIVE Religious Life 228

dining hall they have been silent and focused as monastics are called to be during meals. I

do not know if they are engaged in the five observances, but m their silence I'm sure

some of them are. The dining hall is traditionally referred to as the hall of five

observances: the observances or reflections deal with appreciating the labor that went into

providing the meal, being fit to receive it and using the food to sustain practice. The

proctor monitors to make sure that order is maintained in the hall; he strikes me as one of,

if not the most, stern of the monks at Kaiyuan.

An unusual feature of meals in the dining hall at Kaiyuan is the absence of the

abbot.25 The abbot has a personal chef who prepares meals for him and his small staff of

clerics. As a guest of the abbot I too dined with the abbot and members of his staff. The

abbot's chefs (he has had three different ones from 2006 to 2009) are not professional

and the food produced in his kitchen is not necessarily any better than that in the dining

hall. At his evening meal, for example, he inevitably has a simple bowl of rice porridge

or congee (zhou)—a Chinese comfort food, par excellence, but nothing fancy. The

problem is the lack of communal solidarity that comes from not eating with the other

members of the sangha; it serves to weaken the ties between common and elite monks.

The latter frequently have the opportunity to take their meals elsewhere, with lay patrons,

at banquets or meetings and the abbot and the three or four monks who live in his

quarters never take meals in the dining hall. Meals with the abbot are typically times to

discuss matters of monastic business, news or other mundane affairs and thus one less

opportunity for contemplation, which monks dining silently in the hall of five

observances are afforded three times a day.

25
Presiding over meals is traditionally one of the duties of the abbot I have seen the abbot of Balm
Monastery eating with the monks See also Welch 1967 148

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER FIVE Religious Life 229

 Meals are not prepared by monks, but by lay associates. Upholding the tradition

in Chinese Buddhism, all meals served are vegetarian. The food is simple, typically

includes rice and three different dishes one of which is often Chinese cabbage, others

may be tofli or some other vegetables or soup. Breakfast includes soy milk, vegetables

and rice porridge. On special occasions they will have Chinese stuffed steamed buns

(baozi)—a crowd pleaser. The evening meal is referred to at Kaiyuan as dinner of hidden

[from ghosts] food (toushi wdncan im lltB&^S). Apart from the rule of silence and

ritualized dimension of the meals, the regular and communal nature is a powerful

regulatory force in the lives of the monks. It provides a kind of regularity that promotes,

in some sense, personal discipline and sets them up for success if they are motivated to

practice forms of self-cultivation.

As the outline of the daily schedule indicates, the monks who are not responsible

for monitoring halls or accompanying visitors or dealing with administrative matters have

a good deal of free time. Monks use their free time in any number of different ways.

Some may engage themselves in mundane pursuits (reading the newspaper, browsing the

internet, playing computer games etc.). Others may be engaged in providing house calls;

that is, performing rituals away from the monastery. Monks who do this can earn as much

as 4,000 yuan a month, a high monthly salary in contemporary China. Others may be

engaged in some form of personal enrichment (music, calligraphy) or study. There is one

monk who is well disciplined and regularly circumambulates the courtyard of the Hall of

the Buddha's Life and the Buddhist museum. Some monks can be heard reciting sutras in

their rooms in the early morning. When I asked one of these monks what sutras he

26
It is my understanding that they receive compensation for their service; in other words they are not
volunteers, unlike the cooks for free-noodle day on lunar twenty-six.

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER FIVE: Religious Life 230

enjoyed reciting he said the Diamond Sutra (Jingangjing) and the Dizang Sutra

(Dizangjing). This same monk said he had previously read the Lotus Sutra and Flower

Ornament Sutra (Huayanjing) as part of his self-education before coming to Kaiyuan.

After coming to Kaiyuan there seems to be less time for self-study; monks assigned to the

halls or other duties complained of having no time for such personal-cultivation.

Some may break their precepts (drinking, having sex/families, eating meat), but I

have no confirmation of this beyond the complaints or concerns of certain monks. Across

from the main entrance to the monastery is a sex shop and a few stores down is a place

that sells home-made alcohol; I have asked both stores if the monks buy much, in each

case the answer given was "not much" (buduo). This obviously doesn't mean that all or

even most monks do such things; but it suggest the possibility, if not likelihood, that

some do drink and carnally experiment. Regardless of what some monks may do in their

free time, I am confident that several monks at Kaiyuan are quite diligent, upright and

sincere—models of discipline. We will return to the subject of monk discipline following

the monk biographies provided below.

The same sounds of the bell ringing from the hall of the ordination platform,

followed by the booming of the drum, which welcome the dawn, will end the monastic

day from seven to seven-thirty in the evening. One day as I walked out after dinner, I

encountered two monks walking together, circumambulating the hall of the ordination

platform as they bell and drum were being sounded. It seemed to be part exercise, part

socializing and part religious cultivation. Circumambulating statues, texts, relics and the

like has long been considered a meritorious practice in Buddhism.

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER FIVE. Religious Life 231

 This concludes our account of the daily schedule and activities at the monastery.

An element that is missing, which is essential to a functioning Chan monastery, is a

schedule for meditation. From accounts of monastic life provided by Buswell (in Korea)

and Welch (in Republican period China), not to mention Gushan in Fuzhou, Hebei's

Bailin, Jiangsu's Gaomin and others in contemporary China, we know that traditions of

Chan training have and do exist, they simply do not, at present, exist at Kaiyuan. Why not?

The short answer is that there are not enough qualified teachers in China today and it is

not a priority of the current abbot; as suggested in the previous chapter, his priorities have

been tending to Kaiyuan's physical plant, raising money and maintaining good relations

with state officials—the institutional side of Kaiyuan.

The Weekly Calendar

The larger Buddhist monasteries in Quanzhou all have weekly public nianfo or

Buddha recitation days. At Kaiyuan these are held every Tuesday and Friday. The nianfo

sessions are held in the main hall, which enshrines the five monumental meditating

Buddhas of the five directions along with many other figures of the Chinese Buddhist

pantheon (see chapter six). In addition, this hall is the site of all of Kaiyuan's major

public ritual services such as the release of burning mouths (fangyankou) and various

rituals to eliminate disasters and bring benefits. Most significantly, however, it is the site

of the well attended twice-weekly Buddha recitation (nianfo) sessions and the monthly

Buddha recitation which accompanies the offering of free noodles on lunar twenty-sixth.

These gatherings of laypersons are significant because they are unusually large and attest

to the relative vitality of Buddhist traditions in Southern Fujian. Approximately two

hundred lay devotees donning the dark brown or black robes of a layperson attend the

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER FIVE: Religious Life 232

twice-weekly nianfo meetings and the monthly lunar twenty-sixth meetings are attended

by more than two thousand devotees, including more than three hundred who wear the

robes of a layperson. The robes worn by laypersons are simply worn over their regular

clothes; typically, they unceremoniously change into and out of these robes in front of the

main hall. Approximately 95% of those wearing robes and regularly attending the twice-

weekly services are older women (lao taitai). Monks lead the laypersons in chanting the

Amitabha Sutra, which culminates in the recitation of "homage to Amitabha Buddha"

{namo amituofo) as all participants circumambulate the main hall in "serpentine" fashion.

These services begin about 2:30 P.M. and last about an hour. When they are complete the

monks quickly file out of the hall and back to their dorms to change from their

ceremonial robes with bright yellow, to their regular robes of dull yellow or rust.

The Monthly Calendar

In Theravada countries the most important communal activities of the sangha is

the fortnightly recitation of the Pratimoksa vows known as upsotha on the first and

fifteenth of the lunar month (new and full moon days). This is a tradition that has not

been important in China at least in modern times. Welch reports that he only knew of one

monastery where vows were recited.27 Kaiyuan does not have a tradition of reciting the

Pratimoksa, but they do expand the liturgy used in the morning and evening recitations

and more monks join the service at this time. On these days, monks file out of the dharma

hall and burn incense and pay their respects in the hall of patriarchs. Lay persons and

worshipers will also visit the temple, make donations, and burn gold paper in larger

numbers on these days, considered days of greater auspiciousness.

27
Welch 1967:110.

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER FIVE: Religious Life 233

Lunar Twenty-Sixth Nianfo Day

Once a month the monastery is crowded with thousands of worshipers and lay

Buddhists who come to participate in Kaiyuan's lunar twenty-sixth free noodles and

Buddha recitation day [Figures 81-84]. Locals say that the tradition was initiated by

Yuanying, Zhuandao and Zhuanwu during the War against Japanese Aggression in the

1930s in order to alleviate the suffering of the locals. At that time, noodles were offered

daily, but now they are only prepared once a month, on lunar twenty-sixth. Regardless of

its precise origins, the tradition of offering free noodles once a month has been

institutionalized at Buddhist temples throughout the city of Quanzhou; each temple holds

their free-noodle/M/an/o day on different days of the lunar month. I visited a very small

temple restored by one of Kaiyuan's monks in the mountains outside of Quanzhou; there

were only two resident monks, but they had two huge woks and a gas burner set up

expressly to make large batches of noodles each month.

Preparation of noodles begins in the days leading up to the twenty-sixth. Noodles

are hand-made by lay volunteers and dried in the open air by laying them on plastic tarps

which are strewn about the Shrine to Huang Shougong, the Hall of Patriarchs and

elsewhere. Preparation of the soup begins the evening before the big day and volunteers

involved in making the soup work all night preparing vast amounts of cabbage, bokchoy

and beansprouts along with preparing the soup stock and eventually boiling vast amounts

of noodles as dawn breaks. The noodles are prepared and cooked in a crude yet adequate

kitchen area at the back of the monastery. The front gate of the monastery, including the

28
Still others have vaguely claimed that it was a practice that began during the Qmg dynasty, I have yet to
materially substantiate either tradition What is certain is that the local believe to be following a historical
precedent in offering free noodles

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER FIVE Religious Life 234

central doors which are normally closed, are opened at 4:00 A.M. By 8:00 A.M. the

monastery is crowded with visitors, inside and out bearing offerings of flowers, fruit,

vegetables, noodles, snacks, candy, incense, candles and gold paper. Four long tables are

set up in two rows on the large platform that stretches before the main hall. Onto these

tables visitors place plastic red tote bags of offerings.

Visitors light sticks of incense using candles that are set out and lit by monks in

trays in the main courtyard in anticipation of the visitors. They bow to the four directions

and toward the main hall before placing the sticks of incense in the incense burner in the

main courtyard. The burner rapidly fills up and a monk is on duty to remove and

extinguish incense sticks to make room for more. Some individuals hold their incense at

their chest or foreheads, kneel on the stone pavement facing South, then North, absorbed

in prayer. Parents and grandparents can be seen instructing young children how to hold

incense, bow and sometimes kneel, socializing the next generation to these traditional

forms of worship.

Essentially all visitors on this day will offer incense at the front (five Buddhas)

and rear (Guanyin and Lohans) of the main hall and in front of the hall of the ordination

platform (Lossana, Weituo etc.). Monks or lay volunteers are stationed at each of these

locations to remove incense sticks from the incense burners to make room. Some visitors

will continue to the Dharma Hall, but practically none make it all the way back to Hall of

Patriarchs. Space in front of the ordination hall is not very wide and it becomes

extremely crowded on these days [Figure 83]. After offering incense and bowing to

29
The hall of patriarchs only enshrines monks associated with the temple, there is no Bodhidharma or
Humeng as one often finds, this may be one reason for its lack of appeal Another reason, or perhaps cause,
is the lack of upkeep to this hall; the shrine case is very dusty and there is no active upkeep or care taken in
its presentation

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER FIVE Religious Life 235

Lossana and the other figures in the ordination hall, many visitors will then burn gold

paper in the furnace which lies immediately to the east. Worshipers will make cash

donations at each of the halls, and, in addition, at special tables set up to the east of the

main hall where their names and amount donated will be recorded. Donations at these

special tables are associated with the noodle soup that is offered and considered

auspicious; it is thought that one must donate according to one's means in order to

receive the benefit from eating the noodles. Visitors generally make donations well in

excess of the cost of the noodles and it is an important source of funds for the monastery.

Dana or charity is the first of the six "perfections" which Buddhist should strive to

cultivate. While all forms of moral behavior produce merit, making donations to the

sangha is the most commonly practiced merit-producing action of lay Buddhists. By

donating to the sangha they are planting a seed in a "field of merit" and reaping great

merit in return.

The noodle soup is prepared in huge pots which are transported by cart from the

kitchen area to a largely open area between the main hall and the east pagoda. Ceramic

bowls are provided, washed and reused; people may also bring their own bowls and many

do. People stand in line waiting to be served noodle soup, which they take away to

somewhere east of the central axis. Hundreds of individuals are spread out, sitting here

and there, under trees, on steps and so on. Eating these noodles is thought to bring

blessings and these monthly nianfo days now attract thousands of visitors each month and

provide a regular flow of income to more than meet operating expenses.

At 10:30 A.M. a Pure Land recitation ceremony, like the one held every Tuesday

and Friday, is held in the main hall. The only difference is the number of participants

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER FIVE: Religious Life 236

increases from about two hundred to some two thousand. Two thousand people cannot fit

inside the worshiping area of main hall, but about three hundred can. The major

difference, however, is that when they begin to circumambulate around the main hall they

will wind around the hall and then out the front doors. As they leave the main hall they

are divided into two lines which go to the east and west pagodas respectively before

meeting back in the main courtyard. Circumambulators will zig-zag around the courtyard

three or four times before meeting in the middle and returning to the main hall, chanting

all the while. After the initial group has left the main hall, the rest of the worshipers will

file into the lines as they fan out to the east and west. In this way any number of visitors

can join in the line of individuals led in reciting "homage to Amitabha Buddha" by

Kaiyuan's monks. Monks playing the wooden fish, inverted bell and chime remain in the

main hall chanting, the sounds being broadcast over loudspeakers. The more than two

thousand individuals chanting in unison as they completely fill Kaiyuan's massive

courtyard is a tremendous sight of living faith and devotion in a country that has only

recently determined to allow such expressions to take place [Figures 81-82].

While the festive day usually begins at 4:00 A.M. on the twenty-sixth, in the lunar

months of January and March, the central doors of the main gate are opened at 11:00 or

11:30 P.M. on lunar twenty-fifth. Hundreds of visitors crowd around the entrance and

hundreds more gather in the streets out front. When the doors are opened the guests

stream in by the thousands. It is considered especially auspicious to be amongst the first

to visit and make offerings on these days. The scene on the street in front of the

monastery and throughout the central axis is crowded, excited and carnival-like. Crowds

of worshipers stretch up and down the length of the street that runs to the south of the

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER FIVE- Religious Life 237

monastery. More vendors than ever are set up just in front of the main gate and along the

sides of the street stretching beyond the entrance. Just inside the gate vendors at two

tables sell bags of traditional Minnan offerings known as five fruits, six vegetables

{wuguo liucai). People continue to pour in from the main gate from 11 P.M. until about 4

A.M. then, after a lull, visitors will begin to enter in large numbers from about 6 A.M.

onward. The routine is the same as any lunar twenty-sixth at Kaiyuan, just longer, more

people, more noodles, more volunteers, more donations, more offerings, more everything.

The level of energy on these nights, as well as on the morning of the first day of

the lunar new year, is high inside and outside the monastery. I have been told that

Quanzhou people like excitement and crowds {renao or in Minnan lau-jiat) and I

witnessed the Quanzhou fever for such during the Lantern Festival {yuanxiao jie) in 2009.

Near the Confucian Temple (wenmiao) in Quanzhou where a parade took place there

were crushing crowds that reminded me of crowds at Mardi Gras in New Orleans. This

love for excitement and crowds has been identified by Sangren (2000) as a feature of

Minnan religiosity associated with the goddess Mazu in Taiwan. Chau also identifies this

passion for excitement as one of the central features of popular religious life in Shanbei.

In the local Shanbei dialect they say honghuo %Llk, which he translates at "red-hot

sociality" (Chau 2006); Chau identifies this quality as a fundamental mark of success in a

religious festival, wedding or funeral, yes, red-hot social funerals (again reminds me of

New Orleans). Not only does it mark an event as successful, generating face and prestige

for the host, it contributes to the success of the event by forming an important component

of the affective experience. Sangren (2000) has identified this quality of crowds and

excitement or lau-jiat as an important dimension of Mazu festivals, which serves to

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER FIVE: Religious Life 238

affirm the spiritual power of Mazu. Chau similarly argues that "Temple festivals are not

simply expressions of people's relationships with the deities; they at the same time

construct and affirm such relationships."30

What these scholars have found with respect to the workings of popular religion,

bears on the power and success of these lunar twenty-sixth events at Kaiyuan. Worshipers

come because they seek blessings, Kaiyuan has a reputation as a place of spiritual

efficacy and that efficacy is said to be enhanced on these days. A visitor with this mindset

who arrives to an empty courtyard, would naturally question the efficacy of the

deities/Buddhas/Bodhisattvas there; in matters of ling as in matters of secular products,

people vote with their feet. If the same visitor finds a courtyard bustling with people and

crowds jostling for positions in front of Lossana or Guanyin then the efficacy of those

beings is instantly manifest—why else would so many people crowd around them?

The monthly Buddha recitation day is an important and unique institution in

Quanzhou. It is the major source of income for monasteries and the major platform of

interaction between temples and their communities. Kaiyuan's lunar twenty-six nianfo

day brings from 3,000 to more than 10,000 visitors and remains a cornerstone of

Kaiyuan's economic self-sufficiency bringing in some six million RJVIB annually

(850,000 USD).31 Each Buddhist temple in Quanzhou, small or large, has its own

designated Buddha recitation day, held on a different day of the lunar calendar—the third

for Chengtian, the ninth for Southern Shaolin Monastery, the seventeenth for Same-Lotus

(Tonglian), the eighteenth for Chongfu, lunar twenty-six for Kaiyuan etc. Given the

30
Chau 2006:165.
31
Figure from interviews conducted in 2006 and 2009; income generated was certainly much less in the
80s and 90s.

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER FIVE: Religious Life 239

number of temples, I am quite confident that it is possible for a zealous and resourceful

layperson to attend these auspicious nianfo days every day of the year in Southern Fujian.

Perhaps Southern Fujian remains a "Buddha country" after all.

The Yearly Calendar

The most important days in the annual calendar all follow the lunar-solar calendar

which begins on the second new moon after the winter solstice. The annual events most

important at Kaiyuan and providing the most carnival-like atmosphere are the three days

marking Guanyin's birth (2/19), ordination (9/19) and passing (6/19), the Ghost Festival

(moulianjie, 7/15), and two Chinese (not especially Buddhist) festivals Qingming

Festival (traditionally tomb-sweeping day, 4/4) and Spring Festival ( Chinese New

Yearl/1-1/15). All of these festivals are marked with additional sutra recitations that may

span multiple days and a release of burning mouths ritual on the evening of the final day

of the festival. The birthday of the Buddha (4/8) is also marked by the bathing of a small

Buddha statue, but it is not a large event at Kaiyuan. Welch's informants mentioned the

same annual events with the exception of the Qingming festival; it may be that this

festival is more popular in Quanzhou than other places.32

Guanyin 's Birth, Ordination and Passing

Signs are prominently posted inside the main gate introducing upcoming

ceremonies and the tremendous merit and benefits one will gain from participating,

sponsoring or otherwise donating at these times. The day marking the ordination of

Guanyin is celebrated over three days beginning on the nineteenth day of lunar

"Welch 1967.108-109.

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER FIVE Religious Life 240

September (celebrated November 4-6 in 2009). To mark this occasion a grand three

thousand Buddha recitation ceremony is held in the main hall over three days.

Worshipers are invited to sponsor this ceremony at levels of five thousand or two

thousand RMB (700 to 300 USD) levels or participate at the fifty yuan (7 USD) level.

Individuals may register their names with monks in the main hall from about five weeks

preceding the ceremony. The names of the sponsors will be posted in the hall and they

are said to gain tremendous merit for their support.

The ceremony involves the chanting of the three thousand names of the Buddhas

using the Sanqianfo gongming boachan H^p life $£ 4=1 JiE'H1 over three days. A release of

burning mouths ceremony is held on the evening of the final day. Regularly holding these

multi-day ceremonies are said to generate tremendous (even limitless) amounts of merit

which the monks have the ability to transfer to those individuals supporting these rituals.

This merit can only be generated with a combination of ritual know-how and clerical

manpower—Kaiyuan, unlike most smaller temples, has plenty of both and is therefore

able to stage these ceremonies and bring in greater amounts of income while generating a

lively calendar of religious events.

This ritual know-how, in addition to supporting the operations of the monastery,

also translates into an opportunity to generate personal income for the monks involved in

performing the rituals—monks receive modest amounts of money for their participation.

Monks at Kaiyuan are all aware that ritual know-how is a profitable skill that one may

learn at Kaiyuan. This is one of the reasons that monks are attracted to Kaiyuan; it is also

the reason that other monks who prefer to cultivate knowledge or other forms of practice

are not attracted to Kaiyuan, which is rightly seen as not providing a systematically

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER FIVE- Religious Life 241

supportive base for such pursuits I know of one young monk who sincerely wished to

deepen his knowledge of Buddhism and meditation and was frustrated to find that such

opportunities were lacking at Kaiyuan and therefore left It has also been suggested to me

that monks with less education from rural backgrounds are generally more eager to learn

and participate in ritual services while more educated or urbane monks try to rise up

through the clerical hierarchy

Chinese New Year

Chinese New Year is marked with a 10,000 Buddha ceremony which involves the

chanting often thousand names of the Buddha over the first fifteen days of the lunar new

year (e g 2/18-3/4 in 2007) using the Wanfo hongming baochan 7l\%$<%i 3L \f (the first

chapter of the Sutra of Buddha Names \%\&\%%i± T 14, No 440) I was told that

monasteries traditionally use ten days for this recitation, but Kaiyuan stretches it to

fifteen Buddhas, bodhisattvas and dharma protectors are invited to come and the

chanting of the 10,000 names of the Buddha takes place in the main hall There are three

sessions of chanting in the morning and two sessions in the evening The chanting is

broadcast over loud speakers mounted on the mam hall and a loud, somewhat noisy

sound carries throughout much of the monastic complex, spreading a sonorous blessing

of "Buddhaness "

The ceremony is performed with the intention of bringing real and lasting peace

and happiness to all beings Lay Buddhists and worshipers are invited to make donations

in order to be recognized as official patrons of this grand ceremony and thereby earn

tremendous amounts of merit Those donating at the appropriate level will have their

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER FIVE Religious Life 242

names and petitions (e.g. peace for the whole family) written on red slips of paper called

tablets (luwei ? § j i or paiwei j$Hi) placed in the main hall. An informational sign is

posted at the gates and outside the main hall encouraging this form of patronage. The

signs explain that the tablets will bring prosperity and eliminate troubles (zhifu xioazai).

The signs detail all the benefits that will come to those who participate, most of which are

worldly in nature (health, wealth, success in career, smooth work etc) followed by a

statement of reasons more specifically Buddhist and religious in nature such as opening

the Buddha gate and renewing the power of the Dharma. Patrons are invited to participate

at different levels; one who sponsors the event with ten thousand, five thousand or two

thousand yuan is said to gain tremendous amounts of merit. Other levels of participation

are available for one hundred or five hundred yuan, but it is understood that the more one

donates, the greater the benefit one will receive.

There were hundreds of these red slips of paper in the hall when I was there in

2009. At the bottom of the informational sign is written "Quanzhou Great Kaiyuan

Monastery" and the contact names listed are all monks. This contrasts with other temples

in China where ritualistic activities may be organized and money collected by non-

monastics; such is not the case at Kaiyuan. Monks sit at a table just outside or inside the

main hall where patrons may register their names and make their donations. This process

begins about two months before the event takes place to enable patrons plenty of time to

earn a place in the main hall to accrue the benefits associated with the grand ten thousand

Buddha ceremony. On the ninth day a vegetarian offering ceremony {gongtianzhai yi i£

3^$xii>0 is held at 7:00 A.M. and a release of life ceremony at 9:00 A.M.

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER FIVE: Religious Life 243

 The release of life ceremonies that I have witnessed have all involved the release

of birds, most often small birds in long rectangular cages, but once doves were released

and subsequently came to nest under the eaves of several buildings. The release of life

ceremony is conducted with eleven monks, five standing at each side of a small square

table set in the main courtyard and the lead monk standing at the head of the table,

leading the liturgy [Figure 86]. One monk plays a kind of tambourine, while others play

the wooden fish and cymbals. Monks wear yellow robes and chant; some follow along in

small liturgy books. On the square table sits a small statue of Guanyin with flower

offerings and a vase containing pure water and a willow branch. Behind the table is the

cage of birds. All the monks chant common chants such as the Great Compassion mantra

and the Heart Sutra; the lead monk sprinkles water on the animals using the willow

branch, bestows the dharma upon them and the triple refugee. At the conclusion of the

ceremony the cages are opened and the animals released. The first release of life

ceremony I watched did not turn out so well for some of the birds. The old ladies in

brown robes scrambled to tear open the cages, presumably to earn merit from being the

one to release the animals. In their zeal, however, several birds were maimed, some

seriously.

Sometime on the fifteenth day the tablets are all removed from the main hall in

preparation for the release of burning mouths ceremony (yuanman jixiang yankou MSM pf

W')& P ) , which is held on the evening of the final day of festivities. The release of

burning mouths (fang yankou) ceremonies are the most striking of all; they are held in the

evening and are more theatrical than any other [Figure 87]. The elaborate ritual begins

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER FIVE. Religious Life 244

around sun down and last from two to four hours. The leader of the ceremony sits in the

middle of the hall, high above the other monks, wearing the ceremonial five-pointed

Vairocana hat. All the monks chant the common sutras, mantras and verses (such as those

used in the daily services) throughout the ceremony. In addition they use a text called the

Burning Mouths Yoga (yujia yankou); guided by this text the leader chants almost

continually, and accents his chanting by forming mudras, sounding the dorje-topped bell

and holding the dorje (or vajra) and other instruments. Below the lead monk is a large

table at which sit six or ten monks, three or five on each side, facing one another. Each

participant has a copy of the ceremony book which they use to follow along. Several

monks ring dorje-tipped bells in unison. Another monk sits off to the side playing a large

drum and a small temple bell. Lay persons kneel in attendance and offer incense when

instructed to do so by the hall monitor monk. An additional monk is on hand to provide

the monks with hot drinking water.

I have been told that the ceremony requires an odd number of monks; I take this

to mean that there should be an odd number of monks involved in recitation, which is

what I have observed. The instances of the ceremony that I have witnessed have had one

leader, six or ten accompanying reciters, one drummer, one hall monk and one assistant,

making a total often to fourteen monks. In 2006 I was told that a ceremony could be

commissioned for ¥3,000 (375 USD), most of which goes to the temple's general coffers.

During the ceremony two altars are erected outside; one is set with offerings of

fruit, incense and flowers for Guanyin, the other is set with offerings of food, oil, incense

33
See Orzech 1989 for the Tang origin of the fang yankou ritual and Orzech 2002 221-225 for a detailed
description of the rite according to canonical sources.

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER FIVE Religious Life 245

and bags of paper money with gold leaf offered to a spirit tablet. The ceremony, held

under the cover of dark, marked by melodious chanting, punctuated by bells and drums,

makes quite an atmospheric feast for the senses. This tantric rite had been introduced

during the Tang Dynasty and has remained an important feature of monasteries to the

present day, in part for its ability to generate funds and in part by the demand for a

ceremony which could benefit the deceased. As explained to me by one of Kaiyuan's

more informed monks, the lead monk, through tantric ritual, embodies Guanyin

bodhisattva and then descends to the realm of hungry ghosts, using mantras opens their

mouths and offers them food, drink and instruction in the dharma, so that they may be

released from their suffering. Thus the rite is called the "release [from suffering] of

[hungry ghosts with] burning mouths" who can neither quench their thirst nor satisfy

their hunger. It earns tremendous merit which those commissioning the rite typically

transmit to benefit departed family members. Rites like this one and several others are

performed regularly and add an unmistakable sense of living religiosity. Monks involved

in these rituals engage in the liturgical/ritual mode of religious practice, a characteristic

mode for monks anywhere.

Religious Activities Not Revived at Kaiyuan

Apart from the forms of religious activities that have been revived at Kaiyuan,

there remain import forms of religious cultivation that would have been present at

Kaiyuan as late as the Qing but have yet to be revived. One of the most obvious activities

missing at a Chan monastery is a regular schedule of communal meditation. There is no

formal Chan hall at Kaiyuan such as there is at Gaomin, Baolin and other monasteries in

China today, nor is there a scheduled time for practice such as there is at the afore-

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER FIVE: Religious Life 246

mentioned sites as well as at Fuzhou's Gushan. One of the monks has described

Kaiyuan as being Chan in name, but Pure Land in practice.

Another practice one finds revived at monasteries in China is the communal

recitation of Mahayana sutras. Kaiyuan monks regularly chant the Amitabha Sutra on

nianfo days and parts of sutras during the daily services, but they do not recite other

classic Mahayana sutras. Other monasteries, such as Gaomin, have a hall arrayed with

several rows of long tables, set with dozens of chairs and places to set sutras for group

recitation. They will recite sutras such as the Flower Ornament Sutra {Huayanjing) and

the Diamond Sutra (Jingangjing). A final activity that I have neither seen nor heard of

happening at Kaiyuan is the giving of a dharma talk by the abbot or any other monk, such

as would have occurred during the Republican period. The activities that have been

revived may be said to constitute the minimal form of communal practice required to

constitute a contemporary Chinese Buddhist monastery (the morning and evening

services).35 In addition to these are twice-weekly nianfo services open to the public

conducted by about a dozen monks and monthly nianfo services on lunar twenty-six.

Apart from these regular opportunities for personal-cultivation in a group setting, there

are merit-making opportunities in the form of providing ritual services to worshippers

and laity and in the context of the annual festival calendar described above.

Non-Monastics

That monks rely on laypersons to support their vocation is a notion that is built

into the understanding of the fourfold Sangha comprised of monks, nuns, laymen and

34
I have participated in meditation in the halls of Baolin and Gaomin Monasteries (2009) and I have been
told that weekly mediation takes place at Fuzhou Gushan by a monk who resides there.
15
My understanding of this as the normative minimum is based on conversations with monastics.

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER FIVE. Religious Life 247

laywomen This is a case where canonical, disembodied understanding presents a certain

kind of expectation that lived experience does not bear out, at least in the expected

manner Indeed, the monastics at Kaiyuan, are supported by donations, but it is difficult

to say that the donations are provided primarily by Buddhist laypersons Donations come

from worshipers, some of whom are laypersons, but most of whom have not formally

taken refuge and are not formally members of the Buddhist laity As found in the survey

by Yao and Badham they may offer incense to and bow before the Buddhas, but they are

not Buddhists The same individuals will go and exercise the same form of religious

behavior at temples to Guanggong, Mazu or the Jade Emperor, depending on the makeup

of their "personal pantheon " These are Kaiyuan's "incense guests" or worshipers, they

form the majority of Kaiyuan's visitors Several of Kaiyuan's monks decry the ignorance

of these people about Buddhism, they say that the worshipers believe in gods that have

nothing to do with Buddhism One monk has said that as recently as the late 90s

worshipers would bring ducks, chickens, he even saw a pig head being offered to the

Buddhas When he took the head away, a worshiper argued with him, he had to explain

that non-vegetarian offerings were not appropriate in Buddhism He says that people

seem to have gotten the message The first group of non-monastic patrons, then, are

worshipers

Worshipers

Among worshipers there can be distinguished three divisions, two of which are based on

maintaining a proper relationship with the Buddhas and Bodhisattvas These are those

who regularly come on lunar twenty-six and other major festivals, but who are not

Buddhists These individuals are locals who are drawn to the spiritual power of Kaiyuan

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER FIVE Religious Life 248

and the excitement and energy of the auspicious days celebrated by the monastery. I

would estimate that at least eighty percent or more of these visitors are women aged forty

and up.

A second type of worshiper, also maintaining good relations with deities are

visitors and pilgrims who offer incense and bow to the Buddhas and Bodhisattvas. These

individuals come because they have a concern or problem and they seek spiritual aid

wherever it may be found, or they are travelers or pilgrims who stop by to have a look

and pay their respects. The main difference between this category of worshiper and the

first is the lack of frequency, which reflects a different kind of religious habitus or set of

practical circumstances (they may not be local, they may be less pious etc.).

A third type of worshiper comes to Kaiyuan with a specific need requiring ritual

action, either related to the death of a family member (chaudu) or a concern in one's

immediate life, it could be for success in a business venture, concern about a legal issue

or something else (xiaozai). Such rituals are most often commissioned by men, typically

businessmen [Figures 88-89]. Although they are employing the monks in ritual/liturgical

mode, I tend to think of these individuals themselves as operating on a much more

immediate and simple level and therefore reflecting the immediate-practical mode of

"doing" religion. They have a need and the monks will provide the service they request

("doing" religion in the ritual mode). Depending on the ritual requested, they may be

present for the performance of the ritual. In such cases monks will instruct them how and

when to kneel or stand and so forth.

These then are the three basic types of worshipers one finds at Kaiyuan and they

are best identified along the lines of how they "do" religion at Kaiyuan. It may be

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER FIVE: Religious Life 249

possible to elaborate further subdivisions, but these three groups are adequate to provide

a picture of this dimension of Kaiyuan's religious life. This brings us to the final category

of religious actor at Kaiyuan, the laity.

Laypersons

While the majority of Kaiyuan's visitors are not lay Buddhists, there are certainly

Buddhists who are involved with Kaiyuan on various levels. I propose four types of lay-

relationships. The first are those associated with the monastery in various capacities.

There are non-monastics who work or volunteer at the monastery because they identify as

Buddhists and wish to be close to the monastery, offering it support. I know a handful of

individuals who fall into this category. These individuals give time and labor, more so

than donations. Their mode of practice is best categorized as relational; their support for

the monastery expresses a desire to support the three jewels.

A second group are those who regularly join the twice-weekly nianfo sessions,

lunar twenty-sixth days and holidays. These are the older women, joined by the

occasional man, who dress in dark gowns and regularly attend nianfo sessions whenever

they are held at Kaiyuan [Figures 77, 80-81, 85]. They are engaged in personal-

cultivation; they are preparing to enter the Pure Land. They may not show great

sophistication in their understanding of doctrine, but they express dedication. Their

reliable and strong presence at Kaiyuan's nianfo sessions provides a good deal of

credibility to the public religious role of Kaiyuan monastery. As many as ten monks are

regularly involved in leading these laypersons in the chanting of the Amitabha Sutra and

circumambulation. Copies of the sutra are provided by the monastery and stored in the

main hall for their use and there is no fee associated with joining these sessions. A

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER FIVE Religious Life 250

subgroup of this type is the layperson association that holds their own liturgical services

and dharma talks. The monks have no relationship with these persons, the monastery

simply provides them with a space in which to meet.

A third group of laypersons are those Buddhists who regularly visit the monastery

on lunar twenty-six and other major festival days and on lunar first and fifteenth

whenever they can. These individuals do not dress in brown robes as their primary

interest is not nianfo. They are younger as a group and their mode of doing religion is

relational, maintain a good relationship with their faith by regularly recharging their

contact with the three jewel in a formal monastic setting. They regularly contribute to the

monastery as part of their duty to support the three jewels.

A final type of layperson are those who have cultivated relationships with certain

monks or the abbot and regularly visit with them; they may also take them to dinner.

Every religious organization has people who get involved with it on a personal level.

These Buddhists will have different ways of "doing" religion. Some are more interested

in Buddhist thought and may do religion in the discursive mode and enter into

discussions on various topics about Buddhist thought, practice, history or current events.

Others are interested in personal cultivation and find it inspiring to be near monastics and

enjoy cultivating a relationship with a member of the Sangha. Still others are more

specifically directed at building a certain relationship with members of the Sangha

(relational mode). Some of these lay Buddhists are invited to travel with the monks;

invited to special events or ceremonies at other locations. These invitations may be based

These laypersons used to meet m a building behind the monastery proper but began to meet in the old
school auditorium m 2008

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER FIVE Religious Life 251

on friendship, mutual needs to develop or maintain connections (guanxi), economic

considerations or face; it enhances a monk's reputation to have lay disciples.

A subgroup of this final type are members of local and provincial offices of the

China Buddhist Association who have relationships with the abbot and higher-ranking

monks. They stop in to keep tabs on what is happening or to discuss an issue, meeting or

plan. The relationship with these individuals, however, perhaps significantly, does not fit

into any of the modes of doing religion; their relationships with the monks or abbot being

based on a bureaucratic basis are not about reverence, patronage or keeping some kind of

religiously-informed relationship.

Laypersons, Worshipers and Monastery Economics

The most common rituals that one may request at Kaiyuan and most other Buddhist

temples are funerary rituals (chaodu) and rituals to eliminate disasters (xiaozai). Rituals

to eliminate disasters are most typically requested by businessmen who have the means to

order such ceremonies and live in a cultural context where it makes sense to seek help in

one's ventures from the other world. Income from the performance of rituals, especially

funeral rituals, rites to eliminate misfortune and the release of burning mouths ceremony

were also said to bring in 4-5,000,000 RMB (500,000 to 650,000 USD) per year.37 Fang

yankou ceremonies are the most elaborate, they are performed between twelve and

twenty times a year. Funeral services involve the burning of elaborate paper houses and

other items to send to the dead; these ceremonies can cost up to 10,000 RMB (1,250 USD)

for the most fancy paper house [Figures 88-89]. There was once a family that requested

37
Interviews conducted m 2006.

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER FIVE- Religious Lije 252

three of these most fancy houses for a grand total of 30,000 yuan (almost 4,000 USD,

more than a year's salary for an average working individual). Famous historic

monasteries attract more of such business if, as they almost by definition are, considered

to be extra spiritually efficacious.

In addition to donations offered at collection boxes on lunar twenty-sixth or made

when commissioning ritual services, there is a steady flow of income from the burning of

"gold paper" (paper embossed with a thin sheet of gold) in one of two special furnaces

that stand next to the hall of the ordination platform. The paper burns and the gold falls to

the bottom of a pit below the furnace where it can be collected by the monastery and

resold. This is a common practice throughout Fujian and is said to be a significant source
TO

of income for temples be they Buddhist, Daoist or temples of folk deities. Gold paper

may be offered at anytime, even when a fire is not burning, in which case it will be

burned later. Special holidays and lunar twenty-sixth at Kaiyuan see the burning of piles

and piles of gold paper; it is also a common component of post-mortem rituals. The

offering of gold paper is generally done in the immediate-practical mode of practice. In

the process of burning the gold paper is thought to be transferred to gods, ghosts or

ancestors and each of these beings is thought to have the power to bless the one making

the offering. Gold paper frequently has a Chinese character on it such as "fortune" or

"long-life" which is thought to be bestowed upon the one making the offering by the

deity or bodhisattva. The more educated monks frown on these practices as elements of

38
According to one informant, Kaiyuan collects between 500 and 800 jm of gold per month (oneyzw is half
a kilogram) is said to be collected or about 4,000 kilograms of gold per year But I think there must be a
mistake in here somewhere, it seems like an awful lot Nevertheless, there is a significant amount of
income generated, but I suspect it shouldn't be more than the amount generated by tickets or donations on
lunar twenty-six which are each said to bring in about ¥6 milhon/yr (interviews, Quanzhou, 2006, 2009)
,9
On paper offerings of all kinds see Scott 2007

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER FIVE Religious Life

folk belief and there prevalence at monasteries like Kaiyuan indicate the frequent

intersection of folk modes of religion in "elite" contexts.

Profiles of Monks

We have examined the schedules and activities of the monks, but we have yet to

meet any of them as individuals with a story. Brief profiles of five monks at Kaiyuan,

three high-ranking and two low-ranking, will give a sense of the range of motivations and

backgrounds one finds among a group of monastics in contemporary China. This will

introduce the individuals behind the robes who, to an outsider, are too often a

homogenous mass of monks. Names have been modified in the interest of maintaining a

measure of confidentiality, although none of these monks requested such anonymity. The

following accounts present portraits of monks largely in their own words.

Dali

Dali was born in 1976 in southern Fujian and visited Kaiyuan as a youth; he

became a monk inl996. His mother was a Buddhist nun, but during the Cultural

Revolution she was forced into lay life; after the implementation of the new policy on

religion she returned to life as a nun with her own small temple. Dali's sister became a

Buddhist vegetarian auntie (caigu); in short, Dali's whole family has come to dedicate

themselves in one way or another to Buddhism.

Since childhood Dali has had poor health which has limited his livelihood options

to some extent. He tried his hand at business by opening a small retail store, but it was

not successful. It was after this failure that he decided to try life as a monk. He originally

thought he would try it for two or three years, but found that he enjoyed the life and has

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER FIVE: Religious Life 254

remained a monk since. Dali has risen within Kaiyuan's hierarchy to hold a high position.

He is young and not particularly educated in Buddhist doctrine or history, but he is

handsome, thoughtful and good with people. He is so busy with administrative affairs

that he has practically no time for advanced-cultivation or study and his health remains

poor.

Farong

Farong was born around 1970; he is from Southwest China and does not speak the

local dialect. After graduating from college he became a teacher of Chinese at a middle

school in his home province. He didn't like it much, however, feeling that he was not

good at it because his personality is too quiet. He likes to travel independently and every

school holiday he traveled on his own. In China, tourist and travel destinations inevitably

include many temples; visiting temples, he developed an interest in Buddhism.

He decided to become a monk somewhat abruptly during Chinese New Year

holiday in 1997. At the time he was not happy about his work and he didn't like Chinese

New Year celebrations; he always felt they were crowded and noisy. He went to travel in

the mountains of Hunan. Staying in hotel, his roommate announced that he wanted to

become a monk. This person told him a lot about how good life as a monk is: they don't

need to worry about things such as food, money or clothes. His reasons were not about

Buddhism in particular, but about the lifestyle. Farong decided to become a monk along

with this other man. The two of them visited many large temples but none would take

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER FIVE: Religious Life 255

them. It is more difficult to gain entry to large temples; they ask for proof of singleness,

parent's permission and so on. It is much easier to become a monk at a small temple that

has few monks, but they tried to go to big temples because his friend knew that life was

easier at larger temples; smaller temples require more physical labor. One temple let them

stay for a few days; it was there that Farong met a monk whose master was from his same

province and suggested this master might accept him as a disciple. Farong traveled two

hours to meet this master who did accept him as a disciple.

Before Farong became a monk he didn't know much about Buddhism; just had

impressions from external rituals. His master was older, conservative and strict. He

instructed Farong which texts to read. He was the only monk ordained at his ordination.

Before ordination he had to take a test which required him to memorize large sections of

the morning and evening service book; he passed after one week of study. He is the only

son in his family (he has a younger sister) and his parents were not happy with his

decision at first, but they have come to accept it since he is happy. Farong has also risen

to a relatively high rank in the monastic hierarchy. He is one of the few monks with a

university education; he has a beautiful chanting voice and in 2006 he regularly chanted

sutras in the morning. He is well respected by laypersons and monks alike.

Deru

Deru is from Fujian. He had a job in which he earned 75 RMB (9 USD) per week;

he switched to a job at a frozen meat factory where he could earn 1,500 RMB (200 USD)

per month. Although he could earn much more money in this job, he never liked working

with dead animals. One day his friend brought him to a temple where he learned

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER FIVE: Religious Life 256

something about Buddhism for the first time and liked it. He went on to become a lay

Buddhist and two years later he quit his job at the meat factory to become a monk. He

recalls the day his head was shaved as one of momentous change. He was thirty years old

and although he had had several girlfriends he was still single. He is now forty-five and

has risen to a high position in the hierarchy of Kaiyuan. He is loud and energetic and

receives many visitors.

When I first met Deru, he lived in his own room which included a private

bathroom. Like other monks of rank, he has his own washing machine and furnishings

that he has acquired, which include a wooden bed and matching tea table, made at a cost

of 5,000 RMB (625 USD). On the small low table is a hot plate for boiling water for tea

which includes a side for sterilizing cups. He has a computer with high speed internet

connection which sits on a simple desk. His speakers continually play the sounds of

instant messages being received on his QQ account which come in sets of three sharp

raps on a wooden door. One also continually hears the sounds of the Amitabha mantra

which plays over a small device which loops a recording of monks chanting to the

rhythm of wooden fish and bells. This device sits on a shelf which is part of Deru's

personal shrine which includes a golden Buddha, a photo of his master and an intricate

white porcelain sculpture. Most monks at Kaiyuan live in relatively spartan conditions; I

mention these more luxurious conditions because they are shared to some degree by most

of the higher ranking monks at large monasteries, at Kaiyuan there are less than a dozen

monks of this stature.

Anlu

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER FIVE- Religious Life 257

Anlu is from Anhui and was a sickly child; he said nurses couldn't find a place to give

him a shot in his rear or put an I.V. in his arm that hadn't already been poked. His

principle complaint was a hardened part of his neck. The medicine prescribed for him

cost 100 RMB (12 USD) per month which was too much for his family to afford. It was

also said that for a person in his condition the best treatment would be to live as a monk

in a temple, so he became a monk at the age of fifteen. He continued the medicine for one

month then stopped taking it as his health improved and the hard area on his neck had

cleared up.

He came to Kaiyuan because he hoped to learn more than he was learning at the

small temple in the South which was how to play dharma instruments in ceremonies and

not much else. He had practiced meditation from three months at another monastery and

wished to continue his practice, but found the conditions unsuitable at Kaiyuan. He was

disappointed with the lack of opportunities for study and meditation at Kaiyuan and he

passed time practicing calligraphy before leaving for another temple after a year and half.

He struck me as a young, earnest monk who wanted to practice and study Buddhism but

was still seeking the best conditions to do so.

Bulin

He is the only son in his family and at the age often he decided he wanted to

learn martial arts; his parents couldn't stop him from going to Shaolin Temple to study.

He planned to stay half a year; it was harder than he expected and he thought about

running away. Some older students had run away; he thought it was because they knew

how to run away, at ten he was too young to figure out how to escape. He could have

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER FIVE: Religious Life 258

asked his parents to get him out, but it would have been a loss of face. The first thing he

did when he went back home was to take a bath with his Dad; when his Dad saw his legs

bruised and his back with red marks all over it his Dad couldn't conceal his tears. When

he went back home, his mom, sisters, aunt, everyone in the family who saw his bruises

cried and tried to stop him from returning to Shaolin Temple. But feeling that after half a

year he was just getting started, he didn't want to waste the pain he had endured; he also

missed the friends he had made so he went back.

He first studied mastered the basics of elementary kungfu (tongzi gong ML~f'~$$)\

at the age of fourteen he began to study the use of weapons. Over the years he has

traveled and performed all over China and Southeast Asia. When he turned seventeen he

became a kungfu instructor but he didn't like the pressure, the workload or his boss who

was tough on him and blamed him if anything went wrong. Some monks began to joke

with him that his head was already shaved, why didn't he become a real monk where life

was much easier? Bulin confessed, "To be honest that is the only reason I wanted to

become a monk. I didn't know anything about Buddhism. I saw with my own eyes that a

monk could receive a red envelope (hongbao) containing 2000 RMB (250 USD) just for

burning a tall stick of incense for someone!" He couldn't believe it; the life of a monk

was so easy, he decided to become a novice.

After a few years life was so easy that he got bored. He wanted to travel, try

another place; a friend introduced him to Kaiyuan. In 2006, he, like other regular monks,

was paid a stipend of a little over 900 RMB (115 USD) per month. He has no regrets

about becoming a novice, but he feels that his life has been so easy and comfortable that

he would not be able to handle secular life.

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER FIVE: Religions Life 259

Patterns among Monastic Biographies

While the five profiles presented above constitute a small sample, together they

present several patterns that are worth noting. Two of the five were sickly children; one

of these become a monk because of his condition and the prohibitive cost of treatment.

Four of the five were dissatisfied with the occupations in which they were engaged

immediately before becoming a monk—one's business failed, the others were unhappy

for various reasons. Two were partially influenced in their decisions to become monks by

visiting Buddhist temples; a third by living at a temple when he was studying martial arts.

Two were influenced by casual remarks made to them about becoming a monk. Only two

of the five had much experience with Buddhism before becoming a monk, the others

knew very little about the religion apart from superficial impressions. Two admit being

attracted by the promise of a life of ease. This latter motivation is, I suspect, one that

enters into the minds of the majority of Kaiyuan's monks and monks across China. It is

not the only motivation, but it is a prominent one.

Welch gathered biographical information on thirty-nine Chinese monks from the

first half of the twentieth century (twenty-eight from interviews and eleven from

documentary sources). Of these cases thirteen had some failure or disappointment and

sought to escape the secular world, six had been ill as children, six had been orphaned,

six liked monks and the atmosphere of monasteries, four were interested in Buddhist

study and practice, two were persuaded by relatives who were monks, one wanted

supernormal powers and one felt hated by his parents. The reasons provided are

comparable to the reasons of the small sample from Kaiyuan. The most common reason

40
Welch 1967 258-269

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER FIVE. Religious Lije 260

in both groups was disappointment in the secular world and a wish to escape. Two of

Kaiyuan's monks had been ill and two were partially influenced by enjoying the

atmosphere of monasteries and one was influenced by family members in the sangha. The

only different reason of note provided by Kaiyuan's monks, not recorded by Welch was

desire for an easy life. This reason is superficially similar to a desire to escape the secular

world, but remains more solidly of the world—an easy material life, as opposed to a life

of freedom from secular cares. Apart from this possible difference related to a more

materialistic outlook, the other reasons suggest a good deal of consonance between early

twentieth century motivations to join the sangha and late twentieth century.

Georges Dreyfus, who studied for fifteen years as a monk among the Tibetan

community in Dharamsala, India, notes that "scholars (dpe cha ba) followed a strict

schedule throughout their scholarly training," while "most monks (grwa mang) lead a

relatively easy life."41 Thus in the Tibetan Gelukba tradition there is a split between the

scholar-monk core and the rest of the monastic body. A similar split existed in pre-1950s

Tibet as well. Goldstein describes two broad divisions among monks at Tibet's largest

monastery, Drepung: those engaged in formal study of Buddhism, the "scholar monks,"

and those who were not. The former accounted for about 10% of the monastic

population. At Kaiyuan this would mean eight of the monks would be part of this elite

group. Goldstein relates that the other monks were often illiterate and apart from some

41
Emphasis added. Dreyfus provides no details about the life of "most monks." He trained as a scholar-
monk and that is the life he describes in detail. Dreyfus 2003 65
42
Goldstein 1998 21

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER FIVE Religious Life 261

work obligations they were "free to do what they liked." This entailed earning a living

because there were no communal meals nor a sufficient stipend provided by Drepung.44

It is a split analogous to the Korean Zen tradition described by Buswell, in which

the meditators were separated from the rest of the monastic body to focus on meditation.

Dreyfus provides a detailed account of the training of the scholar monk, but almost no

information about the lives of "most monks." One thing common to monks in the Tibetan

tradition is a trial period designed to instill self-discipline; Dreyfus describes the trial

period as a kind of "boot camp," which could last several years. I spoke to no monks in

China who mentioned anything about a rigorous trial period; some were required to

memorize most of the daily service, but that was to become ordained. Kaiyuan's monks

generally fit into the category of "most monks" described by Dreyfus as leading "an easy

life." What Kaiyuan and most other monasteries in China, are missing, however, is a core

of monks receiving rigorous training. This lack of rigorous training is related to a lack of

qualified, able-bodied and ambitious leaders, especially in the early years of recovery.

There is a kind of monk that was not included among these five who is a common

type at temples across China. This monk is much like Bulin who was attracted to a life of

ease, but unlike Bulin they are not masters of Kungfu, but they become, also unlike Bulin,

masters of ritual, through which they supplement their monthly stipends. Some of these

monks develop an interest in Buddhism, but others, if they are not kept in line through

4j
Goldstein 1998:21.
44
Goldstein 1998-21.

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER FIVE: Religious Life 262

oversight and discipline, may, as suggested above, disregard traditional forms of decorum

and, even, the precepts. 5

Who are Kaiyuan's monks? Some are very serious, most are not; some are

knowledgeable about Buddhism, most are not; many specialize in rituals, others in

administrative tasks; some paint, write calligraphy or play the Chinese zither (guqin "fi"

^ ) , others have no special abilities. The different profiles of monk that one finds at

Kaiyuan and other monasteries reflect both the needs of monasteries and the vagaries of

human ability and circumstance. A monastery must have administrative types and those

who may serve in that capacity are often neither scholars nor contemplatives. If the

monastery is to maintain a good reputation it must also have monks who are, or present

themselves as, devout. If it is to meet the needs of a community that demands rituals it

must also have monks with the ritual expertise and the willingness to serve them; such

monks often have little or no time for self-cultivation. These few comments, applicable to

any time or place, have already begun to bring monks down to a less idealized plane of

existence. We now consider conditions particular to contemporary mainland China,

which have brought on added pressures.

Unqualified Monks

Chinese temples are being rebuilt at a pace that many observers agree exceeds

China's ability to train qualified monks to staff them. The narrative that I have heard

from monks and laypersons alike runs as follows: Chinese Buddhism has suffered a

45
Whatever disregard for precepts that monks at Kaiyuan may have is neither open nor wanton, so if they
drink alcohol, eat meat or have sexual relations, which I surmise that some do, it is not done openly and I
have not been privy to such errant behavior

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER FIVE Religious Life 263

period of interruption {zhongduan leyiduan shijian). This interruption lasted from

liberation (1949) up to about 1979, some thirty years. Recovery began in the late 70s and

was helped along with the recovery of the religion policy {huifu zongjiao zhengce).47

During the period of religious suppression there were no active monks, without monks to

serve as models and teachers, recovery began without sufficient guidance. When

restrictions against religious practice were eased and temples began to be recovered for

religious use, there were simply too few qualified monastics to tend these newly re-

opened temples; as a result, there was a lowering of standards (jiangdi biaozhun) and

many uneducated and marginally suitable individuals became ordained monks and moved

into temples; many of these even assumed positions of leadership.48 A good number of

people ordained as monks did not have a firm belief in Buddhism or understanding of its

principles making it easier for them to break precepts or make mistakes (rongyifanjie,

rongyifan cuowu).

Why, one may wonder, would someone ignorant of Buddhism want to shave their

head and enter the order? Some of the questionable reasons for entering a monastery

include fleeing a marriage that has soured or a business that has failed. Others may be

attracted to what they see as an easy life or even a path of socio-economic advancement,

46
^mi-wmm
48
The most scandalous result of this situation, if verified, would be the existence of clergy who are married
(and have children). This has been the suggestion I have received from good authority, but not having been
able to verify it or even corroborate with additional testimony, I leave it, for now, restricted to this note.
49
^?J§<fBJt£> 3§r H<fEfi=fil;. If monks are, in fact, wantonly breaking precepts, this would be a serious
danger to the viability of their monastery Maintenance of monastic discipline, in other words, keeping the
precepts or at least the appearance of keeping the precepts, has long been the most important factor in
maintaining the public's support of the monastic order In her study of Ming dynasty Buddhism, Yii Chun-
fang notes that "it was the monks' failure to keep discipline that always evoked the ire of the public, while
their lack of doctrinal originality or intellectual brilliance was apparently a matter worthy of little
comment" (Yu 1981 143-144 ) I concur that monastic discipline trumps doctrinal knowledge or
meditational accomplishment in the eyes of the public

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER FIVE Religious Life 264

a path that confers more status and/or income than other options These have been

presented and are assumed to be poor motivations for a religious life But I will maintain

that they are not, in themselves, damning They are primarily damning to an idealized

view of what monks should be A natural counter to this might be, aren't monks supposed

to conform to an ideal type' To such a concern, I would reply, yes, and add that in some

minimal sense, Kaiyuan's monks do conform to the monastic ideal If there are problems

with monastic discipline they are not flagrant or public Monks at Kaiyuan maintain

shaved heads, they where robes, monastic slippers, regularly eat vegetarian meals, live

away from home and family and live in a devotional environment that inevitably rubs off

on them to some degree Monks conform to some measure of the ideal monk-type and in

doing so they become different from non-monastics Even if being a monk is perceived

as a kind of job and if Kaiyuan is seen as service provider, as a purveyor of merit and

spiritual efficacy, Kaiyuan's monks remain employed in a fundamentally religious role

Michael Walsh has recently published a study of medieval Chinese monasteries,

focused on Tiantong Monastery entitled "Sacred Economies " Without going into all the

details of his multi-layered argument, he proceeds to argue that monasteries are sacred

spaces as well as fundamentally economic institutions and concludes that monasteries

represent "sacred economies " He begins by pointing out the economic nature of

monasteries

Throughout East Asia, and particularly in China, the sangha became,

among other things, one of the most powerful economic forces in society
Those Buddhist monasteries in the Chinese empire that sought to
accumulate wealth increased their chances of institutionalized longevity
A large Buddhist monastery was thoroughly institutional, that is, a social
and physical structure that defined, imposed, and maintained sets of social
values, and sought to acquire and distribute capital—economic, cultural,

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER FIVE Religious Life

 or otherwise—in a competitive manner Producing an income, and
preferably owning property, was a necessity for early Christian monastic
institutions, so too, it turns out, with Chinese Buddhist monasteries 50

Monasteries saw survival as a paramount goal, the survival of Buddhism was seen

to rest on the survival of the Sangha The is understandable enough The question

that Walsh asks is how did Buddhists get land owners to donate their lands'? In

short, they offered a precious product in exchange, merit They convinced the

elites that being a good Buddhist meant donating land to the Sangha We have

seen how Kaiyuan, today, elicits donations during festival periods by promising

tremendous amounts of merit to those donating significant amounts of money In

the medieval period there was a merit-land relationship, today it is a merit-cash

relationship

While the merit-cash exchange is a fundamental part of monastic-

lay/worshiper relations and an important dimension of the institutional life of the

monastery it is not the defining characteristic of intra-clergy relations Intra-clergy

relations are the normative raison d'etre of the monastic sangha and should

involve some communal form of religious cultivation or at least the opportunity

for personal cultivation These intra-clergy relations are the true core of the

religious life of the monastery This chapter has described the daily schedule of

the monks marked by morning and evening periods of group practice (zao wan

ke), framed by morning and evening bells and drums and interspersed with three

communal meals m the dining hall This constitutes the daily communal practice

311
Walsh 2010 6

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER FIVE Religious Life 266

of monks at Kaiyuan. Apart from this there are opportunities for personal

cultivation such as reciting sutras in one's room, studying sutras on one's own,

circumambulating halls, and meditating or chanting in one's room.

The previous chapter demonstrated the abbot's focus on the physical

rebuilding and expansion of Kaiyuan; the present overview of religious life at

Kaiyuan demonstrates an emphasis on Pure Land practice (nianfo) and merit-

generating rituals. The following chapters will investigate further dimensions of

the monastery so as to generate a more complete portrait of Chinese Buddhist

monasticism at Kaiyuan; those important dimensions include material and cultural

assets, its reputation for spiritual efficacy and relations with the state.

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER FIVE: Religious Life 267

 VOLUME II

History, Material Culture and Auspicious Events at the Purple Cloud:

Buddhist Monasticism at Quanzhou Kaiyuan
by

Brian J. Nichols

A THESIS SUBMITTED
IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE
REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE

Doctor of Philosophy

HOUSTON, TEXAS
APRIL 2011
 RICE UNIVERSITY

History, Material Culture and Auspicious Events at the Purple Cloud:

Buddhist Monasticism at Quanzhou Kaiyuan
by

Brian J. Nichols
A THESIS SUBMITTED
IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE
REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE

Doctor of Philosophy

APPROVED, THESIS COMMITTEE

Jeffrey J. Kripal, Chair

J. Newton Rayzor Professor, Religious Studies

Anne C. Klein, Advisor

Professor, Religious Studies

Richard J. Smith
George & Nancy Rupp Professor of Humanities
and Professor of History

Shih-Shan Susan Huang

Assistant Professor, Art History

HOUSTON, TEXAS
APRIL 2011
CHAPTER SIX

Cultural Properties: Inspiring Reverence and Civic Pride

In the hall was a golden statue of the Buddha eighteen Chinese feet high,
along with ten medium-sized images—three of sewn pearls, five of woven
golden threads, and two of jade. The superb artistry was matchless,
unparalleled in its day. .. .The monastery had over one thousand cloisters
for monks., .decorated with carved beams and painted walls. The doors,
painted in blue designs, had carved windows. The beauty of the cloisters
was beyond description.
-Yang Xuanzhi WfolZ- (547 C.E.)

Grass for a bed,

Blue sky for a quilt,
A stone for a pillow,
The world crumbles and changes.
- Hanshan $$ ill (Tang dynasty)

Along the base [of Kaiyuan's east pagoda] are carved greenstones (qing shi i=f5).
Their magnificent beauty is effortless and sublime (huajing VcJ^), fine and
vigorous. It is supernatural work of divine chisels (guigong shenfu %JLffl^) that
cannot be accomplished through human power.3
-Yuanxian (1643)

Buddhism teaches the impermanence of all compounded things, the inevitability

of suffering that arises associated with attachment to such impermanent things and a path

of "homelessness" and non-attachment leading to liberation from craving and suffering.

In China, those treading this path in the most typical sense are individuals who have "left

home and family" to pursue these lofty ideals in monastic settings. But monastic settings

1
Yang Xuanzhi WfeiZ- Luoyang qielan /IrPEHJPlliE!, translated by Wang Yi-T'ung jEf^lW] m Buddhist
Monasteries in Lo- Yang, p 16
2
This is my translation of an excerpt from a famous poem attributed to Hanshan, a famous, possibly
legendary, Tang dynasty monk A bilingual Chinese-English record of the poem can be found in Porter,
Bill (Red Pme) 2000 The Collected Songs of Cold Mountain Port Townsend, WA'Copper Canyon Press,
pp 52-53
3
Sizhi I 8a
are often not what one might expect from individuals seeking liberation from worldly

attachments. The imposing structures and relative opulence of Buddhist monasteries in

China has attracted critics since the fifth century who have pointed out the incongruity

between the accumulation of material wealth and the Buddhist path of renunciation.4

With two Song dynasty stone pagodas that soar above the surrounding neighborhood and

a grand Ming Dynasty hall with five larger than life gilded Buddhas, Quanzhou Kaiyuan

has an unusual share of both pomp and endurance. The grandeur of the painted and

carved beams and the splendor of gilded statues at Kaiyuan and countless other Chinese

monasteries make a not too subtle contrast with Buddhist ideals of simplicity and

teachings on impermanence—they seem to say something other than "don't be seduced

by appearances; seek pleasure in them at your peril."

If we take the forest monk or mountain ascetic as ideal monastics, then ornate

Chinese monasteries like Kaiyuan suggest decadence. Similarly, if we approach the

gilded images and the lofty pagodas covered with icons from a Protestant-informed bias

against externals we too will reject them as spiritually inconsequential and unworthy of

attention.5 A distinct lack of attention to material culture has, in fact, been common

among scholars of religion who have tended to focus on creedal and doctrinal features of

religion.6 This chapter joins the growing body of scholarship on religion and material

4
See Kieschnick 2003: 12-14 for discussion of Chinese critiques of monastic wealth. The Guang hongming
ji MBL^M^k for example contains the critique of Xun Ji (d. 547) who called for monks to beg according to
the Buddha's instruction rather than erect elaborate monasteries and store up wealth (Guang hongming ji
7.128c-131b; trans, in Chen 1964.187). In addition to critiques on moral grounds there were critics on
socio-economic grounds as well A memorial by Governor Xiao Muzhi of Danyang in 435 complained of
the economic stress caused by the inordinate number of stupas, monasteries, paintings and statues (Guang
hongmingji 6 127b) cited in Gernet 1995 15, 321 nt. 75
5
See Kieschnick 2003 19-23 for a discussion of a Protestant bias against material objects in the study of
religion
6
Morgan 2010 xiv

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER SIX Cultural Properties 269

culture in seeking to appreciate the place of Kaiyuan's cultural properties in the religious

and institutional life of the monastery.7

My decision to focus on Kaiyuan's cultural properties is a result of their

prominence in the physical presence of the monastery, in modern (tour guides, Ecke and

Demieville 1935, Wang 1992, Wang 2008) and pre-modern (Yuanxian 1643) literature

about the monastery and in local Quanzhou discourse. In addition, Buddhist monasteries

and cultural properties are an exceptionally prominent feature of Asian heritage; one can

hardly be a tourist in Asia without visiting a Buddhist site.8

Chapter five raised the problem of the traditional scholarly focus on "belief in

the study of religion and argued that practice or action served as a more revealing locus

for discussing the religious life of the monastery. While the focus on belief and doctrine

has also prevented scholarly engagement with the material dimensions of religion, David

Morgan has attempted to shift the scholarly conversation: "Rather than marginalizing

belief, we need a more capacious account of it, one that looks to the embodied, material

features of lived religion."9 Morgan seeks to recognize the religious significance of

material objects, not apart from belief, but as an expression and enabler of it. Kaiyuan's

cultural properties will be found to exist in a variety of modes, one of which is a setting

for ritual action which is predicated upon a body of belief.

The study of Buddhism has begun to redress this imbalance and several books have emerged with a focus
on material culture; these include Gregory Schopen's work (1997, 2004), Living Images by Elizabeth
Horton Sharf and Robert Sharf (2001), John Kieschnik's The Impact of Buddhism on Chinese Material
Culture (2003), Germano and Trainor's Embodying the Dharma (2004), Fabio Rambelli's Buddhist
Materiality A Cultural History of Objects in Japanese Buddhism (2007) and Karen Gerhart's Material
Culture of Death in Medieval Japan (2009)
8
Buddhist temples and art, especially in their grandeur, age or elegance, are featured attractions throughout
Asia Some of the more famous and grand sites are the stupa at Sanchi in India, the Potala and Jokhang m
Tibet, Borobudur m Java, Angkor Wat and environs in Cambodia, Wat Phra Kaeo at the Royal Palace in
Bangkok, the temples of Pagan in Burma, Hemsa in South Korea and many famous temples and gardens in
Japan (especially in Kyoto, Nara and Kamakura)
9
Morgan 2010 7

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER SIX Cultural Properties 270

 As a setting for ritual action, they provide context for and enable the possibility of

ritual actions. My analysis seeks to understand the active role of cultural properties in

arousing emotional responses and encouraging certain types of behavior. This approach

may be contrasted with the perception of monasteries as "containers" for religious

virtuosi, which ignores the physical structures, setting and discourses that form an

important part of what a monastery is. James Robson notes the inadequacy of "a

perduring tendency to discuss them [monasteries] as mere 'containers' for the actions of a

religious community."10 He points out that the "container model," which is Aristotelian,

has been critiqued by cultural geographers and philosophers of place and that productive

studies of Medieval European monasticism have been based on a critique (explicit or

implicit) of this model.11 While the preceding chapter examined the religious actors

inside the monastery, this chapter, as well as the following one, extends the examination

of Kaiyuan beyond such a "container" approach. Before examining Kaiyuan's cultural

properties and their role in the life of the monastery, let's review the broader context of

Kaiyuan's impressive array of cultural properties.

The Artistically Embellished Buddhist Monastery

The use of cultural properties to beautify Buddhist monasteries and attract visitors

and patronage may be as old as the institution of the Buddhist monastery. The Jetavana

monastery, near Savatthi in India, is held by tradition to be the first Buddhist monastery

established. The historical Buddha is said to have retreated there during the rainy season

and sutras designate it as the location of many of his sermons. It served as the model for

10
Robson 2010b:47.
1
' Robson 2010b:47. Studies on European monasticism from this perspective include R. A. Markus' The
End ofAncient Christianity (1998) and Am Remensnyder's Remembering the King's Past: Monastic
Foundation Legends in Medieval Southern France (1995).

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER SIX: Cultural Properties 271

 17

other monasteries and is, in short, the iconic Buddhist monastery. Ancient texts speak

not of austerity, however, but of its beauty, both natural as well as humanly wrought.13

The Mulasarvastivada vinaya (henceforth MS Vinaya)14 attributes at least a part of the

Jetavana beautification plans to the Buddha himself. The text tells how the Buddha

authorized Anathapindada, the donor of the monastery, to have paintings made to

beautify Jetavana and suggests how the artwork should be arranged. The text concludes

the construction of this iconic Buddhist monastery with the following observations:

After the householder Anathapindada had given the Jetavana Monastery to

the Community of Monks from the Four Directions, and had had it
finished both inside and out with various sorts of colors, and had had
paintings done, then crowds of people who lived in Sravasfi heard how the
householder Anathapindada had finished the Jetavana both inside and out
with various sorts of colors and paintings and had made it remarkably fine,
and many hundreds of thousands of people came then to see the
Jetavana.15

This passage, celebrating the finishing of the Jetavana monastery, does not laud

the completion of halls for meditation (samadhi), spartan cells for monks to keep their

precepts (Ma) or didactic features to promote the dharma (prajna). Instead it focuses on

the "various sorts of colors and paintings" that made the monastery "remarkably fine"

thus attracting "hundreds of thousands of people" who came to admire this new marvel.

