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Higher Education and Ethnic Equity in Myanmar Through the Lenses of Social Justice

Aik Paung Seinn

Department of Counseling and Higher Education

HESA 699: Thesis

Dr. Xiaodan Hu
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Introduction

Myanmar, also known as Burma, is a country with diverse ethnic groups located in

Southeast Asia. There are officially 135 ethnic groups, and Burmese (a majority ethnicity) made

up two third of the total population, and other major ethnicities include Kachin, Karen, Chin,

Rakhine, Mon, and Wa. (Population Reference Bureau, 2014). In 1948, Myanmar gained

independence from the British after General Aung San and leaders from minority ethnic groups

met in Panglong in Shan State and had an agreement called “the 1947 Panglong Agreement” that

outlined self-determination, rights, and privileges of the ethnic groups (Walton, 2008). With the

long history of military dictatorship, this agreement has not been upheld (Burma Campaign UK,

n.d). It is also stated by Burma Campaign UK that military dictators have made ethnic minorities

struggle in terms of political and social rights, and they have embedded Burmanisation in the

system that suppresses the history, language, and culture of ethnic groups. This means that ethnic

groups do not have the opportunities to learn their own culture and history with their own

worldview. Moreover, education in Myanmar has been Burmese (Bamar) centric by the Ministry

of Education in Myanmar and the Ministry has tried to promote mother-tongue-based education

but still has not succeeded (Jolliffe & Mears, 2016).

Ethnic groups in Myanmar have demanded self-autonomy under the federal government

system and this process of demanding self-autonomy has been challenging within the country for

more than 50 years (Kipgen, 2015). In 2021, Min Aung Hlaing, the commander in chief of the

Myanmar Military, seized the power and arrested elected civilian leaders, and formed the State

Administration Council because the coup was justified by claiming widespread fraud in the 2020

election, which Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy swept to victory (Ratcliffe

(2022). There were massive peaceful protesters and workers and students such as doctors,
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teachers, and staff in governmental departments jointly participating in a civil disobedient

movement in weeks after the coup. This military coup and the people resisting to coup have

contributed to changes in democratic reforms within the country (Maizland, 2022).

Therefore, the purpose of this paper is to foster social justice, diversity, equity, and

inclusion in higher education for the future federal democratic Myanmar. This paper also

addresses Burmanization and inequalities within education in Myanmar. In addition, it is going

to explore the Social Justice model and its different practices utilized in higher education in the

United States. As Myanmar Education system is different from US’s, this paper provides what

practices and initiatives would be best for Social Justice Education in Myanmar.

Higher Education in Myanmar

This section describes higher education governance, higher education curriculum, and

military coup and higher education in Myanmar. [add more—why are these important?]

Higher Education Governance in Myanmar

When it comes to Myanmar Higher Education, the university entrance structure plays an

important role for students in deciding which specialization they would take in college. To

pursue higher education, students are determined by their high school’s final examination

organized by the Myanmar Board of Examinations, and they are admitted to different

universities depending on their final scores (Kirkpatrick & Hlaing, 2013). For instance, students

who receive lower scores on the exam are likely to be enrolled in arts and sciences, and the

university of medicine usually requires the highest scores. Kirkpatrick and Hlaing (2013) also

revealed that examination results from rural areas differ significantly from those from big cities.

Soe (2018) stated that there are not many teachers who are qualified, facilities, and resources that

enhance students’ academic achievements in most of the public schools in rural areas.
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Therefore, students in rural areas where most minorities populate (Karen Human Rights

Group, 2021) are disadvantaged in the university entrance examination system in Myanmar. In

addition, the entrance examination results for university admissions cannot be utilized to

determine a student’s eligibility to choose their specialization and to go to college. This is

because the examination mainly favors those students who can memorize the subjects in high

school and it does not focus on students’ academic performance such as creativity, critical

thinking, and other skills (Kirkpatrick & Hlaing, 2013).

Higher education institutions (HEIs) in Myanmar are under a centralized system

controlled by the government and its management is intervened by different ministries.

According to a CHINLONE report (2018), among 174 institutions in Myanmar, 134 are

managed by the Ministry of Education (MOE), and 40 are operated by different ministers, such

as the Ministry of Agriculture, Livestock and Irrigation, Ministry of Environmental Conservation

and Forestry, Ministry of Defense, Ministry of Religious Affairs and Culture, Ministry of Border

Affairs, Ministry of Transports, and Ministry of Health and Sports. As HEIs are under the control

of MOE and other Ministries, rectors and seniors-level officers at the HEIs do not have the

power to make decisions relating to staffing, course delivery, and equipment purchase that fall

under the decisions of the Department of Higher Education (DHE) (The Government of the

Republic of the Union of Myanmar, Ministry of Education, 2020).

