DOCUMENT RESUNE

ED 335 262 SO 021 329

AUTHOR McIntosh, Peggy

TITLE White Privilege and Male Privilege: A Persona/
Account of Coming To See Correspondences through Work
in Women's Studies. Working Paper No. 189.
INSTITUTION Wellesley Coll., Mass. Center for Research on
Women.
SPONS AGENCY Anna Wilder Phelps Fund, ChiL:ago, IL.
PUB DATE 98
NOTE 25p.; Presented at the Virginia Women's Studies
Association Conference (Richmond, VA, April, 1986);
and the American Educational Research Association
Conference (Boston, MA, October, 1986).
AVAILABLE FROM Center for Research on Women, Wellsley College,
Wellsey, MA 02181 ($4.00; $1.00 shipping and
handling).
PUB TYPE Reports - Descriptive (141) -- Speeches/Conference
Papers (150)

EDRS PRICE MF01 Plus Postage. PC Not Available from EDRS.

DESCRIPTORS Females; Higher Education; *Males; *Racial
Discrimination; *Sex Discrimination; *Sex Fairness;
*Whites; *Womens Studies

ABSTRACT
In much the same way that men are not taught to
acknowledge all the ways they are privileged in society, whites are
not taught to recognize how their status as white people confers on
them many privileges. Arguing that male privilege and white privilege
are interrelated; and that both types of privilege are unearned and
unjustified, this paper begins by reviewing several layers of denial
that men have about their privilege and that work to protect, prevent
awareness about, and entrench that privilege. The paper goes on to
present parallels from one woman's personal experience, with the
denials that veil the facts of white privilege. Forty-six ordinary
and daily ways in which this one individual experiences having white
privilege within her life situation and its particular social and
political frameworks, are listed, and ways in which the list applies
equally to heterosexual privilege are also pointed out. It is
concluded that all the various interlocking oppressions take two
forms: an active form which can be seen; and an embedded form which
members of the dominant group are taught not to see. To redesign the
social system therefore requires acknowledgement of its colossal
unseen dimensions. (DB)

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11'
If they wanted to
acknowledge and destroy a
system that largely benefits
them (straight white men),
they would. Weaponized
incompetence.
Through work to bring materials and perspectives from Women's Studies

into the rest of the curriculum, I have often noticed men's unwillingness

to grant that they are over-privileged in the curriculum, even though they

may grant that women are disadvantaged. Denials which amount to taboos

surround the subject of advantages which men gain from women's

disadvantages. These denials protect male privilege from being fully

recognized, acknowledged, lessened, or ended.

Thinking through unacknowledged male privilege as a phenomenon with a

life of its own, I realized that since hierarchies in our society are

interlocking, there was most likely a phenomenon of white privilege which

was similarly denied and protected, but alive and real in its effects. As

a white person, I realized I had been taught about racism as something

which puts others at a disadvantage, but had been taught not to see one of

its corollary aspects, white privilege, which puts MP at an advantage.

I think whites are carefully taught not to recognize white privilege,

as males are taught not to recognize male privilege. So I have begun in

an untutored way to ask what it is like to have white privilege. This

paper is a partial r2cord of my personal observations, and not a scholarly

analysis. It is based on my daily experiences within my particular

circumstances.

I have come to see whiLe privilege as an invisible package of

unearned assets which I can count on cashing in each dav, but about which

I wa:, "meant" to remain oblivious. White privilege is like an invisible

Copyright 1988 by Pegg McIntosh, Center for Research on Women,

Wellesley College, Wellesley, MA 02181

ti
weightless knapsack of special provisions, assurances, tools, maps,

guides, codebooks, passports, visas, clothes, compass, emergency gear, and

blank checks.

Since I have had trouble facing white privilege, and describing its

results in my life, I saw parallels here with men's reluctance to

acknowledge male privilege. Only rarely will a man go beyond

acknowledging that women are advantaged to acknowledging that men have

unearned advantage, or that unearned privilege has not been good for men's

development as human beings, or for society's development, or that

privilege systcms might ever be challenged and changed.

I will review here several types or layers of denial which I see at

work protecting, and preventing awareness about, entrenched male

privilege. Then I will draw parallels, from my own experience, with the

denials which veil the facts of white privilege. Finally, I will list 46

ordinary and daily ways in which I experience having white privilege,

within my life situation and its particular social and political

frameworks.

Writing this paper has been difficult, despite warm receptions for

the talks on which it is based.1 For describing white privilege makes one

newly accountable. As we in Women's Studies work reveal male privilege

and ask men to give up some of their power, so one who writes about having

white privilege must ask, "Haying described it, what will I do to lessen

This paper was presented at the Virginia Women's Studies

Association conference in Richmond in April, 1986 and the
American Educational Research Association conference in
Boston in October, 1986 and discussed with two groups
of participants in the Dodge Seminars for Secondary
School Teachers in New York and Boston in the spring
of 1987.