What the MS Vinaya indicates and what archeological discoveries in India have

12
Puay-Peng Ho examines how the eminent Tang monk Daoxuan used the Jetavana monastery to create a
template of the ideal Buddhist monastery (Ho 1995) His article also examines some of the doctrinal
significances of the monastery buildings and their layout as conceived by Daoxuan
13
The iconic nature of the Jetavana in China is evidenced by large numbers of inscriptions associated with
the building or repair of monasteries that reference Anathapmdada's gift of the Jetavana (Kieschnick 2003
191)
14
While the Mulasarvastivada vinaya was likely redacted some centuries after the Buddha, it has been
dated to at least the time of Kaniska (fl 130 CE) and may be a century or more earlier It records then, rules
for how monasteries were to be operated in India before and during the time that Buddhism began to
penetrate the Chinese cultural sphere See Schopen 2004 20-22
15
Ksundrakavastu, Derge Tha 262b 4 of the Mulasarvastivada vinaya, trans in Schopen 2004 35

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER SIX Cultural Properties 272

confirmed is that very early within the Buddhist tradition permanent monasteries were

established and artistically embellished. Reflecting on the archeological record of

Northern India Gregory Schopen asks:

[H]ow is it that groups of ascetics, celibate men who were supposed to

have renounced all wealth and social ties, left such largesse in the
archeological record; how is it that they, and sometimes they alone, lived
in permanent, architecturally sophisticated quarters, that they, and they
alone, lived in intimate association with what we call art? Something is
clearly wrong with this picture, and there is a good chance that we have
not yet understood the people in North India who handled the coins we
study or the pots we classify.

Schopen notes the wealth, durability and artistic sophistication of Indian Buddhist

monasteries to which the archeological record attests and asks, "Why?" Indeed, what is

going on here? What is behind this will to permanence and beauty? Buddhist monasteries

in China (and all over Asia) offer a provocative parallel. The earliest and most impressive

material artifacts that are valued as works of art in China and most other Asian countries

are primarily found at Buddhist sites.17 The earliest of these finds are the sculptures of the

Mogao Caves MMM of Dunhuang WtM (from the fourth to the fourteenth centuries), the

Yungang Grottoes z J N 5 ^ in Shanxi LUI§ (from the fifth century) and the Longmen

Grottoes JtH^iM in Henan M l ^ (fifth to seventh centuries).18 Among the most

impressive and important remains of the Tang Dynasty are the clay sculptures found at

Nanchan Monastery f^j ill^F and Foguang Monastery ifyjfc^? in Shanxi lilffi, the Leshan

16
Schopen 2004: 19.
17
Of course tombs such those of the imperial houses of Qin and Han in Xi'an have produced important
artefacts which predate the Buddhist relics. These items, however, were not intended for viewing and
enjoyment by the living, but as part of Chinese burial practices. They make important tourist attractions
today, but that was not their original intent, unlike the decorative elements of Buddhist monasteries.
18
For more on these sites see: Yungang Shiku wenwu baoguansuo. 1991. Yungang Shikul TX^I^M.
Beijing: Wenwu chubanshe; Peng, Huashi. 1982. Dunhuang mogao ku$X'!fM.MMM- Beijing: Wenwu
chubanshe; Wang zhenguo. 2006. Longmen shikuyu luoyangfojiao wenhua ~M\l'5M^i'l&^i%$k3C{k.
Zhengzhou: Zhongzhou guji chubanshe.

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER SIX: Cultural Properties 273

Big Buddha Sfcih^k.ify in Sichuan 0JI](7 th century) and the trove of exquisite ninth

century treasures found at Xi'an's Famen Monastery £fefl# in the 1980s.19 Examples

may be multiplied throughout Asia: Borobudur in Indonesia, the Angkor complex in

Cambodia, Heinsa Temple in South Korea, temples and gardens in Kyoto and Nara, the

temples of Pagan in Myanmar and temples in Bangkok, Ayutthaya and elsewhere in

Thailand. For ascetics who preach that all things are impermanent, in other words,

Buddhist monasteries not only have an impressive ability to survive, but also exhibit a

tremendous will to beautify.20

The downright opulence of Buddhist monasteries in China was made explicit by

Yang Xuanzhi, the author of the sixth century record of Luoyang's monasteries. He

writes:

Princes, dukes, and ranking officials donated such valuable things as

elephants and horses, as generously as if they were slipping shoes from
their feet. The people and wealthy families parted with their treasures as
easily as with forgotten rubbish. As a result, Buddhist temples were built
side by side, and sttipas rose up in row after row. People competed among
themselves in making or copying the Buddha's portraits. Golden stupas
matched the imperial observatory in height, and Buddhist lecture halls
were as magnificent as the [ostentatiously wasteful] E-pang MM [palaces
of the Ch'in dynasty (221-207 B.C.)].21

In the case of Indian Buddhism, while archeology provides evidence of elaborate

monasteries, the MS Vinaya suggests what functions such ornate structures may have had

19
For Foguan Monastery see Shanxi Sheng gujianzhu baohu yanjmsuo. 1984. Foguang si \%^t^. Beijing-
Wenwu chubanshe. On Famen Temple's treasures see Shi Xingbang and Wei Han. 1988. Famensi digong
zhenbao (Precious cultural relics in the crypt ofFamen Temple). Xi'an' Shanxi renmin meishu chubanshe.
20
There are lessons of impermanence tied to this will to beautify as well A most dramatic example is the
meticulous construction of sand mandalas by Tibetan monks only to "destroy" them soon after their
completion (Thanks to Jianymg for suggesting this contrast). Less dramatic is the constant maintenance
required to keep a Japanese garden tended, the weeding, the pruning, the sweeping, the rakmg of pebbles
and so on require continual attention due to the pressures of time on what we vainly seek as permanent
From Yang Xuanzhi's preface to the Luoyang qielanji /^HHflnHlil! Translation by Yi-t'ung Wang m
Yang 1984 5-6

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER SIX Cultural Properties 274

beyond any religious role they may have served. In short, passage after passage relates

how the embellishment of monasteries allowed them to attract donors and inspire

donations. The MS Vinaya does not explicitly state this as the main reason for

beautification to be carried out, but there is, it seems, a regular enough association

between accounts of captivatingly beautiful monasteries and the attraction of donors that

such a message would not have been lost on the monks who learned this text.22 The

passage cited earlier regarding the Jetavana demonstrates how beautiful monasteries

could attract visitors. Schopen has collected several other references to the beautification

of monasteries which include examples of the attendant riches such beautification could

attract. In one passage traveling merchants passed by monasteries and marveled at their

"high arched gateways.. .latticed windows, and railings" which were "like stairways to

heaven."23 These merchants were "deeply moved" {dadpar 'gyur te) and made an

"offering feast" {mchod stori) for the Sangha.24 In another passage merchants are

similarly impressed with beauty of an abandoned monastery and promptly set about

endowing it with alms for sixty monks for three months with a promise to return and

endow it for one hundred monks. Citing these instances and alluding to others in the

MS Vinaya Schopen writes: "Our Code refers to beautiful monasteries in beautiful

settings, to paintings on monastery walls and on cloth.. .But in virtually every case these

references refer as well—in one way or another—to the gifts and donations that such

22
The MS Vinaya was translated into Chinese around the year 700 by the Buddhist pilgrim Yijing %'{$
(635-713), it was the fifth complete vinaya to be translated into Chinese and was never to receive as much
attention as the Four-Part Vinaya (sifen hi) of the Dharmaguptaka (Yifa 2002. 6-7)
23
Vibhanga,Derge 156b 4 Translation in Schopen 2004 32
24
Ibid
23
Vibhanga, Derge 184a 1 Translation and discussion in Schopen 2004 31-32

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER SIX Cultural Properties 275

things generate " Schopen's conclusion is that art and all things that beautify a

monastery also serve, in the eyes of the MS Vinaya, as a means to generate donations 27

My study of Kaiyuan monastery supports the notion that cultural properties assist

the monastery in raising funds, but I wish to penetrate more deeply into this phenomenon

so that we may be able to determine a wider range of roles that cultural properties may in

fact play at this site as well as how cultural properties inspire patronage While Schopen's

inquiry is limited to the study of the archeological record, inscriptions and manuscripts, I

am able to investigate the question of how by taking into account a further stratum of

data, namely the ethnographic data gleaned from my fieldwork at Kaiyuan Interviews

and observations carried out over a five year period at Kaiyuan have provided me with

insight into the importance of Kaiyuan's cultural properties and how they are viewed by

monks, laypersons, visitors and other members of the community I have tried to

determine what features of Kaiyuan are considered most important and why I have

asked questions such as "What makes Kaiyuan different from other monasteries7" or "In

your opinion, what are Kaiyuan's most important cultural properties (or heritage) and

why are they so important^"

Kaiyuan's pagodas, halls and trees were always included among Kaiyuan's most

valuable features by interviewees Kaiyuan's cultural properties contribute to the beauty

as well as to the historic and cultural value of the monastery and play a crucial role in

attracting tens of thousands of visitors per year, almost all of whom contribute in some

fashion to the maintenance of the monastery The very fact that visitors take such an

interest in the monastery in turn provides authorities with a reason to seek its preservation

26
Schopen 2004 31
27
Schopen 2004 36-37

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER SIX Cultural Properties 276

in the name of economic and tourist development; cultural properties that are several

centuries old are not only objects of aesthetic enjoyment, they are cultural treasures that

require preservation.

While many factors have contributed to Kaiyuan's relatively wholesale physical

survival and its impressive restoration, its cultural properties have played a central role.

Most noteworthy in this regard are Kaiyuan's Song dynasty stone pagodas. Not only do

they serve as the markers of a Buddhist monastery, but they also contribute to its historic

and cultural value which has brought it protection from the state.28 Apart from the

framework of economic and tourist development that one frequently encounters in

discussions of cultural preservation in contemporary China, one hears about the

importance of Kaiyuan's properties to the cultural heritage of Quanzhou and China.

In her study of Tanzhe Monastery, a large monastery that lies outside of Beijing,

Susan Naquin notes that it survived the Cultural Revolution and asks, "What were the

secrets of Tanzhesi's success? This essay has suggested we should look at the

interconnected dynamics of antiquity, sanctity, and scenery, all of which played their part

in shaping the physical structure, visual and written record, and personal memories of

Tanzhesi." In particular, she points out that representations of the monastery in

literature from the Qing Dynasty onward focus on the physical and historic features of the

temple such as its buildings, views and trees.30 My study of Kaiyuan supports her general

findings; it too has been promoted as a place of history and culture since the end of the

Ming dynasty and it was this identity, predicated on material culture, that enabled its

28
Similarly, Tracy Miller credits the survival of the Jm Memorial Shrine to the presence of the Northern
Song dynasty Sage Mother Hall which was recognized a important heritage in 1961 (Miller 2007 103)
29
Naquml998 205
™Naqum 1998

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER SIX Cultural Properties 277

survival during the Cultural Revolution. What else have Kaiyuan's cultural properties

enabled? We are now prepared to examine Kaiyuan's specific culture properties and

reflect on the individual roles they play at the monastery today. This will be followed by

a consideration of the collective impact of Kaiyuan's material culture on the life of the

monastery. We begin with the most prominent and important properties, the Song

dynasty pagodas.

Quanzhou Kaiyuan's Cultural Properties

The Purple Cloud Twin Pagodas

If one were to name the most distinctive architectural feature of a Buddhist

monastery in East Asia, that feature would have to be the pagoda. Eugene Wang,

historian of Asian art, has noted that Buddhist monasteries aspired to be Utopias and

suggested that "To this end, certain distinctive architectural features and signposts—in

particular, the heavenward aspiring pagoda—imbue the precinct with religious overtones

to make the enclave nothing short of a monastery. There is hardly a Buddhist monastery

without a pagoda."31 I agree that Kaiyuan's pagodas are distinctively Buddhist and

religious—their primary religious function is to identity the compound as Buddhist. They

do not guarantee, however, the existence of a functioning monastery. That requires a

revived sangha.

As discussed in chapter two, Kaiyuan's east pagoda was first constructed in 865

while the west pagoda was first built in the year 916. Having been destroyed and rebuilt

several times, the current east and west pagodas were completed in 1250 and 1237

respectively and rise to a magnificent height of some one hundred and fifty feet [Figures

31
Wang 2010:65.

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER SIX: Cultural Properties 278

28-31]. The pagodas are constructed entirely in local granite in a local style which

imitates monumental construction in wood.33 A contemporary example of such

monumental construction in wood may be found in Japan at the Great South Gate

(Nandaimon) of Nara's Todaiji.34 Due to their similar height and appearance, Kaiyuan's

east and west pagodas are often called the twin towers {shuang ta M.tfz), or the Purple

Cloud Twin Pagodas (ziyun shuang ta j^^M'Pa)- The reference to purple clouds alludes

back to the founding of the monastery in the seventh century when an auspicious purple

cloud covered the ground during the construction of the main hall; since then, the

monastery has been nicknamed the "Purple Cloud."35

Each five-story pagoda is decorated with eighty life-size sculptures in middle

relief depicting figures from Buddhist history and lore such as arhats, patriarchs,

bodhisattvas, eminent monks and guardians. Among the more noteworthy figures are

sculptures of the monkey king, Sun Wukong ?/Jv||j5? [see figure 32], and Guanyin

(Avalokitesvara) bodhisattva depicted as a male with a moustache on the west Pagoda

and, on the east Pagoda, a potbellied Xuanzang accompanied by a small monkey figure

[Figures 32-33]. The greenstone reliefs along the base of the East Pagoda are especially

Dates of construction for the pagodas is found in Yuanxian 1643:I.6b-9a.

33
For more on the pagodas see Ecke and Demieville 1935 and Wang HanfengHi^W. 1992. Qucmzhou's
East and West Pagodas, Quanzhou DongXi Ta zfU'H ^Bjilr. Fuzhou' Fujian Renmin chubanshe
?!^AKtfJJfett. Also see chapter two, pp. 94-96.
34 See Ecke and Demieville 1935: 9. In Chinese see Wang Hanfeng JEISW,. 1992. Quanzhou's East and
West Pagodas, Quanzhou DongXi Ta ^.j'H^lSiS. Fuzhou: Fujian Renmm chubanshe ?H^AKtfjJi!x?i.
35
See chapter two
36
The suggestion, quite naturally, is that the artisans responsible for building the east and west pagodas in
the thirteenth century were familiar with an oral version of the extraordinarily popular Chinese epic
Journey to the West (Xiyouji j3#jf iB) which features the monkey king, Sun Wukong and Chinese the
Buddhist pilgrim Xuanzang and was not written down until the Ming Dynasty several centuries later Sun
Wukong is modeled after the monkey king of the important Hindu epic the Ramayana and Quanzhou was
most certainly a place where this legend would have entered China (the port of Guangzhou would be
another) and was likely narrated by members of Quanzhou's Indian community Another researcher may
wish to look into the history of wooden puppet making in Quanzhou, which is a celebrated local craft, to

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER SIX Cultural Properties 279

noteworthy for both their artistic beauty as well as the knowledge of Indian Buddhist

scripture they disclose. Writing about these sculptures in 1935, the eminent Buddhologist

Paul Demieville practically gushed, "Such a vivid and comprehensive 'Bible de pierre'

[Bible of stone] is hardly to be found elsewhere in the Far East."

The West pagoda received its name after an auspicious green and yellow light is

said to have emanated from its top and turned into five colored lights that remained

throughout the night. Local officials reported this event of October 10, 1114 to emperor

Huizong WTF. who then renamed the pagoda "Benevolence and Longevity" {renshou JZ

^f), 38 a name it has retained down to the present. It is this name which is engraved in

stone on the south face of the west pagoda while "Pagoda which Stabilizes the Country"

(zhenguo ta) is engraved on the south face of the east pagoda. The twin pagodas stand

today as solemn and graceful reminders of Kaiyuan's glorious past and of Quanzhou's

golden age.

Surviving massive earthquakes that have leveled buildings in Quanzhou,

especially the earthquake of 1604 with a magnitude of about 8.08,39 the east and west

pagodas of Kaiyuan have held their ground, dominating the skyline of central Quanzhou

for more than seven hundred and fifty years. After seeing scores of mutilated sculptures

in China with missing heads, I continually marvel at the ability of the sculptures at the

base of the east pagoda to survive complete with heads, made all the more remarkable

see if it is possible to determine how early puppets were made of the monkey kmg in Quanzhou As for
Guanym, she is most commonly depicted in Chinese art as a woman, "she" appears as male twice at
Kaiyuan, a Tang dynasty stone sculpture m the round and the relief on the west pagoda Again, this
suggests the influence of India where Guanym was a male (Avalokitesvara)
37
Ecke and Demieville 1935.81.
38 Sizhi 1.8b
19
"A Seismic History of the Twin Pagodas of Quanzhou" - stone inscription on site at Kaiyuan monastery

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER SIX Cultural Properties 280

given that their location is easily accessible to young and old alike with no barrier or

guards to protect them.

Today, Kaiyuan's pagodas are the most common symbols of Quanzhou and

appear on countless tourist publications, advertisements and web pages [Figures 23-27].

While there is a single stone pagoda similar in design to Kaiyuan's, which served as a

lighthouse on the coast during the Song and Yuan dynasties, there is nothing comparable

in all of China to Quanzhou Kaiyuan's pair of pagodas in their combination of age,

artistry and stateliness.40 The role they have assumed as valuable cultural symbols for the

people of Quanzhou has assisted the maintenance and protection necessary for their

survival as well as that of Quanzhou Kaiyuan monastery.41

They have assisted the maintenance and protection of Kaiyuan by creating an

affective bond with the people of Quanzhou. Yi-fu Tuan developed a notion of

"topophilia" to describe "the affective bond between people and place or setting."42 Tuan

represents an early, if not the first, attempt to bring to the attention of geographers the

importance of human emotion and attachment in the significance of geographic

environments, place, both natural and built environments.43 My research has found an

40
This other pagoda is a stone Song Dynasty lighthouse known Shihu Pagoda 5 $ $ in ("Stone Lake
Pagoda") which welcomed ships to the first and southernmost port of Quanzhou at the mouth of the
Jmjiang River as early as the Northern Song Dynasty It was built around 1113 thus predating Kaiyuan's
twin pagodas by over a century. Quanzhou's second port is located in Houzhu Bay fs ffi at the mouth of the
Luoyang River
41
Pagodas traditionally represent the Buddha by marking the enshrmement of relics of the Buddha or his
disciples. The when the east pagoda was first built in the ninth century, Buddha relics were installed. No
records indicate what may be installed below the west pagoda, but relics and/or other items may be
presumed to exist While Kaiyuan's pagodas thus possess these Buddhist significances, these concerns did
not emerge as important factors in my interviews For this reason, this traditional doctrinal significance is
not included in the discussion here
42
Tuan 1974 4
43
This is a discussion which relates a field of inquiry known as human geography.

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER SIX Cultural Properties 281

affective bond of two varieties, civic pride and reverence, which will be explored below

after reviewing Kaiyuan's other cultural properties.44

The Amrita Ordination Platform (Ganlu jietan 1^"S|jtSis)

The Monastery Record relates the early history of Kaiyuan's Amrita Ordination

Platform as follows:

In 1019 (third year of the Tianxi period of the Song), the government
promulgated the pudu U S , 4 5 a call for universal ordination, and
monks began to construct the ordination platform. In 1128 (the
second year of Jianyari), because the platform structure was not in
line with ancient tradition, the monk Dunzhao $Xio rebuilt it
according to an ancient [Nanshan Ordination Platform] illustrated
sutra (gu tujing l^TlEj^n).46

The earliest date for the construction of an ordination platform at Kaiyuan is thus 1019 of

the Northern Song.47 About a century later, Dunzhao, determining that this platform was

not built according to the great vinaya master Daoxuan's Mm. (596-667) specifications,

set out to rebuild it in 1128 in accordance with Daoxuan's Nanshan Ordination Platform

Illustrated Sutra (Nanshan jietan tujing ~M ill MM 0 H). The platform supported an

array of statues and had five levels representing the five bodies of the Buddha (the five-

The environment of my focus is a human build one and the phenomenon that I examine is different from
the related category of "geopiety," which is a term first used by J K Wright in 1947 to describe the
"thoughtful piety aroused by human awareness of the natural world and geographical space" (Johnson et
al. 1994. 308).
45
Pudu would appear to refer to a pudu sengni ^ j t l a l b which was a periodic call for "universal tonsure
and ordination" that the government might use for celebratory reasons in which restrictions on ordinations
were lifted for a period of time The 1019 pudu was ordered by emperor Shenzong For a comparative
description between the Daoist/?w<iw to the Buddhist fangyankou see Orzech 2002 213-234.
46
Sizhi I 3b The text used was the Nanshan Jietan Tujmg l l U w ^ l S S
47
Yuanxian apparently had no reliable record of the construction of an ordination platform at Kaiyuan
before the one of 1019 or he would have mentioned it, nevertheless, the Monastery Record records that the
monk Hongze was invited to administer monastic precepts by prefect Wang Shengui in 894 and that Wang
Yanbm built the Establishing Dharma Cloister {Jianfa Jfe'i:) for him in 905 at Kaiyuan, thus suggesting that
some structure was used for ordinations at that earlier period, unfortunately no additional record has been
found for it Sizhi I 21b

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER SIX Cultural Properties 282

part dharmakayd). According to the Monastery Record, the emperor Gaozong jWf^

bestowed Dunzhao's platform with the name "Amrita Ordination Platform," the name by

which it remains known today. While "amrita" (ganlu "tEflUS), a metaphor for nirvana, is a

traditional name for ordination platforms in China, local tradition holds that the name is

also derived from a Tang dynasty well known as the Amrita Well (ganlu jing VtWr^r)

which sits below the platform.

In 1327, the ordination platform was memorialized as one of Kaiyuan monastery's

"Six Unique Sites."50 It was destroyed in the fire of 1357 and rebuilt under the direction

of master Zhengying in 1400 and again in 1666.51 The relics that were brought to the hall

from Fuzhou's Gushan (Mt. Drum) in 1688 are said to remain in the hall today, inside a

reliquary stupa. Although it has been renovated at various times over the centuries, it is

thought that the early Qing dynasty structure is basis for the structure which stands today

[Figure 13].52

Its complex octagonal roof culminates in the ruyi dougong fyWM^Wk style which

resembles a spider web. Twenty-four apsaras (feitian "^^c) holding musical instruments

of the Nanyin rWi=f tradition are carved into the brackets supporting the ceiling [Figures

15-16]. Nanyin music is native to Quanzhou and Minnan; study of the instruments held

by the apsaras at Kaiyuan is said to have helped the revival of the ancient Nanyin musical

48
See discussion of Daoxuan's platform m McRae 2005.
49
Wang2008 118
50
See chapter five for the full list of sights.
51
According to Chen-shan Wang the 1400 building is the basis of the current one, but she makes no
mention of the 1666 rebuilding in her chronology Wang 2008 135. It is my understanding that the building
dates from 1666 but the stone platform may date back to 1400. It is possible that the stone ordination
platform was not rebuilt at this time, but only the wooden hall that stands above it
52
"1666 Stele Record of the reconstruction of the Ganlu jietan" In situ in the hall of the Ordination Platform
and also included in Dean and Zheng 2003. inscription #216.

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER SIX Cultural Properties 283

tradition of Quanzhou since the 1980s. One can now attend performances of this musical

heritage at teahouses and other venues. In 2009, Nanyin music was awarded intangible

cultural heritage of humanity status by UNESCO, further enhancing the status of

Kaiyuan's unique sculptures. The principal difference between these figures and the

kalavinka in the main hall is that these figures do not have wings while those in the main

hall do. This suggests that the ordination hall figures from the Qing dynasty are more

nativistic in style since Chinese angels are traditionally depicted without wings.

The 1666 rebuilding of the ordination hall uncovered a secret passage that runs

below the ordination platform. The opening to the passage was discovered below the

base of the Lossana statue in the center of the ordination platform. The opening leads to a

small tunnel that runs due north below the ordination platform; it leads to the Tang

dynasty amrita well which itself lay just behind the ordination platform underneath a

statue of Maitreya Buddha {Mile). The base upon which the statue sits was excavated and

found to open onto the well. This secret entrance is now blocked off by a stone slab

which serves as a base for the statue of pot-bellied Maitreya [Figure 22]. An inscription

was made at the time by another monk from Mt. Drum named Dajing JK^B which

remains in place on the outer wall of the well but is currently blocked by a table for

offerings.5

Today, Kaiyuan's Nanshan-style ordination platform is commonly touted as one

of only three such ordination platforms remaining in China, the others being at Zhaoqing

Monastery in Hangzhou and Jietai Monastery outside Beijing. Visitors to the hall today

are struck by the array of Ming dynasty statues that crowd the platform. On the highest

53Dajmg's 'j^J-n 1666-67 Jietan chongjun ganlu jing ji JtKisMy^ttiS^iBCRecord of the Re-digging of
the Amrita Well at the Ordination Platform); the inscription remains in situ behind the ordination hall but is
also included in Dean and Zheng 2003 inscription #245 See also Ziyim kaishi zhvan 12b

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER SIX- Cultural Properties 284

level of the stone ordination platform sits a wooden statue of Lossana (alt. Chinese

Vairocana) Buddha fiii; Mi$> which sits atop an elaborate array of lotus petals said to

number 1000—each wooden petal has a small six centimeter Buddha figure carved on it

[Figures 17-18]. On four sides of the Lossana Buddha are the four bodhisattvas of the

vajra realm {vajradhatu) of the hook, chain, bell and lock.5 Altogether the platform has

more than two dozen statues including Sakyamuni, Amitabha, 1000-armed Guanyin,

Mile, Hanshan M ill and Shide tjp"f# and Weituo, along with eight vajra guardians

(Jingang ^W\). Along the base of the platform in niches are sixty-four wooden tablets

bearing the names of protector deities which preside over monastic precepts and the three

refuges.

On special days such as lunar twenty-sixth the hall is crowded with individuals

inside and out bowing and prostrating to the figures enshrined. Smoking incense is not

allowed inside the hall in order to protect the antiquities, but an incense pot sits in front of

the hall where sticks are placed. Worshipers will also place offerings around the figures

on the platform, especially the eight vajra guardians, who are the most accessible being

placed on the outer corners. Offerings made in this manner include peanuts, candies and

fruits. This hall houses the large bell and drum used to start and end the day and some

worshipers and laypersons may be found circumambulating the platform, especially on

the twenty-sixth. In addition to these religious activities, it serves as a site of interest to

tourists given its striking array of statues, the apsaras overhead and its reputation as a rare

example of a Nanshan vinaya ordination platform. If Kaiyuan only possessed the

ordination platform and the twin pagodas these structures would be enough to attract the

54
These are four of thirty-seven Vajra Bodhisattvas, these four represent the four all-embracmg bodhisattva
virtues, giving, affectionate speech, purposeful action and co-operation

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER SIX Cultural Properties 285

ardor of heritage enthusiasts, but it is also home to a unique and well-preserved main hall

that dates from the Ming Dynasty.

The Main Hall (daxiong baodian j<JI&3$-W)

As mentioned in the previous chapter the main hall, which enshrines Buddha(s), is

traditionally the center of the monastery. Its physical presence at Kaiyuan is striking, but

apart from the name-board or plaque hanging above the doorway and the glimpse one

may see of golden Buddhas inside, there is nothing particularly Buddhist about the

structure and appearance of the hall itself, just as there was nothing especially Buddhist

about the south-facing, rectilinear courtyard arrangement. As Eugene Wang has noted,

there is "nothing distinctively Buddhist about the architectural design of the Buddha hall,

for it shares basic features with secular architecture; its distinction stems more from its

ceremonial character."55 Its ceremonial character includes its plaque, its statuary and, of

course, the presence of monks and laypersons, especially those engaged in devotional

activities.

The main hall is also called the Purple Cloud Hall Hzj;fcJS. Above the central

entrance hangs a large plaque in striking calligraphy reading "Dharma World of the

Lotus-Blooming Mulberry" (sanglianfajie JUTH^!1?-)[Figures 2, 48].56 The hall has

been destroyed and rebuilt several times since its founding in 686 and the current

building dates from the 1637 Ming Dynasty reconstruction undertaken by Zheng

Zhilong.57 The hall is built in a Tang Dynasty style and enshrines the Buddhas of the five

directions made from unfired clay during the Ming or Qing dynasty. The five Buddhas

55
Wang 2010:65.
56
It is said to be composed in the style of inscription calligraphy from the Wei dynasty.
57
See footnote 311 in chapter two for more information on Zheng Zhilong, the Quanzhou native, pirate and
father of Zheng Chenggong.

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER SIX: Cultural Properties 286

are: Varrocana in the center, Aksobhya in the east, Ratnasambhava of the south,

Amitabha in the west and Amoghasiddhi of the north [Figures 3-4]. 58 The figures are

gilded and identical in appearance save for their mudras {shouyin ^EP) which are

teaching mudra {shuofa \%Mk), giving/charity mudra (shiyu M^j), leading mudra

(jieying He 31), meditation mudra (chanding # / E ) and fearlessness mudra (wuwei ^EH).

They were refurbished and re-gilded in 1998 at a cost of 1,200,000 RMB (150,000 USD)

and restored (wood frames removed and replaced) and re-gilded in 2009. Wang Hanfeng

suggests that Kaiyuan's array of five Buddhas preserves a Tang dynasty arrangement that

has largely been lost in China and suggest the lingering influence of esoteric Buddhism

which is reflected in elements of Kaiyuan's heritage.59 It should be noted that an array of

five Buddhas in one hall is not particularly common in China—I know of only four other

halls enshrining five Buddhas, Huayan Temple i^/^^f and Shanhua Temple #{fc^f both

in Shanxi lllH have older statues while Hebei's Bailin Monastery and Xi'an's Famen

Monastery both have recently built halls enshrined with five Buddhas.60 Set between and

around the five Buddhas are large gilded statues of Ananda, Mahakasyapa, Manjusrl,

Samantabhadra, Avalokitesvara, Mahasthama (Shizhi ^ M ) , 6 1 Weituo ^^Tv and Guanyu

See Wang 2008. 41-46 for more detailed discussion of the main hall's style, features and size using Fang
Yong's TjfS Quanzhou gujianzhuyanjiu M-M^sW^iMMffL ("Researches into Quanzhou Ancient
Architecture") m DuXianzhou (ed.) Quanzhou gu jianzhu ^.j'Wl^^iK Tianjm Science Press, 1991,43-
139 and other sources See Interregnum section of chapter 2 for more on the identities of the other five
Buddhas
59
For a discussion of Quanzhou Kaiyuan's esoteric characteristics see Wang Hanfeng's 2001 article Those
elements are said to include a mam gate with only two guardian figures rather than a hall of four guardian
kings which is more standard, dharani pillars and the five Buddhas
60
Wang Hanfeng (2001 5-6) only mentions the two groups of five Buddhas in Shanxi
61
A bodhisattva said to represent the Buddha wisdom of Amitabha A common figure in Chinese
iconography, he forms part of the three holy ones of the Western regions- from left to right,
Avalokiteshvara, Amitabha, Mahasthama or Mahasthamaprapta (Soothill 1937 85)

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER SIX Cultural Properties 287

3KM (as Qielan Bodhisattva H J O ^ I I F F ) . 6 2 In the back of the hall is a statue of Sheng

Guanyin ^Mii63 accompanied by eighteen gilded lacquer arhats (lohari) at its sides

[Figure 5].

The main hall is also nicknamed the "Hall of One-Hundred Columns'" because the

hall's plan calls for 100 columns (in actuality, fourteen were removed to make room for

the statues and worshippers leaving 86 columns). Its basic structure and most of its

columns date from 1637 when Zeng Ying and Zheng Zhilong rebuilt the main hall and

replaced the wooden columns with columns of stone. At the middle of the back porch of

the hall are two exquisite Yuan Dynasty sixteen-sided columns made of green limestone

that were transferred to Kaiyuan from a ruined Hindu temple during the Ming rebuilding.

Each of these columns has twelve carvings depicting Hindu deities and motifs [Figures 8-

10]. At the base of the platform in front of the main hall are seventy-two stone carvings

of sphinx figures (human face, lion body) taken from the same Hindu temple which was

destroyed at the end of the Yuan dynasty and moved to Kaiyuan temple during the Ming

when improvements were made by Zhichang in 1408 [Figure 12]."Needless to say,

Hindu sculptures from a Yuan Dynasty Temple are an unusual and provocative presence

at a Buddhist monastery. While they evoke an unmistakable sense of inclusiveness and

religious openness, their placement outside, at the "foot" and at the rear of the hall, is not

incidental; it not only keeps them from upstaging the dozens of Buddhist figures that

62
A variation of Guangong^^or Guandi^Sr serving as guardian of the Sangha J i n H ^ M .
63
Sheng Guanyin is the most representative representation of the six Tantnc Guanyin and is
iconographically depicted wearing a crown with a small Amitabha in its center (iconographical attributes
not depicted in this Sheng Guanyin are holding a lotus in the right hand with the left hand in the no fear
mudra (dabei shi wuweij^3i&i^) The division of six Guanyms in Chinese Buddhism is made according
to the six paths or six types of beings (hell beings, hungry ghosts, animals, humans, demi-gods and gods),
Sheng Guanyin is the bodhisattva who saves hungry ghosts.
64
This is my independent assessment based on information from the Sizhi and observations of the
sculptures and it is shared by Fang Yong (Fang 1991 49 in Wang 2008-44) For more on Yuan dynasty
sculptures from Quanzhou see Guy 2010

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER SIX Cultural Properties 288

dominate the interior of the hall, but reinforces their subordination to the Buddhas,

bodhisattvas and arhats inside 65

Atop twenty-four columns just in front of the five Buddha statues sit lines of

painted wooden musical bird-fairies or kalavinka (pinqie $MJP), they support the ceiling

akin to caryatids in Greek architecture [Figures 6-7] There are twelve larger ones and

twelve smaller ones making a total of twenty-four, representing divisions of the

traditional Chinese calendar, just as they do in the hall of the ordination platform It is not

known if these figures were an earlier feature of Kaiyuan's architecture, but such winged

figures do appear on sculptures at the base of the east pagoda dating from the end of the

Song dynasty They are thought to date back to the 1389 reconstruction under the monk

Huiming and their design may date as far back as the Song dynasty 67 These kalavinka

and the apsaras of the ordination hall are special features of Kaiyuan that along with the

east and west pagodas are common emblems of Quanzhou's culture To take a prominent

example from central Quanzhou, there is a monumental column decorated by four

kalavinka that sits in the middle of a major traffic circle, all visitors who enter or leave

Quanzhou by the central bus station pass by this nearby monument [Figure 20] In short,

We naturally wonder why Hindu sculptures would be installed at a Buddhist monastery After speaking
with many Quanzhou locals and thinking it over I feel the most reasonable explanation is that they were
brought to Kaiyuan during the Ming, after the Hindu temple had been abandoned, by the people of
Quanzhou To this day people bring broken or discarded statues of deities to temples so that they may be
respectfully and safely disposed lest the spirits they represent become angered During my stay at Kaiyuan I
once witnessed monks looking over a broken statue of Guanyin that a visitor had left, one monk, admiring
its artistry, took the bodiless head back to his room and mounted on a base I surmise that monks,
engineers, artistic feeling and popular sentiment collaborated to have the fantastic Hindu sculptures
incorporated into the mam hall Two analogous Hindu columns may also be found incorporated into the
Quanzhou Temple to Mazu, the Tianhou Gong ^ j p j l
66
Sutras speak of these winged figures as having beautiful voices Kalavinkas are also found in paintings at
Dunhuang For more on the use of Kalavmkas m Chinese Buddhism see the 1998 Huafan University
masters thesis by Chang Shuei-tsai ?fczKM entitled Fojiao jiahngpinqieniao zhiyanjm \%WLMM.^^\\i^i'Z.
Witi (A Study of Buddhist Kavahnka) The supporting brackets are known as dougong -[•$£
67
Fang Yong has examined the brackets and columns and argues that they date way back to the early Ming
Dynasty 1389 rebuilding under Huiyuan *CE(Fang 1991 38-39, see also Wang 2008 43, nt 152)

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER SIX Cultural Propei ties 289

Kaiyuan's main hall has an array of iconic features including the Hindu sculptural pieces,

twenty four kalavinka, five Buddhas and "one hundred" stone columns. These features

along with its Ming dynasty pedigree and association with Zheng Zhilong make it a

valuable cultural treasure among treasures.

The main hall regularly receives tour groups and independent travelers who gaze

up at the kalavinka and listen to guides explain some of elements just reviewed. Monks

on duty prevent them from taking pictures inside the hall; photography is prohibited

inside all the halls of Kaiyuan. It is a policy said to have been handed down from the

Bureau of Religion; related to cultural preservation, it may relate to control over

representation of China's national cultural heritage. From the point of view of some of

the monks it is a means to maintain a more respectful atmosphere in the halls. After all,

apart from being open to tourists, the main hall is the center of Kaiyuan's public religious

activities as described in the previous chapter (twice-weekly nianfo, monthly grand

nianfo, annual ceremonies etc.).

The Ancient Mulberry and Other Trees

Just to the west of the main hall is one of the ancient mulberry trees said to have

bloomed lotus blossoms during the Tang dynasty [Figures 54-55]. As early as the Tang

dynasty, Quanzhou was a place involved in the production of silk and Huang Shougong

had an orchard of mulberry trees which would have been used in the cultivation of silk

worms. Kaiyuan's remaining mulberry tree is today one of the most famous sights at the

monastery and is designated in tourist materials as an important "historical sight" {guji 15"

M:). Along with the Song dynasty pagodas, it is one of the most famous sights at

Kaiyuan and for our purposes it is classified as a cultural property.

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER SIX: Cultural Properties 290

 In addition to Kaiyuan's most famous tree, the monastery is home to several very

old banyan trees that line the main courtyard; these range in age from 200 to 800 years

old [Figure 40]. The two oldest (800 years old), stand at the very front of the courtyard

just behind the main gate. They would have been alive at the time of the building of the

Song dynasty pagodas and they, along with the other towering banyans, evoke something

of old Quanzhou in the mind of the visitor. In 2007, a forestry agency placed stone

markers at the base of all of Kaiyuan's old trees, the marker for the ancient mulberry

reads 1,200 years, but all the locals I have consulted believe it is a mistake, claiming it is

closer to 1,300 years old. What is unmistakable is the value accorded the tree which has
/TO

dimensions that are historical, cultural and spiritual. Trees have been revered in

connection with spirits and graves from the earliest of times in China and many temples

have large old trees.69 Beijing's Tanzhe Monastery was also famous for its mulberry

tree(s), but attempts to grow one have been unsuccessful; it later became the site of a

prized Ginko tree.70

Buddhist Scriptures

Behind the ordination platform is the dharma hall with the scripture library (zang

jingge zJitlrH) on the second floor [Figure 36 ]. It is nicknamed the One Hundred

Treasures Building (baibao lou H S ^ ) and, while the building itself is of little historic

value (it was built during the Republican Period), it indeed holds many rare and one-of-a-

The spiritual value of the tree will be explored in chapter five.

On trees and their connections with spirits and graves in early China see Lewis 2006:157-158.
Naquin 1998:197.

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER SIX: Cultural Properties 291

kind texts.71 I will first review the several versions of the Tripitika held (some complete,

some in fragments) followed by individual texts.

The oldest scriptures held are eighteen leaves (or pages) of scriptures written in

gold by Yiying SL^t at the request of Wang Shenzhi during the early tenth century; these

are referred to as the "five dynasties gold and silver Tripitika" (wudaijinyin zang Sf^ife

fBfl|)[Figure 39]. These pages are all that is left of a group of four sets of the Tripitika

that were ordered by the king of Min Wang Shenzhi to commemorate his enthronement.

The texts were written by master Yiying, two sets in gold and two sets in silver.72

Another eighteen pages are held of the original Fuzhou Kaiyuan Vairocana Tripitika

(Pilu zang itt/^lic) from 1151 of the Song dynasty; these pages are said to be the only
n't

original copies left in Fujian. Also held are many books of the Ming dynasty

Chongzhen Tripitika M'ffiM* in addition to complete copies of the Hongjiao Tripitika %

$kM,14 the Pinqie Tripitika MUSlM, the Jisha Tripitika 5f # i l , 7 5 the Dunhuang Tripitika

71
The dharma hall was first built in 1285 and repaired during the Yuan and Ming Dynasties It was rebuilt
in 1925 under the direction of master Yuanymg as a concrete two story building. This building was
partially damaged during the war of resistance against Japan. In 2007, Yuanymg's Republican period
building was torn down and the current building erected with the contents of the Sutra Library returned m
2008 The reason stated for its replacement was that it was unstable. The bottom floor remains used for
daily morning and evening services while the second floor holds Kaiyuan's excellent collection of Buddhist
scriptures
72
This holding is known as the "Five Dynasties Gold and Silver Tripitika" Sf^ciSlt Wang Shenzhi made
a wish before his enthronement at Kaiyuan Temple and after becoming king he returned to Kaiyuan
Temple, took refuge and donated money to rebuild the mam hall Yiymg became a monk at Kaiyuan's
Yubao Cloister V§^P% {Jinjiangxianzhi 60 A ^ ^ # # )
73
It is said that Fuzhou Kaiyuan Temple retrieved a copy of the Tripitika from Japan
74
According to Kaiyuan monk and librarian Huifeng this may have been acquired by Hongyi, but this needs
to be confirmed
7:>
This edition was made from photo-copies (yingyin SJfcP) of Song dynasty originals in Japan and brought
to Kaiyuan during the Republican Period

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER SIX Cultural Properties 292

Wi'M-W* and a copy of the Japanese Swastika Tripitika (Wanzi zamg, Fri^i!) acquired by

master Hongyi[Figure 38]. 76

In addition to several complete and incomplete sets of the Tripitika, Kaiyuan also

holds several individual texts some of which were written by or annotated by masters

associated with Kaiyuan. The oldest of these is the Yuan Dynasty Lotus Sutra written by

master Ruzhao #PM with his own blood [Figure 37].77 From the Ming Dynasty is a copy

of the Brahma Net Sutra (Brahmajala-sutra, Fanwang jing j^Wm, Taisho 1484) with

the eminent monk Ouyi 's H i S handwritten commentary; the Brahma Net Sutra is cited

as the source for the practice of writing sutras in blood as an offering of one's body to

the Buddha.78 There is a Ming dynasty wood-block print of the Huayan Sutra and a palm

leaf text from Sri Lanka in an Indian script from the Yuan dynasty. From the Republican

Period is a set oiLengyan or Surangama Sutra teaching materials that belonged to master

Yuanying and the Sifenlu (Four Part Vinaya) annotated by master Hongyi as well as a

collection of Master Hongyi's written notes with illustrations. This exceptionally valuable

collection of texts from the tenth to the twentieth centuries contains several rare and

unique pieces that reflect diverse layers of Kaiyuan's rich history. Today, access to the

sutra library and its holdings is guarded by a monk who is the custodian of the library;

visitors must obtain special permission to enter and it receives very few visitors. Its

Sources on these various editions of the Chinese Tripitika include Li, Fuhua, and Mei He. 2003. Hanwen
fojiao dazangjingyanjm:£LJl\%^%WL'£xM\fl[.Research on the Chinese Tripitaka]. Beymg. Zongjiao
wenhua chubanshe, Xu Lmgzhi. 2004 Zhongguo lidai cangshu shi ^ B l J S f ^ i i c ^ j t Nanchang: Jiangxi
renmm chubanshe; Li Jinmg 2002 Fojing banbenl {^Hfilx^ Nanjing Jiangsu guji chubanshe.
77
Writing sutras in blood is a means of offering one's body to the Buddha It is said to have been inspired
by a reference to such offerings in the Brahma Net Sutra (fanwangjing) See Welch 1967 323 for a brief
account. It remained a popular practice in the Republican Period.
78
See Welch 1967 323 for a brief account It remained a popular practice in the Republican Period

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER SIX Cultural Properties 293

impact on the life of Kaiyuan today is primarily as a "talking point" that has helped the

monastery strengthen its reputation as a trove of cultural treasures.

The Main Gate

It was first built in 687 and was part of the original nucleus of the monastery.

Properly called the threefold gate it is nowadays commonly (and incorrectly) referred to

as the Hall of Heavenly Kings (Tianwang dian ^lE.W). In the gate are enshrined two

monumental Hum Ha generals who serve as guardians of the monastery.79 The current

structure would seem to be based on the structure built after the fire of 1357 which has

been continually restored over the centuries. Of the halls lying along Kaiyuan's central

axis, the main gate is least dedicated to specifically religious functions, not simply

because it serves as an entrance to casual tourists and devotees alike, but because it also

houses a ticket booth tended by members of the administrative commission as well as

turnstiles through which visitors must pass. Monks and local devotees are allowed to

enter through the "exit" side of this gate, thus bypassing the turnstile. A distinction is thus

made between local laypersons and monks on the one hand and tourists and other visitors

who are not card-carrying Buddhists on the other. In this way the main gate sets in

motion a process of distinguishing the experience of Buddhist visitors from that of non-

Buddhists; one is required to purchase a ticket and enter through a turnstile on the right,

the other may bypass the theme-park feel of the turnstile and enter on the left where there

is no turnstile. While some visitors offer incense to the towering Hum Ha guardian

figures to the right and left, most simply pass through this hall. This hall contributes to

79
See Pnp-M0ller 1937 14-20
80
Lay Buddhists may obtain a lay Buddhist I D card (guiyi zheng) announcing their dharma name. These
can be used to gam free admission to Buddhist sites, much like senior citizen cards can be used to gain
discounted admission

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER SIX Cultural Properties 294

both the religious and touristic identity of Kaiyuan (a role that will be further explored in

chapter nine).

The Purple Cloud Screen

Across the street from and facing the main gate is a large wall known as a

reflecting screen or spirit wall—a common feature of temples in China. The wall is plain

except for a large stone inscription from the original wall of 1570 that has been inserted

into it reading, "Purple Cloud Screen" ^.7xM in calligraphy by Chen Yuwang P^~f"ZE

the famous Ming dynasty calligrapher [Figures 51, 53]. The screen provides Kaiyuan

with an architectural element that is required for a complete and geomanticallly sound

north-south axis. The features and significance of the north-south axis will be explored

below.

The Stones of the Main Courtyard

The main courtyard of Kaiyuan is paved in granite stones that may have been laid

during the Yuan, if not the Song dynasty. In addition to the courtyard itself are more than

a dozen other stone structures that range in date from the Tang to the Ming. In 1145,

almost one hundred years before the completion of the east and west pagodas, Liu

Sanniang and her husband Liang An erected two Indian style stone stupas decorated with

scenes from the previous lives of the Buddha. They stand just in front of the main hall

where they have stood for the past 850 years [Figure 44].81 In addition to these unique

stupas are eight smaller stupas erected in the early Ming dynasty known as five-wheel

pagodas {wulun ta Iiffeilr) [Figures 40, 47].82

81
A similar stupa is found on the Luoyang bridge$$B$Fjust outside the city of Quanzhou.
8
" See Wang 2008: 31-32 for more on the meaning of these.

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER SIX: Cultural Properties 295

 There are three dharanl pillars in the main courtyard of Kaiyuan standing in the

shade of the towering banyan trees. The earliest of these dates from 854 and, as

mentioned earlier, it was moved to Kaiyuan in 1953 [Figure 43]. The next earliest pillar

was erected by Wang Jixun in 946. It was originally located inside one of the stone stupas

built by the laywoman Liu Sanniang and her husband in 1145 [Figure 41]. It was

discovered along with a gilt silver statue of Guanyin when a typhoon damaged the left

stupa in 1982.83 Dating from 1008, a third pillar is thought to have been moved to

Kaiyuan at the end of the Ming or the early Qing dynasty [Figure 42]. 84 Lastly, standing

near the middle of the courtyard is a stone structure known as the silk-burning furnace

(fenbo lu 5£ ^JP) said to date from the Song Dynasty and previously used to burn silk

offerings during special ceremonies [Figure 46]. The stones of Kaiyuan's courtyard

present another layer of survivals from the Tang, Song and Ming dynasties all shaded by

towering banyans, reflecting contact across the seas with India and providing objects of

aesthetic, historic, doctrinal and religious interest.

Cultural Properties and the Visitor

Entering by the main gate one enters Kaiyuan's main courtyard. Upon doing so

the cultural properties of the monastery just discussed, the main hall, the courtyard, the

trees and the pagodas, collectively make an impact on the visitor. We will profit by

exploring the somatic nature of this experience. Nicole Boivin has criticized the over-

emphasis on linguistically-derived analyses of material culture in which, "Material

culture often became reduced to a mere sign, little different from a linguistic sign, its

"Wang 2008: 33.

84
These Song dynasty pillars were discussed in the Song Dynasty section of Chapter 2.

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER SIX: Cultural Properties 296

physical properties devoid of all but highly abstracted meaning." She emphasizes the

non-linguistic nature of material culture as one of its important features: "By doing away

with language partly or perhaps even entirely, at certain points in time, both material

culture and certain more experientially oriented types of ritual activity are able to alter

human thought and understanding by relating it directly to experience of the material

world, the environment, the body and the emotions."86 One's immediate encounter with

the collective presence of Kaiyuan's material culture, will, I maintain, affect a non-

linguistic somatic response.

We are embodied actors and material culture affects our somatic experience in

immediate and mediated ways. One's feet feel the stone pavement of Kaiyuan's main

courtyard, one's body feels the shade of the trees, one's eyes are filled with the spectacle

of the main hall lying ahead, the scent of burning incense invades one's nostrils, the

relative quiet brings relief to one's ears. If one happens to arrive on Tuesday or Friday

afternoon the sounds of Buddha recitation broadcast from the main hall will arrest one's

attention. In short, upon entering the physical space of the monastery one is made

somatically aware that one is in an environment qualitatively different from the

environment one has just left. This difference is guaranteed by the collective presence of

the monastery's material features.

A dimension of the monastery's material presence, which is common to other

Chinese sites be they temples or even entire cities, is a south-facing arrangement of

buildings situated along a north-south axis enclosed in a wall in accord with ancient

'Boivin 2009:271-272.
' Boivin 2009:283.

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER SIX: Cultural Properties 297

Chinese cosmological thinking In the typical Buddhist temple or monastery, gates and

halls are arrayed along the north-south axis; at the southernmost point is the main gate or

shanmen, across from which is classically a spirit screen, to prevent the entry of

malevolent spirits After the shanmen (if the shanmen is present) is typically found the

hall of four heavenly kings (which Karyuan does not have), beyond this is the mam hall,

which enshrines Buddha(s) Beyond the Buddha hall lie other buildings which vary from

site to site, these include the sutra library and dharma hall and a hall for Guanyin (which

Kaiyuan does not have) 88 Additional buildings which need not be on the central axis are

the Chan hall, the hall of the ordination platform or other shrine halls such as to

monastery protectors or the five hundred arhats To the east and west of the central axis,

one may find pagodas, bell and drum towers, administrative buildings, living quarters and

other shrine rooms or practice halls While there is variation among the precise halls

represented from temple to temple, the rectilinear arrangement of halls arrayed along a

north-south axis, fronted with courtyards of various sizes is followed at the vast majority

of China's thousands of temples At Buddhist monasteries, the Buddha hall should be

located in the middle of this axis and, indeed, Kaiyuan's main hall of five Buddhas is

located at the geographic center (north-south and east-west) of the complex 89 It is this

regularity that causes exasperated visitors to claim that all temples look alike

For the cosmological layout of cities see Wheatley 1975 For the cosmological ideas applied to Buddhist
monasteries in China see Meyer 1992 More on the history of the application of these cosmological
paradigm see Ledderhose 2000 113-117
88
Pnp-Moller's study remains the most complete account of the general layout of Chinese Buddhist
monasteries (Pnp-Pvtoller 1937)
89
1 have examined a scale map of the monastery and determined that a portion of the main hall falls at the
midpoint where the north-south central axis meets the east-west axis when measured from various possible
points (the, north and east boundanes are not as regular as those of the south and west) Walsh points out
the ideal configuration of Buddhist monasteries calls for the Buddha hall to be centrally located (Walsh
2005 48)

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER SIX Cultural Properties 298

 It is also this regularity which somatically communicates that one has entered a

space of traditional culture, of history, of religion—all of which transcend everyday

egoistic existence. This doesn't mean that one who enters such a space also transcends

the everyday; one brings that into the complex and the two worlds intersect. The physical

presence of cultural properties and the physical deployment of buildings and space

produce an experience that, depending on the disposition of the individual or their

religious "habitus," may be interpreted religiously or secularly. Regardless of how one

understands one's experience, it has been affected, if not effected, in important ways by

the concatenation of varied objects of material culture.

The visceral experience of entering a space that is unlike the everyday world

beyond the monastery walls—communicating this, is a role the properties play in concert.

The immediate apprehension of one's surroundings elicits somatic awareness that one has

entered a different world. That Kaiyuan and other monasteries do this is no accident. The

act of entering the monastery is meant to be an act of leaving samsara (the round of

suffering) for the Pure Land or nirvana.90 As Walsh, who has "spent considerable periods

of time visiting Buddhist monasteries and examining historical texts in an effort to better

understand what makes Buddhist space a religious space,"91 has said, monasteries "are

soteriological by design," representing a journey from samsara to nirvana.92 This is

viscerally communicated at Kaiyuan by leaving behind the bright, bustling, and noisy

street and entering a shaded courtyard that is dramatically quieter than the street one has

just left. The crowded street, the tacky signs, the tables of goods, the hangers of clothes,

the motorcycles and buses disappear to be replaced by an expansive courtyard, towering

90
Walsh 2010
91
Walsh 2010:8.
92
Walsh 2010:37.

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER SIX: Cultural Properties 299

banyans, a Ming dynasty hall, stone stupas all in muted shades. The material culture of

the monastery asserts its difference with the world one has just left behind.

While monasteries may seek to communicate a soteriological message with their

buildings, courtyards, walls and Buddhas, the message is broadcast in different

frequencies. Several scholars have noted the variability in meaning of material objects.

Writing about the development of early Buddhist visual culture, Klemens Karlsson

writes:

There is no such thing as a fixed, predetermined or unified meaning in

individual visual objects. Meaning is always context dependent and it
resides in the mind of artists, sponsors, beholders, etc.—and the beholder's
view many not always correspond to the artist's intention.93

The different meanings of the assembly of Kaiyuan's cultural properties may be

thought to come in three major frequencies; visitors, depending on their dispositions will

tune in to one or the other. The three frequencies are Buddha-religion, history-culture and

park-leisure. Those tuning in to the Buddha dharma channel are predisposed to look for

the religious character of the monastery or are else sensitive to the religious message of

the cultural properties. Generally speaking these are the worshipers, laypersons and

clerics. Other visitors who enter the monastery with different sets of expectations and

different kinds of dispositions will tune in to the other frequencies. They will experience

the monastery as a place of history and culture or as a park. These are some of the roles

that monasteries in China have played for centuries.94 The monastery's material culture is

designed, I maintain, to communicate these different messages. It is possible that multi-

layers of meaning have always been encoded in Buddhist visual culture. This is the

suggestion of Vidya Dehejia who argues that if Buddhist writers such as Asvaghosa or

93
Karlsson 2006:70.
94
Brook 2005.

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER SIX: Cultural Properties 300

Aryasura could intentionally use words with multiple meanings then we can expect the

Buddhist artists to also intend multiple layers of meaning in early Buddhist visual

culture 95 I would like to extend this notion to the physical presence of the monastery as a

whole In the contemporary period, the leading monks at Kaiyuan are aware of its

different values (monastery, tourist attraction, park) and actively work to accommodate

each of these interests Their motives may be construed in many ways, all of which have

some measure of truth They have an economic motive (money), they have a political

motive (protection/stability) and they have a dharmic motive (spread Buddhism), all of

these, alas, can be subsumed under an over-arching concern with protecting, preserving

and promoting Buddhism. It is in this sense that they are understandable as actions of the

sangha.

It is also likely that from the earliest of times, Buddhists have built and

embellished monasteries in order to pay homage to and glorify the Buddha and the

Dharma and the Sangha, as well as to draw the attention and support of laypersons. As

the influential monk Daoxuan wrote in the seventh century:

Therefore a monastery and other living quarters were established [on

earth] that were totally unlike ordinary human habitations, and images
were created so strange as to stir the common heart to see the [Buddha
truth]—so much that when ordinary folk were made to hear of it, they
would be shaken into knowing the words and the paths of the faith; when
they were made to see, they would understand the form [of the monastery]
and discern the extraordinary path [of deliverance] %

Daoxuan's motivations here are salvic and compassionate, at the same time, one can

expect that "stirring the human heart" and so forth would also lend itself to drawing

95
Dehijia 1991 45
96
Daoxuan's Zhong tianzhu sheweiguo qihuansi tujing ^^=. lirfSjH^K/B.^f HI ^(Illustrated Scripture of
Jetavana Vihara of Sravati in Central India) T 45 890 a28-b2, translated by Ho 1995 18, Robson 2010a 15

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER SIX Cultural Propei ties 301

support for the monastery as was suggested earlier by the MS Vinaya. In addition to

inspiring faith and arousing support, the cultural properties of monasteries can also elicit

protection. Protection of the monastery is also protection of the Buddha (represented by

the statues, pagodas) and the Dharma (the holding of the sutra library) necessary for the

survival of Buddhism. In discussing the myriad functions and goals of the monastery,

Michael Walsh sounds a similar note: "protecting the sangha was paramount, for without

the sangha there could be no perpetuation of the Dharma. Promoting the stability and

growth of a Buddhist monastery was tantamount to ensuring the survival of Buddhism."97

Kaiyuan's physical survival through the Cultural Revolution provides an opportunity to

examine Kaiyuan's trajectory of survival and sort out the role played by its material

culture. The analysis will focus on the role played by the east and west pagodas and their

dual religious and secular values.

Survival

When Kaiyuan entered the Maoist period it was in possession of the array of

cultural treasures just reviewed-the Song dynasty pagodas, the Ming halls, the collection

of rare scriptures and commentaries, the stupas, sculptures, trees and so on—and when it

exited the Maoist period after the ten year disaster known as the Cultural Revolution it

remained in possession of these same properties and had acquired additional ones along

the way. It is a survival to be celebrated by scholars, aesthetes, religionists and all who

value human heritage. China now has thousands of temples, but most of them have been

built, rebuilt or radically restored over the past ten or fifteen years; relatively few possess

buildings that date to the Ming or earlier, and even fewer posses a group of buildings and

97
Walsh 2010:7.

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER SIX: Cultural Properties 302

artifacts as impressive as those of Quanzhou Kaiyuan. It was Kaiyuan's impressive

survival that first attracted my interest and provoked my initial research question—what

made Kaiyuan's survival possible? More precisely, what did Kaiyuan possess that

enabled it to survive in such a complete manner?

Kaiyuan's imperial history, sketched in chapter two, exhibits a pattern of support

by elites and the state. The beginning of the Maoist period demonstrated, yet again, that

Kaiyuan, unlike most other temples, would receive the protection and even financial

support of the state. But, as the state turned against traditional culture and all religious

institutions were threatened with annihilation, what enabled Kaiyuan to dodge the

hammers of the Red Guards? What motivated Mayor Wang to come to Kaiyuan's

defense at a crucial moment? While the factors contributing to Kaiyuan's survival are

multiple and complex, Kaiyuan's cultural properties played a crucial a role at a critical

moment. Just as monasteries in ancient India found it serviceable to possess impressive

cultural properties, so has Quanzhou Kaiyuan found, in its cultural properties, an

invaluable asset in its will to survive.

As discussed in the introduction, Yuanxian used a phrase from the twenty-third

hexagram of the Yijing to describe a fundamental condition of the late Ming restoration of

Quanzhou Kaiyuan monastery: "The great fruit has not been eaten." In addition to the

poetic metaphor of the monastery re-emerging from the seeds of its own fruit, the great

fruit also suggests, on my reading, Kaiyuan's stone pagodas, the ancient mulberry and

other cultural properties. They had survived the turmoil of the times, and the pagodas, in

98
1 have visited only one other monastery with an equally impressive array of original buildings and
cultural artifacts, Zhengding's Longxmg Temple lE/EHt^^f m Hebei (a k a Big Buddha Temple ^ffi=# )
This temple is preserved essentially as a museum and currently has no monastic population, an important
difference that will be explored in chapter eight

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER SIX Cultural Properties 303

particular, stood as enduring symbols of strength, solemnity and the "Buddhist kingdom"

that once was. They were a "great fruit" that had not been picked or eaten and their

commanding presence would help frame the scene of Kaiyuan's late-Ming revival.

A Tang dynasty commentary on this line of the Yijing suggests that if a noble man

(junzi fq ^p)picks the fruit it would bring good luck and if a petty person (xiao ren <h A )

steals the fruit it would be a harbinger of misfortune." The petty thus avoid harming this

"fruit" out of fear while the noble man, by his nature, desists in bringing it harm. In this

way, the great fruit is allowed to bring forth new life. With respect to Kaiyuan monastery,

the phrase suggests that the gentry and other persons of means respect the monastery due

to its venerable status and wish to see it prosper, while commoners are afraid to steal

from or destroy it. While many of Kaiyuan's buildings were in fact occupied by people of

means and others were left to fall into states of disrepair, the twin pagodas were indeed

sufficiently respected by the gentry and commoners alike. It is with this in mind that I

suggest that the "great fruit" may in part be thought to refer to Kaiyuan's surviving

cultural properties, above all, the twin pagodas.

Just as the pagodas survived the turmoil at the end of the Yuan and the

depravations of the mid-Ming and a powerful earthquake, they also survived the wars that

ravaged China from the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. As China careened

toward the ten year war on traditional culture known as the Cultural Revolution, the

pagodas and Kaiyuan's other cultural properties were once again great fruits that were

not to be eaten.

99
This explanation is from the Zhouyijijie fal^iMM, a Tang dynasty collection of commentaries from Han
to Tangy on the Yijing, cited in Huang Shouqi Jt^flR and Zhang Shanwen ?^#3C 2001 Zhouyi yizhu M
Ja"t$vi ("The Yijing, Translation and Commentary") Shanghai. Shanghai Guji Publishing House, p 202

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER SIX Cultural Properties 304

Two Views of Kaiyuan's Cultural Properties

When I interviewed former Mayor Wang in 2006 I was escorted by a layperson from

Kaiyuan monastery [Figure 64]; he helped jump start the interview by pointedly asking

his friend Mr. Wang, "Why, as a member of the Communist Party, a mayor and a non-

believer, why did you protect Kaiyuan monastery? What was the reason? What was your

motive (dongji ^tl|H)?" The ninety-one year old Mr. Wang took some time to make his

reply, but when he did it was clear—what he sought to protect was culture not religion:

Kaiyuan temple is not simply a religious issue. Kaiyuan temple is a carrier

of all kinds of culture i&ffi^Cikdti^W). ... [most of all] the two pagodas
and their architectural artistry. ... One finds the culture of the whole
Quanzhou region inside Kaiyuan temple. When you visit Kaiyuan temple
what do you first see? Culture, right? This is the issue [not religion]. .. .If
there were no Kaiyuan temple the culture of Quanzhou would not be what
it is, it would be superficial. Kaiyuan temple elegantly displays this culture.
This is not a political point of view. This is national culture. I am a
member of the Communist Party and I do not believe in religion, this is
culture, the culture of a people (of a nation). This was the issue. How
could I not protect it? 10°

The mayor's professed motivations were strictly secular; he frames the issue as

one of culture and explicitly distances his actions from any concern with religion. His

actions, he asserts, were carried out in the name of cultural preservation. While his

response is in line with a form of new orthodoxy in China, which values China's cultural

heritage and seeks to preserve it and promote it for economic development in the form of

tourism and socio-political solidarity in the form of nationalism, his response also

suggests the genuine importance of Kaiyuan's cultural properties in motivating his

From an interview with Wang Jinsheng, October 25, 2006 at his home in Quanzhou.

J¥So & ^ ^ A $ ^ ± * # M [ r e p e a t e d ] & ^ - ^ ^ W 3 t ^ o i^^jfe^, ^ W W , i*^

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER SIX: Cultural Properties 305

actions to protect it. More importantly, the coherence and plausibility of his state reason

speaks to the multivalent power of Kaiyuan's cultural properties. Mr. Wang speaks both

of the local and trans-local value of Kaiyuan's cultural properties—he speaks of them as

making Quanzhou's culture what it is and as belonging to the Chinese people {minzu de

wenhua) as a whole. As the mayor of Quanzhou, Mr. Wang asks, how could he not

protect a site of such important cultural value for the city and the people of China? It

would be a betrayal of his city and of the nation. In addition, Kaiyuan monastery had

been designated an Important Provincial Cultural Heritage Protected Site in 1961 ;101 it

was this expressly secular designation, "protected cultural heritage," that provided the

mayor with his legal justification for protecting Kaiyuan.

As Mr. Wang recounted the day he stopped Red Guards from vandalizing

Kaiyuan temple, he explained what he considered the three elements most critical to the

protection of Kaiyuan temple: 1. he had the document indicating its protected status 2. the

students (Red Guards) understood its cultural value and 3. he was there to protect it. Of

these, I take the second to be most interesting and, perhaps, most crucial. As he explained

what happened on that day in 1966, it became clear that the Red Guards, at least

according to his account, understood the cultural value of Kaiyuan temple. They

understood this value and its protected status and, as other youths arrived to join in the

destruction of the four olds, the students who had already heard the mayor turned to them

and explained that Kaiyuan was not to be harmed; thus the message was conveyed, youth

to youth. They understood that harming Kaiyuan temple would be harming the culture of

their city and their nation.

101
This is recorded on a stone inscription in Kaiyuan's main courtyard.

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER SIX- Cultural Properties 306

 Mayor Wang appealed to them not only on an intellectual level (this place is

legally protected), but on an emotional one (this place represents your history, your

culture, your city, regard it as you would yourself). Mr. Wang was successful because he

was able to tap into emotionally charged psychological markers such as city, nation and

heritage by invoking the cultural value of the pagodas. I do not know if it was

predominantly a feeling of "civic pride" that he aroused in the Red Guards, but this is the

emotion that comes out when he speaks about that day and when others speak about

Kaiyuan's cultural properties. It is therefore the terminology upon which I have settled to

capture an essentially "non-religious" feeling that played a role in Kaiyuan's protection

during the Cultural Revolution and continues to play a role in the promotion of Kaiyuan

as a tourist site. Mayor Wang's argument was not based on religious concerns; it goes

without saying that Mayor Wang would not have succeeded had he insisted on the

inviolability of Kaiyuan and asked the Red Guards to bow to the Buddhas in the main

hall.

Cultural properties played a key role in both motivating mayor Wang's protection

of the monastery and, according to the mayor, understanding the value of these cultural

properties played a crucial role in convincing the Red Guards to abandon their vandalistic

intentions. My research suggests that the mayor's professed motivation to protect cultural

properties is shared by practically all of Kaiyuan's secular supporters. While this is likely

related to the politically correct nature of such a position, I do not take this position to be

merely one of rhetoric. Over the course of my fieldwork I have spent time with

Buddhists, non-religious people who are nonetheless sympathetic to religious practice

and individuals who are non-religious and non-sympathetic to religious practice. Of

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER SIX: Cultural Properties 307

these three groups, both the latter two have been found to express the wholly secular view

of Kaiyuan's cultural properties, while religious people and Buddhists have expressed

esteem for Kaiyuan's cultural properties as part of a religious complex. Thus, over the

course of my fieldwork, onsite at Kaiyuan and in the community of Quanzhou, I have

found that among the monastery's advocates and enthusiasts there are individuals who are

"religious" 102 and others who are "secular." The secular supporters act only in the name

of culture and history and they inevitably possess distinct pride in the city of Quanzhou

and its history, which I hope to express with "civic pride." These supporters may

explicitly deny any affiliation with Buddhism (as does Mr. Wang) or they may simply

emphasize the cultural and historical value of Kaiyuan and its cultural properties and the

importance of their protection without suggesting any need to protect or restore Buddhist

practice at the site. The supporters speak of culture (wenhua), history (lishi) and art

(yishu). These individuals are most characteristically represented by officials who have

been educated to think about religious property in such a way; their interests are not

simply secular, they are agents of secularization. The discourse of Mayor Wang

exemplifies this secularly-based motivation. Regardless of the rhetorical or politically

correct nature of the "secular" stance, Kaiyuan's material culture is sufficiently

multivalent to accommodate those attracted to culture and history as well as those attuned

to its religious significance.

When Kaiyuan's cultural properties are approached with the dispositional attitude

of civic pride they appear as cultural treasures of artistic, technical or historical value

which should be preserved. This dispositional attitude finds its paradigmatic fulfillment

m various actions that fall under the rubric of "tourism," which I expand to include not
102
"Religious" rather than "Buddhist" to indicate worshipers as well as monks and laity

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER SIX Cultural Properties 308

only sight-seeing and photography but also study and discussion. These actions are the

fruition of the dispositional motivation marked by interest and pride in local history and

culture that I intend to suggest with the phrase "civic pride." These visitors consider it

ludicrous to offer incense to the east pagoda, but they will examine the sign nearby

explaining its architectural value proven through its survival of the great earthquake of

1604.

Civic Pride

The first question is: Why "pride"? And secondly, why "Civic" Pride? "Pride" is

not a word that my interviews have use to describe their feelings about Kaiyuan's cultural

properties, but it is a word I have selected as the best fit to a range of emotions they have

expressed (verbal as well as non-verbal) with respect to Kaiyuan's special features. Pride

has been evident on the faces and in the voices of all of Kaiyuan's secular enthusiasts,

from the studied pomposity of officials to the unaffected passion of the antiquarian and

all the marginally-interested people in between who, nonetheless, know about Kaiyuan

and value its historic properties. This broad group of individuals characteristically speaks

of Kaiyuan and its cultural properties with an air of pride. Their enthusiasm for Kaiyuan

and its properties betrays their own sense of pride which is not pride in themselves, but in

themselves as residents of the great medieval city that has been the home of Kaiyuan for

more than a thousand years.

