Article

Editor’s Introduction 21

Moksha and the Psychology and Developing Societies

25(1) 21–42

Hindu Worldview
© 2013 Department of Psychology,
University of Allahabad
SAGE Publications
Los Angeles, London,
New Delhi, Singapore,
Washington DC
DOI: 10.1177/0971333613477318
R.C. Mishra http://pds.sagepub.com

Banaras Hindu University

Abstract
The Hindu worldview presents artha, kama, dharma and moksha as the
four major goals of human life. While artha and kama represent physical
and psychological goals, dharma and moksha represent moral and spir-
itual goals, respectively. This article examines the relevance of the con-
cept of moksha in the life of Indians and its potential for addressing the
problem of individual and group relationships. It describes the way in
which the concept of moksha and other similar concepts are discussed
in traditional Hindu scriptures and other religious traditions. Finally, it
tries to capture the way in which moksha is defined and understood by
people at the present time. The article also examines some of the widely
held misconceptions and dilemmas associated with moksha. It is argued
that instead of being an ‘otherworldly’ reality, moksha is concerned with
the present world, that it incorporates everything related to human life,
and that the pursuit of this goal is helpful not only in achieving success
in personal and professional domains of life, but also in developing posi-
tive interpersonal and inter-group relationships. Problems associated
with transmission of moksha as a valued goal in the present-day society
are discussed.

Keywords
Kalpavas, Moksha, Mumukshu, Purushartha, Tattvajnan, Worldview, Yoga

Address correspondence concerning this article to R.C. Mishra,

Department of Psychology, Banaras Hindu University, Varanasi.
E-mail: rcmishra_2000@yahoo.com
Environment and Urbanization Asia, 1, 1 (2010): vii–xii
22 R.C. Mishra

Introduction
Organisation of life, according to certain worldviews, is a distinctive fea-
ture of the human society. Through the process of ‘enculturation’, these
worldviews get transmitted from one generation to another. They shape
cognitive structures of individuals by allowing them to set certain life
goals, which may not be available in other cultures. The worldviews also
generate a strong desire among individuals to achieve those goals by
channelising all possible resources towards that end. The way in which
the goals are pursued is generally in consonance with the prescriptions
available to individuals in their respective cultures.
Moksha is one of such goals represented in the worldview of Hindus.
People talk about it in a variety of personal and social contexts. For
example, when people find a difficult person to deal with, they often
think of and talk about moksha (getting relieved) from that person. When
people are caught in a difficult situation from which there is no easy way
out, they remember the story of Gajendra Moksha (rescue of the mighty
elephant) to derive hope and strength for getting out of that situation.
Contained in the famous Hindu scripture, Srimadbhagavatam, this story
describes the fight between a mighty elephant and a crocodile. The ele-
phant was caught by the crocodile, dragged deep into the sea, almost
fully defeated, and drawn to the point of death. When there was no hope
for rescue, and the elephant was about to drown in the sea, he remem-
bered the Lord, who came forward to save him from this unfortunate
life-threatening situation. The prayer rendered by the elephant is con-
tained in the 33 verses of Srimadbhagavatam, in a section labeled
Gajendra Moksha. Many Hindus commit these verses to memory, and
recite them with utmost devotion for moksha (getting out) from misera-
ble and highly threatening circumstances of life. People suffering from
chronic diseases also talk about and pray for moksha (getting rid of) from
the disease. Many also wish and pray to the Almighty for moksha (libera-
tion) from the worldly cycle of birth and death.

Moksha and Its Relevance in Hindu Life

The concept of mokhsa is used frequently in day-to-day situations of life,
especially by the Hindus. We will try to examine the concept of moksha

Psychology and Developing Societies, 25, 1 (2013): 21–42

Moksha and the Hindu Worldview 23

in ways in which it is described in traditional Hindu scriptures and in

ways in which it is understood, expressed, and lived by Hindus today.
The literal meaning of moksha (derived from the root muc) is ‘to let
loose’ or ‘to let go’ or ‘to free’. In common parlance, moksha is widely
regarded in the sense of liberation. It is also referred to by other names,
such as mukti, nirvana, or kaivalya. In the Hindu worldview, the closest
term to moksha is mukti, which represents the extrication of an individual
from this world, and is believed to terminate all sufferings resulting from
the repeated cycles of birth and death.
Desire for release, freedom, or liberation from pain and suffering
seems to lie at the root of the notion of moksha. Many believe that this
state of affairs is not at all possible during one’s lifetime. Hence, com-
mon people generally understand moksha as an ‘otherworldly reality’, a
reality that can be attained only after the end of one’s present life. This
conception of moksha is endorsed by a majority of Hindus. Certain forms
of lifestyles and practices are considered as instrumental to the attain-
ment of this goal. For example, the ancient land of Varanasi (traditionally
known as Kashi) is said to be destined with the power of granting mok-
sha to people. A widespread belief is that anyone who breathes his last in
Varanasi is liberated from the worldly cycles of birth and death without
any effort. This belief is shared so strongly that several thousand old
people come (or are taken) to stay in Varanasi for their last breath. These
people are called mumukshu (aspirants for moksha). A number of build-
ings in the city serve as houses for these old people. These are called
mumukshu bhavan (houses for aspirants of moksha), where old people
can stay until their death. A majority of the mumukshu lives in care of
persons who manage these houses out of charities and donations received
from various sources and from all corners of the country. In some cases,
however, a family member also stays there for care and support of the old
mumukshu. Such a mumukshu would not accept food and clothes, etc., as
charities. Families consider the service of a mumukshu as their sacred
duty, and so do the local inhabitants of Varanasi city. Persons aspiring for
moksha can also be found in other holy cities of India, such as Ayodhya,
Hardwar, and Vrindavan, but the number of such people at Varanasi is
incomparable to other places.
The cultural practices and forms of life described above seem to go in
support of moksha as an ‘otherworldly’ reality, which can be experienced
by an individual only after leaving this mortal world. On the other hand,