2
or end it?"

The denial of m n's overprivileged state takes many forms in

discussions of curriculum change work. Some claim that men must be

central in the curriculum because they have done most of what is important

or distinctive in life or in civilization. Some recognize sexism in the

curriculum but deny that it makes male students seem unduly important in

life. Others agree that certain individual thinkers are Ifindly male-

oriented but deny that there is any systemic tendency i" disciplinary

frameworks or epistemology to over-empower men as a group. Those men who

do grant that male privilege takes institutionalized and embedded forms

are still likely to deny that male hegemony has opened doors for them

personaily. Virtually all men deny that male overreward alone can

explain men's centrality in all the inner sanctums of our most powerful

institutions. Moreover, those few who will acknowledge that male

privilege systems have over-empowered them usually end up doubting that we

could dismantle these privilege systems. They may say they will work to

improve women's status, in the society or in the university, but they

can't or won't support the idea of lessening men's. In curricular terms,

this is the point at which they say that they regret they cannot use any

of the interesting new scholarship on women because the syllabus is full.

When the talk turns to giving men less cultural room, even the most

thoughtful and fair-minded of the men I know well tend to reflect, or

fall back on, conservative assumptions about the inevitability of present

gender relations and distributions of power, calling on precedent or

sociobiology and psychobiology to demonstrate that male domination is

natural and follows inevitably from evolutionary pressures. Others resort

3
to arguments from "experience" or religion or social responsibility or

wishing and dreaming.

After I realized, through faculty development work in Women's

Studies, the extent to which men work from a base of unacknowledged

privilege, I understood that much of their oppressiveness was unconscious.

Then I remembered the frequent charges from women of color that white

women whom they encounter are oppressive. I began to understand why we

are justly s.;en as oppressive, even when we don't see ourselves that way.

At the very least, obliviousness of one's privileged state can make a

person or group irritating to be with. I began to count the ways in which

I enjoy unearned skin privilege and have been conditioned into oblivion

about its existence, unable to see that it put me "ahead" in any way, or

put my people ahead, overrewarding us and yet also paradoxically damaging

us, or that it could or should be changed.

My schooling gave me no training in seeing myself as an oppressor, as

an unfairly advantaged person, or as a participant in a damaged culture.

I was taught to see myself as an individual whose moral state depended on

her individual moral will. At school, we were not taught about slavery in

any depth; we were not taught to see slaveholders as damaged people.

Slaves were seen as the only group at risk of being dehumanized. My

schooling followed the pattern which Elizabeth Minnich has pointed out:

whites are taught to think of their lives as morally neutral, normative,

and average, and also ideal, so that when we work to benefit others, this

is seen as work which will allow "them" to be more like "us," I think

many of us know how obnoxious this attitude can be in men.

After frustration with men ',rho would not recognize male privilege, I

4
decided to try to work on myself at least by identifying some of the daily

effects of white privilege in my life. It is crude work, at this stage,

but I will give here a list of special circumstances and conditions I

experience which I did not earn but whict I have been made to feel are

mine by birth, by citizenship, and by virtue of being a conscientious law-

abiding "normal" person of good will. I have chosen those conditions

which I think in my case attach somewhat more to skin-color privilege than

to class, religion, ethnic status, or geographical location, though of

course all these other factors are intricately intertwined. As far as I

can see, my Afro-American co-workers, friends, and acquaintances with whom

I come into daily or frequent contact in this particular time, place, and

line of work cannot count on most of these conditions.

1. I can if I wish arrange to be in the company of people of my race

most of the time.

2. I can avoid spending time with people whem I was trained to mistrust

and who have learned to mistrust my kind or me:

3. If I should need to move, I can be pretty sure of renting or

purchasing housing in an area which can afford and in which I would want

to live.

4. I can be pretty sure that my neighbors in such a location will be

neutral or pleasant to me.

S. I can go shopping alone most of the time, pretty well assured tha*t I

will not be followed or harassed.

6. I can turn on the television or open to the front page of the paper

and see people of my race widely represented.

5
 7. When I am told about our national heritage or about "civilization,"

am shown that people of my color made it what it is.

8. I can be sure that my children will be given curricular materials

that testify to the existence of their race.

9. If I want to, I can be pretty sure of finding a publisher for this

piece on white privilege.

10. I can be pretty sure of having my voice heard in a group in which I

am the only member of my race.

11. I can be casual about whether or not to listen to another woman's

voice in a group in which she is the only member of her race.