Those I have spoken of as the "marginally-interested" constitute the Quanzhou

general public. I have met them at the monastery or run into them on the busy streets near

it; I have sat next to them on buses in Quanzhou or visited with them in homes or cafes.

Members of the general public do not know much about Kaiyuan, but they know it is old,

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER SIX: Cultural Properties 309

famous and important and have a general idea why, namely because it is home to

important historical properties, above all, the twin pagodas and an ancient mulberry tree.

The further one is from the epicenter of Kaiyuan, the less interested and informed is the

general public about Kaiyuan; nevertheless, at any distance, one can detect a tinge of

pride in the cultural properties that are possessed by Kaiyuan. Kaiyuan's twin pagodas

are universally recognized as symbols of Quanzhou. Such a view is encouraged through

visual cues on billboards, logos, magazine and book covers and other media where the

pagodas represent Quanzhou as a city that welcomes the world. People view Kaiyuan's

twin pagodas as well as the kalavinka and apsaras as symbols, not only of the city of

Quanzhou, but also of Quanzhou as a starting point on the maritime silk route, a fabulous

cosmopolitan entrepot of the Song and Yuan dynasties.103 The feeling of pride is not

personal, it is pride to be part of something more, not a venerable old monastery, but a

famous old city open to the world. Tuan noted that the affective bond between people and

places is strongest in cases where the place serves a symbolic role: "Topophilia is not the

strongest of human emotions. When it is compelling we can be sure that the place or

environment has become the carrier of emotionally charged events or perceived as a

symbol."104 Kaiyuan represents just such a case.

The value of Kaiyuan's pagodas as symbols of Quanzhou has been made that

much clearer in the wake of our present media revolution, which has placed image

processing and print technology within reach of the masses. Wherever one finds a

website or tourist brochure promoting Quanzhou, one will find an image of Kaiyuan's

103
It should be noted that the general public sometimes lumps together Kaiyuan's twin pagodas along with
the stone statue of Laozi on Mount Qmgyuan JHMLLI and Qmgzhen mosque ?H U^f as symbols of old
Quanzhou, "starting point of the maritime silk route " This view has tirelessly been promoted among the
population since the 1980s as part of Quanzhou's plan of opening and economic development
104
Tuan 1972 93

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER SIX Cultural Properties 310

twin pagodas. What today is manifest so prominently in these visual media has in some

degree long existed in the hearts and minds of the people of Quanzhou expressed in the

old saying: "Stand up like the east and west pagodas; lie down like Luoyang bridge(AL#P

&nm, ebwrafr)."105
The civic pride of Quanzhou locals is also evident in a folk tradition that survives

from the fourteenth century.106 I first encountered this tradition in the name of a hotel

near Kaiyuan, the Carp City Hotel—"Carp City" (Licheng MML) is an old nickname for

Quanzhou, but what does it mean? I later learned more about the Carp City name when I

was talking to the owner of a small restaurant opposite the main gate of Kaiyuan. She

told me that the city of Quanzhou was shaped like a great fish, a carp and that Kaiyuan's

east and west pagodas were its eyes; I could see this, she informed me, if I looked down

at the city from Mount Qingyuan. The carp is a Chinese symbol of upward mobility and

prosperity earned through perseverance or skill. A local legend attributes the great

prosperity and success of medieval Quanzhou to the excellent fengshui or geomantic

properties of the city demonstrated by its carp-shape. This legend was apparently taken

seriously enough by the founding emperor of the Ming Dynasty, Taizu/Hongwu, and he,

seeking to contain the energy of the great city, sent the general and geomancer Zhou

Dexing Mlli7*4(14th century) to reconfigure Quanzhou's fengshui so as to contain the

Both the pagodas and the Luoyang bridge are massive Song dynasty stone structures that remain
celebrated not only for their grace and longevity, but also as engineering marvels. Luoyang bridge is
bounded at both ends by Buddhist stupas, Buddhist stupas and sculptures are also found at points along the
length of the bridge as well As mentioned in chapter two the bridge was built under the supervision of a
Kaiyuan monk This only serves to further the notion that Quanzhou is a "Buddhist kingdom" \% HI and
that Kaiyuan monastery is at the heart of Quanzhou and its treasures.
106
Wang 1999- 154-178

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER SIX Cultural Pi operties 311

carp' Garrison towns were built and other structures and administrative units devised

in an effort to net the carp Kaiyuan's two pagodas, however, remained, piercing the net

Zhou Dexmg is said to have attempted to burn them down in the late fourteenth century,
108
his plans, however, were foiled by a heaven sent downpour of rain Thanks to

Kaiyuan's pagodas, the carp remained un-netted and free

This folklonc interpretation of actual historical events of the early Ming has been

passed down for centuries and remains part of Quanzhou's folk identity After the coast

of Fujian was opened to foreign investment in 1979 many administrative reforms were

set in motion, among them was the changing of Maoist era place names Local historians

charged with the later task proposed the borough of Quanzhou (not the city) to be

renamed "Carp City " 109 This recommendation reflects local pride in the history of

Quanzhou to produce so many capable individuals and so much prosperity and some kind

of faith in the potency of the twin pagodas, which are attributed with tearing holes in the

imperially cast net and freeing the carp to swim free and prosper Kaiyuan's pagodas,

then, form part of the folk imagination of the city of Quanzhou as geomantically

powerful forces that work on behalf of the city and contribute to it prosperity To be

proud of the carp city is to value and take pride in the pagodas which, according to local

lore, variously serve as its eyes and keep it free

Despite the preponderance of secularly-oriented praise for Kaiyuan's cultural

properties (historic, cultural, scientific and economic), there remains a segment of the

107
A national folktale relates how a carp jumped over the dragon gate and was able to become a dragon
The founding emperor of Ming feared a Quanzhou local "jumping over the dragon gate" and becoming a
challenge to the new regime and thus set about reconfiguring the auspicious fengshui of the city (Wang
2009 31-34)
108
Quanzhou's story of the carp is recorded in Wu Zaotmg 1985 [1940] Quanzhou minjian chuanshuo ji
(A Collection of Quanzhou Folk Tales) Fuzhou People's Publishing House, pp 1-5 See also Wang 2009
30-33
109
Wang 2009 28

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER SIX Cultural Properties 312

population that values Kaiyuan's cultural properties as objects of Buddhist value or

spiritual power (ling).

Reverence

Kaiyuan's religious supporters while recognizing the historic value of the

monastery, are generally more focused on the restoration of the Sangha and the

maintenance and preservation of monastic properties as a place for religious practice.

They speak of Kaiyuan monastery as a sacred place (shendi), as a place of spiritual

efficacy (ling), as a place for the accumulation of merit (gongde) and the receipt of

blessings (zhufu). The language of these supporters is thus imbued with unmistakably

religious notions. These "religious" supporters characteristically view cultural properties

with an attitude of reverence distinct from the civic pride of non-religious. When

Kaiyuan's cultural properties are approached with a dispositional attitude of reverence

they are transformed into devotional objects. As devotional objects they are most

properly addressed by forms of obeisance, especially offerings of incense and

prostrations. The uniquely religious property that devotional objects possess, in the view

of many religiously-motivated supporters, is spiritual power (ling), which is thought to be

accessed by making offerings and simple gestures of obeisance. Others, especially among

members of the sangha, value Kaiyuan's cultural properties for their connection with the

Buddha or the dharma; it is for this that they are venerated. Their veneration, especially

the ritualized veneration of monks and nuns, is performed with a notion of self-

cultivation.

Visitors typically offer incense to the Buddhas in the main hall. Many others

offer incense to Guanyin at the back of the main hall, Weituo in front of the ordination

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER SIX: Cultural Properties 313

platform and Lossana on the ordination platform. All of these worshiped statues are

protected relics from the Qing and Ming dynasties. While the pagodas do not have a

censor to collect incense, religious visitors occasionally toss sticks of incense, coins and

even fruit through the gated doorways of the pagodas as offerings. Such individuals who

approach Kaiyuan's cultural properties as objects of devotion do so along a spectrum of

behavior found in ritualistic acts that runs from perfunctory to pious. I aim to capture the

disposition expressed by these monks, worshipers and laypersons with the term

"reverence," an attitude which is characteristic of such devotional acts [Figures 21-22,

57].

Paul Woodruff, in a book of moral philosophy titled Reverence: Renewing a

Forgotten Virtue, identities reverence as a virtue which entails feelings of awe, respect

and shame.110 Woodruff draws on the important Confucian virtue // ?L, meaning "ritual"

or "propriety" as an ancient example of the idea of reverence.111 Li indicates doing things

in the proper manner and it forms part of the modern word "manners" {limao). Reverence

is not limited to expressions in a religious context, but it is a characteristic emotion found

in individuals who are in the presence of objects they hold as sacred. Kaiyuan's

worshipers, lay Buddhists and monks all carry varying degrees of reverence with respect

to Kaiyuan's Buddhas, Bodhisattvas and other cultural properties. Kaiyuan's librarian

prostrates to the shelf of sutras before he opens it; worshipers prostrate themselves before

Buddhas and Bodhisattvas in Kaiyuan's halls and countless other protected properties

throughout Kaiyuan.

1,0
Woodruff 2001
111
Stephen Angle examines Woodruffs use of// as a form of reverence; see Angle 2005.

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER SIX: Cultural Properties 314

 As mentioned earlier, people occasionally toss offerings of coins or incense into

the pagodas. These are acts of devotion and when they are performed most sincerely they

are accompanied by a sense of reverence directed toward the object of one's devotion.

Such reverence can be detected in the language of devotees, heard in prayers mumbled or

observed in the movements of those engaged in acts of devotion. Reverence also

accompanies the ritual acts of monastics such as prostrations, which are designed to

cultivate selflessness or the surrendering of egoism.

While reverence may be manifest through actions, as Woodruff suggests, it is

more fundamentally a feeling or complex of feelings. The feeling I have in mind, largely

follows what Woodruff has mapped out, but I emphasize the "respect" dimension. It is a

feeling of deep respect and may also include some degree of love or awe. What is the

source of reverence that people feel towards Kaiyuan's cultural properties? Worshipers

typically believe that the cultural properties discussed here are embodied with spiritual

power (ling). According to Chinese folk understanding, spiritual power as manifest in

objects is not generic; that is to say, worshiping one statue of Guanyin is not the same as

worshiping any other statue of Guanyin. Although each statue may manifest the presence

of Guanyin, each statue has its own history and special properties and reputation of

efficacy or lack of efficacy—its own spiritual trajectory. Spiritual power is thus

concentrated and localized in objects and places.114 Kaiyuan enjoys a reputation as a

112
The relationship between reverence and outward speech and behavior is one reason why monks have
traditionally laid such stress on deportment, appearance and speech—these project a proper image to which
lay persons will respond, but at the same time it inculcates what may be described as a sense of reverence, a
sense of focus or concentration, which is to say non-distraction from one's keeping of the precepts
113
This is the common belief among believers in China See also Kieschmck 2003 80 While it is a
common belief it is not necessarily the view of the Buddhist clergy, some of whom recognize it has a form
of folk belief not strictly in-line with Buddhist teachings
114
This notion of one statue being more spiritually powerful than another or one pagoda being more
powerful than another is generally a boon to monasteries, especially those that possess properties with a

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER SIX Cultural Properties 315

place of spiritual efficacy which may be accessed through worshiping in its halls or

sponsoring ceremonies to be performed in one's name. When people enter Kaiyuan they

are not especially reverent as one might be upon entering a church, but as worshipers they

assume reverential attitudes as they prostrate themselves before images or

circumambulate the halls or pagodas.

The belief in the spiritual power of objects is part of the religious habitus of

Kaiyuan's worshipers. Scholars interested in material objects or visual culture have

theorized the power of inanimate objects in other, non-Chinese contexts. In The Power of

Images David Freedberg has explored the power of Western visual art to generate

responses in the beholder (Freedberg 1989). Alfred Gel has theorized that humans

habitually "abduct" agency to material objects; that is, we attribute to objects (icons,

idols, cars and computers) the power to will, intend or act (Gel 1998). A group of

scholars have used Gel's ideas to examine whether or not the mass production of

religious statues in Vietnam limits their perceived spiritual efficacy; in other words how

commercialization impacts the relationship between the worshiper and the commodified

statue.115 In short, they found that commodification weakened ling, but did not eradicate

it.116

In the religious context of Kaiyuan, the agency attributed to Kaiyuan's cultural

properties is formalized and legitimized by the sheer weight of tradition—a tradition that

Chinese modernizers and revolutionaries have attempted to eradicate but have failed. The

robust sale of mass produced statues of deities for domestic shrines in Quanzhou suggests

reputation for spiritual efficacy, it supports the belief that one cannot simply buy one of the readily
available images and put it in one's home and have access to the same spiritual power that is available at a
venerable monastery This notion will be developed in the following chapter
115
Kenall, Tam and Huong 2010
116
Ibid.

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER SIX Cultural Properties 316

that commodification has not enervated their perceived ling. Scholars of Chinese religion

have identified ling, variously translated as "spirit," "efficacy," "numinous," "magical

power" (Sangren 1987) and "magical efficacy" (Chau 2006), as a central feature of

Chinese popular religion. Among Kaiyuan's worshipers the fact of spiritual efficacy is

simply a given and the crowds that gather on special days and lunar twenty-sixth are

taken as evidence of the efficacy of Kaiyuan and its material properties.

There are, however, those who do not subscribe to the notion of spiritual power

inhering in statues, images or pagodas, but who nonetheless treat these objects with

reverence. These include some monastics, some lay Buddhists and individuals who are

generally younger or more educated and have an interest in religion or Buddhism but do

not subscribe to "the weight of tradition." Even Kaiyuan's specifically non-religious

visitors typically treat statues inside Kaiyuan's halls with some measure of respect. If

questioned they will cite the age, artistry or uniqueness of Kaiyuan's cultural properties

as the source of their interest—this non-religiously motivated type of interest falls under

my rubric of civic pride.

Two Circuits of Activity

I hold that these two dispositional attitudes, civic pride and reverence, influence

perceptions of cultural properties and lead to specific patterns of behavior with respect to

cultural properties. These patterns of behavior form two circuits of activity: 1. The civic

pride-cultural treasure-tourism circuit and 2. The reverence-devotional object-worship

circuit.117 These two circuits of activity may be thought to originate in the different ways

in which cultural properties are viewed by individuals. These dispositional attitudes (civic

117
1 use the word "worship" for lack of a better alternative, but I would like to point out that pilgrimage
serves as a close analogue with the activity I have in mind.

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER SIX Cultural Properties 317

pride and reverence) act as the central conduit in the circuit of activity that runs between

cultural properties and individuals. These dispositional attitudes may also be called

motivational attitudes because they act as the motivating factor bringing about positive

action with respect to Kaiyuan. Those positive actions are the actions associated with

tourism and heritage preservation on the one hand and with worship and religious revival

on the other. Both sets of actions and their corresponding attitudes have encouraged

patterns of protection, preservation and promotion.

When approached with an attitude of civic pride, cultural properties appear as

historic and cultural treasures that must be preserved and made available to the public;

individuals with this attitude participate in activities which fall under my broadened

concept of tourism. When approached with an attitude of reverence, cultural properties

are seen as objects of spiritual power or representations of the Buddha or dharma that

must be preserved and made accessible to devotees for worship.

It is within the civic pride circuit that scholars, artists, amateur historians and even

musicians take an interest in and offer support for the monastery and its cultural

properties. Groups of musicians and scholars who study the traditional Nanyin music of

Quanzhou regularly visit Kaiyuan temple to view and study the apsaras and kalavinkas

holding traditional instruments in the main hall and in the hall of the ordination platform.

Cultural enthusiasts regular view and inquire into the Hindu sculptures in front of and at

the rear of the main hall. Arborists take an interest in Kaiyuan's magnificent banyans,

grand bodhi trees and mystical mulberry. Scholars from China and abroad have taken an

interest in its art and architecture from the first investigations of Ecke and Demieville in

the 1920s to the more recent investigations of Wang Hanfeng (1992 etc.), Chen-shen

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER SIX: Cultural Properties 318

[Ellen] Wang (2008) and Risha Lee (currently writing a dissertation on the Indian

sculptures in Quanzhou and Kaiyuan at Columbia). In all of these cases, secular interests

dominate and the pursuant actions vary from visiting and study, to protection and

preservation. All of these activities form part of the civic pride-cultural treasure-tourism

circuit as I envision it and all of them contribute in some fashion to the protection,

support or promotion of the monastery. The difference between this support and that

portrayed in the MS Vinaya is that there the support, though inspired by material culture,

was offered by laity to clerics. Here, monastic property inspires support, but not from

laypersons, or even individuals interested in supporting the clergy.

The reverence circuit, on the other hand, is part of a traditional or religious

worldview in which certain objects, places or persons are seen to possess sacred qualities

or power. Individuals operating within this paradigmatic dispositional attitude are less

concerned about the historic value of Kaiyuan's cultural properties than with their

spiritual efficacy or their connection with the Buddha or dharma. The thousands of

devotees who turn up on the twenty-sixth day of every lunar month to offer incense,

prostrate, eat noodles and nianfo (recite the Buddha's name) are not focused on questions

of heritage, but on questions of receiving blessings, eradicating bad luck and earning

merit which may benefit oneself, one's family or one's ancestors; a minority may have

more specific ideas about self-cultivation. Their ritualistic actions, which I subsume

under the rubric of "worship," support the preservation and continuance of a religiously

active environment. Their donations directly support the sangha, whereas the entry ticket

purchased by tourists and tour groups is shared by the sangha and the non-monastic

temple administrative commission. Without significant numbers of such religiously

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER SIX Cultural Properties 319

motivated individuals, temples in China become museums rather than places of religious

practice. For now, it is important to recognize that the individuals whose dispositions

toward cultural properties are marked by reverence contribute to the protection and

maintenance of Kaiyuan as a place of religious practice. The greater significance of their

support in fending off museumification is part of what is indicated by the notion of

synergy. The way in which they interact with the temple and its properties enhances

Kaiyuan's reputation as a site of spiritual power and a place of the dharma and therefore

draws more pilgrims from greater distances, some of whom spend large sums of money

on rituals to eliminate ill fortune.

Individuals possessing this religious sensibility typically understand the civic

pride dimension but do not consider it of paramount importance. At the same time, those

who tend to emphasize the civic pride perspective which lauds cultural and historic value

over the religious may be found going through the motions of offering incense or

engaging in forms of obeisance and worship. In other words, the two circuits of activity

are not as exclusive and their boundaries are not as clearly demarcated as the models

have heretofore suggested. When dispositional attitudes are mixed the resultant actions

are correspondingly mixed. The monks and laypersons whose dominant attitude toward

cultural properties is one of reverence and devotion will, for example, most often carry a

measure of civic or cultural pride directed at the age and artistry of the pagodas or the

longevity of Kaiyuan's ancient mulberry tree. These Buddhist supporters invariably

recognize the cultural and historical value of the site and the need for its protection based

on its religious as well as historic and cultural values. As visitors they not only prostrate

themselves before images of Buddhas but they will also pose for photos in front of the

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER SIX. Cultural Properties 320

main hall and pagodas In such cases the neat line of demarcation between the actions of

worship or pilgrimage and tourism becomes blurred. Similar slippage occurs when

camera-toting historical materialists follow the stream of worshipers in burning incense

in front of images of Buddhas or bodhisattvas. While recognizing that such slippages

occur I maintain the usefulness of identifying these two paradigms as a means of sorting

out two fundamentally distinct types of visitors and supporters of Kaiyuan, the religious

(revivalists) and the secular (curators) The importance of distinguishing these two types

of supporters will become more clear as we examine how these parties compete and

negotiate with one another in chapter eight. For now, we simply want to see how each

group contributes to the protection, maintenance and promotion of Kaiyuan monastery

based on its possession of cultural properties which, due to their multivalence, each group

values for its own distinct set of reasons, one motivated religiously, the other, secularly.

Two Circuits of Synergy

All Buddhist monasteries have what may be called cultural properties such as

gates, halls, statues, paintings, calligraphy and so on. Such cultural properties were not

enough to halt an onslaught of vandalism and destruction at most monasteries throughout

China including dozens of temples in Quanzhou. What made Kaiyuan different'? The role

played by mayor Wang was instrumental, but what compelled the mayor to rush to

Kaiyuan's protection'? After all, he failed to protect countless other temples, including

Chengtian Monastery, one of Quanzhou's most important, located about a mile from

Kaiyuan This chapter has argued that Kaiyuan's cultural properties played a crucial role

in both drawing mayor Wang to its defense and providing him with a basis for his

persuasive arguments (legal and civic/cultural value) What makes Kaiyuan's cultural

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER SIX Cultural Properties 321

properties different? Kaiyuan is genuinely in possession of cultural properties markedly

different from other monasteries, above all the Purple Cloud Twin Towers. What makes

these pagodas different from hundreds or thousands of other pagodas throughout

China?118 People say that they are the tallest pair of stone pagodas in all of China, but

that is not their only unique value. I would say that their uniqueness lies in their

combination of age, superb construction, artistry, symmetry, representation of Buddhist

scripture and history and overall visual impact. Other pagodas or pairs of pagodas may

have two or three of these features, but none have as diverse an array of these features

and Kaiyuan's pagodas truly remain in a class of their own. This litany of characteristics

by itself, however, remains incapable of effecting positive action - what is necessary is a

community receptive to the special significances of the pagodas or other cultural

properties.

I want to use the notion of synergy to further describe how the relationships

between members of the community and Kaiyuan's cultural properties have served to

protect and restore Kaiyuan. In order to simplify this discussion we will focus on the

pagodas, which are the most visible and important of Kaiyuan's cultural properties. The

pagodas alone, however, in the absence of a human community, are merely stone towers,

perhaps a good place for nesting bats and rodents, but in the eyes of locals the towers take

on a host of added meanings and values. The way in which these meanings and values are

added and multiplied is what I intend to denote by multivalence and "synergy."

1 8
' One can find many other tall pagodas throughout China that have survived from the Ming, Qmg and
earlier While these pagodas have survived, the monasteries to which they once belonged typically did not
One thus finds throughout China dozens of old pagodas standing next to newly rebuilt halls. There are
countless examples of this, prominent examples include several temples in Xi'an such as Da Cien Temple
^vHl^f and Dajianfu Temple J^f^Tlhe homes of the Big and Small Wild Goose Pagodas
(;*JS§> 'JVPg) respectively

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER SIX Cultural Properties 322

 We have already examined the civic value of the pagodas and how they figure in

the folklore of the city, but how else are they viewed by the community on a day to day

basis? In the eyes of the surrounding community these pagodas evoke many significant

associations: they are Buddhist monuments, they are links to ancestors, they are

survivals from the age of their city's glory days and in this they are points of local pride.

They were built 750 years ago by locals using local stone in a local style using local

technology. Since that time they have survived a mighty earthquake that toppled many

newer structures, they have survived dozens of powerful hurricanes that have damaged

other buildings and they have survived dozens of wars and rebellions. Their age gives the

pagodas not only a venerable quality but also, in the eyes of the surrounding community,

a certain reliability. Adrift on a sea of uncertainty, humans often long in vain for

something fixed, certain and reliable, but for the community of Quanzhou, while

buildings, walls, arches and harbors full of ships have come and gone, these stone

pagodas have remained, rising prominently above the rest of the city, as something

constant and dependable—virtual pole stars for the community of Quanzhou. They have

reliably stood their ground under the gaze of one's grandparents, great-grandparents,

great-great grandparents and so on for seven hundred and fifty years. The strength and

constancy which the pagodas represent to the people of Quanzhou is encapsulated in a

popular local saying: "Stand up like the east and west pagodas; lie down like Luoyang

bridge." To lose them, mayor Wang implied, would be to lose Quanzhou.

Despite our best efforts to evaluate the pagodas on their "own" merits, in spite of

our habits of mind to speak of objects of art as having some life of their own, objects of

material culture exists in a shifting communion with their human observers. The value of

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER SIX: Cultural Properties 323

material culture lies m the eyes and mmds of the observer The people take pride in them

and they revere them through a process that invests them with a kind of greatness, if not

inviolability In accumulating these cultural values the pagodas, in addition to being

Buddhist structures, become cultural treasures and even national treasures The

accumulation of these values and valences is what I seek to evoke with the use of

"synergy "

Deployed in the service of economic development, civic or national heritage,

tourism or religious revival, cultural properties take on added value and significance

through interaction with members of the community through a process that is synergistic

In the synergistic exchange between observers and Kaiyuan's cultural properties, the

properties assume a greater meaning and value than the mere sum of their stones

Because they are valued as cultural treasures, they have been protected and maintained

Because they are known to have been protected and maintained by the community and at

state expense Kaiyuan and its properties take on additional value and meaning As

Kaiyuan has assumed a higher profile, it has been visited by a stream of elite visitors

(such as Jiang Zemin m 1994) and its status becomes even more exalted This continual

cycling back and forth between cultural properties/monastery and the community leads to

increasing visibility and increasing prestige for Kaiyuan monastery and its cultural

properties The dynamic cycling back and forth that I have described here is what makes

this process a "circuit" and it is the increasing expansion of value and significance that I

seek to capture with the term "synergy "

Tourism and worship and the energy and money deployed in their service have

made Quanzhou Kaiyuan monastery what it is today— a dual institution that is both a

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER SIX Cultural Properties 324

Buddhist monastery and tourist attraction. The example of Kaiyuan monastery

demonstrates that having features which can be co-opted by larger socio-cultural forces,

especially non-religious forces, can prove beneficial to survival and success.'19 Just as the

artwork of the Jetavana monastery in ancient India may have encouraged donations, it

was the artistry of Kaiyuan's Song dynasty pagodas and other cultural properties that in

large measure enabled it to survive under the stresses that destroyed dozens of other

temples in the immediate vicinity. Kaiyuan's ability to appeal to a diverse group of

patrons (religious and non-religious) may be seen as a conscious strategy, one common to

Buddhist monasteries in China and beyond. Susan Naquin writes:

In fact, at Tanzhesi diversification seems to have been pursued as a

strategy of survival, and even prized. .. .For a place like Tanzhesi, to rely
on a single integrated community, even had it been possible, might have
been much less effective than promotion of many versions of the
monastery and many patrons.

While this dissertation is focused on a single monastery, by developing a general

description of this phenomenon I hope to have shed light not only on the role played by

cultural properties at this monastery, but also to have provided models of interaction

between cultural properties and individuals that may be used to analyze the role of

cultural properties at other religious sites and in other contexts.120 The two models

developed here are a somatic and immediate response to material culture, followed by a

disposition-based response.

A monastery cannot be reduced to the schedules and activities of monks and

visitors. Nor can it be reduced to a description of the physical plan, structures and

properties. Both of these dimensions, the people and their activities and the structures

1,9
Naquin 1998: 207.
120
I hope to broaden the comparative compass of this work in future research. It is beyond the scope of this
dissertation, however, to bring in detailed data from other temples or other traditions.

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER SIX: Cultural Properties 325

and their functions are essential to the identity of a monastery. This is true whether the

monastery is a training ground for monks or a museum with no clergy; in both cases, the

monastery can only be understood by recognizing the contributions of myriad factors and

conditions to the identity of the monastery. Kaiyuan's material properties, its pagodas,

buildings, stupas, statues, steles and trees, not only provide the setting for the experience

of visitors and the lives of monastics, they also frame, condition and evoke the religious

experiences of visitors and monks alike; and can contribute to its success and longevity.

Subsequent chapters expand this purview of the monastery to include additional

multivalent factors and conditions such as the memorialization of auspicious events and

eminent monks in the following chapter.

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER SIX: Cultural Properties 326

CHAPTER SEVEN

Auspicious Events and Eminent Monks:

Sanctifying and Branding Space

The Purple Cloud has always been considered a famous temple.

Could it be the best in all of Fujian from its gorgeous buildings with
ornate eaves alone? Rather it is from having so many extraordinary
and precious distinguished men having nurtured their virtue and
expressed their talents at this place.1
-Yuanxian(1643)

Eminent monks, auspicious events and cultural properties are among the central

elements in the representation of Chinese monasteries in historical records such as

gazetteers and inscriptions. The Monastery Record contains chapters on eminent monks

and monastic structures and each chapter contains details about preternatural and

auspicious events associated with the monks and the buildings of the monastery. Such

material is typical among local sources as well as larger compendiums such as the

collection of biographies of eminent monks {Gaoseng zhuan) by Huijiao UK: (497-554)

and Daoxuan (seventh century). Noting a distinct focus on this type of material, several

scholars have remarked upon the dearth of information pertaining to the specifics of

religious life at monasteries in monastic records and other historical documents. In

reference to monastic gazetteers, Timothy Brook notes that "curiously perhaps, material

pertaining to strictly religious matters is more the exception than the rule. These books

attend to monasteries less as centers of religious practice than as cultural sites favored by

1
Sizhi I 20b
2
Kieschnick 1997; Robson 2010b; Naqum 1998

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER SEVEN Auspicious Events 327

devotees of Buddhism, landscape and local history."3 James Robson, examining other

documents of local history echoes these findings: "Indeed, what is absent in those

sources, namely details of religious practice, speaks loudly to what was considered

important in the representation of monasteries."4 If religious practice is not a focus of

these texts, then what is?

Susan Naquin, examining documents from the eighteenth century related to

Tanzhe Monastery, writes: "In all these works, information about the monastic

community was usually excluded, and the temple cast as a site for history, for imperial

and literati visits, for the individual but not the group, for the marvelous and poetic

experience but not the devotional one." Robson points out that while elements of

wonder, culture and history are prominent in the representation of monasteries they have

not adequately entered our scholarly purview:

One of the main elements found in those sources was a (sometimes quite
detailed) treatment of the special qualities, or anomalous elements, of the
natural setting, the connections with eminent monks who resided there,
and accounts of miracles that were connected with the site and their sacred
possessions. Those accounts could demonstrate that a monastery was an
efficacious place for a monk or nun to pursue their calling and may have
had profound effects on the future viability and economic success of
monasteries, due to their ability to attract both pilgrims and patrons. As
visible as these resolutely anti-modernist themes are in local monastic
records, they have remained topics that have largely been occluded from
the ken of those who have studied Chinese Buddhist monasteries.6

Robson emphasizes three features prominent in the representation of monasteries

in local sources: 1. special qualities of the natural setting, 2. eminent monks who resided

at the site and 3. miracles associated with the site or its material culture. Since Kaiyuan is

3
Brook 2005: 178.
4
Robson 2010b: 49.
5
Naquin 1998: 202.
6
Robson 2010b: 59.

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER SEVEN: Auspicious Events 328

an urban monastery, the natural features are less important (Robson's materials deal with

monasteries in mountain settings), but tales of eminent monks and auspicious or

miraculous tales are well represented in the literature associated with the monastery.

While Brook, Naquin and Robson are all writing about the representation of

Buddhist monasteries in pre-nineteenth century documents, I have observed the features

they mention (cultural properties, the presence of eminent monks and records of

auspicious events) as the most prominent monastic features in, not only historical

documents, but also in contemporary presentations of the monastery. My reading of

archival materials and my conversations with monks, worshipers, enthusiasts and

officials have all pointed to the centrality of Kaiyuan's buildings, its legendary founding

and eminent monks in making it a place deserving the interest, protection and patronage

of the public and devotees alike. This chapter focuses on the roles played by the

memorialization of eminent monks and auspicious events in the religious and institutional

life of Kaiyuan. In short, I propose that such memorialization and related discourse

contributes to religious life by sacralizing the grounds and shrines of the monastery and

to the institutional life through branding. The two processes will be explored following an

examination of Kaiyuan's memorialization of eminent monks and auspicious events.

Eminent Monks

The passage cited at the head of this chapter is taken from the chapter on

Kaiyuan's eminent monks in the Monastery Record. Yuanxian states that what truly

accounts for Kaiyuan's greatness is not the magnificence of its physical plant (which was

examined in the previous chapter) but rather the monks who have infused it with

greatness as teachers, practitioners or builders. While this could be read as a de rigueur

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER SEVEN: Auspicious Events 329

nod to the monastic virtue and talent that any great monastery should be able to boast, I

hold that it is more than a rhetorical flourish and argue that some genuine charismatic

power, emanating from monks of the past through discourse and cultural artifacts, has

contributed to the monastery's reputation and to patterns of patronage. While they lived,

eminent monks attracted monastic and lay followers as well as the support of patrons.7 In

addition to the direct material support attracted during their lifetimes, memories of

particular monks were passed down and built into a repertoire of narratives about

Kaiyuan that have enhanced its reputation for spiritual power, thus contributing to

patterns of devotional activity and institutional support.

An eminent monk exhibits excellence, but what kind of excellence? A monk may

exhibit exceptional learning, be a master of meditation, follow the regulations of vinaya

with scrupulous attention, be a master of ritual, possess a moving chanting voice, be a

talented poet or essayist, have supernatural abilities (shentong ^ i f i ) , be a great manager

of the monastery or a tireless fundraiser or builder. In short, there are many ways in
o

which a monk may prove his virtue. In other words, there is no single, paradigmatic

eminent monk marked by a single or fixed set of virtues. "Eminent monk" (gaoseng) is a

multivalent designation and Kaiyuan's eminent monks over the centuries have possessed

a range of diverse virtues.9 The most orthodox virtues a monk may possess are those that

correspond with one of the three trainings that encompass traditional Buddhist practice:

mastery in discipline, doctrine and meditation. To these most traditional virtues we must

7
As narrated in chapter two, many buildings were constructed by patrons in order to house eminent
masters and their disciples—this was especially prominent during the interregnum and the Northern Song
periods
8
Jonathan Silk has explored, for example, the importance granted to monks involved in administrative
service in Indian Buddhism (Silk 2008)
9
All of the above varieties of excellences are demonstrated in the biographies in the Monastery Record.

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER SEVEN Auspicious Events 330

add the skill in Sangha building and management. These latter virtues are exhibited in

fundraising and in the closely-associated activity of building or rebuilding monasteries or

in the running or managing of a monastery—activities which include mastering relations

with monks, lay persons and the powers that be.

As for numinous powers, within the Buddhist tradition, they are an expected

attainment (siddhi) as one advances in meditation, but an ability, according to canonical

literature, the adept should dismiss as a possible sidetrack on the path to awakening.10

The vinaya ultimately forbid monks from making miraculous displays before the laity.''

Despite this canonical view, supernormal powers form an important part of the

hagiographic literature of eminent monks. They are so prominent, in fact, that in his study

of biographies of eminent monks in Chinese literature, Kieschnick makes the

thaumaturge one of three types of monks eulogized, the others being scholars and

ascetics.12 Buddhist literature preserved accounts of the numinous powers of monks in

order to promote the prestige of the monastic community and earn them the support of

the state and the elite.13 One of the more frequently depicted types of preternatural event

associated with monks is the provocation of sympathetic or correlative responses in

nature.

Extraordinary Correlative Responses

Since the Han dynasty, before Buddhism had penetrated the Chinese cultural

sphere, the Chinese have believed that the presence of a sage evokes wondrous responses

Canonical literature lists six kinds of powers, including magical powers {ruyi) (Kieschnick 1997. 70)
11
Davis 1998 13
12
Kieschnick 1997-67-111
13
One way that support was earned was through the ability to successfully prognosticate future events of
concern to leaders (Kieschnick 1997 71-76)

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER SEVEN Auspicious Events 331

(ganying) from nature.14 After Buddhism penetrated China, extraordinary correlative

responses in the natural world are commonly used as evidence of a monk's eminence. In

his study of biographies of eminent monks written from the sixth through tenth centuries

Kieschnick observes that "when a sage appears, one can expect a spontaneous, correlative

response from Nature, whether it be changes in the weather, new configurations of the

stars, or the appearance of prodigious plants and animals."15 The biographer Huijiao

recorded many of these types of events in his Preliminary Collection of Biographies of

Eminent Monks (Gaosengzhuan chuji {mimi^^HM) which he categorized as divine

wonders (shenyi t^HO-17 Daoxuan, in his Continued Biographies of Eminent Monks (Xu

gaoseng zhuan ^ i t H a f t ) , called the same type of phenomenon spiritual resonance

(gantong ^ i l ) . 1 8

The Biographies of Purple Cloud Bodhisattvas and the Monastery Record both

contain many accounts of preternatural responses in nature elicited by Kaiyuan's monks.

These sources relate a full range of preternatural responses from nature including animal,

vegetable, mineral, liquid, celestial, sonic and olfactory responses. Apart from lotus-

blooming trees and purple clouds, examples from the Monastery Record include amrita

14
The Han dynasty belief is articulated in the Huainanzi. See Le Blancl985; Kieschnick 1997: 98 and
Campany 1996: 367-368.
15
Kieschnick 1997: 98. For more on such miraculous occurrences during the Han see Loewe, Michael.
1982. Chinese Ideas of Life and Death Faith, Myth and Reason in the Han Period (202 BC-AD 220).
London: Allen and Unwin, pp. 80-90. David Chappell also notes the early non-Buddhist presence of this
notion in Chinese thought "In the tradition of correlative thinking from the Han dynasty, the formless
ultimate was seen as responsive to human morality, exceptional spiritual achievement would naturally
manifest itself in external natural wonders " See Chappell 2005 61.
16
Also known as the Liang Biographies of Eminent Monks {Liang Gaoseng zhuan ^MiaW)
17
Huijiao's Gaoseng zhuan. See Kieschnick 1997 99
18
Daoxuan lush gantong lu, T 2106, v 52, Luxiang gantong zhuan, T 1898, v. 45 I follow Kieschnick,
following Birnbaum, in translating gantong as " spiritual resonance " See Kieschnick 1997 98-101. Xu
gaoseng zhuan '^Mi^ik See Kieschnick 1997. 88-89

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER SEVEN. Auspicious Events 332

that fell on the place where the ordination platform would be built 19and mysterious lights,

music and fragrances have been associated with such events as the births of masters or

their chanting of scripture.20 To give one of the more colorful examples, red lotuses are

said to have turned white while the fragrance of cinnamon (cassia) flowers filled the air

when the interregnum monk Xicen ffi-^ lectured on the Xifang guan shangsheng Sutra

B7f M-h^fcin, a sutra relating to rebirth in the Western Paradise of Amitabha.21

Responses in the animal world include doves listening to sutras (to be discussed below).22

The most recent example of a correlative response in the natural world to the presence of

eminent monks is said to be the phenomenon of "peach trees blooming red lotuses" when

Yuanying, Zhuandao and Zhuanwu entered Kaiyuan to initiate the Republican Period

revival in 1924.

This kind of miraculous display is structured so that it is not in violation of the

vinaya because the sympathetic resonance of the environment to the presence of a sage

appears to be an involuntary relation. In other words, the monk does not will the purple

cloud or other sights or sounds into existence, they are spontaneous reactions to the

presence of excellence. Just as the Buddhist notion of karma operates as a kind of natural

law, so does the correlative response or spiritual resonance between virtue embodied on

the micro-level of the human body naturally relate to the larger cosmos on the macro-

19
Sizhi I.3a-b.
20
Benguan's ^M (d 1100) mother, for example, dreamed a golden figure who gave her a white lotus
before she discovered she was with child and when he was born there was a purple aura around his head
and strange light is said to have filled the room (Sizhi I 34b). Daozhao MBS, who lived during the
interregnum, was also born with a purple aura around his head (Sizhi 1.24b) The monk Benyuan ^W.
while traveling in Zhangpu '0'M sat on a rock beside the path and every night thereafter the rock is said to
have glowed Sizhi 1.45a
21
Sizhi 129b-30a
22
Sizhil 40a

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER SEVEN Auspicious Events 333

level. This occurs in Chinese thought because there is unity between the human body

and the larger world; there is no dichotomy between matter and spirit.24

The examples of correlative responses to excellence in the Monastery Record and

Biographies of Purple Cloud Bodhisattvas are different than the kinds of gantong in other

collections such as the Record of Manifestations [Resulting] from Recitation ofGuanyin

Sutras and Mantras {Guanshiyin jingzhou zhiyanji) compiled by layperson Zhou Kefu

j§] JnLfS in 1659. The stories in this collection and others were examined by Chun-fang

Yii in her study ofGuanyin (Yii 2001) and all reveal the response, not of an impersonal

heaven or cosmic force, but ofGuanyin Bodhisattva's intervention in the lives of the

faithful.25 Though informed by the idea of correlative response, it seems that such stories

are more properly referred as examples of efficacious response (lingying) of the

Bodhisattva to distinguish them from the more impersonal or naturalistic conceptions of

the entity responding. These two different conceptions of the cosmos, anthropomorphic

and naturalistic, have been evident in China since early on.26

The Chinese conceptualization of what in a Western context would be called

"miracles" merits a brief comparison with this Western notion and its conceptual

framework to clarify, more precisely, the nature of the auspicious events under

consideration. The word "miracle" is derived from the Latin miraculum, "to wonder."

This was how early Buddhists m China adopted the idea of karma to Chinese thought; the only major
difference was the idea of rebirth (Campany 1996 369)
24
The Chinese non-duahsm, as I understand it, is thorough and accounts for salient characteristics of
Chinese religion It contrasts with the traditional perception m the Western world of a dichotomy between
matter and spirit and body and mind Though the Chinese view suggests monism it remains attached to
notions of hierarchy
25
Many such miracle tales are examined in Yu 2001 158-194
26
Robert Sharf notes this and literati efforts to combat more personahst or anthropomorphic versions of
cosmic forces (Sharf 2002 95) It seems to me that more naturalistic approach reflects a preference m the
Zhou dynasty to speak about Heaven (tian) rather than Shangdi ("Lord on High") as cosmic arbiter For a
good overview of the many ways that ganying cosmology applies to important traditions of Chinese
thought and practice including folk, Confucian, Daoist and Buddhist see Sharf 2002 77-133

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER SEVEN Auspicious Events 334

Noting this, Thomas Aquinas defined a miracle saying, "A miracle is so called as being

full of wonder, in other words, as having a cause absolutely hidden from all. This cause is

God. Therefore those things which God does outside the causes which we know are

called miracles." 7 The conception of miracle expressed by Aquinas is a common notion

in Western societies, an unexplainable phenomenon caused by God. To understand how

this contrasts with the Chinese notion we must understand what is meant by God and

contrast that with Chinese thought.

The Christian God is a being of ontological transcendence, he is wholly other.

Just as a dichotomy is erected between matter and spirit, so is there a dichotomy between

the human and the divine. In short, none of this thinking is operative in the traditional

Chinese context. There are gods, ghosts and spirits in China, and they are distinguishable

from humans, but they are not onto logically transcendent; they are not of some wholly

other substance or being. There is a line of continuity that runs between humans, spirits

and gods. While humans in traditional Chinese thought are believed to have souls, hurt

and po, they are not immaterial. They are rarified forms of energy, a subtle form of

matter.28 This profound difference places the Chinese on radically different religious and

philosophical footing.29 This difference, I will later argue, enables the Chinese to

reinterpret their auspicious events in more scientific terms without them significantly

losing their power.

27
Aquinas Summa Contra Gentiles CI (1258-1264); translation by Pegis (Aquinas and Pegis 1945 980);
briefly discussed in Davis 1998 5
28
See Schipper 1993 41 Another difference is the notion of miracle as an intentional act by God. In the
naturalistic notion (not the anthropomorphic) of sympathetic response there is no intention, it is a natural or
spontaneous response to the presence of stimuli. Anthropomorphic agents of response are, however, also
common It is not possible to claim that lack of intention is a common feature to all phenomena associated
with ganymg
29
"Transcendence" m the Chinese context is something like "ranfication" rather than what it means in a
Judeo-Chnstian context

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER SEVEN Auspicious Events 335

 Auspicious events of the correlative response variety, then, are responses within a

bounded cosmos, within the organism of the world. Miracles in the Judeo-Christian

context are intrusions from beyond the world, into the world. It is also contact with the

wholly other God, beyond this world, that makes something holy according to the

Bible.30 These ideas of wholly other transcendence are foreign to the Chinese view,

where the world is perceived as an organic whole. Despite these ontological

differences, correlative responses of the kind we are considering are accepted as signs of

great attainment, they are also thought to imbue the place where they occur with their

numinous presence.

Places that serve as the site of such wondrous displays are, through such

association, rendered sacred (shendi). As sacred places they are considered to possess

numinous power or efficacy (ling). The amount of perceived spiritual efficacy is a crucial

determinant in the success of a temple in folk and Daoist traditions. Chau writes: "The

believed in degree of efficacy or 'efficacious response' (lingying) is the most important

determinant of a deity's ranking in the local world of spiritual power."32 Efficacy also

plays a crucial role in winning popular support for a Buddhist monastery.

During the imperial era, spiritual efficacy also served as a key factor in

determining the level of elite and state support. Just how numinous power was related to

institutional support during the imperial period of China's history is revealed in an

intriguing article by Judith Boltz which points out that Chinese historical literature is full

of references to officials and their relationships to supernatural forces. In particular, there

j0
Japhet 1998 57-58. Sara Japhet points out that it is only contact with or connection to God that makes
something holy in the Bible. Association with samts, holy people or their relics are not means of making
something sacred that occur in the Bible (ibid)
31
On the Chinese universe as an organism see Needham 1951.
,2
Chau 2006 241

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER SEVEN Auspicious Events 336

are many accounts of how officials in imperial China strove to suppress spirits {shen) that

were considered threatening through ritual means or through the closing or destruction of

shrines 33 The Song Dynasty chronicler Hung Mai $dHlM. (1123-1202) in his Yijian zhi

MULife explained that the shrines which commanded respect were those that were

spiritually efficacious {hng), nummously manifest {hngxian MML) or spiritually

responsive {hngxiang JTcffi) 34 During purges, the only shrines that had a hope of

survival were those considered effectively numinous, spiritually powerful or hng To give

an example from the eleventh century, the magistrate Jiang Jing (earnedy zm/zz in 1079) of

Yixing "KT\, Jiangsu ordered the destruction of three hundred shrines considered

"excessive" only sparing the one temple considered the most powerful, a temple

dedicated to a certain General Liu 35

The relationship between officials and what they perceived as the numinous realm

provides an important window into factors contributing to the patronage of religious sites

such as Quanzhou Kaiyuan over the centuries Longevity, to a great extent, has often

boiled down to being tolerated by the state, which has always seen the regulation of

religious activity and institutions as part of its duty. The Chinese bureaucracy, educated

in the Confucian tradition, has often been influenced by skeptical and cautionary

tendencies in the Confucian tradition, it has, at points throughout the imperial era, held

Buddhism, Taoism and folk practices at arms length and has participated in the regulation

33
Boltz 1993
34
Yijian zhi, Boltz 1993 247 For more on the the Yijian zhi its author, themes and social context see
Inghs 2006 Edward Davis has used the Yijian zhi and other texts m his Society and the Supernatural in
Song China (2001)
^Yijmnzhijia 1 2, Boltz 1993 247

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER SEVEN Auspicious Events 337

and suppression of religious forces deemed unhealthy or unorthodox. Confucian

ideology has been replaced by Marxist historical materialism, which considers religion an

instrument of exploitation. As a consequence, the current generation of Chinese

bureaucrats continues in a long tradition of officials who perceive religion as something

that requires close regulation and restriction. While other temples and monasteries have

come and gone in Quanzhou, Kaiyuan has remained because political forces over the

centuries have supported its continued existence. There is no one reason that Kaiyuan has

survived purges or has been the first to be rebuilt over the centuries; but its reputation as

a place of spiritual power, and, more recently, its possession of valuable cultural

properties, have been contributing factors.

Kaiyuan's perceived numinous power attracted the patronage responsible for the

final imperial-period restoration of Kaiyuan's buildings (prior to the restoration carried

out by Yuanying and Zhuandao during the 1920s). The restoration was carried out by the

commander general Bai Yude in the early nineteenth century. Why was this non-local

general moved to restore Kaiyuan's halls? Dispatched to fight pirates in the region, he

went to Kaiyuan and prayed for rain to end a terrible draught in Quanzhou. When his

prayer was answered, that very night, he committed to restoring Kaiyuan's halls.38 Bai

Yude, we must infer, turned to Kaiyuan because locals had informed him that it was a

place of merit and spiritual power. Even if they did not, the commander perceived this to

be the case himself and it was his experience with Kaiyuan's perceived spiritual efficacy

For Mmg attitudes about regulating Buddhism and Daoism see Brook 2009
37
See Yu 2005, Brook 2009 40.
38
Chongjian Kaiyuansi beiji S H ? f 7£#fif !•£ ("Stele Record of the Reconstruction of Kaiyuan
Monastery")

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER SEVEN Auspicious Events 338

that moved him to have the monastery restored. Similar acts of patronage are a common

feature of Chinese religion.

How then, has Kaiyuan promoted an idea of spiritual efficacy? A common means

for temples to set themselves apart has been through their founding narratives. Some

temples are founded by eminent monks without need to refer to preternatural signs, such

as the founding of Xi'an's Ci'en Monastery built for the great Tang dynasty master and

pilgrim Xuanzang. Others are founded around a sacred relic or image. Many such stories

are related by Daoxuan in his Ji shenzhou sanbao gantong lu (T. 2106:52) about

"miraculous images" that may be said to be associated with the founding or

legitimization of monasteries.39 Kaiyuan became established as a place of spiritual

efficacy when the mulberry tree is said to have bloomed lotus blossoms; an indication of

efficacy that was reiterated when an auspicious purple cloud descended when the main

hall was being built.

Ever since the ninth century when Huang Tao memorialized Kaiyuan's legendary

founding marked by lotus-flowers and purple clouds, the monastery has continued to

memorialize auspicious events and eminent monks associated with its founding, which

mark Kaiyuan as a place of numinous power.40 Almost all subsequent treatments of the

monastery, including records from the Song, Yuan, Ming and Qing dynasties and recent

guide books, relate the legends of Kaiyuan's auspicious founding and thus reinforce its

reputation for spiritual efficacy. More than six hundred years ago a list of auspicious

events associated with the monastery and its masters was inscribed on a wall bounding

39
Ji shenzhou sanbao gantong lu (T. 2106:52.404-435); Shinohara 1998.
40
Huang Tao's 897 Quanzhou Kaiyuansi fodian beiji T^^'H JF7nTFffiIx5^iB("Stele record of the
Quanzhou Kaiyuan Monastery Buddha Hall") collected in the Quan Tang wen ^ / H i C ' T h e Collected
Works of Tang Literature") and in Dean and Zheng 2003.4-6, Inscription #4.

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER SEVEN- Auspicious Events 339

the main gate; the same auspicious events are recalled by tour guides today and found in

temple publications and guide books. Monks of the past and auspicious events associated

with their names have been passed down in unbroken succession to the present; these

auspicious events have become integrated into the fabric of Kaiyuan's identity and have

served to distinguish it as an outstanding place of merit and spiritual power. These acts of

memorialization, especially of the events associated with Kaiyuan's founding, serve to

bring distinction to the monastery, validate it as a place of spiritual power and a place of

the Dharma—qualities valued and sought by Kaiyuan's patrons past and present. While

the reputation for spiritual power would have helped attract state support and protection

during the imperial period, this has changed in the modern period. The previous chapters

have stressed the importance of cultural properties in winning state support in recent

decades. Although spiritual power is no longer a field of discourse that speaks to the

state, it is a field of discourse that continues to attract worshipers and tourists.

Kaiyuan's Biographies of Purple Cloud Bodisattvas and Monastery Record both

catalogue miraculous correlative responses in nature that are said to have occurred at

Kaiyuan and in connection with eminent monks. While these events are said to have

happened in the past, they are widely thought to imbue the land, its buildings, trees and

statues with a residue of their charisma and spiritual power in the present. Standing in the

main courtyard one day I was speaking to a lay Buddhist about the mulberry tree that

bloomed lotus-blossoms and, with a big smile on his face, he said, with visible pride,

"This is holy ground (shendi ^iik)." On another occasion I was asking a monk about the

auspicious stories associated with Kaiyuan and if they had any influence on the

monastery and he said that they inspire people, monks as well as visitors. This same

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER SEVEN- Auspicious Events 340

monk told me that a type of aura had been detected over temples in China, a phenomenon

he associated their sacred power.

While the notion of auras over temples may neither be widespread nor well

documented, the notion that temples possess sacred power which visitors can access is. If

a temple can document a record of auspicious phenomena associated with it, its monks or

properties, then it can promote its reputation as a site of spiritual power and increase the

number of devotees eager to contribute to the temple in hopes of receiving its blessings

and protection (baoyou f^te). In addition, if properties exist, be they mineral, vegetable

or animal, which are associated with such preternatural events, these attract not only

believers, be they pious or opportunistic, but also curiosity-seekers with no particular

religious pretensions—like other factors they are multivalent. As examined in the

previous chapter, visitors, be they Buddhists or worshipers (revivalists) or "tourists"

(curators), contribute to a temple's maintenance, preservation and devotional life. We

now explore how auspicious events are memorialized at Kaiyuan today.

Kaiyuan's Auspicious Past Remembered

When Wu Hengchun ^k^F^f penned the Republican Period preface to the

Monastery Record in 1927 he lauded Quanzhou Kaiyuan as the best among a forest of

Chan temples by referencing its eminent monks and auspicious events as follows:

The auspicious sign of the mulberry tree which bloomed lotus blossoms
expresses delight at the magnificent spread of the dharma realm (xifajiayi
hongkai H£fe!?-£I.;I:JF). Fragrantly flowing amrita celebrates the exalted
religious ethos. Manjushri descended and wrote a sutra; arhats entered a
dream.41 Venerable masters of the three teachings- meditation, doctrine
and discipline- have arisen one after another, too many to count, they are
truly capable of effecting changes in customs and traditions (yifeng yisu 3&

41
These are references to well known stories about Kaiyuan temple; they are related below.

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER SEVEN: Auspicious Events 341

 j*l Jli^f), helping the world and giving direction to people so that a seaside
city of Confucius became a solemn land of Buddha.42

In celebrating Kaiyuan's greatness Mr. Wu focuses on the great masters of the past and

auspicious events associated with Kaiyuan. Lotus-blooming mulberry, amrita, Manjushri

and the dream of arhats are all code words that point to Kaiyuan's auspicious past. The

recollection of auspicious phenomena is a means of invoking the numinous past and

remembering eminent monks that have passed through Kaiyuan's venerable halls, which

is, in turn, a means of praising and promoting Kaiyuan's reputation. Guidebooks and

other forms of contemporary literature also invoke auspicious events or reproduce lists of

them.

Eight Auspicious Phenomena and Six Unique Sites

While Kaiyuan has long recalled the two auspicious events associated with its

founding, an additional level of self-reflexivity emerged toward the end of the Yuan

dynasty in the first half of the fourteenth century. It was then that Dagui (a.k.a.

Mengguan) wrote the Biographies of Purple Cloud Bodhisattvas recorded dozens of

auspicious events associated with Kaiyuan's eminent monks. It was also at this time that

lists of eight auspicious phenomena (bajixiang A n f f ) and six unique sites (liu

shusheng / \ ^ I 4 ) were inscribed on walls outside the main gate.43 These lists have been

passed down since that time and were most recently reproduced in 2005 in a promotional

book published by Kaiyuan monastery. The book features many color photos of

Kaiyuan's cultural properties and includes the Yuan dynasty lists of eight auspicious

phenomena and six unique sites. The eight auspicious phenomena are: 1. Purple clouds

42
Sizhi p2.1 a.
43
They were erected in 1327. Chan master Muan wrote poems for the six and the eight in the seventeenth
century, these poems are recorded in Shen Yushui y^t3i7K 1990: 73-75.

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER SEVEN: Auspicious Events 342

covering the land (ziyun gaidi, ^zsr^iiil), 2. Mulberry trees blooming lotus blossoms

(sangshu bailian, H M fi5H), 3. The courtyard that doesn't grow weeds (fancao

busheng, /-LlP^^i), 4. White doves listening to a sutra {baige tingjing, fi p|BJf £5), 5.

Dream of the arhats {yingmeng luohan, j ^ Z ^ ^ S . ), 6. Eminent monks of branch

cloisters (zhiyuan gaoseng,%^Mi^), 7. Manjushri's handwriting (wenshu moji, 3t5^11

j$£) and 8. The mummy of the bare-shouldered monk (tanbo zhenshen, liJitjftJS'). The

six sites are: 1. Stone-arisen peony (shisheng mudan JRzE$k.f\), 2. Purple Cloud twin

pagodas (ziyun shuang ta M^M^a), 3. Silk-burning furnace (fenbolu ^ ^ ^ ) , 4.

Imperially-bestowed Buddha image (yucifoxiang \W%%%), 5. Amrita Ordination

Platform (ganlujietan "rTM^ifi) and 6. Ancient dragon eye well (gw longyanjing ~&'M

BH;^). Of the six unique sites only one of them was reviewed above, while the others

were reviewed with the other cultural properties in chapter six.

With the exception of "eminent monks of branch cloisters," a collective reference

to the many eminent monks of Kaiyuan as a whole, recognizing that they as a group have

generated an auspicious energy or charisma that remains accessible at Kaiyuan, the eight

auspicious phenomena are all directly related to particular monks. The unique sites, on

the other hand, are not.4 Of the eight auspicious phenomena, five are still represented at

Kaiyuan and of the six unique sites only the dragon eye well is no longer represented.

The pagodas, ordination platform and silk-burning furnace all remain extant and were

described in the previous chapter. The imperially-bestowed Buddha is no longer extant,

44
While the stone-arisen peony is a preternatural event it is not associated with the virtue of a particular
monk. Hence it is considered unique and perhaps freakish, but it is not classified as auspicious, at least in
the list of eight.

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER SEVEN Auspicious Events 343

but its replacement is present. Of the five auspicious phenomena with a presence at

Kaiyuan three are said to exist in their original form while two are made present through

inscriptions or sculpture; each will be described below. Just as these auspicious events

and unique sites enhanced the monastery and its reputation during the fourteenth and

preceding centuries they continue to do so in the twenty-first century, contributing to its

appeal to the pious and the curious alike.

As we review the eight auspicious events we will note how they are or are not

represented at the monastery today. The first two on the list (purple clouds and lotus

blossoms) are already known and will be examined at length below. The third item on the

list is the large stone courtyard said to have been auspiciously free of weeds—an

auspicious event for anyone who's had to weed a large courtyard! The Monastery Record

notes, however, that it was invaded by weeds as early as the Yuan Dynasty. The

monastery, nevertheless, makes an effort to keep the courtyard weeded and it remains

mostly free of grasses.

The fourth auspicious phenomenon is the dove that listened to sutras. This is

reference to one of the more unique stories about Kaiyuan's eminent monks; it concerns

Chan master Jiehuan jflffi whose story begins at Kaiyuan in his previous incarnation as a

dove. This particular dove is said to have visited Kaiyuan's Thousand Buddha Cloister

(qianfo yuan ^ p ^ K ) daily to listen to the head monk chanting the Lotus Sutra. One day

45
The Buddha is also represented by an inscription. A stone inscription reading "imperially-bestowed
Buddha image" is set above the central door of the main hall The inscription refers to the Buddha statue
donated by emperor Xuanzong m 738, which is no longer extant, but which has been replaced by the
current Buddhas in the mam hall The age of this stone inscription is uncertain, though locals say it may
date from the Yuan dynasty Given the presence of so many other stone sculptures dated to the Yuan at the
Main Hall this is perfectly feasible Adding to this is the fact that the four character phrase is the same as
fourth unique site of the Yuan Dynasty list of five It is an elegant inscription, superbly decorated and it
seems quite possible that all five unique sites were labeled with such inscriptions during the Yuan Dynasty
46
Szz/zzl.30b-31a

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER SEVEN Auspicious Events 344

the dove didn't come and that night the head monk dreamed someone told him, "I am the

dove and through the power of your chanting I have been reincarnated as a human." The

person in the dream described where he was born and asked the head monk to find him,

indicating that he could be positively identified by a white feather under his arm. The

head monk followed the directions and found a baby boy with a white feather under his

arm. His parents agreed to let him become a monk and after he grew up—he became the

head monk's disciple and was given the name Jiehuan.47 The story of the dove that was

reborn as the monk Jiehuan is symbolically represented at the monastery today through

small wooden sculptures of white doves on the roof of the main hall. With so many

impressive sights to compete for their attention, most visitors fail to look up and notice

these small wooden doves, and few guides mention them for the same reason. Yet they

remain as subtle reminders of a dove reincarnated as a Chan master for those initiated

into the lore of the monastery with the leisure to seek out all of its minor charms.

The fifth auspicious phenomenon is the dream of the five hundred arhats. One

evening, Yuan dynasty abbot Miao'en dreamed of five hundred monks asking to be his

disciples (yizhi ifclh). When he awoke the next morning he learned that the hall of five

hundred arhats at Hangzhou's Nanshan temple ^ ill ^F had burned; he then built a hall of
AQ

five hundred arhats at Kaiyuan to serve as their home. While this was an elaborate

addition to Kaiyuan's monastic complex, it was lost at some unspecified point in history

4/
Sjz/nI.40a;I.17a
48
Sizhi 142a, I 6a Such phenomena continue to happen. In 1982, for example, a woman dreamed that
gods came to her and communicated that they were homeless and therefore suffering and asked for her
village to build them a home. This woman shared her experience, the village rallied around the cause and
withm eight months a temple had been built, three gods enshrined and a regular schedule of festivals
honoring these gods was inaugurated (Guo 1985, Feuchtwang 2001 148)

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER SEVEN Auspicious Events 345

and was not rebuilt. Today there are no references to or memorialization of this particular

member of the list.

The sixth auspicious phenomena is a reference to the many great masters that

lived at the monastery during the Song dynasty when it had expanded to include one

hundred and twenty cloisters. Hongyi's calligraphy of Zhuxi's verses about the streets of

Quanzhou, the Buddha country, once being full of sages may be considered an indirect

reference to this. Guides and guidebooks regularly mention the history of Kaiyuan's one

hundred and twenty branch cloisters, but no effort is made to elaborate on the diversity of

doctrine and practice represented by those cloisters.

The handwriting of "Manjushri," the seventh phenomena, is neither extant, nor

memorialized on the grounds. It refers to a once prized work of calligraphy by one of

Kaiyuan's monks, Daozhao ifiBS. The Monastery Record narrates the story of a pilgrim

who, on his way to Mount Wutai S o " ill to pay homage to Manjushri, met an old man

who asked him where he was going. The old man said, "In the Arhat Pavilion (luohan

ge §7 $U13) at Quanzhou's Kaiyuan Monastery there is one copying the Weishi lun

(Xuanzang's Treatise on the Theory of Mind-Only),50 he is Manjushri."51 The auspicious

appearance of this old man was instrumental in directing the pilgrim to Kaiyuan to find

the "real" Manjushri. This pilgrim traveled to Kaiyuan and indeed found the monk in

question; it was master Daozhao whom posterity has remembered as an emanation of

Mount Wutai has long been an important pilgrimage site in China. See Gimello 1992 and Stevenson
1996
Vijnaptimatrata-siddh i -sastra
51
SZZ/H I 24b-25a

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER SEVEN Auspicious Events 346

Manjushri, the bodhisattva of wisdom. Apart from mention in the list of eight

phenomena, this story is not memorialized.

The eighth auspicious phenomenon is the mummy of Zhiliang. Zhiliang was a

monk thought to be from India because he wore his robe with one of his shoulders bared

and because he begged for food (an ascetic practice from Indian Buddhism that was never

embraced by the Chinese). He is reputed to have had the ability to bring sun or rain as

requested.53 He is said to have had wild tigers at his side when he lived at Mount

Daiyun.54 With respect to the mummy of Zhiliang the Monastery Record states:

His disciples encased his corpse in mud and placed it in a hall where it
became a source of prosperity (fu) for the people of Quanzhou. .. .A man
named Chenze $kW\ from Jinjiang H t L one night dreamed the master
spoke to him, 'Change your name when taking the exam and change your
place of birth to Yongchun TK.# then you will succeed.' Mr. Chenze did
as instructed and it came to pass.55

Today there is a small lacquered figure enshrined in the Patriarch's Hall that is

said to contain the full body relic {quanshen shell ^kMikM) of Zhiliang [Figure 60].56

Mummies have been effective in attracting patronage in Chinese Buddhism since as early

as the Sui Dynasty when the mummy of master Zhiyi ^11(538-579) attracted the

attention of the imperial court.57 By the time of Zhiliang, mummies had become a

See biography #9 in Sizhi I.24b-25a for more treatment of this episode and Daozhao's indignant reaction
to the earth god for revealing his identity.
53
Sizhi I 22a-b
54
Sizhi I.22a-b
55
Sizhi 122a-b
56
The technique of covering mummies with lacquer developed in China as early as the seventh century.
Daoxuan in his Xu gaoseng zhuan describes the mummy of Daoxiu iHJiJ; as being covered with a cloth
soaked m lacquer (Ritzmger and Bmgenheimer 2006: 66-67). As the Tang dynasty wore on the use of
lacquer to cover mummies became more the rule than the exception; it was protective and lightweight and
made the mummies more easily transportable (Ibid-70-71)
57
Ritzmger and Bmgenheimer 2006 62-69. For more on the tradition of mummies, perhaps better
distinguished as "whole body relics," see Justin Ritzmger and Marcus Bmgenheimer's article "Whole-body
relics in Chinese Buddhism" (The Indian International Journal of Buddhist Studies 7, 2006) This article
provides an overview of research on the subject as well as an excellent historical sketch of the practice in

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER SEVEN. Auspicious Events 347

relatively common strategy to bring a monastery fame and patronage. The fact that a

lacquer figure said to be Zhihang's mummy has been preserved for so many centuries

and recorded in Kaiyuan's list of eight auspicious phenomena indicates the value

historically placed on this item by the monastery. Buddhist mummies at other

monasteries have been said to have protected their monasteries from the raids of military

marauders.58 As a property of spiritual value, Zhiliang's mummy may have played a

similarly protective role over the centuries, but such a role has not been documented.

Traditionally it would have been both a spiritual and economic asset, but today the figure

receives little attention by monks or the public. Furthermore, while the pious believe it to

be authentic, skeptics hold that the figure is too small and light to contain a complete

mummy.59 No effort is made to draw attention to this relic today, but the monks do

regularly pay obeisance to the images in the Hall of Patriarchs, including the figure of

Zhiliang. For the many who are aware of its presence, the mummy of Zhiliang adds a

distinct layer of spiritual significance to Kaiyuan.

Regarding the six unique sites, it is recorded that during the Tang dynasty, a

peony was found growing from one of the columns of the main gate. The story of the

stone-born peony is represented by a peony that is painted on the wooden beams just

above one of the stone columns in the main gate. It is similar to the wooden doves on the

main hall in that it is an iconographic representation, it is small, it is well above one's

China See also Faure, Bernard 1991. The Rhetoric of Immediacy, pp. 148-78, and Scharf, Robert. 1992
"The Idolization of Enlightenment: On the Mummification of Ch'an Masters m Medieval China," History of
Religions 32 (Aug. 1992): 1-31
58
Stories of this kind are associated with Chan master Chu'nan Mlf (813-888) (T50, 2061 817 c28-
aOl), Faqin v£$C(714-792) (T50, 2061: 765a08-10) and Wuzhuo Wenxi * l : 5 ; $ ( 8 2 1 - 9 0 0 ) (X80, 1565
193c2-6) See Ritzmger and Bmgenheimer 2006 79
59
I have not made verifying the authenticity of this mummy my task, but it is a task awaiting anyone who
wishes to make it theirs
60
The story is related m Sizhi I.9b

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER SEVEN Auspicious Events 348

 1
head and it is only noticeable to one specifically informed and looking for it The

location of the dragon eye well is not known, but it is likely associated with Kaiyuan's

famous Dongbi dragon eye (longan) fruit trees. There are some dragon eye fruit trees in

the northeast corner of the monastic grounds, but people say there are no more Dongbi

longans The well is not marked or memorialized in any fashion, except as a member of

the list of five sites.

Kaiyuan's auspicious past is made alive by clues planted throughout the monastic

grounds, symbolic and verbal clues, as well as through properties said to date from the

time of those auspicious events such as the mummy and the mulberry tree. In addition to

these "on the ground" clues are references to these events in publications and in the

discourse of tour guides. The current abbot, for example, has overseen the publishing of

the aforementioned commemorative volume celebrating the heritage of Kaiyuan temple

which introduces the Yuan dynasty list of eight auspicious phenomena and six unique

sights.62 In addition, Daoyuan has had large walls constructed to flank the main gate

inscribed with references to two auspicious events one from the monastery's founding,

the other from the Republican period restoration under Yuanying, Zhuandao and

Zhuanwu. Visitors entering by the main gate find themselves bounded by four large

characters on each side, one set commemorating the auspicious founding the monastery,

"Dharma World of the Lotus [-Blooming] Mulberry Tree" (sanghan fajie §k^t&W) and

the other invoking the auspicious Republican period restoration, "Lotus[-Bloommg]

Peach Tree Manifests the Auspicious " {taolian yingrui \K^$0u) [Figures 49-50] The

two numinous events span thirteen centuries of the monastery's history and suggest to the

61
One should look for it on one of the first columns to the right as one enters the main gate
62
Daoyuan et al 2005 18-19

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER SEVEN Auspicious Events 349

visitor that he or she is entering a sacred site whose spiritual efficacy has been verified

for over a millennium.