University students have been participating historically in demonstrating politically

against the military government, and this activity results in universities scattered outsides of the

cities (Institute of International Education [IIE), 2013). It is likely that the military government

favors centralized education so that they can control students and the system for their continuing

dictatorships. In the meantime, minority ethnic groups are disadvantaged under the centralized
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education system by the military government which has performed human rights violations

against minorities and has embedded Burmanization in the system (Burma Link, 2014). As

identified by Htut et al., (2022), the military also used a tactic that favors Burmese ethnicity over

other minority groups so that they validate themselves through education. CHINLONE (2018)

highlighted that granting autonomy to HEIs is a required first step to modernizing and

internationalizing the HEIs in Myanmar. Similarly, the autonomy of making decisions at HEIs

should be directed by the university leadership in advancing their governance, academic

curriculum, finance, research, and educational resources (The Government of the Republic of the

Union of Myanmar, Ministry of Education, 2020).

In general, high education in Myanmar lacks sufficient financial resources. The universities

collect a small amount of tuition and fees from the students, but most of the university operations

are funded by the government (Subramanian & Sein, 2021). CHINLONE (2018) described that

“out of the 7% of the country’s gross national product (GNP) allocated for educational expenses

(a figure that has increased exponentially since 2011) only 12% of this is assigned to HEIs.” It is

because education has never been valued under the military government (Hayden & Martin,

2013). Subramanian and Sein (2021) claimed that there was an increase in funding for education

from 2009-2010 to 2013-2014. However, MOE and other ministries are not taking accountability

of using educational funding for assuring quality and excellent education delivered at HEIs in

Myanmar (CHINLONE, 2018).

Higher Education Curriculum in Myanmar

The Burmese higher education system does not prepare and foster students well for their

learning success and for their lives after their graduation. Lall (2021) found that the curriculum

and assessment set by MOE and other Ministries are outdated and do not enhance students in
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conducting research in their respective fields. There is a lack of multiculturalism and inclusivity

in Myanmar's curriculum, which are essential to building sustainable peaceful communities.

Subsequently, the curriculum fails to recognize the importance of presenting the world views of

minority groups in itself. It also discriminates the minority ethnic groups and practices

Burmanisation in higher education. The ideal citizen is portrayed in textbooks as having distinct

ethnic (Burmese), religious (Buddhist), and gender (male) characteristics (Cheesman, 2002, as

cited in Htut et al., 2022). Moreover, Burmese is the main language used in instruction at HEIs,

and sometimes English which leads minorities to encounter language barriers in colleges. Lall

(2021) explained that language disadvantage continues to be one of the most significant barriers

to ethnic students’ pursuing higher education.

Furthermore, students are not well equipped with the skills required for them to apply in

their related specializations and industry. In general, curriculums are not designed in a way that

is relevant to the industry where students can utilize the knowledge and skills pursued at HEIs

(Brown & Hung, 2022). College students are only prepared to memorize their subjects and not

trained to be ready for the job market. Win (2015) pointed out that there is a high emphasis on

memorizing and little emphasis on application in the core teaching and assessment in higher

education. Equally important, there is little evidence of higher education fostering students’

creativity and critical thinking for their learning development. IIE (2013) expressed that

education should cultivate critical thinkers and innovators at the tertiary level. Win (2015) also

argued that MOE and other ministries do not offer a curriculum that serves the needs of local and

national societies and job industries.

University for the Development of the National Races of the Union

University for the Development of the National Races of the Union (UDNR) is a

university administered by Ministry of Border Affairs to enhance ethnic young people from

border areas in pursuing higher education. It was founded on 20th October 1964 according to

UDNR. This university offers teacher preparation programs ranging from certificates to master’s

degree in education. There are also Nationalities Youth Resource Development Degree Colleges

located in Yangon and Sagaing regions that offer B.A, B.Sc., AGTI, BTech programs. According

to the Ministry of Border Affairs, there are a total of 6173 students graduated from Nationalities

Youth Resource Development Degree Colleges. After graduating from these institutions, it is

stated that 4025 graduates are already offered staff positions in different departments of different

ministries. On the other hand, there is no research on how these institutions offer quality

education to students and the effectiveness of these institutions to benefit students. Moreover, the

leadership of these institutions are usually from Military background.

Military Coup and Higher Education

A military coup in 2021 has a great impact on higher education in Myanmar because

students, faculty, and staff participated in the civil disobedience movement and protested the

military junta. As stated before, university students in Myanmar have historic participation in

political demonstrations to resist military dictatorship. As a result, some student protestors are

being detained, tortured, and imprisoned. One student released from detainment reported that

they were beaten and tortured badly during the interrogation due to participating in peaceful

protest (Waa, 2021). There are also several students reporting their experience of how they have

been treated badly in the detainment. In addition, some students and professors are also

imprisoned as they participate in protests. For instance, a final-year student majoring in

mathematics and a professor of oriental studies were charged with incitement under Section 505-

A of the Penal Code, and sentenced to three years in prison (Waa, 2022).