12. I can go into a music shop and count on finding the music of my race

represented, into a supermarket and find the staple foods which fit with

my cultural traditions, into a hairdresser's shop and find someone who can

cut my hair.

13. Whether I use checks, credit cards, or cash, I can count on my skin

color not to work against the appearance of financial reliability.

14. I can arrange to protect my children most of the time from people who

might not like them.

15. I do not have to educate my children to be aware of systemic racism

for their own daily physical protection.

16. I can be pretty sure that my children's teachers and employers will

tolerate them if they fit school and workplace norms; my chief worries

about them do not concern others' attiz.udes toward their race.

17. I can talk with my mouth full and not have people put this down to my

color.

18. I can swear, or dress in second hand clothes, or not answer

6
letters, without having people attribute these choices to the bad morals,

the poverty, or the illiteracy of my race.

19. I can speak in public to a powerful male group without putting my

race on trial.

20. I can do well in a challenging situation without being called a

credit to my race.

21. I am never asked to speak for all the people of my racial group.

22. I can remain oblivious of the language and customs of persons of

color who constitute the world's majority without feeling in my culture

any penalty for such oblivion.

23. I can criticize our government and talk about how much I fear its

policies and behavior without being seen as a cultural outsider.

24. I can be pretty sure that if I ask to talk to "the person in

charge," I will be facing a person of my race.

25. If a traffic cop pulls me over or if the IRS audits my tax return, I

can be sure I haven't been singled out because of my race.

26. I can easily buy posters, post-cards, picture books, greeting cards,

dolls, toys, and children's magazines featuring people of my race.

27. I can go home from most meetings of organizations I belong to feeling

somewhat tied in, rather than isolated, out-of-place, outnumbered,

unheard, held at a distance, or feared.

8. I can be pretty sure that an argument with a colleague of another

race is more likely to jeopardize her chances for advancement than to

jeopardize mine,

29. I can be pretty sure that if I argue for the promotion of a person of

another race, or a program centering on race, this is not likely to cost

7
me heavily within my present setting, even if my colleagues disagree with

me.

30. If I declare there is a racial issue at hand, or there isn't a racial

issue at hand, my race will lend me more credibility for either position

than a person of color will have.

31. I can choose to ignore developments in minority writing and minority

activist programs, or disparage them, or learn from them, but in any case,

I can find ways to be more or less protected from negative consequences of

any of these choices.

32. My culture gives me little fear about ignoring the perspectives and

powers of people of other races.

33. I am not made acutely aware that my shape, bearing, or body odor will

be taken as a reflection on my race.

34. I can worry about racism without being seen as self-interested or

self-seeking.

35. I can take a job with an affirmative action employer without having

my co-workers on the job suspect that I got it because of my race.

36. If my day, week, or year is going badly. I need not ask of each

negative episode or situation whether it has racial overtones.

37. I can be pretty sure of finding people who would be willing to talk

with me and advise me about my next steps, professionally.

38. I can think over many options, social, political, imaginative, or

professional, without asking whether a person of my race would be accepted

or allowed to do what I want to do.

39. I can be late to a meeting without having the lateness reflect on my

race.

8
40. I can choose public accommodation without fearing that people of my

race cannot get in or will be mistreated in the places I have chosen.

41. I can be sure that if I need legal or medical help, my race will not

work against me.

42. I can arrange my activities so that I will never have to experience

feelings of rejection owing to my race.

43. If I have low credibility as a leader I can be sure that my race is

not the problem.

44. I can easily find academic courses and institutions which give

attention only to people of my race.

45. I can expect figurative language and imagery in all of the arts to

testify to experiences of my race.

46. I can choose blemish cover or bandages in "flesh" color and have them

more or less match my skin.

I repeatedly forgot each of the realizations on this list until I

wrote it down. For me, white privilege has turned out to be an elusive

and fugitive subject. The pressure to avoid it is great, for in facing it

I must give up the myth of meritocracy. If these things are true, this is

not such a free country; one's life is not what one makes it; many doors

open for certain people through no virtues of their own. These

perceptions me;rn also that my moral condition is not what I had been led

to believe. The appearance of being a good citizen rather than a

troublemaker comes in large part from having all sorts of doors open

automatically because of my color.