Kaiyuan's Legendary Founding

When I have asked monks at other temples in Quanzhou about auspicious stories

associated with their temples, they say they have them, but I have found none as central

to their identity as they are at Kaiyuan. Kaiyuan, it seems, has been more successful than

other monasteries in the region in memorializing its auspicious past, especially its

legendary founding. This is true in the present as well as in the historical record. I have

perused the sections on temples in Fuzhou and Quanzhou in the early Ming gazetteer of

Fujian (Bamin tongzhi) compiled by of Huang Zhongzhao Jtf^ffn (1433-1508) and

found that no other Buddhist temple among the 1,907 listed had as colorful or elaborate a

foundation story as Kaiyuan's tale of Huang Shougong and his mulberry orchard.63 The

Jinjiang county section, in which the city of Quanzhou lies, includes information on

forty-six Buddhist monasteries (^f), ninety-eight "cloisters" {yuan $%) and fifty convents

(an M), making a total of 194 Buddhist sites. Most accounts are very simple statements

of when they were founded, only Quanzhou Chongfu mentions special features at or

predating its founding, namely, four strange pine trees which grew there during the Jin

dynasty (jinshi song sizhu zhi gan teyi)—auspicious, perhaps, but hardly a supernatural

event of the scale of Kaiyuan's mulberry trees. I have counted 1,288 Buddhist

institutions in the Fuzhou county sections. Of these there are two temples with legends of

dragons that once lived in caves on the site where temples came to be built; the very

important Gushan Yongquan Monastery was built to quell a dragon and the lesser known

63
Bamin tongzhi 75-77:1089-1129, 1160-1173.
64
Bamin tongzhi 77.1160-1167.

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER SEVEN Auspicious Events 350

Lingfeng Monastery J7<.ili§^f was simply built in the area where a dragon had been

spotted 65 While stories about dragons add to the lore of these sites, they are considerably

less remarkable in Chinese literature than Kaiyuan's lotus-blooming mulberries The

gazetteer also records that Putian's Guanghua Monastery was founded when the land was

given to a white-haired sage, but no further details are provided 66 These were among the

very few temples to included details about their founding and none of the stories achieves

the same measure of dramatic quality and wonder as the dream of Huang Shougong and

the lotus-blooming mulberries The fact that Fuzhou's Gushan and Putian's Guanghua

monasteries are, along with Kaiyuan, among the select few temples to have any details

about their founding persevered in this early Ming gazetteer supports the thesis that

Kaiyuan's foundational stones have served to enhance its reputation and thus contribute

to its success and survival, for these two monasteries were also among the first to be

restored in Fujian and are among the most important m the province, each boasting large

numbers of monastics.

The most prominently memorialized auspicious events and eminent monks, apart

from Hongyi, are those associated with Kaiyuan's founding and the Republican Period

restoration Attention is focused on these two sets of events before one enters by the mam

gate (in the south) Standing before the gate, one is effectively surrounded on four sides

by literary references to three different auspicious events Facing the main gate, to one's

back is a large wall known as a reflecting screen {zhaoqiang Mi@) or spirit wall The

wall is plam except for a large stone inscription from the sixteenth century that has been

65
Bamin tongzh 75 1089-91
66
Bamin tongzhi 79 1213-14
67
In 2007,1 was told by monks at Gushan that there were about 100 monks then living there Guanghua
Monastery has even more monks due to the presence of an active Buddhist seminary I don't have precise
numbers, but there may be as many as 200 monks there

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER SEVEN Auspicious Events 351

inserted into it reading, "Purple Cloud Screen" [Figures 51, 53]. To one's front, hanging

above the entrance, is a name board bearing two characters that have been a nickname of

the monastery since the Tang Dynasty: "Purple Cloud" [Figure 52]. Finally, there are the

two walls mentioned above, erected by Daoyuan in 2002, referencing the auspicious

mulberry and peach trees and like the promotional book, demonstrate the current

leadership's use of auspicious events to represent and promote Kaiyuan as a place of

legendary spiritual power. The words "Dharma World of the Lotus-Blooming Mulberry"

found outside the temple are found again, inside the grounds, inscribed on a huge

horizontal wooden plaque that hangs above the central doors of the main hall. These

words are positioned so that they make their way willy-nilly into every photo of the main

hall taken from the large open courtyard [Figures 48, 72]. Similarly any photo taken of

the main gate from outside the monastery will include the name-board reading "Purple

Cloud" that hangs above the entrance and most likely one of the inscriptions on the

bounding walls. In this way, and in the relating of the story of Kaiyuan's founding by

every tour guide and guidebook, the story of the lotus-blooming mulberry trees and the

purple cloud are repeated visually and orally and have become identifying features that

serve to brand Kaiyuan monastery. In addition to the memorials is the existence of an

ancient mulberry tree said to be one of the original trees left from Mr. Huang's original

land grant.

This mulberry tree, said to have bloomed white lotus blossoms more than 1,300

years ago, is, after the stone pagodas, Kaiyuan's most well known attraction. The

mulberry is the only property at Kaiyuan protected by a barrier and kept under lock and

key [Figure 68]. It is arguably the most sacred property in the whole monastery. It is

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER SEVEN: Auspicious Events 352

closed to the public and is a preferred location for distinguished guests to take pictures

with the abbot—several such photos are displayed in the abbot's audience hall. I have

been allowed to enter the gated mulberry tree area on two occasions (2006 and 2009) and

each time I felt as though I were being granted a rare privilege to pay my respects to the

tree rather than, say, inspect or photograph it—the tree is large and unwieldy, however,

and not amenable to being photographed [Figures 54-55]. It sprawls over the corridor that

extends between the tree and the main hall as it stretches east and south towards the

dragons and doves that decorate the roof of the main hall. The tree also extends toward

the ordination platform in the north and towards the west pagoda in the west thus

stretching out in three directions. Its leaves have a surprisingly vibrant and healthy

appearance while its bark, which it appears to be shedding, like a snake does its skin, is

dark and crumbling. Tea made with its leaves is reputed to have special healing

properties and older locals may be seen picking them up from the stone pavement

between the main hall and the hall of the ordination platform.

The story of Mr. Huang's mulberry trees is manifest at Kaiyuan not only by the

lone surviving mulberry or the prominently displayed inscriptions inside and outside the

monastery but also by enshrined figures of the event's two protagonists. Behind the

Dharma Hall and Sutra Library lies the Patriarch's Hall in which is enshrined a figure of

Kuanghu, the monk said to have received the land grant from Mr. Huang. The small

statue of Kuanghu sits just behind the "mummy" of Zhiliang [Figures 59- 60]. Mr. Huang

is himself enshrined to the east of the Patriarch's Hall in the Donor's Ancestral Hall

68
A small figure is seated just in front of the figure of Kuanghu, this figure is said to contain the
mummified remains of the Tang Dynasty bare-shouldered monk Zhiliang. In addition to these two statues
the hall contains images of Republican Period masters Yuanymg, Zhuandao and Zhuanwu and from the
post-Mao period, Guangjing.

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER SEVEN Auspicious Events 353

{tanyue ci) where a portrait of Mr. Huang, Kaiyuan's original benefactor, is hung in one

hall and a small statue of him is enshrined in another [Figures 56-58]. Both Mr. Huang,

who gave his orchard, and the monk Kuanghu, who received it, are thus formally

enshrined and receive offerings. While Kaiyuan has survived many changes and

transformations, including expansions, contractions and changes of name, it has never

forgotten the events and figures associated with its founding narrative. It is a

remembrance that has helped the monastery to distinguish itself and attract the patronage

of the Huang family in particular from the Ming dynasty down to the present.

I like to understand the story of the mulberry trees that bloomed lotus blossoms as

a metaphor for the blossoming of Buddhism in South China where lotus blossoms

represent the dharma and mulberry trees, which are used to cultivate silkworms, represent

South China, home to the most famous centers of silk production. There is no way of

confirming that such was the conscious intention behind the story, but it remains,

nevertheless a reading that adds a layer of possible meaning.

I would like to add a further layer of reference, a reference to the founding of

Buddhism's iconic monastery the Jetavana, used by the Buddha and his disciples.

According to the Dharmaguptakavinaya, when Anathapindada found the park of Prince

Jeta and determined to purchase it for the Sangha, the owner, Prince Jeta, was reluctant

and said that the land's price was the amount of gold required to cover the park in its

entirety. When Anathapindada began to do just this and had nearly finished Prince Jeta

was duly impressed, stopped him and covered the remaining area with his own gold. It

was thus that Anathapindada acquired the land that was given to the Buddha and the early

Sangha.

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER SEVEN: Auspicious Events 354

 Structural parallels that obtain between this story and that of Huang Shougong's

donation of the mulberry orchard immediately come to mind. Like Prince Jeta, Mr.

Huang was reluctant to give up his land, but rather than flat our refusing, both made what

they considered to be prohibitive conditions. In both cases, however, their outrageous

conditions were met (the land was to be covered in gold and the mulberry trees were

covered with lotus blossoms), the land-owners were duly impressed and the land was

transferred to the Sangha.

A further addendum to the Huang donation story, most likely added during the

Ming dynasty, claims that when Mr. Huang asked the monk Kuanghu how much land he

needed, the monk said only as much land as covered by his robe's shadow. Mr. Huang,

perhaps relieved, agreed, at which point Kuanghu removed his robe and tossed it high

into the sky so that it blocked out the sun and produced a shadow across Mr. Huang's

entire orchard. The robe, however, had a hole in it, which let the sun shine on a small

patch of the orchard; it was at this spot, according to the legend, where a shrine was built

to honor the donor, Mr. Huang. This story, which was likely invented by members of the

Huang family during the Ming or Qing dynasty, nevertheless, offers a further parallel

with the donation of the Jetavana.69 Recall that a small piece of land was not covered

with Anathapindada's gold, but rather with Prince Jeta's. Thus in both cases the donor

retained a symbolic measure of interest in the land defined by a parcel that had been left

"uncovered" by the one requesting the land.

Further examination of these structural parallels is beyond the scope of this study,

but it leaves us with a sense that Quanzhou Kaiyuan's founding story bears a structural

affinity with one version of the founding story of the quintessential Buddhist monastery
69
A parallel story is associated with Mount Wolf <(f| ill Temple m Jiangsu.

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER SEVEN. Auspicious Events 355

at Jetavana and the exemplary donor Anathapindada. These are parallels worth noting for

the archetypal overtones they give the founding narrative of Kaiyuan, iconic overtones

that may have contributed to the success of the founding narrative.

Although many, if not most people, do not literally believe that mulberry trees

bloomed lotus-blossoms, they still venerate the surviving mulberry tree as a very old tree

and believe something happened which provoked the land to be donated to Kuanghu. Not

wishing to abandon the story as baseless, they have searched for more "scientific"

explanations of the perternatural story. The most popular explanation comes from an

edition of the "Huang Surname Genealogical Records" which claims that in the year 686

Southern Fujian had rain that lasted forty-nine days. It has been suggested that under

these unusually warm and humid conditions Mr. Huang's mulberry trees may have grown

white wood ear fungus which from a distance could have looked like lotus blossoms.70

This is an explanation that I have heard from monks and laypersons and is one that is

circulated by some tour guides. I contribute its popularity to the influence of the historical

materialist ideology and anti-superstition campaigns that have created a fashion for

finding natural explanations for supernatural phenomena.71

A similar development has taken place to make the Republican period miracle

more consonant with a scientific understanding. A monk at Kaiyuan who takes an interest

in such stories informed me that there were then peach trees at Kaiyuan and they

bloomed large blossoms; they were so large that people, taking some artistic license,

70
Zhang 2003: 23
71
Hiking with a guide in the Wuyi mountains of Fujian in 2006,1 was amused by the striking
discrepancies between the oral account of the mountains provide by our guide and the written accounts
posted on signs along the trail—the former were mythological tales of deities full of love and betrayal, the
latter were full of details of geologic stratification and shifts that would bore anyone but a geologist The
signs suggested the presence of the state and an attempt at de-enchantment, secularization and re-education

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER SEVEN Auspicious Events 356

referred to them as lotuses. When people circulate such explanations I wish to point out

that they are not, it seems to me, dramatically damaging the overall force of the stories

and their ability to sacralize the grounds. Those who proffer such explanations still

maintain that something unusual happened. This "something unusual" is the hallmark of

spiritual power. The nature of the unusual has been reigned in considerably in these

retellings, but it remains sufficiently anomalous, remarkable and, most certainly, an

auspicious sign. As discussed earlier, there is no radically other agent involved in these

auspicious manifestations. Thus one can lower the drama element (mushrooms not

lotuses) without thereby eliminating the source of power—conditions came together

under the influence of a sage and produced an auspicious sign. The fundamental structure

and elements of the event have not changed; Chinese cosmology provides a means of

making such a readjustment without sacrificing the logic of correlative response.

Furthermore, the desire to make these adjustments suggests a desire not to abandon, but

to preserve for posterity these auspicious stories by articulating them in an idiom

appropriate to the present generation.

It is one of the virtues of Chinese cosmography that such a redescription is

possible without unhinging an element of mystery—a mainstay of religion. Robert

Campany, in his ground-breaking survey of strange tales (zhiguai) compiled in medieval

China over several centuries (Six Dynasties, Sui and Tang), has argued against the thesis

that these stories of anomalies are a form of early "fiction" writing.72 Rather, he argues,

they constitute a genre concerned with cosmography, which sees itself as historiographic

Campany 1996 The thesis that they were a kind of fiction writing developed under the famous author
Lu Xun (1881-1936) and was supported by scholars such as DeWoskm 1977 Ahster Inghss has carried
forward Campany's thesis in his study of Hong Mai's Yijian zhi (Inghss 2006)

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER SEVEN Auspicious Events 357

in nature. Many of these tales are concerned with magical responses like Kaiyuan's

lotus-blooming mulberry. The effort to explain Kaiyuan's auspicious events in more

scientific language suggests, in consonance with Campany's view of medieval zhiguai

accounts, that they are not perceived as fiction, but as a form of historiography which

requires glossing. If they were simply fictions there would be no reason to find an

explanation for them apart from debunking them as fictitious. One monk who holds the

view that white mushrooms grew on the trees instead of lotuses has said that the authors

of the early records used artistic license to describe the unusual phenomenon. In other

words, something unusual happened and in order to draw attention to it, a more colorful

description was used—an auspicious, anomalous event was not invented.

Regardless of what actually happened or what adjustments are made, the

monastery's founding story is told in guidebooks and by tour guides every day and the

events are memorialized in inscriptions and shrines throughout the monastic grounds so

that most every visitor is exposed to these auspicious founding legends. These auspicious

events, especially the story of the lotus-blooming mulberry trees and the purple cloud,

influence the experience of visitors and the reputation of the monastery. How this

influence plays out differs according to the disposition of the one learning of the story or

its presence at the monastery. While, for the religionist, these stories enhance the

monastery's reputation of spiritual efficacy, for the tourist they mark Kaiyuan as unique

place of historical interest. In this multivalent fashion they serve to both sanctify and

brand.

13
Campany 1996

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER SEVEN Auspicious Events 358

Branding

Branding is a phenomenon fundamentally tied to the marketing of products. Its

application has been broadened in recent years in literature dealing with the branding of

place and the branding of cities in the interest of harnessing the economic potentials of

tourism.74 While Kaiyuan monastery has by no means hired or considered hiring a

marketing agent, it has followed a long tradition of promoting its special features as a

means of setting itself apart and attracting patrons. The special features that have been

promoted from the very beginning are the auspicious events associated with the founding

of Quanzhou Kaiyuan during the Tang dynasty.

The surviving mulberry and Kaiyuan's memorials to auspicious events serve to

distinguish the monastery from other Buddhist monasteries, particularly those that may

have old buildings or pagodas, or share the name "Kaiyuan."75 Visitors who take little or

no religious interest in Kaiyuan, but who are attracted to its historic and cultural

properties will nonetheless learn of these associations with auspicious purple clouds and

the legend of the lotus-blooming mulberry. For these visitors, the stories may not mark

Kaiyuan as a sacred place, but they nevertheless mark it as a unique site, distinguishing it

from countless other Buddhist temples in China and throughout Asia.

The "purple cloud" and "dharma world of the lotus-blooming mulberry" are thus

deployed much like trademarks that participate in the promotion of Kaiyuan as a tourist

attraction by giving it distinctive and attractive nicknames. Tourists in China inevitably

74
For place branding as it related to tourist sites see Morgan et al 2004. For study of the branded city in
Asia (esp Hong Kong and Shanghai) see Donald and Gammack 2007 For a "guide" to place branding see
Olms 2004
73
Recall that every prefecture was to have a Kaiyuan temple during the Kaiyuan period of the Tang
Dynasty and many of these Kaiyuan's still survive in one form or another. Within Fujian, for example,
Fuzhou Kaiyuan still exists, it is significantly smaller than Quanzhou Kaiyuan, however, and houses only a
handful of monks and receives a very small number of tourists

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER SEVEN. Auspicious Events 359

find themselves visiting Buddhist temples. A popular description of sightseeing in China

is "See temples during the day, sleep at night"—it's much catchier in Chinese: baitian

kanmiao, wanshang shuijiao 6 ^ # / £ B ^ _ L B S ^ (it's balanced and it rhymes). All but

the most intrepid historians or pious Buddhists are likely to tire of visiting temples which

share many similar features, and so when the guide on the bus announces to his or her

group that they will tour Kaiyuan Temple, the group will not be nearly as enthusiastic as

one that is told they will visit the "Purple Cloud,"home of an ancient mulberry tree that

bloomed white lotus-blossoms during the Tang dynasty! These are colorful and imagistic

tags that Kaiyuan has actively promoted for centuries; their deployment has enhanced

Quanzhou Kaiyuan's brand and contributed to its success as a tourist site, as well as a

place of worship or pilgrimage.

Other temples and monasteries also develop their "brand." The famous Baima or

White Horse Monastery in Luoyang may be said to have seized upon the image of the

white horse as a means of branding. Baima Monastery is proclaimed to be the first

Buddhist monastery established in China. It shares with Kaiyuan a founding story

associated with an auspicious dream, in Baima's case the dream was by the Han emperor

Ming i X ^ ^ ( r . 58-75 C.E.) who dreamed of a flying golden figure. His advisors

informed him that his dream referred to the Buddha, a sage in the West. The emperor sent

envoys who returned after several years with two Indian monks, the Sutra in Fourty-two

Sections and a white horse. The emperor is said to have had White Horse Monastery built

for the monks.76

Story is considered legend by modern scholars. See Ziircher 1975:22.

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER SEVEN: Auspicious Events 360

 Today a statue of a stone horse stands outside the monastery and serves as a

symbol of the monastery and its legendary past. Baima may be seen to have deployed the

image of the white horse associated with its founding in ways similar to Kaiyuan's

promotion of Purple Cloud, both serve as memorable imagistic names. The monastery

also promotes a list of six sites {liujing / \ jR) traced to a Qing dynasty monk who carved

them on the wall, the inscription can be seen today.77 Its properties of cultural heritage

include a Jin dynasty pagoda, stone statues from the Song, a gate from the Ming and

statues from the Yuan. Similar to Kaiyuan's famous dragon eye fruits, the Baima boasts a

famous large pomegranate the "Baima sweet pomegranate" {baima tianliu). Baima's

array of cultural properties and effectively memorialized founding story are points it has

in common with Kaiyuan, points that have contributed to each of their success.78

Kaiyuan's founding legends in their continual repetition, both visually and

verbally, serve as poetic substitutes for Kaiyuan that suggest a unique, even exotic,

identity. It is this continual repetition of auspicious events that I consider a form of

branding designed to rhetorically distinguish Kaiyuan from other (competing)

monasteries and temples. Kaiyuan's association with auspicious events and eminent

monks not only serve to brand it as unique, they also reinforce its reputation as a place of

spiritual power.

The six sites at Baima si are the Pure and Cool Platform {qingliang tai) rebuilt m the Ming, Burning
Sutra Platform (fenjing tai) now in rums, Midnight Bell (yeban zhong), Tenglan Tombs (tenglan mu) from
the Han, Rise into the Clouds Pagoda {qiyun ta) and the broken words stele {duanwen bei) The bell tower
and bell have been rebuilt along with the drum tower All seem to be present today, if in a ruined state
(such as the Burning Sutra Platform).
78
Shaolin Monastery has effectively promoted its "brand" focusing on its reputation as the home of
Kungfu, it is also the site of a cave where Bodhidharma is said to have meditated and a forest of pagodas

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER SEVEN Auspicious Events 361

Sanctification

In addition to being imagistic substitutes, Kaiyuan's auspicious events are also,

and more fundamentally, sacred markers, indicating a place that is to be distinguished,

not only from other temples, but from the rest of the mundane world. Before the

monastery was established, the land it inhabits was part of the mundane world—it was a

mulberry orchard. As a mulberry orchard it had two distinguishing features: land and

trees. Both land and trees were marked by auspicious appearances that effectively

signaled the blossoming of a place to practice Buddhism in China: the trees bloomed

lotuses and land was covered by a purple cloud. It was as if the land and the trees

themselves spoke up and said, yes, this is where a monastery should be built. Such is the

import of these two legends—the monastery's location is not arbitrary, it was mandated

by the appearance of auspicious signs, marvelous correlative responses in nature. And,

literally, since that time, it has been the place where a Buddhist monastery has been. This

is a point made by the pair of inscriptions bounding the main gate which reference the

earliest and most recent auspicious events.

Yuanxian, in writing the Monastery Record, suggests that Kaiyuan's auspicious

heritage has been a condition for the cultivation of monastic excellence. It is a condition

that existed in the past and one, Yuanxian states, that must also exist today (in the

seventeenth century):

After writing these biographies of bodhisattvas, I am amazed at the great

number of worthies the Purple Cloud has had. How could this be so, if it is
not an auspicious place of singular merit (jixiang shusheng pf^^ffi)?
It has almost been a thousand years since the appearing of the auspicious
sign of the lotus-blooming mulberry tree. So it was in ancient times, so it
, 79
remains today.
79
Sizhi I.45b-46a.

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER SEVEN: Auspicious Events 362

 Kaiyuan's memonalization of auspicious events and eminent monks serve to

mark the monastery as an auspicious place of singular merit, as a place manifestly

numinous Recollection of these auspicious events supports the sanctification of Kaiyuan,

particularly in the mmds of those receptive to such associations (Buddhists and

worshipers) As preternatural events they point toward the spiritual power of master

Kuanghu, Kaiyuan's founding master, and, in more recent times, to the charisma of

Yuanying, Zhuandao and Zhuanwu The charisma of Kuanghu was sufficient to convert a

mulberry orchard into a Buddhist monastery that became one of the largest and most

important monasteries in a province full of large and important monasteries Kuanghu's

legendary founding charisma drifts through the ages and is awakened by the words

"purple cloud" and "lotus-blooming mulberry" and is manifest in the survival of a small,

awkward statue that now sits behind glass in the Hall of Patriarchs The Hall of Patriarchs

is situated on the highest elevation of the monastery and the statue of Kuanghu and the

portraits of Republican period monks gaze south towards the central axis of Kaiyuan,

overlooking the sutra library, the ordination hall, the mam hall and the pagodas In short,

Kuanghu and the Republican period monks occupy a place of honor physically and

spiritually From the words "Purple Cloud" across the street from the mam gate as well as

above the door of the mam gate itself to the far back of the monastic complex in the hall

of Patriarchs, founding patriarch Kuanghu is remembered His enshrmement and the

memonalization of auspicious acts associated with Kaiyuan's founding, which are

planted throughout the length of Kaiyuan's central axis, are a formal reminder of

Kaiyuan's auspicious beginning, setting Kaiyuan apart from both the mundane world as

well as from other Buddhist monasteries

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER SEVEN Auspicious Events 363

 Occupying a similarly prominent place along Kaiyuan's central axis are the

Republican Period masters Yuanying, Zhuandao and Zhuanwu. These masters are

represented in the large inscription just outside the main gate announcing that the

"Lotus[-Blooming] Peach Tree Manifests the Auspicious" and in the three portraits that

hang in the Hall of Patriarchs. Four portraits hang above and behind the figures of

Kuanghu and the bare-shouldered "mummy" of Zhiliang; from left to right they are

masters Yuanying, Zhuandao, Zhuanwu and Guangjing [Figures 59, 61]. While

Guangjing was the general manager (jianyuan) of Kaiyuan during the early 1950s80and

active in the most recent period of restoration, the other three were instrumental in the

Republican Period restoration and their portraits in the Hall of Patriarchs draw attention

to this fact by affixing the phrase "restorer of this temple" (chongxing bensi M z 4 ^ ^ )

to their names. Furthermore, at the very rear of Kaiyuan's central axis, behind the hall of

patriarchs are two stupas enshrining the remains of the monks Zhuanwu and Guangyi.

From the portraits hanging in the Hall of Patriarchs, past the buildings they oversaw built

during the Republican Period (the hall of merit and the former dharma hall) all the way to

the inscription just outside the main gate, traces of Kaiyuan's Republican Period restorers

also mark the central axis of the monastery and reinforce the religious identity of Kaiyuan

and its dedication to the Sangha.81

Although there are no particular preternatural events associated with master

Hongyi's presence at Kaiyuan, the master Hongyi memorial hall is an additional point of

reference to the Republican Period restoration and most certainly a memorial to an

eminent monk. The recollection of master Hongyi and his association with Kaiyuan

80
According to Huang Yushan he served in this post from 1950 to 1954
81
The importance of this identification with the monastic vocation will become more evident in the
following chapter

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER SEVEN Auspicious Events 364

enhances Kaiyuan's reputation today and deepens and updates Kaiyuan's legacy as the

host of eminent monks and a place for religious virtuosity Along with the memorials to

masters Yuanying, Zhuandao and Zhuanwu, the Hongyi Memorial Hall serves to bring

Kaiyuan's auspicious past and association with eminent monks into the twentieth century.

The Republican Period referents paired with the references to the Tang dynasty founding

honor Kaiyuan as a monastery with a millennium of auspicious history inspired by the

presence of eminent monks up to the time of Hongyi and Yuanying

Memorials to modern Buddhist masters such as Yuanying, Zhuandao and Hongyi

serve to identify Kaiyuan as a place for the cultivation of Buddhist monastics. Such a

place is by extension a field of merit (futian | § EH) to be accessed by laypersons who

support to the sangha. Memorials to auspicious events, similarly, reinforce Kaiyuan's

identity as a place of spiritual power and thereby sacrahze the monastery in the eyes of

those who accept the notion of spiritual power. Those responsive to these cues perceive

Kaiyuan as a sacred place {shendi), a field of merit or simply as a place of spiritual power,

and they are Kaiyuan's primary supporters. Kaiyuan's worshipers and Buddhist patrons

alike perceive Kaiyuan as a place where one may effectively call upon the assistance and

blessings of Buddhas and Bodhisattvas. Those seeking such assistance make small

donations and if they fill their petition has been received they will return and repay the

kindness of the bodhisattva with an additional donation ihuanyuari) This is a very

important source of support for the monastery and an important role that it plays in the

commumty, it is a place where one can go to seek help in affairs (financial, family, health

etc ) that are not amenable to easy fixes

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER SEVEN Auspicious Events 365

 Having a reputation for being spiritually efficacious remains an important factor

in the success of a temple. Such a reputation ensures popular appeal, and, during the

imperial period, generated state support as well. Kaiyuan's auspicious events have been

recorded and memorialized from as early as the ninth century and this careful

preservation of Kaiyuan's numinously rich heritage has contributed to Kaiyuan's success

over the centuries. Given the traditional role of officials as managers of religious sites

and the tradition of allowing at least the most spiritually powerful to survive, Kaiyuan

monastery has very effectively promoted an identity as the most spiritually powerful site

in Quanzhou, as the king of ling—as Yuanxian suggests, "No one eats the great fruit."

While the perception of spiritual efficacy was important for state support only in the past,

it remains important in attracting popular support in the present. The following chapter

will reveal what interests the current state has in the affairs of Kaiyuan and other

monasteries.

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER SEVEN: Auspicious Events 366

CHAPTER EIGHT

Curators and the Revivalists: A Quest for Greater Autonomy

On a winter morning of 2002, Kaiyuan's abbot, Daoyuan, returned to his

monastery after attending a meeting of the municipal people's congress. Upon arriving at

the main gate of his monastery, Daoyuan, a small man who was then in his sixties, met a

security guard with whom he had had disagreements in the past and another argument

broke out between them. The abbot repaired to the monks' living quarters and summoned

the monks to attack the security guard. Some twenty or more monks, armed with knives

and blunt objects, did just that. Two co-workers of the unfortunate guard came to his aid

and were also assaulted. From here, the main gate or "Hall of Heavenly Kings," the monks

advanced to the office of the administrative commission, which employed the security

guards, and proceeded to trash it. No one was seriously wounded in the fray, but the

security guard was hospitalized for treatment and released.

This event, witnessed by picture taking tourists and devotees alike, had been

preceded by months of tension between the monks and an entity known as the temple

administrative commission (^KlflJIiiljS z? siyuan guanli weiyuanhui). Disputes

between the abbot and members of this group had been growing at least since the previous

winter when the abbot had monks attack the vice director of the commission after an

argument regarding New Year's decorations. It was back in August that relations with the

front gate security crew had reached a critical point. One of the security guards had

parked his car in the Hall of Heavenly Kings and refused to move it when asked to do so

by the abbot. The abbot called together a group of more than ten monks who threatened
to damage the car if it were not promptly removed. It was then that the monks with their

abbot vowed to have the temple administrative commission and its employees removed

from the temple within two years. Two years have since come and gone, by the end of this

chapter you will learn the fate of Kaiyuan's administrative commission and the monastic's

quest for greater autonomy.

This chapter discusses two interested parties, "curators" and "revivalists," who

possess different visions of what temples should be in contemporary China and examines

how these parties have negotiated an identity for Quanzhou Kaiyuan. In short, the curators

are interested in protecting cultural relics and charging the public a fee to visit temples and

view their cultural properties, while the revivalists seek to reestablish temples as places

devoted to religious practice. The term "curator" functions, somewhat incidentally, as an

euphemism for specific organs of the state that have varying degrees of jurisdiction over

Buddhist temples in China. These organs are present in various configurations and differ

from temple to temple. When a temple becomes designated an Important National Cultural

Heritage Protected Site (^MM.&~SC$%)i&^t.) or a AAAA National Tourist Attraction

(guojia dengji Ivyou qu WtM^^AMiffl?\K), for example, certain government entities, in

addition to the Bureau of Religious Affairs, become associated with the temple in various

capacities of oversight, management and exploitation. These include bureaus and

committees that deal with tourism (liiyouju IMMfM), culture {wenhuaju ~3cVcM),

heritage {wenwuju JC$}M) and temple management (guali weiyuan hui l^JJltlt.ra z?).

These are the curators who, in line with the Communist Party's ultimate view on religion,

seek to frame religion as an artifact of the past rather than a living phenomenon with a

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER EIGHT. Curators and Revivalists 368

future The revivalists, on the other hand, are the monastics, lay Buddhists and worshipers

who are eager to recover monastic spaces and restore them to religious use

A dominant theme in the study of religion in contemporary China has been the

issue of relations between state and religion ' Many studies, especially earlier studies,

have portrayed revival, in varying degrees, as a popular struggle against a monolithic

state 2 Ashiwa and Wank (2009), as well as David Chau (2006), have recognized the

inadequacy of portraying the revival of religion as a battle between a monolithic and

hegemonic state and religion or society They have proposed, instead, a more nuanced

analysis of what Chau calls the "the state-society interface " 3 Chau argues that

Too much emphasis on communal resistance diverts attention from other

important aspects of popular religious revivals such as the actions of the
local state and the power claims of local elites, and the frequent mutual
accommodation, negotiation, and collusion between local state agents and
local elites In the local world, state and society are completely imbricated 4

While there is conflict between curators and revivalists at Kaiyuan, there is also

cooperation and collusion Furthermore, those whom I have labeled "curators" are not

synonymous with "the state " They are low level officials and state employees working for

a state which is much larger than they In order to contextualize their relation to the

central state, it should be recalled that Zhao Puchu, while he was still alive, effectively

represented both Buddhists and the state against such lesser entities 5 So while at times in

the analysis to follow, it may seem that the curators are standing in for the state, I want to

' Yang Fenggang 2006, Ashiwa and Wank 2009, Mayfair Yang 2009, Jun Jmg 1996, Flower and Leonard
1997, Gladney 1991, Madsen 1998, Eng and Lin 2002 etc
2
Anagost 1994, Feuchtwang 2000, Jun Jing 1996, Mayfair Yang 2004, Wang Mmgming 1996 70, 76,
Overmeyer 2003, Potter 2003
3
Chau 2006 8
4
Chau 2006 8
5
Ashiwa and Wank 2006 350 351

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER EIGHT Curators and Revivalists 369

caution against such an oversimplification from the beginning The state is not monolithic

and although, generally speaking, it seeks to regulate religion, on a local level it often

accommodates and promotes religious revival6 The agencies referred to as curators in

this chapter are minor bureaucrats and state employees and represent individuals like them

all over China whose duties bring them into contact and into conflict with religious entities
7
such as clerics or organizers of popular religious festivities While these two parties, the

curators and revivalists, are distinct, their goals are not absolutely antithetical

While it is true that curators, strictly speaking, support the cause of tourism over

religious revival, one should recall that Buddhist monasteries have long hosted those in

pursuit of leisure, culture, beauty and history as well as those in search of religion I

suspect that the sentiment expressed in the popular saying used to describe travel in China,

"tour temples during the day and sleep at night," is not one of modern invention

Tourism and Buddhist Monasteries

Often located in beautiful mountain settings, Chinese Buddhist monasteries have

attracted tourists and pilgrims for centuries The association between natural mountain

settings and Buddhist monasteries is revealed in such terms as Chan forest (Chanlin ? 4 # )

to designate a Chan monastery or, more generally, the phrase "Mountain Gate" (shanmen

ill H) to indicate the main gate of a monastery, even one in a flat, or relatively flat, urban

area such as Quanzhou Kaiyuan Visiting monasteries in China, even those in urban areas,

is analogous to climbing a mountain with the front gate at the lowest elevation and the

back hall at the highest Visiting these monasteries requires climbing successively higher

6
See, for example, Yang and Wei 2005 for state support of Hebei Bailm Monastery
7
For relations between authorities and popular religious festivities see Dean 1993 and Chau 2006

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER EIGHT Curators and Revivalists 370

tiers of steps as one reaches the back hall, often enshrining an image of Guanyin Tourists

have long visited monasteries in China, not only for their fine views, fresh air and distance

from the "dust of the world" but also for the art and architecture they might possess

The sixth century Record of Buddhist Monasteries in Luoyang, an important

historical document and work of literature, contains much information about early

monasteries in China Its descriptions of monasteries and pagodas in particular are

remarkable, however, for their praise of aesthetic features rather than any religious

significance or power they may have The Yongning Pagoda of 516, for example, is

described as having nine roofs hung with a total of 120 golden bells with doors painted

vermillion and accented with gold nails The description goes on

In addition, the doors were adorned with knockers made of golden rings
The construction embodied the best of masonry and carpentry The
elegance of its design and its excellence as an example of Buddhist
architecture was almost unimaginable Its carved beams and gold door-
knockers fascinated the eyes 8

The tradition of pagodas as the pride of monasteries and cities alike, as sights to

behold, as marvels that enthrall the eye—what we today call tourist sights—appears to

stretch back to sixth and seventh centuries when they began to dot the Chinese landscape 9

In the seventeenth century Yuanxian promoted Kaiyuan's reputation by noting that

people nostalgic for old things can be satisfied by visiting it Evidence of self-promotion

along these lines occurred at Kaiyuan as early as the Yuan dynasty Accommodation, and

even the encouragement of sightseers, is evidenced by the fourteenth century walls erected

at Kaiyuan's front gate bearing characters announcing the presence of "eight auspicious

8
Zhou Zumo (ed ) Luoyangjialanji jiaoshi, l,pp 20-21 Translation in Wang Yi-t'ung's A Record of
Buddhist Monasteries in Luoyang, p 16 See also discussion m Kieschmck 2003 39-40
9
Kieschmck 2003 39

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER EIGHT Curators and Revivalists 371

phenomena" and "six unique sites." We are sure that groups of visitors were visiting

Kaiyuan monastery for its scenic appeal during this period for we have an inscription that

amounts to a kind of graffiti on the central column of the East Pagoda which was left by a

group of visitors in 1349; it describes the pleasant weather and magnificent view from the

pagoda, but makes no references to Buddhism nor the monastery:

Today the sun is in the south, the weather is pleasantly warm,

ominous clouds are breaking up while the mountains and the city are
exceptionally magnificent. It makes us feel that time is passing so
quickly and since getting together is so difficult we engrave this stone
to remember this trip. 10

Timothy Brook's Praying for Power examines the patronage of Buddhist monasteries by

the late-Ming gentry. Brook finds that late-Ming gentry retreated to Buddhist monasteries

to escape the hustle and bustle of the world and enjoy cultural pursuits. A Fujian gazetteer

describes monasteries as places where gentry retreat "to enjoy the view, drink wine,

compose poetry, and cleanse themselves thoroughly of the dust of this world."11 Such

motivations were so common in Nanjing at the end of the sixteenth century that Feng

Mengzhen ^ ^ H C (1546-1605) complained: "The gentry come just for the sights and no

longer understand anything about Buddhist doctrine."12 There is a growing consensus

Inscription on the central column of the East pagoda (1349), author's name not legible The
inscription in foil reads: "Third day of lunar November {zhongdong # # ) of 1349 (9th year of
Zhizheng) in the Yuan Dynasty. I accompanied Secretariat Drafter Zhang Bao Bo'ang (Zhongshu
zhisheng sheren tf34$A^#A^Sffi up) and Prefectural Supervisor (Jianjun $ZM>) XieYuhShiyu
I^BxALtSjE came to climb the East Pagoda Today the sun is in the south, the weather is pleasantly
warm, ominous clouds are breaking up while the mountains and the city are exceptionally magnificent.
It makes us feel that time is passing so quickly and since getting together is so difficult we engrave this
stone to remember this trip " The names of more than fifteen others are listed as present, not
including the two previously named Three of the visitors were from Gaochang iU H in today's
Xinjiang 0 r i l (to the west of China proper), they are surnamed Xie #?, which is not a Han surname,
suggesting they are natives of the country to the west of China which is now dominated by Muslims
11
Shounmg xianzhi 1686,7 21b Translated in Brook 1993 108
12
Jinshan zhilue 1681 I, tiandijiue, 4a Translated in Brook 1993 110

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER EIGHT Curators and Revivalists 372

among scholars that such uses of monasteries can be traced back to their earliest

manifestations. John Kieschnick observes: "In addition to serving as a dwelling for monks

and nuns—the definition of a monastery—modern monasteries also serve as tourist sites

and as devotional, economic, and social centers. None of this is new. ... from the

beginning, monasteries served as sites of lay as well as monastic devotion, for secular

entertainment as well as Buddhist ritual."13

The Economic and Political Role Played by Temples in Contemporary China

While the connection between what we may term tourism and temples can be

traced back as far as the Tang Dynasty and the cultural properties of temples were

targeted for preservation in the 1950s and early 1960s, the notion that temples and

monasteries may play a key role in planned economic development is an idea that has

come to prominence only within the past thirty years under such mottoes as "Culture sets

the stage and the economy performs" (wenhua dataijingji changxi JCi^Wi'u Mi^Rs^c

). Local elites see their support of temples not as a source of blessings or merit as they

once did, but as part of the community's economic development scheme. A popular

temple, whether it boasts historical artifacts, spiritual power or both, can attract tourists or

pilgrims from outside the community who contribute to the local economy.14 Temples also

stimulate consumption among locals during festivals or special occasions.15

A somewhat ironic consequence of this notion about culture serving as a base for

economic development is that historical artifacts and sites of historical importance have

13
Kieschnick 2003:186-187.
u
See Lang, Chan and Ragvald 2005; Borchert 2005.
13
Several studies have mentioned the economic motivations of local officials when supporting the
construction or re-construction of temples. See for example, Ashiwa and Wank 2006: 348; Eng and
Lin 2002:1271-1773; Fisher 2008:152; Feuchtwang 2001: 246; Lai 2003: 112; Yang and Wei 2005:
74-77.

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER EIGHT: Curators and Revivalists 373

become recognized as valuable commodities in the modernization of towns and cities.16 In

the summer of 2009 I visited a coastal city north of Shanghai slated to be developed into a

thriving international port. We visited the brand new, multi-story, state-of-the-art

exhibition hall displaying the development plans for the otherwise underwhelming city of

Lianyungang ^t^M. The exhibition hall sits on one end of a large plaza just across from

the city hall; its high-tech multi-media displays, which introduce potential investors to the

city and its development plans, include several exhibits on the ancient history of the area

and its significant cultural and historical features. On the other end of the plaza is a brand

new museum displaying a modest collection of historical artifacts from the area, as well as

local crafts.

What was clear from the exhibits and the language used by the city officials was

that the promotion of the culture and history of Lianyungang was an essential ingredient in

the plan to develop this city into a modern city and transportation hub. Taiwan's Foguang

Shan has secured permission to rebuild a Buddhist monastery in the region; this is no easy

task and requires no small amount of political maneuvering. Their success must be

attributed in part to the economic development plans of the city officials. The presence of

functioning Buddhist monasteries is a reassurance to foreign investors that China has

become a more open society that guarantees, in its words, freedom to believe in religion

(xinyang zongjiao ziyou, isW^$X il d3). The guarantee of this freedom and the presence

of open and vibrant temples tended by monastics is especially reassuring to overseas

16
This is similar to the promotion and selling of the traditional ("backward") culture of ethnic minorities
in order to develop the economy and enjoy a higher (more modern) standard of living See Borchert
2005 93 and Kang 2009 229 For religion, modernity and identity in Han communities see Jing 1996
and Flower 2004

Brian J. Nichols CFLAPTER EIGHT Curators and Revivalists 374

Chinese investors who have long been the major source of foreign investment in China,

especially investors from Hong Kong, Singapore and Taiwan.17 Buddhist monasteries fit

into plans to attract investment on the one hand and domestic tourists on the other; as the

popular saying goes, "Culture sets the stage and the economy performs." Buddhist

monasteries and their restoration have long served as part of Communist China's regional

strategy of diplomatic relations,18 but have only recently found a niche in China's program

of economic development.19

China's reform-era obsession with economic development wedded to the notion

that culture sets the stage for such development has been a boon, in some sense, to

monasteries with or without cultural artifacts; it has been the principal strategy used to

secure the support of local officials for restoration projects.20 Party officials and monks

alike regularly talk about the economic benefits that accrue to a community that restores a

temple. When I have asked officials and others how temples benefit the economy, the

answer is always tourism. The phrase used by an official in Quanzhou's Bureau of Cultural

Heritage (wenwuju) to describe temples such as Kaiyuan is colorful, yet forbidding: he

described such tourist sites as "smokestack-less factories" {yvuyan gongchang 5GJSHr~

17
Lei&Yao2009. 91, Michie & Smith 1998- 38-39
18
As mentioned in chapter three, Buddhist temples from early on in the communist era have been used
as a bridge to build relations with countries that share a Buddhist heritage such as Japan and Burma
(Welch 1961. 11 ) More recently, Buddhism has been used not only to build relations with countries
sympathetic to Buddhism, but also the larger world community, as a way to improve China's image in
the eyes of those who critique the crackdown on Falun Gong and the suppression of other religious
groups The most recent and dramatic example of these uses of Buddhism has been the hosting of two
world Buddhist forums by China in 2006 and 2009
19
See a survey of temples m Guangdong by Lang, Chan and Ragvald 2005 Borchert notes the economic
motives behind religious revival in the Dai-lue region of Yunnan (Borchert 2005)
20
"Culture" certainly includes Daoism and certain folk deities (e g Tianhou/Mazu) and they too benefit
from the notion that cultural revival promotes economic growth I know that a group of Daoist and
folk temples, for example, have been restored in downtown Suzhou as part of its economic/tourist
development scheme See also Lang, Chan and Ragvald 2005

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER EIGHT Curalots and Revivalists 375

).21 He was expressing a view that is repeated by government employees all over China

that restoring places of historic or cultural interest is an integral part of economic

development (jingjifazhan %x.ffi%LM)', that restored temples promote economic

development {cujin jingjifazhan ^T&i&tfr'Jx.Wk)- The connection between economic

development, cultural preservation and cultural revival on the one hand, and the central

place of religion in Chinese culture on the other, has generated a great deal of cooperation

between "curators" and "revivalists" in the restoration of temples in China since the

1980s.22

In addition to the use of culture to develop the attractiveness and quality of life

profile of a city in order to attract foreign and domestic investors and residents, historic

restoration and cultural revival particularly appeals to overseas Chinese (huaqiao)

investors. Quanzhou's foreign investors are drawn primarily from the overseas Chinese

who have immigrated to Taiwan or Southeast Asia and who trace their roots to Quanzhou.

When these overseas Chinese return to their hometown, apart from visiting any family that

may remain, they typically wish to visit the temples where their family once worshiped and

if these temples no longer exist they are typically eager to assist in their rebuilding or

restoration.23 As the largest and most central monastery in Quanzhou, Kaiyuan tops the

lists of temples that many overseas Chinese (and would-be investors) wish to visit on their

21
Personal communication, Wenwu ju, Quanzhou, 9/28/2009.
22
Flower and Leonardl998; Flower 2004; Eng and Lin 2002:1271-1773; Fisher 2008:152; Wank &
Ashiwa 2006. The cooperation between curators and revivalists has, however, over time turned to
competition and rivalry See Kang 2009 Thomas Borchert examined the case of the building of a
touristic-oriented temple for the Dai nationality in Southwest China in a paper delivered at the
National meeting of the American Academy of Religion in Montreal, 2009.
23
Kuah Khun Eng has researched the phenomenon of Singaporeans returning to rebuild their ancestral
homes in Anxi which is a mountainous region which neighbors Quanzhou in Southern Fujian See her
Rebuilding the Ancestral Village Singaporeans in China (Ashgate, 2000)

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER EIGHT: Curators and Revivalists 376

trips to Quanzhou. The state, by supporting the restoration of religious structures that

are important to returning overseas Chinese, is making an investment in economic

development.

The role of cultural properties in economic development and overseas investment

is somewhat straightforward, but what about nationalism? Nationalism requires the

identification of a national ethnic history replete with heroes and cultural achievements. It

is in the name of protecting national heritage that sites of historic and cultural value are

protected. Kaiyuan's cultural properties and, in particular, the pagodas, represent the skill

and ingenuity of the Chinese people and so deserve protection at the national level as

properties of value to the nation. The current regime naturally emphasizes the technical

and artistic value of such cultural properties rather than their religious value. One might

say then, that Kaiyuan and its cultural properties, like other temples throughout China,

have been integrated into a secularized national heritage that accords with the

disenchanted worldview of the Communist Party. Rather than being obliterated, as was

attempted during the Cultural Revolution, these cultural properties are now incorporated

into a de-sacralized narrative of national heritage. As part of the national heritage they fit

into the construction of national identity and into a related project of developing

nationalism as a guard against foreign threats and influence.

When Curatorial Forces Gain the Upper Hand: Museumification

While large famous temples like Kaiyuan have had an easier time with physical

restoration and financial support for the Sangha, their position as places of historic and

cultural value typically ensures that they will attract tourists. Tourists may bring in income,

24
Other important temples are the non-Buddhist temples of Guandi and Tianhou (i.e. Mazu).

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER EIGHT: Curators and Revivalists 311

but they destroy the tranquility that is most appropriate for regular, sustained religious

practice Beyond the influence of megaphone-bearing tour guides and their minions is the

danger of "museumification " Museumification is the process by which a temple becomes

directed towards display, spectacle and secular education, while, by degrees, being

directed away from worship and religious cultivation Museumification is in evidence

when shrine halls have been transformed from places of worship into display rooms for

cultural and historic exhibits or souvenir shops Such places are staffed, not by monks, but

by workers, often young ladies in matching uniforms, who introduce visitors to the

products for sale

A spectrum of configurations can be found at Buddhist temples in mainland China

ranging from temples that are inhabited by no monastics and are managed by the local

bureau of tourism or bureau of cultural heritage, such as Beijing's White Pagoda Temple

(Baitasi fii^^F) or Yangzhou's Tianning Temple ^k')\\^rf^f (a k a theYangzhou

Buddhist Culture Museum I ^ H M ^ I t M ^ t t ) , to temples that host more than a

hundred monks and enjoy a high degree of autonomy such as Mount Taimu's Pingxing

Monastery ^ ^ l l l ^ F X ^ f in Fujian, which has no historic or cultural relics Those that

are directly managed by bureaus of culture, tourism or cultural heritage inevitably possess

valuable cultural properties, historic value and/or a natural park-like setting Monasteries

of exceptional historic or cultural value have an easier time attracting the support of

officials and Buddhist patrons that is necessary for restoration and upkeep At the same

time, they are more likely to attract tourists and the interest of the government bureaus

already mentioned These bureaus and the noisy tour groups they encourage are the bane

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER EIGHT Curators and Revivalists 378

of any self-respecting Buddhist monastery. Once one of these bureaus or commissions

has the upper hand on management decisions, the temple will exhibit varying degrees of

museumification. Museumification is at its most vulgar when a temple falls under the

management of a government bureau such as the bureau of tourism or cultural heritage to

the exclusion of monastic leadership. In post-Olympic-hosting China, this usually brings

benefits to the tourist while at the same time possibly, though not necessarily, attenuating

the experience of would-be devotee.26 My experience suggests that this phenomenon is

more prevalent the closer one is to Beijing, the political center, and perhaps provincial

capitals (which serve as satellites of Beijing). In 2009,1 visited three temples that exhibited

high degrees of occupation by secular forces all within or near the orbit of Beijing:

Hongluo Temple tlijl^f and Yunju Temple z^Jir^f, both lying on the outskirts of

Beijing, and Longxing Temple Hi;£4^F in Hebei province, just south of Beijing.27

Hongluo Temple is part temple, part park, in the mountains near the Mutianyu H

EHilfS section of the great wall. It has no resident monks, is directly managed by the local

government bureau of tourism and staffed by a team of young ladies in white shirts.

Although it is more than 1000 years old,28 the temple possesses no cultural relics and is

almost entirely reconstructed. The tourism bureau, having no cultural properties to

This is something widely attested by laypersons and monks across China. Bailm Temple tt#^f, the
large Chan monastery in Hebei, closed for two months in the spring of 2009 due to disturbances
related to the tourist trade upon which people in the neighborhood have attempted to capitalize.
What I have in mind here are such amenities that were rare in the past such as multi-lingual signs
pointing out directions and introducing buildings as well as benches, new restrooms and manicured
landscaping.
To these one could add Tanzhe and Jietai Temples, each lying just outside Beijing, as well as Baita
(white stupa) Temple within the city of Beijing I visited these temples, however, before I had
identified the key role of the temple administrative commission and therefore did not ask the
appropriate questions or make the appropriate observations to determine how they fit into the scheme I
present here
It was founded in the fourth century

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER EIGHT Curators and Revivalists 379

promote, has turned instead to the piety/leisure market. Buddhist hymns are played over

loudspeakers throughout the temple, incense and other religious paraphernalia are sold

throughout the grounds and a steady stream of worshipers offer incense to statues of

Buddhas, bodhisattvas and patriarchs as they tour the extensive grounds that rise to

hilltops, which afford panoramic views of the surrounding mountains and the smog of

Beijing. At the time of my visit no monastics lived at the temple, but there were monks, or

otherwise employees with shaved heads and dressed in robes, who reported to work in the

morning, tended some of the halls, and returned home at five.

Beijing's Yunju Temple, which boasts the world's largest collection of stone

inscribed scriptures, is managed by a temple administrative commission, that is, not by the

Sangha. In addition to the more than 10,000 stone sutras, it has Tang Dynasty stupas and

an attractive natural setting. Most of the halls of this monastery have been converted into

museum-like display halls presenting interpretive exhibits of cultural relics found at the

temple such as ceramics and sutras written in blood. Employees in light-blue knit shirts

tend the halls and sell items throughout the grounds; the products they sell are primarily

religious in nature. When I entered the main hall a young lady who was a member of the

staff accosted me, quickly introduced the figures enshrined and immediately suggested I

purchase what appeared to be a small plastic temple credit card. She explained that the

cards entitled the bearer to the benefits of monks chanting in the hall for a full year. They

were available in three grades, 50, 100 and 200 RMB; the 100 RMB (14USD) card would

include a banner in the hall and a ritual service, while the 200 RMB card would include a

scroll of calligraphy, an alms bowl in a tote bag and two services. The cards and the

benefits of each is also explained on large posters that have been placed in multiple shrine

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER EIGHT: Curators andRevivalists 380

rooms, at the bottom of these posters one can read the name of the entity in charge: the

Yunju Monastery Temple Administrative Commission {yunju si siguanhui). This is

commercialization on top of museumification, two related but different processes.29 Yunju

Temple, however, unlike Hongluo, does have a community of eleven monks. I spoke with

one of them who had been there for three months and he simply reported that Yunju was

not a Buddhist temple, it was a tourist site. I asked what he meant. Expressing a common

sentiment among members of the Sangha, he said there weren't enough monks living there;

a Buddhist temple, in other words, must be tended by the Sangha—at this temple,

management was in the hands of the temple administrative commission.

Hebei's Longxing Temple, also known as Big Buddha Temple (Dafo si ^ ^ T F ) , is

about a three hour drive from Beijing in the city of Zhengding JE/E. Longxing is an urban

temple that functions primarily as a museum, showcasing a fabulous collection of cultural

properties from the tenth century onward, including paintings, statues, buildings and the

inevitable oversized Qianlong and Kangxi steles. The abbot of the nearby Linji Temple l|&

y^^F informed me that the Sangha was working to reestablish itself there. What is likely

to happen, however, is something analogous to the situation at Xi'an's Famen Temple &fe H

^F, which is divided into two halves, one controlled by the bureau of tourism, the other by

the monks.

These three temples near Beijing, while they all have their own characteristics,

present one end of the spectrum of Buddhism in China today and one that would have

29
Commercialization is less dependent on the presence or absence of state functionaries in management,
temples can become commercialized without having any cultural properties to promote. Posting a
schedule of fees for ritual services is a basic form of commercialization that one finds m many, if not
most, temples

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER EIGHT Curators and Revivalists 381

dominated impressions of visitors throughout most of the Communist period, when only a

handful of showcase monasteries were preserved to show foreign visitors 30 The

impression of Buddhism as barely alive and in the hands of curators is one that we

understandably held for decades of the People's Republic of China, the reality in China,

however, has been changing since reforms were inaugurated at the end of 1978 But

change has come at different paces to different parts of China I have made the observation

that the closer one is to Beijing (and other centers of political power such as provincial

capitals), the more likely one is to find temples that are in the hands of secular authorities

and deserve the moniker "tourist temple " One also finds monasteries free of such

museumification—Kaiyuan presents a case of monastics asserting themselves against

secular incursions

Quanzhou Kaiyuan's Quest for Greater Autonomy

Quanzhou Kaiyuan, which is far from Beijing, not in a provincial capital and in

Fujian, a province known for widespread religious participation, presents a different model

of how a famous temple full of cultural treasures negotiates with the secular powers that

be While I know of no instance in which an historically important temple in possession of

valuable cultural properties has fully escaped the attention of curatorial forces and tourists,

Kaiyuan provides an example of how such a monastery may negotiate a degree of

autonomy from such curatorial pressures We have already seen how the abbot of Kaiyuan

has handled the administrative commission and its security guards on select occasions

Now we pick up the narrative of Kaiyuan's post-Mao revival under the leadership of the

current abbot, Daoyuan—a path of restoration that led to blows

,0
See chapter three

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER EIGHT Curators and Revivalists 382

 As narrated in chapter four, Kaiyuan's recovery began soon after the death of Mao

under the small nucleus of monks who had stayed at the temple through the Cultural

Revolution and with funding assistance from compatriots in Singapore. While statues were

uncovered and re-gilded and worshipers bearing incense began to return, throughout the

1980s the halls remained under the jurisdiction of the cultural heritage management

committee and the temple administrative commission. The heritage committee had been

established in the 1950s to protect and maintain the temple properties; it went

underground during the Cultural Revolution, and, like the monks, re-emerged after the

death of Mao and asserted its jurisdiction over Kaiyuan's cultural properties.31 Tables

staffed by employees of the heritage committee were set up in all the halls containing

historic properties. The heritage committee also operated a research center and a souvenir

shop located in one of the shrine halls, precisely the kind of shop that devotees consider

tacky.

The heritage management committee, however, was not the only government

entity with jurisdiction over Kaiyuan. As a tourist attraction and the home of dozens of

monastics holding morning and evening devotions, Kaiyuan was seen fit, in the eyes of the

government and the Bureau of Religion, to have a temple administrative commission. The

temple administrative commission is a product of 1980s reform and opening policy which

loosened restrictions against religion and, at the same time, established means of oversight

and control of the legally recognized religious groups. At Kaiyuan, the temple

31
Many entities and practices that were open to attack by Red Guards went underground for a period of
ten years during the Cultural Revolution and then re-emerged after the death of Mao These entities and
practices include all things having to do with religion, not to mention all thing perceived to be contrary to
the progress of the revolution, which included most literature, art and everyday items like small tea
cups—so many things that have become ubiquitous over the past twenty years it bears recalling how they
once were not
Brian J Nichols CHAPTER EIGHT. Curators and Revivalists 383
administrative commission operates entry and exit gates, sees that the grounds are secure

and offers tour guide services; it is self-funded through the sale of entrance tickets and

tour services. Members of this commission also operate two small kiosks. One of them

sells photo supplies and drinks; he has recently begun selling small souvenirs of Quanzhou

and incense. The other kiosk is staffed by a man who writes poems using the characters of

one's name—a common form of art found at tourist sites.

The combined effect of these two curatorial forces was to give Kaiyuan the kind of

touristy and contested feel that Gareth Fisher, an anthropologist who studies lay Buddhism

in contemporary China, has described at temples in Beijing.32 Secular employees working

as curators rather than religionists sold tickets, monitored the gates, the grounds and the

halls and sold souvenir items, which generally had nothing to do with religion, inside the

Donor Ancestral Hall (Tanyue ci). While a similar situation prevails today at the temples I

mentioned above (Yunju, Hongluo and Longxing Temples) as well as many other temples

such as Beijing's famous Tanzhe y?ft^F and Jietai temples M n" # or Shanghai's Jade

Buddha Bift^F and Jing'an Temples ff- ;$c^F, the situation at Kaiyuan began to change in

the late 1990s.

The Cultural Heritage Committee and the Temple Management Commission

The situation was able to progress under the leadership of the abbot Daoyuan who,

as described in chapter four, was successful in removing dozens of individuals employed

by as many as a dozen different entities occupying monastic space. In addition to

recovering monastic property, Daoyuan also engaged in many building projects as outlined

in chapter four. What his actions suggest in terms of this chapter's theme is his concern, as

32
Gareth Fisher 2009, paper delivered at the 2009 AAR in Montreal, November 7.

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER EIGHT: Curators and Revivalists 384

a revivalist, for restoration, even if it means rebuilding or replacing, over and above any

concern he may have for preservation, which is the organizing concern for the curators. In

spite of his many successes, the abbot still had to share authority with two government

committees, the cultural heritage committee and the temple management commission.

In 1982, the heritage management committee funded the opening of a stele rubbing

and souvenir shop in the Donor's ancestral hall. Rubbings were made of the various stone

steles that had been collected at Kaiyuan during the curatorial turn of the Maoist period

and sold to visitors.33 This shop was a visible and prominent contributor to

museumification and commercialization at Kaiyuan; it was a classic case of a shrine hall

being converted to commercial uses and managed by non-monastics, members of the

curatorial forces. It was a sore point that was finally settled by Daoyuan in 2004.

Daoyuan was able to deal with the cultural heritage committee in much the same

way that he dealt with the other groups occupying space on temple property: he

successfully argued to municipal authorities that the property belonged to the monastery

and was therefore illegally occupied and he offered sufficient financial compensation to the

affected parties. The financial settlement for the Quanzhou Heritage Stele Rubbings shop

{Quanzhou shi wenwu beituo shangdian M.'M Tfj 2>t3£#£:£6 r§!J2j) was calculated by the

relevant municipal authorities, including the Bureaus of Finance and Labor and Social

Security, at 106,020 RMB (15,000USD). Daoyuan negotiated that Kaiyuan would pay

70,000 (10,000USD), while the remaining 36,020 would be paid by the Bureau of

Finance. The arguments offered for the recovery of this property under monastic control

33
Ink rubbings on rice paper of historic steles is a relatively common souvenir item where steles have
been collected such as the forest of steles in Xi'an

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER EIGHT Curators and Revivalists 385

were that the Donor's Ancestral Hall was an important part of Kaiyuan monastery and an

important institution to many overseas Chinese who are Huang family descendants. The

city of Quanzhou was then applying to UNESCO for world heritage status as the starting

point of the maritime silk route; the return and restoration of the Donor's Ancestral Hall

was seen as contributing to Quanzhou's application. The heritage management committee

vacated the hall and the remaining rubbings were sent to the city museum; the steles are

said to have been distributed to various museums in the area. The Donor's Ancestral Hall,

consisting of three small rooms and courtyard lying to the east of the dharma hall, was

cleaned up and returned to its state as an ancestral shrine to Huang Shougong, the

temple's founding donor. In this way, the hall that had been used as a souvenir shop was

restored to monastic control and now functions solely as a shrine. I was fortunate to be in

attendance when it was officially reopened in exceptionally grand style in September of

2009. The three day memorial celebration marked the 1,380th anniversary of Huang

Shougong's birth and the 1,323rd anniversary of the founding of Kaiyuan Monastery; it

was attended by thousands of members of the "Purple Cloud" Huang family from

locations stretching from Shanghai to Singapore.34

In addition to the return of this shrine hall the other divisions of the cultural

heritage committee, such as the research center, have been removed from Kaiyuan's

The platform before the mam hall served as a kind of stage where speeches were made by Daoyuan and
other distinguished guests m front of members of the Huang family from the Quanzhou region, the
Philippines, Malaysia, Singapore, Shanghai and so on, who were arrayed by point of origin in folding
chairs set up throughout Kaiyuan's expansive courtyard Bands played, a small parade was held and
dozens of young ladies in uniform were on hand as greeters and tea servers The culmination, perhaps,
was the grand sacrifice offered to the ancestral tablets of Huang Shougong in the Donor's Ancestral
Hall. The Huang family expected to make meat sacrifices, but Kaiyuan insisted the offering be
vegetarian, a characteristically Chinese compromise was reached by having animal forms made from
vegetarian materials and offered

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER EIGHT Curators and Revivalists 386

property and placed into a newly formed bureau of cultural heritage (wenwuju ~SC$)M)

located in an office far from the Kaiyuan. The transfer from curator to revivalist in the case

of the cultural heritage committee and their shrine hall souvenir shop has been complete

and thorough—a true victory for the revivalists.

The situation with the post-Mao entity known as the temple administrative

commission, however, has not been so easily resolved. An ad hoc decision or buyout has

not been possible because, unlike all the others, the commission is part of reform era

national policy as interpreted by the Bureau of Religion. Large, important temples

designated as national tourist attractions or important national cultural heritage protected

sites will typically have a temple administrative commission on site charged with

monitoring activities to make sure that the temple acts in accordance with the law. This

system of oversight is a nationally recognized system of religious management sometimes

referred to as a "two track management system" {shuanggui guanli moshi M^K^M^MA

). The "two tracks" are management by the government and management by members of

the religious order. The duties of Kaiyuan's administrative commission include selling

tickets, handling security and providing tour guide service.35

After the strong-arm tactics of 2002, the abbot has managed to win concessions

and clearly gain the upper hand without being able, nonetheless, to fully dislodge the

administrative commission. A concession won by Daoyuan is that security guards are no

longer stationed in the gates and no one is allowed to park in front of the main gate,

35
David Wank and Yoshiko Ashiwa have recorded a similar conflict between the monastic leadership
and the administrative commission at Xiamen's Nanputuo Temple. Unlike Kaiyuan, Nanputuo's
commission profited from an array of tourist related business it operated near the temple entrance.
Zhao Puchu helped reduce the power of the commission by having it re-designated a business post
(shiwu suo) rather than a commission with administrative duties. Wank & Ashiwa 2006 41-42.

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER EIGHT Curators and Revivalists 387

including tour buses. In addition, administrative commission employees have been

effectively removed from all the temple buildings except for the ticket booths in the gates

and two small offices; monks are now responsible for monitoring all of the halls. The

monks have also begun to take on the task of watching the gates, especially in the evening.

From the late nineties to the present, the number of employees of the administrative

commission has been reduced by half, from sixty to thirty. The temple has also been able

to negotiate to receive 50% of the sales from entrance tickets, whereas previously they

had received none of this money.37 According to one estimate this brings in four million

RMB to the temple per year. The abbot has said, however, that he would not sell tickets if

he were able to abolish the administrative commission.38 The abbot has effectively been

able to force the commission to recognize him as their boss and win back a significant

level of autonomy on behalf of the sangha at this monastery. As a result, Kaiyuan feels

more like a monastery that attracts tourists, than a tourist site where a few monks live.

This last point is quite important because we may be inclined to place all temples

that serve as tourist attractions together in the same category, a category that tends to

devalue such places as "tourist temples." The reality, I hope to have demonstrated, is more

nuanced. We have seen a sample of the many temples in China which serve as tourist

attractions, each with their own characteristics—at one extreme is the temple that has

converted into a museum like Yangzhou's Tianning Temple, at the other is Pingxing

Monastery which has practically no tourists and is dedicated to religious cultivation.

36
The effect of this change has been so dramatic that business outside the main gate complain that they
have lost lots of money since the change. Of five restaurants that were once there, only two remian.
37
During the last conversation I had with the abbot, at the end of 2009, he suggested that the monastery
now controlled the money generated from gate tickets and paid out salaries to the members of the
temple management group.
Personal communication, 2006.

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER EIGHT: Curators and Revivalists 388

Falling between these extremes are many temples, such as the three temples surveyed near

Beijing, which are all managed by curators who have succeeded in presenting them more

as museums than as living religious institutions. Quanzhou Kaiyuan offers a contrast with

the museumified temples discussed above; the key difference is that it is managed by

revivalists, by its monastic leadership, who have invested Kaiyuan with a distinctly

religious atmosphere, not agents of the state or curators.

Kaiyuan's monastics are organized according to a system of traditional titles used

in Chinese monasteries with the abbot as the head representative and final authority. Just

below the abbot is the general manager (jianyuari) who handles the day to day business of

the monastery as well as public relations; since 2008 or so Kaiyuan has had three co-

managers. Below the general manager are several monk officers such as a sacristan (yibo)

who accompanies and handles the personal business of the abbot as needed, the guest

prefect who escorts important visitors and handles many other tasks, and several other

monks who head various divisions of the traditional monastic bureaucracy (the heads of

various halls and so on). All of the monks answer to the abbot and the abbot (from what I

have gathered) makes most decisions about the monastery and its money relatively

independently. The provincial level of the Bureau of Religious Affairs has power over him,

but, they generally leave the abbot unmolested.39

While the monks of Kaiyuan, generally speaking, may not be learned in doctrine or

accomplished in practice, by taking control of the monastic space and dedicating its use to

devotional practice, they are contributing to the revival of Buddhism in contemporary

39
The positions that Daoyuan holds in the CBA and m branches of the government have helped position
him in this relatively autonomous position, only the provincial level Bureau of Religion could exert
control, but Daoyuan maintains good relations with them

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER EIGHT Curators and Revivalists 389

China and fending off the museumification of temple space. Most of Daoyuan's

accomplishments have related to physically enhancing Kaiyuan monastery through the

recovery and renovation of properties as well as the construction and reconstruction of

buildings and the creation of landscaped gardens and stone sculptures and engravings. In

2006, Daoyuan stated that work on the temple since he began to manage affairs had cost

more than forty million RMB (about five million USD).40 While they include aesthetic

enhancements that contribute to the experience of visitors, they also contribute to the

revival of Kaiyuan as a place of religious practice. The landscaped areas provide new

spaces for contemplation; individual monks walk and circumambulate in these areas and I

have seen at least one lay visitor meditating in the new courtyard of the Hall of the

Buddha's Life. Some monks at Kaiyuan speak of the current period of restoration as one

focused on hardware, which is seen as an important and necessary step in revival. They

hope, nevertheless, for a future which allows focus on the software, by which they mean

instruction, study and meditation.

Conclusion: A "two-track" management structure

While Daoyuan has managed to gain an upper hand in the management of

Kaiyuan's affairs he has not been able to fully dislodge the temple administrative

commission which is a feature of post-Mao religious management. While the

administrative commission remains in check, it also remains on the grounds at Kaiyuan and

in charge of selling entrance tickets and offering tours from a small office on the grounds

of the monastery. Some authorities refer to this situation, which is a feature of religious

40
Interview, 2006.

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER EIGHT: Curators and Revivalists 390

administration in China, as the two track management structure. At Kaiyuan the two

tracks consist of the management of certain affairs by the temple administrative

commission and the management of most other affairs by the monks. This dual system of

management at Kaiyuan creates a bi-furcated institutional structure which effectively

formalizes the two roles of contemporary Kaiyuan monastery: a place for religious

practice and a place for sight-seeing and leisure. The abbot and the monastic bureaucracy

oversee matters pertaining to religious pursuits while the administrative commission

oversees tourist pursuits. While the monks do not collect entry tickets or provide guide

service, they (especially the guest prefect) are sometimes called upon to accompany high

profile visitors on their tours of the monastery.