Psychology and Developing Societies, 25, 1 (2013): 21–42

24 R.C. Mishra

there is another notion of moksha contained in the concept of jeevan

mukti (liberation in life), which is also held by Hindus, but to a large
extent by those who subscribe to the Sikh faith system. For the latter, the
state of moksha cannot be reached without the practice of liberation in
one’s present lifetime. Moksha in this faith system is seen as the continu-
ity of the ‘state of liberation in the present life’ to the ‘state of complete
liberation’ (i.e., absorption into the Absolute).
Thus, in the Hindu worldview, moksha not only occupies an impor-
tant place in people’s life, but it is also regarded as a major goal to be
attained by almost everyone in a single life, or in repeated life-cycles.
This worldview generates a number of cognitive, motivational and social
processes among individuals who share it. For example, the comforts of
physical world as well as individuals’ achievements in it (e.g., money,
power position, status, etc.) are not considered as everything, or the ulti-
mate goals of life. While people may be working for such worldly
achievements, they also set certain spiritual goals, which stay in a state
of coexistence with the goals of worldly life. People do indulge in behav-
iour and practices that are believed to bring health, wealth, peace, and
happiness in the worldly life, but they are also motivated to engage in
practices that are believed to grant detachment or freedom from bond-
ages resulting from the worldly pursuits. Thus, it is not uncommon for a
surgeon in India to offer prayers to the Almighty before performing a
complicated surgery, or for a businessman to engage in a similar behav-
iour before moving on to business issues. Even the scientists stand no
exception to this kind of behaviour. The notion is that of ‘dissolution of
ego’ in life, the entity which binds people with the worldly things.

Nature and Meaning of Moksha in Systems of

Indian Thought
Moksha as a highly valued goal of human life has been advocated in a
model of human behaviour, called purushartha. The term is composed of
two words: purusha, which means the sentient being, and artha, which
means goal or purpose. In simple terms, purushartha means ‘goal or
purpose of the human life’. The model suggests four goals (also consid-
ered as four set of values) that individuals are expected to pursue if they

Psychology and Developing Societies, 25, 1 (2013): 21–42

Moksha and the Hindu Worldview 25

wish to lead a good and happy life. These goals are: (a) artha, (b) kama,
(c) dharma and (d) moksha.
In philosophical literature, human behaviour (pursuit) has been cat-
egorised as (a) material pursuits, (b) moral pursuits, and (c) spiritual
pursuits. Artha and kama represent material pursuits; dharma repre-
sents moral pursuits, and moksha represents the category of spiritual
pursuits. Under the material pursuits, artha and kama are separated
because of their distinctive role in human life. While artha is primarily
concerned with the fulfilment of gross bodily needs such as food, shel-
ter, etc., kama is related to the satisfaction of refined needs of psycho-
logical nature, called desires, which have their own significance in
human life.
An important proposition made by Indian scholars in this context is
that the pursuits of life must be physically pleasant and morally good.
Behaviour which is physically pleasant is called preya; and behaviour
which is morally good is called sreya. Scholars put artha and kama in the
preya category, while dharma and moksha are included in the sreya cat-
egory. This conceptualisation implies that moral and spiritual pursuits
cannot be separated from each other; morality is not possible without
self-transcendence, which in turn is difficult to imagine without spiritual
development. It also implies that there is no preya in dharma and
moksha, a viewpoint that seems to be problematic. The pursuit of only
the preya goals by rejecting sreya tends to reduce human beings to the
level of animals. On the other hand, the pursuit of only sreya goals dis-
regarding preya does not look practical. In the purushartha model, these
goals are fully integrated into the ultimate goal of human life, called
moksha. It is in this sense that moksha is regarded as the highest goal
(param purushartha) of human life.
Purushartha model, in which artha and kama are not only accepted
but also granted respectable status like dharma and moksha, reflects the
positive orientation of ancient Indian scholars towards the acceptance of
material goals (and worldly life), along with the pursuit of moral and
spiritual goals. Both are granted equal importance in human life, although
there is another system of Indian thought in which a hierarchical organi-
sation of these pursuits is advocated by creating a dichotomy between
worldly life (called pravritti) and the life of renunciation (called nivritti).
In the latter scheme, artha and kama are granted an inferior status than
dharma and moksha, and considered as the pursuits of animals.