Moreover, the military junta has tried to operate universities but failed. Even though, the

university was reopened by the junta in January 2022 to show creditability of how institutions

are functioning under their control (Waa, 2022). However, Mizzima (2022) describes that the

majority of the students are still taking part in the movement that they refuse to go to college

under the leadership of military junta. It is also stated that these students are hoping to continue

to attend the classes after the success of revolution. In the meantime, interim education is

currently being implemented by National Unity Government (NUG). NUG states “It is the only

and legitimate Government of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar formed by the Committee

Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw – CRPH with the authority bestowed by the People’s mandate

of all parties’ democratic election held in 2020 in discussion with National Unity Consultative

Council.” (p. 1). Myanmar Now (2021) describes that NUG is developing plans to deliver

education to students as opposed to studying at junta-controlled universities. Currently, NUG is

offering short courses currently and planning to offer degree-related courses in the future. In

addition, NUG is putting efforts into establishing Federal Democratic Union and Federal

Education, therefore, they are opening courses related to federalism.

Higher education in the United States

In the U.S., the federal government does not directly control higher education institutions

and there are different types of institutions such as public, private not-for-profit, and for-profit

institutions (Shorelight Team, 2022). According to National Center for education statistics

(NCES), there were a total of 3,982 institutions (1,625 public, 1,660 private not-for-profit, and

697 for-profit colleges) that postsecondary grant degrees in the U.S. for the 2019-2020 academic
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year. The next sections will review higher education governance, funding, and college

admission.

Higher Education Governance in the U.S.

In the U.S., the role of the federal government is limited and there is no ministry of

education (Eckel & King, 2004). Therefore, higher education does not fall under a specific law,

and it has decentralized systems defined by many spectrums such as federal, state, and local

laws, court decisions, and regulations (U.S. Department of State, n.d.). Instead, state

governments regulate public colleges and universities in each state (Eckel & King, 2004). For the

management of the institutions, U.S. Department of Education (2005) described:

All private and most public institutions at the postsecondary level are chartered or
licensed as corporations under U.S. law and are legally independent and self-governing in
terms of academic affairs, administration, fund-raising, resource allocation and public
relations. Institutions are generally governed by a board of citizens—often called a
“Board of Trustees” or “Board of Regents.” This governing board is the highest authority
for institutional policy, although other lesser boards—such as those composed by faculty
or students—also generally participate in governance to varying degrees. The Board of
Trustees (or Regents) is generally responsible for hiring the institution’s chief executive
officer (president). (p. 27)

There are different ways to select a governing board and they include being selected by

state legislation, citizens, or governors (Kezar, 2006). Eckel and King (2004) stated that it is a

governing board that oversees all academic institutions, sets funding levels, establishes

accountability measures, sets policies, and approves new academic programs.

Funding

According to NCES (2022), U.S. degree-granting postsecondary institutions generated

$698 billion in revenues for the 2019-20 academic year. NCES (2022) also stated that these

institutions’ revenues are primarily from tuitions and fees; investments; government grants,

contracts, and appropriations; and auxiliary enterprises. The main income source of public
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universities is from state governments while that of private and for-profit institutions is from

students’ tuition and fees (Bouchrika, 2022).

Attending college is expensive for students. In general, public institutions have lower

published tuition rates than private institutions. Public intuitions offer differential tuition for in-

state students, out-of-state students, and international students, while private universities have the

same published tuition rates for all students (Bridgestock, 2022). The U.S. Department of

Education (2005) described that one in two undergraduate and three in five graduate students

received financial aid from the federal government and many of the students pay their tuition and

fees with earnings from part-time employment.

College Admissions and Enrollment

According to the 2019 report from National Association for College Admission and

Counseling (NACAC), there are hundreds of thousands of applicants who are first-time domestic

students, transfer students, and international students for U.S. college admissions every year

(Clinedinst, 2019). In order to apply to colleges, students are required to submit applications

consisting of their basic information, essays, transcript, recommendation, and other test scores

(Rigol, 2003). Clinedinst (2019) stated that HEIs consider some factors to determine whether

students are eligible or not to be admitted to colleges and to ensure there is diversity in the

student body that promotes an inclusive campus experience. The most considerable factor for

college admission includes academic performance in high school and followed by factors related

to students’ personal qualities and interests. The last factor is factors related to subject scores

(Advanced Placement (AP) or International Baccalaureate (IB)), interviews, and work

experience.
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Even though there has been an increase in the enrollment rate of students of color since

1976, nearly half of the college students are White or Caucasian (Hanson, 2022). According to

NCES (2022), the enrollment rates of White, Hispanic, Black, Pacific Islander, American Indian/

Alaska Native, and Asian are at 41 %, 36%, 36%, 34 %, 22%, and 64 % in 2020, respectively. In

other words, students from lower socioeconomic backgrounds and students of color have

historically been disadvantaged by standardized testing and college entrance exams (Rosales &

Walker, 2021; NACAC, 2022). For instance, Black students usually do not get high scores in

SAT and ACT because of high poverty- high schools and fewer access to core college prep

subjects such as math and science (Ridden, 2020). For this reason, NACAC recommended

optional standardized test scores for students applying at public colleges and universities

(NACAC, 2022). This has resulted in the increased of the rate of applying to schools by

applicants of colors, low-income and first generation.

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