A further paralysis of nerve comes from literary silence protecting

9
privilege. My clearest memories of finding such analysis are in Lillian

Smith's unparalleled Killers of the Dream and Margaret Andersen's review

of Karen and Mamie Fields' Lemon Swamp. Smith, for example, wrote about

walking toward black children on the street and knowing they would step

into the gutter; Andersen contrasted the pleasure which she, as a white

child, took on summer driving trips to the south with Karen Fields'

memories of driving in a a closed car stocked with all necessities lest,

in stopping, her black family should suffer "insult, or worse." Adrienne

Rich also recognizes and writes about daily experiences of privi ige, but

in my observation, white women's writing in this area is far more often on

systemic racism than on our daily lives as light-skinned women. 2

In unpacking this invisible knapsack of white privilege, I have

listed conelitions of daily experience which I onc took for granted, as

neutral, normal, and universally available to everybody, just as I once

thought of a male-focused curriculum as the neutral or accurate account

which can speak for all. Nor did I think of any of thesr2 perquisites as

bad for the holder. I now think that we need a more finely differentiated

taxonomy of privilege, for some of these varieties are only what one would

want for everyone in a just society, and others give license te be

ignorant, oblivious, arrogant and destructive. Before proposing some more

finely-tuned categorization I will make some observations about the

general effects of these conditions on my life and expectations.

In this potpourri of examples, some privileges make me feel at home

2. Andersen, Margaret, "Race and the Social Science

Curriculum: A Teaching and Learning Discussion."
Radical Teach#K, November, 1984, pp. 17-20.
Smith, Lillian, Killeys of the Dream, New York, 1949.

10
in the world. Others allow me to escape penalties or dangers which others

suffer. Through some, 1 escape fear anxiety, or a sense of not being

welcome or not being real. Some keep me from having to hide, to be in

disguise, to feel sick or crazy, to negotiate each transaction from the

position of being an outsider or, within my group, a person who is

suspected of having too close links with a dominant culture. Most keep me

from having to be angry.

I see a pattern running through the matrix of white privilege, a

pattern of assumptions which were passed on to me as a white person.

There was one main piece of cultural turf; it was my own turf, and I was

among those who could control the turf. I could measure up to the

cultural standards and take advantage of the many options I gaw around me

to make what the culture would call a success of my life. My skin color

was an asset for any move I was educated to want to make, I could think

of myself as "belonging" in major ways, and of making social systems work

for me. I could freely disarage, fear, neglect, or be oblivious to

anything outside of the dominant cultural forms. Being of tbe main

culture, I could also criticize it fairly freely. My life was reflected

back to me frequently enough so that I felt, with regard to my race, if

not to my sex, like one of the real people.

Whether through th2 curriculum or in the newspaper, the television,

the economic system, or the general look of people in the streets, we

received daily signals and indications that my people counted, and that

others either didn't exist or 'mist be tryinz. not very successfully, to be

like people of my race. We were given cultural permission not to hear

voices of people of other races, or a tepid cultural tolerance for hearing

11

3
or acting on such voices. I was also raised not to suffer scriously from

anything which darker-skinned people might say about my group,

"protected," though perhaps I should more accurately say prohibited,

through the habits of my economic class and social group, from living in

racially mixed groups or being reflective about interactions between

people of differing race:

In proportion as my racial group was being made confident,

comfortable, and oblivious, other groups were likely being made

inconfident, uncomfortable, and alienated. Whiteness protected me from

many kinds of hostility, distress, and violence, which I was being subtly

trained to visit in turn upon people of color.

For this reason, the word "privilege" now seems to me misleading.

Its connotations are too positive to fit the conditions and hehav'ors

which "privilege systems" produce. We usually think of privilege as oeing

a favored state, whether earned, or conferred by birth or luck. School

graduates are reminded they are privileged and urged to use their

(enviable) assets well. The word "privilege" carries the connotation of

being something everyone must want. Yet some of the conditions I have

described here work to systemically overempower certain groups. Such

privilege simply confers dominance, gives permission ta control, because

of one's race or sex. The kind of privilege which gives license to some

people to be, at best, thoughtless and, at worst, murderous should not

continue to be referred to as a desirable attribute. Such "privilege" may

be widely desired without being in any way beneficial to the whole

society.

Moreover, though "privilege" may confer power, it does not confer

12
4
moral strength. Those who do not 4.el:end on conferred dominance have

traits Old qualities which may never Jevelop in those who do. Just as

Women's Studies courses indicate thet women survive thetr p itical

circumstances to lead lives which hold the human race together, so "under-

privileged" people of color who are the world's majority have survived

their oppression and lived.survivors' lives from which the whi:e global

minority can and must learn. In some groups, these dominated have

actually become strong through not having all of these unearnea

advantages, and this gives &am a great deal to teach the others. Meelbers

of so-called privileged groups can seem foolish, ridiculous, infantile or

dangerous by contrast.