Psychology and Developing Societies, 25, 1 (2013): 21–42

26 R.C. Mishra

Nevertheless, the main texts of Indian philosophy and religion (e.g., the
Vedas, Upanishad, Agama, Puranas, and Bhagvad Gita) seem to support
a holistic view of life in which all four goals are considered to be in a
state of co-existence.
The origin of the concept of moksha is not known. For several hun-
dreds of years, these concepts were passed on to generations through oral
tradition before they appeared in writing (Pande, 2001). It seems that the
concepts were first developed by the sanyasis, i.e., the people who had
renounced the world in the pursuit of solitude for self-realisation (atma-
anubhuti) or self-attainment (atma-prapti). Scholars (e.g., Flood, 1996;
Pande, 1994; Werner, 1989) generally trace the origin of these concepts
within this tradition. It is believed that the first texts discussing the idea
and practice of moksha are the early Upanishads. Other connotations of
moksha, such as cutting of bondage or limitations (i.e., freedom), also
seem to be characterised by the same spirit.
In Hindu philosophical traditions, we can find three major perspec-
tives on moksha. According to one school of thought, the attainment of
liberation coincides with the realisation of the unreal or false existence
of ‘personal self’, called atman, and at the same time revelation of
the ‘absolute self’ as the ever-existent truth, called brahman, which is
the source of all spiritual and phenomenal existence. It is argued that the
duality of personal self (atman) and absolute self (brahman) is experi-
enced because of the illusion created in mind between sentient awareness
and insentient matter. Moksha is viewed as a final release from this illu-
sion, which takes place when one’s worldly conception of self is erased
and the shackle of experiential duality is loosened. This state is accom-
panied by the realisation of one’s own fundamental nature, which is
characterised by sat (true being), cit (pure consciousness), and ananda
(bliss), an ecstatic and ineffable experience, called satcitananda (Jefferey,
2003). Thus, atman, brahman, and paramatman are all one and the same.
They are nirguna (without form and quality) and, hence, beyond
description.
In another philosophical school, moksha is regarded as the loving,
eternal union of the self (atman) with God (brahman or paramatman), a
state in which the individual attains union with the Supreme Lord, while
maintaining his or her individual identity in a spiritual form. In this sense,
moksha is the state of atma-jnana (self-knowledge), or atma-anubhav
(self-realisation) or atma-prapti (self-attainment). This state can be

Psychology and Developing Societies, 25, 1 (2013): 21–42

Moksha and the Hindu Worldview 27

reached through certain practices (certain forms of yoga) by holding

strongly that God is beyond limits, and that He exists in different forms
everywhere, in everything, and all the time.
A common thread that connects these different schools of thought is
the concept of maya (illusions). In the first school, the emphasis is on
discerning the real and the unreal. A sadhak (practitioner) can unravel
the curtain of maya in order to come to a clear realisation that the observ-
able world is unreal and impermanent, and that only the brahman has
true existence. This jnana (understanding) of reality is moksha; without
this jnana, there is no question of mukti.
In other schools, God is considered as the most attractive and lovable
object in this world, such as we find in a personified conceptions of
Shiva, Rama or Krishna. The idea is essentially of devotional service in
love. Through immersion in the love of God, one’s illusions get unveiled,
real truth becomes manifest, the illusory sense of separation disappears,
and the person becomes one with the God. A guru (master) can be of
great help, because she/he can facilitate the process of jnana (knowl-
edge) attainment.
Four yogas (disciplines) or margas (paths) have been suggested for
the attainment of moksha. These are: karma yoga (doing everything for
the Supreme Lord), jnana yoga (realising the Supreme Lord every-
where), raja yoga (meditating on the Supreme Lord all the time) and
bhakti yoga (serving the Supreme Lord in loving devotion). Different
schools of Hindu philosophy place varying degrees of emphasis on one
or the other path.
According to spiritual scientists, our self is good, happy, illuminated,
pure, perfect and blissful. Hence, these qualities are fully established in
a self-realised person. In this sense, both the connotations of moksha
(i.e., self-realisation and freedom from bondage) seem to be complimen-
tary: the more one becomes free from bondages or impurities, the more
one realises or attains the real nature of the self.
There are other concepts that occupy the same semantic space as moksha.
Two such concepts are nirvana and kaivalya, which are used as syno-
nyms of moksha in popular literature. The term nirvana is widely used in
Buddhism. Buddha has described it as a state of perfect peace of mind,
which is free from cravings, anger and other afflicting states (kleshas).
This state is achieved with the uprooting and final dissolution of the
volitional formations (referred to as vasanas or samskaras), i.e., the

Psychology and Developing Societies, 25, 1 (2013): 21–42

28 R.C. Mishra

structures within the unconscious mind that, according to Indian reli-

gions, are the cause of birth and rebirth of the sentient beings.
With the experience of nirvana, the mind loses its identity with mate-
rial phenomena and experiences eternal peace and a unique awareness,
called bodhi (in Buddhism), or kaivalya in Hindu yogic tradition.
According to one school of Buddhism, nirvana is ‘the highest happiness’
(ananda), and the final destination of human life.
In Jainism, moksha and nirvana are regarded as one and the same
(Carrithers and Humphrey, 1991; Jaini, 2000). On achieving moksha, the
atman realises his pure form, and gets relieved from the worldly cycles
of birth and death. It then becomes a siddha (one who has accomplished
its ultimate objective). According to Jain tradition, moksha requires anni-
hilation of all good and bad karmas (actions), because if karma is left, it
will bear fruits.
In the Sikh religious tradition, the concept of moksha appears in the
form of mokh dwar (door of salvation). It is regarded as the 10th door in
human body, which is invisible. This door opens by the grace of the Lord
when people indulge in regular naam-simran (reciting His name). The
other nine doors are: two eyes, two ears, two nostrils, mouth, anus and
the procreative organ, which are visible because of their passage into the
outer world.
Another concept often used by people in the context of moksha (but
in a different way) is swarga (heaven). In Hindu culture, a person’s
name after death gets pre-empted with swargiya, which indicates that
the person has now left this world and moved to another world, called
swarga (heaven). However, swarga is believed to be a place of tempo-
ral attractions, and a moksha-seeker is advised to avoid it in order to
achieve ultimate union with the God. A mumukshu (one who aspires for
moksha) has also to avoid other spiritual powers (called siddhis),
because they stand as stumbling blocks in the path of moksha (ultimate
liberation).
An appraisal of the various notions of moksha summarised in the pre-
vious section brings out at least one core element of similarity across
them: all of them seem to consider it as a state of life in which there are
no desires or wants (vasanas), and a state of cognition in which there are
no frames or images. This state is called shoonyata (silence or a state of
non-existence), a chief characteristic of a person referred to as jeevan
mukta. Whether in this life or in the next, attainment of moksha is not

Psychology and Developing Societies, 25, 1 (2013): 21–42

Moksha and the Hindu Worldview 29

possible as long as one cares for objective achievements, or rewards, or

incentives in the worldly life.