The administrative commission at Kaiyuan is limited to staffing entrance and exit

gates, selling tickets, staffing a small office, running a small tour office and manning two

small kiosk all on the property of Kaiyuan monastery. In these activities—the selling and

collecting of entry tickets, the offering of tour guide service from the grounds of Kaiyuan

and the operation of tourist-oriented kiosks—the temple administrative commission is

responsible for institutionalizing tourism as a feature of Kaiyuan monastery. Without their

presence, there would be thousands of tourists, but the temple clerics would not cater to

the tourists in the same way that the fully secular administrative commission does. The

abbot has claimed that he would not sell entry tickets and I'm confident that monks would

not continue to operate the two kiosks which cater to tourists.

The two-track management system at Kaiyuan—management by the monastics and

limited management by the administrative commission—thus creates formal conditions for

the dual institution that Kaiyuan is today: Buddhist monastery and tourist site. Tourism

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER EIGHT: Curators and Revivalists 391

must be carefully managed if it is not to dominate the character of a temple or monastery.

Daoyuan's successful bids for greater autonomy have enabled revivalists to set the tone in

Kaiyuan's restoration. The following chapter further explores how Kaiyuan manages its

dual identity as a Buddhist monastery and tourist attraction.

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER EIGHT: Curators and Revivalists 392

CHAPTER NINE

Buddhist Monastery and Tourist Site: Negotiating an Identity

Its reputation has not declined, and those nostalgic for things old can still
hear about and experience it. !
-Yuanxian (1643)

Monasteries and tourism, as has been noted, enjoy a long history in China.

Furthermore, many monks, before they are monks, visit temples as tourists thus

becoming introduced to Buddhism and the possibility of becoming a monk.2 Temples

open to tourists can, in that capacity, propagate the dharma (the teachings of Buddhism).

Tourism, nevertheless, is noisy and inevitably disturbs the tranquil atmosphere most

conducive to contemplative practice.3 This chapter examines how Kaiyuan has negotiated

between the demand to accommodate tourists on the one hand, and the demands to

provide a place for religious devotion on the other. The challenge that Kaiyuan and other

religious sites in China faces is neither new, nor entirely one-dimensional.

Since at least the Yuan dynasty, if not earlier, Kaiyuan has attracted people

thirsting for a taste of culture, history or refinement. A place that satisfies desires for

these finer things, but in a more antiseptic environment, is a museum. Kaiyuan monastery

is today, in fact, the home of three separate museums. It houses the museum of an

ancient Song dynasty wooden ship that was excavated in Quanzhou harbor in 1974, a

museum of Quanzhou Buddhist history and a museum commemorating the twentieth

Sizhi I la.
" I have confirmed this in conversation with several monks.
^ M a k l e y ^ g 101,152
century master Hongyi. Despite the presence of three museums, Kaiyuan Monastery itself

has avoided the stale museum-like quality that can invade an ancient monastery that

receives thousands of tourists every week. It also avoids the tourist park atmosphere that

one finds at sites managed by secular authorities such as the temples described in the

previous chapter (e.g. Hongluo, Yunju, Longxing etc.). Kaiyuan's population of more

than eighty reasonably disciplined monks who regularly conduct morning and evening

services, eat vegetarian meals in common and otherwise tend the halls and lead rituals

helps contribute to a distinctly religious atmosphere. Nevertheless, tourism is perceived

as a problem at Kaiyuan and countless other temples and monasteries in China. Attendant

with the problem of tourism is the problem of commodification. This chapter explores

Kaiyuan's handling of these two problems as it negotiates a dual identity—Buddhist

monastery and tourist attraction.

The Problem of Tourism

Tourism brings money to local economies, it encourages state support for the

rebuilding and restoration of religious sites and provides many temples with a much

needed source of funds. The problem with tourism, voiced by many clerics, is that it 1)

damages the quiet atmosphere conducive to religious practice and 2) detracts clerics from

religious practice. Ven. Dr. Jing Yin, director of the Center of Buddhist Studies at Hong

Kong University, has expressed grave concerns about the commercialization of Buddhist

monasteries in China. Regarding tourism he writes, "when monasteries become

principally tourist attractions, the danger is that the energy of monks becomes devoted

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER NINE: Buddhist Monastery and Tourist Site 394
chiefly to receiving tourists, leaving no time for the sangha or to engage in Buddhist

practice."4

The same sentiments have been expressed to me by monks speaking about

Kaiyuan and other monasteries where they have lived. Those expressing these thoughts,

however, were monks with higher positions or charged with monitoring the main hall or

ordination platform. For these monks, their responsibilities keep them busy with the

public on a daily basis and they have little time for practice. But these are the monks with

positions and specific jobs, not the rank-and-file monks who attend morning and evening

services and who are engaged in other rituals, including the twice-weekly nianfo sessions.

While these rank-and-file monks do not have reputations as learned or advanced

practitioners, I argue that they are provided an opportunity to practice and are supported

in that by the other monks tending the halls and taking care of other administrative

matters. Such a situation has structural similarities, alluded to in chapter five, with

traditional monastic training such as that described by Buswell (Korean Zen) and Dreyfus

(Tibetan Gelukba scholasticism).5 In both cases a small minority of monks was supported

in their religious pursuit (meditation for Buswell, study for Dreyfus) by the majority of

the monks who had more menial, if relaxed, duties. The difference at Kaiyuan is that the

"religious core" is not valorized. Unlike monks with positions, those participating in the

daily service did not win a place in this hall, it is the default position for unremarkable

monks. Nevertheless, the daily services form the core of communal monastic cultivation.

Below I will explore the space of daily services and other spaces and potentials for

religious practice that Kaiyuan affords—spaces and potentials which would not be

4
Jing Yin 2006: 91-92.
5
Buswell 1992; Dreyfus 2003.

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER NINE: Buddhist Monastery and Tourist Site 395
evident to a visitor who arrived during the day and spoke to the monks in the main hall.

Similarly, I will examine the dimensions of tourist disturbances—we will find that there

are disruptions and there is the absence of disruption.

The Problem of Commodification

As for the problem of commodification it will first be necessary to determine to

what extent commodification has taken place, if at all. Jing Yin has identified this as

another important issue: "Monasteries are now becoming active participants in the

process of commodification that characterizes contemporary Chinese economic

life.. .Needless to say, this commodification runs the risk of impairing the ability of

Buddhists to concentrate on their fundamental work, which is, in Buddhist terms, to

liberate being from suffering and to propagate the dharma."6 To make any determination

about commodification, we must first be clear about what it is. "Commodification" as

defined by the Oxford English Dictionary is:

The action of turning something into, or treating something as, a (mere)

commodity; commercialization of an activity, etc., that is not by nature
commercial.

With this definition in mind, I will explore Kaiyuan's fundraising methods to determine

to what extent commercialization may or may not be a problem.

The problems of tourism and commodification will be examined in the context of

three fundamental features of Kaiyuan: founding, physical structure and space and

function. Kaiyuan's traditional founding narratives have been explored in chapter seven;

this chapter examines the "founding" of Kaiyuan as a tourist site. The examination of

physical structure and space that began in chapter six will be extended in this chapter

with a focus on the issues of tourism and commodification—how are structures and space
6
Jing Yin 2006: 96-97.

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER NINE: Buddhist Monastery and Tourist Site 396
deployed to encourage or discourage tourism and commodification? As for function,

chapter five described the religious life of Kaiyuan as exhibited in the actions of monks,

laity and worshipers This chapter examines the nature of exchanges between the

monastery and its patrons—to what extent have these exchanges become commodified'7

We begin these critical explorations by considering the experience of visitors entering the

monastery

Entrance and Founding: Setting Expectations

As discussed in chapter seven, memorials to auspicious events and eminent

monks, which are visible to visitors entering the mam gate, serve to sanctify or sacrahze

Kaiyuan, distinguishing the monastery and its grounds from the rest of the mundane

world as a place of numinous power and dharmic potential At the same time they also

attract tourists by branding Kaiyuan as a place of antiquity and curiosity In their

multivalence memorials may be seen to contribute to Kaiyuan's identity as both a

religious site and a tourist attraction

While inscriptions outside the main gate allude to Kaiyuan's auspicious founding,

there are other signs which welcome the sightseer with no religious pretensions, most

important in this regard are plaques and inscriptions designating Kaiyuan as an Important

National Cultural Heritage Protected Site An inscription in the main courtyard indicates

that Kaiyuan Monastery was designated an Important National Cultural Heritage

Protected Site in 1982 Another inscription commemorates its designation in the first

batch of important provincial cultural heritage protected sites in May of 1961 Signboards

posted in the mam gate, introducing the monastery and indicating the 10 RMB ticket

price, both repeat this important information, informing visitors that they are visiting a

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER NINE Buddhist Monastery and Tourist Site 397
site of national cultural importance. These inscriptions and plaques are tell-tale

indications of a tourist site in China. They convey information that promotes Kaiyuan as

a site of interest to tourists and welcomes them. Analogous to Kaiyuan's inscriptions of

"Purple Cloud" alluding to the monastery's founding, these others allude to Kaiyuan's

founding as a site of protected cultural heritage and, ultimately, a tourist site.

The signboard indicating a 10RMB (1.50 USD) entrance fee hangs above a

window where tickets may be purchased right inside the main gate where two huge

guardian figures are enshrined. Tickets may also be purchased inside a small booth in the

newly built gate on the west side of the monastery. The ticket booths at Kaiyuan are

much less conspicuous than they are at most temples that are major tourist attractions,

nonetheless they are present and visitors who are not recognized as locals will be asked to

purchase a ticket [Figure 67]. If the visitor is not recognized, but has a Buddhist I.D. card,

the entrance fee may be waved, but without the card they will be required to pay and this

can create ill will.

Buddhists who feel they should have free access to the monastery, but who are

required to pay feel indignant about the commodification of entrance to the monastery.

Technically, what has been commodified is access to Kaiyuan as a site of cultural

heritage. Access to the monastery for regulars and card-carrying Buddhists has not been

commodified. At temples across China, card-carrying Buddhists are supposed to be

allowed in without a ticket, but many pious Buddhists, including foreign monks, do not

have the ID cards that gate operators accept and they are forced to pay. Jing Yin express

an all too common experience at temples in China:

Certain individuals seem to be running the monasteries chiefly for

economic purposes, causing difficulties for Buddhists who have a genuine

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER NINE: Buddhist Monastery! and Tourist Site 398
 religious desire to visit. To give an example from my own experience, in
June 1993 I visited the ancestral shrine of Chan Buddhism, the Shaohn
Temple on Mt. Song. At the foot of Mt. Song, long before I could see
Shaolin Temple, I was asked to buy a ticket at a booth. I attempted to ask
for a waiver because I am a monk. The man was very impatient and said,
'You must pay to enter, no matter who you are. That is the regulation.' I
considered it a great pity that a monk has to buy a ticket to return to his
own ancestral shrine.

One might think that monks would be allowed entrance, but there are fake monks

(shaven-headed, robe-wearing scam artists) who would exploit visitors to temples and

since these should not be allowed in for free, gate keepers must rely on personal

knowledge or official identification. Lacking either of these even a monk might be

required to purchase entrance tickets. Presumably more common is the experience of lay

Buddhists who are not allowed free entry to temples. This could happen if a) they do not

possess or have in their possession proof of taking refuge (guiyi zheng) or b) the temple

in question is a tourist site (luyoujingdian) without monastics. In the latter case visitors

will typically be asked to purchase a ticket whether or not they have proof of being a

Buddhist.8

Kaiyuan, as the home of a monastic community and a functioning monastery,

allows lay persons free entry, but only those recognized by gate keepers or with I.D.

cards. In the case of a sincere Buddhist who does not have the proper form of I.D., they

will feel that entrance to the Dharma World of the Lotus-Blooming Mulberry has been

commodified—and for them it has been. Given this the fee is problematic, but I do not

consider a modest admission fee to a religious site of historical and cultural value

7
JmgYm2006 91
8
Fisher describes accompanying a lay Buddhist with her I D (guiyi zheng) to Beijing's White Pagoda
Temple (baila si) She expected free entry, but was required to pay (Fisher's paper at the 2009 AAR
conference in Montreal).

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER NINE Buddhist Monastery and Tourist Site 399
inherently wrong. A fee can help insure funds for maintenance and protection of the site

as well as help with crowd control.

The question still remains regarding those religiously-motivated visitors who are

required to purchase an entrance ticket (because they lack proper I.D.)—is this sufficient

reason to abandon the practice of charging admission? The abbot has said he would not

charge admission if he could oust the administrative commission and take control of the

gate. Unfortunately we do not know if he would follow through with this, but it does

provide us with the indication that Kaiyuan's leadership opposes the perception or fact of

commodification that is represented by the admission ticket. While it is not ideal, I feel

that it can be justified by recognizing that provisions are made to allow Buddhists free

entry in a manner that is different from strictly tourist sites such as Beijing's White

Pagoda Temple, which require every visitor, Buddhist or not, to purchase an admission

ticket.9

Apart from Buddhists who may be charged an admission fee, what other impact

does the temple administration have as gate managers? All visitors during normal hours

(4A.M. to 5 P.M.), except insiders who know about the back gate(s), must enter through a

gate controlled by the temple administrative commission. This has the unfortunate effect

of refraining the visitor's experience according to grammar and signs provided by the

commission in the liminal space between the city and the monastery. Apart from having

to purchase a ticket at a small booth (excepting the exceptions previously noted), visitors

will then have to pass through turnstiles which lead out of the east side of the main gate

9
Garth Fisher related an experience about the White Pagoda Temple at the 2009 AAR conference in
Montreal When Jmg Yin visited Shaolin Temple he was told that everyone had to purchase a ticket

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER NINE Buddhist Monastery and Tourist Site 400
or the north of the west gate. Those who are recognized as returning Buddhists or those

who live or work at the temple (such as myself at the time) are not required to pass

through the turnstile, they enter through the "out" side of the gate to the west (to one's

left), where a man sits at a table drinking tea and watching a small T. V. This man is part

of the front gate crew, an employee of the temple administration commission. While

Buddhists and insiders are able to bypass the ticket booth and turnstiles, they still pass by

an employee watching T.V. and smoking—this reminds them that non-monastic entities

are controlling access to the monastery. The whole gate operation—ticket booth,

turnstiles, plainclothes people asking visitors to buy tickets, monitoring their flow,

watching T.V. -is orchestrated by the temple administrative commission. This is what I

referred to above as the grammar and signs of this liminal space. Their presence,

including the the ticket booth, the turnstiles and various plaques, competes for attention

with the towering Hum Ha generals who stand guard and the pair of verses by Zhu Xi.

These sculptures and verses mitigate the presence of the commission, but the commission

still structures the experience (ticket booth, turnstile, interaction with non-monastic

personnel). If entering by the new west gate, where most tour groups enter, there are no

sculptures or calligraphy—in short, there is nothing traditional and the experience is fully

framed by the commission. At both entrances the turnstiles, in particular, suggest to the

visitor that he or she is entering a site of entertainment value. While clear boundaries

serve to distinguish Kaiyuan from the streets and neighborhoods outside (from the

mundane world), they also serve, in combination with the ticket booths and turnstiles, to

demarcate Kaiyuan as a site requiring a ticket, a site on the itinerary of tourists.

10
The entry and exit turnstiles are located next to one another on the north side of the west gate.

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER NINE: Buddhist Monastery and Tourist Site 401
 Entering Kaiyuan by these gates is a re-framing, because the physical presence of

the monastery asserts itself before one enters by either gate. Depending on one's angle of

approach, one see the pagodas, halls, inscriptions or simply large trees all of which

provide an initial framing for one's visit according to the signs and grammar of the

monastery. This initial, enchanted framing is displaced or modified by that of the temple

administrative commission. This is the primary way in which they institutionalize tourism

at Kaiyuan—framing visitor experience at gates by attending ticket booths and

monitoring turnstiles. They make it clear that Kaiyuan is not only a place for religious

practice, but also a site for tourists. Incarnations of this commission is responsible for

institutionalizing tourism at temples all over China.11

Physical Barriers: Establishing Permeable Boundaries

One of the most commonly cited complaints about tourism and its impact on

monasteries is that of the noisy (in all senses of the word) disturbances that attend tour

groups. Monasteries, if they are to be places of religious cultivation, must provide times

for disturbance-free practice. Does Kaiyuan do so? As alluded to in previous chapters,

yes. While peace and quiet is not a constant at Kaiyuan, it is regular. The regularity of it

is guaranteed by Kaiyuan's effective use of buffers between the monastic grounds and the

busy streets just beyond the south and west gates.

Although it is in the middle of old downtown Quanzhou the monastery remains

clearly demarcated from its surrounding environment. It is bound by stone fencing and a

line of trees to the south and west, a wall along most of the east and buildings along the

north. In short, the boundaries of the monastery are clearly evident and there is never a

1
' See a particularly salient example of this at temples in Sichuan associated with Tibetan religion (Kang
2009)

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER NINE Buddhist Monastery and Tourist Site 402
question of whether one is inside or outside this monastery's space. In addition, the

walls, trees and landscaping provide an effective and much needed buffer from the bustle

that lies just beyond the monastery's walls to the south and west [Figures 71-73]. The

separation from the world outside the gates is less in evidence during the day when tour

groups regularly visit, than it is in the evenings when the tour groups and visitors have

dispersed, the gates have been closed, the employees of the commission have gone and

quiet settles over the monastic grounds.

Entering and exiting the monastery after nightfall is a most distinctive experience;

it is made so by Kaiyuan's effective maintenance of boundaries. Inside is dark and quiet.

As one approaches the gate to exit the monastery, sounds of traffic slowly grow from a

low hum to a dull rumble that breaks into the pops and gasps of motorbikes, the

squeaking brakes and engines of buses and the general commotion of commerce that one

finds just outside the gate of the monastery. Conversely, the experience of entering the

quiet stillness of the monastery from the frenetic street outside is equally striking.

This is a side of the monastery that few people apart from the monks, ever

witness. It is the time of day that the quietude that one characteristically expects to find at

a monastery finally arrives. There are monks who take advantage of the evenings to

engage in contemplative practices that are impossible during the day such as

circumambulating the hall of the ordination platform or taking quiet strolls among the

grounds. The quietude that allows these practices is ensured by the substantial buffer

created by the walls, trees and landscaping along the borders of the monastery. Effective

demarcation from the outside (mundane) world allows visitors to feel they are entering a

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER NINE: Buddhist Monastery and Tourist Site 403
sacred space during the day (see chapter six) and contributes to an atmosphere of

contemplative quietude during the evening.

I visited a small temple in the mountains of Fujian where there was no such

demarcation and the atmosphere suffered accordingly. The abbot wished he could buy

out the two farmers who owned land on either side of the small temple. Unable to do so,

he effectively had to share his property with the farmers, their cows and chickens. The

atmosphere was quaint, but it distinctly lacked the numinous appeal of Kaiyuan. It is a

lack that could well account for some of the difficulty the young abbot has experienced in

attracting patrons.

I have visited urban monasteries in Beijing and Xi'an that have neighboring

buildings leaning over and dwarfing their walls. Kaiyuan has no such encroachments, but

before Daoyuan had succeeded in evicting the myriad work units and residents from

Kaiyuan's grounds, non-monastics encroached on the monastery from all sides,

surrounding the east pagoda and engulfing the entire area now occupied by the abbot's

quarters. Until control of these properties had returned to monastic hands, Kaiyuan was

without the kind distinct demarcation that it now enjoys and it was more like a public

park than a place for religious practice. This is a situation that has changed, in part, due to

the recovery of properties and the establishing of clear lines of demarcation from the non-

monastic world—this is something that Kaiyuan, as an urban monastery, has gotten right.

Space Dedicated to Religious Cultivation

Near the end of the north-south axis is the Dharma Hall and Scripture Library.

The Dharma Hall is where a group of about thirty monks holds daily morning and

evening services. From the perspective of the monks, it may be considered the religious

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER NINE: Buddhist Monastery and Tourist Site 404
heart of the monastery. It is the only center for communal self-cultivation at this

monastery, unless one counts the dining hall. Apart from morning and evening services,

which form the most basic set of ritual practice today in Chinese monastic Buddhism,

there are no other rituals conducted here. Typically, morning service lasts about an hour

from 4:30 to 5:30AM and evening service is about half an hour from 5:30 to 6:00 PM;

sometimes services are abbreviated (if the monks are busy), sometimes extended (if it is a

special day, e.g. Guanyin's ordination). The furnishings of the dharma hall are the

simplest of any hall at Kaiyuan and there are no historic or cultural relics [Figures 74,

76]. The lack of activity during the middle of the day and the lack of cultural relics serves

to keep visitors away.

While the second floor surra library (see chapter six) contains many treasures, it is

closed to tourists. The sutra library is locked and guarded by a monk who lives there and

monitors any would-be visitors with the help of security cameras to which he has access

in his private office. He is custodian and, one might say, guardian of the treasures stored

above the dharma hall. When I have asked to see the Tripitikas, he has solemnly opened

the cases for me with a bow [Figure 38]. He has a basic knowledge of the holdings of the

library, but he is not well informed about them nor does he have much knowledge of

Buddhist scripture in general. He has made a catalogue at the request of the abbot, but

other than this, there is no indication that he is actively researching any of the library's

holdings or their significance, nor, for that matter, is anyone else. The library is closed to

the public and access is provided only to those with special interest and/or connections.

Should Kaiyuan wish to make the library a tourist attraction it could easily do so (blood

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER NINE: Buddhist Monastery and Tourist Site 405
sutras are always a draw). The scripture library of Fuzhou's Gushan Monastery, for

example, includes a room displaying select texts and illustrations in glass cases.

Kaiyuan's decision to keep the library private contributes to the religious

atmosphere at the back of the monastery where the monks conduct morning and evening

services, take their meals and live; it does so by effectively keeping visitors, even

devotees, confined to the main hall, ordination hall, main courtyard, museums and

landscaped areas, all of which are removed from the living and practice quarters of the

monastics.

Buildings that actively serve religious functions most certainly contribute to a

functioning religious environment. While this is not a point I wish to belabor, it is worth

noting because many halls at other Buddhist temples serve only marginal, if any,

religious functions. As mentioned in chapter eight, Shanghai's Jade Buddha Temple has

shrine halls that have been converted in souvenir shops, Beijing's Yunju Temple has

shrine halls that have been converted in museum-style exhibit halls and Yangzhou's

Tianning Temple has been fully converted into a museum bereft of any formal

opportunities for worship or devotion. Kaiyuan, like an increasing number of monasteries

in China, has restored its entire central axis to religious functioning (see chapter five for

rituals and devotional activities in the main hall and ordination hall).

The Buddhist Museum and Hongyi Memorial Hall

The only shrine rooms at Kaiyuan that have been converted to other uses are in

the former CundT Chan Temple, which was founded during the Qing dynasty, and is now

called "Small Kaiyuan Temple." It no longer enshrines a statue of CundT bodhisattva,

rather, it has become the Buddhist Museum of Quanzhou and contains statues, bells and

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER NINE: Buddhist Monastery and Tourist Site 406
other artifacts collected at Kaiyuan (see chapter six). At the rear of this museum is a

separate museum dedicated to master Hongyi. These museums are monitored by monks

rather than employees of the temple commission; this contributes significantly to the

potential for devotional enjoyment of the objects displayed. In addition, tour groups do

not bring visitors to these museums, only independent tourists and devotees can be found

wandering around this far corner of the monastery.

I consider these museums to be innovative uses of monastic space to educate

visitors about Buddhist history and culture and the life of master Hongyi. Although these

museums are not sites of religious practice, they are not strictly in the service of secular

forces given the work they do to direct attention to Buddhist history, antiquities and

culture. Furthermore, there is no vending whatsoever in these museum spaces; the focus

is solely on education. In addition, the museums are in the northeastern corner of the

monastic grounds, well removed from the central axis where all of Kaiyuan's formal

religious ceremonies take place.

The Hall of the Buddha's Life and Courtyard

Adjoining the small Kaiyuan museum area is the newly constructed Hall of the

Buddha's Life. Daoyuan's decision to construct the hall of the Buddha's life and

courtyard garden surrounded by sculptures of paintings and calligraphy by Feng Zikai

and Hongyi has added a large space conducive to contemplation and reflection on the

meaning of episodes in the Buddha's life and the virtue of protecting and liberating

12
As discussed in chapter eight, there are degrees of museumification that occur at temples in China.
Although it no longer serves as a shrine hall, small Kaiyuan also does not serve as a place for commercial
activity, unlike the situation one finds at other temples in China. There is also a question of who manages
the museum-like spaces. In the case of Kaiyuan it is the monks who monitor, open and close these spaces;
they "own" these museum spaces. At other temples, such as those discussed in chapter eight, this is not the
case.

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER NINE: Buddhist Monastery and Tourist Site 407
animals, great and small. There is no program of ritual or religious activity in these

spaces, but the space is open to individuals who feel drawn to it. The monk who is the

keeper of this hall may be seen quietly sitting at a desk in the corner reading scripture.

Another monk, may be seen circumambulating the courtyard in a state of contemplation

throughout the day; this monk is from southern Fujian and has impressed me with his

steady demeanor of calm and focus, a demeanor we expect from those in the monastic

vocation, but one that is all too rare. I have also seen one lay person sitting in meditation

in this area in the early morning before tour groups begin to arrive. If this quiet and

enclosed space had not been created in the northeastern corner of the compound, there

would be less opportunity for these individuals and others like them to purse these forms

of religious cultivation.

The Venerable Tradition of Monastic Wealth

Buddhist monks and nuns were often represented as being poor and
socially withdrawn, but we know the reality in Asia was quite the
opposite. Throughout East Asia, and particularly in China, the sangha
became, among other things, one of the most powerful economic forces in
society. Those Buddhist monasteries in the Chinese empire that sought to
accumulate wealth increased their chances of institutionalized longevity.
A large Buddhist monastery was thoroughly institutional, that is, a social
and physical structure that defined, imposed, and maintained sets of social
values, and sought to acquire and distribute capital—economic, cultural,
1 "\
or otherwise—in a competitive manner.

Walsh is writing about medieval Chinese Buddhism. How did Buddhist monasteries

justify such competitive behavior? Walsh answers, "Promoting the stability and growth

13
Walsh 2010: 6.

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER NINE: Buddhist Monastery and Tourist Site 408
of a Buddhist monastery was tantamount to ensuring the survival of Buddhism."1

Turning from the medieval period to the contemporary one, Jing Yin writes:

From an external perspective, it would seem that monasteries now

function as 'money-making machines' and compete in the public and
private sectors to earn the revenue necessary to continue their operations.
From an insider Buddhist perspective, it has been argued that many monks
and nuns put too much time and energy into moneymaking and have little
or no time to practice and teach Buddhist dharma.1

Jing Yin's phrase "money-making machine" reflects the same spirit as the official in the

culture Bureau who described temples as "smokestack-less factories." Regardless of how

they are characterized, it is a fact that large, famous monasteries in China do well

financially. Quanzhou Kaiyuan, as well as Nanputuo and Fuzhou's Gushan and many

others are all large, financially successful institutions. Walsh makes the legitimate point

that the accumulation of wealth was valued by monastics as a means to insure the

longevity of the monastic institution and therefore the survival of Buddhism. Jing Yin's

observation, however, questions the ability of monks to practice or teach the dharma if

they are preoccupied with accumulating wealth. If Jing Yin's critique is valid, then

preserving Buddhism could just as well be done, it seems, by burying sutras carved on

stone such as was done during the medieval period at Yunju Monastery. In other words,

if no monks or nuns are able to study and teach or exemplify the dharma through

practice, then what need have we for monastics? My sense is that Jing Yin's critique is

valid up to a point. Where it breaks down is in the implication that most monks should be

involved in teaching and practicing Buddhism and further assumptions about what

practicing Buddhism may or may not entail. I have already suggested that only a minority

14
Walsh 2010. 7. Walsh's study focuses on Tiantong Monastery, which, like Kaiyuan was a large well-
endowed monastery near a seaport.
15
Jing Yin 2006: 86.

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER NINE- Buddhist Monastery and Tourist Site 409
of monastics at a given site has ever been empowered to be dedicated to practice, study or

teaching. Furthermore, who is to say that monks monitoring halls are not "practicing"

Buddhism. My research suggests that some are, some aren't. A hall monitoring monk

may cultivate patience, contemplate impermanence or recite the Buddha's name while

monitoring.

One of Jing Yin's central claims is that the focus on accumulating wealth has

distracted monks from religious pursuits. My research confirms that monks involved

with the managing of money are indeed distracted from religious cultivation. But it may

be said that they are sacrificing the opportunity for deeper practice by looking after

monastic finances for the good of the sangha. Money, nonetheless, is a sensitive issue.

Let's examine Kaiyuan's fundraising practices to determine if and how they may be seen

to promote the goals of Buddhism.

The Financial Benefits that Can Accrue to Famous Temples

The differences between the standard of living of monks in large high profile

urban temples and those in small rural temples are much like the differences between

China's nouveau riche in the urban centers along the east coast and their comrades in the

less developed regions of central and western China. Just as the former can afford to

travel while the latter cannot, so do monastics with positions at successful urban

monasteries enjoy the benefits of travel and fancy cell phones. Early in my fieldwork I

was sitting and talking to a monk at Kaiyuan about his ordination and had with me a

Chinese friend who is a school teacher. When we left, the school teacher turned to me

with a look of surprise and incredulity: "Did you see the cell phones these monks have?

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER NINE. Buddhist Monastery and Tourist Site 410
They are very expensive!" Fancy cell phones, laptops and designer monk apparel are all

part of being a monk with a position at a famous temple in modern China.

What is the source of monastic wealth? The information I have gathered about

Kaiyuan makes it clear that although a good amount of money is generated by ticket sales

associated with the tourist industry, a great deal more is generated by the prestige of

being a famous monastery that attracts greater numbers of worshipers and inspires them

to give more to the monastery in the form of offerings and what amounts to fees that are

paid to have ritual services performed in one's name.

The Economy of Spiritual Efficacy and the Cash-Merit Relationship

The non-religiously motivated tourist, at minimum, contributes 5 RJVIB to the

monastery when he or she purchases a 10 RMB entry ticket.1 While Kaiyuan's

reputation as a site of history and culture attracts tourists, its reputation as an auspicious

place of spiritual power assists in attracting worshipers and Buddhists. Those who come

to worship, whether or not they purchase an entry ticket, typically make donations as part

of the economy of blessings. Simply put, the economy of blessings is the notion that if

one gives a donation with a sincere petition one will receive blessings or generate merit

in return. I use the term "economy of blessings," rather than say "economy of merit,"

because Kaiyuan's many worshipers most often speak of blessings and protection

{baoyou) or give concrete examples such as "peace at home" (jiatingping'an ^Jg^F^)

rather than merit (gongde). Articulated and enacted in various forms, the economy of

blessings is the engine that generates the bulk of the donations received by the Buddhist

16
According to my informants the remaining ¥5 goes to the temple management commission. This was the
case in 2006, in 2009, however, the abbot suggested that the monastery received all of the funds and paid
salaries to the ticket sellers and others in the temple management commission. See chapter six.

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER NINE: Buddhist Monastery and Tourist Site 411
 17
Sangha throughout Asia After the dramatic social upheavals of the Republican and

Communist periods and the loss of traditional, landed sources of income, the economy of

blessings has taken on greater prominence as a means of financial support for Kaiyuan as
1 R

well as other temples throughout China

While donations are given to monks in exchange for ritual services, much more

money is collected from offerings made at collection boxes distributed along the central

axis of the monastery, placed in front of statues and halls and, especially on lunar twenty-

sixth days Kaiyuan's auspicious reputation makes it an attractive place for individuals to

participate in the economy of blessings, a phenomenon that Gareth Fisher has termed the

cash-merit relationship in his study of lay Buddhist patronage ' This relationship

involves an exchange—visitors make offerings in order to receive blessings or merit

Kaiyuan is considered an attractive site to engage in such an exchange because it has a

reputation as a spiritually powerful place

Kaiyuan's active monastic community also makes it a field of merit, which is of

particular value and appeal to lay Buddhists. Lay Buddhists plant seeds (donations) in the

Sangha-based field of merit in order to grow merit Worshipers, meanwhile, are more

17
People regularly give alms or make a donation at the temple where a given god, goddess, Buddha or
bodhisattva is enshrined in order to receive blessings from that entity This has been the case throughout
Asia For the centrality of transactional exchange in Chinese Buddhism see Walsh 2007 On the importance
of merit in the lay-monastic relationship and in Thai society at large see Bunnag, Jane 1973 Buddhist
Monk, Buddhist Layman A Study of Urban Monastic Organization in Central Thailand London
Cambridge University Press On the centrality of elite patronage of monasteries in China as well as other
factors conditioning such patronage other than merit see Brook, Timothy 1993 Praying for Power
Buddhism and the Formation of Gentry Society in Late-Ming China Cambridge, MA Harvard University
Press
18
See also Zhe Ji 2004
19
Gareth Fisher has written about the widespread belief among layperson in contemporary China that one
gams extraordinary merit and blessings in exchange for funding temple construction or rebuilding He also
points out the "cash-merit relationship" that often characterizes the practice of making offerings to temples
or monks m exchange for merit (Fisher 2008 148-152 etc ) In funding temple construction and festivals
wealth, quite simply, becomes a virtue (See Feuchtwang 2001 152) For the medieval basis of such beliefs
in Chinese Buddhism see Walsh 2007

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER NINE Buddhist Monastery and Tourist Site 412
attracted to the spiritual power of Kaiyuan and its Buddhas and Bodhisattvas which is

likewise accessed through the making of offerings. In both cases, money is offered in

exchange for Kaiyuan's cultural capital, which is religious or spiritual in nature.20

Classically, in making a gift to the Sangha there is worldly giving in which one is aware

of giver, gift and receiver and supramundane giving in which one should have no thought

of gift, giver or receiver.21 In my conversations with worshipers and Buddhists I was

always informed about the benefits one could expect from making offerings. These

benefits were expressed simply as merit (gongde) or blessings and protection (baoyou),

or, more commonly, as peace in the family, financial success and other worldly benefits.

When these "goods" are expected in exchange for cash there is commodification.

Temples and monasteries in China rhetorically combat this potential for commodification

by emphasizing the importance of a sincere heart or mind. Nevertheless, they engage in

the commodification of merit and blessings when they post signboards linking donations

to such benefits. As mentioned earlier, Kaiyuan does this on special occasions; grand

ceremonies will be held and sponsorship is solicited by emphasizing the benefits and

merit one can expect by donating. In these and other instances, Kaiyuan may be

perceived as a service provider of commodified merit and blessings.

In his study of the Black Dragon King Temple in Shaanbei, Chau draws attention

to the service provider aspect of religion. Chau writes:

The service provider perspective points to the undeniable fact that religion
is business in addition to involving beliefs and sacred symbols. It also
brings attention to analyzing the social organization of popular religious
enterprises. Of course, temples are not merely business; yet they can
hardly survive without a 'business model' (i.e., ways of generating

20
Walsh 2010: 109-119.
2
' Teaching on dana (giving) basic to Mahayana thought. See The Large Sutra on Perfect Wisdom I 10.8a-
b. trans. Conze 1975:198-199.

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER NINE: Buddhist Monastery and Tourist Site 413
 income). Recognizing the economic aspects of popular religion should not
be seen as economic reductionism or as cheapening the religious
experience of my informants; rather, not recognizing them and limiting
our understanding of religious activities as purely 'religious' or 'spiritual'
would risk another kind of reductionism.22

Like the Black Dragon King Temple, Kaiyuan's main source of income comes

from donations of worshipers at collection boxes. And like Kaiyuan, the success of the

Dragon King Temple rests on its reputation for spiritual efficacy.24 Kaiyuan offers access

to responsive Buddhas and, especially, Bodhisattvas, who are considered particularly

responsive to human requests. One makes contact with these powers through incense,

offerings and prostration. One can witness these activities at their most dramatic and

frenetic on a monthly lunar twenty-sixth free noodles and nianfo day. As related in

chapter five, on this day, the public streams into the complex by the thousands bearing

offerings of fruit, flowers, incense and cash. The amount of money collected on this day

is estimated, by well-placed informants, to be about 500,000 RMB per month (6,000,000

RMB or about 850,000 USD per year), about the same amount that is said to be generated

by fifty percent of ticket sales. Tickets are sold on everyday of the year except lunar

twenty-sixth and other special days; half of all of that money is approximately equal to

the amount collected on just twelve days of free noodles and nianfo. An informant has

said that about half of the monastery's expenses are met with the money generated each

month on lunar twenty-sixth and about twenty percent of the monastery's overall income.

It is no secret that this special day is a means of generating income for the monastery;

11
Chau 2006: 9.
23
Chau2006: 115.
24
Chau 2006.

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER NINE: Buddhist Monastery and Tourist Site 414
that is how the monks perceive it and that is why it has been instituted at temples

throughout Quanzhou.

How is so much money generated? In short, this is thought to be an especially

auspicious day for visiting the monastery and blessings are said to accrue to those who

consume the noodles and make offerings. One month I felt obligated to at least try the

treasured fare, which the laity line up for by the hundreds. As I was standing in line for a

bowl of noodles, I began chatting with a woman about this custom and its meaning. She,

like others I had asked, confirmed that eating the noodles would bring blessings (a

peaceful home, a prosperous job etc.). In order to ensure receipt of the blessing, however,

I was informed that I would need to make a donation. I subsequently confirmed this

notion with other people who had come for noodles. I had not made a donation, and after

learning this I began to worry that my bowl of noodles, prepared and served in conditions

of questionable hygiene, was not only bland and overcooked, but perhaps free of the

blessings for which it is famed. One may be forgiven for thinking that blessed noodles

confer their blessings on respectful consumers equally, but this is not what I was told by

those who had come to eat them. Apparently there is free lunch, but no free blessings.

The same logic generally holds for other types of blessings that one may receive

at temples. This general logic is typically extended to include the notion that one's

donation should correspond in some proportion to the blessing or protection one seeks to

procure—in other words, there is a correlation between cash and merit. This tradition and

the mentality which easily adapts to it combined with a temple's financial exigencies has

generated the widespread commodification of ritual services at temples and monasteries

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER NINE: Buddhist Monastety and Tourist Site 415
throughout China; one commonly finds price lists for various levels of ritual service. At

Kaiyuan there is no price list in general, but on special occasions signboards are posted

which detail different levels of patronage one might offer with the implication or

articulation that higher levels of participation generate greater benefit. During Chinese

New Year, for example, a signboard is posted inviting patrons to participate at different

levels of support. One may sponsor the event and gain tremendous amounts of merit by

donating ten thousand, five thousand or two thousand RMB. Other levels of participation

are available for one hundred or five hundred RMB; it is understood that the more one

donates, the greater the benefit one will receive.

There is a direct connection between the perceived spiritual efficacy of Kaiyuan

and the amount of donations received on nianfo days or for commissioned rituals. I have

asked Kaiyuan's monks about this relationship and they have all confirmed that people

are drawn to Kaiyuan to sponsor rituals because of Kaiyuan's reputation for spiritual

efficacy. One of the more remarkable sponsors of ritual services whom I met during my

time at the monastery was a group of three Chinese who had illegally immigrated to

Western countries and, fearing reprisals or deportation, had returned to China seeking the

protection of bodhisattvas. They were brought to Kaiyuan by a broker who apparently

specializes in assisting illegal immigrants in multiple ways, one of which is in finding

supernatural aid. This broker, I was informed, considered Kaiyuan a place of spiritual

25
Stephen Covell explores the commodification of ritual practices associated with funeral services and
granting posthumous precept names to the dead and perceptions of it in contemporary Japanese Temple
Buddhism (Covell 2005 165-190)
26
It was an odd coincidence that soon after I had returned to Houston a Taiwanese monk informed me of
the efficacy of chanting namu Guanyin pusa ("homage to Guanyin Bodhisattva") and gave, as an example,
the case of an Hispanic illegal alien who had been pulled over in a traffic stop and began to chant to
himself, when the officer asked him for his ID, the officer suddenly received a call on his radio and let the
man go The man and the monk both attributed his "good fortune" to the compassionate intercession of
Guanyin.

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER NINE Buddhist Monastery'and Tourist Site 416

power as well as a famous monastery, conditions that he considered ideal for the clients

he brings to Kaiyuan five or six times a year. For these men and other paying customers,

Kaiyuan performs ceremonies to eliminate disasters and solve difficulties {xiaozai jienari).

These ceremonies involve the recitation of the One Thousand Hands and Eyes Guanyin

Bodhisattva Sutra (qianshou jing ^p^-IS) and the Great Compassion Mantra by a small

number of monks in order to call upon the aid of Guanyin to remove misfortune and

difficulties. For these customers the service could be held in the main hall, for others it is

held in the Anyang Yuan. In the performance of such ritual services Kaiyuan takes on

the role of religious service provider.

Fundraising and Commodification

In addition to ritual services, many temples and monasteries in China have

developed what are called "tertiary industrial activities" as part of their development and

fundraising schemes. These economic activities include vegetarian restaurants, souvenir

shops, guest houses, food stalls, tea houses and special exhibit halls (e.g. for relics).27

Many of these economic activities exist, for example, at Xiamen's Nanputuo Monastery.

It is famous for its vegetarian restaurant and next to the pond for releasing life in front of

the monastery are food stalls, tea shops, souvenir shops and photo booths all catering to

Nanputuo's many visitors both local and non-local (tourists, Buddhists and worshipers).

The shops are tended by laypersons, in association with the monastery. At some sites,
9Q

shops may be run by monks. Jing Yin suggests that these kinds of economic activities

harm the religious atmosphere:

11
See Jing Yin 2006:89.
28
Ashiwa and Wank say these industries brought in 240,000 RMB in 1988 (Ashiwa and Wank 2006: 343).
29
Several temples in the Sipsongpanna area have souvenir shops staffed by monks (Borchert 2005: 105).

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER NINE: Buddhist Monastery and Tourist Site 417
 From a Buddhist perspective, one can say that the one-sided economic
development in many monasteries has made them lose their distinctively
Buddhist characteristics I have accompanied many overseas Buddhist
delegates on visits to monasteries in China In my experience, visitors
often feel that despite the proliferation of monasteries, there is a lack of
character here Monasteries commonly operate vegetarian restaurants,
guest houses, souvenir shops, and food and drink booths Some even go to
the extreme of running factories and operating companies The long-term
effect is that the market economy is seriously hurting the religious nature
of the monasteries 30

Jmg Yin's concern is that these monasteries are focusing too-exclusively on

economic development with the result that they lose their Buddhist characteristics

(meditation, study and teaching) Kaiyuan may be said to have avoided the more crass

versions of commercialization that Jmg Yin has in mmd Kaiyuan, apart from a small

Buddhist goods shop operated by a lay Buddhist, has no tertiary industries such as these

Kaiyuan raises funds from a) its reputation as a place of spiritual power and field of merit

and b) its provision of religious services Even though these activities may be

commodified, Walsh argues that this commodification had already occurred in medieval

times 31 While I believe Walsh is right, I am not prepared to say that the commodification

of merit was absolute I maintain, in other words, that there were and are, potentially and

actually, donors and recipients capable of giving without attachment to gift, giver or

recipient and monks capable of receiving without selfish and instrumental intentions For

commodification to happen, in fact, non-commodified merit must be thought to have

existed in the past Recall the definition of commodification the attribution of economic

value to something which previously did not have it And if a non-commodified merit

ever existed, I maintain, it necessarily has the potential to still exist

°Jing Yin 2006 91

' Walsh 2010

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER NINE Buddhist Monastery and Tom ist Site 418
 Irrespective of the degree of commodification that exists, these exchanges are still

part of a religious tradition which Walsh describes as a sacred economy.32 In other words,

provisioning religious services and ling, even if commodified, are part of Chinese

Buddhist tradition. By avoiding the more questionable tertiary industries, Kaiyuan avoids

the more dramatic distractions they can bring to religious life.

The Anyang Cloister

Kaiyuan has one religious enterprise which is more clearly commodified than

others—the Anyang Yuan memorial hall and mausoleum or Buddha Compassion Final

Resting Cloister or {Foci anyangyuan &>M.&$f-&n), established by Daoyuan in 2000 and

related post-mortem services. Located in the northwest corner of Kaiyuan, there is a large

hall for holding the spirit tablets of deceased patrons and recent masters such as former

abbot Miaolian as well as long-life tablets of patrons that will be converted into spirit

tablets upon word of their decease. In the middle of this hall is a golden Sakyamuni

Buddha in the Thai style. Inside this hall is where the paper houses and other paper

offerings that are burned in post-mortem ceremonies are constructed. This is one of the

more interesting halls to visit when it is busy with people constructing colorful and

elaborate paper mansions equipped with furnishings, servants, strings of working lights,

cars and airplanes that have been wired to electricity and fly around in circles when

turned on. These paper offerings will be ritually incinerated in a dedicated furnace as

part of the chaudu ritual for the deceased.

Next to this building is the entrance to the underground mausoleum. Upon

entering the mausoleum one enters a hall with an enshrined Dizang bodhisattva,

32
Walsh 2010.

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER NINE: Buddhist Monaster)- and Tourist Site 419
popularly conceived as a savior figure who assists the dead. Passing through this hall

one enters a large room with row upon row of shelves for storing ashes. Many shelves are

specifically labeled for overseas Chinese and this is one of the important objectives of

this institution, to provide a place for the repatriation of the cremated remains of overseas

Chinese. These halls cater to the religious beliefs and customs of the community; they

serve ritual functions related to the afterlife as well as generate income.

Brochures are available that detail prices for a place for one's ashes in the

mausoleum. In 2009 prices began at 5,800 RMB (850USD) and went up to 12,800 RMB

(1,850USD) depending on the location in the hall (lower rungs are generally cheaper). In

addition to the cost of storing ashes there is the cost of the spirit tablet (paiwei) at 6,000

RMB. I was told that post-mortem rituals can range in cost from about 3,000 RMB for

the most simple (offerings and sutra recitation) to 30,000 RMB for the most complex

(which includes a release of burning mouths ceremony).

Sources indicate that the Anyang Yuan and associated post-mortem rituals

generate an average income of 350,000 RMB (50,000USD) per month, about 4 to 5

million RMB per year (around 600,000 USD). Of that amount, about one million RMB is

from the post-mortem (chaudu) rituals performed. In 2006, the full price for a post-

mortem ceremony, including paper house, effects, spirit money, the ceremony, food and

flower offerings, was said to be about 14,000RMB (2,000USD). After paying fees to the

33
See Zhiru 2007 for an account of the history of Dizang in China.
34
The Anyang Cloister has taken over the functions of the Republican Period's Hall of Merit, which
previously held the spirit tablets of patrons. The Hall of Merit now houses the offices of the Anyang
Cloister There are three rooms, one of which is the office proper equipped with three desks, phones and
samples of spirit tablets Another room of equal size serves as a guest reception area featuring the
ubiquitous piece of guest reception furniture in southern Fujian, a tea table The largest room that once
held spirit tablets now serves as a conference room with a large table. This room has never been used as a
meeting room in the four years I have been conducting research When the sutra library and dharma hall
was being rebuilt in 2007-2008, the contents of the sutra library were stored in this room
35
Individuals were said to sponsor about six release of burning mouths ceremonies per year

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER NINE Buddhist Monastery and Tourist Site 420
monks, the makers of offerings and other expenses, the monastery brought in about

10,000 RMB (about 1,500 USD). If the ceremony is held about 100 times per year, as

estimated by my informant, it would bring in a net profit of 1,000,000 RMB

(150,000USD) per year. The paper homes range in price from 3,800 RMB (550USD) for

the fanciest decked out with lights, moving airplane, boat and car to a modest 3 80RMB

(55USD) for the most simple frame cottage [Figures 88-89]. I was told that there were

about thirty monks who know how to perform post-mortem rituals. Multiple sources

suggested that most of these monks were poorer monks from villages who have learned

how to perform these ceremonies in order to make money. The leader of the service

receives 200 RMB while his assistants, which are typically nine in number, receive 100

RMB (15USD) apiece. Menial helpers responsible for clean up receive 50 RMB apiece.

The post-mortem ceremony should be carried out within forty-nine days of decease.

Forty-nine days is said to be the time between one life and the next, so within that period

the departed can be assisted on their journey.

The post-mortem rituals are indeed commodified as they are in cultures around

the world. Post-mortem rituals have come to be so prominent in Japanese Buddhism that

it has been referred to as funeral Buddhism. Approximately forty percent of Kaiyuan's

monks are said to be involved in performing post-mortem rituals. This is indeed a

significant dimension to life as a monk for these thirty or so monks. The Sangha as a

whole benefits from income derived from these rituals, but it should be noted that they

bring in less income than donations to merit boxes and half of gate receipts. Buddhism at

Kaiyuan, could hardly be called funeral Buddhism.

The phrase was used by Tamamuro Taijo in 1963, see Covell 2005 16

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER NINE Buddhist Monastery and Tourist Site 421
 Cultures around the world have developed rituals to deal with the existential fact

of death. Given the practically universal demand for such ritual service, Kaiyuan is

serving a social need by offering such services. It may be considered an exercise of

compassion on the part of the monks. It may be that they would rather tend to their own

cultivation, but the public demands ritual assistance in dealing with the decease of loved

ones and they respond to this need. It may also be said that they help to fashion and

promote this need and benefit from it economically. When it comes to the

commodification of these and other rituals, it seems valid to call it consensual. If it is

also valid to call it exploitation, the monks could respond that if they didn't do it

somebody else would. This brings us to the notion of competition which many scholars

have perceived at work in religion in contemporary China.

Chau writes: "Different temples quite consciously compete with one another in

promoting their own deity's magical power, and in the process different ways of

provisioning ling are invented, modified, or expanded." Temples, Chau argues, develop

"business models" and aim to increase convenience to increase market share.

Chau points out that the Black Dragon King Temple has increased the convenience of

receiving divination by having on hand a full time reader/interpreter (previously not

available), having divination slips which one can take home (previously they were in a

book, not to be removed), providing bottles for divine water, pre-packaging medicine

(before it was not) and adding a shrine to the dragon mother to attract people with

problems related to fertility or reproduction who might otherwise go to a goddess

TO

temple. Chau writes that his field site may be considered "a petty capitalist enterprise"

37
Chau 2006: 120
38
Chau 2006: 120-121.

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER NINE: Buddhist Monastery and Tourist Site 422
concerned with provisioning magical efficacy "increasingly in a manner resembling

convenience stores and one-stop shopping malls."39

Graeme Lang, Selina Chan and Lars Ragvald have studied a group of popular

Daoist temples built by entrepreneurs in Guangdong and Zhejiang and marketed

according to business models (2005). One of the more successful temples had been

improved with "unusual animal-shaped stones from Guangxi, gardens and trees, and most

recently, a stage on a plaza immediately behind the temple for cultural performances" as

well as craft shops and children's activities.40 These temples also hired Daoist priests and
:
priestesses to work for them.

While Kaiyuan does promote itself as a tourist site as well as a site which is

spiritually responsive, it has distinctly not engaged in the kind of market-based

diversification seen at the Black Dragon King or the Daoist temples mentioned above.

Daoyuan has overseen landscaping efforts and the building of the Hall of Buddha's Life,

but, apart from the An Yang Yuan, he has not added any services or shrines in order to

attract more business. In other words, just as there are degrees of museumification, there

are degrees of commercialization. Kaiyuan's lack of tertiary industries and extra services

is one of the factors contributing to a more sacred atmosphere at Kaiyuan.

Restricting the Presence of Vendors

In chapter eight we encountered Buddhist temples such as Shanghai's Jade

Buddha and Jing'an temples that have conspicuously converted shrine halls into souvenir

shops and we examined how Quanzhou Kaiyuan succeeded in eliminating the souvenir

39
Chau 2006- 122 Robert Hymes 2002 looks at Daoists and others as competing in a religious market,
rituals being the commodities they provide; they struggle for market share and Marc Moskowitz 2001 looks
a religious consumerism relating to dealing with fetus ghosts m contemporary Taiwan
40
Lang, Chan and Ragvald 2005. 163-165
41
Lang, Chan and Ragvald 2005. 164 ff

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER NINE Buddhist Monastery and Tourist Site 423
shop that had come to occupy the Donor's Ancestral Shrine. While some temples find

that souvenir shops generate needed income, such has not been the case at Kaiyuan. It is

perhaps true that most temples operate a shop selling religious items and Kaiyuan is no

exception. Unlike many other temples, however, Kaiyuan's religious goods shop is

hidden behind a row of hedges to the west of the central axis and most visitors never even

notice it, much less enter it. At other temples in China, one is corralled into tourist shops

either at the entrance or exit. In such cases, one's experience of the site is necessarily

colored by entering or exiting the temple in the presence of hawkers selling trinkets. If

these hawkers are aggressive or their wares noisy or gaudy, their presence sets the would-

be pilgrim up to feel distracted, agitated or annoyed, not spiritually rejuvenated. Kaiyuan

does not have such an arrangement; the closest it came to having a shop catering to

tourists was the shop established in the Donor's Ancestral Shrine, a shop, if not for the

efforts of the current abbot, might still be in operation. It is to the abbot's leadership that

I attribute Kaiyuan's relative lack of vending activity that one often finds at temples of

comparable fame.

The abbot has been careful in restricting commercial activity to the presence of

the nondescript Buddhist goods shop and two small kiosks neither of which is especially

obtrusive. Anyone who has visited certain large monasteries around Beijing, for example,

will know that vendors at other famous monasteries in China are not nearly so restricted.

Similarly, incense is not sold by the monastery as it is at other large monasteries.

Recently, however, one of the two kiosk merchants has begun selling incense to those

unaware that it is freely available at the entrance of the main hall. This man has no

affiliation with the Sangha, but is rather a member of the administrative commission and

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER NINE: Buddhist Monastery and Tourist Site 424
somewhat out of the abbot's jurisdiction. This kiosk is owned and operated by Mr. Cai, a

photographer by trade and an enthusiast for all things related to Quanzhou and Kaiyuan's

history. He is a regular contributor on such matters in the local newspaper. He is thus not

a professional hawker and he does not disturb Kaiyuan's visitors, be they tourists or

devotees. Kaiyuan is thus dramatically free from the kind of commercial vendors that

can erode the pious atmosphere of a temple and this is an important way in which a

religious atmosphere is supported at Kaiyuan in the face of pressures to accommodate

42
tourists.
Features Contributing to Tourism at Kaiyuan

It has been seen how the presence of the temple commission in managing the

south and west gates serves to reframe visitor experiences to anticipate a tourist site as

they pass through the turnstile, ticket in hand. In addition to the signs and grammar of the

entrance gates, what other features contribute to tourism at Kaiyuan?

The Kylin Wall, the Boat Museum and the Pagodas

The structures which most contribute to Kaiyuan's tourist identity are those which

serve as tourist attractions, but are not associated with formal religious activities. Most

prominently in this category are the Kylin wall and the Song dynasty boat. These

structures contribute nothing to Kaiyuan's religious atmosphere, but they do add to its

value as a tourist attraction. Their impact is mitigated, however since they are located on

the western and northeastern edges of the complex respectively and therefore well

removed from the central axis and the location of formal religious activities.

42
The commercializationof ritual and the cash-merit relationship discussed in chapter six is a different
phenomenon than the hawking of tourist goods and services, the former, while potentially distracting to
some religious pursuits, is part of the larger religious culture and therefore not of the same character as the
selling of toys, panda dolls and t-shirts

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER NINE Buddhist Monastery and Tourist Site 425
 Next to and associated with the boat museum, on the extreme northeastern edge of

the monastic complex, are two shops that strictly sell souvenir items. Monks have

nothing to do with these shops and most visitors don't even see them, but they are there,

associated with the boat museum which is operated by the museum of maritime trade and

not part of the monastery proper.

Lastly, the east and west pagodas, while an important part of Kaiyuan's identity

and an important attraction for visitors, are not incorporated into any formal religious

activity. Though they are Buddhist structures and belong to the monastery, the pagodas

today garner more interest from tourists than from the clergy or devotees. Their presence

contributes to the venerability of the monastery and, in the eyes of many, its spiritual

power, but the attention they receive by tour groups and their location on the

southwestern and southeastern edges of the complex place them more squarely into

service of tourism than of the religious practice. If they did not exist Kaiyuan would

receive dramatically fewer tourists.

In addition to cultural properties, there is also a small room which houses a tour

guide office run by the temple administrative commission. Most visitors would never

know that this office exists, but it does and those who work there provide tours for groups

who contact them for such services. The basic tour they offer lasts forty minutes; it

covers the main hall, ordination platform, mulberry tree and the pagodas. If they are short

on time it can be shortened to twenty or thirty minutes.

The Presence of Tour Guides and Groups

Contributing most to the tourist atmosphere are the tour groups who arrive in

matching caps or t-shirts led by megaphone and flag bearing guides. Such groups are

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER NINE: Buddhist Monastery and Tourist Site 426
inevitable at tourist sites throughout China and beyond and they remind any would-be

worshiper that they are also at a tourist site. More importantly, they disturb what would

otherwise be a more tranquil atmosphere through the noise of their sheer numbers, their

cameras, their sometimes non-conservative attire and occasionally non-respectful

behavior such as shouting, laughing and whistling. Whereas the presence of monks, lay

persons and worshipers mark Kaiyuan as a site of religious practice, tour groups brand it

a tourist attraction.

Qualities which are Neutral

Park-like Atmosphere

Buddhist temples have traditionally served park-like functions in China and this

remains so at temples like Kaiyuan which possess open areas where groups may gather,

landscaping where individuals and couples may stroll and tables and benches where

people may sit. This is especially true in the early morning, but also throughout the day,

as older people gather at benches under the trees to sit and play chess or chat. In the main

courtyard and throughout the landscaped areas of the monastery one can find groups of

morning exercisers engaged in the kinds of exercise one finds at parks across China,

including tai ji, sword "dancing," other folk dancing and aerobic-type exercises [Figures

69-70]. These individuals are known to the gate keepers and they are allowed to enter

without purchasing tickets. While the groups of exercisers may not be engaged in

devotional activities, they are participating in what is a traditional role played by temples

and monasteries.

I find that these visitors, who leave before 9 AM, neither disturb the monks, nor

other worshippers, but their portable stereos and waving of fans or swords detract from

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER NINE: Buddhist Monastery and Tourist Site All
what might otherwise be an environment suitable to contemplative practice. Nevertheless,

having the landscaping and spaces that attract these visitors also provides areas conducive

to contemplation or meditation when they are not there. Because the park-like

atmosphere contributes to Kaiyuan as a site of recreation and a site of contemplation I

consider it a neutral factor with respect to the question of tourism and religiosity.

Negotiating a Dual Identity

In the Hall of Patriarchs at Same-Lotus Temple in Quanzhou, photos of

Guangjing cover two of its walls. He is shown visiting many places, especially Buddhist

sites and temples throughout China. There is even a picture of him reclining on Master

Hongyi's bed at Kaiyuan. The photos, most of which looked no different than snapshots

of a tourist at famous places, were now part of a shrine in his memory and a testament to

his standing as a Buddhist master who had helped to rebuild so many temples in Southern

Fujian. Seeing these photos of him smiling and posing at famous Buddhist sites all over

China, looking no different than a tourist, is an example of the thin lines between

pilgrimage, religious tourism and secular tourism. Quanzhou Kaiyuan straddles these

lines and hosts visitors seeking merit and blessings, visitors interested in religious history

and material culture and tourists who have signed up for a bus tour with the intention of

seeing the local sights (whatever they may be).

On the one hand, Kaiyuan is a functioning Buddhist monastery housing more than

eighty full time monks and hosting hundreds of laypersons every day. On the other, it is

a tourist attraction that appears at the top of every tourist's itinerary in Quanzhou and

hosts dozens of groups that tour the grounds on a daily basis. As a site of valuable

historic and cultural properties, Kaiyuan has had little choice but to accommodate

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER NINE Buddhist Monastery and Tourist Site 428
tourists, but there are many directions such accommodations may have taken. One model

gives freer reign to non-monastic entities to sell souvenirs, post sign-boards and maps and

otherwise regulate the experience of visitors. The model negotiated by Kaiyuan's monks

under the leadership of Daoyuan (the revivalists) has been to limit the role of the non-

monastics associated with the temple administrative commission and cultural bureaus

(the curators)—it has been to fight for greater autonomy. Daoyuan has succeeded in

restricting the curatorial forces who cater to tourists to a handful of small spaces on the

monastic grounds. By limiting the visibility of the non-monastic forces catering to

tourists and supporting a regular ritual calendar including twice-weekly and monthly

recitation services, Daoyuan has succeeded in building an atmosphere of religious

practice in the midst of a famous tourist attraction.

Dean MacCannell has argued that tourism is a quintessential^ modern

phenomenon. Modernity alienates individuals from authentic life and they seek, as

tourists, attractions which enable them to experience authenticity. While it is a fascinating

topic, I have not been interested in examining tourism at Kaiyuan from the point of view

of what role it plays in the lives of tourists. Nor have I examined the way in which

Kaiyuan as a site of culture and history may be considered sacred in those particular

capacities.44 I have examined the phenomenon of tourism at Kaiyuan from the point of

view of how it may or may not distort or disturb religious life at the monastery. I have

portrayed Kaiyuan as taking an active role in fashioning its identity in a way that

promotes tourism, but not in the same manner as one finds at temples managed by secular

authorities. I have attempted to demonstrate that Kaiyuan has successfully protected

43
MacCannell 1976.
44
Scholars have become aware of museums, for example, as sacred sites, or repositories of sacred items.
See Sullivan and Edwards 2004; Robson 2010c.

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER NINE: Buddhist Monastery and Tourist Site 429
degrees of religiosity by maintaining physical boundaries and limiting or eliminating the

presence of vendors and tertiary industries. In addition, Kaiyuan maintains a religious

identity by housing and feeding monks, holding daily services, conducting twice-weekly

and monthly nianfo sessions and offering ritual services

At some temples, monks or Daoist priests are hired to essentially serve as

performers in the rehgious drama that is being marketed 45 In some cases, monks take on

such performative roles themselves in catering to tourists 46 As a tourist site, Kaiyuan's

monks are occasionally the object of the tourist gaze and they may be photographed, but

they are not radically objectified like animals in a zoo or ethnic minorities in a cultural

show. In particular, the morning and evening services are held before tourists arrive and

after most of them leave. The ceremonies are conducted in a non-descnpt hall with no

valuable cultural properties near the back of the central axis. In other words, they are not

intended as a spectacle for tourist consumption. Furthermore, a monk patrols and shoos

away individuals who approach the main hall while the twice-weekly nianfo service is

occurring. Photos are prohibited The devotees and the ceremony are not a spectacle for

the tourist gaze.

The monks and their religious life, in other words, have not been commodified

Kaiyuan as a site of historic buildings and cultural treasures has been commodified—one

gains access to it by purchasing a ticket. This form of commodification has neither been

initiated, nor managed by monks; it has been the work of the temple administrative

commission Kaiyuan monastery as a religious service provider may be seen to be

involved in the commodification of religious goods (merits and blessings) and services

45
Lang, Chan and Ragvald 2005, Kang 2009
46
Borchert 2005 87-88

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER NINE Buddhist Monastery and Tourist Site 430
(post-mortem rituals etc.); this is unrelated to tourism proper and is Chinese Buddhism's

answer to the loss of landed wealth. I have pointed out that although tourism and

administrative duties have distracted many of Kaiyuan's monks from religious

cultivation, there remains a core of monks who attend daily services who are not

burdened with those duties. These monks are provided the opportunity to pursue religious

cultivation somewhat like the elite monks in traditional training monasteries. What is

missing is an educational system or meditation training system, but the option to develop

such systems remains a possibility.

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER NINE: Buddhist Monastery and Tourist Site 431
CHAPTER TEN

Concluding Thoughts: Monasticism, Sacred and Secular

Holmes Welch presented a model of Buddhist Monasticism that he recognized as

a kind of Utopia.1 In his conclusion he wonders how he and other scholars could make

such dramatically different assessments of Chinese monasticism: "When modern

Buddhism is discussed in almost any Western book about China, we find vivid

descriptions of the commercialism, illiteracy, and vice, but seldom a word about the piety,

scholarship, or discipline." The monastery of the present study exhibits a mix of virtue

and vice and a combination of secular and sacred characteristics. These dimensions can

be examined more systematically by looking at the institutional and religious dimensions

that are necessary aspects of any monastery.

Institutional Life

It has been known at least since Gernet's 1956 study of the economic dimensions

of Chinese Buddhism that monasteries are more than sites of contemplative practice. As

Robson notes, "Monasteries were, in other words, precisely where the linkage between

the religious and the commercial was concretely realized."3 As institutions desiring self-

perpetuation, monasteries have always needed to accumulate economic as well as

political capital. In the past, monasteries sought patronage from elites who donated land

and supported the maintenance and restoration of buildings. In the present monasteries do

1
Welch 1967:3.
2
Welch 1967:408.
3
Robson2010b:44
what they can to attract the broadest spectrum of patrons. This dissertation has revealed

shifting patterns of financing from the imperial period to the present.

A traditional source of such patronage for Kaiyuan has been the cultivation of ties

with the Huang ancestral clan. Members of the "Purple Cloud" Huang family have

supported the restoration of the temple during the Ming, Qing and Republican periods. In

the fall of 2009, the Huang family (from Shanghai to the Philippines) gathered by the

thousands at the official re-opening of the Donor's Ancestral Shrine {Tanyue ci) which

enshrines images and spirit tables for Huang Shougong, evincing a vibrant tradition of

clan-based patronage. How common and how important has such clan-based patronage

been in Southern Fujian? In other parts of China? These are questions for further research.

Related to the patronage required to keep a monastic community viable is the

overall economic health of the community. Quanzhou Kaiyuan's fortunes rose with those

of the city of Quanzhou from the tenth century through the thirteenth. When prosperity

left Quanzhou at the end of the Yuan dynasty, so did it leave Kaiyuan monastery. While

Kaiyuan continued to attract patronage during the Ming and Qing dynasties, it never

returned to the size, scope and vitality that it had enjoyed before the Ming. While other

factors are surely relevant, there remains a connection between the prosperity of the city

and the prosperity of the monastery that is evinced by their mutually imbricated histories.

A link between the economic health of the community and the economic health of the

monastery has also been demonstrated over the current period of restoration. During the

earliest phase of revival, Kaiyuan relied on funding from overseas Chinese in Southeast

4
Such ties have been common in China. The apocryphal Xiangfajueyijing H£fe$tlii&M {Sutra of
Resolving Doubts During the Age of the Semblance Dharma), for example, warns of the slight merit
accruing to individuals who only contribute to building Buddhist edifices connected to one's family or
serving as one's family sanctuary, which was a common practice in medieval China (Xiangfajueyijing
1336a) SeeGernet 1956 283

Bnan J Nichols CHAPTER TEN Concluding Thoughts 433

Asia As the local economy improved after Fujian became one of two special economic

zones, the donations from locals to Kaiyuan steadily increased in tandem with Quanzhou

and Southern Fujian's growing prosperity

An obvious point, but one worth considering, is that money is required to support

a large monastery such as Kaiyuan, which maintains almost one hundred monks and

more than two dozen buildings on nineteen acres Such a monastery must generate

significant amounts of income to meet operating expenses To do so, a healthy economy

is important, but even more so is the ability of the institution to attract donors This

dissertation has demonstrated how Kaiyuan has done so by promoting its reputation as a

place that is both spiritually efficacious (auspicious events) and culturally valuable

(material culture) This has enabled Kaiyuan to generate support from both secularly-

motivated tourists and officials one the one hand and religiously-motivated worshipers

and laity on the other The former perceive Kaiyuan's monastic sigmfiers (devotional

practice, material culture and auspicious events) as signs of a tourist attraction (traditional

culture, cultural heritage and curiosity), the latter as religious signs (religious cultivation,

site of worship, site of efficacy) Kaiyuan's leadership understands this process and takes

advantage of it Rather than seeing this as cynicism, it is in line with serving the

institutional goals of the monastery which have in sight the greater goal of perpetuating

Buddhism

Another important source of patronage operating during the imperial period as

well as today is that of political elites Several imperial courts had relations with

Quanzhou Kaiyuan, conferring it names, bestowing its monks with honors such as the

purple robe and sending it gifts Similarly, local prefects were responsible for supporting

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER TEN Concluding Thoughts 434

Kaiyuan's expansions during its golden age. While there is no longer an imperial court,

there remains a political hierarchy and visits by high ranking officials (e.g. Jiang Zemin

and Zhao Puchu) have been an important part of Kaiyuan's restoration; they serve as

political capital that legitimizes the current revival. The relationship between political

elites and Buddhist monasteries past and present is an area for further research.