I want, then, to distinguish between earned strength and unearned

power conferred systemically. Power from unearned privilege can look like

stvength when it is in fact permisiim to escape r to dominate. Sut not

all of the privileges on my list are inevitably damaging. Some, like the

expectation that neighbors will be decent to you, or that your race will

rot count against you in court, should be the norm in a just society and

should be considered as the entitlement of everyone. Others, like the

privilege not to listen to less powerful people, distort the humanity of

the holders as well as the ignored groups. Still others, like finding

one's staple foods everywhere, may be a function of being a member of a

numerical majority in the population. Others have to do with not having

to labor under pervasive negative stereotyping and mythology.

We might at least start by distinguishing between positive advantages

which we can work to spread, to the point where they are not advantages at

all but simply part of the normal civic and social fabric, and negative

13
types of advantage which unless rejected will always reinforce our present

hierarchies. For example, the positive "privilege" of belonging, the

feeling that one belongs within the human circle, as Native Americans say,

fosters development and should not be seen as privilege for a few. It is,

let us say, an entitlement which none of us should have to earn; ideally

it is an unearned entit/sment. At present, since only a few have it, it

is an unearned advqntage for them. The negative "privilege" which gave me

cultural permission not to take darker-skinned Others seriously can be

seen as arbitrarily conferred dominance and should not be desirable for

anyone. This paper results from a process of coming to see that snme of

the power which I originally saw as attendant on being a human being in

the J.S. consisted in unearnesi advantage and conferred dominance, as well

as other kinds of special circumstance not universally taken for granted.

In writing this paiSer I have also realized that white identity and

status (as well as class identity and status) give me considerable power

to choose whether to broach this subject and its trouble. I can pretty

well decide whether to disappear and avoid and not listen and escape the

dislike I may engender in other people through this essay, or interrupt,

take over, dominate, preach, direct, criticize, or control to some extent

what goes on in reaction to it. Being white, I am given considerable

power to escape many kinds of clanger or penalty as well as to choose which

risks I want to take.

There is an analogy here, once again, with Women's Studies. Our male

colleagues do not have a great deal to lose in supporting Women's Studies,

but they do not have a great deal to lose if they oppose it either. They

simply have the power to decide whether to commit themselves to more

14
equitable distributions of power. They will probably feel few penalties

whatever choice they make; they do not seem, in any obvious short-term

sense, the ones at risk, though they and we are all at risk because of the

behaviors which have been rewarded in them.

Through women's Studies work I have met very few men who are truly

distressed about systemic, unearned male advantage and conferred

dominance. And so one question for me and others like me is whether we

will be like them, or whether we will get truly distressed, even outraged,

about unearned race advantage and conferred dominance and if so, what we

will do to lessen them. In any case, we need to do more work in

identifying how they actually affect our daily lives. We need more down-

to-earth writing by people about these taboo subjects. We need more

understanding of the ways in which white "privilege" damages white people.

for these are not the same ways in which it damages the victimized.

Skewed white psyches are an inseparable part of the picture, though I do

not want to confuse the kinds of damage done to the holders of special

assets and to those who suffer the deficits. Many, perhaps most, of our

white students in the U.S. think that racism doesn't affect them because

they are not people of color; they do not see "whiteness" as a racial

identity. Many men likewise think that Women's Studies ooes not bear on

their own existences because they are not female; they do not see

themselves as having gendered identities. Insisting on the universal

effects of "privilege" systems, then, becomes one of our chief tasks, and

beinvmore explicit about the particular effects in particular contexts is

another. Men need to join us in this work.

In addition, since race and sex are not the only advantaging systems
The amount of men who say they’re feminist, is
not the same amount of men that actually do the
work (their words match their actions).
#mostmen
.; 7
at work, we need to similarly examine the daily experience of having age

advantage, or ethnic advantage, or physical ability, or advantage related

to nationality, religion, or sexual orientation. Prof, Marnie Evans

suggested to me that in many wars the list I made also applies directly to

heterosexual privilege. This is a still more taboo subject than race

privilege: the daily ways in which heterosexual privilege makes married

persons comfortable or powerful, providing supports, assets, approvals,

and rewards to those who live or expect to live in heterosexual pairs.

Unpacking that content is still more difficult, owing to the deeper

imbeddedness of heterosexual advantage and dominance, and stricter taboos

surrounding these.

But to start such an analysis I would put this observation from my

own experience: The fact that I live under the same roof with a man

triggers all kinds of societal assumptions about my worth, politics, life,

and values, and triggers a host of unearned advantages and powers. After

recasting many elements from the original list I would add further

observations like these:

1. My children do not have to answer questions about why I live with my

partner (my husband).

2. I have no difficulty finding neighborhoods where people approve of our

household.

3. My children are given texts and classes which implicitly support our

kind of family unit, and do not turn them against my choice of domestic

partnership.

4. I can travel alone or with my husband without expecting embarrassment

16
or hostility in those who deal with us.