Popular Conceptions about Moksha

In spite of a fairly vivid description of moksha in philosophical and
Hindu religious literature, and also its interpretation by scholars
(Anantanand, 1994), people hold certain conceptions which do not match
with the philosophical notions of moksha. Among others, a popularly
held belief about moksha is that it is an ‘otherworldly reality’ or an attain-
ment after death, and that it has nothing to do with worldly affairs of
life.
This belief about moksha is brought out in a study (Mishra, 2011)
which was conducted at Allahabad with individuals who visit the place
every year and camp at the holy confluence of Ganges and Yamuna for
the full month of Magh (according to Hindu calendar), which is January-
February according to the Christian calendar. During this period, the
empty flood plains of these rivers are transformed into a big city with the
arrival and stay of several million pilgrims. The congregation of such a
big crowd at one place is called mela. The ancient name of Allahabad is
Prayag; hence, the big event is referred to as Prayag Magh Mela. Millions
of pilgrims camp at mela for a full month in small tents, which are set up
just for this particular event, and disappear suddenly when the event
comes to an end. Pilgrims, who camp at the mela for the full month, are
called kalpavasi (kalpa denotes time; vasi means inhabitant). A kalpavasi
has to observe certain rules and engage in certain practices, such as bath-
ing twice in the holy rivers, eating full meal only once at daytime, not
eating certain cereals and vegetables, not sleeping during day hours, and
so on. The belief is that each day of camping at the confluence fetches
happiness of millions of years, and leads to cessation of the cycle of birth
and death.
In the study, 165 kalpavasis at the 2011 mela were interviewed with
open-ended questions. The belief that moksha can be attained only after
the end of the present life was represented in the cognition of a majority
of respondents (78 per cent). This notion was contained in statements
like: ‘moksha is achieved only after death’, ‘the world is full of miseries;

Psychology and Developing Societies, 25, 1 (2013): 21–42

30 R.C. Mishra

where is moksha if one is living’, ‘there are only bondages and bondages
in life’, ‘in the household, one is tied with many chains; there is no ques-
tion of moksha in such a life’. This belief was held as strongly by
respondents of rural as of urban residential background. Other beliefs
held by a majority (58–72 per cent) of respondents in the sample were:
(a) that the pursuit of moksha is antagonistic to the pursuit of worldly
matters, (b) that in order to attain moksha, one has to bid goodbye to
everything that is related to this world, and (c) that moksha is a state of
renunciation of pleasure and pain as opposed to enjoyment of life in this
world. Some statements which may illustrate these beliefs are: ‘the world
and moksha, both cannot stay together’; ‘how can a case hold two
swords’, ‘day and night the world is seated in the heart, and longing is for
moksha, what an interesting joke!’, ‘people are always after pleasures of
life; how can we think of moksha’, ‘moksha requires balance in life;
none has got it here, not even the great mahatmas’ (great saints).
Such beliefs paint a very different picture of moksha from what we
find depicted in the ancient texts of Indian philosophy and religion. In
my understanding of these texts, moksha is not the otherworldly reality.
The concept of jeevan mukta, mentioned earlier, is widely used and
highly appreciated in popular Indian texts, such as Ramacharitmanas
and others. These texts suggest to us that moksha is the reality of the
present world, and that it can be reached, celebrated and fully enjoyed in
one’s own life. Characterised by a highly positive state of consciousness,
moksha grants acceptance to everything of human life, but without cling-
ing to it, and without craving for it.
Such a positive notion of moksha is important in two respects. In the
first place, it stands for the realisation of the ultimate Reality, a real
enlightenment (jnana). Second, it encourages friendly relationship with
all others in this universe and also striving for their well-being. Thus, a
mukta (liberated person) does not live only for himself; instead, he lives
for all others.

The Salience and Psychological Import of Moksha

We have mentioned earlier the viewpoint that considers moksha as
parampurushartha (highly desirable goal) of human life. The salience of

Psychology and Developing Societies, 25, 1 (2013): 21–42

Moksha and the Hindu Worldview 31

moksha can be understood from the very fact that people generally aspire
for it. In his study with kalpavasis, Mishra (2011) noted that almost every
participant considered it as a desirable goal. The participants also felt
that their month-long stay at Prayag on the sacred confluence (sangam)
would certainly facilitate their movement toward this goal. Similar aspi-
rations were expressed by people who had visited mela several times,
had a holy dip in the Ganges, but had never camped there as kalpavasi.
The reason most commonly mentioned by people was that moksha would
free them from the worldly cycle of birth and death (sansarik
avagaman).
How could this possibly happen? The traditional literature suggests
two possible, but complimentary, options. One is the ‘extension of self
from a finite to an infinite state’. According to Upanishad, happiness lies
in the state of infinitude; there is no happiness in the finite state. Another
option is ‘positive feeling and positive relationship with others’.
Srimadbhagavatam declares that our self can reach the state of infinitude
only by considering it as an inseparable element of the Almighty, and
hence, realising its relationship with everything that exists in this world.
I do not know whether it is possible to attain this state of consciousness
to become one with all, but the fact is that without developing this kind
of orientation, there will always be a feeling of ‘selfhood’ and
‘otherness’.
The scholars of the upanishadic tradition (often called spiritual scien-
tists) consider our true self as the storehouse of all that is good for us and
others. Unfortunately, it is covered by several layers of illusions or impu-
rities (called maya), which can be lifted over by engagement in sadhana
(yogic practice). The most powerful obstruction is created by our ahamta
(ego), which creates a solid boundary around us and generates the ‘feel-
ing of separation from’ or ‘non-unity with’ others (dvaita-bhavana or
dvaita-buddhi). In spiritual tradition, this is called ajnana (ignorance).
The opposite of this is jnana (knowledge or enlightenment), which
means feeling of unity with all (advaita- or abheda-bhavana). This is
another name for the universal love (also called maîtree-bhavana). Its
practice melts the ego, clears impurities, and facilitates self-realisation,
self-attainment and cordial relationship with others.
We have noted earlier that artha, kama and dharma are synthesised
within the spiritual value of moksha. In fact, dharma is an integral part
of moksha. Two reasons can be advanced in support of this claim. One