More research on such mundane concerns will help bring our perceptions of

monasteries in line with reality so that we are less likely to think in terms of "real" and

"authentic" versus "fake" or "corrupt" when it comes to gauging matters of monks,

monasteries and money. The reality is that monasteries have always needed to generate

funds; fundraising methods have been forced to adapt to the loss of land-holdings and

monasteries are today experimenting with various means. Rather than automatically

assuming all forms of commodification and ticketing as corruptions, researchers should

make an effort to understand the culture of temples on a case by case basis. This study,

for example, has indicated an important distinction between sites that are managed by the

sangha for the sangha and sites that are managed by state agencies and commissions. I

have discussed this difference in terms of museumification. Future accounts of the

current revival must distinguishing between museumified sites run by secular authorities,

commercialized sites run by the sangha, sites dedicated to practice with few tourists and

sites, like Kaiyuan, that strike a balance in accommodating the secular demands of

tourism with the religious goals of the monastery. Kaiyuan does this in part by limiting

the amount of commercialization that occurs.

A simple but important point that has been revealed in this dissertation is the

place of the minor government office of the temple administrative commission in

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER TEN: Concluding Thoughts 435

institutionalizing tourism at temples all over China. This is a key that has just begun to

emerge in research and other scholars will want to pay more attention to the presence or

absence of this commission or bureau when they study religious sites in China. The

involvement of other bureaus dealing with tourism and cultural heritage are also relevant

in understanding how temples and monasteries are being managed and, importantly, by

whom.

Religious Life

Welch presented a composite view of what he considered the large public model

monasteries. The second chapter of his book is on the meditation hall and the practice of

meditation. There are a handful of monasteries in China today that have meditation halls

and actively train monks in contemplative practice, but they, as they have been for

centuries, if not always, are in a small minority.5 At the large public monastery of this

study, there is no meditation hall and no training in meditation offered, nor are there any

dharma talks or formal study of sutras. As for the presence of discipline and piety, yes,

these exist. They are exhibited in regular morning and evening services, regular periods

of nianfo, daily vegetarian communal meals held in silence and in other small ways.

Quanzhou Kaiyuan is not exemplary in terms of meeting Buddhist goals, but it is

representative of what a large famous monastery can be if it avoids crass

commercialization. Kaiyuan has done this by maintaining a sacred identity in a world of

secular tourists and officials.

Five Factors Contributing to the Religious Character of Kaiyuan Today

It looks like a monastery and a large sign in the front gate reads, "Great Kaiyuan

Everlasting Chan Monastery," but a name and a look does not make a place sacred. What
5
Welch notes only a few had meditation halls in first half of the twentieth century (Welch 1967 398)

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER TEN Concluding Thoughts 436

more is required is clear demarcation from the ways and affairs of the mundane world.

Many months of on-the-site fieldwork distributed over five years have impressed upon

me five qualities that contribute to the sacred character of Kaiyuan monastery and set it

apart from temples that have undergone higher degrees of museumification and

commercialization. The creation of a space dedicated to religious pursuits is marked by

establishing lines of demarcation between mundane and religious domains. These lines of

demarcation are drawn along three different axes: foundational, physical and functional.

Deployed along these three axes, I have observed five factors operating at Kaiyuan today

that serve to demarcate Kaiyuan from the mundane world and promote a religious

environment: 1. memorials to auspicious events (demarcating the founding), 2. physical

boundaries (walls, demarcating distance from mundane world), 3. ritually significant

structures (monastic buildings which serve as the site of regular ritual practice and

performance) 4. the pious atmosphere evoked by the presence of religious specialists and

devotees (monks and laypersons) engaged in and inviting devotional and ritual activity on

a continual basis and 5. restrictions against commercial activities.

The first factor, memorials to auspicious events, falls along the founding axis and

has been examined in chapter seven. Second, and in some sense most basic, is having a

space that is well defined, through walls and other barriers, from the mundane world

beyond (chapter nine). Third is having a well maintained complex of buildings serving

recognizably religious functions (chapter six). The second and third factors fall along the

physical axis while the fourth and fifth are functional characteristics. The fourth factor, a

community of monks who maintain a regular ritual schedule and a body of devoted

laypersons is far from common at temples in China (chapter five). Kaiyuan enjoys the

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER TEN: Concluding Thoughts 437

presence of a community actively supporting religious observances (especially twice-

weekly and monthly nianfo services and regular post-mortem rituals). This community,

in synergistic relation to the monastery, generates an atmosphere of active religiosity that

is missing from many other temples (large and small). The fifth factor, prohibiting

vendors from interfering with the experience of visitors is one of Daoyuan's

accomplishments (chapter nine).

These factors serve to limit the influence of museumification and

commodification that one finds at many other large temples. As research on the revival of

religion in contemporary China continues, scholars will want to remain cognizant of

factors, such as those described in this dissertation, which contribute to the revival of

religious practice. These factors are typically not open to quantitative analysis (unlike

numbers of ticket-bearing tourists) and generally require a level of access to the religious

site beyond that which is available to casual visitors.

The phenomenon of temple Buddhism in Japan as studied by Stephen Covell, for

example, could benefit from an analysis of the different streams of supporters (religious

and secular) to see how temples accommodate each. Covell describes the debate that

raged throughout the 1980s between the city of Kyoto, the public and the priests

concerning the proposal to levy a tax on top of temple admission fees. The city claimed

that most people visited the temples to view cultural artifacts, not for religious reasons

and that such a tax was not much different than those levied on museums.6 The priests

claimed that although people visited temples for sightseeing, they also went to obtain

peace of mind {anshiri) which they considered a religious motivation.7 Surveys revealed

6
Covell 2005: 157.
7
Covell 2005:156-158.

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER TEN: Concluding Thoughts 438

mixed attitudes among the public, but many favored the tax and perceived temples as

money-making ventures.8 According to Covell's account, the city, newspapers and priests

in Kyoto stated their claims regarding the touristic or religious nature of temples based on

personal impressions and motivated by personal interests. Covell, himself, only deals

with these perceptions and speaks of an "imbalance" between the "religious, economic

and cultural aspects" that inevitably form parts of what a temple is.9 In other words, he

does not engage in the kind of on-site interviewing, data collection and analysis that I

have used to demonstrate that Kaiyuan's economic, religious and cultural dimensions are

informed by both religious and secular values. Such an analysis would help determine the

phenomenological contours of the reality being debated, rather than repeating opinions,

accusations and statements of policy.

This dissertation provides a model for examining the functioning of temples that

serve as tourist sites without solely relying on the polarized views one often encounters

which reduce the site in question to a tourist temple or a place of religion. Large

monasteries in China typically serve as tourist attractions, but many of them also serve as

sites of religious cultivation for monastics, laity and worshipers. I have argued that

Kaiyuan presents a balance of both by carving out time and space for touring (the

pagodas, courtyard, main hall, ordination hall, daytime) and time and space for religious

cultivation (dharma hall, dining hall, monk dormitories, evening). Buddhist monasteries

have long attracted pilgrims and worshippers as well as visitors in search of culture,

history and beauty. By providing a detailed account of how one monastery has

accommodated these dual identities, religious and touristic, this study contributes to our

8
Covell 2005: 159.
9
Covell 2005: 163.

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER TEN: Concluding Thoughts 439

understanding of an important phenomenon (historic and contemporary) that is easily

misunderstood.

Sacred and Profane in Chinese Thought

The phenomenon, I hold, is easily misunderstood in part due to a habit of

dichotomous thinking—a habit that has been bequeathed to religious studies in the form

of the dyad sacred and profane. As pointed out in chapter seven, the Chinese do not

traditionally recognize a dichotomy between sacred and profane, just as they do not posit

a dichotomy between human and divine or matter and spirit.10 Welch observed this lack

of dichotomy as well and had the following to say:

The basic religious question in China, I think, was not how man saw
himself in relation to God, but how he saw himself in relation to all the
events that overtook him. He was part of a continuum of the human, the
natural, and the supernatural. There was no dividing line between gods
and men, monks and magicians, the sacred and secular. It would be true to
say that the Chinese were a highly religious people as to say that they were
secular, practical people. In their case it amounted to the same thing. n

I'm not sure that I agree with his statement word for word—I would alter the first line to

read "in relation to humans, deities and the broader world"—but I agree with the essential

assessment that recognizes a lack of dichotomy between sacred and secular, human and

divine. This profound lack of dichotomy influences Chinese religion and culture in

fundamental ways. n I believe that scholars of religion must pay greater attention to this

Yet they traditionally have a vast pantheon of deities, fear the presence of countless ghosts and spirits
and believe m an afterlife This brief review of "beliefs" makes it clear that we cannot label the Chinese
materialist m any traditional sense of the term.
" Welch 1967 370
12
Exploring this is a project unto itself I take the emphases on the doctrine of Buddha nature and non-
duality in Chinese Buddhism, for example, to reflect this commitment to non-dichotomous thinking

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER TEN Concluding Thoughts 440

feature of Chinese religious thought and consider ways to modify the sacred/profane

dichotomy (Otto, Durkheim, Eliade).13

In the context of this dissertation, this lack of dichotomy suggests a way for us to

understand how devotional practice, material culture and auspicious events can not only

be interpreted variously as religious or secular, but can in some fundamental sense be

both religious and secular for the Chinese. This flexibility or ambiguity between what is

sacred and secular has been exploited by revivalists as well as officials to advance their

own interests (religious revival and economic development). Every time I've heard

officials speak about the rebuilding or restoration of religious edifices, I've heard them

praise the project for contributing to economic development. The same project is praised

by religionists as religious revival or propagation of the dharma. The project is both. In

some cases, it is politically expedient to deny the religious dimension of a project and

cast it as one of cultural revival. Although Kaiyuan is a legal site of religious activity and

a member of an officially recognized religion, in its communiques with officials it

presents itself as a site of historic and cultural value and in communiques with its

devotees it presents itself as land of the Buddha and field of merit. It is, of course, both.

The multivalence of phenomena such as material culture and auspicious events

has been a theme of this dissertation. We have seen how, for example, Kaiyuan's objects

of material culture have been perceived variously as objects of devotion or cultural

treasures. Material culture, furthermore, enables the most common religious experiences

available at Kaiyuan. I have discussed the somatic and cognitive affect of the composite

' J It's not clear to me how to reframe sacred and profane and have them maintain their obvious heuristic
value in keeping the two realms distinct. It would seem that breaking down the dichotomous interpretation
opens up a means for these two realms (sacred and profane) to make contact and mix without there being
pollution or corruption or desecration

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER TEN Concluding Thoughts 441

material features of the monastery on visitors as well as resident monks; these material

features (buildings, pagodas, Buddhas, courtyards, trees...) induce recognition that one is

in a different place, most commonly, a place of religion or a tourist attraction depending

on one's interpretive filter. This ability for monastic signifiers to be multivalent has

contributed to the success of Kaiyuan and other monasteries and temples in attracting

diverse sources of support (political, economic, cultural, religious).

Another dichotomy challenged by sites such as Kaiyuan is that between elite and

folk traditions. Kaiyuan as a large public Buddhist monastery is a classic example of

"elite" religion. And, in fact, most, but not all, of Kaiyuan's monks have a basic

understanding of Buddhism as offering a refuge distinct from and more profound than

other folk traditions or religions—in other words, an exclusivist understanding. Most of

Kaiyuan's worshipers, however, participate in the classic "folk" mode of religiosity at

Kaiyuan. Welch describes them as having "used Buddhism in the same way a motorist

uses one of the several different brands of gasoline, without any special commitment."14

Having no special relationship with Buddhism, these worshipers will make offerings to

Mazu and Guangong with similar, if not greater, zeal. Their visible presence and

contributions to the religious (and economic) life of Kaiyuan marks a distinct intersection

between elite and folk traditions. An intersection shared by worshipers and laypersons

attracted to Kaiyuan by the promise of spiritual efficaciousness.

State and Religion in China

State intervention in religious affairs (supportive and repressive) was a constant

throughout the imperial period and remains a crucial factor in religious life up to the

present. While the suppression of the Cultural Revolution was severe and widespread, it
14
Welch 1967:387.

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER TEN: Concluding Thoughts 442

was structurally consistent with patterns of state-orchestrated campaigns, in other periods

of Chinese history.15 The same may be said for the continuing regulation and interference

in religious affairs that one finds in contemporary China. While critique of China along

these lines is popular, it is important to recognize that China's conception of relations

between church and state is very different than the notion of separation that we value in

the United States.16 While recognition is different than acceptance, when one begins to

understand the Chinese position, one begins to not expect the Chinese state to behave in

the same way that we expect our state to behave. We may not condone their behavior, but

we can at least begin to make sense of it. This is an important step in understanding the

Chinese position on religion, which has been a source of a great deal of tension in bi-

lateral relations with China.

The lack of separation between church and state is most evident in the presence of

temple administrative commissions on the property of popular monasteries to ensure

compliance with policies. Rather than see this as an all-powerful monolithic state against

a group of monks, however, this dissertation has revealed how monks have fought for

greater autonomy from such agencies and have achieved partial victories, tacitly

supported by other branches of the government. Another example of the inadequate

separation between church and state is the Kaiyuan orphanage and school. PRC policy

dictated that the school be operated by non-monastics; with the loss of monastic control,

the abbot ultimately negotiated the removal of the school. This suggests one way that

15
Biggest differences may be technological (mass production of red books, radio broadcast ) and perhaps
most radical was the turn against not only Confucius but Confucian values of family
16
See Yu, Anthony C 2005 State and Religion in China Historical and Textual Perspectives Chicago
Open Court
17
Kindopp and Hamrin 2004

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER TEN Concluding Thoughts 443

China's lack of separation between church and state challenges the development of

religiously-managed charitable operations and their potential contribution to civil society.

Buddhist History

A theme of more purely historical interest is the post-Tang flowering of

Buddhism in Fujian, especially during the Tang-Song interregnum under Wang family

patronage. This dissertation introduces the dramatic emergence of Quanzhou Kaiyuan

from the ninth to the twelfth centuries as a kind of Buddhist university with more than

one hundred cloisters housing masters of vinaya, Chan, Pure Land, Tiantai, Yogacara,

Huayen and engineering. How common were such institutions in medieval China?

Kaiyuan was described by superlatives in documents of the time and Zhuxi described the

streets of Quanzhou as full of sages. This study directs attention to an important region in

the development of Chinese Buddhism, especially of the Chan school. While Quanzhou

Kaiyuan reflects the strength of Buddhism in Fujian during this period, further studies are

required to understand the full import of Fujian Buddhism in the medieval period. The

study of more monastery records, inscriptions and local sources would indicate the extent

to which monasteries with so many cloisters, for example, were uncommon.

The Future of the Current "Revival"

Recent years have seen the restoration of the ordination platform and the
dharma hall. Fortunately, the main hall has also been renovated—It seems
like a time of renewal. We should respond to this opportunity at our best
even though we don't know whether this recovery will be only partial or
more complete. If we are only concerned about old property not being
returned rather than practicing virtue, then, even if all the buildings and
property were recovered, what would be the point of living here! If we
can diligently practice virtue, then even in shabby buildings and old rooms
we can still sit cross-legged (i.e. practice/meditate). It goes without saying
that one can live like a snail in its shell, in a grass hut which can just
accommodate a length of seven feet (i.e. a human body). Moreover, all
people have Buddha nature, everyone can shine. Who knows whether or

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER TEN: Concluding Thoughts 444

 not another elder Huang may reappear today. It all depends on the self-
exertion of you gentlemen!18

These words, written by Yuanxian at the end of the Ming Dynasty, during a

period of renewal, could, with a few changes, be applied to the Quanzhou Kaiyuan

monastery of today. Again, Quanzhou Kaiyuan, along with the mainland Chinese sangha

as a whole, is enjoying a period of restoration and renewal. Once again, it is not known

whether the recovery will be partial, piecemeal and compromised or if it will be complete,

comprehensive and stable. What is known, however, is that as long as the monks are

focused on generating income, recovering lost property, renovating and re-building, they

will neither have the time, nor, it is likely, the mood, to diligently practice. Diligent

practice requires only the crudest accommodations and such practice itself is traditionally

the root of patronage. Yuanxian invokes Kaiyuan's founding patron, elder Huang, as a

representative of all those who sponsor the recovery and maintenance of the sangha and

suggests that if the monks will do their best they may attract such patronage. Patronage,

in other words, material support, was an abiding concern during the Late Ming Dynasty

Restoration and remains an abiding concern of monasteries being restored throughout

China today.19

Writing in the seventeenth century Yuanxian cautioned his fellow monks: If we

are only concerned about old property not being returned rather than practicing virtue,

then, even if all the buildings and property were recovered, what would be the point of

living here! " The recovery of property, the rebuilding of halls and the material

maintenance of the Sangha have been the focus of Daoyuan and most others during the

18 Sizhil 19b-20a
19Jmg2006.

Brian J Nichols CHAPTER TEN Concluding Thoughts 445

current period of revival in China. Some speak of the current emphasis as a phase in

which the focus is on "hardware" (building and maintaining the physical plant) and they

look, with optimism and hope, to a future where they can emphasize and develop the

software (the education of monks, nuns and laypersons).

Kaiyuan's attention to the restoration and beautification of buildings and grounds

has benefited the development of tourism, but has it also benefitted the recovery of

religious practice? The previous chapter suggests that some of the improvements to the

grounds have generated spaces more conducive to contemplative practice. Such

opportunities exist for individuals motivated to find them. Unfortunately, most of the

young monks have too little understanding of the benefits and much less knowledge of

the techniques of Buddhist contemplative technology. Compounding this problem,

education in such matters is currently not available at Kaiyuan, nor most other

monasteries. In short, the cost of the attention paid to the material development and

welfare of the monastery is revealed in the lack of programs of enrichment for the monks,

even monks who desire to study or meditate.

When I consider the future of Quanzhou Kaiyuan monastery, I believe that it will

remain an important center of popular devotional practices as well as an important tourist

destination for the foreseeable future. It will thus maintain a dual identity along the lines I

have described. The only chance for greater development of the monastic "software"

would seem to be in a change of leadership with a different vision of how to develop the

talent of the sangha. Examples like Bailin Monastery in Hebei, Pingxing Monastery in

Fujian and Gaomin Monastery in Jiangsu indicate that there does exist in post-Mao China,

monastic leadership actively cultivating future Buddhist masters. Meanwhile the

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER TEN: Concluding Thoughts 446

rebuilding of monasteries continues apace across China. History will remember this

period as one of a massive restoration of religion in China. It will be attested to by

thousands of stele commemorating the building of shrine halls bearing the dates of the

early years of the twenty-first century.

As China works to restore its temples and monasteries the case of Kaiyuan

monastery holds lessons that may be instructive. When a monastery is rebuilt or restored

it will exhibit a certain character depending on a variety of disparate circumstances.

Among those circumstances are the presence of a functioning monastic community,

buildings serving religious functions and a lack of intrusive vendors. I select these factors

for special mention because they are factors that I have noticed missing at other temples

in China; their presence at Kaiyuan has distinctly contributed to an environment of living

religiosity. The extent to which a monastery has properties of historic or cultural value

without an atmosphere of religious piety guarded by clerics or laypersons will determine

the extent to which it risks becoming a secular attraction rather than a religious site.

Quanzhou Kaiyuan has fashioned a way to balance these two demands.

During the day tour groups enjoy the shade of ancient trees, they have a close

look at majestic pagodas from the Song dynasty, they see dozens of gilded statues and

hear stories of Kaiyuan's purple cloud, lotus-blooming mulberry and 120 cloisters—in

short, they get their money's worth. This is a prominent dimension of Quanzhou Kaiyuan

and one that most visitors experience. This is the Kaiyuan of tourist brochures.

I have described other dimensions of Kaiyuan such as how tranquil the monastic

grounds are in the evening after the crowds have left; this is a time conducive to

contemplative practice. Kaiyuan also promotes devotional activities throughout the day

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER TEN: Concluding Thoughts 447

by holding daily services, nianfo sessions and other ritual activities. The active religious

life of the clergy and laypersons influences the atmosphere of the monastery and enters

the experience of visitors, even those who have come as tourists.

It may have been tourist brochures and the promise of cultural treasures that

brought a given visitor to Kaiyuan, but once inside the gate, bereft of tacky tourist stalls,

presented with monks quietly tending halls or leading lay persons in chanting, while

individuals offer incense and prostrations inside venerable halls under the shade of

ancient trees, they are overcome with some feeling beyond the instrumental wish to take

a picture of the pagodas and check Kaiyuan off their list of sites to see. This feeling

drives them to make an offering of incense, make a donation or say a prayer, and, in these

acts, they may have another feeling, one of the promise of a transcendent power capable

of granting one's wishes, of lightening one's burdens, or of simply being part of

something larger. They may feel immediately (and temporarily) relieved of some burden

and leave more content than when they arrived. In short, they have been inspired. Maybe

they have bought into the notion that this location has a special spiritual power which in

turn may grant blessings, or maybe they have simply and temporarily left the mundane

details of life behind. By coming to Kaiyuan and witnessing its ties to an ancient tradition,

one is awakened to the possibility of ancient traditions remaining present and efficacious.

Brian J. Nichols CHAPTER TEN: Concluding Thoughts 448

 BIBLIOGRAPHY

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Baroni, Helen Josephine. 2000. Obaku Zen: The Emergence of the Third Sect of Zen in
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Taipei: Wenhai Publishing House ~3C*MHj¥$L%t.

Brian J. Nichols Bibliography All

Liang Kejia W&M(\ 128-1187). 1976. Chunxi sanshan zhi ^EE=.LJj,ife (Gazetteer of
Fuzhou). Taipei: Tawian shangwu yinshu guan •" M^f%iWillt$B •

Qiuyai f^H (19th century). 2006. Xu Jinshan zhi H ^ l i l ^ (Continued Gazetteer of

Jinshan).Yangzhou: Guangling shu she.

Sima Guang ^Msfh (1019-1086). 1956. Zizhi tongjian g ^ S M (A Mirror for the Wise
Ruler). Beijing: Zhonghua shuju 41 ^WiM.

Wang E J£ff, Huang Wenzhao MX'B, and Wu Liangmo ^ ^il(eds.). 1763 (1870-
1927?). Quanzhou fuzhi Ji^'H jfr ^(Gazetteer of Quanzhou Prefecture).

Wang Xiangzhi 1 ^ 2 . (jinshi 1196) [1992]. Yudijisheng HiMfij]i(Geographic Record

of Sites). Taipei: Zhonghua shuju ^ ^ l l f M .

Xu Song %£M- 19th century [2006]. Song huiyaojigao ^ # l ? $ : i l f t . Beijing: Zhonghua

shuju.

Zhou Xuezeng M^, Hu Zhiwu $ 2 . ^ , et al. (eds.).1830 [1990]. [Daoguang] Jinjiang

xianzhi [ i t 7*6] # tL#JLife([Daoguang] Gazetteer of Jinjiang County). Fuzhou:
Fujian People's Publishing House ? I M A K t i j M ± .

Z h u M u M J l . 1267'. Xinbianfangyu shenglan [70 juan]ffi®^Jiyg? l il: (Topographical

Guide for Visiting Sites of Scenic Beauty, New Edition). Jian'an: Chumu
[microfilm].

Zhu Yi'an 7^:11;$: et. al. 2003. Quan song biji ^ ^ ^ l 5 ( C o m p l e t e Notes of the Song
Dynasty). Zhengzhou: Daxiang Publishing House, vols. 1-4.

Yuanxianjcif. 1643 (1927 edition). Quanzhou Kaiyuansi zhi M'Mf^jc^f^ (A Record

of Quanzhou Kaiyuan Monastery).

Zhao Tingji M5UJ1 and Liu $P_h2.Qing Dynasty [1974]. Shouning xianzhi H ^ H ^
(Shouning County Gazetteer). Taipei. Zhongguo fangzhi congchu: Fujian
Province.2:218.

Zheng Xia 1^(1041-1119)[1973]. Xitangji ffl±jf H (Collected Works of Mr. Xitang).

Siku quanshu zhenben siji. Taipei: Taiwan shangwu yinshu guan.

Zhou Shurong JnJilrHL 1999. "Wenling Kaiyuansi zhi yjmKJp7tl#-ife" (The Record of
Quanzhou Kaiyuan Monastery). Fujian Fojiao. Fuzhou: Fujian Fojiao Xiehui | §
HIMitfrz? (Fujian Buddhist Association), vols. 2-4.

Brian J. Nichols Bibliography 473

APPENDIX I

Cosmopolitan Quanzhou during the Medieval Period

Quanzhou, lying just opposite Taiwan, was perhaps the world's most

cosmopolitan city in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. Here one could find established

communities of Buddhists, Muslims, Hindus, Christians, Manicheans, Confucians and

Daoists living in peaceful coexistence and mutual prosperity. A vibrant entrepot on the

maritime silk route which stretched from China to the west coast of Africa, Marco Polo

suggested it may have been the largest port in the world. While foreigners had been in

Quanzhou as early as the Tang dynasty and substantial communities of foreigners

developed during the Song, it was in the Yuan dynasty that foreign populations in

Quanzhou reached their peak and included some of the first Europeans to reach China.

Marco Polo (1254-1324) is the most well known European said to have lived in Yuan

China; he departed China from the port of Quanzhou in 1292 leaving this description:

Now when you quit Fuju [Fuzhou] and cross the River, you travel for five
days south-east through a fine country, meeting with a constant succession
of flourishing cities, towns, and villages, rich in every product. You travel
by mountains and valleys and plains, and in some places by great forests
in which are many of the trees which give Camphor. There is plenty of
game on the road, both of bird and beast. The people are all traders and
craftsmen, subjects of the Great Kaan, and under the government of Fuju.
When you have accomplished those five days' journey you arrive at the
very great and noble city of ZAYTON [Quanzhou], which is also subject
to Fuju.

At this city you must know is the Haven of Zayton, frequented by all the
ships of India, which bring thither spicery and all other kinds of costly
wares. It is the port also that is frequented by all the merchants of Manzi
[Southern China1], for hither is imported the most astonishing quantity of

' Manzi %ik-f, literally "Southern Barbarians," was used by the Mongolians in the Yuan dynasty to refer to
South China. Formerly under the Southern Song dynasty, it was the last part of China to submit to
 goods and of precious stones and pearls, and from this they are distributed
all over Manzi. And I assure you that for one shipload of pepper that goes
to Alexandria or elsewhere, destined for Christendom, there come a
hundred such, aye and more too, to this haven of Zayton; for it is one of
the two greatest havens in the world for commerce.2

A word is in order about the name "Zayton" used by Marco Polo and other foreigners in

speaking of the city of Quanzhou during the Yuan dynasty. The appellation "Zayton,"

spelled variously as "Zaytun" or "Zaitun," was how Arabs referred to Quanzhou and, as

they were the dominant trade intermediaries, the name became prevalent among

foreigners.3 Although it is not commonly used to refer to Quanzhou these days, the old

name remains with us in the word "satin," one of the valued products from old

Quanzhou.4 Zayton is derived from the Chinese word citong jfUj^HJ which refers to the

tung tree which provides tung oil, an invaluable product in seafaring. This tree is native

to China and remains prevalent in the city of Quanzhou today, lining the southern

perimeter of Kaiyuan monastery.

About two years after Marco Polo had left the great port of Zayton (or Quanzhou)

the Franciscan monk John of Monte Corvino (1246-1328) arrived en route to the Mongol

capital Khanbalik (Beijing) where he established two Catholic churches.6 Friar John was

followed by a group of Franciscan friars sent to China by Pope Clement V in 1307, these

Mongolian rule. Marco Polo, in the service of the Mongolian Kublai Khan, apparently adopted this usage.
It also appears in English as "Mangi," "Mancy" etc. Haw 2006: 115; Needham 1954: 169.
2
Yule 1871 185-186.
3
"Zaitun" was a sound familiar to Arabs as their word for "olive tree" hence Ibn Battuta's felt it pertinent to
mention that there were no olives in Zaitun! Yule 1871. Book II, nt. 2 p 188. Jerusalem was also known as
Zaitumya
4
Yule 1871 Book II, nt 2 p 189
5
1 suspect that the "tung" of tung oil and the tung tree is derived from the "tong" of citong but I have not
seen this linguistic relation made in any literature.
6
Friar John of Monte Corvmo did not remain in Quanzhou and traveled on to Khanbalik (Beijing); arriving
in 1294, he established two churches and became recognized by Rome as the Archbishop of Khanbalik
After the fall of the Yuan and establishment of the Ming, Christians were expelled from China, not
returning until the end of the sixteenth century with the Jesuits Dawson 1980' xxxi-xxxiv

Brian J Nichols APPENDIX I Cosmopolitan Quanzhou 475

friars came to settle m Quanzhou where a second bishopric was established (the first

being in Beijing) A church had been built m Quanzhou by an Armenian woman of

means and this became the cathedral of the Archbishop of Quanzhou, a post held in

succession by Friar Gerard, Friar Peregrine (Archbishop 1313-1322) and Friar Andrew of

Perugia (Archbishop 1322-1332) 7 During Friar Andrew's tenure as Archbishop, Friar

Odoric de Pordenone paid a visit to Quanzhou and left the following account of offerings

made at a large monastery that may be Kaiyuan

.. I came to a certain noble city which is called Zayton, where we friars

minor have two houses , and there I deposited the bones of our friars who
suffered martyrdom for the faith of Jesus Christ.

In this city is great plenty of all things that are needful for human
subsistence. For example you can get three pounds and eight ounces of
sugar for less than half a groat. The city is twice as great as Bologna, and
in it are many monasteries of devotees, idol worshippers every man of
them In one of those monasteries which I visited there were three
thousand monks and eleven thousand idols. And one of those idols, which
seemed to be smaller than the rest was as big as St. Christopher might be. I
went thither at the hour fixed for feeding their idols, that I might witness it;
and the fashion thereof is this: All the dishes which they offer to be eaten
are piping hot so that the smoke nseth up in the face of the idols, and this
they consider to be the idols' refection But all else they keep for
themselves and gobble up. And after such fashion as this they reckon that
they feed their gods well.

The place is one of the best in the world, and that as regards its provision
for the body of man. Many other things indeed might be related of this
place, but I will not write more about them at present
7
Letters have been preserved from Friar Peregrine (1318) and Friar Andrew of Perugia (1326) The
account of the bishopric of Quanzhou is based on these letters in Christopher Dawson's Mission to Asia
(Dawson 1980 232-237) and his introduction (Dawson 1980 xxxi-xxxv) Friar Andrew of Perugia
established a second Catholic church in Quanzhou before becoming Archbishop The last Archbishop of
Quanzhou was James of Florence, he was martyred by Chinese in 1362 in the backlash against foreigners
that accompanied the founding of the Ming
8
Odoric had disinterred the bones of the four Friars martyred by Saracens (l e Muslims) at Supera / Tana
in India (N of Bombay) in 1321 and brought them to Quanzhou for re-burial (Letter of Friar Andrew m
Dawson 1980 237, nt 1 )
9
Henry Yule (trans and ed ), Cathay and the Way Thither, being a collection oj Medieval Notices of China
(London The Hakluyt Society, MDCCCLXVI) Vol I pp 381-383 The identity of this temple is not made
clear and although it may have been Kaiyuan, it could have been another major Buddhist or even Daoist
monastery in Quanzhou

Brian J Nichols APPENDIX I Cosmopolitan Quanzhou 476

A decade later the Friar John de Mangnolh1 described Quanzhou as "a wondrous fine

seaport and a city of incredible size, where our Minor Friars have, three very fine

churches, passing rich and elegant; and they have a bath also and afondaco

[guesthouse]11 which serves as a depot for all the merchants "12

Around 1345, Quanzhou received a visit from the great traveler and "Muslim

Marco Polo" Ibn Battuta (1304-1368). The Moroccan born Ibn Battuta set out for Mecca

in 1325; after reaching Mecca he kept going and reached Quanzhou in 1345 or 1346.13

He described Quanzhou's as follows- "It is a large city, and in it they make the best

flowered and coloured silks, as well as satins, which are therefore preferred to those made

in other places. Its port is one of the finest m the world. I saw m it about one hundred

large junks; the small vessels were innumerable."14 Ibn Battuta met with Muslim clerics

on his visit; an inscription made by Wu Jian Jl-^l in commemoration of the

reconstruction of Quanzhou's Ashab Mosque (a k a. fm^^F) m 1351 claimed that

15
Quanzhou then had "six or seven" mosques

In addition to the accounts of foreign visitors to Quanzhou, there remains in

Quanzhou a trove of religious inscriptions and statuary representing a rare diversity of

10
A k a Friar John of Florence Bishop of Bisignano, sent on one of the Papal-sponsored missions to
Mongol China He left Avignon in 1338 and, traveling overland, reached Peking m 1342 with a warhorse,
a gift he conveyed from Pope Benedict XII to Emperor Huizong TJTK ( Dawson 1980 xxxin-xxxiv)
11
"[A] factory, l e 'a mercantile establishment and lodging house in a foreign country'" West, Andrew
2006 http //babelstone blogspot com/2006/11/chnstian-tombstones-of-zayton html See also Yule 1871
Book II, nt 2 p 188
12
Yule 1913-16 229-230
13
Dunn 1989 1-5
14
Recorded inBattuta's account of his travels, translation by Rev Samuel Lee (Lee 2004 211-212)
15
Clark 2003 228 Inscription collected m Chen 1984 1, 15, pi 21

Brian J Nichols APPENDIX I Cosmopolitan Quanzhou 411

traditions 16 These tombstones and other artifacts, most of which are dated to the Yuan

dynasty, were unearthed in the 1940s and are now on display in Quanzhou's Museum of
17
Maritime Trade This valuable collection includes Islamic inscriptions in Arabic and

Persian, Nestonan tombstones, Franciscan tombstones, Hindu sculptures and a copy of

Quanzhou's rare statue of Mam This exceptionally rare sculpture of Mam remains in

situ at what is said to be the only extant Mamchean temple m existence which is now

known as Cao'an ("Thatched Hut") temple JfC/H^ at Huabiao mountain Ip^z ill on the
]
outskirts of Quanzhou Other finds include a 1281 bilingual Tamil-Chinese inscription

that records the dedication of an image of Shiva in a new temple established in 1203 As

a bilingual inscription it suggests a degree of communication, if not integration, between

16
A good overview of the international artistic artifacts m Quanzhou from the Yuan period may be found m
Guy 2010
17
Wu Wenhang collected these religious artifacts in the 1940s and donated them to start Quanzhou's
Museum of Maritime Trade The finds are catalogued in Wu Wenhang 1957 Quanzhou zongjiao shike M.
J]|7Kffc5^!j("Religious inscriptions of Quanzhou") Beijing Kexue Chubanshe, and in the updated Wu
Wenhang and Wu Youxiong 2005 Quanzhou zongjiao shike Beijing Kexue Chubanshe For Islamic
finds in Quanzhou see Chen Dasheng 1984 Quanzhou Yisdanjiao shike ^Jlli^lJf j^t^-S^'JO'Islamic
inscriptions of Quanzhou") Yinchuan Ningxia Renmm Chubanshe N B Chen's work is bilingual Chinese-
English with inscriptions mostly in Arabic and Persian On the Tamil origin of Hindu finds in Quanzhou
see Guy 2001, 2010
18
The Nestonan inscriptions are made in various languages Most common is a mixture of Syriac and Old
Turkish Also represented are inscriptions m the Mongolian Phags-pa script, Chinese and Uighur using
Syriac script A research team from Australian National University lead by Sam Lieu is researching these
religious artefacts from Quanzhou See http //www anchist mq edu au/doccentre/Zavton htm For more on
the Phags-pa inscriptions see Andrew West's blog at http //babelstone blogspot com/2006/11/christian-
tombstones-of-zavton html For the transcript of a 2003 radio interview with Sam Lieu by Rachael Kohn on
the Ark radio program see http //www abc net au/rn/rehg/ark/stones/s794442 htm
19
For all of recent memory this Mamchean site has been used as a Buddhist shrine with the Mam statue
thought to be a Buddha Several sources claim it is the only Mamchean temple in existence such as
Pearson et al 2002 40 On another medieval Asian depiction of Mam see Gulacsi, Zsuzsanna 2009 "A
Mamchaean 'Portrait of the Buddha Jesus' Identifying a Twelfth-or Thirteenth-century Chinese Painting
from the Collection of Seiun-ji Zen Temple " Artibus Asiae 69 1 91-145

Brian J Nichols APPENDIX I Cosmopolitan Quanzhou 478

Chinese and South Indian communities.20 There is also a bilingual Nestonan Christian

inscription in Chinese and Syriac known as the Arkoun tablet dating from 1313.21

Quanzhou's archeological and literary records attest to the presence of

communities of Muslims from Arabia and Persia, Nestorian Christians from Central Asia,

Franciscans from Europe, Hindus from South India and Manicheans from Central Asia.

While the archeological record has thus far failed to provide evidence of a Jewish

community in Quanzhou, a contested literary account attributed to a Jewish merchant

named Jacob d'Ancona, if proven credible, provides colorful details of Quanzhou at the

close of the Song dynasty and an account of Jews in the city.22 Quanzhou's impressive

pre-modern cosmopolitanism has earned it the nickname "Museum of World Religions"

in addition to its claim as the "starting point of the maritime silk road."

20
Discovered in 1956, it was a Hindu inscription by a non-native writer of Tamil and refers to the
dedication of an image of Shiva in a new temple in 1203 (Guy 2001. 295-296).
21
A rubbing from this tablet is on display in the Quanzhou Maritime Museum (I examined this piece in the
museum in 2006).
22
An English translation of a text said to be written by Jacob D'Ancona in medieval Italian in the thirteenth
century was published in 1997 by David Selbourne entitled City of Light In this account Jacob provides a
vivid description of his stay m Quanzhou from August of 1271 to February of 1272 To the consternation of
scholars, no one else has been allowed to see the original document The document is said to have been
passed down by a Jewish family in secret due to fear of reprisals on the basis of anti-Christian statements
made throughout the work Since the original documents have not been independently verified questions of
its authenticity remains unresolvable (D'Ancona 2003)

Brian J Nichols APPENDIX I Cosmopolitan Quanzhou 479

APPENDIX II
Translation
[pla]

The Record of Quanzhou 's Kaiyuan Temple

Wenling kaiyuansi zhi ^MLW. Jf'JG^?^2

Author's Preface by Yuanxian

In olden days, southern Quanzhou {Quanan M.W) was called a Land of Buddha

with famous mountains and large temples dispersed like stars, arranged like chess pieces;

Kaiyuan monastery was truly best of all. Founded during the Chuigong period (685-688)

of the Tang dynasty, it has seen the most years. Having as many as one hundred and

twenty cloisters {yuan Iki), it accumulated the greatest number of monks. With flocks of

talented masters in each of the three teachings- meditation, doctrine and discipline-

standing like a tripod, it has nurtured the greatest number of venerable teachers. The

history of such a temple is too vast to document, but how could we let it wash away

without recording it? [P ib]

There is no record of this temple prior to the Tang dynasty. First there was Xu

Lie's TrF^'J Biographies of Purple Cloud Eminent Monks (Ziyun gaoseng zhuan JU'SJUJ

iftflr) from the Song dynasty which Mengguan Shi %£M R (i.e. Dagui) in the Yuan

dynasty derided as a collection of plagiarism, hearsay, non sequiturs and coarse language

that was not worth reading. Mengguan Shi then wrote the Biographies of Purple Cloud

Bodhisattvas {Ziyun kaishi zhuan ^ T X J F i f t ) . This book exhibits extensive learning,

1
This is a work-in-progress which I will continue to work on and annotate, I welcome comments,
corrections and suggestions
2
Wenling imW is an older name for Quanzhou
correct views, unique theses and elegant diction; it placed its author amongst the literary

elite and may be considered an excellent work of history.

From then until now, though only three hundred years have passed, the Chan

ethos has decayed; weakening over time, it seems as though nothing can be written. [P ia]

Although at times flourishing, at times decimated, with some things surviving, and others

left in ruins- one also cannot write nothing. In 1596, in the Wanli period of the Ming

dynasty, Mr. Chen Zhizhi P^lhih first wrote a record of this temple, but his research was

inadequate and people didn't think highly of it. In 1635, in the winter of the Chongzhen

period of the Ming dynasty, members of the Quanzhou gentry requested that I give

teachings at the "Purple Cloud" (i.e. Kaiyuan monastery). In my free time there I looked

into the temple's past and acquired two books, the Biographies of Bodhisattvas and the

Collected Works ofMengguan (J^MM). Upon reading them I began to realize how

many venerable masters there had been at the "Purple Cloud" and was stirred with great

admiration. At that time, Mr. Huang Jitao M^^ asked me several times about writing a

record book, [P2b] but I was then occupied with teaching the Surangama Sutra (Lengyan

jing WF^^r.) at the request of Mr. Zeng Eryun H Zl z?, so I wouldn't dare make any

promises.

In spring of 1642, when I returned to Fujian (Miri) from Zhejiang, I was again

requested to preside at the summer retreat (jiezhi ^P\).3 I was again asked by Mr. Fu

Youxm JM^h'ti' about writing a record, so I told him I would do it when I had returned to

The summer retreat or Jiezhi traditionally begins April 13 or 15 of the lunar calendar and continues until
July 15th (Da Zhuo and Jian Ymg 2007)

Brian J Nichols Kaiynansi zhi, Prefaces & Buildings (jianzhi) 481

Mount Drum (Gushan sjclll).4 Venturing forth in spite of my incompetence, I recklessly

took up my brush. For the period up to the Yuan dynasty I relied on the Biographies of

Bodhisattvas, for later periods I consulted old inscriptions and Mr. Chen's record, in

addition I collected oral reports and made my own observations; [P3a] these materials I

collated and arranged into four sections. The first is a section on buildings {jianzhi I t f i )

which gives the temple's layout. Second is a section on biographies of masters (kaishi JF

dr) 5 which reveals their talents and virtues. Third is a section on literature [associated

with the temple] (yiwen zlJC) which expresses its grandeur. Fourth is a section on

income generating farmlands (tianfu E9PK) which accounts for its subsistence. These

four sections may just outline the worn traces of a temple's thousand years. But how can I

write! I'm just a common southerner; failing in my Confucian studies, I turned to the

study of Buddhism. Having come to Quanzhou twice at the request of those gentlemen to

make empty talk, I'm deeply afraid I cannot repay their trust. [P 3b] Still not realizing my

ineptitude they petitioned me to write this record. Am I standing in for a real expert?

Impertinent and irresponsible, it is like temporarily filling in for someone absent. If

someday another with a fine brush should come then this record can be put away.

Shi Yuanxian # 7 t M from Mount Drum

Meng chun deng festival day (i£#'j;Tl5' 0 ), 1643
(Chongzhen period of the Ming dynasty).

[P2 la]

4
The monastery on Mount Drum lies just outside Fuzhou Lewis Hodous writing in 1923 describes a trip to
Mount Drum in Buddhism and Buddhists in China, pp. 15-16.
5
Kaishi Jf dr, translated here as "masters" is an alternative Chinese translation term for the Sanskrit term
"bodhisattvas "

Brian J. Nichols Kaiyuansi zhi, Prefaces & Buildings (jianzhi) 482

Preface by Wu Hengchun

The fame of Southern Quanzhou (Quannan), Land of Buddha, has spread

throughout the world. If one follows this fame to verify it as fact then it is not only

because it has so many venerable monks, but must also be because non-monastics value

the teaching of non-action (wuwei ^Cy%). Looking back to the Tang and Song dynasties

we find a great flourishing of the Buddha Dharma in Quannan with a forest of Chan

temples established. Among them, Kaiyuan is an inspiring place producing outstanding

people (diling renjie i&M. A^S); it is the best of all. The auspicious sign of the mulberry

tree which bloomed lotus blossoms expresses delight at the magnificent spread of the

dharma realm. Fragrantly flowing amrita celebrates the exalted religious ethos.

Manjushri descended and wrote a sutra; arhats came into a dream.6 Venerable masters of

the three teachings- meditation, doctrine and discipline- have arisen one after another, too

many to count, they are truly capable of effecting changes in customs and traditions

iyifengyisu ^ M i H I r ) ; helping the world and giving direction to people so that a seaside

city of Confucius became a solemn land of Buddha. A worthy (xian']§;)of the past once

wrote a couplet for Kaiyuan temple which reads: [p2 ib] "In olden days this place was

called a Land of Buddha; Its streets were full of sages."7 Pondering these words, the rise

and fall of Kaiyuan temple bears a close relationship to the ways of the world and the

hearts of men. Thus one should not let this record of the temple be lost!
6
These are references to well known stones about Kaiyuan temple, they are related below
7
This couplet is attributed to Zhuxi fcM Cidi guchengfogno, Majie doushi shengren jtk^b'fi"!^^ Hi»
?iS$J#P^^A. It is now found on inscribed on pairs of boards (dinhan) hanging in the Hall of Heavenly
Kings and at the entrance to the Mam Hall, the calligraphy of these boards is said to be that of Master
Hongyi

Brian J Nichols Kaiyuansi zhi, Prefaces & Buddings (jianzhi) 483

 It is regrettable that since the time of Qianlong and Jiaqing MBz sages and

worthies (sheng xian) have not appeared and the monastic rules have loosened every day.

Up to the current Republican period things have heavily deteriorated8 but an opportunity

has arrived for the dharma to make a comeback. There is master Yuanying ® i j | who has

mastered the Tripitika and whose fame reverberates throughout our era. While teaching

the Mahayana treatises {dacheng lun y*vfHife) in Singapore he met master Zhuandao f^itt

and his dharma brother Zhuanwu $f #). The three of them made a vow to revive this

temple and found the Kaiyuan Compassion for Children School (cieryuan HJLK).

Master Zhuandao is from Quanzhou, his secular surname is Huang. He is of the Kaiyuan

Huang lineage9 and had always had the ambition to revive Kaiyuan temple. Since master

Yuanying entrusted him with this mission, he has generously donated tens of thousands

of yuan which he had received as alms towards the rebuilding of Kaiyuan temple. Master

Yuanying and master Zhuanwu entered Kaiyuan temple in the lunar month of September

in 1924 (thirteenth year of Mingguo). Three days after they began [rebuilding], the peach

trees began to bloom red lotuses, an auspicious sign! The people of Quanzhou who saw

this event all considered it amazing.

In the lunar month of August 1925 the temple school had its grand opening, but

because the rebuilding project was too overwhelming, master Yuanying again had to

solicit donations from lay persons. It should be noted that because the elder Huang

Shougong iiiTpljfe donated the land for the building of Kaiyuan temple, a hall named the

8
bo luo MM
9
Reference to Huang Shougong who donated the land upon which Kaiyuan temple was built

Brian J Nichols Kaiyuansi zhi, Prefaces & Buildings (jianzh) 484

Donor's Ancestral Shrine {Tanyue ci WM&\) was built containing a sculpture of him and

the "Purple Cloud" Huang family was chosen to lead the lay donors. In previous

restorations the Huang family had made contributions, so Yuanying together with Mr.

Huang Sunzhe M-f'l^S asked Senior Huang Zhutang M$Hi£. to write them a letter of

introduction. Together they went to Gulangyu in Xiamen to meet three members of

Huang family (san tanyue), Huang Zhongxun jStftHJII, Huang Yizhu M^zti and Huang

Xiulang M^M to urge them to contribute funds so that they may gain complete merit.

[p2 2b] Mr. Zhong Xun, with a penchant for poetry and literature, already had a literary

relationship with master Yuanying so he took the lead in offering to rebuild the Dharma

Hall (fa tang) with his brother Zhong Zan i$ tit and became an advocate for the

rebuilding. Mr. Yi Zhu offered to renovate the eastern pagoda, and Mr. Xiu Lang, the

western pagoda. These three lay patrons resolutely shouldered the burden of these three

special projects. Master Yuanying contentedly returned and hired the engineer Fu

Weizao i$Wz.-^- to be the specialist in charge. In the spring of 1926, Yuanying went to

Southeast Asia (Nanyang) to solicit funds for the Compassion for Children School in

hopes that it may endure forever. By 1927 the three projects had been completed in

succession. Mr. Zhong Xun also brought out his personal copy of the Record of Kaiyuan

Temple; since the temple had been restored he felt the temple chronicle should be made

more widely available, thus he donated money to master Yuanying to use for woodblock

printing and asked me to write a preface. Even though I am not so astute, thinking about

Kaiyuan as a place for the enlightenment and teaching of venerable sages, about the

source and stream of the whole temple and the excellent artifacts from each dynasty, I

certainly could not let it be lost to oblivion and heard of no more. Presently the temple's

Brian J. Nichols Kaiynansi zhi, Prefaces & Buildings (jianzhi) 485

record has not been updated but at least the achievements and merits of the three masters

and those lay patrons have been mentioned. May this provide future generations with a

general outline of recent developments.

Wu Hengchun H^fltF from Gutian "S" EH

On the road to Ningbo T ' M (Yong Jiang FltL)
Early lunar August of 1927 (16th year of Mingguo)

[I la]

The Record of Quanzhou Kaiyuan Temple Qsk&i JF7U#^)

Written by the monk Yuanxian from Yong Chuan Chan temple on Mount Drum (Gushan)

in Fuzhou.

The Record of Buildings {jianzhi zhi HS-ife)

Preface

Regrettably, since the establishment of the Buddha Dharma from the West at Baima

("White Horse") Monastery and the spread of ornate temple buildings, if they are not in

exceptional places they are usually lost to oblivion and heard from no more. The Buddha

Land of Southern Quanzhou is truly full of old temples, but of those existing more than a

thousand years there is only one, the Kaiyuan temple—"The great fruit has not been

eaten" (i.e. gentlemen respect it, and the evil are afraid to destroy it).10 Its reputation has

not declined, and those nostalgic for things old can still hear about and experience it.

10
"No one eats the big fruit" Shuoguo bit shi i S H ^ ' i l ' is from the Yi Jmg, hexagram 23 {bo §lj "peeling")
It is said that if a gentleman (junzi M-f~) picks the fruit it would bring good luck, if a common person (xiao
ren 'h A ) steals the fruit, this would be bad omen It follows that common people can therefore not harm
this fruit and the implication that gentleman would not bring it harm, thus "no one eats the big fruit" and it

Brian J Nichols Kaiyuansi zhi, Prefaces & Buildings (jianzhi) 486

Great Kaiyuan Everlasting Chan Temple (Da Kaiyuan Wanshou Chansi ~j\Jf %7l^f

W^F) was once located outside the West Pure Gate (xiqing men j2nftfj) of Quanzhou

city (jun cheng). When the city later expanded the temple became located inside the city,

in the western section. In lunar February of 686 (the second year of Chuigong) in the

Tang dynasty, citizen Huang Shougong had a dream while napping, [i it>] A monk begged

to have his land for a temple. Mr. Gong said, "Should my trees bloom white lotuses, I

shall concede." Pleased, the monk thanked him and suddenly disappeared. Two days

passed and the mulberry trees really bloomed white lotuses. The local authorities

considered this an auspicious rumor and asked to build a place for practice (daochang).

The empress granted permission and named it "Lotus Flower." The monk Kuanghu Wffi

was asked to serve as abbot. In 692 (Renchen year of Changshou), the name was

changed to "Flourishing Teaching Temple" (xingjiao si ^ift^r 1 ). In 705 (yisi year of

Shenlong), the name was changed again to "Flourishing Dragon" (longxing ~MT^). In

26th year of Xuanzong's ^ ^ reign (738), he ordered that every state in the realm should

have one temple to be named for the current period (the jinian, i.e. Kaiyuan); the local

administration complied with the order by changing the name to "Kaiyuan." From the

Five Dynasties and Ten Kingdoms up to the Song Dynasty one hundred and twenty

neighboring cloisters (zhiyuan 3L$%) were constructed which were separate and

independent of one another. In 1285 (yiyou year of the Zhiyuan M7C period), the Sangha

can grow ever big This is the explanation in the Zhouyijijie MMMM, a Tang dynasty collection of
commentaries from Han to Tangy on the Yijing, cited in Huang Shouqi M^flU and Zhang Shanwen 5fe#
3C 2001 Zhouyi yizhu MM # v i ("The Yijing, Translation and Commentary") Shanghai: Shanghai Guji
Publishing House, p 202

Brian J Nichols Kaiyuansi zhi, Prefaces & Buildings (jianzhi) 487

administrator (senglu imM) Liu Jianyi M'MSL reported to the governor of Fujian (xing

shengping zhang fx^^pjp:) Bo Yan i&M. who in turn reported to and petitioned the

emperor to have the cloisters united as one temple. The emperor dubbed the united

complex, "Great Kaiyuan Everlasting Chan Monastery." [i2a] The following year, the

monk Miao'en fyPM was invited to become the inaugural11 abbot. As the Chan way

spread far and wide, novice monks raced here in droves. The succeeding abbot was Qizu

iScliL; during these forty years the temple supported a thousand monks.12

The recurring famines and widespread pillaging and plundering at the end of the

Yuan dynasty were disheartening to the temple. By 1397 (30th year of Hongwu) the

temple monks were nearly wiped out in the disaster. Learning of this, officials [reported

to their superiors]. The following year, emperor Gaozu iSJli. (i.e. Taizu ^Clfi, a.k.a. Zhu

Yuanzhang ^jnifit) sent the monk Zhengying JEf#t to be the abbot. After arriving he

restored buildings and cleared away debris. Due to this, it was not long before the temple

was again flourishing. But only two generations later the Chan ethos had weakened.

During the Chenghua and Hongzhi periods (1465-1488) the temple again split apart like

clouds. The monastic rules and order became corrupted day by day. From the Longqin to

Wanli periods (1567-1573) the older structures had fallen into ruins and more than half

of the shrine rooms and monk's dormitories had been occupied by non-monastics. [i2t>]

Even the ordination platform hall had been taken over by gunpowder manufacturers. The

intrusion also spread to the Dharma Hall, which was partially occupied. This continued

for thirty years until 1594 (jiawii year of Wanli) when the lay disciple and vice censor-in-

" diyi shi %—m, lit. "first generation"

12
literally, "ten thousand fingers usually eating" (shi chang wan zhi •ft'ft'TJ tit)

Brian J Nichols Kaiynansi zhi, Prefaces & Buildings (jianzhi) 488

chief13 Mr. Huang Wenbin MJC'M forcefully reported the situation to the Emperor. All

those involved in manufacturing were expelled and old properties began to be recovered,

but still only about one percent was reclaimed.

The Purple Cloud Main Hall (ziyun dadian s^kIzk'j\W) was built by the monk Kuanghu

in 686 (the second year of the Chuigong period in the Tang dynasty). At that time there

was an auspicious sign, a purple cloud covering the ground which is how it got its name.

Emperor Xuanzong changed the name to "Kaiyuan" and bestowed upon the temple a

Buddha statue which was later destroyed. In 897 (fourth year of Qianning), the acting

president of the ministry of public works14 Wang Shengui zE^iK rebuilt the hall and had

four Buddha statues made; already present was a central statue given by the Emperor.

The monk Zhaowu M'M brought pratyekabuddha relics which were installed in the

Buddha statue.1 In 1095 (the second year of Shaosheng) of the [Northern] Song dynasty,

the monk Fashu fe^ [i 3a] renovated the main hall and installed 1000 Buddha statues

therein. In 1155 (the 25th year of Shaoxing) [of the Southern Song], it burned down and

was rebuilt. In the Yuan dynasty, the monk Qizu ordered the monk Bofu {file to pave

the main courtyard {da ting ffiM) in front of the main hall with stone. In 1357 (the

dingyou year of Zhizheng), it burned down again and was rebuilt in 1389 (the yisi year of

Hongwu) [of the Ming dynasty] by the monk Huiyuan MM.. In 1408 (the wuzi year of

Yongle), the monk Zhichang 5 H repaired the corridors, expanded the platform [in front

13
xianfu %m]\, i.e fu duyushi giJtPfPi
14
jianjiao gong bu shangshu tltUlniSfal^
15
In the middle statue Is it possible that relics were put in all the statues7

Brian J Nichols Kaiyuansi zhi, Prefaces & Buildings (jianzhi) 489

of the main hall] and dug two small ponds to the left and right in the front of the main

courtyard. He also built several small stupas arranged like wings [along the sides of the

courtyard]. In 1594 (the 22nd year of Wanli), laypersons taking the lead, together with

monastics made repairs. In 1637 (the Dingchou year of Chongzhen), the provincial
16
administrative vice commissioner Mr. Zeng Ying title and the brigade general1 Mr.

Zheng Zhilong M^S-'M rebuilt the main hall, replacing all the wooden columns with stone;

making it even more magnificent than before. Providing help was the monk Guanglun ,T~

The Amrita Ordination Platform (ganlu jietan "ttltftSoJS) is located behind the main

hall. Back during the Tang dynasty, amrita {ganlu T=T"SS)18 often fell on this place,[i 3b] so

the monk Xingzhao ff BS dug the amrita well. In 1019 (third year of the Tianxi period of

the Song), the government promulgated the pudu ia 1st19, a call for universal ordination,

and monks began to construct the ordination platform. In 1128 (the second year of

Jianyan), because the platform structure was not in line with ancient tradition, the monk

Dunzhao Wi^a rebuilt it according to an ancient illustrated sutra (gu tujing T^fK^n).20

His platform had five levels, the proportions of their heights, lengths and widths all built

according to strict rules. Chong'guan M^M was asked to write a notice recording this

dacan ~}\^
1
zongbing &.£$
18
lit "sweet dew" it is also used to translate Sanskrit amrita
19
Ordered by emperor Shenzong, the pudu would appear to refer to a pudu sengm which was a periodic
call for "universal tonsure and ordination" that the government might use for celebratory reasons in which
restrictions on ordinations were lifted for a period of time The pudu was a policy governing religious
ceremonies Originally it was a strict rule prohibiting such things as commerce (Jianying 2007 and Dazhou
2007, personal communication)
20
The Nanshan Jietan Tujing ~M ill f&MW^t

Brian J Nichols Kaiyuansi zhi, Prefaces & Buildings (jianzhi) 490

event which was inscribed in stone. The emperor bestowed upon it the name Amrita

Ordination Platform; vice minister21 Chendang $ja3£ wrote the name board.

In 1357 {Dingyou year of Zhizheng), the Ordination Hall burned down. In 1400 (33rd

year of Hongwu), it was rebuilt by the monk Zhengying. Although it was as magnificent

as before, the structure was not the same as the previous one by Dunzhao. In 1411

(Xinmao year of Yongle), the monk Zhichang added-on four corridors. During the

Longqing period (1567-1572), manufacturers of weapons and gunpowder exploiting their

connections (yinyuan j t t ^ , i.e. guanxi), moved in bringing their wives and children. A

forge, mortar and pestle and such implements were set up and ash and debris piled-up in

mounds. In 1576 (fourth year of Wanli), [i4a] four skilled soldiers burned to death. The

monks sued the government, imploring to have those manufacturers removed, but the

manufacturers loved this place like home, and the government put the case aside. In

1594 (22nd year of Wanli), the fire god (Huilu MWO appeared in the dreams of

neighboring residents disturbing their peace both day and night. Layman Huang Wenbin

forcefully reported the situation to the Emperor. All those manufacturers were expelled

and Mr. Huang led the people in making repairs. The Ordination Platform Hall again

looked new. The one who completed this work was the monk Ruyou #P$3.

The old Tripitika was in a state of disrepair and disarray with only three-tenths remaining.

In 1628 (the first year IWuchen year of Chongzhen), the monks Ruyou and Guanglun

went to Nandu (the city of Nanyang in Henan) and asked the commissioner of the office
21
Shi lang #§|3- vice director/vice minister in the Secretariat or the Chancellery (Hucker 1985 426-427).
22
cm guan ^"B*, I e. "skilled soldier" of the militia (Hucker 1985, 515).

Brian J. Nichols Kaiynansi zhi, Prefaces & Buildings (jianzhi) 491

of transmission Mr. Zhou Weijing to be their principal intermediary. They successfully

collected a complete Tripitika, which they stored in the Ordination Hall upon their return.

The Dharma Hall (fa tang fkM.) is behind the Ordination Hall. It was built by the

sangha administrator Liu Jianyi inl285 (Yiyou year of Zhiyuan). It was destroyed in

1357. In 1398 (31st year of Hongwii), the monk Zhengying came to become the abbot by

order of the Emperor. [i4t>] Upon his taking leave of the emperor, the emperor encouraged

him with the words, "Keep heart pure and self clean" (qingxinjieji fn'ttfn 3 ) . When

Zhengying arrived at the temple, he first completed the rebuilding of this hall and erected

an inscribed board reading, "Keep heart pure and self clean" to show he would not forget

[the emperors word]s. During the Jingtai period (1450-1456), the monk Huilian if§3|

made minor repairs. In 1548 (Wushen year ofJiaqing), the prefect (tai shou 'X.^f), Mr.

Cheng Xiumin fS^f K; donated his salary towards repairs.

Since the Longqin period (1567-1572), those [munitions] manufacturers occupying the

Ordination Hall as home later broke into the Dharma Hall. There were also some rich

and powerful people (er san haoyou — EiM-M) who covetously eyed this place. In 1594

{Jiawu year of Wanli), the government forcibly expelled them and the Dharma Hall

began its recovery. And so the old inscribed board was hung back up again.

2j
tong zheng shi M$l{£ The office of transmission was a central government agency responsible for
collecting and registering memorials from throughout the empire (Hucker 1985, 553)

Brian J Nichols Kaiyuansi zhi, Prefaces & Buildings (jianzhi) 492

The Chan Hall (chan tang W'sL) is to the right of the main hall. It was built during the

Zhiyuan period (1279-1294) by the inaugural abbot, Miao'en. It was destroyed at the end

of the Yuan dynasty. It was rebuilt by the monk Zhengying. In 1410 (Gengying year of

Yongle), the monk Zhichang made repairs and named it with an inscription board reading,

"A Pure Land and Place of Enlightenment" (Han yuanjue chang JUJ^B j*t %i).\\ 5a] In 1558

(37th year of Jiaqing), the Temple of Water and Land was occupied by the rich and

powerful (hao you) leaving the monks with no place to live. So the Chan hall was given

to the monks from the Land and Water Temple to be their dormitory. It still exists today.

The Twin Cinnamon Tree Hall (shuanggui tang M.&"3L) used to be the kitchen.24 It

sits to the left of the ordination platform. It was first built when the monk Miao'en

became the inaugural abbot. His building had seven rooms. It was repaired in 1279

(Yimao year of Zhiyuan)25 by the monk Tianquan ^K^ and later destroyed. It was rebuilt

in 1399 (Yimao year of Hongwu) by the monk Zhengying and ongoing repairs were made

by the monk Yongan 7K^. It was again destroyed and given over to non-monastics.26 In

1581 (9th year of Wanli), Mr. Peng Guoguang MW\^t, the county head commissioner

(yihou B{|C), purged it and reclaimed it for the temple. Soon afterwards it was again sold,

[this time] as a school (shushu ^Ifi). In 1624 (4th year of Tianqi), Mr. Chen Liangcai $k

5l;;Ht, the supervisor general (zongxian &^), gave money to redeem it. It was used as a

place to host visiting monks (shifang ~f~7j). Mr. Chen requested that Almu of fields of

xiang ] i tang # ^R H
25
Is there a mistake here 7 Miao'en became abbot in 1286, if it was first built then, how could it be repaired
in 1279^
26
mm jian KI'H], lit. "common people."

Brian J Nichols Kaiyuansi zhi, Prefaces & Buildings (jianzhi) 493

the ruined Chongfu temple be transferred [to Kaiyuan's use] and redeemed 28 mu of

Kaiyuan temple's fields. Together these were used to cover this hall's hosting expenses,

[i 5b] as well as to provide for the incense and lamps in the Ordination Hall. To be used

forever as the perpetual abode (chang zhu WH) of visiting monks. The persons

administrating this project were the monks Jiehuang flSJjI and Daoben i S ^ . Later, when

it was decided by popular vote, they took turns administrating. In 1636 (Bingzi year of

Chongzhen), when Yuanxian, the abbot of Mount Drum, was giving teachings here, it

began to be called today's name because two Chinese cinnamon trees planted in the

courtyard were in full bloom. In 1641 (Xinsi year of Chongzhen), the monk Dingxi / E H

collected funds to redeem temple properties [formerly lost] to the "ten directions."

The Donor's Ancestral Shrine (tanyue ci W-Ml*!)27 used to be the Shrine to Monastery

Protectors (qielan ci iJiWsm.^1). It lies to the left of the Dharma hall. The monk Miao'en

built it during the Zhiyuan period (1279-1294). It burned down in 1357 (Dingyou year of

Zhizheng) and was rebuilt by the monk Zhengying during the Hongwu period (1368-

1398). Over time its walls fell into ruins and it was lost to non-monastics. In 1596 (24th

year of Wanli), the mayor (junshou W>$f) Mr. Cheng Zhaojing IM^iH recovered it for

the temple. The layman and vice censor-in-chief Mr. Huang Wenbin led his clan in

building the ancestral hall for making offerings to their ancestor Huang Shougong.

[16a]

Translated as "Temple of the Danapati" in Ecke and Demieville 1935

Brian J Nichols Kaiyuansi zhi, Prefaces & Buildings (jianzhi) 494

The Shrine to Monastery Protectors {qielan ci fJUllS?"])28 used to be to the left of the

Dharma Hall. Because it had been fallen into disuse [at this location], offerings were

shifted to a corridor in the east in the area where the Arhat Hall was formerly located. In

the beginning, the inaugural abbot Miao'en dreamed one night of five hundred monks

asking him to be their master (yizhi jlcih). In the morning he heard that the arhat hall at

Nanshan T^J ill temple in Hangzhou (Wulin 3 £ # ) had burned so he built the hall of 500

arhats. This hall was 30 rooms [in area] with a Guanyin for offerings in the middle and

500 arhats at its sides. In 1393 (26th year of Hongwu), the monk Huiming M'w repaired

it. During the Zhengde period (1506-1521), the monk Fangluan 7 f # rebuilt it. After

this it fell into disuse and was sold at a discount (zhe ru if A ) to non-monastics. Its old

statues no longer exist, only the Qianzhao corridor ftf JS/lijI remains. After weighing the

options, the middle of the corridor was converted into the Qielan Hall and the left side

became monastic dormitories; the right side is still a school. In 1595 (23rd year of

Wanli), patrons (tanyue) took the lead in buying it back.

[I 6b]

Qielan is used to translate Sangharama or Sanghagara meaning a gathering place for monks (l e
monastery or vihara) In this context it refers to beings who protect the monastery and therefore the
Sangha, so I have chosen to translate "Qielan Shrme" as "Shrine to Monastery Protectors " The contents of
this hall are not described, but a typical Qielan Shrine would house several figures associated with the
establishment and protection of monasteries. Three central figures typically enshrined are the individuals
responsible for the establishment of the Jetavana monastery Anathapmdaka, prmce Jeta, and King
Pasenadi Along the sides would be 18 protector deities and some halls include a statue of Guangong 3K£
Guangong is sometimes referred to as Qielan Bodhisattva (Pusa) Incorporated mto Chinese
Buddhism in the sixth century, he is based on the historical figure Guan Yu ^|<0, a general during the
Three Kingdoms period (220-280 CE) Guangong is venerated in Confucianism as Guansheng ; % S and
in Taoism as Guandi ^r'Sf Some Qielan Halls today only have a statue of Guangong as a representative
Sangha/monastery protector

Brian J Nichols Kaiyuansi zhi, Prefaces & Buildings (jianzhi) 495

The Sage King Hall (shengwang dian S £ S ) is behind the east pagoda. It is used for

making offering to the Flourishing Compassion Sage King (ci xing sheng wang W-^^.

zE). He is the monastic property protector deity for all 120 cloisters. At first, on the first

of every month, the head monk (zhuseng i f a ) took money from the budget of the main

temple, without receiving money from the other cloisters. There were always complaints

that name and reality didn't match. When the monk Zhengying became abbot even the

gods appeared to take refuge. Since that time offerings were made at the Sage King Hall

more diligently. The record of the years of the building's history are lost. In 1591 (19th

year of Wanli), the local gentry requested this place be used to make offering to the four

worthies (si xian KM). 29 In 1596 (24th year of Wanli), Mr. Cheng Zhaojmg, the mayor,

presented papers to the court to win back the temple. Offering were again made to the

sage king as before. Later in 1608 (Wushen year), the government transferred one third

of this land to be used as a Jiang ancestor hall (jiang ci H ^ ) . 3 1

The East Pagoda (dong ta~M$£)is known as the "Pagoda which Stabilizes the Country"

(zhen guo ta lUPIIiiJ). The Chan master Wencheng JCM first built a five-story wooden

pagoda during the Xiantong32 period (860-873) of the Tang dynasty.33 When building it,

It is not clear who are the four worthies or sages referenced here In Quanzhou, four Persians who
brought Islam to the city were sometimes called the four worthies (si xian) It is not inconceivable that the
four worthies here are the same, an intriguing possibility, but requiring further investigation.
30
The woodblock print readsjz zhao ta')S ("offer to shine") which doesn't make sense, so I read it as a
misprint for ji zhao into ("present documents")
31
More information is not provided about which Jiang this hall was built for It could be for a local clan
Other possibilities include the legendary Chinese Emperor Yandi rfeffr (a k a Shen Nong Shi fflfc R) or
the Zhou dynasty National Teacher Jiang Ziya H " ? ^
32
The sizhi has a misprint, stating Xianheng JRSG? rather than Xiantong AM.
3j
According to the Gazetteer ofFujian (Bamin tongzhi AfflilLife) as quoted m the Gazetteer of Quanzhou
Municipality (Quanzhou Fu Zhi XVI, 19b) the original wooden pagoda was built at the same time as the

Brian J Nichols Kaiyuansi zhi, Prefaces & Buildings (jianzhi) 496

he placed a wooden chest at a busy crossroads and waited for people to donate. In the

evening, the box would be full of money, [i 7a] The master said to the workers, "The daily

salary for all workers is 100 qian; you can take it from the box yourselves." It happened

that some who took more than their share became lost on their way home. Afterwards,

no one dared take more than their due. In 865 (sixth year of Xiantong) the wooden

pagoda was completed. It was dubbed "Country Stabilizer" Zhenguo by the Emperor (i.e.