5. Most people I meet will see my marital arrangements as an asset to my

life or as a favorable comment on my likability, my competence, or my

mental health.

6. I can talk about the social events of a weekend without fearing most

listeners' reactions.

7. I will feel welcomed and "normal" in the usual walks of public life,

institutional, and social.

8. In many contexts, I am seen as "all right" in daily work on women

because I do not live chiefly with women.

Difficulties and dangers surrounding the task of finding parallels

are many. Since racism, sexism, and heterosexism are not the same, the

advantaging associated with them should not be seen as the same. In

addition, it is hard to disentangle aspects of unearned advantage which

rest more on social class, economic class, race, religion, sex and ethnic

identity than on other factors. Still, all of the oppressions are

interlocking, as the Combahee River Collective statement of 1977 continues

to remind us eloquently. 3

One factor seems clear about all of the interlocking oppressions.

They take both active forms which we can see and embedded forms which as a

member of the dominant group one is taught not to see. In my class and

place, I did not see myself as racist because I was taught to recognize

3. "A Black Feminist Statement," The Combahee River

Collective, pp. 13-22 in Hull, Scott, Smith, eds.,
All the Women Are White. All the 4lacka Are Men.
But Some of Us Are Brave: Black Women's Studies.
The Feminist Press, 1982.

17

9
racism only in individual acts of meanness by members of my group, never

in invisible systems conferring unsought racial dominance on my group from

birth. Likewise, we are taught to think that sexism or heterosexism is

carried on only through individual acts of discrimination, meanness, or

cruelty toward women, gays, and lesbians, rather than in invisible systems

conferring unsought dominance on certain groups. Disapproving of the

systems won't be enough to change them. I was taught to think that

racism could end if white individuals changed their attitudes; many men

think sexism can be ended by individual changes in daily behavior toward

women. But a man's sex provides advantage for him whether or not he

approves of the way in which dominance has been conferred on his group. A

"white" skin in the United States opens many doors for whites whether or

not we approve of the way dominance has been conferred on us. Individual

acts can palliate, but cannot end, these problems. To redesign social

systems we need first to acknowledge their colossal unseen dimensions.

The silences and denials surrounding privilege are the key political tool

here. They keep the thinking about equality or equity Incomplete,

protecting unearned advantage and conferred dominance by making these

taboo subjects. Most talk by whites about equal opportunity seems to me

now to be about equal opportunity to try to get into a position of

dominance while denying that systems of dominance exist.

It seems to me that obliviousness about white advantage, 11ke

obliviousness about male advantage, is kept strongly inculturatef in the

United States so as to maintain the myth of meritocr.lcy, the myth that

democratic choice is equally available to all. Keeping most people

unaware that freedom of confident action is there for just a small number

FURTHER PRROF THAT THE AMERICAN DREAM IS JUST LIES AND BS

ls
of people props up those in power, and serves to keep power in the hands

of the same groups that have most of it already. Though systemic change

takes many decades, there are pressing questions for me and I imagine for

some others like me if we raise our daily consciousness on the perquisites

of being II ht-skinned. What will we do with such knowledge? As we know

from watching men, it is an open question whether we will choose to use

unearned advantage to weaken hidden systems of advantage, and whether we

will use any of our arbitrarily-awarded power to try to reconstruct power

systems on a broader base.

have appreciated commentary on this paper from the

Working rapers Committee of the Wellesley College Center for Research on

Women, from members ot thn Dodge seminar, and from many individuals,

inCuding Maigacee Andersen, Sorel Berman, Joanne Braxton, Johnnella

Butler, Sandra Dickerson, Marnie Evans, Beverly Guy-Sheftall, Sandra

haroing, Eleanor Hinton Hoytt, Paulthe Houston, Paul Lauter, Joyce Miller,

Mary Norris, Gloria Oder!. Peverly SmitL nd John Walter.

19

')
 Wellesley College
Center for Research on Women
Wellesley. Massachusetts 02181
(617) 233-0320 EXT. 2500; (617) 431-1433

June 21, 1989

To: Users of the White Privilege and Male Privilege paper for course
assigmments, classroom discussions, and racism workshops.

From: Peggy McIntosh, Wellesley College Center for Research on Women, author of
"White Privilege and Male Privilege: A Personal Account of Coming to
See Correspondences Through Work in Women's Studies" (Center Working
Paper *189)

Subject: Notes and Topics for Further Reflection on White Privilege and Hale
Privilege

In March, 1989, Brenda Montgomery invited me to re on her Chicago radio talk

show to discuss this paper. She is an Afro-American woman with an Afro-Amer,ican
audience. She read the list of 46 aspects of privilege aloud on the air, and we
spent 70 minutes discussing them and talking vith callers, rather than the
originally allotted 20 minutes. Response was very positive.