Psychology and Developing Societies, 25, 1 (2013): 21–42

32 R.C. Mishra

lies in the very definition of moksha as the realisation or attainment of

one’s true self, which is fundamentally good and noble. If self is funda-
mentally good, then a self-realised person will be moral, and his actions
will be naturally good. Ramakrishna Paramhansa says, ‘Just as only
honey will drop from the honey-comb, only good actions will ensue
from the self.’ Another reason justifying the presence of dharma in
moksha is the advaita- or abheda-bhava, a state of unity and love with
all, which characterises moksha. The main cause of negative behaviour
with others is the feeling of ‘separateness’ or ‘otherness’ (dvaita- or bheda-
bhava), which may be created on the basis of any physical, social or
psychological attributes of individuals or groups.
The process of ‘othering’, the factors that facilitate this process, and
the complex dynamics through which it leads to negative perception,
prejudice, discrimination, and social violence, have been widely studied
in social psychology (see De Ridder and Tripathi, 1992). Theories have
been developed to explain the way in which we can stop this process to
come into play during social interactions. Tajfel’s (1981, 1982) ‘social
categorisation theory’ focuses mainly on the distinctions between ‘us’
and ‘them’, the former considered as ‘good’, and the latter as “bad”.
These distinctions draw an impermeable boundary between individuals
and groups, generate negative perception of each other, block their
mutual interactions, throw them in conflict-ridden states, and make them
each other’s enemy, particularly when there is competition for resources
and control over it. Swami Ramathirtha used to say, ‘With whom shall I
have enmity if the enemy is also my own person.’ Srimadbhagavadgita
points out that a self-realised person becomes one with all, and therefore,
he always keeps doing good for all. These texts suggest to us the need for
bringing about change in our way of looking at others. Unless a sense of
‘unity’ or feeling of ‘oneness’ with others is developed, such as happens
in moksha, problems of relationship experienced at the individual or
group level are highly likely to surface and remain unsolved.
The Hindu scriptures indicate that the self is destined with a natural
power, called pratibha or pratibha shakti, which literally means talent or
genius. Pratibha is an extraordinary capacity of understanding and doing
things. This capacity can ensure one’s success in any field of life. A tal-
ented doctor, engineer, lawyer, manager, businessman, statesman, social
worker, and virtually any one, can touch any milestone in life besides

Psychology and Developing Societies, 25, 1 (2013): 21–42

Moksha and the Hindu Worldview 33

fulfilling the basic needs (e.g., artha and kama). Thus, moksha strength-
ens us not only spiritually, but also materially.

Salience of Moksha
What salience does the concept of moksha carry for individuals in the
present-day society? This is a critical question that needs some degree of
reflection. The answer depends on proper understanding of the concept
of moksha. From the Upanishad, we learn that matter is the free manifes-
tation of the spirit. Hence, a philosophy that creates dichotomy between
the values of material and spiritual worlds cannot do full justice with
human life. If a distinction between spiritual and material is possible, it
is only in one sense: that the spirit has access into the realm of matter,
whereas matter does not have access into the realm of spirit. This means
that material richness cannot bring spiritual enlightenment, whereas a
spiritually enlightened (rich) person will not experience poverty in the
way materialists would define it. The reason is that the needs of a spiritu-
ally enlightened person are very few and desires extremely limited. From
the spiritual point of view, the poorest person is one whose desires are
unlimited. Hence, the Upanishad declares that ‘one, who realises the
self, attains all the worlds (lokas) and all the desires (kamas)’. There is
no limit of desires, and there is no way to stop people from falling prey
to them without promoting realisation of its negative consequences. As
we have seen earlier, moksha represents a psychological state in which
there are no desires or wants, and the mind experiences absolute silence
(shoonyata).
There is another important point to be noted about moksha. Many
people consider moksha as an individualistic concern, but they use col-
lectivistic means (e.g., welfare activities) to achieve this valued goal
(Mishra, 1994). At the same time, many others have difficulty in accept-
ing it as a valued goal for day-to-day life. They reject the idea by arguing
that moksha has nothing to do with practical and professional aspects of
individuals’ life, and that it cannot be useful for the modern enterprising
generation (Mishra, 2011). This sounds like an orthodox view of moksha,
which markedly deviates from the meaning contained in Upanishads. A
psychological state, which frees anyone from individualistic limitations

Psychology and Developing Societies, 25, 1 (2013): 21–42

34 R.C. Mishra

and allows functioning at a higher level of consciousness, can never be

irrelevant.
In this context, it may also be noted that each one of us is mukta (self-
realised) to some extent; in each one of us there is already some manifes-
tation of self in the form of cognitive potentials and creative activities.
The difference across individuals exists only with respect to the level of
illumination of the self. The self is like the sun covered by the clouds.
More the self becomes free from illusions, the more illuminating it
becomes, like the sun getting free from the clouds. By freeing oneself
from all illusions, a person obtains his true self (nij svarup), which is
called atman, or paramatman, or brahman, or Shiva, or God. In spiritual
philosophy, God and our true self are one.
The reason for considering moksha as a spiritual goal, which is useful
for all of us, is the fact that it involves the realisation or attainment of the
spirit (atman). Characterised by love for and feeling of unity with every-
thing in the world, moksha involves a synthesis of sreya and preya, which
deliver real happiness for which there is no other way. All activities and
pursuits based on love for and relatedness with others can offer solutions
not only to individual problems, but also to familial, social, political, and
professional problems. In this sense, moksha seems to carry great poten-
tial for success in worldly life in general, and dealing with problems of
human relationships in particular. A fuller understanding of the concept
is necessary to promote its utility in day-to-day life.