Yizong I I T K ) . In 866 (the seventh year of Xiantong), Xu Zongren #;^H—, an

administrator of state granaries34, came from the capital (i.e. Chang'an, today's Xian)

bringing Buddha relics to install in the pagoda.

During the Tianxi period (1017-1021) of the Song dynasty, it was rebuilt as a thirteen-

storied pagoda. It burned down in 1155 (Yihai year of Shaoxing). In 1186 (Bingwu year

of Chunxi), it was rebuilt by the monk Liaoxing T14. In 1227 {Dinghai year of

Baoqing), it burned down again. The monk Shouchun ^fW- rebuilt it as a seven-storied

brick pagoda. In 1238 {Wuxu year of Jiaxi), the monk Benhong $•$; began to convert it

to stone. He only completed one story. Faquan £fe$£ continued building up to the fourth

story then died. A teaching monk from Tianzhu 3K.=L built the fifth story and the

pinnacle; it took ten years to complete.

Western pagoda in the raid ninth century, during the period of Five dynasties, but both the Quanzhou Fu
Zhi and the Jinjiang xianzhi agree with the Kaiyuansi zhi in terms of the Tang dynasty founding
34
cang cao I^W- In Tang times there were sixteen military units stationed at the capital, each unit had
various support officials This was one of the officials m the granaries section {cang cao l^rW). Hucker
1985 427,520
33
The identity of "teaching monk from Tianzhu" has caused considerable speculation in Western language
publications Some have thought he was an Indian monk because Tianzhu Guo ^^=.3 is India. However,
this notion was dismissed by Demieville who suggested, however, that Tianzhu might refer to Tianzhu
temple near Hangzhou (Ecke and Demieville 1935, 92) The identity of this monk can rather securely be

Brian J Nichols Kaiyuansi zhi, Prefaces & Buildings (jianzhi) 497

At the top is an iron incense burner and a copper treasure cap (baogai Sim). I r o n chains

lead from the eight corners of the pagoda [to the treasure cap]. At the very top [extending

above the treasure cap] [i 7b] is a gilded bronze gourd (hulu tMf^) which shines like gold.

The middle of every story is the heart of the pagoda; it spirals and is empty {huan zhuan

kong dong 5F$f 5? VPH). Every story has eight niches, each containing a stone bodhisattva

statue, deities were carved on each side standing guard. Beyond this stood galleries

enclosed by stone railings. Ascending the stairway, the color of the sea and mountain

peaks in mist appear close at hand.

The first story of the pagoda is 28 feet (chi) in height; the circumference is 172 feet. The

next story is 2.5 feet less in height and 8 feet less in circumference. The third story is 23

feet, five inches (cun \f") in height with a circumference of 16 feet less [than the bottom].

The fourth story again has a height which is 1.5 feet less and a circumference 8 feet less.

The final story is 19 feet in height with a circumference of 146 feet. The spire {ding gan

M^F) is 67 feet tall. The length from top to bottom is altogether 193 feet and five inches.

identified with Tianxi ^cfl (a k.a. Chuzhuo W$J) who is named in three local records (zhi &) as the
builder of the top story of the eastern pagoda (a.k.a. Zhengguo ta). These records are the Gazetteer of
Jinjiang County, 1652 ; the Gazetteer of Quanzhou Municipality XVI, 20a; and the biographical section of
the Record ofXuefeng Temple ( ^ i l # # S Xuefengsi zhi) Li Yukun $ ^ S MJM B% jf 7§£Mfe(Quanzhou
Evening News-Overseas Edition), July 14, 2005 article at http.//www.qzwb.com/gb/content/2005-
07/14/content 1720739 htm PAGE#. Demieville noticed the name of Tianxi ^cfjj in the Gazetteer of
Quanzhou Municipality, but thought that Tianxi (3k$k) was most likely a misprint of Tianzhu (3K.=L) since
each was preceded by tian 3K Tianxi (1209-1263) was born in Yipu S . S into the You ~jt family of
Jinjiang, Quanzhou He built the Xuefeng temple outside Quanzhou on Mount Yangmei in Nan'an in honor
of the Qmgyuan Chan patriarch Xuefeng Yicun S ^ J ^ i ? (J Seppo Gison, 822-908) (Record of Xuefeng
Temple)

Brian J Nichols Kaiyuansi zhi, Prefaces & Buildings (jianzhi) 498

There are forty large columns and the same number of large beams [i 8a] as well as small

beams. There are 192 large capitals (dou -4-) inside and out and 440 small capitals. There

are 40 ridgepoles, 112 large brackets (gong Ift) and 80 small brackets.

Along the base are carved greenstones (qing shi W 5 ) . Their magnificent beauty is

effortless and sublime (huajing i^J-%), fine and vigorous. It is supernatural work of

divine chisels (guigong shenfu j l L I t t ^ r ) that cannot be accomplished through human

power.

In 1394 (Jiaxu year ofHongwu), the spire collapsed; in 1397 (Dingchou year of Hongwu),

the monk Yong'an collected funds to repair it. In 1604 (Jiachen year of Wanli), there was

a great earthquake; stone beams fell from the top of the pagoda, two from the south side

and eight from the southeast corner. Some stairs were destroyed by the impact. In 1606

(Bingwu year of Wanli), the vice minister36 Mr. Zhan Yangbi ^jfp/tb^served as the

liaison for the collection of funds for repairs by the two local monks Tongquan ill4? and

Hongcha "jAUF and the monk Zhenxiao J|Hj£ from Tianjie temple ^ : | f in Nanjing.

Hongben %^- directed this project.

The West Pagoda (xi ta Hji^) is called the "Pagoda of Benevolence and Longevity" (ren

shou ta t ^ f J^). It was built in 916 (second year / wushen year of Zhenming) during the

36
Shilang fr" IP Vice minister in one of the six ministries of the central government Hucker 1985 426-427
17
A poem which celebrates these two spires by Zhan Yangbi is recorded m the Sizhi III 28a-b

Brian J Nichols Kaiyuansi zhi, Prefaces & Buildings (jianzhi) 499

Liang dynasty of the Five Dynasties. At first there was a spring gushing from the earth

a few feet above the ground, [i 8b] Some time later, a monk who was drifting on the sea

came and stayed at the temple. At that time, the King of Fujian Wang Shenzhi was

building a wooden pagoda at his chief military command {da dudufu ^iiPHF)^). 39 One

night he dreamed that a monk spoke to him, "I heard your majesty was building a pagoda

in your chief military command. Could you please move it to stabilize the spring." The

king was furious and ordered the monk beheaded. When the head fell, the body jumped

up a few inches into the air. The king was startled [and when he awoke] he sent a search

party to Quanzhou [to find this monk]. The people in Quanzhou said that there was a

mad monk but that he was now dead. The king floated the lumber down the sea to

Quanzhou to build the pagoda. Building began on the first of April in 916 (second year

of Zhenming) and was completed on the last day of December. It had seven stories and

was called the "Pagoda of Amitayus" (lit. "infinite life" wuliang shou ^cJl^f.)

On October 10th, 1114 (Jiawu year of Zhenghe) in the Song dynasty, there was a green

and yellow light which emanated from the pagoda high into the clouds. It soon turned to

five colors and did not disappear until daybreak. Local officials reported this to the

emperor who then dubbed it "Benevolence and Longevity." In 1155 (Yihai year of

Shaoxing), it burned down and was rebuilt during the Chunxi period (1174-1189) by the

monk Liaoxing. [i 9a] It burned down again and was rebuilt in brick by the monk

Shouchun. In 1228 (first year IWuzi year of Shaoding), the monk Zizheng began to

convert the brick into stone. On top there were installed treasures of gold and silver and

38
Wushen J% Ejd year appears to be a mistake, it should read Bingzi M^F (Zhou Shurong 1999a, 42)
39
This would have been m Fuzhou, rather than Quanzhou

Brian J Nichols Kaiynansi zhi, Prefaces & Buildings (jwnzhi) 500

so on. Its structure is the same as that of the eastern pagoda. Its circumference is simply

five feet less and its height is fifteen feet and five inches shorter.40 They are magnificent

erections which look identical. It was completed in 1237 (first year of Jiaxi), that is, ten

years before the eastern pagoda.

In 1401 (Xinsi year of Hongwu), the heart of the pagoda was damaged and repaired by

the abbot Zhengying. In 1588 (Wuzi year of Wanli), a great hurricane damaged the spire,

causing the gilded pinnacle to fall to the ground. A local resident named Fu Mingzhi ill

B^H? repaired it. Some lower railings were damaged; all of these were replaced. In

August of 1606 {Bingwu year), there was another unusual wind which damaged the entire

spire, including the copper cap, the iron incense burner, the iron chains and the gilded

gourd (i.e. pinnacle) in the whirlwind. In the autumn of 1612 (Renzi year), resident

monks collected money and made repairs.

[I 9b]

The Pavilion for Paying Homage to his Majesty (baisheng ting ^fis^r) is nicknamed

Prostrating with Incense Pavilion (baixiang ting ^ # - ? ) . It lies in front of the main hall

and is attached to the back of the Threefold Gate. We do not know in which dynasty it

was first built. It may have been through concern with bad weather that it was built to

convenience those prostrating during a long-life blessing for the emperor. In later times

it was altered and rebuilt along the same general lines as the Threefold gate.

40
"15 feet" is a translation of one zhang 3t (=10 "feet") and five chi K

Brian J Nichols Kaiyuansi zhi, Prefaces & Buildings (jianzhi) 501

The Threefold Gate {san men — fj) was first built in 687 (3rd year of Chuigong) and

had an auspicious sign, a peony that grew from a stone column. It burned down inl 155

(25th year of Shaoxing) of the Song dynasty and was later rebuilt. In the spring of 1327

(fourth year of Taiding) it burned down again and was rebuilt by the monk Guozhao jfcj§.

In 1350 (tenth year of Zhizheng) departmental magistrate {jianjun H£f$) Xie Shiyu i% tft

3£ wrote the name board reading, "The Buddha Land of Southern Quanzhou" {Quannan

fo guo 7k~^\% EH). During the Hongwu period (1368-1398) the monk Zhengying made

repairs. In the Wanli period (1573-1619) the monk Zhenxiao M^ made repairs.

The East and West Bounding Structures {dongxi erfang ^f^ZLijj) lie outside the

Threefold Gate. They were constructed by the monk Guozhao in 1327 (fourth year of

Taiding). [i ioa] Recording the temple's propitious features, the left reads, "Eight

Auspicious Signs" ibaji xiang A PF # ) and the right reads, "Six Unique Sites" (liu

shusheng 7 N ^ ^ 4 ) . During the Hongwu period (1368-1398) the monk Zhengying made

repairs. Before the temple lies a reflecting wall {zhaoqiang 'jail!).41 It was built in 1576

(4th year of Wanli) by the vice-mayor (juncheng f$zR) Mr. Ding Yizhong T ^ ' T 4 . In

1624 (Jiazi year of Tianqi), Mr. Chen Liangcai P/£jnE3fc, the supervisor general,42 rebuilt

it.

The thirteen structures discussed above still exist.

41
This wall is now referred to as the Purple Cloud Screen (ziyunping H Z J J P ) . At other temples this
structure is referred to as a "spirit wall" (ying bi i^M). See Pnp Moller , 7.
2
zongxian ,& ^

Brian J. Nichols Kaiyncmsi zhi, Prefaces & Buildings (jianzhi) 502

The Bell Tower (zhong lou It-rjlc) used to be located northeast of the main hall. It was

destroyed in 895 (second year of Qianning) and rebuilt in 897 (fourth year of Qianning)

by the prefect (junshuai MW) Wang Shengui who cast a new bell. It was later destroyed

and has not been rebuilt.

The Sutra Library (jing lou %x.$£) used to be located northwest of the main hall. The

vice director (pushe \YM) of the Department of State Affairs43 Mr. Wang Chao 3ij|§

from Taiyuan^Cj^ asked monks copy three thousand volumes (Juan # ) of the Tnpitika

(dazangjing) to store there. In 895 (second year of Qianning) prefect Wang Shengui

rebuilt it. It was later destroyed and has not been rebuilt. During the Xiaosheng period

(1094-1097) it was replaced by the Tripitika Hall (zangdian MM).

[I 10b]

The Reclining [Buddha] Hall (qin tang fll jit) was behind the Dharma Hall. It was built

in 1287 (Dinghai year of Zhiyuan) by Liu Jianyi and the executive administrator4 Bo

Yan {&M. It was later destroyed. In 1368 (Wushen year of Hongwu) the monk Linxiang

Wang Chaoyan was the head of the Wang family that ruled Fujian for most of the period between the
Tang and Song. He began his political career in Fujian by taking the position of Quanzhou prefect by force.
He then moved to the head seat of power in Fuzhou (Clark 1981 • 130-136) The Department of State
Affairs (shang shu sheng fnjU^") was the functioning administrative agency at the executive core of the
government Since the Han dynasty it was headed by a director (ling •§•), but after the directorship was held
by Emperor Taizong J\TF. (r 626-649), it was managed by two vice directors who supervised the six
ministries (hu bu A nP) below it (Hucker 1985 29, 412)
44
pingzhang T M- lit "deliberate and decide " Used as abbreviation for "the most eminent officials of the
central government, those who served as Grand Councilors (tsai-hsiang, ch'eng-hsiang) overseeing all
governmental activities in common with the Emperor all such usages terminated in 1380 " (Hucker 1985
385) Alternatively, a more specific title for a "mid-level executive of the Secretariat (chung-shu sheng)
and of each Branch (hsmg) Secretariat " (ibid )

Brian J Nichols Kaivnansi zhi, Prefaces & Buildings (jianzhi) 503

J l t # rebuilt it and had a reclining Buddha statue installed therein. It fell into disuse (fei

M) during the Jiaqing period (1522-1566) and was occupied by locals. Today we are

unable to have it returned.

The Abbot's Quarters (fang zhang Tfjt) were behind the Reclining [Buddha] Hall.

Behind it was the huashi district (huashipu ^tfcff). 4 5 Today's street is still called

"Behind the Great Temple" (dasi hou ^C^fjn).46 Following the disastrous fire of the

Jiaqing period (1522-1566) it fell into disuse and never recovered. It was eventually

absorbed into neighboring residences.

The old Donor's Ancestral Shrine (jiu tanyue ci ISll®?^]) was at the western corridor

of the main hall. It was built by the monk Miao'en during the Zhiyuan period (1279-1294)

of the Yuan dynasty. It was used to make offerings to the virtuous king who was loyal to

Fujian (min zhongyi wang |A]^M.3E) with auxiliary shrines for Huang Shougong and

Dong Si'an H E S S C . 4 7 Today the ruined property has been sold at a discount and become

people's homes.

45
Pu l i was a term designating a municipal administrative district during Ming and Qing times in
Quanzhou. At the level of the city was the cheng i$L which was divided into four yu PFI (quarters). The
four quarters were sub-divided into pu ffl (districts) which were further sub-divided mtojing^sL (sub-
districts). Hua shi district was in the Western quarter and comprised of two sub-districts, qi shijing RH±
and hua shijing ^ t h ^ t . (Quanzhou History Net- http://qzhnet.dnscn.cn/qzh57.htm )
46
The street immediately behind the temple retains this name to this day and the abbot's quarters
effectively lie on this street (while the quarters do not face the street, the back entrance to the abbot's
quarters is from this street).
47
Dong Si'an was a military commander and Wang family loyalists who stayed with the Wang's till the
end. His undying loyalty to the Wang's who had been great patrons of Kiayuan and builders of Quanzhou
earned him a shrine at Kaiyuan monastery. See chapter two for more on Dong Si'an. The respect he
inspired in the people enabled his political career to outlast the Wang's. The final defeat of the Wang
family by the Southern Tang in 945 marked the end of a united empire of Min. By 948 only Quanzhou and

Brian J. Nichols Kaiyuansi zhi, Prefaces & Buildings (jianzhi) 504

The old Hall of Patriarchs (jiu zu shi tang IB|@.jJfp^) was to the right of the Dharma

Hall and just across from the Qielan Shrine. It was built by the monk Miao'en during the

Zhiyuan period (1279-1294). [i iia] It was rebuilt by the monk Zhengying during the

Hongwu period (1368-1398). It later fell into disuse and was sold at a discount and

became people's homes. In 1596 (24th year of Wanli) the temple monk redeemed the

property. Today it is used as a monastic dormitory.

The Eastern Tripitika Hall (dong zang dian %WLW) used to lie to the east of the main

hall. In 1096 (3rd year of Shaosheng) the monk Fashu £fe^ offered his hall of residence,

thereby establishing this hall. It preserved the Tripitika and Tang Taizong's (founding

emperor of the Tang dynasty) imperial handwriting. In 1155 (Yihai year of Shaoxing) it

burned down and was later rebuilt. The Yuan dynasty monk Qizu also made a revolving

sutra shelf (zhuan lun zang~$z~ffeW).In 1357 {Dingyou year of Zhizheng) it burned down

again and has not been rebuilt. Later the property was sold to non-monastics. In 1639

(Yimao year of Chongzhen) it was redeemed and made into a monastic dormitory.

The Western Tripitika Hall (xi zang dian HiSIS) was south of the Amitabha Hall.

It was built in 1394 (Jiashu year of Hongwu) by the monk Huiming. Because the Eastern

Tripitka Hall was gone (fei M), it was relocated here. It had two compounds (zuo ]M),

front and back (shangxia _ t T ) . It was destroyed during the Chenghua period (1465-

Zhangzhou remained independent with Fuzhou under Wu-Yue and Jianzhou and Dingzhou under the
Southern Tang Dong Si'an was made prefect of Zhangzhou while Lm Congxiao was prefect of Quanzhou
(Schaffer 2006-53-62)

Brian J Nichols Kaiyuansi zhi, Prefaces & Buildings (jianzhi) 505

1487). [i lib] Today, the land of the front compound and the land of the back compound

have been combined by the local gentry to use for dormitories for monks of the Land and

Water Temple.

The Meng Hall (meng tang m'Si) was west of the mam hall and behind the Donor's

Ancestral Hall. It was built by Miao'en during the Zhiyuan period (1279-1294). It served

as the off-duty resting place for the general manager (jianyuan i!n.l^). At the end of the

Yuan dynasty it burned down and has not been rebuilt. Today the land has been sold at a

discount to non-monastics.

The preceding nine places no longer exist.

Neighboring Cloisters (zhiyuan j^CK)

1. The Venerated Site Cloister (zunshengyuan # | 4 K ) was built in the Chuigong

period (685-688) of the Tang dynasty by the head patriarch, grand master Kuanghu at the

place where the mulberry trees bloomed lotus blossoms. During the Song dynasty it

became a public48 institute of [Buddist] study (shifang jiaoyuan + 7 f #j(|?n:). Benguan i^

M first built a Great Compassion Pavilion (dabei ge i^MM) and made a 1000 armed and

eyed Guanyin statue, [i 12a] In 1155 (25th year of Shaoxing), it burned down. It had

48
"Public" meaning that leadership was not hereditary and study was open to monks of other schools and
masters

Brian J. Nichols Kaiynansi zhi, Prefaces & Buildings (jianzhi) 506

changed leaders {zhu jfe) six times. From the beginning, none of them were fit for the

position. In 1198 (fourth year of Qingyuari), Faxuan £feI1t built a different hall. Liang

Kejun HcJ^Lil? and Li Chenshi $ | t $ , members of the local gentry, assisted; Chen tfc

recorded this event. When Kezun RTiff, Shouchang ^p-fe, and Youpeng W J3H led this

cloister; they were all renowned. The two Chan masters Weishen fflfjl and Taichu A

%J] took refuge here. After the branch temples were united, the abbot Qizu moved this

pavilion to another place. It was destroyed at the end of the Yuan dynasty and has not

been rebuilt. The land was lost to non-monastics. Inl632 {Renshen year of Chongzhen),

the monk Jiehuang JtScIJt redeemed this land, and Mr. Chen Xuankui W'Ms±t, a member

of the local gentry, built a pavilion on it.

2. The East Pagoda Cloister {dongta yuan %^Wi). During the Xiantong period (860-

873) of the Tang dynasty, the monk-sage {shengseng ^ j ' i ) Wencheng JCM built a

wooden pagoda in east of the temple; he then built this cloister. His disciple Hongze ^A

W\ was known for his strict adherence to the vinaya. Of the decline and flourishing

during the Song dynasty we have no records, [i 12b] In 1363 (23rd year/ Kuimao of

Zhizheng), the abbot {zhushan JElil, lit. "mountain-dweller [monk]") Kongji $ $ $ rebuilt

it. In the dinghai year50 [sic] of the Hongzhi period (1488-1505), the monk Tingfu ISM

made repairs. It was later sold to some scholars {shi ren dr A). During the Wanli period

(1573-1619), the monk Zhengpai JEM redeemed it and there he resided. The vice

49
These three were known for their poetry.
50
The year appears to be a mistake for there is no dinghai T l £ year for the Hongzhe period.

Brian J. Nichols Kaiyuansi zhi, Prefaces & Buildings (jianzhi) 507

minister (5lshilang i^W>) Mr. Zhan Yangpi jftjfp/fcb wrote a name board for his residence

which read, "Forest of Poetry and Bed of Chan" {shi lin chan ta W"WWWi). In 1639

{Yimao year of Chongzhen), the monk Daozhao xiffn revived it and redeemed its

farmland; he built an Amitabha hall at the old address of the pagoda hall {ta dian $aWC).

3. The Establishing Dharma Cloister (jianfayuan M£fel?l) was built in 905 (second

year of Tianyou) by the prefect (cishi $!] jfe.)52 of Quanzhou Wang Yanbin 3!Mty& as a

residence for the vinaya master Hongze ^LWl so that he could administer the precepts and

teach the vinaya (KfflttJS). His disciple Liangyuan flLjE

' L also taught the vinaya here. His

grand disciples Luoyan Y&M and Benfu if-Wl both achieved renown.

4. The Eastern Vinaya Bare-Shoulder Cloister {dong lu tanboyuan ^ # I S M l ^ ) . The

temple originally had the Eastern Vinaya Hut {dong lu an ^ t $ j ^ ) . During the Dazhong

period (847-859) of the Tang dynasty, [i i3a] the prefect {tai shou ;&CTF) changed it to a

cloister and invited the divine monk {shen seng ?^JH) Bare-shoulder monk {Tanbo

heshang ISjPt^P JRJ) to live here. Generation after generation the vinaya has been

transmitted. Later, the mountain Buddha? {shanfo llll^) 53 Guozhao S'JS studied here.

51
Normally there were two vice administrators m each of the six ministries below the Department of State
Affairs (Hucker 1985 426-427)
52
The head of Quanzhou prefecture, akin to a governor
53
Earlier references are to the "mountain monk" here it reads "mountain Buddha " Could this be a mistake
in the text"?

Brian J Nichols Kaiyuansi zhi, Prefaces & Buildings (jicmzhi) 508

5. The Old Lotus Sutra Cloister (jiu fahua yuan IH^fe^K). 54 We do not know who

was its founder, who has been abbot, nor how many monks it has had. The Quanzhou

prefect (zhou mu f\\^L ) Lin Hu #H$ changed its affiliation to Chan and invited Chan

master Changji %sL as its first generation abbot. His fourth generation grand-disciple

(sun # ) Shao'an £§$; and his seventh generation grand-disciple Fashu ^iffl. were both

well-known vinaya masters.

6. The Western Arhat Cloister (xi luohan yuan H ^ ^ . K ) was founded west of the

temple by the sage-monk Lingyan -^ e" in 848 (second year of Yuji) during the reign of

Tang Xuanzong BLTJK. His disciple Xuanyi m.'S. was a well known vinaya master and his

eighth generation grand-disciple Benguan ^M was a Chan master.

7. The Arhat Pavilion (luohan ge ^^R.M) was east of the temple. The sage-monk

Daozhao iSBri lived there. He was considered an emanation (huashen VC^S)55 of

Manjushri. [i nb] His grand-disciple Weifeng ff=M leader of Fuyan ^m^ was a Chan

master.

8. The Pure and Cool Grove (qing liangjingshe ^ I C f f ik)56 was founded by Wang

Yanbin, the Quanzhou prefectural governor (zhoumu jMffi. ), as a residence for the master

54
v i ^ ("Glorious Dharma") is short for the Lotus Sutra, thus my choice of translation It can also be used
to refer to the Tiantai school
35
Huashen, l e mrmanakaya, a manifestation or incarnation body (of an enlightened being)
56
"Grove" or jmgshe lilir is used to indicate a monastery, an abode of monastics (e.g the "Bamboo
Grove")

Brian J Nichols Kaiyuansi zhi, Pre/aces & Buildings (jianzhi) 509

of doctrine {jiangshi ijfjifp) Shuduan $Jn. His grand-disciples Shishou JJrp^f, Quanyong

4=: ft and Huicheng M$L all achieved renown. In 1175 (second year of Chunxi) in the

Song dynasty, the monk Benyi was leader of this cloister. In 1155 (25 year of Shaoxing)

the temple burned down and was rebuilt. A revolving sutra shelf was built and 10,000

Bodhisattvas were carved on Pure and Cool mountain (qingliang shan fit #S ill ).57

9. The Outer Pure Land of White-Robed [Guanyin] Cloister (jingtuwai baiyiyuan W

i^h fi^l^). The teaching monk Chuqin Mlft lived here during the Tianfu period (901-

903) of the Tang dynasty. His grand-disciples Jurui S l j ^ and Miheng Wi^f were

proficient in teaching. Miheng's disciple Kezun of ill was a Chan master.

10. The Dizang Cloister (dizangyuan i i k ^ K ) was in the temple's Pure Land alley

(jingtu xiang ^ ± # ) . Zhu Hongxiao %:% W, the Tang dynasty military supervisor (pan

jun shi ^ij-lf^ifl), founded the cloister and bought farmland for the monk Xingzhao fxBrj

to live. His grand-disciples Jingbin MW and Yibo SL$i were both well known for

performing blessing ceremonies (xingfu T ^ H ) .

[I 14a]

11. The Compassion and Kindness Cloister (cien yuan M.M.^%) was built by the Tang

dynasty prefect Wang Yanbin as a residence for Chan master Xili H?L. After he died, the

monk Chuqm moved here from White-Robe [Cloister].

37
It is not said who built these items, nor any further information about Pure and Cool Mountain.
58
Dizang [Pusa]- S Ksitigarbha bodhisattva, J Jizo

Brian J Nichols Kaiyuansi zhi, Prefaces & Buildings (jianzhi) 510

12. The Nine Buddhas Cloister (jiufoyuan l\j\%$%). We do not know who founded it.

The Chan master Congyun kkj& became a monk (chujia Lti J|!) here. Later his disciples

Xuanying ~£M, Huaiju W$E and Fahui '&M were all well known.

13. The Flourishing Dharraa Cloister (fa xingyuan S X K ) . We do not know when it

was founded. The old eminent monk Wenzhan'SCM.lived here.

14. The East Golden Body Cloister (dongjin shenyuan ^ ^ : # K ) was built in 838

(third year of Tiancheng) in the Tang dynasty by Wang Yanbin east of the temple. He

invited the Chan master Tingzan iS!$ to live there. Chen Jingtong P J ^ i l t ,

Commissioner of Military Training (xun lian shi \)\\%%\$l), cast a golden statue and

donated it, hence the cloister's name. His grand-disciple Yongning /XT became abbot of

Luoshan 3?ill succeeding Ciming W-®H-

15. The Pure Recitation Cloister (qing yin yuan Im^y^n) was built east of the main hall

during the Youzhong period (904-907) by the prefect Wang Yanbin. [i Mb] Master (fa shi

^ijlif) Wenchao 3tia lived there. He was excellent at writing poems, hence the name

"Pure Recitation." Later, his disciple Wuhui's ^nHft essays were widely known.

Brian J Nichols Kaiyucmsi zhi, Prefaces & Buildings (jianzhi) 511

16. The New Lotus Sutra Cloister (xin fahua yuan f/r&fe^K) was founded by Wang

Yanbin in the northwest of the temple. Master Shengquan ^~®L lived there. It was called

[Fahua] because Quan was a master of the Lotus Sutra.

17. The Eastern Heavenly King Cloister (dong tian wangyuan ^^:3il?ft ). We do not

know when it was founded but at the time of the five dynasties (907-960), the eminent

monk Xingtong frill lived here. Later, there were Ziqi ~ ? 5 | and Daoying iHii| who

were both Chan masters of wide renown.

18. The Tranquil Cloistering Hermitage (qingyin yuan ^R#>K) was in northwest of

the temple. It was founded by the prefect Wang Jichong ZEM* in 930 (first year of

Changxing) in the Tang dynasty. He invited Chan master Shiji !ifft3& to live here.

19. The Repaying Kindness Cloister (bao en yuan JHURm) was in the temple's Pure

Land alley. We do not know who founded it. The Tang dynasty master Xicen ffi-^1

came from here.

[1.15a]

20. The Repaying Filial Debt Precept and Rules Cloister (bao qu jie liiyuan ffiM]WL

#PJn). During the Zhenming period (915-920) of the Liang dynasty, the prefect Wang

Yanbin was building this cloister west of the temple but died before it was finished. His

son Jiwu M^S, completed his father's ambition and named it "Repaying Filial Debt

Brian J. Nichols Kaiyucmsi zhi, Prefaces & Buildings (jicmzhi) 512

Precepts and Rules Cloister." He invited the vinaya master Xicen to live here. His

grand-disciple Quanpu 4 ^ h possessed noble conduct.

21. The Ancestral Offerings Cloister (feng xian yuan ^-%$K) was in the northwest of

the temple. It was built during the Five Dynasties by the eminent monk Xixia ft®.

22. The Manjushri Eastern Cloister {wenshu dongyuan ^ t ^ ^ K ) . The founding date

has been lost. Master Fazhou ¥kM studied here.

23. The Western Pagoda Cloister (xi tayuan Hi-nK). In 916 (second year ofZhenming)

in the Liang dynasty (one of the "five dynasties") the king of Fujian (Min) built the west

pagoda. This cloister was then established as a place to invite the famous and virtuous

[monks] to live. Afterwards, a truly great number of people came to study. During the

Yuanyou period (1086-1093) of the Song dynasty, taishou JS.^T Chen Kang $%M

changed it to a public Chan temple (shifang chanyuan ~f~7j H ^ ) [i i5t>] and invited great-

wisdom Chan master Wenyou JC^ to be the inaugural abbot. The cloister became

dilapidated and was rebuilt by master Zhicong MSil. Later, Zongyi ^K B was well-

known for doctrine (jiao $$.), and Qinglao Bz^; was well-known for Chan.

24. The Shangfang Cloister (shangfang yuan }l7j$%) was built in 957 (end of the

Baoda period of the Southern Tang) by the Chan master Qinghuo ImM as a place to live.

Later, he became the abbot of Baofu i^m temple in Zhangzhou W')M.

Brian J Nichols Kaiyuansi zhi, Prefaces & Buildings (jianzhi) 513

25. The Sizhou Vinaya Cloister {sizhou liiyuan WJH#S£). During the Zhenming

period (915-920) of the Liang dynasty, vinaya master Zhihan ^Pla became the first

patriarch (kai shan Jf ill). Later, grand-disciples Benzong ^TF. and Youpeng W^H

became well-known for vinaya and Chan respectively.

26. The Yushi Cloister (yushiyuan ¥&M$m). We do not know who founded it. Master

Yiying SCM. was from here. His grand disciple Fachao "HM was a Chan master.

[I 16a]

27. The Eastern Cloister of the Sixth Patriarch (liu zu dongyuan / N I S ^ I ^ L ) was

founded during the Shenguan period (938-942) of the Southern Tang dynasty by the area

commander (zhou shuai fWW) Liu Congxiao ^ihK^C. He invited the Chan monk Ruyue

#•-§- to live here. His grand-disciple Zhitian ^;M was also well-known for Chan.59

28. The Medicine Buddha Cloister (yaoshiyuan I5j)ifi[?| ). We do not know who

established it. During the Five Dynasties the eminent monk Daocen iH-^ became a

monk (chujia tijJiC) here.

29. The Resting Hermit Chan Cloister (qiyin chanyuan ffi^?$K ). When, during

the middle of the Baoda period (943-957) of the Southern Tang dyansty, Dong Si'an U S

59
See Sizhi I 38b for the biography of Zhitian

Brian J Nichols Kaiyuansi zhi, Prefaces & Buildings (jicmzhi) 514

;£c died in Zhangzhou , his wife, Ying Chuajun IPIJlllt, and son Quanwu ^:IE^ built this

cloister as a place to make offerings for his prospenty in the world of the dead. At first it

followed the master-disciple hereditary system. During the Song dynasty, minister of

Quanzhou (wei zhou zhi ^J^'H#) changed it to a public Chan cloister. The two Chan

masters Ziran § M and Youping ^W both served as abbot here.

30. The Bodhi Cloister {putiyuan ^$!|?m) . We do not know when it arose. During

the Five Dynasties period, the Chan master Faqian £fel| became a monk here, [i i6t>] He

later became the abbot of Longshou PH^f temple in Zhangzhou.

31. The Tianyou Cloister {tianyou yuan ^ 1 6 |Sm) was founded during the Tianyou period

(904-907) of the Tang dynasty and so received its name. Later, the eminent monk Jisong

was a gifted resident (yingji Ij/lft) here. His grand-disciple Defeng W;)A was also had

exemplary character (zhi xing S f f ) .

32. The Deep Sand Cloister (shen shayuan WtJ?¥>%). During the Five Dynasties period

the eminent monk Weichong tH3§ first founded this cloister and lived here. His disciple

Daohong M^L was elegant in speech and his grand-disciples Weiji ff£ pf and Shouzhen

TFIJ^ both had exemplary character.

33. The Western Shangsheng Yuan (xi shangshengyuan j5_t#Ll^). Its founding

origins are unclear. The eminent monk Yuchang i§| H lived here.

Brian J Nichols Kaiyuansi zhi, Prefaces & Buildings (jianzhi) 515

34. The Grass Hut Cloister (cao tang yuan ^ ^ K ) was converted from the Dharma-

Flower White-Robed Cloister. During the Duangong period (988-989) of the Song

dynasty, the Chan monk Dingzhu /Eiit sequestered himself here. His grand-disciple

Zong??lK also possessed his master's manner (zufeng IfiM).

35. The Fourishing Prosperity Chan Cloister (xingfu chanyuan TSWIWM) was first

named the "Congee Cloister" because the head monk (zhu seng i i f f ) who established it

was the head chef preparing congee for 1000 monks at this place, [i na] At first it

followed the master-disciple hereditary system. During the Xining period (1068-1077) of

the Song dynasty, the prefect Chenshu PJ^H changed it to a public Chan cloister and

invited Chan master Benguan ^M to give teachings (kaifa JF^fe) here. Later, the Chan

master Youming W ^ continued his leadership (jizhu M'3L) here.

36. The Eastern Sizhou Cloister (dong sizhou yuan ^y0$t||?m) was founded by Li Wei

^Wi, a military judge of Quanzhou, in the east of the temple. He invited the eminent

monk Puji ^ pf to live here. His grand-disciples Wenshu'JC'Mhad exemplary character,

Shouchang ^f 4£ was abbot of the Venerated Site Cloister, Chanjiao M$& and Zongyong

^KTK were eloquent speakers.

Brian J Nichols Kaiyuansi zhi, Prefaces & Buildings (jianzhi) 516

37. The Thousand Buddha Cloister {qianfo yuan ^Pi^K). Its founding is unclear. It is

said that there was a leader here who chanted the Lotus Sutra everyday and a dove that

tamely listened. It was later reborn as the Chan master Jiehuan JtSc^F.

38. The Baosheng Cloister (baoshengyuan J3Ej4l?m). Its founding is unclear. Jiehuan

lived here; he wrote commentaries on important points of three sutras.

[I 17b]

39. The Guanzhu Cloister (guanzhuyuan WH.^%). Its founding is unclear. The vinaya

master Dunzhao $X'M lived here during the Jianyan (1127-1130) period of the Song

dynasty. He is the one who rebuilt the ordination platform.

40. The Eastern Seven Buddha Cloister (qifo dongyuan - t # ^ K ) . The date of the

initial founding is not clear. The Song dynasty Chan master Sizu BIB studied here. In

the middle of the Jiatai period (1201-1204), he repaired this cloister. He later became the

abbot of Chengtian temple 7$.^K.

41. The Samantabhadra Cloister (pu xianyuan ^ M ' l ^ ) . Its founding is unclear. The

Song dyansty Chan master Zongda ^nii lived here. He later became the abbot of

Chongfu temple J^li.

Brian J Nichols Kaiyuansi zhi, Prefaces & Buildings (jianzhi) 517

42. The Cloister of Bliss (jileyuan tJ&S^Ki) is west of the temple. During the Chunxi

period (1174-1189) of the Song dynasty, the eminent monk Liaoxing and his disciple

Shoujing T P ^ founded this cloister to use for offerings to the great sage of the West.

And so it was nicknamed the Hall of Amitabha. In 1393 (Kuiyou year of Hongwu), the

monk Fajian £fe!H rebuilt it. In 1558 (37th year of Jiaqing), the Water and Land Temple

(Shuilu si zKPtijTF) was seized by some rich and powerful people (haoyou); p i8a] since

those monks then had no place to stay this hall was given to them as a place to offer

incense and practice.

Brian J Nichols Kaiynansi zhi, Prefaces & Buildings (jianzhi) 518

[The following cloisters are listed by name, no additional information is given.]

Bao fu yuan f ^ g K, Ren wang yuan iZ3L$K>, Ming lii yuan Bjj#i?m, Wan sui yuan Ji^/

$%, Lii xi yuan # | S I ^ , Zi fu yuan M ? H K , Yanshou yuan M^?$K, Huayan yuan ^f^Wt,

Guang yan yuan %f^^%, Xi fang yuan J57fl5t, Chong jiao yuan ^$Xf>%, Chi ming yuan

t# 0 J(%, T i a n z h u y u a n ^ ^ K , Xi xianyuanffi!Sl^, Yin ming yuan |2PilK, Kongque

yuan ? L ^ K , Puguang yuan ia T^ST;, Bao zun yuan i%W-$K, Bei chen yuan 4kMK,

Chongguo y u a n ^ H K , Lii tang yuan WM$L, Sizhou yuan W'H K, Mile yuan ^ffj|$u,

Mituo yuan 'jfc^jn, Tian gong yuan IR'U^%, Ban ge yuan IfcPSEm, Jing ming yuan i#4§

1^, Dong shijia yuan~$if^M-$m,Dong guanyin yuan ^ $ J i g K, Dong dabei yuan ^ ^ v ? J

Wi, Xin luohan yuan iff5?$XRm, Xi wenshu yuan H 3 t ^ l 5 t , Xin shangsheng yuan Iff _t^ti

$%, Xi da bei yuan ( S ^ i l l ^ t , Dong luohan yuan M^^L^n

[I 18b]

Sizhou dong yuan y0#H^K, Xin mile yuan iff^|ft|?m, Xi sizhou yuan H Wi'l'IRm, Dong

mile yuan ^^ffj^jt, Hua dizang yuan ^Eiife^l^, Qi fo xi yuan -tlf^jSK, Lii shijia yuan

# M E & n , Xi weimo yuan ffi^i^^, Hua sizhou yuan JZMMffi, Puti dong yuan # J |

^ |§t, Pu ti zhong yuan # $ | ^ Km, Puti xi yuan # # 1 H K, Lii guan yin yuan WMH$K,

Xin guan yin yuan iifMiif K, Xi guanyin yuan H^JiiaK, Puxian qian yuan ^jStlf $%,

Xi shijia yuan j S # i & | ^ , Dong wei mo yuan SR%$.0$K, Mile dong yuan 'jfcWjlRVm, Mile

xi yuan ^ffjlSK, Mile nei yuanffi\W]f*l ¥>%, Xi dizang yuan Hiife^K, Liu zu zhong

yuan /sl&'T 4 !^, Liuzu xi yuan /NI-EESI?^, Bei tianwang yuan 4b^3EK, Xi tianwang

Brian J. Nichols Kaiyuansi zhi, Prefaces & Buildings (jianzhi) 519

yuan B ^ I K , Lii dizang yuan t^ifeill?^, Shen sha xi yuan ^ ^ B P J t ; , Bei jin shen

yuan it^^f^K,, Xi feng xian yuan H$-7feK, Bei sizhou yuan ^byM'I'IK, Fahua baiyi

yuan SH^ fi^cl^, Puti nei baiyi yuan # $ 1 rt fi^cK, Jingtu'nei baiyi yuan ^ ± p^ fi^

[I 19a]

Dong tianwang qian yuan M^KJLM $%, Puti wai bai yiyuan lU/l^b fi^cPJu, Tahou dizang

yuan i ^ j p i i k ^ K , Puti dizang yuan l l ^ i i k i ! ^ , Dong tianwang qian dizang yuan %^K

i t u i f t i t K , Xifang luohan yuan B ^ S K .

The Neighboring Cloisters used to number 117. After being united all these cloisters

were abolished (fei j$t); only their names were left. Dim traces of three cloisters still just

exist. These are the cloisters of Venerated Site, Eastern Pagoda and Bliss.

The Mengguan ("Observing Dream") Hall (mengguan tang ^Mlst) was west of the

temple. The Chan monk Dagui built it during the Zhizheng period (1341-1368) of the

Yuan dynasty and recorded this himself. In the middle is a the Xijian Pavilion which he

also recorded. Today, both are gone (fei )%t) and cannot be investigated.

The Western Mountain Pagoda (xi shan ta ffl li|i-p) was five li west of the city. The

Inaugural abbot, Chan master Miao'en, first built it during the Zhiyuan period (1279-

1294). Inside he interred the bones of past abbots in the middle and the bones of monks

in the sides, [i i%] Afterwards, the second abbot, Chan master Qizu, built another pagoda

Brian J. Nichols Kaiyuansi zhi, Prefaces & Buildings (jianzhi) 520

to the right. Chan master Mengguan built a third pagoda to the left. The tomb of the

Elder Huang is also to the left. Beside these was a pagoda hut (to an MM).

Afterword (lunyue i&S)

The old temple of the purple cloud once possessed vast tracts of land and as many as a

thousand or more residents. Since the Yongle period (1403-1424), there has long been a

void in leadership. The Chan ethos has gradually washed away (min 'M) and the

venerable old monks have dispersed like clouds to the four directions. Those who [have

stayed and] guard it like a "chicken rib," see it as an heirloom.60 Since there has been a

decline in the virtuous, outside donors have stopped coming. While its land is broad, the

people are few. Gossip has arisen. Seventy to eighty percept of the temple's former land

could not be preserved. Nevertheless, due to its solid foundation of good management

(mianzui IrHKX the sound of sutras and the flame of the Buddha have not been

extinguished. Recent years have seen the restoration of the ordination platform and the

dharma hall, p 20a] Fortunately, the main hall has also been renovated. It seems like a time

of renewal {qiri laifu -fc 0 MM.). We should respond to this opportunity at our best

"Chicken rib" as a small bone with little on it represents something that offers little but people still do not
want to throw it away or waste it. It comes from a tale about the period of the Three Kingdoms and is
memorialized in the phrase "wei ru /i lei B^^P^fltj" ("taste like chicken rib") In 217 CE, King Cao Cao *
til was engaged m a prolonged campaign for Hanzhong JX1^ against the Han king Liu Bei M& One
night over a bowl of chicken rib soup he realized that Hanzhong was like a chicken rib that didn't offer him
much and so he decided to leave it behind
61
qi ri laifu -fc E3 ^5fi- lit "returning m seven days" is taken from the 24th hexagram in the Yi Jing (Book
of Changes) and indicates the return of yang after a cycle of yin In this case a return of vitality to the
temple after a period of decline

Brian J Nichols Kaiyuansi zhi, Prefaces & Buildings (jianzhi) 521

even though we don't know whether this recovery will be only partial or more complete

(weilin weitai ^llray^^?). 62 If we are only concerned about old property not being

returned rather than practicing virtue, then, even if all the buildings and property were

recovered, what would be the point of living here! If we can diligently practice virtue,

then even in shabby buildings and old rooms we can still sit cross-legged (i.e.

practice/meditate). It goes without saying that one can live like a snail in its shell, in a

grass hut which can just accommodate a length of seven feet (qi chi -\lR. i.e. a human

body). Moreover, all people have Buddha nature, everyone can shine. Who knows

whether or not another elder Huang may reappear today. It all depends on the self-

exertion of you gentlemen!

62
Yuanxian refers to hexagrams 19 (lin l|m "overseeing") and 11 (tai H "tranquility") to express different
ways the renewal may proceed

Brian J Nichols Kaiyuansi zhi, Prefaces & Buddings (jianzhi) 522

The Record of Quanzhou Kaiyuan Temple
Chapter Two

The Record of Bodhisattvas (Kaishi zhi -ffdriife)

[Biographical Accounts of Kaiyuan's Eminent Monks]
[I 20b]

The Purple Cloud has always been considered a famous temple. Could it be the

best in all of Fujian from its gorgeous buildings with ornate eaves alone? Rather it is

from having so many extraordinary and precious distinguished men having nurtured their

virtue and expressed their talents at this place. o T T t ^ ^ M K i i i (Making the Jueguan

Buddha family proud.). Their eminent footprints have not vanished; records from the

past can be examined. Today I select the most outstanding and record these

"Bodhisattvas."

1. Shi1 Kuanghu # | 5 ^ » is the patriarch of Kaiyuan's Venerated Site [Cloister].

His surname was Wang IE and he followed the vinaya very carefully. In summer, when

he taught the Shang Sheng Sutra Jl^feM (Sutra of Maitreya's Ascent to Tusita Heaven),

thousands of people would attend. In 687 (third year of Chuigong) in the Tang dynasty,

in the orchard of Quanzhou citizen Huang Shougong, the mulberry trees bloomed white

lotus blossoms. Hearing of this, the local authorities2 petitioned to have a temple built.

The emperor assented and granted it the name "Lotus Flower." The local authorities

invited master [Kuanghu] to be the abbot. The place for practicing the dharma was

established and where lotuses had bloomed became the Venerated Site Cloister.

1
Shi ?$, is used as the family name for monastics, who have formally left home to become sons and
daughters of the Buddha Sakyamum Buddha in Chinese is rendered Shyiamoumfo MM*$-J&\%. The first
character of the two-character word shijia (Sakya), shi, became adopted as the surname for monastics
2
you i i - f ^ l is used as a generic term for the authorities in an area Such authorities are commonly
prefects or district magistrates (Hucker 1985 587).
[I 21a]

2. Shi Wencheng # 3 ^ 1 1 was from Xianyou {lll^l.3 In the middle of the Yuanhe

period (806-820) in the Tang dynasty, he studied Buddhism in the Xianyuan jlJj^a

("Immortal's Academy ") of his city. He was naturally endowed with knowledge of the

way, like a stone that can serve as a utensil without being carved. In 860 (first year of

Xiantong), the prefect of Quanzhou4 upon hearing of his reputation invited him to come.

When he arrived he began to build a five-storied wooden pagoda in the southeast of the

temple. He put containers at the four gates in which he collected donations; on a daily

basis he let donors put money in and workers withdraw their salaries themselves. It

happened that some who took more than their share became lost on their way home.

Afterwards, no one dared take more than their due. The master's manner was principled

(gaojie itf/p). Tranquil, he kept society with himself. He never handled money and for

thirty years his shadow never went beyond the temple gate. He continually chanted the

Diamond Sutra and his room became bright as day [even during the evening]. His wash

basin was never dry and the water would turn hot or cold as needed. He passed away in

876 (third year of Qianfu). The prefect5 attended the funeral service in white.6 The

master made a final request, "I must be buried at the place where the incense goes out."7

A storm blew in and [i 2it>] extinguished the incense, and the coffin was lodged in a crack

3
Xianyou {dlff (lit. "wandering immortal") is a district (xiari) which lies north of Quanzhou and west of
Putian W E9 m the province of Fujian
4
The prefect of Quanzhou from 860-863 was Dou Shigun JgjJfp^ (Clark 1981 381).
5
Zheng Gongchuo W&*& served as Quanzhou prefect from 874-877 (Clark 1981 382)
6
As if a member of his "family" i.e a disciple
7
In other words, the coffin was to be carried until the incense had burned out

Brian J Nichols Kaiyuansi zhi, Biographies (Kaishi zhi) 524

that appeared in the rock jutting out from a cliff like a crescent moon. Still today, no

birds will build a nest here. People call this rock bantou W^^k pagoda.

3. Shi Hongze #3A!U!] was from Wenling 'M.$t (i.e. Quanzhou) and studied with

Wencheng at the Eastern Pagoda Cloister. In 862 (third year of Shentong), he took full

precepts at Xingshan ^ 4 # Temple at the capital (i.e. Chang'an). He went to Jianfu # ? §

Temple to study the precepts of the Four-part vinaya (sifenlu 03 frW,

Dharmaguptakavinaya) with vinaya master Chuanzong i^Q,. In 894 (beginning of

Qianning period), the prefect (fuzhu JH3L) Wang Shengui10 invited this master to

administer monastic precepts at the ordination platform. In 905 (second year of Tianyou),

Wang Yanbin built a cloister named "Establishing Dharma" (Jianfa M£fe) to serve as his

residence and as a place for him to teach the vinaya. Students gathered here and listened

respectfully. This master lived simply; keeping nothing extra, he sometimes found

himself without enough food to eat. Although noblemen offered him fancy gifts, he

would not accept them. Yanbin wrote a prose poem for him which read: "Don't blame

me for only prostrating here; [i 22a] there is no one like my master in the temple." This

master rarely fell ill. One day, after bathing and shaving, he gave his final

admonishments to his disciples, then passed away.

literally "wooden-board head" pagoda

9
These were the standard monastic precepts at this time in East Asia
10
Served as Quanzhou prefect from 894-904 (Clark 1981 385)

Brian J Nichols Kaiynansi zhi, Biographies (Kmshi zhi) 525

4. Shi Zhiliang #1!? :fiE, his place of origin is not known.'} He arrived at Kaiyuan

during the Tang dynasty and lived in the Eastern Vinaya Alley (Dong Lu Xiang). With

one shoulder bared, he begged on the streets even in the cold and snow so people called

him the bare-shouldered monk (tanbo heshang H I P P |Wj). He later sequestered himself

on Mount Daiyun in Dehua /jMik. Some people went to ask him questions and found him

sitting amongst debris with a tiger tamely at his side. More and more people sought him

out. Whether they asked for sun or rain, they would get it. The prefect of Quanzhou

(zhou shou j"\\ TP) went to him to ask for rain and saw that he was merely an ascetic monk

(toutuo zkWi, S. dhuta) so without formal obeisance he asked for rain. The monk said,

"Sit outside my liqiao Mtl 12 for three days and there should be rain." On the third day

there was no rain and the sun was even hotter so the prefect in doubt was even more

disrespectful. At noon, clouds suddenly rolled in from the northwest followed by a heavy

rain; the water rose three feet, [i 22b] Alarmed, the prefect wanted the rain to stop. The

master said, "If the prefect comes, it will be done." When the prefect arrived the rain

ceased. The prefect converted the Eastern Vinaya Hut (an) into a cloister (yuan) to serve

as the monk's residence; he lived there for twelve years.

One day he suddenly took out his herbal soup, rose, burned incense, sat down,

said his farewells and passed away. His disciples encased his corpse in mud and placed it

in a hall where it became a source of prosperity (fu) for the people of Quanzhou. During

the Shaoxing period (1131-1162) the temple burned down and this hall was the only one

to survive. A man named Chenze WW\ from Jinjiang HSC one night dreamed the master

1
' He is thought to have been from India
'" A platform upon which the monk sat when requesting ram

Brian J Nichols Kaiyuansi zhi, Biographies (Kaishi zhi) 526

spoke to him, "Change your name when taking the exam and change your place of birth

to Yongchun TK.# then you will succeed." Mr. Chenze did as instructed and it came to

pass. Such is his spiritual power (shen W).

5. Shi Changji ^.%%. was a disciple of Zhiguang H? f~ from Jiuzuo fllM temple as

well as a disciple of Yanguan Sfe'g' and Wudeng ^ C ^ . At first he lived with Guangan

r~ M in Fuyang m ffi. He later moved to Nanshan ^ ill. One day, while traveling with

Guangan, he saw that there were twelve shadows behind him so he rubbed his back and

said, "Luckily there is nothing happening, p 23a] Why did you go in the ghost cave to play

with the jinghun M^% (the yang spirit)?"13 Guangan looked back and asked, "What are

you talking about?" The master said, "Such a good fir tree shouldn't be here to block the

road." Guangan said, "That's not the reason." The master asked, "What is the reason?" to

which Guangan replied, "From here to Qingyuan 'MMU it is three or four miles (cheng

fM)." The master said, "The thief s body has already appeared." After this his reputation

spread.

The Quanzhou prefect (zhou mu j'H^C ) Lin Hu # ^ 1 5 changed Kaiyuan's Old

Lotus Sutra Cloister's affiliation to Chan and invited master Changji as its first generation

abbot.

13
Ghost cave is used to represent a dark and dumb state of meditation.
14
Qmgyuan is a famous mountain on the edge of Quanzhou city, it is home to many religious sites such as
the tomb of master Hongyi Its most famous site is a large stone statue of Laozi.
15
Clark 1981 382 has Lin Hu K ^ serving as Quanzhou prefect from 879-880 The "Hu" character given
in the Sizhi resembles *$, but can not be found in dictionaries, so I consider the Sizhi writing a mistake

Brian J Nichols Kaiyuansi zhi, Biographies (Kmshi zhi) 527

6. Shi Lingyan # 4 " a" was from Xianyou WMf and his surname was Chen PlR.

When he left home he practiced austerities {kuxing i^fl). He later traveled to Yan $&

and Zhao M propagating the Lotus and [Mile] Shang Sheng Sutras. When he returned he

founded a cloister in the western part of Kaiyuan temple called "Arhat." He lived there

and often stayed up all night chanting the Lotus Sutra. Scholars of those two sutras often

crowded around his gate like dust. Upon his death he was buried on North Mountain, but

the pall bearers felt the coffin was unusually light. When they opened it to check there

was nothing there. People called him the "vanishing-body monk."

[I 23b]

7. Shi Xuanyi # ^ a f t was the nephew of Lingyan. At the time of his birth many

small white birds gathered in his family's courtyard and the neighbors celebrated this. In

his youth he traveled and studied; he mastered the sutras and excelled in writing.

Following his uncle Lingyan, he abandoned Confucian studies, shaved his head and took

the full precepts. He went to have his fortune read16 and began teaching the Sifenlu IZH^)-

W (Dharmaguptaka vinaya), the Abhidharmakosa {Jushe iHll?) and the Nirvana Sutra

(Niepan MIS) which he had thoroughly studied. Because of this both laypersons and

monks took refuge under him. Keeping himself in line with the vinaya {W.^S ^.W), he

was pure as ice and frost (K^n^KSf. His one room was an oasis of peace furnished with

pure water and willow twig ^llJI^n^y^KIE/KTfff B . In 880, the beginning of the

Guangming period of the Tang dynasty, the Quanzhou prefect Lin Hu gave the master the

position of Sangha administrator {sengzheng fa IE). Soon afterwards, Wang Shenzhi, the

16
qiu hngzhan 5Ri*cB8 lit "ask the spirit view"

Brian J Nichols Kaiyuansi zhi, Biographies (Kaishi zhi) 528

 17

vice-commander-in-chief of Fujian, received permission from the emperor to erect a

platform for Tang prosperity (fu tang Is jtf ) and appointed the master to conduct

ordinations. Altogether 3,000 people were ordained there. Afterwards, Shenzhi offered

him garments of gold and silver, but the master refused them all. After his passing, the

prefect Wang Yanbin zEMW built a pagoda for him in which he interred the master's

body (or relics from his whole body? i P ^ ^ J l ' )

[I 24a]

8. Shi Shuduan H^^rS was from Xianyou and his surname was Chen $£. When he

was a youth18 he had the ambition to leave the world. He told his parents but they

wouldn't listen so he called out Guanyin's name everyday asking for his wish to be

fulfilled. Finally they (his parents) listened and he took refugee under vinaya master

Weixian at Longhua temple and became a novice. It was not long before he became fully

ordained. He left and traveled around Wu-Yue H^S studying all the sutras. Plumbing

the depths of the ocean of the teaching, there was nothing beyond his grasp. At this time

there was an arrogant layperson in Bohai Wi*M whom the master could always defeat in

debate, thus his reputation grew. During the Qianfu period (874-879), he entered

seclusion in the mountains for ten years. The prefect Wang Yanbin heard about his

practice and invited him many times to come out of retreat. When the master finally

obliged, Yanbin dared not express his displeasure and built the Pure and Cool Grove as

his residence and invited him to be the permanent teacher-in-residence at the temple. He

bestowed upon him the imperial title Bright Teacher E^jifc.

17
Previously Wang Shenzhi was designated the King of Fujian (Min wang) see section on Western pagoda
18
cheng long - a non-teenage schoolboy

Brian J Nichols Kaiyuansi zhi, Biographies (Kaishi zhi) 529

 The master was very strict in following the vinaya. He lived his whole life

knowing nothing of taverns. [i24b] He wrote dozens of volumes (Juan ^1), among them Yi

Yuan Sou Yin $L^$LWi and ZongJing Si Yuan ^?|a[Z3^.

9. Daozhao iiffp was initially named Daowen M ffl. He was from Jinjiang la £E

and his surname was Wang. When he was born there was a purple aura around his head.

He took refuge, was tonsured and ordained under a master from Kaiyuan temple. Later,

he studied the Shangsheng Sutra and the Weishi Lun f^iRife under master Shuduan and

gathered profound understanding. During the Tianyou period (904-907), he met Xuefeng

Yicun Ifilil?^.^. 19 Yicun held his hand and asked, "Do you have parents?" Master

replied, "If not, from where is one born?" Xuefeng said, "This boy will be a great dharma

master." In 933 (first year of Longqi) of Min, the prefect Wang Yanbin reported to the

emperor and received the title of Mingfu 'mM. for the master and changed his name from

Wen to Zhao. In 939 (first year of the Yonglong period), the Jun Changli H$~K: jli Yu

Tingying ^ J I H appointed the master as the permanent teacher-in-residence. His

teachings showered the land far and wide.

In 945 (third year of Tiande), the prefect Wang Jixun~3Ltyfeffl)received imperial

approval for the building of an ordination platform for the bestowal of precepts by the

master [Daozhao]. In 950 (eighth year of Baoda) of the Southern Tang, he was

summoned by imperial edict which read:[i25a] "Profound scholar of the three vehicles,

19
Xuefeng Yicun =j ^%-X.^- (822-908) is an important patriarch of the Chan school He was originally
from the Nan'an district of Quanzhou prefecture. He was the dharma heir of master Deshan Xuanjian He
established Guangfu monastery in Fuzhou located at Snow Peak on Elephant Bone Mountain (Ferguson
2000 237-241).

Brian J Nichols Kmyuansi zhi, Biographies (Kaishi zhi) 530

outstanding master of Mahayana treatises, I have long heard of your reputation. I

humbly await your coming." The master declined [the entreaty].

On another occasion, an individual of pure faith was making a pilgrimage to

Mount Wutai 2£ a to pay homage to Manjushri. Along the way he met an old man who

asked him, "Where are you going?" When the faithful one explained his purpose, the old

man said, "In the Arhat Pavilion at Qunanzhou's Kaiyuan Monastery there is one copying

the Weishi Lun RfHKifc {Vijnaptimatratd-siddhi-sastra ),20 he is Manjushri. Rather than

seeking there you are going somewhere further." The faithful one said, "I will heed your

counsel" and returned to look for him. Finding him, he prostrated himself. The master

asked, "Why are you bowing to me?" When the faithful one had explained why, the

master asked, "Am I Manjushri?" When the faithful one had left, the master said, "My

local earth god has loose lips." and threw his statue out. At night, the local residents

heard someone crying, "I am the earth god of the Arhat Pavilion. The monk abandoned

me. Will you people take pity on me and keep me." The next day, they looked for him

and actually found an abandoned statue. They built a shrine for him in a small alley and

made sacrifices to him.

The master passed away in the autumn of 951 (ninth year of Baoda). [i25t>] His

disciples built a pagoda at Mount Futian ?§ EH in Nan'an M^z in which they interred his

whole body.21 The master wrote 80 volumes (juan ^§) of commentary on the Cheng

Weishi Lun J^Pfii.Rifc. His calligraphy has a Wei f t and Jin la style. The prefect

Zhuquan $ki!k wrote a preface for this work which later generations would vie to treasure.

20
"Treatise on the Theory of Consciousness-Only" composed by Xuanzang (600-664) m 659 It was used
by his disciple, Kuiji to establish the Weishi sect of Yogacara

Brian J Nichols Kaiyvansi zhi, Biographies (Kaishi zhi) 53 1

10. Shi Xili fUt^L was from the capital at Luoyang ^&P0 and was surnamed Du |±.

He was the vice-director of the Bureau of Waterways and Irrigation22 under emperor

Zhaozong B § ^ of the Tang dynasty. In 901 (first year of Tianfu), the Son of Heaven

(i.e. Zhaozong) made Zhu Quanzhong ^fc^Jfi (a.k.a. Zhu Wen^fc$jn.) the king of Liang

%z. 4 Liang was cast into a state of murderous anarchy. Its army even violated the

imperial residence.25 The master then wrote to the emperor for permission to become a

monk. Permission was granted and the emperor dubbed him Huanwai J S ^ K He came to

Fujian (Min) and asked Xuefeng about practice. With one sentence he was suddenly

awakened as if recovering something he had lost. Xuefeng held him in high regard.

Taking his leave he went to Qingyuan where he was received by the prefect Wang

Yanbin. After some time he built the Compassion and Kindness Cloister at Kaiyuan as

his residence. The master, whether dealing with groups or practicing himself, created

harmony by being just and impartial. He attracted followers from the four directions.

Hearing this, Yanbin [i 26a] had a purple robe and the title the Blithe Great Master iE3S^v

Jlfp bestowed upon him. When his body was cremated after his passing his parietal bone26

22
shuibuyuanwai lang TKBP^^F^R
23
Emperor Zhaozong 0 3 ^ (867-904) ruled from 889 to 904.
24
Zhu Wen would go on to found the Later Liang js # dynasty that ruled much of Northern China from
907-923 Zhun Wen reigned from 907 to 912
25
Emperor Zhaozong was murdered under the orders of Zhu Wen, Zhaozong was succeeded by emperor AJ
Di the final Tang emperor who was also murdered under the orders of Zhu Wen who then established the
Later Liang dynasty of North China in 907 It was during this period of "murderous anarchy" that Xih took
leave of the emperor for the solace of monkhood
26
dinggu Tj/j'H'- the top of the cranium

Brian J Nichols Kaiynansi zhi, Biographies (Kaishi zhi) 532

did not burn. The Quanzhou prefect Wang Jixun, astonished at this remarkable relic,

had a pagoda built for it at Lingjiang \\&ZL.

11. Shi Shengcheng f $ ^ ja was from Xianyou and was surnamed Ruan Pic. He

became a monk at Quanzhou Kaiyuan monastery and traveled to Wu H and Chu M 28 and

visited all the great masters around. When he returned he went to Baofu i!S:|@ temple in

Zhangzhou to visit master Zhan M.29 When he followed the master into the hall, master

Zhan pointed to the Buddha statue and asked, "What does it mean for the Buddha to look

like this?" The master replied, "Monk, you are also just a flat body WiM" Zhan said, "I

keep one peg for myself." The master replied, "Monk, you are not only a flat body."

Zhan approved and designated him his successor (si S ) .

During the Tiancheng period (926-929) of the Liang dynasty,30 the prefect Wang

Yanbin built the thousand Buddha cloister and invited the master to be its abbot. For

more than ten years he didn't place one foot over the threshold.31 In 944 (first year of

Kaiyun) of the Jm dynasty, the prefect Huang Shaopo jUt^SM moved the abbot to

Zhaoqing Wiffc temple. The marquis32of Min (Fujian) Wenjin 3titt petitioned the

emperor who granted the title "brilliant awakening" (mingjue 0^^t) to the master. [i26t>]

27
Served as Quanzhou prefect from 944-945 (Clark 1981: 385).
28
Wu included parts of present-day Anhui, Jiangsu, and much of Jiangxi, Hunan, and eastern Hubei. The
capital was later moved to Jmhng (present-day Nanjing). Chu included present day Hunan MW and part of
Guanxi P j 5
29
Baofu Congzhan {S?HM.M (d. 928, J Hofuku Juten) was a native of Fuzhou and a disciple of Xuefeng
See Ferguson 2000 275-278
30
The years for the period match the Later Tang dynasty rather than the Liang dynasty
31
me M: can mean both "threshold" and "rule"
j2
A marquis (hou ffl) was a noble usually in line after prince (wang 3E) and duke (gong •£*) Hucker
1985 225

Brian J Nichols Kmyitansi zhi, Biographies (Kaishi zhi) 533

Not long afterwards, Quanzhou was in a state of disorder and Zhaoqing temple burned

down in a battle.33 Liu Congxiao ^hk^ll, the military commander of Qingyuan, gave his

villa to serve as a temple named Southern Chan (Nanchan j^]#) 34 in place of Zhaoqing

and invited the master to serve as its founding abbot.

Students of the dharma followed him like a shadow and [where he was] became a

great seat of the dharma. At the beginning of the Song dynasty, the imperially appointed

governor35 Xu Xiang fl^ffi reported to the emperor and emperor Taizu JK$L honored the

master with the title "Truly Awakened" (Zhenjue Mft ). In 972 (fifth year of Kaibao),

the master passed away; the stupa for him is called "Auspicious Light"36.

12. Shi Congyun ^kkffc was from Jinjiang and surnamed Wu 3k. A student of

Buddhadharma from Kaiyuan's Nine Buddha Cloister, he was pure, mindful and free of

desires. With extra severity his body was disciplined in the vinaya. Without respite, he

memorized the sutras at night and studied their meanings during the day. The prefect

heard about this and said, "In the prime of life and so diligent, among Buddhists where

can one find such a one?" Each month he put away one hu M (10 gallons) of rice, the

master closed the door and didn't go out. He rejected outside invitations and the people

of the city wouldn't know his face. In 932 (third year oiChangxin) during the Later Tang

dynasty, Chan master Shengxun ^ t H was traveling in Fujian (Min). The master paid

33
This state of disorder ensued the usurpation of the kingship of Mm (Fujian) by the marquis Zhu Wenjin
in 944 See Schafer 1954: 53-56
34
Would later become Chengtian temple.
35
The word translated as "imperially appointed governor" is fan M, which, according to Hucker 1985 207,
designates "an unofficial reference to officials with broad territorial authority delegated from the central
government."
rei gnang if: ft

Brian J Nichols Kaiyuansi zhi, Biographies (Kaishi zhi) 534

him a visit and was awakened with one sentence, [i 27a] Xun marveled at this. The master

deepened his practice until tightening and loosening were both forgotten. In May of 937

(second year of Min Tongwen), he passed away with a brush in hand copying the Qietuo

fjlpt: Sutra. His cremation produced hundreds of relics.

13. Shi Xuanying f$"2CjS was the younger brother of Congyun. He followed Yun at

and early age and left home to become a monk. After being fully ordained he studied

with powerful determination getting his fill of both Confucian and Buddhist studies. His

older brother cautioned him to not let his learning obscure his original nature. He left to

visit Xi # at White Dragon temple.37

Xi asked him, "Do you get it?"38

The master replied, "I don't."
Xi said, "No, you don't, right on!"

He stayed a long while and absorbed all the master's ways (dao i t ) . When he

returned he determined through divination to sequester himself at Guihu jn~$ with

Qinghuo fit ir§ as his neighbor. In 970 (third year of Kaibao), the prefect of Zhangzhou

Chen Wenhao W^JCM. built the Repaying Filial Debt Cloister39and asked his father the

commander of Quanzhou (quart shuai M.W) Hongjin ^ i S to recruit the master to serve

as its abbot. Three times he refused and didn't come. Hongjin summoned his older

brother Renji iZffi and told him, "If he doesn't come, you will have trouble." So Renji

took pains to convince him and the master began to set out. Hongjin went out to the edge

37
Chan master Daoxi M # at White Dragon S^6 temple in Fuzhou.
38
Hmme^^f
39
Bao Qu ffifyfj

Brian J Nichols Kaiyuansi zhi, Biographies (Kmshi zhi) 535

of town meet him. [i.27t>] He brought him to a very ornate guesthouse; when they arrived

the master took his leave and made his way to the guesthouse. He went to sleep without

removing his shoes and snored like thunder. Hongjin peeked in on him and said, "This

man can be abbot!"

When he arrived at Zhangzhou, Wenhao lead his subordinates (liao shu MM) to

ask him to give teachings. A monk asked him, "What is the ultimate meaning?"

The master replied, "What is the ultimate?"