Brenda Montgomery said at one point, "With these attitudes, whites turn into
Teflon people. Nothing sticks, it all just rolls off them." I said, "But the
thing is, the things on the list are not attitudes. They are not conscious."
Listening, later, I began to hear that many black friends use the word "attitude"
in a different way than I do. They use it to refer to something deep,
generalized, and usually unacknowledged. "She has an attitude." But they also
seem sometimes to use it to refer to something they wish the holder would
recognize and work on. The difference in usage may come from blacks' cultural
f:xperience of dealing with invisible or unconscious racism so much of the time,
Joyce Miller of Bryn Mawr College has pointed out to me that two researchers who
do work in this area havy given the name of "aversive racism" to this kind of
deep and unacknowledged feeling which is quite at odds with the holder's
conscious attitudes, and which leads to behavior which is quite at odds with a
person's conscious intentions and understanding of what she or he is doing. (See
References.)

A black woman said she was glad to hear me "working on my own people,"
because if she said these things about white privilege, she would be seen as
mAitant. Try saying five of these things an the list aloud, imagining that you
are a person of color talking about white privilege. Imagine how you would be
seen or heard by Caucasian friends or colleagues. Would you be seen and heard as
militant? If so, ask yourself whether you have ever formed or created a climate
in which a person of color enumerating white privileges can have as much
credibility and appear as rationally analytical as a white person doing so. Do
you create such a climate?

A black man said that everything on the list was obvious, and that I was
Users of White Privilege Paper June 21, 1989

rather naive in thinking that it wasn't. It was obvious to him, but not to me.
The list was very hArd for me to compile. This situation reminds me of the way
Ln which I assume that white men know they are privileged, whereas they seem
oblivious, and we are made to tiptoe around rather than mention in their
presences the bald existence of patriarchy, which most of them will go to their
graves denying.

When the caller said that the existence of white privilege was obvious, this
reminded me also of research which reports that whites think blacks Ln the U.S.
are doing well, while blacks say they ars not. Those Ln a privileged group are
educated to oblivion about what it is like for others, especially for others who
have to be Ln their presences. This point may seem obvious, but it is not
obvious in the white public domain, and this caller made that clear to me with a
nev force. What I would add, that he perhaps did not realize, is that a deep
politics reinforced by taboos keeps "the obvious" from being seen by those who
have been awarded most pave in this culture. We are kept ignorant about white
privilege and are ignorant about this ignorance.

A black man disagreed with my statement that the prtvilege of whites is

unearned. He said whites earn it through white supremacy. "That's the rules of
the game -- white supremacists gat it all." A few minutes later, -this caller
asked me whether I thought some of us (i.e. some of my race) were a little bit
less white supremacist than others. His assumption was that all whites are white
supremacists.

I do not like this assumption, but I have to take it seriously because it

parallels my perception that all white men are "patriarchal" Ln habits of mind
and behavior because of the cultural structures they are born in, though some of
them are tndeed "less patriarchal than others." "White supremacist" is a label I
had associated before only with those who say that white people Ara superior and
shoq14 control others. Yet white men who do not explicitly say they are
wuperior, or that they should control women, usually just go ahead and accept
whatever unearned public and private power they are given. They seem to me to
embody and enact patriarchy, however non-sexist they may seem to themselves to
be. I can therefore sea how whites can be seen as white supremacist. White
women and men can think they are decent, fair, open, "sympathetic," while being
seen as white supremacist, unless we have explicitly disowned or worked against
Lnherited racial systems, and the look of superiority which privilege systems
allow us. Then we may seem "a little bit less white supremacist" than others.

A black woman who is listed in the Acknowledgments section to the paper says
that the list is fine as far as it goes, and that what she experiences beyond the
world touched by the list is a whole lot of other suffering I don't have a chance
to see. 1 understand this and urge all readers to add further examples from
their observations.

I also urge readers to make their own lists based on their own daily
contexts and experiences; this one is specific to my own circumstances, among my
friends and colleagues in this particular place and time.

A white male caller said, "Race is not the issue," and told Us that he was
discriminated against because of his long white beard. "All difference brings

)
t)
 shave it off king! You probably have bad hygiene,
maybe that’s why people don’t like being around you!

Users of White Privilege Paper 3 June 21, 1989

discrimination." The talk show host thanked him and cut him off without much
further comment. If you had decided to answer him, what would you have said?

One caller said that the class system vas at the heart of the list, and that
I was talking chiefly about class privilege. Consider this, in reference to
points on my list, or on your own.

A Jewish woman said that she feels that as a Jewish woman she cannot count
on many of the elements of privilege which I list. Consider differences between
Jewish and Black expwience, and similarities.