Some Dilemmas about Moksha

From the discipline of linguistics, we learn that no concept carries a sin-
gle meaning, and that people can derive any meaning out of the many
that are available as options. Sometimes even new meanings are created
for the available concepts, or new concepts are created to deal with exist-
ing realities, which were not visualised in the past. Removing ambiguity
and fixing meaning of existing concepts is a difficult, if not impossible,
task for social scientists. This is particularly true for those social scien-
tists who engage in cultural or cross-cultural studies and comparisons of
socially and culturally-rooted psychological phenomena.
Moksha is one among the several concepts that can be claimed to be
indigenous to the Indian soil. Its meanings discussed earlier (e.g., liberation,

Psychology and Developing Societies, 25, 1 (2013): 21–42

Moksha and the Hindu Worldview 35

release, freedom, self-realisation, self-knowledge, self-attainment, etc.)

form part of the vocabulary of the larger world today. This means that
words have some core contents, which may travel beyond cultural
boundaries without any evidence for change. On the other hand, words
also have forms, which undergo change over time within a given culture,
or in a new culture, when they get transported through inter-cultural
interaction processes.
These eventualities have also happened with the concept of moksha.
People today do not take the same meaning of moksha as we find illus-
trated in traditional scriptures. In fact, there is enough evidence of distor-
tion in its meaning. Beliefs held by people that moksha is an ‘otherworldly
reality’ and that it can be achieved only ‘after death’ (Mishra, 2011)
present clear evidence for distortion of its meaning. Such an understand-
ing renders moksha as a concept, which does not carry any potential for
changing the quality of the lived lives of people. It is no more viewed as
an ‘experiential reality’; instead, it is perceived as a kind of reality that
can be realised by using certain tangible means, such as charity, welfare
activities, donations, bathing in sacred rivers, pilgrimage, visit to sacred
temples or deities, and many other cultural practices.
Such beliefs about moksha are clearly reflected in people’s behaviour
in several ways. We have already mentioned Varanasi as a place where
several thousand old people camp for years altogether in anticipation of
moksha by breathing their last there. A similar belief is held regarding
liberation through a holy dip at the confluence of Ganges and Yamuna in
Prayag. The process is quicker if the holy dip is taken on certain auspi-
cious days during the period of a month. Hence, it is not surprising to
find a congregation of 8–10 million people at the sacred soil of Prayag on
some of the main bathing days. Such behaviour on the part of individuals
or collectives bring out the perceived salience of certain cultural prac-
tices for self-liberation. In fact, the practice of residency at holy places is
inspired by the idea that it would raise the residents above petty concerns
of this world, and let their self be attuned to the divine ground of being.
This is supposed to be one of the ways of acquiring tattvajnana (true or
absolute knowledge) to ensure self-liberation. It is difficult to judge the
extent to which this behaviour grants to individuals freedom from
worldly concerns and facilitates the process of self-realisation. In scrip-
tures, such engagements are regarded as matters of worldly amusement
(lokranjan) if they do not end up in generating tattvajnana. Some follow-up

Psychology and Developing Societies, 25, 1 (2013): 21–42

36 R.C. Mishra

work with kalpavasis (Mishra, 2011) indicates that the effect of a month
of kalpavas is not long-lasting. People quickly get back to the usual con-
cerns of the worldly life.
There are other difficulties also. In the purushartha model, moksha is
presented as a goal for everyone. Due to (mis)interpretations by certain
groups of scholars, moksha is often regarded as a goal only for some
people. Others will have to pass through several cycles of birth and death
in different categories of life in order to achieve the basic eligibility for
moksha. Hence, it may not be out of place to ask as to ‘whose moksha’
we are talking about. Is it everyone’s, or only of a few? If a variety of
resources have to be arranged and channelised for achieving moksha,
then it will turn out to be a valued goal only for the resourceful people
even within the category of those who fulfil the basic eligibility. What
will be the status of moksha for people who are poor and not resourceful?
Do these poor people hold the same conception of moksha as others?
Answers to these questions are necessary in order to grasp the layman’s
perspective on moksha.
The last observation is about self and its realisation. There are differ-
ent layers of self, which get manifested in different contexts. There is a
personal self that people generally use to define themselves; there is a
social self that situates people in their social context; there is a relational
self that connects people to their physical and social world; and there is
also a spiritual self that connects people to the cosmos. Many of these
selves provide us with identities, which enter into conflict with those of
others in certain circumstances. Moksha would require transformation of
the smaller identities, derived through personal or social attributes, into
a larger identity whose attributes are commonly shared by all individuals
and groups. In the absence of this process, individuals and groups are
highly likely to enter into conflict with other individuals and groups.
Also, in its absence, there will be inconsistency between human ideals
and practices.
Many inconsistencies between ideals and practices are already in
existence in India (also in other parts of the world). For example, there is
the noble ideal of atmavat sarva bhuteshu (we should treat all creatures
like ourselves), but in the society, many are still ‘untouchables’. There is
the ideal of vasudhaiva kutumbakam (the world is one family), but many
in this country are still considered as ‘foreigners’ or ‘outsiders’. There is
the ideal of sarve bhavantu sukhinah (all should be happy), but this has