The monk said, "Students should ask questions, why does the master question
us?"
The master replied, "What is the question you just asked?"
The monk said, "The ultimate meaning."
The master said, "You consider this questioning-back?"
The monk asked another question, "Where was the place of practice for the
ancient Buddha?"
The master said, "This summer there are five hundred monks in the hall."
After this, Wenhao petitioned the emperor, who bestowed upon the master

the purple robe and the title Dinghui. In 975 (eighth year), a white rainbow was seen

outside the dharma hall. He left for Wenhao a poem which read:

This year I am sixty-six.

Some lives are short, some long.
Unborn, a blazing fire
There are actions, don't add fuel
Exit the valley, return to the source,
At once all is utterly complete.

[I.28a]

He then passed away. After cremation they collected relics and installed them in

a pagoda on the north hill of the cloister (i.e. Baoqu).

Brian J. Nichols Kaiyuansi zhi, Biographies (Kaishi zhi) 536

14. Shi Wenzhan # 3 t M - it is not known where he was from. He lived at

Flourishing Dharma (Faxing &^4) cloister at Quanzhou Kaiyuan monastery. He rejected

involvement in the affairs of the world. He closed his door and sat. He only opened his

door when the bell was rung to take his daily meal at which time his disciples would

bring him the food that had been offered to the Buddha. He would then close his door. If

the food didn't come he went about with an empty stomach.

Quanzhou prefect, Wang Yanbin revered him and invited him to [lead] the North

Chan cloister. He declined the offer and went to West Mountain (xishan 15 ill) and lived

in a hut in the arhat cave. When he was asked again, the master collected wood for a

pyre and burned himself. He had instructed his disciples to throw his bones in the river.

As the fire engulfed him, one could observe him calmly sitting, counting beads and

chanting the Buddha's name. After the fire had burned the sound of a Chinese lyre could

be heard as his relics flew to the river and became stalagmites (shi xun 5 ; to). His

disciples, as he had instructed, threw his bones [there].

15. Shi Tingzan # $ | f £ was also known as Zhongyue ^-JSx. He was from Fujian

and surnamed Fang Tf. He became a monk in his youth at Bell Mountain and was fully

ordained at the age of twenty, [i 28b] He visited all the great masters and developed

brilliant understanding (suo wu guang da 0f tn ^t^k.)- When he returned, Quanzhou

prefect Wang Yanbin established a cloister for him in the east of Kaiyuan monastery.40

At that time, Chen Jingtong Pl^iM, the Commissioner of Military Training, cast a

40
This was in 833 according to the jian zhi.

Brian J. Nichols Kaiyncmsi zhi, Biographies (Kcnshi zhi) 537

golden statue [for this cloister] which made the cloister famous. Visitors who came

empty, left full, no one was dissatisfied.

When Chen Hongjin PlR^ j j 4 1 was governing Quanzhou prefecture he developed

a great respect for the master's ethos {dao M) but the master had become too old. He

passed away in 972 (fifth year of Kaibao). Hongjin hosted one-thousand monks at the

cremation ceremony. Relics were gathered and installed in a pagoda on West Mountain.

16. Shi Xingtong f$tTJ® was from Jinjiang and was surnamed Liu §f. His mother

dreamed of an old monk when she got pregnant [with him]. When he was born a

wonderful fragrance encircled them. When he was young he was never around bloody

food. After becoming a monk and undergoing full ordination his life was tranquil and

simple. He only took one meal a day. He extensively mastered the sutras and treatises

with particular expertise in the Mahayana. Day and night he jiao guan #j[^S without

taking the smallest break. He lived at Kaiyuan's Heavenly King Cloister.

Quanzhou once suffered a great drought. The prefect Chen Hongjin invited the

master to summon the rain, [i 29a] He predicted a heavy rain in three days, and it truly did

as he had said. Hongjin was pleased and petitioned the emperor who bestowed the purple

robe and the title Great Master of Dharma Intellect ^feSt^Cjffp. He was elected as abbot of

the great monastery, but he didn't accept the offer and left. One day he died while sitting,

free from disease. Relics were recovered after his cremation and installed in a pagoda at

Dayuan ^v25 village in Nan'an.

41
Chen Hongjin PJ^ffl served as prefect of Quanzhou from 962-978. He surrendered to the Song in 978
and he and his sons remained in positions of power (Clark 1981. 141-142; 385).

Brian J. Nichols Kaiyuansi zhi, Biographies (Kaishi zhi) 538

17. Shi Shiji # ^ 3 5 1 was from Changzhou in Suzhou and was surnamed Lu. He first

studied Confucianism, but his ambitions were unconventional. Worried that the ways of

the world would corrupt him, abandoning his Confucian studies he took up the study of

Buddhism at Chongxuan Monastery J l ^ ^ f .42 After his ordination he studied the Sifen

vinaya and the One Hundred Dharmas43and mastered them. He recited the Lotus Sutra

seven hundred times and also read the Dragon Tripitika 4 one or two times. Upon

completing his studies he taught the vinaya and treatises. He knew them as well as the

back of his hand 5 but he still felt they were not the authentic dharma. He left to visit the

great masters. When he met Xuefeng H - ^ , Xuefeng held him in high regard as soon as

he saw him.

His reputation spread throughout Quanzhou. Chaojie ® ^ t of Zhaoqing tfnBz

monastery treated him as an important guest. During the Zhenming period (915-921) of

the Liang dynasty, the prefect Wang Yanbin invited him to Luyang /^P0. [12%] In 930

(first year of Changxin) in the later Tang dynasty, his (Wang Yanbin's) son, Jichong M.^

succeeded him as prefect and offered him his choice of four monasteries: Shuilu 7KHT,

Qingguo Tm^, Beizang ;jbil and Fengchong MM- Refusing them all, the master simply

built a room in the north-west of Kaiyuan as his residence. The following prefects, Wang

Yanmei 3 £ M ^ , Yanwu JS;^ and Yu Tingying ^ 5 § H all had the deepest respect for

him.

42
a monastery in Suzhou
43
see Baifa mingmen lun W y i ^ Hite - Gate to Understanding the One Hundred Dharmas Treatise
44
M$. I e $ £ P £ X M i the Qianlong Tripitika
45
lit understand as his fingers and palm

Brian J Nichols Kaivuansi zhi, Biographies (Kaishi zhi) 539

 He passed away in 936 (first year of Tongwen) of the Min. A pagoda was built on

Mount Beiyang ^bffi.

18. Shi Xicen # f f i - ^ was from Tong'an | s ] $ and was surnamed Chen W. He took

refuge at Repaying Kindness (Baoen ijfLU) Cloister at Kaiyuan. After full ordination he

studied the vinaya and the Abhidharmakosa examining them inside and out.46 During the

Zhenming period (915-921) of the Liang dynasty, he began to give lectures. The people

came like drops of rain and the master argued as if building a wall brick by brick (bian

ruojian ling ^if^rMfS) and enriched the hearts of the people (wo ren zhi xin t ^ A ^ ' h ) -

There was no one who didn't feel fortunate and satisfied. The prefect [Wang Yanbin],

wishing there was a larger hall to fit the listeners, soon established a cloister at Kaiyuan

to serve as his residence.47 He lived there for twenty years without stepping over the

threshold, [noa]

Once when some burglars broke into his abbot's quarters he calmly sat without

moving and told them their fortune (huofu ?S?H). At this they cast away their weapons,

bowed and left.

Liu Congxiao petitioned the emperor who bestowed upon the master a purple robe

and the title, Great Master Chan Jiao Pflt&. The succeeding prefect, Chen Hongjin,

invited him to lecture on the Xifang Guan Shang Sheng Sutra WiTJM-h^L^k. Moved by

his speech, the red lotuses turned white and the fragrance of the cinnamon (cassia)

flowers filled the air. The master passed away sitting erect in 972 (fifth year of Kaibao)

46
xianjiu qi zhuan j ^ ^ u ^ f ^
47
see section for "The Repaying Filial Debt Precept and Rules Cloister " Wang Yanbin died during the
construction of the cloister and it was completed by his son Jiwu and therefore given its name

Brian J Nichols Kaiyuansi zhi, Biographies (Kaishi zhi) 540

in the Song dynasty. A pagoda was built on Buddha's Footprint Mountain (Foji Shan \%

19. Shi Xixia #ffiffi was the dharma brother of Xicen and had a pure and simple

nature while he pursued self-betterment ( t ^ i ! § M)- In his early years he traveled

wherever there were Chan masters. After returning, he found himself awkward in crowds

and withdrew into himself. After awhile he built a small hut in the northwest of Kaiyuan

as his residence. The master did lay up stores of provisions, his stores could be measured

in pecks and scoops (dou sheng -4-;R"). If he was invited to eat he would refuse and say,

"I've already accepted another initiation." The prefect Wang Jixun 1EMM] heard about

his harsh and frugal lifestyle and was going to enlarge his home and increase his

provisions, [i 30t>] He firmly rejected the offer and said, "Don't exhaust the children and

grandchildren (i.e. the "taxpayers")."

One evening a person with a bag arrived and asked to stay the night. Looking

around at the colorless room, he removed his bag and offered it as recompense. The

master placed it under the bed. Seven years later the person returned; the master smiled

and said, "The things you gave are still here." He took it out and saw it was covered in

dust. The person who gave it to him sighed and said, "This is a man of the Way {dad).

How could gold pollute him?" He reached down, picked up his old belongings, thanked

him and left. Some people asked him why and the master said, "The technique of

casting money is not real, using it will bring harm to people." This demonstrates how the

master was uncorrupt and intelligent.

Brian J Nichols Kaiyuansi zhi, Biographies (Kaishi zhi) 541

[Northern Song]

20. Shi Fazhou f$^jo] was from Tong'an, self-named Juexian "M>$u and surnamed

Wang. He became a monk at Kaiyuan's Manjushri Cloister. He could remain diligent

without an idle expression. He always followed the teachings passed down from his

master. He plumbed the breadth and depths of the meaning of the teachings. Three times

he was summoned by the emperor to lecture on the Vimalakirti, Lotus and Suramgama

Sutras; he suitably explained all the essential points. The emperor bestowed upon him a

purple robe and the title Master Literary Intellect (Wenhui 3 t S ) . [nia]

In 998 (first of Xianping), the prefect Su Hanzun Tii HfH took refuge under him.

One day the prefect came and the master led him in a walk. On the stairs in front of the

main hall they saw some grass below, the prefect pointed and asked, "An old saying says

that a 'purple cloud covers the floor and ordinary grass doesn't grow.' Why is there some

today?" The master immediately answered, "Ordinary grass sometimes grows because

visitors bring dirt to the floor." The prefect was fully convinced by this explanation.

He moved to the western outskirts and in 1023 (first year of Xinglong),48 the

pagoda at Stone Gate Mountain 5 1 1 ill was completed so the master while sitting, said

goodbye and passed away. After the cremation relics were recovered and buried together

with his bones.

21. Shi Zongji # ^ S was self-named Zizheng -JrlE. He was an outstandingly wise

debater. His logic and learning were both profound. At first he was abbot of Zisheng rM

^ Monastery. When he lectured in the summer, thousands of people would always

48
According to the Biographies of Purple Cloud Masters, Xmglong should be Tiansheng Zhou 1999b.39

Brian J. Nichols Kaiyuansi zln, Biographies (Kaishi zhi) 542

 49
gather to listen. Cai Xiang H H and Lu Jinshu § im$L appreciated him the most. He

moved to Chengtian Monastery to serve as its abbot. Not long after he returned and built

a hut at Zisheng. Zhongzhou 4^'H (i.e. the imperial capital) requested him again and

again to serve as abbot of the Thousand Buddha Baolin "^Hl&^&^fc Monastery [i 31b]

because the marquis had strongly recommended him. He passed away in 1066 (third year

ofZhiping). After his cremation shining relics were collected and buried on West

Mountain.

22. Shi Qinghuo #?ft§§ was a son of the Zhang *rfe family in Yongtai zK^. He took

refuge and was fully ordained under master Yan'guo §111 on Mount Drum. He attended

the summer sitting (i.e. summer retreat) under Fayin J ^ S at Zhaoqing monastery. One

night he was suddenly enlightened upon hearing the sound of the oil lantern.

With Chongxu ^W, he went to visit the hut master j ^ ± Qiru fg#P in Mount

Xiaojie <Mr-. They met him out gathering millet. The master asked him, "Where is the

hut master?"

Qiru asked in return, "Where did you come from?"

The master said, "I came from the bottom of the mountain."

Qiru asked, "Why did you come here?"

The master asked in return, "What is this place?"

Qiru bowed and said, "Let's go have some tea."

Cai Xiang (1012 — 1067) is the Song dynasty scholar-official and famous calhgrapher responsible for
building the justly famous Luoyang bridge He is commemorated with a gigantic statue which stands at
one end of the stone bridge outside Quanzhou today

Brian J Nichols Kaiyucmsi zhi, Biographies (Kaishi zhi) 543

 They then realized that he was Qiru and went to his fir hut to visit. That night

some wolves and tigers came and tamely interrupted them. The master moved Qiru's

residence to Dazhan JKM Mountain.

He went to see Shuilong $i;fe ("Sleeping Dragon") Pu M who asked him, "Which

famous masters have you visited? [i 32a] Are you enlightened yet?"

The master said, "Qinghuo was enlightened at Dazhang."

Pu gathered a crowd of people and said, "Master Huo, come burn some incense

and tell the people how you were enlightened. I, the old monk, will verify it."

The master came out holding incense and said, "The incense has already burned,

enlightened is not enlightened."

Pu was very pleased and confirmed his awakening. In 957 (end oiBaoda) of the

Southern Tang, Baofu \^m cloister was established at Kaiyuan and Liu Congxiao invited

him to live there where he began to teach the dharma as Pu's successor.

In 962 (third year of Jianlong) of the Song dynasty, he wrote a farewell poem

which read:

Gathering together like floating bubbles and drifting apart like clouds,
Gathering together not as company, drifting apart not as separating,
The gentleman once entering the city was me.
Returning to the mountain, today, I am not that gentleman.

While walking along Ning Stream TFM he composed another poem:

People in the world should not say travel is difficult.

The road is like goat intestines which twist and turn every few inches.
Ning stream, take good care of your water,
You will return to the ocean, I will return to the mountain.

Brian J. Nichols Kaiyuansi zhi, Biographies (Kaishi zhi) 544

 When he arrived at Lake Gui MM he so liked the tranquility there, he stayed to

live, [i 32b] He found a dwelling with a thatched roof but an insecure door so thin it could

barely block the wind.

The prefect Chen Hongjin petitioned the emperor who bestowed upon the master

a purple robe and the title "Empty Nature" (Xing Kong). He rejected the honor, saying he

was too old. In the winter of 911 (first year of Taiping Xing'guo), he requested his

disciples to leave his body for the bugs and ants to eat and not to build a pagoda He

passed away sitting on a large rock. After leaving him there for seven days his body still

looked alive and bugs had not invaded so they burned him and spread his ashes in the

wilderness. Three hundred relics were collected.

23. Shi Faqian # y £ # was from Jinjiang and was surnamed Shi Mi. He became a

monk at Bodhi cloister at Kaiyuan. He received the dharma from Wuyi ^53^ while

visiting him at Longshou Fl:^f monastery in Zhangzhou. The prefect Chen Hongjin

invited him to teach the dharma at Longshou. Faqian replied, "Today, at Longshou will

appear all the Buddhas of the three times arising as limitless apparitions at the same time,

with spinning dharma wheels, all at the same moment. Has anyone ever seen this?"

A monk asked, "What are the boundaries of Longshou?" [i 33a]

He answered, "There is not room for you to set one foot."
The monk asked, "How are people inside such boundaries?"
Faqian answered, "It is not known where the boundaries are."

A visitor came to see the master one day and on the next day sought from him the heart

essence (xinyao 'l^ll). The master said, "Yesterday we met and talked about mundane

Brian J Nichols Kaiyuansi zhi, Biographies (Kaishi zhi) 545

things. Today, we meet again and everything is the same, so why are you seeking the

heart essence? How can the heart essence be separated [from the mundane]!"

24. Shi Yuchang # ^ g was a native of Hui'an. His learning was broad and his

memory strong. He intensely cultivated concentration and wisdom.50 He was sternly

temperate and self-vigilant. He stood alone and remained aloof from others. He lived in

the Shang Sheng Cloister. His whole room was so clean and quiet that strangers did not

dare call on him. His sole visitor was a man named Shengcai ^ ^ " . One day he invited

Cai to eat with him but he couldn't find the utensils to prepare the meal. Cai came in and

together by the fire the chatted until midnight. Cai took out a yam to share with him and

he was happy. Cai also tried to give the master two jade rings but he would not accept

them. He said, "Don't be vulgar, you tire me!"

When people tried to offer him fine gifts he would say, p 33b] "If I have such things

my disciples and grand-disciples will behave like tigers and wolves." and reject them. In

old age he retired to YangyuanffiJM.Mountain. Among his poetry are included the lines,

"When hungry I eat no-name grass. When cold I burn fallen leaves for fuel."51

25. Shi Ziran # f=I $£ left the secular world and entered Xiyin Cloister at Kaiyuan.

He inherited the dharma from Shimen Cong 5 fl 5&.5 A monk asked him, "When

Sakyamuni (laohu iittiR) was born he surveyed the four directions. Monk, when you

were born what did you do?"

52
Shimen Yuncong 5 fllmlu (965 —1032). Shimen 5 |'J is a mountain in Hubei

Brian J Nichols Kaiyuansi zhi, Biographies (Kaishi zhi) 546

 The master answered, "Pure qi ^ becomes sky, cloudy qi becomes earth."

The monk asked, "How can you pick up things so effortlessly?"53

The master replied, "What does it matter?"

26. Shi Youping # W W was a dharma successor of Tianyi Huai 3K^X.'W54 from Yue
M (in modern day Zhejiang). He was the abbot of Xiyin Cloister. He was once asked,

"What is the common dao (ping chang dao ^F^iH)?"

The master replied, "Monks place their palms together, Daoist priests raise their fists."
He was asked, "Who is the position-less perfect man (wuwei zhenren zfc\iL%\)T
[i 34a] The master said, "He is faceless."

[Another time] He was asked, "What can be accomplished in twelve hours?"

The masters said, "Get dressed and eat."
He was asked, "Can anything else be done."
The master said, "Yes."
"What?"
The master said, "After eating, have a cup of tea."

27. Shi Weishen #tf=1fi, his place of origin has not been discovered. He traveled

everywhere visiting all the elder [masters]. He received the dharma from Ciming Yuan

H 0J! HI55 during the Tiansheng period (1023-1032) of the Song Dynasty. He traveled to

the capital [Kaifeng] and set back as soon as he arrived. Ceng Gongliang H //k^56 said,

"There are no Chan friends in the capital, so how can we keep you here?"

The master answered, "I do not dare say that I have too few who understand me.

My nature is like a lonely cloud."

' Yumen (J Ummon) Chan Patriarch Tianyi Yihuai ^k&X'W 0 Tenne Gikai, 993-1064)
linji Chan Patriarch Shishuang Chuyuan 5 1 1 S O (J Sekiso Soen, 987-1040)
' Ceng Gongliang H ^ JS was a Grand Councilor to the Emperor and a lay Buddhist

Brian J Nichols Kaiyuansi zhi, Biographies (Kaishi zhi) 547

 The prefect Lang Jian jlUfsJ invited him to be the abbot of Guangfu J^if

Monastery on West Mountain, but he refused the offer. At that time Luoshan 5? lil

Monastery had recently become a Chan monastery and did not have an abbot yet. The

district Magistrate/xian ling of Tong'an Ge Yuan MM. dreamed that the god of Mount

Luo informed him that Shen could be abbot. Shen did not refuse this offer. He went

there with his staff and spread the dharma onto Mount Luo.

[I 34b]

28. Shi Benguan # ^ M was surnamed Chen and was also known as Wuben 3u^.

He was a native of Jinjiang. His mother dreamed a golden figure who gave her a white

lotus and then found that she was with child. When the master was born there was a

purple aura around his head and strange light filled the room. He left secular life when he

was eight under vinaya master De W-- He passed the sutra exam and was tonsured.57

After full ordination he studied the Lotus Sutra, the Suramgama Sutra and the Treatise on

the Awakening of Faith in the Mahayana (Dacheng qixin lun ^fft^Sfn 1&) under Zongji

^ S . One day he said, "This is garbage." He abandoned these studies and went to visit

Chan master Fachao £fej|S. Chao raised a fist and said, "The whole world appears in a

speck of dust. In ancient times a finger could be lifted to enlighten people, how about

you today?"

The master bowed and Chao asked, "Why did you bow?"

The master said, "The whole world appears in a speck of dust."

Chao said, "You dim-witted monk."

57
Monks were required to memorize sutras, such as the Lotus Sutra.

Brian J. Nichols Kaiyuansi zhi, Biographies (Kaishi zhi) 548

 The master agreed, "Yes, yes " then left

During the Xmmg period (1068-1077) of the Song Dynasty, the prefect Chen Shu

ESflx converted Congee Cloister to Chan and invited the master to give teachings there.

The Vice Grand Councilor58 Lu Jifu B pj 5£ repaired the Lotus Sutra Cloister and invited

the master to additionally serve as its abbot [i 35a] He petitioned the emperor who

bestowed upon master a purple robe and the title master Yuanjue 111 3^. In 1085 (8th year

of Yuanfeng), the prefect (chaofeng ) Wang Zudao i l E i S 5 9 had him moved to serve as

abbot of Dazhong j^tf3. In 1091 (sixth year of Yuanyou), the prefect (dafu ~j\3zf° Chen

Kangmm PlRJSlI^!;61 invited the master to concomitantly serve as abbot of Chongfu IK^S.

After one year he resigned and lived in North Cliff (Beiyan ^ b S ) of Yongyang 7Xffi. In

1092 (seventh year [of YuanyouJ), there was a disastrous famine and the prefect (taishou )

Chen Shenfu P^fi^c 62 summed the master to help exhort the gentry to lend money for

relief; he succeeded. After he left Mount Luo ^ ill, honorable ministers (gong qing £;

HP) invited him many times to serve as the abbot of famous monasteries, but he never

accepted On April, 23 1100 (third year of Yuanfu) he passed away sitting erect He was

3
cremated The prefect Jiang Gongzhuo y l ^ ^ f attended his funeral with his entourage

and built a pagoda for him at Three Sages Cliff (san shengyan £ S | j ) He left behind

58
canzheng #IE£ lit "to take part in governance" Hucker 1985 517
59
Served as Quanzhou prefect from 1084-1087
60
dafu ~)\3K found as a suffix for many titles throughout Chinese history (Hucker 1985 465) Here it refers
to prefect
61
Quanzhou prefect from 1089-1091(Clark 1981 395)
62
Clark has his name listed as Chen Dunfu WMi^i, he served as Quanzhou prefect 1091-1093 (Clark 1981
395)
63
Clark has him listed as Jiang Gongzhu Jl&M serving from 1099 1101 (Clark 1981 395)

Brian J Nichols Kmyuansi zhi Biographies (Kaishi zhi) 549

for the world a commentary on the Lotus Sutra (Fahua Jian y£^=ii) and a collection of

his lectures.

29. Shi Kezun # &JM was also known as Xing Zhi f l S . He was a son of the Xu ^

family of Nan'an. He had studied Buddhism at Kaiyuan with Jurei j|f !& since he was a

child. After passing the sutra exam and being tonsured, he went to study with Zhijie H?$st

at Zishou St^f monastery and received dharma transmission from him. He left and built

a hut (lu jp) beside Hundred Zhang Rock (Baizhangshi ]=f 3 t 5 ) on North Mountain

(Beishan i\\l\h). [i35b] Several years later he moved to Moon Cliff (Yueyan B H) at Pure

Stream (Qingxi Im'M). He was quiet and concentrated in thought and action (zhixingjing

yi ifefril"'). He disciplined his body and lived in harsh simplicity. Chao San 4ftWi

Huang Yuangong's Mjctfj mother was sick; he dreamed that someone told him to find

Cliff-dwelling Zun and make offerings to him and she will be healed. Yuangong invited

the master down [to receive offerings] and she was indeed healed. During the Yuanfeng

period (1078-1085), the prefect Wang Zudao invited the master to serve as abbot of

Venerated Site Cloister. His patrons exhorted others to follow him. Into old age, he

remained hale and hearty, diligently practicing without slowing down. He gave all the

donations he received to charity.

30. Shi Ziqi # ^ 1 $ was from the Xu family of Hui'an. When he first began teaching

he could thread many books together; he was especially learned in the Suramgama Sutra

64
a zhcmg >t is a measure often feet.

Brian J. Nichols Kmyucmsi zhi, Biographies (Kaishi zhi) 550

and the Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment {Yuanjuejing 0 jttin) • 5 He then began to feel

that to not understand the heart and be mired in words and phrases was to self-impose

obstacles. So he abandoned teaching and traveled to Jianghuai tLffii [between the Yangzi

and Huai Rivers] where he was called "Religious Man Qi" (Qi Daozhe if M^ ). He

visited Cuiyan [Ke] Zhen ^-^(^J)M and asked what was the great meaning of Buddha

Dharma.

Zhen spat on the ground and said, "Where did this spittle fall?"

The master held his hand to his chest and said, "The student today has a spleen-

ache." [I 36a]

Zhen laughed and expressed his approval.

He went to visit Jicui Huinan ${WMl§l and received the true meaning of his

teaching {de qi dao Uracil). Nan was the leader of Yellow Dragon [Chan] and the

master served as his personal attendant {zuoyouzhi tE'ti^L). One day Nan sent someone

to ask the old monk about the three guanyu H ^ i f l . 6 7 The master sternly replied, "Why

65
The full title is ^vTf j^Mfti^^W T%%&. Zongmi (780-841) wrote several commentaries on this
sutra and may be credited with enhancing its popularity. It is divided into 12 chapters discussing
meditation It was a text important in early Chan
66
He is more widely known as Huanglong Huinan H ^ T S 1^3(1002-69 J Oryu Enan) the patriarch of the
Huanglong (Yellow Dragon) branch of Lmji Chan Huanglong is the name of the mountain where his
disciples carried on his line for 150 years before the school died out He was from Xinzhou (in modern
Jiangxi province) and was a disciple of Shishuang Chuyuan The Japanese monk Myoan Esai studied with
the Huanglong school of Chan See Ferguson 2000 371-376
67
Three critical questions leading to enlightenment, a method favored by Hui'an and known as Huanglong
san guan

Brian J Nichols Kaiyuansi zhi, Biographies (Kaishi zhi) 551

are you worrying about something so distant?" Nan marveled at him even more. When

Nan passed away, Wuzu Fayan i|il£fe$?! 6 assigned Qi to teach in Nan's place.

Lecturing in the hall, the master said, "One man has a mouth but can not speak;
6 9
who is this person?" Donglin [ChangJZong ^ # ^ ^ heard this and sighed, "Chief

Trainee {shouzuo) Qi is like 10,000 ren ("fathom")70 high iron mountain. Alas, the pulse

of his speech is difficult to stop ( ^ > f JlfikipE)."

The prefect of Qizhou W')"H, Qiao Langzhong # IP "T4, thought Kaiyuan should be

a Chan monastery and invited Qi to serve as its first abbot. After some years it became a

crowded place of practice with people gathering from the four directions like clouds. The

buildings and rooms of the temple were renovated and a full collection of dharma

instruments assembled. The master became anxious to retire. He was invited to Mount

Lu (Lushan Jf^ ill). The prefect of Quanzhou summoned him to return to serve as abbot

of Luoshan %? ill and invited him to open a teaching hall at Xingfu T4?H monastery [at

Luoshan], so he came to Luoshan. [i36t>]

Some few months later he moved to Dazhong j \ ^ to serve as abbot and then

moved again, this time to Chengtian TpC^c were he served as abbot and lived there for

twenty years. He made changes to the buildings built by [prefect] Liu Congxiao and

patrons were so happy to lend assistance its not known what the expenses were.

Chan Patriarch Wuzu Fayan (1024^-1104, J. Goso Hoen) was also known as Qingyuan and was a
disciple of Baiyun Shouduan m the Yangqi line of Lmji Chan. See Ferguson 2000 413-416
69
Donglin Changzong ^R#'^',S.(1025-1091) was a disciple of Huanglong Hm'nan. He was the teacher of
the lay Buddhist and famous Song dynasty poet and artist Su Shi 3>$^(1036/7 — 1101).
70
A ren is unit of measure about 8 feet in length

Brian J Nichols Kaiyuansi zhi, Biographies (Kaishi zhi) 552

 The emperor bestowed upon the master the purple robe and the title Great Master

Zhaojue Mlfc. He was summoned by imperial edict to move to Changlu -fe^ 7 1 but the

master pleaded he should be exempted due to old age. In 1102 (first year of Chongning),

an imperial edict ordered that every state (zhou jM) should build a Chongning IKT*

temple. The prefect thought that the master should be the first abbot [of the Quanzhou

Chongning temple] and built it for him. In 1115 (fifth year of Zhenghe), he passed away.

Rather large five-colored relics, not to be compared with usual ones, were recovered from

his cremation. Neither his scull cap, teeth, tongue nor the beads from his novice

ordination were destroyed. A pagoda was built on the east side of Wukong 'IfflS? cloister.

He left the Collected Sayings ofWuhui (Wuhui Yulu JEzcinJic) for the world.

31. ShiDaoying f$iHH was a native ofHui'anand surnamed Hu ftj. He received

dharma transmission from Ziqi. The abbot moved him to Jianfu # ? § .

A monk asked, "How was the Buddha at the time before he came into the world?"
The master said, "A flower in a glazed vase."
The monk asked, "How about after he came into the world?"p 37a]
The master said, "Fruit in an agate bowl."
The monk asked, "Are you master (heshang) today the same or different?"
The master said, "Kick down the vase, pull down the bowl!"

His collected sayings were widely disseminated.

32. Shi Youpeng #WHIi had the secular name Chengzhi $uL and was a member of

the Jiang family of Nan'an 1^1 fSc. He began as a notable pupil of [vinaya master] Zongji

71
Changlu Chongfu monastery, where Bodhidharma had stayed.

Brian J. Nichols Kaiyuansi zhi, Biographies (Kaishi zhi) 553

7K S . In 1079 (second year of Yuanfeng) of the Song dynasty, the prefect Chen Shu $%M.

invited the master to serve as abbot of the Venerated Site cloister. Patrons

enthusiastically gathered in support. A hundred deteriorated things were revived (this

could include both physical structures and practices). However, seeing the heart of the

school as the roots and the name and appearance as leaves he began to look into the

"teaching outside" [the scriptures, i.e. Chan].

One day he paid a visit to Qi 1$ at Chengtian 7$.^.. Qi asked him, "I won't ask

you about your morning reading of the Lotus Sutra or your evening reading of

Prajnaparamita, why not make a statement about now!?"

The master replied, "The sun overhead at high noon."

Qi said, "Nonsense! Say something else."

The master said, "Relying upon loyalty and faith my whole life, today I let it be

racked by wind and waves." He repeated this from beginning to end five times.

Qi approved.

In 1085 (eighth year of Yuanfeng), at the request of the prefect Wang Zudao H i .

iS, he became the abbot of Xingfu ^4?@ Chan monastery, [i 37b] He was Qi's dharma

successor. In 1086 (first year of Yuanyou), he received a purple robe. In 1099 (second

72
year of Yuanfu), the former prefect {dafu 3z3z) Jiang Changsheng M^^E. invited him

to serve as abbot of Qing'guo 7?t JPL In 1105 (fourth year of Chongning), he retired. On

September 11, 1124 (sixth year oiXianhe) he suddenly grabbed a brush and composed a

poem:

72
Served as prefect of Quanzhou for a portion of 1097 (Clark 1981: 395)

Brian J. Nichols Kaiyncmsi zhi, Biographies (Kaishi zhi) 554

 Mr. Zhang drank some wine but Mr. Li got drunk.
Coming and Going, why rigidly adhere to forms?
Crack emptiness and let out a laugh!
The feet of the guardian kings step on the nose of Indra!

Sitting erect, he passed away. The prefect Zheng Nan fflW13 attended his cremation,

relics appeared like rain.

33. Shi Fachao # v £ @ was of the Shi family of Jinjiang |=f £L. He left worldly life

when just a child at Mile cloister [at Kaiyuan]. He passed the sutra exam and was

tonsured. After full ordination he began traveling. He visited Zhichao ^M at Qinghua

7ltft> monastery in Yuezhou M'M and received the true meaning of his teaching (de qi

dao f # ^ i t t ) . He returned and lived in North Mountain studying the Tripitika. He had an

iron bowl for cooking and ate once a day. Sometimes he would neglect to notice that the

time had passed noon, and he would not eat that day. [i 38a]

He returned home to take care of his elderly parents. He built a hut and lived

next to his parents day and night for some twenty odd years. The people of his village

offered him alms. A river in the village was an inlet to the sea. During the winter when

the tide was low people had to endure walking in the mud. The master gathered

donations in order to build a stone bridge about 800 Chinese feet long, composed of 130

sections. Six pavilions stood along the bridge some with Buddha images, others with

pagodas all built in stone in order to pacify strong wind and waves. The bridge was

named Beiji Mffi Bridge. Pedestrians remain thankful for his virtuous deed today.

73
Served as prefect of Quanzhou from 1115 to 1116 (Clark 1981 • 396).

Brian J. Nichols Kaiyuansi zhi, Biographies (Kaishi zhi) 555

 The master lived very simply with few clothes and plain food. He unceasingly

practiced sitting meditation and chanting. He refrained from killing small insects such as

mosquitoes, flies, chiggers and lice. At that time, master Zong TJ?, religious man Jin # ,

and two older masters, Benguan ^Wl and Youling W 3? often came to spend the summer

with him. Paying their respects to him, all of them possessed a measure of awakening. If

people did not share his ambitions, he would not associate with them and even

reproached them to their face. At length, when his parents both passed away he set out

again on his travels with his iron bowl on his back. On his return he passed Zhangpu ¥$.

M, there was a temple to General Chen where people showing disrespect were

immediately executed, [i 38b] Local people in making offerings here had killed many living

beings. The master granted the precepts of a Buddhist monk to the general, which

resulted in the saving of many lives.

He peacefully passed away after he arrived at Tong'an 1^0;$:. The day following

his cremation, a white light emitted from the site. He wrote two volumes of Treatise on

Debates of Virtue and Vice (Bian xie zheng lun M^PIEifc) and one volume of

Collection on Improvement of Practice {Xiujin lu i^-l&W) which have spread throughout

the world.

4
34. Shi Zhitian # . i f e ^ was the son of Chen family of Yongchun T R # . After he

left secular life [by becoming a monk at Kaiyuan] he pursued ideals of happiness,

tranquility and freedom from care. He dwelt on a cliff and pursued austere practice. He

74
Zhitian i&'Ms is also discussed in the Transmission of the Lamp It^Sft H l f i S t S which can be found in
Xuzangjmg Vol 78, No. 1556.

Brian J Nichols Kaiyitansi zhi, Biographies (Kaishi zhi) 556

was known as a man of virtue (you dao zhe W iS^f"). He went to travel and visited the

quarters of Donglin [Chang] Zong %,~W%^. He was awakened by [Zong's] blowing on

the fibers of a cloth. He wrote a Buddhist verse and submitted it to Zong for verification.

In 1086 (first year of Yuanyou), he arrived at the capital [at Kaifeng] where he

was summoned before Prince Xu # 3 i who asked him about essential nature (xinyao

'ti- H ) and he understood. He ordered the four orders of Chan to preside over a

Shengzuo jffJS* ceremony [for Zhitian] and also sought verification [of his awakening].

The prince hosted one thousand monks at a banquet and held a reading of the Tripitika in

celebration. He reported this to Emperor Zhezong 1=f ^K who bestowed a mona Hf ^ robe

upon the master. Prince Duan £M3E75 wrote a verse inscribed in gold: "Bestowed upon a

truly enlightened man of virtue. May we achieve Buddhahood together." He petitioned

the emperor who bestowed upon the master the title "Buddha Seal" (foyin iffjEp), but the

master refused to accept it. Members of the court bestowed upon him purple robes more

than forty times, [i 39a] but the master petitioned to have them distributed to other Chan

and vinaya masters.

He was granted the title Zhenjue MM by Emperor Shenzong # ^ before the

emperor's death in 1085 (eighth year of Yuanfeng).

35. Shi Dingzhu f$/Ei^ was a native of Jinjiang. He studied Buddhism and was also

well-versed in Confucian thought. During the Duangong period of the Song Dynasty

7:>
Prmce Duan became the next emperor, Emperor Huizong (r 1101 -1125), the penultimate emperor of the
Northern Song A great patron of Song art, he is himself noted as a great artist and the creator of the still
popular Shoujin style iSiH-^ of calligraphy

Brian J Nichols Kaiynansi zhi, Biographies (Kaishi zhi) 557

(988-989), his awakening was approved by Deng ij of Jiangnan £L~M. He returned and

lived as a hermit in a thatched hut. The master's nature was quiet and withdrawn as if he

had left the bustle of the secular world. Apart from everyday necessities his room was

empty. If a guest arrived he would simply sit and drink tea and when they had departed

he would face the wall and meditate. Prefects had asked him several times to serve as

abbot of large temples, but he refused to accept such offers. His collected works are

called Quhua i ^ ( " L e a v i n g Luxury") and contain, for example, his inscription on the

painting "Water Obstruction" (Shuizhang 7KW): "Waves appear where there were no

waves before; a single person trying to cross the ocean is worried to death." Another is

"Ode to a Parrot": "Beautiful feathers covered by a golden cage, It is clearly rare to find a

throat and tongue like yours. You don't need to always follow what people say, you must

believe that there is discord in people's hearts." [i.3%]

[Southern Song]

36. Zhouzhu #j3i("Congee Chief) is known as such because the record of his name

has been lost. He lived in Kaiyuan's Pure Land alley. The Sangha administrator

appointed him to oversea congee for 1,000 monks. There was a Keeper of Horse Herds

{taibao j$i®) who always used the congee serving utensils to feed the horses. The chief

(zhu i ) put a statue of the protecting deity [of the kitchen] under the mortar to punish

him for not using his power to protect. When the chief was walking one night the god

appeared and asked him to return the statue to its proper place. The master (shi jJrfi) said,

"The congee utensils for monastic use were seized by the official. What kind of

protection is that?" The god apologized and promised the utensil's return. In the morning,

Brian J. Nichols Kaiyuansizhi, Biographies (Kaishi zhi) 558

the Horse-Keeper hastened over to return the utensils saying, "Last night two horses

died." The god asked, as he had before, to the statue return to its proper place. The

master smiled and said, "The utensils were our property, it was your duty to have them

returned, what merit have you earned?" The god offered to help in the kitchen by

keeping the rats and sparrows away. The master then returned the statue to where it was

before. To this day people see this god as the king of protection. [i40a]

37. Shi Jiehuan # ^ 3 ^ was a native of Quanzhou (Wenlingim.1^). He possessed a

simple and tranquil nature, untainted by the flavors of worldly life. He was self-

nourished on emptiness and isolation and deeply immersed in the subtle path {dad). He

wrote summary commentaries (yaojie ^M) on three sutras: the Lengyan, Lotus and

Huayan. He can stand to cut through names, appearances and complex minutia to help

people not get lost among the branches and leaves and enable them to know and see the

real Buddha [dharma]. He was really one who could discover hidden treasures. Up to

now there are many students who follow this model.

Formerly at Kaiyuan's Thousand Buddha Cloister there was an abbot who chanted

the Lotus Sutra and a dove that came everyday to listen. One day, he didn't come and the

abbot wondered about it. That night he dreamed someone told him, "I am the dove and I

receiving power from your sutra I have been reincarnated as a human. I was born at such

and such home and can be recognized by a white feather under my arm. Can you pay me

a visit?" The abbot set out to follow these directions to see him and really found him.

His parents agreed to let him become a monk. After he grew up, he became the abbot's

disciple. He was tonsured and given the dharma name, Jiehuan.

Brian J Nichols Kaiyuansi zhi, Biographies (Kaishi zhi) 559

[I 40b]

38. Shi Dunzhao ^$XiB closely followed the vinaya and served as a model for

others such that people came from everywhere to follow him; he had ten thousand

disciples. In 1128 (second year of Jianyan) of the Song Dynasty, when he was not

teaching he studied the Illustrated Sutra of the South Mountain Ordination Platform

(Nanshan jietan tujing M ill MM S i r ) and lamented that the ordination platform at

Kaiyuan was in accord with ancient principles. With his disciple Tiying WM. and others

he rebuilt it. It had five levels, the master measured the proportions of widths and heights

himself according to the rules and methods outlined in the Sutra; no guesswork was

involved. Upon completion he remained worried that people might think his platform

was inauthentic, so he had Chong'guan ^M write a notice which was inscribed in stone.

39. Shi Taichu ^JS/®] was also known as Ziyu -f~M and was a native of Wenling

(Quanzhou) from a Confucian family. He was an unconventional young man of unusual

ambition. His poems and essays were out of the ordinary. He abandoned these pursuits

and became a monk at Kaiyuan's Venerated Site Cloister. He disciplined himself with

Buddhism and rid himself of his romantic habits. At that time, scholar-officials (dafushi

^C^cdir ) held him in respect.

Nanjian's Baoen monastery l^^lJ^M was without an abbot. [i4ia] The prefect

Chen Mi W& invited the master to serve as abbot there. Not long after, Zhen Dexiu %

W^ also invited him to give teachings at Dawei ;^C$J. After twenty years he had

accumulated a thousand disciples. His enormous breadth of understanding and

Brian J. Nichols Kaiyuansi zhi, Biographies (Kmshi zhi) 560

knowledge (qi dao boda ^ i E M ^ ) was no less than that of venerable masters of old.

The master didn't like to write, but when he did it would be spread by ten thousand voices.

For example, the austere manner of "Remembrance of Chengtian's Monks Hall" was

studied by monasteries everywhere. The man who criticized Cai Xiang's H H "Record

of Luoyang Bridge" for having three too many characters is, to this day, promoting the

verses of master Taichu.7

40. Shi Liaoxing # T14 was a member of the Huang family of Anxi ;£cM. He was a

good speaker who's specialty was persuading people to build pagodas and temples to gain

prosperity. He never kept funds for himself and always completed his projects such as

bridges and roads. He used facts to motivate people so they responded enthusiastically.

The East and West pagodas of Kaiyuan burned down during the Shaoxing period

(1131-1162) and the master had rebuilt them both during the Chunxi period (1174-1189).

He was assisted by his disciple Shoujing ^ p ^ who was a good talker and liked to joke;

when people saw him alms came pouring in. p 4it>] They had a total of seventeen

construction projects; each one was costly, impossible to achieve through human power

alone.

[Yuan Dynasty]

76
The reference here is to the Southern Song author Chen Shan Pl^#(c. 1174-1190) who criticized Cai
Xiang's inscription m a large collection of essays, the Mensln xinhva fllUlfliS.

Brian J. Nichols Kaiynansi zhi, Biographies (Kaishi zhi) 561

41. Shi Miao'en # $ £ 1 ! was nicknamed Broken Cliff (Duanya HffI!) and was a son

of the Ni family of Quanzhou ^j/i'l (this is a different "Quanzhou," not to be confused

with JJU'H). He first visited all the famous masters and settled to study under Xuefeng

[KejXiang Ifililr nj$f. Xiang held him in high regard, letting him share his seat (fenzuo

ftjM). He later withdrew and lived on Mount Shanjian #JAL, determined to live apart,

concealing his abilities. In 1285 (twenty-second year of Zhiyuan), the Sangha

administrator Liu Jianyi reported to the provincial minister77 who petitioned the emperor

to consolidate the 120 cloisters of Kaiyuan into one Chan monastery. In the Autumn of

the following year, the master [Miao'en] was invited to serve as the first abbot. Although

he declined, he was not allowed to persist his refusal. Arriving at the gate, he said, "The

first sentence is the first step. If speech is followed by action, the chiliocosm {daqian ~j\

i") will be held in the palm of one's hand." He then yelled, "Don't block my freaking

doorway!" (molai Ian wo qiu menlu ^ ^ t ^ ^ S f l ^ - )

He was installed as abbot. Having inherited Xiang's dharma, he taught the

congregation, "My heart is like split bamboo, straight with no curves; [i 42a] hiding nothing

at all. Six times six is thirty-six."

Another time in the hall he said, "This dharma can not be understood by reasoned

analysis (siliangfenbie SJt^:§Ll). In both a remote hamlet and at a [busy] crossroads

one can find foul language and noisy fighting. All of this can enlighten one's face and

help spread the Buddha's teaching. Too bad, those studying this dao are like the man

77
Boyan {£ m

Brian J. Nichols Kaiyucmsi zhi, Biographies (Kaishi zhi) 562

drawing a dragon, when the real dragon appeared he was shocked. Why is this so?

Those who know the truth are few."

The master's actions were always pure and genuine. He disciplined his body and

lived purely and austerely. He worked tirelessly—for forty-two years his ribs never

touched the bed. His speech was unaffected, but people were pleasantly and fully

persuaded. The monastery's dharma was in decline but he restored it to vigor. In the

third month of 1293 (30th year [of Zhiyuan]) the master appointed his dharma brother

Qizu MIH. to take his place and died three days later. After his cremation it was as if it

had rained relics. They were interred in West Mountain (Xishan H ill) and the emperor

bestowed upon him the title Chan master Guangming Tonghui Puji !T~ ty^MM^m^WM•

The master composed a commentary on the Shangsheng Sutra and his collected talks

were left to the world.

[I 42b]

42. Shi Qizu # ^ | § . was a native of Tong'an |q)$ and was surnamed Zhang •%:. He

first attended Fashi Yuanzhi 'H^SJG^. Zhi marveled at his talent. After he finished his

studies he withdrew to a cloister in his hometown. In 1292 (29th year of Zhiyuan),

Miao'en invited him to assume the high seat (shangzuo J l ^ ) in the hall; he loved and

respected him very much. When the master was sick on one occasion, Miao'en offered

him money for medicine, but he refused to accept it and composed a Buddhist hymn (ji)

which read, "The master's seat is wasting the people's alms. Born a body to endure this

78
Reference to a folk story in which a man named Yegong who loved the image of dragons decorated his
home with them When a dragon in heaven heard about he wanted to pay him a visit, which scared Yegong
to death

Brian J. Nichols Kaiynansi zhi, Biographies (Kaishi zhi) 563

circle of iron disaster (shengshen shouci tiewei yang ^ J £ # ^ l t k ^ | l | ^ ) . Having

swallowed molten bronze and hot iron, how could one teach people to enter the boiling

cauldron {huotang Wtffi)?' Miao'en held his manner (weiren ^ J A ) in even higher regard.

In 1293 (30th year), Mio'en let him take his place and continue to carry on the

way (dad) of master Xiang. Qizu served as abbot for 28 years. High-ranking officials

and the elite all bowed to him on their visits. Upon hearing of this, the emperor

bestowed upon him the title "Buddha mind, True Awakening" (Foxin zhengwu |$MJ>IE

my
The master was adept at speaking words of dharma, completely natural and

uncontrived. On the eighth day of the twelfth lunar month (laba lit A), he said, "At

midnight, born from mother, eyes suddenly open. Rush down the mountain. Seems like

just a tiny thing. [i43a] Heaven and earth stirred into one heap. "

On the ninth day of the ninth lunar month (chongyang), he said, "Today is the

Chongjiu festival. The chrysanthemums at the bottom of the fence are blooming again.

Everywhere people are talking about Tao Qian MM or Meng Jia ^LM-19 At Kaiyuan we

have nothing to talk about; return to the hall and drink tea."

At that time, the head seat Zhen, who was a talented writer of odes, asked the

master to write an ode to Puyin. The master wrote, "Since the [sitting and] cutting off

[the three times] ([zuo]duan [sanji]^M\^-W) there is no doubt in my breast. How can

the ghosts and gods know where I walk or hide? If there is a world hidden in the world,
79
Tao Qian (365-^27), a.k a. Tao Yuanming, was a famous poet and hermit who wrote a well-known poem
about chrysanthemums Meng Jia was Tao Qian's grandfather He lived during the Eastern Jm Dynasty.
There is a well known story about him set during the Chongjiu festival Alcohol is present in both Meng
Jia's story and Tao Qian's poem and the festival was a time for drinking, this may be why Qizu says there is
nothing for the monks to talk about and that they should drink tea. TheXudenglu vol 4 contains a longer
version of this story

Brian J Nichols Kaiynansi zhi, Biographies (Kaishi zhi) 564

it is not yet the time for the antelope to hang their horns. " Zhen sighed and was

convinced [of the master's talent].

In the autumn of 1319 (sixth year of Yanyou), the master passed away without

illness at 90. His whole body was interred in a pagoda on West Mountain.

43. Shi Ruzhao ##B'Jin was also known as Yuanming and was nicknamed Lonely

Room (Jishi ). He was a son of the Cai family of Jinjiang. He became a monk under

Daofu at this temple [Kaiyuan]. Fu lead an austere life of good action (karma). Ruzhao

would gather alms for him. When Kaiyuan was united with Miao'en as the first abbot,

Ruzhao was his close attendant. Miao'en held him in the highest regard. He later traveled

about and his inborn wisdom emerged, [i 43b] He achieved deep understanding. He served

as the guest prefect at Xuefeng monastery. He copied the Lotus Sutra with his blood.

When he returned to Kaiyuan he also wrote the Flower Ornament (Huayan) Sutra in

blood. Miao'en respected him even more. When Miao'en passed away and Qizu

succeeded him, he appointed Ruzhao as Tripitika prefect.

In 1304 (eighth year of Dade), he became the leader of the back hall (hou tang).

In 1306 (tenth year of Dade), he was transferred to the main hall. When Qizu passed

away, the Xuanzheng (Sangha administration) appointed Ruzhao as his successor; he

carried on Qizu's dharma. At a talk given on the anniversary of the Buddha's

enlightenment he said, "A snow-covered mountain, stars returned to the sky—they are

seen at first sight. Why did it take you six years Gautama! Gautama! There is no reason

to guide sentient beings into confusion—in the Eastern land wanting to get to the Western

80
Antelopes are said to "hang" their horns in a tree as a kind of camouflage to hide themselves.

Brian J. Nichols Kaiynansi zhi, Biographies (Kaishi zhi) 565

heaven." He also said, "What a pity to survive being buried alive in a pit of snow. Six

years and you have not found the mechanism, but suddenly your eyes opened at the third

watch of the night! At dawn you broke through, saw [reality], at once with the morning

star, you reached the ultimate. The emperor heard about him and bestowed upon him the

title Foguo Hongjue \%^.^L% ("Buddha Fruit Great Awakening"). In 1331 (second year

of Zhishun), he passed away without illness. His bones were interred in the Pagoda for

Past Masters (lidai ta).

[I 44a]

44. Shi Dagui # ^ C z i was also known as Hungbai and nicknamed "Observer of

Dreams" (Mengguan $£M). He was a son of the Liao family of Jinjiang. He first studied

Confucian texts. When he reached adulthood his father summoned him and said, "I have

studied Buddhism but could not accomplish Buddhist goals, so I pledged to offer you to

the Buddha. Don't defy me." So the master went to Kaiyuan with Guangxuan as his

master. After his tonsure he became the attendant of Foguo (i.e. Ruzhao). He held three

different positions up to sharing the abbot's seat. The Sangha Administration appointed

him to be the abbot of Chengtian monastery, but he rejected offer. He built a room in the

west of Kaiyuan called the Mengguan Hall. His knowledge was broad and his memory

excellent.

!
His essays compare with those of Liu $P[Zongyuan ^KTG] and his poems

compare with Tao pfel [Yuanming $fl$j]. Wujian ^ ^ 8 2 referred to him as the "Flexible

81
Lm Zongyuan (773-819) is considered the founder of classical Chinese prose and counted among the
great masters of Chinese prose of the Tang and Song Dynasties
82
Wujian ^ ^ E (1240—1310) was a well known scholar in Quanzhou at that time, he was the chief editor
of a Quanzhou zh JfU'l I ^{Gazetteer of Quanzhou) Quanzhou Wanbao Haiwai Ban (Quanzhou Evening
Newspaper-Overseas Edition) 16 June 2005. http //61 131 47 210/gb/content/2005-
06/16/content 1685237 htm

Brian J Nichols Kaiyuansi zhi, Biographies (Kaishi zhi) 566

Scholar" (Yuanji Zhi Shi [alt/l^Ldr ) who could bring together Confucian and Buddhist

thought. When he passed away his disciples built a pagoda for him on West Mountain.

He authored the Collected Works ofMengguan (Mengguanji J0MM ) and the

Biographies of Purple Cloud Bodhisattvas {Ziyun kaishi zhuan ^ T X Jf d r ^ ).

[Ming Dynasty]

45. Shi Zhengying #IEB& was nicknamed "Clean Hut" (Jie'an YnjH) and was a

native of Jinshi i^IS, Fuzhou surnamed Hong. In his youth he entered the Three Peak

monastery of Anren z&MZ as a novice. [i44b] In 1386 (19th year of Hongwu), he passed the

sutra exam and was tonsured. When walked through the gate to visit Qian IM at Linggu

JTI^[monastery in Nanjing] the incense in his robe fell to the ground and he suddenly

awakened. He was appointed precentor (weinuo i&M) by Qian. When Qian died he

went to see Xuexuan U$T at Tianjie ^ Jf- [monastery in Nanjing] who made him the

Tripitika prefect (dianzang %W). At that time imperial decree stated, "The sangha of

Quanzhou Kaiyuan monastery, facing disaster, must find a suitable abbot. Through

drawing lots Zhengying was chosen and presented to the emperor. The emperor decreed,

"He shall go serve as abbot. These days it is difficult to be an abbot. If you are too

lenient others will take advantage of you. If you are too strict you will be maligned.

Only if you keep a pure heart and clean self can you endure for long. This has been

decreed by the emperor {qinci Ifcftfc)." Following imperial orders the master came to the

monastery. In the sixth lunar month of 1398 (31st year of Hongwu), he began to give

teachings to a receptive audience of one mind (zhong zhi xiran ^kMmM). He first

Brian J. Nichols Kaiyuansi zhi, Biographies (Kaishi zhi) 567

rebuilt the dharma hall, then the Amrita ordination platform. Not long afterwards many

things that had been abolished were all repaired or restored, p 45a] In 1403 (first year of

Yongle), after returning from the emperor to Fuzhou all the monastics [in the area]

proclaimed him the abbot of [Fuzhou's] Xuefeng. He rebuilt the Buddha hall, the dharma

hall, the threefold gate, the two corridors and re-dug the Wan'gong pond 7 5 I ) t and built

the Golden Turtle Bridge (jin'ao qiao ikWiM-). In 1425 (first year of Hongxi), he was

made abbot of Linggu by imperial decree. In 1426 (first year of Xuande), the Sangha

administration appointed him as Sutra Instructor of the Left (zuo jiang'jing iLWtH). He

passed away at Linggu. His saying were collected in several volumes called The Ancient

Mirror of Secret Knowledge (Gujing sanmei "£"|a^f^).

46. Shi Benyuan # ^ M was a native a Jinjiang. Since he was little he did not want

to be around meat. After becoming a monk he studied sutras such as the Lotus and

Lengyan; he understood their subtle points. Once while traveling in Zhangpu 'MM he sat

on a rock beside the path. Every night after this the rock would glow. The locals felt this

amazing and erected a tablet at Linyan. Not long afterwards a governor (si B]) invited

him to be abbot of Kaiyuan. In the first lunar month of 1420 (eighteenth year of Yongle),

[i 45b] he was summoned to the capital by an imperial edict which read, "I have recently

heard about this eminent monk and strict adherence to precepts and his extraordinary

wisdom which understands the profound meaning of the unconditioned (zhenru JiL^O)

and the deep mystery of silent emptiness (kongji zhi xuanwei S ^ Z . ^ ^ ) . So it is with

great admiration that I send a person bearing this edict in the hope that the eminent monk

Brian J. Nichols Kaiyuansi zhi, Biographies (Kaishi zhi) 568

will come see me and elucidate the subtle dharma thereby glorifying the ethos of the

[Chan] school. I am anxiously awaiting to be relieved, with a heart of the most deepest

sincerity. Thus this edict."

The master went to the capital and his answers to the emperor's inquiries were

right on point. He was often praised by the emperor. After half a year he returned to his

home monastery [Kaiyuan].

Afterword

After writing these biographies of bodhisattvas, I am amazed at the great number

of worthies the Purple Cloud has had. How could this be so, if it is not an auspicious

place of singular merit {jixiang shusheng 'tiWffiftiO'? It has almost been a thousand years

since the appearing of the auspicious sign of the lotus-blooming mulberry tree. So it was

in ancient times, so it remains today. Why, in ancient times, did sages and worthies

emerge one after another but today they are so scarce, they are no longer heard? [i 46a]

There is a saying that "An excellent feather comes from a ying dragon, a phoenix is born

of a hundred birds." Kaiyuan's environment must have slowly deteriorated or the

fortunes of the dharma have collapsed, and the sages and worthies are in hiding. Today it

is not only this temple which cannot reach the level achieved in ancient times! [Sigh!]

But how can this prevent scholars (shi dr) with ambition from achieving the way (dao)!

Only if one relies on the outer elements will the historical moment and its conditions hold

one back; if one does not rely on the outer elements, the historical moment and its

conditions will not hold one back. For example, even though the Spring and Autumn

Period was a time of disaster it could not prevent Confucius. Even though the slum was

Brian J. Nichols Kaiyuansi zhi, Biographies (Kaishi zhi) 569

so poor, it could not prevent Yanyuan m\M\. Even though Mount Shouyang (in present

day Shanxi) was harsh, it could not prevent Boyi {SM and Shuqi ML-^r- Owing to their

determination (zhi) they were able to sustain themselves. If one seeks personal benefit

and pursues fame, he may work with sustained diligence morning and night but cannot

use the historical situation and conditions to cultivate self-serenity. Such people are

terribly confused. How sad!

[I.46a]

83
Also known as Yanhui M 0 (BCE521-481) he was one of the top disciples of Confucius. He
mentioned in the Analects as being content with the barest of necessities in a slum (lit. "shabby alley",
louxiang |ffi#)
84
Boyi and Shuqi were the first and third sons of the king of Guzhu M'rt(in present day Hebei) at the end
of the Shang f§i. Before the king died he requested he be succeeded by the third son, Shuqi. After he died,
Shuqi insisted the first son, Boyi, become king. Boyi, refused to deny the wishes of his father so he left;
Shuqi refusing to yield also left, leaving the second son to become king. Boyi and Shuqi found one
another and lived as hermits together. When the Shang fell to the Zhou JH, together they vowed to not eat
the rice of the Zhou and lived on wild vegetables on Mount Shouyang. The story ends, however when a
woman saw them one day and reminded them that even the wild vegetables belonged to Zhou they decided
to stop eating altogether and duly starved to death.

Brian J. Nichols Kaiyuansi zhi, Biographies (Kaishi zhi) 570

APPENDIX III

IMAGES

All photos are taken by the author at locations in Quanzhou from 2006 to 2009
unless noted otherwise All scenes, sculptures and temple buildings are at Quanzhou
Kaiyuan unless specified otherwise.

Figure 1 The mam (south) entrance to Quanzhou Kaiyuan (west pagoda in background)
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Figure 2 Outside Kaiyuan's main hall {daxiong baodian) on a lunar twenty-sixth

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Figure 3 Interior of the main hall, four of the five Buddhas can be seen
Note the red cushions used by laypersons during Buddha recitation (nianfo)

Brian J Nichols APPENDIX III Images

 l*p MM
** -v. >. .•

Figure 4- Central Buddha flanked by Ananda (L.) and Sariptura (R.).

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Figure 5 Sheng Guanym at the back of the mam hall (1711)

Brian J Nichols APPENDIX III Images

573
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columns with Hindu carvings behind the
main hall (Yuan dynasty)

Figure 7: Kalavinka figures supporting the ceiling of

the main hall
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Figure 9: Column detail: Krishna, one of twenty-four
carvings of Hindu iconography (Yuan dynasty).

Brian J. N i c h o l s A P P E N D I X III: Images

574
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Figure 12: Seventy-two sphinx figures
and lions line the base of the main hall's
front platform (Yuan dynasty).
Figure 11: Gilded Buddhas in the main hall

Figure 13: Interior of the hall of the ordination platform; vajra guardians to the left and right

Figure 14: Phoenix figures above Lossana in the hall of the ordination platform

Brian J Nichols APPENDIX 111: Images

575
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Figure 15: One of twenty-four apsara figures | % 1 ; ' * . 3 , . v .•:•:? •

r.-. -. .. y M-...\ r^&s

supporting the roof of the hall of the ordination ~-" \ fc A." ™

platform

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Figure 16: Two of the twenty-four

apsara figures supporting the roof of the
hall of the ordination platform

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Figure 18: Lossana statue and base

(Ming dynasty)

Brian J. Nichols APPENDIX 111: Images

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Figure 20: Kalavinka decorating a

monumental column in central
Quanzhou

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I'mnrc 21 Woman kneeling ssilli incense in Iront o f

the mam hall
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Figure 22: Woman kneeling before the

statue of Maitreya Buddha behind the
hall of the ordination platform. Stone
slab under statue in case blocks amrita
well.

Brian J. Nichols APPENDIX III: Images

577
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Figuic 23: Billbouid encouraging parents to spend

time with their children— "Through giving birth
dreams are transmitted and carried on; care and • *
harmony are mutually supportive."
Figure 24: Billboard promoting culture
as the key to Quanzhou's economic
development.
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Figure 25: Booklet commemorating the Figure 26: Many publications, such as
achievements of Quanzhou (Jinjiang) the first ten this, examine features of Quanzhou
years after Communist victory (1949-1959). Note the history and culture. The pagodas are a
twin pagodas remain behind the new factories. common decorative motif.

Brian J. Nichols APPENDIX III: Images

578
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Figure 2 7: Poster promoting the Quanzhou Electric

Bureau with Kaiyuan monastery in the middle of a
light bulb surrounded by cranes and skyscrapers.
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Figure 28: Pagodas as viewed from West Street, 2009

Brian J. Nichols APPENDIX 111: Images

 ' :* - • •-•••'" 1 i-.cr' X . i
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Figure 29: The west pagoda as seen from the east pagoda; main gate and West St.(Xijie) to the
left, 2006

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Figure 30: East pagoda as viewed from the west pagoda; roof of main hall to the left, 2006
Brian J. Nichols APPENDIX III: Images
580
 V • : ' ., - !
f
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across the street, 2009

Fi ure 33: Scul

Figure 32: Sculpture of the monkey king (Sun S P t o e of Xuanzang with small
monke
Wukong) on the west pagoda (1237) y figure o n t h e e a s t P a § o d a ( P h o t o bV
Ecke in Ecke and Demievillel935).

Brian J. Nichols APPENDIX III: Images

 II I ...Ui HI »ILW|H «. ui . I K I iq

l-i^urc 35 1 he lhive carlv representing the

llnee \ehicle~. (Ma\aka. pial\eka Buddha and
•^•'_ ••- -. :y-*' .'"'' -r' .£** "?/• bodhisainaj as well as the use oi'skilllul means
Figure 34: On his first outing Siddhartha sees m *he Lotus Sutra
on old man (east pagoda, 13th century) ( b a s e o f t h e e a s t pagoda, 13'* century)
• — ; 1

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Figure 37: Hxcerpl from (lie Lotus Snini,

written in blood by Ru/h;\o during the

Figure 36: Dharma Hall (first floor), Scripture

Library (Zangjing ge, second floor)

f I . : •
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s.
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—3
-1

Figure 38: Cabinet containing one of the Tripitikas

with the custodian monk, 2006 Figure 39: Surviving sections of a
Tripitika written in gold by Yiying
(10th century)

Brian J. Nichols APPENDIX III: Images

582
 J1; «:

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r{

Figure 40 Kaiyuan's main courtyard lined with banyan trees ranging from 200
to 800 years old Three Ming dynasty stupas may be seen on the right, 2007

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1 iguiL. 12 Wcaldhaiani
pillar (1008) Figure 43 East dharani pillar
(854)

Brian J Nichols APPENDIX III Images

583
 ..: :\.. \v.'.:.:-•:- rC .'.x..: ••••'-•
Figure 45 Stupa bearing inscriptions of the
Figure 44 One of two stupas erected in 1145 by three treasures (Buddha, Dharma and
laywoman Liu Sanniang. Sangha) and a small Buddha on the fourth
face (Song dynasty), the character for
Dharma is visible

Figure 46 Benzhi standing next to the Song Figure 47 One of eight Ming dynasty
dynasty silk-bummg furnace (Jenbuo hi) "five-wheel" (wulun) stupas

Brian J Nichols APPENDIX III Images

584
 Figure 49: "Dharma world of the lotus-
blooming mulberry" erected by Daoyuan in
Figure 48: "Dharma world of the lotus-blooming 2002 (east of front gate)
mulberry" (main hall)

Figure 51: Purple Cloud Screen (opposite

main gate): motnrc\cle taxis wait for riders
(see below for inscription).

Figure 50: "Lotus [-Blooming] Peach Tree

Manifests the Auspicious" erected by Daoyuan in
2002 (west of front gate)

Figure 53: Detail: "Purple Cloud Screen"

Figure 52: "Purple Cloud" (above main gate) stone inscription set within the spirit screen
above (Ming).

Brian J. Nichols APPENDIX III: Ima ges

585
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Figure 55 The trunk of the mulberry tree , 2006 Figure 56 Statue of Huang Shougong in
the Donor's Ancestral Shrine

Brian J Nichols APPENDIX III Images

586
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figure 57: Worship al the Donor"s Anceslral

Shrine, 2009. Figure 58: Portrait of Huang Shougong

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Patriarchs containing statues and portraits Figure 60: Kuanghu (R.) and Zhiliang's
supposed full body relic encased in lacquer
(L.)

Brian J. Nichols APPENDIX III: Images

587
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Figure 61 Portrait of Zhuandao in the Hall of Report Book of the Orphanage and School
Patriarchs, to the left is Yuanying (ca 1929)

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Figure 63 Students attending class at the Kaiyuan school To the far left a monk is speaking, a
dog is lying down in the bottom centei (photo fiom Report Book of the school and orphanage,
ca 1929)

Brian J Nichols APPENDIX III Images

588
LT1

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bigure 64: 'Ihe author with former mayor Wang

Jinsheng and his wife at their Quanzhou home,
2006 (photo by Jamie Zhang).

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Figure 65: Stele erected in 1963 recording

the 1961 designation of Quanzhou Kaiyuan
as a provincial level protected cultural relic
(front of the main courtyard).

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J'igurc Mi: 11>S2 designation o f Kaiyuan ;LIS a site
o f important national cultural heritage (IVout ol"
Kaivnan's main eourtvard)

Figure 67: Sign posted at the ticket booth in

the main gate announcing this is a site of
important national protected cultural
heritage, admission fee is ¥10.

Brian J. Nichols APPENDIX III: Images

589
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Figure 68: Tour group examining the mulberry playing cards and chatting at tables near the
tree from behind the fencing, 2009 east pagoda, 2009
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Figure 70: Groups of exercisers converge on Figure 71: stone fencing creates a barrier
Kaiyuan every morning; these are practicing taiji along the southern perimeter of Kaiyuan,
in the main courtyard, 2007 along with the foliage it keeps down noise
from West Street.
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Figure 72: This monk is keeping the main hall Figure 73: Fencing along the western edge
free of disturbances during the twice-weekly of the monastery.
recitation service (nianfo), 2009

Brian J. Nichols APPENDIX III: Images

590
I'lgurc ~4 Daily morning service in llie Dlunnui
Hall (thirty to forty monks regularly participate)
Figure 75 The abbot, Daoyuan, outside his
room, 2006

Figure 76 Monks stand, kneel and walk during Figure 77 Laywomen occasionally join the
the morning service monks during morning service

Figure 79 A monk reads scripture while

Figure 78 Desheng making tea outside the tending the Hall of the Buddha's Life
abbot's quarters

Brian J Nichols APPENDIX III Images

591
Figure 80: About 200 laypersons regularly attend twice-weekly Buddha recitation services
(nianfo).

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Figure 81: Up to 2000 individuals participate in the serpentine walk and recitation in the main
courtyard every lunar twenty-sixth of the month. The central gates of the monastery are opened,
free bowls of noodles are offered and the day culminates with this afternoon service.

Brian J. Nichols APPENDIX III: Images

592
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figure 83 Kaiyuan is especially busy
Figure 82 The courtyard fills with devotees in (renao) on lunar twenty-sixth (in front of
plain clothes on lunar twenty-sixth as well the hall of the ordination platform).

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participate in special services like the
Figure 84 Offerings and personal possessions are release of living beings ceremony
placed on large tables set up in front of the main
hall on lunar twenty-sixth.

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Figure 86 Release of living beings (fangsheng)

V ligure o/
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n i c i\.cicasc ui j j u i i u n g iviuuuis
-i

ntual (fang yankou) inside the Anyang

ceiemony to mark Guanym's ordination, 2006
Yuan, 2006

Brian J Nichols APPENDIX III Images

593
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Figure 89 Offerings are burned inside

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specially made buildings to the east of the
Figure 88 Ritual burning of offerings to the hall of the ordination platform, 2007
spirits of departed kin Those sponsoring the
ceremony are on the bottom right, 2007

.il_-Jk:
Figure 90 With my wife Jamie, our son Charles and a group of
Kaiyuan's monks at our favorite vegetarian restaurant, 2006

Brian J Nichols APPENDIX III Images

594
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Figure 91 Tourist Map of Quanzhou Kaiyuan (posted in the main gate)

Brian J Nichols APPENDIX III Images