An editor wrote to me saying that it was useful to have "blunt writing about
racism." I wrote back to say that I wasn't exactly doing "blunt writing about
racism." Then a white woman in Los Angeles said I had explained "subtle Mile
bias" to her, and this comment, too, disconcerted me. Both comments seem to
overlook the elements of unearned privilege, invisibility, and oblivion which I
emphasize. Another recent disjunction: a columnist in Los Angeles quoted the
part about the "invisible knapsack," but only in reference to male privilege; she
omitted all mention of race privilege. Either I have not been clear about what I
am saying, or my main points are very hard for these white readers to accept, or
both.

A white Je4ish male friend said that he thought my list clouded the topic by
jumbling together situations in which there is an absence of discrimination with
siruations in which there is an actual presence of white privilege. No woman of
color to vhom I have recounted this criticism has granted this difference, nor do
I. But I have found it useful to think about his comment, for he is a thoughtful
feminist man. As I think about his distinction, and realize I cannot agree to
it, this clarifies the subject, and correlates indirectly with the recent Supreme
Court decisions which leave a huge burden on individuals to prove they were
intentionally and specifically discriminated against. My colleague wants to
distinguish between conditions which give specific advantages to whites and those
which simply have whiteness as the cultural norm.

A member of the Bird Clan of the Cherokee Nation, Brenda Collins, says that
Caucasian women should never say to women of other races, "I know just how you
feel." What might Caucasian women do that makes more sense?

The Boston Globe on June 8, 1989 reported that ths Massachusetts Board of
Regents of Higher Education had voted to "prohibit racism" in the Massachusetts
higher education system. But it is not possible to simply "prohibit racism" the
way you can, say, "prohibit smoking." Racism is both like an individual's smoke-
producing actian and like the whole system that produces every kind of air
pollution breathed by all of us. How do we go about thinking about and working
to change a whole set of systems which produce air pollution? And how do we
manage to change understanding of what racism is, to the point where no one
thinks you can simply prohibit it? I think we need to say that after all these
centuries of white privilA6e, no one can simply declare white privilege
prohibited, starting today. But first, we need public and private awareness that
white privile3e exists.

A white woman has written to me about the privilege system: "It is very
Users of White Privtlege Paper 4 June 21, 1989

hard to give up anything once the system is working for you." Yes. But also
there are rewards for making good on what we in are our ideals. Within your
life circumstances, how can those of you who are reading these questions use
pover to share power, or use privilege to dismantle privilege systems? Is it
pos:ibte to arrive at some tvo or three ways in which each, or all, can sea,
speak, or act in such ways? and involve their institions in doing so?

Can Caucasian people understand that so-called privilege can be a deficit

status? I have a black friend who said to me once, "I wouldn't want to be white
if you paid me five million dollars." Can whites learn to understand that they
are not "models"?

Can white Americans learn that their versions of things are not
international models? One listener has suggested that we should make lists like
this about "the ugly American," living off unearned colonizers' power. Ve are
not the only ones who do this, nor do we do it in all situations, but the
comparison is valid.

Many groups traditionally committed to "service" have requested permission

to use this paper: church groups, the Junior League, and the Women's
International League for Peace and Freedom. Church councils include Episcopal,
Quaker, Unitarian-Universalist, and Lutheran. I think certain white people vho
had thought of themselves as "good" are able to be more reflective about the
conditions surrounding their apparent virtue if they look at this kind of list.

But also the list has been useful to black students in the classes of Prof.
Beverly Guy-Sheftall, who uses the paper in a sophomore course, at traditionally
black Spelman College in Atlanta, Georgia. Dr. Sheftall reports that
paradoxically, discussion of the points on my list brings many black students to
their first understanding of what their parents and grandparents had been talking
about as "institutionalized racism." Many of these students entered Spelman
College saying, as so many 17 year-old white female students say, "I've never
been discriminated against."

This account and analysis of privilege, then, is useful both for those whose
groups have been given permission to dominate, and those whose groups have not
been given ruch permission.

I would welcome responses and further comment from readers of this paper.

REFERENCES

Gaertner, S. L. & Dovidio, J.F. (1981) "Racism among the well-intentioned," In

E.G. Clausen & B.J. Bermingham (Eds.), ?lure/ism, Racitp:, an4 Puttlic çlic 7111
Search f9r Eoualitv, (pp. 208-222). Boston: G.K. Rail.

Gaertner, S.L. & Dovidio, J.F. (1986) "The Aversive Form of Racism." In J.F.
Dovidio & S.L. Gaertner (Eds.), Preiudice. Discrimina;ion. and Racism, (pp. 61-
89) Orlando, FL: Academic Press, Inc.