Psychology and Developing Societies, 25, 1 (2013): 21–42

Moksha and the Hindu Worldview 37

never been the mission of politics in this country. At the universal level,
there are great ideals of ‘freedom’, ‘equality’ and ‘fraternity’, but none of
these ideals has been realised anywhere in the world so far. Culmination
of these smaller identities into an absolute identity is the first step towards
moksha and first initiative towards the solution of relational problems of
individuals and groups. Can socially constructed categories be done
away with or glossed over? This is a big question in establishing moksha
as a highly valued goal of human life in modern times.
Another question that needs to be answered is why and how material
goals have eclipsed moral and spiritual goals. In other words, why is it
that the material goals of life have progressively taken over the moral
and spiritual goals? This question requires the analysis of the process
through which moral and spiritual development gets arrested. According
to traditional scriptures, self is bestowed with a natural ‘spiritual drive’,
i.e., a tendency for growth and extension, but this tendency is arrested
due to the raga (attachment) and vasana (desires), which lead to exces-
sive engagement of individuals with biological and material worlds.
According to Scheler (1973), both define the parameters of the possible
scope for spiritual development. Moksha requires liberation of the psy-
che from the deep-rooted raga and the strong nets of unwanted vasanas,
which develop inclination only towards the worldly pursuits. In a society
largely influenced by West, and now being motivated by consumerism,
biological and material goals are highly likely to govern people’s behav-
iour, pushing the ‘spiritual drive’ to a marginalised state.

Conclusion
In the preceding pages, we have seen that moksha as an important goal
of human life is strongly represented in the cognition of people of the
Hindu faith system. This cognition motivates them to live a life and
engage in behaviour or practices which either lead to the attainment of
moksha, or facilitate individuals’ journeys towards this goal.
In a psychological theorisation, Maslow (1954, 1959) has regarded
the search for meaning in life and actualisation of one’s self as needs that
could be used to assess whether one has really gone beyond the concerns
of animal life to be claimed as a human being. Concern for moksha goes

Psychology and Developing Societies, 25, 1 (2013): 21–42

38 R.C. Mishra

even beyond this level. At the physical plane, it engages people in behav-
iour which is highly pro-social in nature. Fulfilling one’s duties (kartavya,
see Pandey, this issue) selflessly is the first step towards moksha.
Behaviour which facilitates growth and well-being of all creatures in
this world is the real dharma of individuals (Mishra, 2012), and an
important means to the attainment of moksha. Hindu scriptures are full
of stories of individuals who could attain moksha simply by engaging
themselves in such duties (e.g., serving their old parents, helping people
in their difficult days). Behaviour like giving charity to the needy, alms
to beggars, or donations (daan) to people and organisations working for
the poor and the helpless, is motivated by the idea of ‘service’ to human
beings in whom the Almighty God is manifested in many different
forms.
Practices such as a holy dip in the Ganges, month-long camping at
Prayag (kalpavas), or living in Varanasi and other scared places as
mumukshu, are the means that facilitate the process of individuals’ dis-
sociation from worldly concerns. The journey into self is not possible
without psychologically disengaging oneself from worldly affairs.
Freedom of mind from such concerns is essential for experimentation
with and understanding of true self (Osho, 2005). Hence, most of the
Hindus would create some space in their daily lives for engaging in cer-
tain practices like devotional service (bhajan), worship (pooja), or medi-
tation (dhyan), which take them away from worldly concerns to
experience the realities of the inner world. Participation in namaz (in the
case of Muslims), or in church prayers (in the case of Christians), or in
similar prayers (as in the case of Buddhists) are practices geared by a
similar concern, i.e., taking people away from the physical world (at
least for some time). This is called kshanik moksha (momentary libera-
tion), which has its own value. With practice and training of mind, such
worldly disengagements begin to occur spontaneously, allowing people
to perceive realities in a different way. Change in the perception of reali-
ties is another sign of moksha. A self-realised person perceives the world
and behaves in a way that is different from others. This is viewed as
one’s ‘advancement’ on the path of moksha.
While the concept of moksha is different from that of jenna in Islam
and paradise or heaven in Christianity, the worldview of Hindus seems
to have been shared by people of other faith systems. For example,
Muslims engage in namaz and other holy prayers (zikir), fast during the

Psychology and Developing Societies, 25, 1 (2013): 21–42

Moksha and the Hindu Worldview 39

month of Ramadan (roza), struggle for personal purity (inner jihad),

make pilgrimage to Mecca (haj), give charity, care for one’s family, and
so on. Similar practices form part of the Christian worldview, suggesting
that the goal of moksha (although not labelled moksha) and practices
leading to it have been internalised by people of other faith systems. A
goal, which draws people away from the confines of narrow boundaries
and situates them at a plane where all distinguishing features get dis-
solved, must be an aspiration for everyone. Situating people cognitively
at this plane is likely to motivate them to engage in behaviour and prac-
tices that ensure the well-being of all. Hence, it is not surprising that we
find everywhere that people do something,which is not governed simply
by worldly concerns in the strict sense of the term.
In spite of the existence of such a strong model, why is the Indian
society suffering from the crisis of moral values? Why have people gone
off the moral and spiritual tracks? Why do social workers like Anna
Hazare have to organise dharnas and protests against corruption? Why
do people indulge in activities like communal violence or gangrape?
Serious thinking is required to answer these and other similar questions
in order to address the problem of individual and group relationships in
India.
Scholars have pointed out historical, economic, cultural and other
factors as explanations for the decline of moral and spiritual concerns,
both at individual and societal levels, and for the genesis of individual
and social problems, including that of inter-group relations. There is no
point in questioning the validity of these explanations. On the other hand,
we may ask if there could be some psychological explanations for the
decline of moral or spiritual concerns because of which people engage in
negative actions and inflict harm on others. In answering this question,
we may discover three major problems.
The first problem is conceptual. It seems that people do not under-
stand the correct meaning of concepts like dharma or moksha. Dharma
is widely understood as an institutionalised form of religion, such as
Hindu or Islam (Mishra, 2012), and moksha as an ‘otherworldly reality’
(Mishra, 2011). There is a need to change these misconceptions. People
need to learn and get convinced that dharma and moksha are concerned
with day-to-day life, and that they are essential for making life good and
happy. In the absence of clarity of these concepts, there is no hope that
they will find any significant place in individuals’ life.

Psychology and Developing Societies, 25, 1 (2013): 21–42

40 R.C. Mishra

The second problem relates to the transmission of the culturally val-

ued concepts. People generally believe that learning of concepts is a
natural process, and that children will acquire the concepts of dharma
and moksha spontaneously during the course of their development. This
belief has some substance also, since many of the concepts are acquired
by children through the process of enculturation (i.e., ‘culturing’). On
the other hand, transmission of traditionally valued goals of life, such as
dharma and moksha, appears to be a highly challenging task in a devel-
oping or changing society, because traditional cultural concerns in such
societies are often thrown into the background with the so-called ‘pro-
gressive’ or ‘modern’ concerns assuming greater importance in people’s
life. In these situations, although moral and spiritual elements are not
absent, transmission of these traditionally established goals of life in the
young generation requires not only clear explanation of this goal, but
also deliberate, continuous and sustained efforts from members of the
older generation.
At this point, we also need to ask why and how some of the valued
goals of life have changed over time among Indians. If artha and kama
can continue to stay as strong goals even today, what has gone wrong
with dharma and moksha? That these concepts have lost their signifi-
cance for the majority of people in India at the present time is not an
‘easy-to-believe’ assumption. We can still witness a spiritual drive
(Scheler, 1973) that draws strength from the material world, but engages
people in several pursuits unconnected with the concerns of the physical
world. It is possible that the concepts have acquired new meaning and
new referents, which often happens with social and cultural changes in
societies. We need to re-examine the representation of these concepts in
different sections of the Indian population. We also need to examine why
shreya goals have been taken over by preya goals. Since kalpavasis rep-
resent a very distinct group of Hindu population, their viewpoints are not
adequate to understand the complexity of the problem.
The third problem relates to the acceptance of certain life goals as
major concerns by the members of the society. Life goals cannot be
forced on anyone; people have every right to exercise free choices in
this respect. On the other hand, these can be easily accepted if their
utility in personal, social and professional domains of life can be
empirically demonstrated and effectively communicated. Hence, theo-
retical knowledge available in classical scriptures about dharma or

Psychology and Developing Societies, 25, 1 (2013): 21–42

Moksha and the Hindu Worldview 41

moksha is not enough. We have to find ways in which people can

understand their significance, practice them in their daily life, and per-
sonally examine their positive effects, much like the effects of yoga or
physical exercises on health. People pursuing the goals of dharma and
moksha will certainly serve as good examples, but empirical data-based
research is necessary to convince people about the positive effects of
their practice in life.

References
Anantanand, R. (1994). The limits of scripture: Vivekananda’s reinterpretation of
the Vedas. Hawai: University of Hawai Press.
Carrithers, M., & Humphrey, C. (1991). The assembly of listeners: Jains in
society. Oxford: Cambridge University Press.
De Ridder, R., & Tripathi, R.C. (1992). Norm violation and inter-group relations.
Oxford: Clarendon Press.
Flood, G.D. (1996). An introduction to Hinduism. Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press.
Jaini, P. (2000). Collected papers on Jaina studies. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass.
Jefferey, B. (2003). World religions. Winona, MN: Saint Mary’s Press.
Maslow, A.H. (1954). Motivation and personality. New York: Harper & Row.
———. (1959). Cognition of being in the peak experiences. Journal of Genetic
Psychology, 94(1), 43–66.
Mishra, R.C. (1994). Individualist-collectivist orientations across generations.
In U. Kim, H.C. Triandis, C. Kagitcibasi, S. Choi, & G. Yoon (Eds),
Individualism and collectivism: Theory, method, and practice (pp. 225–238).
Thousand Oaks: SAGE Publications.
———. (2011). The Kapavasi at Prayag Magh Mela. Unpublished manuscript,
Department of Psychology, Banaras Hindu University.
———. (2012). Hindu religious values and their influence on youths in India. In
G. Trommsdorff & X. Chen (Eds), Values, religion, and culture in adolescent
development (pp. 424–441). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Osho (2005). Jeevan kya hai (What is life?). New Delhi: Hind Pocket Books.
Pande, G.C. (1994). Life and thought of Sankaracharya. Varanasi: Motilal
Banarsidass.
———. (2001). Vaidik sanskruti. Allahabad: Lokbharati Prakashan.
Scheler, M.F. (1973). Formalism in ethics and non-formal ethics of values: A new
attempt toward the foundation of an ethical personalism (translated by M.S.
Frings & R.L. Funk). Evanston, Illinois: Northwestern University Press.

Psychology and Developing Societies, 25, 1 (2013): 21–42

42 R.C. Mishra

Tajfel, H. (1981). Human groups and social categories. Cambridge: Cambridge

University Press.
Tajfel, H. (1982). Social identity and intergroup relations. Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press.
Werner, K. (1989). The yogi and the mystic. London, UK: Curzon Press.

R.C. Mishra is Professor of Psychology at Banaras Hindu University.

He has published extensively on issues related to culture and cogni-
tion, acculturation and inter-group relations. Among his books are
Ecology, Acculturation and Psychological Adaptation: A Study of Adivasis in
Bihar; Psychology in Human and Social Development and Development of
Geocentric Spatial Language and Cognition.

Psychology and Developing Societies, 25, 1 (2013): 21–42